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" SMITHSONIAN IN STITUTION 


hake none BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY © 


- BULLETIN 128 


. ANTHROPOLOGICAL 
PAPERS - 


ie 


Numbers 13-18 s 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 128 PLATE 1 


Auri legendi ratio in rivis é montibus Apa- XL 
latcy decurrentibus. 


Rocrz abeoloco, in quo nofira arx cxtructa fuit, magni funt montes,Indorum lingua, 
ip Apalatcy cognominati,€ quibus sue ex topographica charta videre licet , oriuntur tres 
R) magni rivi,provolventes arenam, CHi multum auri, argenti C7 axis admixtum cf. Eam 
} ob cauam illius regionts incole fof]as in rivis faciunt , ut provoluta ab aqua arena, meas 
‘ DS propter gravitatem cadat: ag oe inde eduCta in certum locum deferunt, er aliquanto 
poft tempore, denuo fo Sis arenam quae incidit ex aurientes,colligunt er cymbis impofitam per ingens fis- 
men devehunt, énoftris Maii nomine infignitum, quod in mare fefe exonerat. Opes 
qua inde proveniunt, nunc Hifpani in {unm wfum con~ 
wertere norunt. 


PLACER MINING BY INDIANS OF GEORGIA. 


SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 
BULLETIN 128 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL 
PAPERS 


Numbers 13-18 


UNITED STATES 
GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 
WASHINGTON : 1941 


For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, Washington, D.C. - - - - - + = Price 70 cents 


(Fo a) 
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LETTER OF TRANSMITTAL 


SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION, 
Bureau or AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY, 
Washington, D. C., March 1, 1940. 
Str: I have the honor to submit the accompanying manuscripts, 
entitled ‘The Mining of Gems and Ornamental Stones by American 
Indians,”’ by Sydney H. Ball; “Iroquois Suicide: A Study in the Sta- 
bility of a Culture Pattern,’ by William N. Fenton; “Tonawanda 
Longhouse Ceremonies: Ninety Years after Lewis Henry Morgan,” 
by William N. Fenton; ‘“The Quichua-Speaking Indians of the Province 
of Imbabura (Ecuador) and their Anthropometric Relations with the 
Living Populations of the Andean Area,” by John Gillin; ‘‘Art Proc- 
esses in Birchbark of the River Desert Algonquin, a Circumboreal 


' Trait,” by Frank G. Speck; ‘Archeological Reconnaissance of Southern 


Utah,” by Julian H. Steward; and to recommend that they be pub- 
lished as a bulletin of the Bureau of American Ethnology. 
Very respectfully yours, 
M. W. Stiruine, Chief. 
Dr. C. G. ABzot, 
Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution. 


PUBLISHER’S NOTE 


A separate edition is published of each paper in the series entitled ‘‘Anthro- 
pological Papers.’’ Copies of Papers 1-18 are available at the Bureau of American 
Ethnology, Smithsonian Institution, and can be had free upon request. 


List or ANTHROPOLOGICAL PAPERS PUBLISHED PREVIOUSLY 


No. 1. A Preliminary Report on Archeological Explorations at Macon, Ga., 
by A. R. Kelly. Bull. 119, pp. v-ix, 1-68, pls. 1-12, figs. 1-7. 19388. 

No. 2. The Northern Arapaho Flat Pipe and the Ceremony of Covering the 
Pipe, by John G. Carter. Bull. 119, pp. 69-102, figs. 8-10. 1938. 

No. 3. The Caribs of Dominica, by Douglas Taylor. Bull. 119, pp. 103-159, 
pls. 13-18, figs. 11-37. 1938. 

No. 4. What Happened to Green Bear Who Was Blessed with a Sacred Pack, 
by Truman Michelson. Bull. 119, pp. 161-176. 1938. 

No. 5. Lemhi Shoshoni Physical Therapy, by Julian H. Steward. Bull. 119, 
pp. 177-181. 19388. 

No. 6. Panatiibiji’, an Owens Valley Paiute, by Julian H. Steward. Bull. 119, 
pp. 183-195. 1938. 

No. 7. Archeological Investigations in the Corozal District of British Honduras, 
by Thomas and Mary Gann. Bull. 123, pp. v-vii, 1-57, 61-66, 
pls. 1-10, figs. 1-11. 1939. 

Report on Two Skulls from British Honduras, by A. J. E. Cave. Bull. 

123, pp. 59-60. 1939. 

No. 8. Linguistic Classification of Cree and Montagnais-Naskapi Dialects, by 
Truman Michelson. Bull. 123, pp. 67-95, fig. 12. 19389. 

No. 9. Sedelmayr’s Relacion of 1746. Translated and edited by Ronald L. 
Ives. Bull. 128, pp. 97-117. 1939. 

No. 10. Notes on the Creek Indians, by John R. Swanton. Bull. 123, pp. 119- 
159, figs. 13, 14. 1939. 

No. 11. The Yaruros of the Capanaparo River, Venezuela, by Vincent Petrullo. 
Bull. 123, pp. 161-290, pls. 11-25, figs. 15-27. 1939. 

No. 12. Archeology of Arauquin, by Vincent Petrullo. Bull. 123, pp. 291-295, 
pls. 26-32. 1939. 


CONTENTS 


. 13. The Mining of Gems and Ornamental Stones by American Indians, 


byieydney HeiBalls:ciGel ep UA «Laue une thte yee 5) 


. 14. Iroquois Suicide: A Study in the Stability of a Culture Pattern, by 


Walliams NeHentonit] aspen eke pele), pyle bit 2h 


. 15. Tonawanda Longhouse Ceremonies: Ninety Years after Lewis 


Henry Morgan, by William N. Fenton_-.~..---2- 2222222 


. 16. The Quichua-Speaking Indians of the Province of Imbabura 


(Ecuador) and Their Anthropometric Relations with the Living 
Populations of the Andean Area, by John Gillin._____________ 


. 17. Art Processes in Birchbark of the River Desert Algonquin, a Cir- 


cumborealsTrait;, by PrankiG.Speck: 1 4) <du ih) sey eke 2 


No. 18. Archeological Reconnaissance of Southern Utah, by Julian H. 
BPE Ces GS tt gl Fie £2). ate toh cushy Unbep agit ton Ed al 9 ot ar 
USS e oe coh 25a eS pee ee Meme TAT eee Boras err art ee 

ILLUSTRATIONS 

PLATES 

1. Frontispiece: Placer mining by Indians of Georgia________________- 
Pep ENEINGS GDC GUG ii a he et ee A eg 2 
3. Mining catlinite pipestone, Minnesota_______._.___._._.------_-_- 
4, Mines other than obsidian and soapstone worked by Indians prior 
perme Ol MILeA (THAAD i Se oe Be 
5. Obsidian and soapstone mines worked by Indians prior to coming 
PP Ui PEEP G10) c\ Pan ee ne i i Aes ene A ee ee ane Yer wee ee 
6. 1, Jesse J. Cornplanter, Seneca of the Tonawanda Reservation. 
2, Rev. Peter W. Doctor, ex-chief of the Tonawanda Band of 
Senecas. 3, Abbie Brooks, Tonawanda Seneca_________________- 
7. 1, Waterhemlock, Cicuta maculata L. 2, Sarah Snow, Seneca herbalist 


of Quaker Bridge, Allegany Reservation___.-...________________- 


. 1, Kate Debeau (D’Ailleboust), Mohawk herbalist. 2, Simeon Gibson, 


principal informant at Six Nations Reserve, Ontario__.__________- 


. Tonawanda Longhouse: 1, The longhouse and cookhouse. 2, Indian 


youths reshingle the longhouse under National Youth Administra- 
TT Is a ee OP oe tm ens SE». perenne, ea ONE GIN eae Re 


. Faithkeepers prepare the Community Feast in honor of the ‘‘Three 


Sisters’’ at the Planting, or Seed, Festival in May___._.________-- 


. The men assist the women by pounding corn______________-------- 
. Our Uncles, ‘the Bigheads,” go through the houses announcing the 


Pram INGE PEST VAL ep Ss Se 2 a a he ea 


. 1, The False-face Beggar Dancers visit a house on second night of Mid- 


winter Festival. 2, 3, Charlie Chaplin and the Devil capture the 
MITSUI GOT OL, CUNT 5 Sg a i ee Ee eee 


. Groups and individuals stage impromptu dance contests__.---_--_-- 
. Facsimile of first page of letter from L. H. Morgan to E. S. Parker 


written at Rochester, Jantary 29, 18502 -: -.- - - 2 


PAGE 


Ix 


79 


139 


167 


229 


275 
357 


138 


138 


138 


166 


166 
166 


166 


166 


166 


166 


VI CONTENTS 


16. Facsimile of last page of letter from L. H. Morgan to E. 8. Parker 
written at Rochester, January 29, 1850, showing signature___-___- 
17. Facsimile of first page of letter from E. S. Parker to L. H. Morgan 
written at Ellicottville, February 12, 1850__..----....--.._.-._--- 
18. Facsimile of last page of letter from E. S. Parker to L. H. Morgan 
written at Ellicottville, February 12, 1850, showing signature___-_- 
19. 1, General view of the village of Angachagua. 2, Houses and fields at 
Angachaguac:2ics 225s se See ee eons ees | el ee eee 
20. 1, House at Angachagua. 2, Quichua Indian woman spinning wool, 
Angachaguass soc. .2s22sss2seLs aeUlLL sau2e 4. veel 22 
21. 1, Native Quichua Indians of Angachagua showing typical costume. 
2, Household utensils pottery vessels.) a4. 34.2. 4o. eee eee 
22-28 sindians Of Otovaloseroup ee se ee ee ee 
29: Indian of Agato, near Otovalo. Ss. 42242202 she eeee-8 eee ee 
30. Birchbark containers, sap bucket, and round pail (River Desert Band) _- 
31. Birchbark containers (River Desert Band)_.._._._.___.____-_--_--_---- 
32. Birchbark sap pails and dishes (River Desert Band) __--__-_------- 
33. Birchbark trunk (River Desert Band) and baskets (Mattawa Band) _-_- 
34. Decorated birchbark containers (Timiskaming Band, Algonquin) _--- 
35. Algonquin birchbark containers (River Desert Band) -_------_------- 
oo. Algonquin, birchbark box.225. 222 .-asee Shore eee oe ee 
37. Algonquin birchbark containers for household articles with floral 
figures in sgrafitto designing and with sewed-on cut-out pattern 
decoration: 242: s22ceessbe 222s Se ee 
38. Birchbark containers (River Desert Band)_-_._-....-...----------- 
39. Birchbark envelope container for bear bait (River Desert Algonquin, 
P. Q.) and birchbark container with spruce-root loops for decoration 
(River: Desert Band)=.:<- +=. .2 ee ee eee ee 
40. Birchbark cut-out pattern markers for decorating bark containers, 
representing undefined varieties of flowers and leaves (River Desert 
Band). 2 Sk AU A ee Se 
41. Camp of Algonquin birchbark worker and basket maker (Madenine 
Cesar) (River Desert’ Band, P/Q.) ii225 2 2 ee eee 
42. Mackusi-/k-we, ‘“‘Beaver Meadow Woman” (Mrs. M. Buckshot), with 
decorated birchbark baby carrier for infant up to 1 month of age-_-- 
43. Pit houses at site 2, Molly’s Nipple Canyon______----------------- 
44, Site 2, Molly’s Nipple Canyon. a, House A. 6, Rubbed grooves in 


45. Masonry cliff houses and slab structures (sites 18, 37, 71, 83, 96, 
Johnson Canyon-Paria River Region) 2-22 2_ == 229222222 eee 
46. Petroglyphs at site 117, Johnson Canyon 2242225 24_ 2s) a see 
47. Petroglyphs at site 117, Johnson Canyon_____._.---_-------------- 
48. Petroglyphs at site 130, Johnson Canyon__....--=-.--.--=-+-=====5 
49. House ruins at White Canyon (site 2), Redd Canyon (site 4), and 
Lake Canyon (site 6)-_<.') Ue ee eee eee 
50. Slab and masonry structures near Lake Canyon (site 6) and below 
San: Juan’ River (site 12) =222.s22-<525=555628- 5) eee 
51. House types at Redd Canyon (site 4), Aztec Creek (sites 16, 17), and 
Rock ‘Creek (site'22)2 2.2 Se) a eee ee 
52. Pictographs and petroglyphes 2:4. --22s22522205s5) 2-0 ee 


TEXT FIGURES 


te vAnracharua house plan. = 222 Se ee 
2; Angachagusa roof frame_ = 2 23232 es oe ee ee 


PAGE 
166 
166 
166 
228 
228 
228 
228 
228 
274 
274 
274 
274 
274 


274 
274 


274 
274 


274 


274 


274 


274 
356 


356 
356 
356 
356 
356 
356 


356 


CONTENTS 


. Algonquin methods of sewing birchbark with stitches of spruce root in 


fastening the sides of containers. A basting tack________________ 


A> Patterns for birchbark utensils (Algonquin) ~-_-.--.-.--___-..-__--__ 


OOND 


. Rim reinforcements of Algonquin birchbark containers and decorative 


bordersideriveastrom, whem= = ee - = aes ee ee ee eS 


. Decorations below rims of birchbark containers (River Desert Band) — 
. Decorations below rims of Algonquin birchbark containers_________- 
. Cut-out patterns for decorating birchbark containers (a-e) and animal 


Heures srom Gecorabed Opjecws (f-f) 2. =. 202-22 e seo eee eee 


. Realistic decorations on birchbark maple-sap, or water pail (River 


LDYSSTEVE Te] BYE TANG DJ tele Bieta 0h ta pire whe ceria hoe pla esiget dl nikon we lafeod yaniey 


. Designs from birchbark containers (Timiskaming Band)___________- 
. Designs on birchbark containers (River Desert and Mattawa Bands) — 
. Symmetrical band floral designs from birchbark containers (River 


IDESCEUT IS ADC) rete ree aerate rere ee ee ere eee De eee ae 


. Designs from sides of birchbark basket (River Desert Band)________- 
. Birchbark cut-out patterns applied to surfaces of containers and 


baskets to outline decorative scraped-away designs.____________-_- 


. Designs from birchbark vessels and baskets (Timiskaming and River 


(LES EEN Bu ESOC (5) | eal gE ole Bane ne eh Rel cs 25 leh pe ei Ae wt plan Aelita ehertds ven Ml 


. Element designs from birchbark wall pocket (a-e), and birchbark cut- 


out patterns for decoration of containers (f-7) (River Desert Band) - 
Designs from sides of birchbark dishes (River Desert Band) __._____-_ 


. Design elements from birchbark water pail (River Desert Band) __-_-_- 
. Birchbark cut-out patterns for decorating containers, representing 


PeIMCES CI Ver Desert ano) a2) 2k ee eee CLT Ro ee ee 


. Pattern stencils cut out of birchbark, used in decorating containers 


PERE CREEIMCROFE: ESATIG)) Sepsis fos ae eh ee ee ee 


. Birchbark cut-out patterns for decorating containers, and designs 


taken from decorated objects (River Desert Band) ______________-_ 


. Designs from one side and end of birchbark container (Mattawa Band)- 
. Designs from birchbark containers (Mattawa Band) ____-____--_----_- 
. Assortment of plant-design elements from sides and covers of birch- 


bark containers derived from cut-out patterns, mostly pseudorealistic 
representations of yellow pond lily (River Desert Band) --_____-__-- 


. Sketch map of Johnson Canyon-Paria River region________________- 
. Sketch map of slab structures, site 39, Kitchen Canyon____________- 
. Sketch map of slab structures, site 41, Kitchen Canyon____________-_ 
. Sketch map of slab structures, site 42, Kitchen Canyon____________- 
. Sketch map of slab structures, site 86, near Clark Canyon_________-_- 
. Sketch map of slab structures, site 87, near Clark Canyon__________- 
. Sketch map of cave, site 2, Molly’s Nipple Canyon________-___-__-- 
. Sketch map of masonry houses, depressions, and slab structures, site 


ep ICAL NC AN VOM ete ed ate er ee et eee see ne were 


. Sketch map of masonry house and slab structure, site 60, Kitchen 


. Sketch maps of masonry houses, depressions, and slab cists, sites 76, 


80, 81, and 82, Finn Little and Clark Canyons______._-________-- 


. Sketch map of masonry houses, depressions, and slab cist, site 119, 


TORNADO H At EeSCAN VON tment ter cee ke ee ek me. 


. Rim sherds and designs on Basket Maker black-on-gray. Numbers 


indicate sites in Johnson Canyon-Paria River region-____-_._-_--- 


VIII CONTENTS 


38. Rim sherds and designs on Tusayan (Virgin) black-on-white bowls. 
Numbers indicate sites in Johnson Canyon-Paria River region----- 301 

39. Half of Tusayan (Virgin) black-on-white bow], site 123, Dairy Canyon.. 302 

40. Rim sherds and designs on Tusayan black-on-red and polychrome 
bowls. Numbers indicate sites in Johnson Canyon-Paria River 


EG OW aetna ee A Siete eet 2 a ee 302 
41. Tusayan black-on-red pitcher, site 2, Molly’s Nipple Canyon_-__--_--- 303 
42. Bowl rims, Tusayan black-on-white and Tusayan black-on-red__-_-_- 303 
43. Rim sherds and handles of plain ollas, Paria gray and Johnson gray- 

GEL Teta pe 0k Oh ong 2 ke ype eye an EY SIS Sm DSL 2 304 
44. Variations inrims:of platn-ollas” 2.22.25 --22-2522<-52 5555255 305 
45. Rim ‘sherds of Paria eray bowls:- <2 ._s5.2-.---2-----5.- 2545 306 
46. Johnson corrugated pitchers, site 123, Dairy Canyon, and corrugated 

olla rim sherds from Johnson Canyon-Paria River region___------- 306 
47. Chipped sandstone ‘‘hoes’’ from Johnson Canyon-Paria River region__ 310 
48, 49. Metates from sites in Johnson Canyon-Paria River region_-_--_- 311, 312 
50. Mullers, or manos, and cross sections of same from sites in Johnson 

Canyon-Paria: River region. 2-224. ee 313 
51. Projectile points of chipped flint. Johnson Canyon-Paria River 

FOPION:: 6 eee cece wage ee Pet Ge ee ce heen oe 314 
52. Knives, drills, and scrapers. Johnson Canyon-Paria River region--__ 315 
535 Lextile impression, in adobe. 2.4 2252252_ oe eee ee 317 
54. Crescent (“‘sickles’’) of mountain sheep horn in the Judd collection at 

Kanab, Utahvo co bee le ee 317 
55. Wooden dippers in the Judd collection at Kanab, Utah___---------- 318 


56. Two quartz objects. a, Quartzite lump (11744), site 2, Paria River 
region. 6, Crystalline pendant (11894), site 119, Johnson Lakes 


CanyOne win. oe eh ek ee ee de oe cee a A 318 
57. Petroglyphs, sites 1 and 4, Molly’s Nipple Canyon______--_-------- 320 
58. Pictographs, site 7, Molly’s Nipple Canyon; and site 29, Wildcat 

(Camyon. 210 tio ee! ee Sa ee es ee ee 321 
59. Pictographs and petroglyphs, site 111, near Johnson Canyon_-_------ 322 
60. Petroglyphs, site 111, near Johnson Canyon__..._._---__-_- 25222 =e= 323 
61. Petroglyphs; site 11/7, Johnson Canyon .-—---- 2-25-22. 52 5——=eeee 324 
62.. Petroglyphs, ‘site 130, Oak Canyon... +=... - 4. es eee 325 
63. Petroglyphs, sites 130, 132, and 133, Oak Canyon, and site 141 near 

@lark’ Canyone t.ho ocr ee aes es ee 326 
64. Distribution of sites of different periods in Johnson Canyon-Paria 

River TePion:. Sooo. he ee ee ee ee ee ee 327 
65. Man of Glen Canyon, Colorado. River... --.--~.-=—+<- = — 328 
66. Ground plan of large ruin and kiva, site 2, White Canyon-_-_---------- 330 
67. House structures. a, Plan of ruin at site 3, Trachyte Canyon. b-f, 

Houses on the northern cliff of White Canyon, site 2___-_-------- 331 
68. Cliff houses south of the large ruin, site 2, White Canyon__-_-_------- 333 
69. Large ruin at. Redd Canyon; site 4... o.2..--- = 5. 336 
70. Details of house structures at site 6 near Lake Canyon and site 22, 

Roek: Creek oye ee ee ees 339 
71. Metates and manos, or mullers, from sites 6 and 9, near Lake Canyon; 

site 11, near Escalente River; and site 22, near Rock Creek_-_--_---- 340 
72-/4. Petroglyphs at site 2, White Canyon_.2--__------_--2---5 = 345-347 
75. Pictographs and petroglyphs at site 2, White Canyon___--_-_------- 348 
76. Pictographs near Colorado River, on highway north of Moab, Utah_-- 348 


77. Petroglyphs by highway bridge over Colorado River, near Moab, Utah_% 349 


SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION 
Bureau of American Ethnology 
Bulletin No. 128 


Anthropological Papers, No. 13 


The Mining of Gems and Ornamental Siones 
by American Indians 


By SYDNEY H. BALL 


1x 


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CONTENTS 


PAGE 

5 EP TY eh semen debe IN eee 8 SSR a ane ea a PY 
Uses of gems and ornamental stones by American Indians________________ 3 
wma UTCOR OF LEN! SUPPly.. = <a ee ew en ce oe 6 
Tne indian as geologist and mineralogist............-.~---..-----.-..- 6 
Ideas as to origin of precious and decorative stones________-_-_-___-_-__-_ Ul 
RMIME MIA DLOSDOCLON= 240s 2 aa tease to Seo eS 9 
SEES T SLAY (0 LS eB nee te ari a eS Neen A oa ae ee meine ae ee. © 10 
The Indian’s knowledge of commercial chemistry _____-_---_---_--__-_-- 14 
The effect of Indian mining on the commercial conquest of America_______-_ 15 
el serigIMATAN OVA Wiese ct eed Cee a CL Seb e COW os ee ae 15 
eS ee so cook eee sets ee ee See eee 16 
Peano py American INnGians: 9. 0222022 2c eco eee 19 
oy DADC ley Ss Se A a Pa ES OO eg ee eee eee UY 19 
forandurm (ruby and sapphire). 22 22.02 eee ee ol es ane, 20 
LEE DET LS | ah a a eet ae ERE OO OR a Os a ee eee eee ee er ee eee 20 
COS 2 SS ee eee Ae ears ee ee eee eee re aren ae 22 
SRE EEIAMINS = tee ee eR SR Rh oe ce Se as Se 22 
MEIER ae ne, oe ak Le ee Ne dee ee 8 ee Se 22 
SPR me abe cs. nc apne week A hye se 9D oe a tS ee 27 
0) ELS SSS Pa eee ee ee ees ae eree wanes Cow ho) eee 28 
Lad TELE LEE PLE Se aa PR by Wt Le Ee eee pees, eee mee 28 
os POT) ata lee diel AINA ns Saas Petals eth aes Baie ipo, AAAS 28 
REN Se ce eR ee ne ee ee ae ee ee eS Ape eee 29 
CDs fitness ey Bete aka pk eel ie Yes hn ee ers ee ee oe te” 29 
PmieotiomGnoguarts cema> [S25 feo ee Selo be eee eek J 29 
Jealet 2) AI prin aie hal a ae fe fh di pay SO emma ene erty Rteee mene Sear lp a 30 
TRE ECE RA (EN HE ey Peat ie andl a lh ter eat AE ae ET 2 30 
p13 1 en a Nl ip A a alle AEN RD ORDIR ADE M IE 32 
ELAS GT east ah ng Basa pp lad Re La epee ap PNAS 3 Se 33 
oemeeciotiee fy ees. Ps ie isd ot Meee Ue eS 33 
ME VROPLARC Sn, Cre mpm hae psc eres lh een NE Lee ees 33 
aS tat ee ee Sk ANY ocr ee te 33 
hts] BESTT e aa Bl ea eee EL eee Bee See 2 ere eed 33 
HRT RT ERPROSE TROLS oe eI an hee Se re 34 
TENG eg RE Pa naa age eee PRN a An ly ag 35 
1 TSsa LT ee SAN & 9 oe ON a SR ie Ed | PR fot ee pe) 2 37 
Minerals and ornamental stones mined by American Indians_-____________ 38 
SIR Se ON ace sate ie eee 38 
PUUMSRINRCIRIGG 2k oe Reh al be: Slee oe Sige A el aah a! 38 
EPR RTE ert ee he MA ee ee sae See Brecon Sor he 38 
Peep eee een ne Jee eee ee ek Oe sree eee 39 
col i SSE CSRS SS 2, i Lt a oe ee See Te Lae Soe oR See EL 39 
LSC acre TEE Rah ISP eee 2 ae oe cs eee eS eee a eee 39 
miabasterand stalactitic calette. 1 2.522552) oo kes ee ket a3 39 
raTE ee eee re SM ere ak ce CP Ls th SO tS 40 
RL ee eee at sac enes Poa) a es eta Re eS 41 
Pee Cee ARCS ee ee Oe oe ae tse ei ao 41 


XII CONTENTS 


PAGE 
Minerals and ornamental stones mined by American Indians—Continued. 
Smithsonitesin-0 26 eee ee es Deere a Se ee 42 
Atacamiteandibrochantites 3-8. Sessa se ee eee 42 
Chrysocollasc ei ws stun see ee ee Lee 42 
Payal he eats a nes esate Dee AD A a el le 2 oe 42 
Cannelicoaljet;and lignite < Ua") Poe Set ee ee 43 
IN ine sxe em ees tt wa eS NR ne Se ee satin Sten te) Os 44 
Mabradonites sae. sew ase he Mee Ae a 45 
Sunstoness= see so 3! Pea eee Re ee ee te 45 
Moonstone st See een ee ee ee. = ee 45 
AmazonstOnes ss— oo oe ee te eee Soe eee ten oe ee 45 
SIAteeree eee eee owas MEE ee BS AU ee eee ee eo 45 
WaATISCIEG NY Se 7 Dts I EOS thie CP ee See Coe 45 
GCalam ine ee ee ee ee eee eins oho ae so 46 
IBIMOTSsparess = See SPEC eee SEL Peele Re ee an 46 
Am bere a= S8t: Sele em ee a ee Le oe ee 46 
Soapstone (steatite). ca 525 ieee see tei ees eee 47 
Catlinitemsaoe rises tse Ssed 2k ee Se ae eee 48 
Obsidianess sate cho hoa 2 7 See ee SNe ee ee ee 52 
Otherminerals' ss 2 025252 520220 ese ee eee 55 
hist of mines operated by the Indians_ 2-25 2222522222225... 56 
PibuogTaply sss sss fst see ses ooo S See ste oee et ee ee 59 
ILLUSTRATIONS 
PLATES 
1. Frontispiece: Placer mining by Indians of Georgia_________________- I 
2 emlLostCerrillos Open CUt..o.2.occce eee oe ee eee ee 78 
3.. Mining catlinite pipestone, Minnesota_-._-=. 2 78 
4. Mines other than obsidian and soapstone worked by Indians prior to 
coming of whites (map) [22252220222 o Lh. ee 78 


5. Obsidian and soapstone mines worked by Indians prior to coming of 
wihites (map) o<0 200. ote cola be ee 78 


THE MINING OF GEMS AND ORNAMENTAL STONES 
BY AMERICAN INDIANS 


By SYDNEY H. BALL 


I tell thee, golde is more plentifull there [Virginia] then copper is with 
us * * * Why, man, all their dripping-pans * * * are 
pure golde: * * * and for rubies and diamonds, they goe forth on 
holydayes and gather ’hem by the sea-shore, to hang on their childrens 
coates, and sticke in their childrens caps, as commonly as our children, 
weare saffron-gilt brooches and groates with hoales in ’hem.} 


INTRODUCTION 


When Europeans arrived in America they found the American 
Indian largely in the Stone Age, although a number of tribes, and par- 
ticularly those of Mexico, Central America, Colombia, and Peru, used 
certain metals. Imbued with our conception of racial superiority, we 
rarely think of the Indian as a capable prospector and a patient, if 
primitive, miner. Yet the rapid development of mining in Mexico 
and Peru after the conquests was mainly owing to the large number of 
ore bodies opened up by the local aborigines. Lust on the part of the 
Spaniards for gold, silver, and precious stones and, to express it mildly, 
canny concern on the part of the English and French for such wealth, 
were the activating forces behind much of the exploration of America. 

Both to the American Indian and the white man, mineral products 
were essential, but the former used coal mainly as an ornament and 
petroleum as a liniment, while the latter could not be inveigled to 
“rush” a new obsidian “‘find’”’ to supply weapons of war. 

This article treats of the gems and ornamental stones used by the 
Indian before he came in contact with the white man. His metal 
mining has been frequently described: The pits he dug on the Lake 
Superior Copper Range; his exploitation of the mercury mines of 
New Almaden and Peru for paint; his placer mining in Georgia, 
Mexico, Central America, the West Indies, northwestern South 
America, and Brazil; and his gold and silver lode mining in Mexico 

1 Seagull, a sailor, to Scapethrift in Eastward Hoe, a popular drama by Geo. Chapman, Ben Jonson, and 
Joh. Marston, 1605. See volume 3, p. 51, of The works of John Marston, 3 vols., London, 1856. 
1 


2 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [But, 128 


and Peru. Copper and gold were extensively used; silver, tin, lead, 
platinum, mercury, and iron (meteoric) less so. Within the United 
States copper and gold were treated as pebbles and pounded into the 
shape desired, but in Mexico, Central America, and western South 
America an elementary smelting technique had been evolved and in 
certain localities the skill with which metals were forged, cast, alloyed, 
and plated astonished the conquistadores. Platinum, it may be 
recalled, was used by the Indian long before it was known to white 
men. 

The Indian’s knowledge of gems and ornamental stones was, how- 
ever, much more comprehensive than that of metals and his most 
extensive mines or, at least, those known to us, were of ornamental 
stones. 

The Indian made use of a large number of gems and ornamental 
stones, some 84 being known to the writer. His acquaintance with 
minerals suitable for decorative purposes exceeded in number, at 
least, that of the peoples of Europe and Asia at the time of the dis- 
covery of America. The list, as presented (p. 56) is fairly complete 
for North and Central America but for South America could doubtless 
be appreciably extended. Of the early men who made the Folsom 
points, those of Folsom, N. Mex., used chalcedony, jasper, and 
obsidian, and those of the Lindenmeier site near Fort Collins, Colo., 
chalcedony, jasper, moss agate, lignite, quartz, hematite, and agatized 
wood. It can be said with considerable assurance that at the beginning 
of our era, or roughly 2,000 years ago, the American Indian used in 
addition the following precious and decorative stones: Agate, alabaster, 
azurite, bloodstone, calcite, jadeite, jet, lapis lazuli, malachite, mica, 
nephrite, common opal, pyrite, satin spar, selenite, serpentine, soap- 
stone, and turquoise. By 1000 A. D. or even earlier, the following, 
among others, had been added: Amber, carnelian, catlinite, chloro- 
melanite, emerald, fluorspar, galena, garnet, magnesite, marcasite, 
moonstone, noble opal, sodalite, and variscite. 

It is a curious instance of parallel cultural growth that of the 25 
stones first used by early man on the eastern and western continents, 
16 were common to the two cultures (Ball, 1931, pp. 683-685). 

As sources of material on the subject, we have: (1) Artifacts pre- 
served in public and private collections; (2) mine workings, although 
many which once existed have become obliterated; (3) early and 
present-day literature; and (4) the traditions and myths of the 
Indians. Evidence from the latter two sources must be used with 
discretion, as the mineralogic knowledge, particularly of the early 
Spanish writers, and of some archeologists, is, to say the least, 
inadequate, while myths may be of much later origin than the events 
they describe. 


AntHrop, Pap. No. 13] INDIAN MINING—BALL 3 
USES OF GEMS AND ORNAMENTAL STONES BY AMERICAN INDIANS 


Gems and ornamental stones were used by the aborigines for a large 
number of different purposes, for nonmetallic minerals served not 
only their special functions as we know them but also, at least among 
certain of the Indian tribes, all the uses of metals and, among all of 
them, certain of the functions of our metals. The principal uses 
may be listed as follows: 


a. Ornaments.—Ornaments consisted of pendants, beads, and carved figures: 
Gem mosaics were worn among the Pueblos, the semicivilized Mexicans, the 
Peruvian peoples, etc. The Indian adores vivid colors and he has a childlike 
love of beautiful pebbles, particularly if brightly colored. To the semicivilized 
peoples from Arizona to northern Chile, the blue and the bluish-green of the turquoise 
and the green of jade and emerald had a peculiar fascination. Such stones 
were eagerly sought and highly valued. The first gained its color from the cloud- 
less sky and the second symbolized the growth of crops; their value being increased 
by the supernatural power gained thereby. So highly regarded were they that 
jade could be worn only by nobles among the Aztecs, and among the Yavapai 
(central Arizona) only a chief (mastova) was privileged to wear turquoise bracelets 
(Gifford, 1932, p. 229). All green stones were treasured by the Yuma medicine 
men (Corbusier, 1886). The Indian used many materials in their jewelry which, 
until the introduction of the modern ‘‘novelty”’ jewelry, we would have scorned. 
Shell, for example, and wood, berries, seeds, iridescent beetle wings and fruit 
stones, and even worse, for Capt. John Smith, in his history of Virginia, tells 
us that some of the Virginia Indians wore in holes in their ears small ‘‘green and 
yellow colored snakes near one-half a yard in length’’; others ‘‘a dead rat tied by 
the tail.””, The Cheyenne Indians strung human fingers into necklaces (Bourke, 
1890), and the Sioux wore hands as earrings (Mallery, 1893, p. 752, fig. 1278). 
On the other hand, the custom of the women of the southern Mexican coast and 
of British Honduras of placing fireflies in their hair, while a bit startling to the 
white traveler, has, after all, charm. 

The use of jade, hematite, turquoise, rock crystal, obsidian, and pyrite inlays 
in the teeth of Mayan and certain Mexican and South American tribes was, of 
course, for display rather than as an aseptic measure. 

b. Weapons.—Hard stones with conchoidal fracture were eagerly sought for 
arrow- and spear-heads, knives, and razors. That some of these weapons were 
effective, we learn from rough old Bernal Diaz, who asserts that a single blow 
of an Aztee sword, set with obsidian points, would decapitate a horse. The 
Hudson Bay Eskimo, when lead is scarce, use soapstone as bullets. 

c. Household utensils——Soapstone was widely used for lamps, particularly 
among the Eskimo, and for cooking utensils by many tribes. Pyrite and quartz 
were used to produce fire, particularly by the peoples of the extreme northern 
part of the American Continent (the Eskimo) and of the extreme southern part 
(the Fuegians). Angular fragments of quartz, and some say obsidian, set in a 
flat board, are made by a British Guiana tribe and are traded over considerable 
distances as manioc graters (Farabee, 1917, p. 77). Commerce in these graters 
was widespread (McGovern, 1927, p. 211). Similar graters were used by the 
Uaupes in the upper Amazon (Wallace, 1853, pp. 483-484). 

d. Surgical instruments.——Shaped rock crystal was used for blood-letting by 
the California Indians, and lancets of this material and obsidian by the ancient 
people of Peru. Obsidian knives served their grewsome role when victims were 
sacrificed to the gods of Mexico, and knives of this material were used in scarifica- 


4 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buby 128 


tion by California Indians and by the Araucanian and the Mapuchian shamans 
in bleeding the sick. 

e. Graving tools —The Hidatsa of North Dakota cut their pictographs on rock 
with sharp-pointed quartz fragments, as Richard Spruce infers the Amazonian 
Indians did. 

jf. Abrasives—The Indians of Racine County, Wis., crushed rock crystal to 
form an abrasive in pipe making (West, 1934, p. 341). Pumice was also used as 
an abrasive by the Nevada, Nebraska, Montana, and California Indians and by 
the Eskimo of Cook Inlet, Alaska. 

g. Mirrors.—Mirrors were made of obsidian and pyrite by the Aztecs, Mayas, 
and the Peruvians; and among the Mound Builders mica probably so served. 
The Eskimo of Hudson Strait use a plate of biotite ‘‘so fitted into a leather case 
as to be seen on either side’ (Lyon, 1825, p. 38). 

h. Windows.—Selenite and perhaps mica were used in windows by the Pueblos, 
and Mexican ‘‘onyx’’ by the Aztecs. Selenite was supposed to permit the 
Pueblos to see out but the keenest eye could not see what was passing in the 
interior of the feebly lighted rooms (Mé6llhausen, 1858, vol. 1, p. 157). 

i. Embellishment of buildings.—Precious stones were used in quantity by both 
the Aztecs and the Peruvians in their temples and palaces. Turquoise was, in 
instances, set in the lintels of the Pueblo houses. Arizona agatized wood was 
sometimes used as a building stone in constructing the ancient pueblos. 

j. Pigments.—Hematite, malachite, and azurite were not only widely used as 
pendants and in other ways in the mass but, when crushed, as pigments. The 
latter two furnished the Pueblo people their favorite colors—green and blue. 
Among the Navaho crushed turquoise was used to paint certain ceremonial 
objects (Pogue, 1915, p. 103). The green used to dye the wool of Chilkat blankets 
was derived from copper ores. The British Columbia Indians also used malachite 
as a pigment. The Pawnees and Mandans heated selenite and from the powder 
made a whitening used in tanning buckskin. The Navaho medicine men used 
gypsum as chalk in drawing and the Pueblos merely powdered, or burnt and 
mixed it with water as whitewash. Calcined gypsum powder was used by the 
Omahas to clean, whiten, and dry the sinews binding feathers to their arrows. 
The Aztecs used chimaltizatl (selenite) to whiten their paintings (Clavigero, 
1807, pp. 16-17). The California Indians procured body paint from a ‘‘vermilion 
cave,” the outcrop of the New Almaden mercury mine. Cinnabar was also used 
by the Aztecs, the Mayas, and the Peruvian Indians. The beautiful pale green 
brochantite of the Corocoro copper deposit, Bolivia, was used by the local Indians 
as a source of green pigment before the Spanish arrived (Berton, 1936). The 
Indians used the brilliant red hewettite (a hydrous calcium vanadate) to make 
pictographs on the sandstone cliffs of Emery County, Utah. Within one-half 
mile are commercial vanadium deposits.2 Black pigments were produced from 
lignite (Pueblos), from manganese dioxide (Pueblos and Californians), from coal 
(Haidas), from graphite (New York, New England, and Alaska Indians and 
Kskimo), from sphalerite ore (Pueblos), from micaceous hematite (Yukon Indians), 
or from galena (Apache-Yumas). The latter also used calcite and magnesite as 
white pigments. The Oubeways, on the other hand, used iron sulphate derived 
from decomposing pyrite as a black dye. The Seri, inhabiting Tiburon Island, 
Sonoro, used dumortierite as a blue face paint (Kroeber, 1931, p. 27). The 
Pueblos used jarosite in addition to yellow ochre for yellows and browns (Cos- 
grove, 1982). 

k. Currency~—Among the Indians of California, large obsidian blades and 
beads made of magnesite were used as standards of barter. The larger of the 


2 Written communication from Robert H. Sayre, Denver, Colo. 


AnrHrop. Pap. No. 13] INDIAN MINING—BALL 5 


latter were worth up to $20 (Hodge, 1922, p. 16; Sumner, 1907, p. 152). Black 
obsidian blades of ordinary length were worth among the Yurok Indians of 
northern California about $1 an inch; the red obsidian, being rarer, was even more 
valuable. Blades of 30 to 33 inches in length were worth much more, indeed 
they were of inestimable value (Kroeber, 1925, pp. 26-27). Turquoise was, per- 
haps, as near to a unit of value as the Pueblos, Navahos, and Yaquis possessed 
and nephrite beads were used in somewhat the same way in British Guiana and 
in the Mayan cities. 


Like most primitive people, the American Indian saw in gems and 
decorative stones not only beauty but the supernatural and the awe- 
inspiring. The medicine men among the Cayapa Indians of Ecuador, 
for example, are unwilling to dispose of the pebbles used in their in- 
cantations lest the spirit in the stone become angry, an old Greek 
idea. Edward Bancroft (1769, pp. 21, 311) states that the Indians 
of British Guiana in his time would not touch agate pebbles locally 
abundant “from a principle of superstitious veneration, as they are 
dedicated to the service of their magical invocations.’ Precious 
stones, therefore, were important factors in their religious life as the 
following uses indicate: 


l. Objects of worship—Among the pre-Colombian aborigines of Manta, Ecua- 
dor, a large emerald was worshipped, and rock crystal and jasper appear to have 
served the same purpose, respectively, among certain of the Peruvian and Ecua- 
dorian tribes, until the Incan army forcibly showed them the error of their ways 
and they became sun worshippers. The Mixtecs worshipped a large jade at 
Achiuhtla, representing the god Quetzalcoatl. There is now at the University 
of Texas a meteorite from Wichita County, Tex., long venerated by the Comanche 
for extraordinary curative powers. It was known as Po-a-cat-le-pe-le-corre 
(Medicine Rock). In passing, all made votive offerings to it (Bolton, 1914, vol. 
1, p. 296). 

m. Fetishes and charms.—Rock crystal among the Natchez (Le Petit in French, ’ 
1851, pt. 3, p. 141) and the Pimas, nephrite among the Brazilian fishermen, 
sections of Baculites among the Cheyennes, turquoise among the Pueblos, and 
malachite among the Apaches, served as fetishes. Quartz crystals were used as 
charms by the Eskimo shamans, as was jasper, and the medicine men of the 
Tarahumara today use quartz crystals as charms (Bennett and Zingg, 1935, p. 
369). Among the Yumas quartz crystals brought good luck. 

n. Votive offerings to gods.—Turquoise among the Pueblos and Navahos, 
emeralds among the Chibchas of Colombia, emeralds and turquoise among the 
Incan Indians, and precious stones among the Tahus of Sinaloa, served as votive 
offerings. The Zufii women ground corn and mixed it with powdered turquoise 
and white shell and offered it to their gods as food. 

o. Temple incense.—Amber was used as incense by the Aztegs. 

p. Means of divination.—Quartz crystal among the,Pueblos and the Cherokees 
(Olbrechs, 1930, pp. 547-552), hematite among the latter tribe, obsidian and 
pyrite mirrors among the Aztecs and the Cakchiquels of Guatemala, and jade 
globes and rock crystals (Brinton, 1883, p. 245) among the Mayas, were used in 
divination. The Navaho medicine men use rock crystal in diagnosing disease by 
star-gazing, the light of the star being reflected in the stone permitting him to see 
the cause of the sickness of the patient like a motion picture (Wyman, 1936, p. 245). 


218558—40——2 


6 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buun, 128 


q. Medicinal use-—Gypsum, ochres, and other minerals were used medicinally. 
Among the Tehuelche, a Patagonian tribe, ‘“‘the new born babe is smeared over 
with damp gypsum” (Musters, 1871, p. 176), doubtless a reasonably good substi- 
tute for talcum. Powdered steatite was similarly used on Washoe and Yakut 
babes. Locally among the Colombian Chibchas the stomach of the desiccated 
corpse of the chief was filled with gold and emeralds before the body was wrapped 
in cotton and placed on a pedestal in a corner of one of their shrines. (Perhaps 
not medical, but interesting.) 

r. Musical instruments.—Like the Chinese, the Venezuelan Indians knew the 
sonorous tones when thin plaques of nephrite are struck (Heger, 1925, pp. 148-155). 
The Pomo Indians of California also recognized the sound-producing qualities 
of minerals for they suspended two blocks of obsidian in the tree above which 
their deer traps were fastened. The struggling deer caused the stones to clash 
together, thus appraising the trapper of his success. 


KNOWN SOURCES OF GEM SUPPLY 


The maps of North and South America (pls. 4, 5) and list of mines 
operated by the Indians (p. 56) show the sources known to the writer 
from which the Indians obtained gems and ornamental stones. The 
list is markedly fragmentary for a number of reasons; principally 
because the mines, quarries, and placer deposits, abandoned for the 
most part centuries ago, have disappeared or become inconspicuous 
and also because much of the product sought by the Indians was of 
little or no value to the white. For the latter reason the list of pre- 
Hispanic quartz mines is doubtless much less complete than are the 
lists, for example, of emerald and turquoise. However, in spite of 
these difficulties, 289 Indian mines are listed. 

Within the writer’s knowledge of the archeology of the various 
areas and, taking into consideration the extensive territory occupied 
by the tribes and the relative mineral wealth thereof, it may be 
stated that the tribes with the widest knowledge of decorative stones 
and gems were the Mayas, the Pueblos, the Aztecs, the Mound Builders 
and the Indians of our southeastern States; a list including most of 
the more advanced peoples who were not only more ingenious than the 
average savage but whose higher civilization demanded a greater 
variety of raw materials. As miners, the Pueblos, Aztecs, Peruvians, 
and the Indians of the southern Appalachians were outstanding 
while the Mayas and Mound Builders depended largely on commerce 
for their supplies of gems. 


THE INDIAN AS GEOLOGIST AND MINERALOGIST 


The Indian, generally using tools of stone, by long experience 
became a fair geologist, knowing the rocks most suited to his needs and 
their characteristics—indeed, probably much better than we do. This 
required a knowledge of texture, hardness, and mineralogic make-up, 
so that he could recognize the same mineral if found in two different 
places. One mineral was good for pipes, a second for arrow points, 


AnTHROP, Pap, No. 13] INDIAN MINING—BALL 7 


and still a third for axes. The Indian’s curiosity regarding minerals 
is shown by the presence in graves of mineral fragments apparently 
not valuable to him economically, such as zine blende and chalcopy- 
rite (Schenck and Dawson, 1929). Incidentally, the Indian mineralo- 
gist knew atacamite, sodalite, brochantite, pectolite, labradorite, 
dumortierite, hewettite, and variscite long before his European 
confrere. 

One reason the Indian so frequently sought material for his arrow- 
heads from stream gravel was that he realized that such material was 
fresh and did not shatter badly, as opposed to weathered material 
from surface outcrops or detrital boulders. Capt. G. F. Lyon (1825, 
p. 69), on his visit to Southampton Island, found both flint and agate 
pebbles on the beach, but the Eskimo use only the former, since 
the latter are prone to split along the banding. To obtain absolutely 
fresh arrow material, whether flint or obsidian, the Indian was at 
times forced to quarry, and, in quarrying, the partially weathered sur- 
face material was rejected. Similarly, the makers of catlinite pipes 
rejected all but a small part of the material quarried, for it had to be 
heat-resistant, of good color, and easily shaped. The Indian realized 
that soapstone absorbs and retains heat and that lamps or cooking 
utensils of it, once heated, gave up their heat slowly, keeping the oil 
fiuid or the game cooking. The California Indians used the softer, 
more micaceous Santa Catalina steatite for pots and the closer-grained 
darker rock for weights of digging sticks, pipes, and ornaments (Schu- 
macher, 1880, pp. 259-264). As the arrow-shaft straighteners were 
first heated, the Indian had to select for this use a mineral or rock 
resisting heat; soapstone and serpentine were common materials. 

The Pomo Indians of California anticipated the modern petrog- 
rapher’s ideas as to quartz by differentiating obsidian into two distinct 
types, bati xaga (‘“‘arrow”’ obsidian), which was especially suitable for 
flaking, and dupa zaga (‘‘to-cut” obsidian), which was harder, broke 
more cleanly, and was consequently, for instance, suitable for razors. 

The first came from Lower Clear Lake, the second from Cole Creek 
(Loeb, 1926, p. 179). 

The luminescence of rock crystal (q. v.) was known to the Pueblo 
Indians and it is not impossible some arrow maker of our own South- 
west many centuries ago was the first to observe this property of 
minerals. 


IDEAS AS TO ORIGIN OF PRECIOUS AND DECORATIVE STONES 


The Indian normally accepted minerals unthinkingly, but in some 
instances an aboriginal philosopher tried to explain their origin. His 
results were reminiscent of those of his Greek prototype: Minerals 
were the direct gift of the Great Spirit (the Sauk and Fox idea regard- 


8 BUREAU OF AMERICAN HTHNOLOGY [Bunn, 128 


ing the galena of the Upper Mississippi Valley) or their origin was 
suggested by some striking physical property. Certain of the Indians 
of the north country saw in rock crystal a form of ice, as did the ancient 
Greeks and as do the modern Afghans; to the Mohawks, however, its 
glistening crystals were the congealed tears of a devoted mother, 
reminding us of a Greek myth as to the origin of amber. Sparks were 
derived from pyrite, therefore to the Point Barrow Eskimo it fell 
from the sky. Laminae of mica to the Delaware were scales of the 
mythical Horned Serpent. Catlinite from its color evidently was 
either stained by buffalo blood or was hardened human flesh. Again 
flint was associated with war and the chase; consequently to the 
Potawotomi, flint pebbles found here and there mark the sites of 
combat between an evil spirit and Nonaboojoo, ‘‘the friend of the 
human race’ (De Smet, 1847; Thwaites, vol. 29, 1904-7, p. 376). 
Similarly, the silicified wood found on the mesas near the Grand 
Canyon, Ariz., was known to the Indians as the arrows of Shin-ar’- 
ump (Powell, 1875, p. 190). The brittleness of obsidian accounts 
for the Pomo Indians’ explanation of the abundant fragments of the 
rock on Mt. Kanaktai, north of San Francisco Bay, Calif.; namely, 
that the obsidian-man, caught in a bush, in freeing himself fell and 
broke into thousands of pieces (Barrett, 1933, vol. 15, pp. 31, 220, 
226, 231). 

In instances the Indian was poetical, as is well exemplified in his 
legend of the origin of the iridescent obsidian which occurs with 
the ordinary obsidian at Glass Butte, Lake County, Oreg. To kill 
off a particularly venomous type of yellow jackets, the Indians 
surrounded the mountain and set fire to the forest. 

After the mountain had burned for several days there came up a shower having 
a beautiful rainbow. The rainbow shone all day on one spot on the south side 
of the Mountain and at evening seemed to enter the ground at this particular 
spot. After the fire they found that some of the mountain had melted and had 
made heaps of glass for their arrow and spear points, but the rainbow had settled 
into one heap and left the beautiful colors there. 

This they called “rainbow” obsidian and used only for sacred and 
religious purposes (Forbes, 1935, pp. 307-309). 

On the west shore of Lake Champlain near the falls, the waves 
throw well-polished flint pebbles upon the shore. The Mohawk 
companions of Fathers Pierron, Fremin, and Bruyas, in 1667, threw 
tobacco into the water offshore, so that the nimble little people living 
under the water would continue to furnish them with abundant 
material for their arrows (Donohoe, 1895, p. 103). 

The medicine men of British Guiana teach that five classes of spirits 
direct the natural world and that each is represented by different 
stones (quartz, jadeite, etc.). Each neophytic medicine man is 
given two stones, representing the spirit and the spirit’s wife, for his 


ANTHROP. Pap. No. 13] INDIAN MINING—BALL 9g 


rattle. Provided the spirit is satisfied to be associated with the 
piaiyen, the stones breed and multiply, increasing the medicine 
man’s powers in proportion as he has more spirits to assign to tasks 
or errands (Gillin, 1936, pp. 158-159). 


THE INDIAN AS PROSPECTOR 


The search for game and the need of roots, berries, and fruit as 
food made the Indian observant as to nature and kept him out of 
doors much of the time. Whether on a hunt or on the warpath, he 
was on the lookout for promising material for his arrows and his 
ornaments. Certain tribes, it will be remembered, were nomads and 
in a year’s time covered a large area. 

The Toltecs are reputed to have been great gem fanciers and Aztec 
tradition ascribes to the former their own knowledge of the art of 
working precious stones. The Toltecs attributed its invention to the 
god Quetzalcoatl (Biart, 1887, p. 325). The Toltecs were also reputed 
to be remarkable prospectors, for Friar Bernardino de Sahagun 
(1829-30, vol. 3, pp. 106-114) states: 

Their knowledge of stones was so great, that, even though these were hidden 
deep in the earth, they discovered them through their natural ingenuity and 
knowledge, and they knew where to find them. Their manner of making such 
discoveries was the following: They would get up very early in the morning and 
go up to an eminence and turn their heads toward the place where the sun had to 
rise; when it rose, they carefully looked in every direction to see in what place any 
precious stone might be hidden; they would especially look for them in places that 
were damp or wet, and particularly at the moment when it was rising: then a 
slight smoke would go up quite high, and there they found tbe precious stones 
under the earth or inside of another stone, whence the smoke would issue. 

In instances, at least, the Indian recognized the value of mineral 
indicators, for on the Coppermine River, northern Canada, the local 
Indians dug for copper in the detrital deposits “‘wherever they observe 
the prehnite lying on the soil, experience having taught them that 
the largest pieces of copper are found associated with it”? (Richardson, 
in Franklin, 1823, pp. 528-530). 

The efficiency of the Indian as a prospector is conclusively shown 
by plates 4 and 5, on which are indicated, though admittedly incom- 
pletely, the sources of the Indian’s supply of gems and decorative 
stones. Note how many of the soapstone localities of the eastern 
States were known to him and how well the mica belt of the Southern 
Appalachians is delimited. Petrographers searching for glassy phases 
of igneous rocks might well be guided by the Indian’s obsidian mines 
while practically all of the known turquoise localities of our own 
Southwest and the emerald deposits of Colombia were worked by 
Indians in prewhite time. As to nephrite and jadeite, the aborigines 
had sources which are still unknown to their white successors. 


10 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLn. 128 


Many mineral occurrences were shown the whites by Indians, and 
Indian or half-breed prospectors have played no mean role in dis- 
covering mineral deposits in the United States and Canada in the 
past five decades. 

MINING METHODS 3 


The Indian’s metal mining technique and his knowledge of smelting 
were inferior to those of the Greeks and Romans and probably those 
of the Carthaginians. As a gem miner, however, he was about as 
skillful as the Egyptian and Asiatic peoples, the great gem miners of 
the Eastern Hemisphere in classical times. To us his knowledge 
necessarily seems crude, but in fairness to the Indian it should be 
compared with the European knowledge of the early sixteenth century, 
a comparison considerably less disadvantageous to the Indian. 

We are dealing with a mining industry in its infancy, and in con- 
sequence the major portion of the Indian’s mineral products came from 
river gravel, although marine beaches, glacial moraines, and weathered 
outcrops furnished a second part and hard rock mining still a third. 
Predominantly, the Indian was a placer miner. George Catlin told 
G. E. Sellers (1886, p. 874) that the Indians considered chalcedony, 
jasper, and agate most easily chipped into arrowheads and the 
principal sources of their supply were ‘‘the coarse gravel bars of the 
rivers where large pebbles are found.” It is not unusual for one side 
of an artifact to be a segment of a pebble; for example, the jadeite 
of the Aztecs and Mayas. 

Alluvial mining for gems and ornamental stones presumably con- 
sisted largely of visual inspection and hand sorting. The rudiments 
of gravity concentration in gold placer mining appears to have been 
known to certain of the Indians of both North and South America 
(pl. 1) but it could rarely have had application in procuring gems and 
decorative stones. On one of the Aleutian Islands, however, amber 
occurs in a steep bank of friable material. ‘The natives spread a 
walrus-skin between two boats at the foot of the bank and dislodge 
the earth, which falls upon the skin and from this debris much amber 
is obtained’ (Dall, 1870, p. 476). 

It is by no means impossible that silicosis existed among the Indians, 
for the Yana arrowhead makers of northern California dreaded to 
breathe obsidian chips. They believed these caused many diseases 
and it was a function of the medicine man to “‘suck’’ out such frag- 
ments (Pope, 1918, p. 117). 

Mineral deposits, being rare and unusual phenomena essential to 
the natives’ well-being, appealed to the religious mysticism of the 
savage. Spirits guarded them and because of the savages’ animalistic 
religious viewpoint, these spirits were often fearsome and might be 


3 Holmes, W. H. Handbook of aboriginal American antiquities. Pt. 1. Introductory. The lithic 
industries. Bur. Amer. Ethnol. Bull. 60. 1919. 


ANTHROP, Pap, No. 13] INDIAN MINING—BALL ll 


assisted by birds of prey or hideous snakes. On the Red River near 
Lake Winnipeg, Verendrye, writing in 1729, tells us (1927, p. 46) 
there was “a small mountain, the stones of which sparkle night and 
day. The savages call it the ‘Dwelling of the Spirit’: no one ventures 
to go near it.’”’ Similarly, the salt springs of Syracuse, N. Y., through 
fear of their spirit, were not used by the Indian (for a western instance, 
see Irving, 1888, p. 74). Again, as the deposits were the property 
of the spirits, compensation must be made for minerals extracted,— 
a votive offering, perhaps of a little tobacco or a bracelet. The Indian 
was unwilling to discover his mines to the whites lest the spirits 
punish him and the Navaho Indians even invented terrifying tales to 
keep the whites from their garnet mines. Pedro Pizarro (1921, vol. 
2, pp. 393-394) tells us that the “wizards” tried to keep the Indians 
from showing Lucas Martinez the mine of the Sun, an admonition 
successfully backed up by an eclipse of the sun followed by an earth- 
quake. Wabishkeepenas, who in 1820 attempted to show Governor 
Cass and H. R. Schoolcraft the large mass of native copper near the 
mouth of the Ontanagon River, was kept by the spirits from finding 
it. So incensed were the tribesmen at him that he was cast out of 
the tribe and almost starved to death (McKenney and Hall, 1933, 
vol. 1, p. 349). We may surmise, however, that some Indians sensed 
that with the discovery of mines, whites would appear, with conse- 
quent unsettlement of the Indian system of economics. 

Due to such beliefs, certain of the Indian miners, at least, and per- 
haps all, performed religious ceremonies to propitiate the spirits or 
gods before beginning mining. This was true of the aboriginal emerald 
miners of Colombia, of the Plains Indians in mining catlinite, of the 
California Indians in quarrying magnesite, and of the Eskimo in 
mining soapstone and jade. Sugar Hill, a California obsidian locality, 
was sacred ground, whose spirit the Pit River Indians feared to offend. 
The Oregon obsidian arrow makers abstained from water while making 
arrows; if a blade broke, in the making, the spirits were against the 
maker and the broken pieces were thrown away never to be touched 
again; if a maker showed anger, his punishment would be twice as 
severe; in consequence, he sang a hymn of praise to the spirits when 
he started to make another point (Forbes, 1935, pp. 307-309). Peter 
Martyr tells us that among the Indians of Veragua, Panama, gold was 
sacred and mining was preceded by fasting and penance. The Indians 
of Colombia only mined what placer gold they needed and any surplus 
was returned to the stream; if they took more than their need the 
“river-god would not lend them any more’”’ (Sumner, 1907, p. 142). 
The Pueblos while gathering salt at Salt Lake, near Estancia, N. Mex., 
were required to be quiet, silent, and serious. ‘‘If they speak or laugh 
or make fun they will stand just where they are and die’ (Benedict, 
1931, p. 7). The Hopi, for 4 days prior to starting out for the Colorado 


2 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bunn 128 


River to obtain rock salt, observed a taboo on sex relationship. The 
Pueblos of Isleta (Parsons, 1932, pp. 320-321) get their red paint from 
the Manzano Mountains to the east of their pueblo. Proper religious 
ceremonies soften the hard rock so that it can be scraped out with 
one’s fingers. One must not take more than he needs or it will return 
to its pristine hardness. In the West Indies religious ceremonies 
preceded placer mining and the miner for 20 days before starting on his 
expedition observed strict continence or else he got no gold (Joyce, 
1916, pp. 67, 243-245). The Caribs of British Guiana get their best 
clay for pottery from a small hill near the mouth of the Cuyuni and 
long journeys are made to it. All mining is confined to the first night 
of the full moon and by break of day the natives are on their way 
homeward with a big supply. Pots made from clay obtained at any 
other time break and transmit disease to those who use them (Schom- 
burgk, 1922, vol. 1, p. 203). 

Many of the aborigines had, however, passed beyond the first stages 
of mineral exploitation, that of hand sorting the valuable component 
from stream gravels, morainal material, and outcrops, and actually 
attacked the ores and precious stones in place either by open cuts or 
by underground workings. The Indian, indeed, did much quarrying, 
the open cuts, particularly of turquoise and obsidian, being extensive. 

Before searching for gold in vein outcrops, the Panama Indians 
first burnt the grass, thus laying bare the rock. 

The Indian hard-rock miner used in primitive form most of the 
elements of modern mining. He had as mining tools stone hammers 
and sledges, deer- or caribou-horn picks and wood (one end often being 
hardened by being charred), horn, stone, and copper gads. Knowledge 
of breaking rock by building a fire against it and then throwing water 
upon it appears to have been widely spread (Lake Superior, southwest 
Wisconsin, North Carolina, and other southern mica mines, Pennsyl- 
vania jasper mines, Arkansas novaculite mines, the New Mexican and 
adjacent turquoise mines (pl. 2), Mexico lode mines, ete.). This great 
invention was a logical one as many Indians must have noted that the 
boulders, upon which they built their fires were fractured when, for 
safety, the embers were quenched with water. Most of the workings 
are pits or open cuts with their greatest dimension following the strike 
of the deposit. From them certain gem-bearing beds were stoped 
(Tylor, 1861). From such open cuts also, in instances, winzes extended, 
there being aboriginal workings in the Los Cerrillos turquoise mine to 
points 100 feet below the present surface. Short tunnels occur in the 
North Carolina mica mines and in the Mineral Park, Ariz., and San 
Bernardino County, Calif., turquoise mines. In the aboriginal salt 
mine, 3 miles south of St. Thomas, Nev., certain galleries are reported 
to be 300 feet or more long (Harrington, 1930). In the placer mines 
of the Chuchiabo district, province of Callao, Peru, Pedro Sancho, 


ANTHROP. Pap, No. 13] INDIAN MINING—BALL 13 


Pizarro’s secretary, states that some of the galleries were 40 brazas 
(about 240 feet) long (Means, 1917, pp. 163-165). In the ancient 
salt mine at Camp Verde, Ariz. (Morris, 1929, pp. 81-97) 4 or 5 differ- 
ent levels exist, each following a highly saline horizon. Two of 
these, 8 to 12 feet apart, are connected by a winze. 

To carry out the product, hide and birchbark bags (Lake Superior 
copper mines and paint mines of Havasupai, Ariz.) were used and, in 
the Lake Superior open cuts, paddlelike wooden shovels for mucking 
have been found. In those mines, drainage was by ditching, supple- 
mented by cedar troughs, and wooden bowls were apparently used to 
scoop out the water. The Havasupai of the Grand Canyon region, 
Arizona, obtain their red paint from a mine on Diamond Creek and to 
reach the portal on a cliff face they use ladders. A ‘‘chicken” ladder, 
a tree with its branches lopped off, was found in the old Lake Superior 
copper mines and another in Mammoth Cave. In the former district, 
too, rock pillars were left at one point and at a second the hanging 
wall was supported by huge granite boulders. There, also, great 
masses of native copper were raised by the use of levers and wooden 
props. 

Certain features of lead mining by the Sauk and Foxes of the 
southwest Wisconsin lead district over 100 years ago are of interest 
although Indian methods may have been improved through inter- 
course with the whites (Meeker, 1872, pp. 271-296; History of Jo 
Daviess County, Ill., 1878, p. 836). There were then some 500 miners, 
largely women and old men for here, as opposed to most Indian min- 
ing, the able-bodied men were loath to mine. Some of the pits were 
45 feet deep, the bottom being reached by a ramp. Ore and waste 
were removed by a mocock (a basket of birchbark or buckskin) which 
was dragged out by a rawhide rope. Rock was broken by the fire 
method. Drifts were run some distance into the side hills. The 
mining tools were originally buckhorns, but later European iron tools 
were introduced. 

Normally, as little waste rock as possible was broken but, to get at 
plates of native copper in the Lake Superior region, the gangue on 
either side was, in places, removed and, in other open cuts, flint 
nodules were mined by undercutting. In turquoise mining in the 
Southwest, as the gem occurs as thin veinlets or small nodules, the ore 
was removed in blocks which were then carefully broken into small 
pieces to extract the gem. The ratio of waste to product was large. 
In mining gypsum in Mammoth Cave a circular area was cleared on 
the cave floor and the valuable gypsum sorted from the limestone 
waste (Pond, 1937, p. 178). 

Most of the pits were sufficiently lighted by daylight but in Wyan- 
dotte Cave, Ind., mining was carried on over a mile from the cavern 
entrance. Flaming torches lighted the miners’ work, as they did in 


14 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLy, 128 


the Camp Verde, Ariz., salt mine and the selenite deposit at Gypsum 
Cave, Nev. 

On the Huallaga River, in eastern Peru, rock salt occurs in beds at 
the river’s edge and the Indians make long canoe trips to obtain it. 
The overburden is first stripped and then trickles of water are led 
over the salt, which gradually dissolve their way to bed rock and the 
blocks are broken up into fragments of convenient size to carry away 
(Dyott, 1923, p. 130; Kerbey, 1906, p. 185). 

That aboriginal mining had its major disasters is proven by the 
Pueblos’ tales of miners, who were robbing pillars, being entombed 
in the New Mexican turquoise mines. The disaster is always brought 
on by an irreligious act either, according to variants of the tale, be- 
cause of mining proscribed pillars or because a miner gave turquoise to 
his sweetheart, against which gift there was a taboo (Benedict, 1931, 
pp. 196-197, 236, 254). Alonzo W. Pond (1937) tells a dramatic 
story of an Indian gypsum miner trapped in Mammoth Cave. At 
Chuquicamata, Chile, in the pre-Hispanic pits, the mummified body 
of a woman was found, her head crushed by a fall of rock. 

From the modern point of view, most of the open pits were small 
but, at Flint Ridge, Ohio; Magnet Cove, Ark.; Los Cerrillos, N. Mex., 
and Hidalgo, Mexico, the material removed must be measured in 
hundreds of thousands of tons. In the quartzite quarry, 125 miles 
north of Cheyenne, Wyo., Wilbur C. Knight (1898) estimates the 
tonnage of rock moved ‘“‘by hundreds of thousands if not by millions 
of tons.’’ The great majority of the mines listed (p. 56) were small- 
tonnage operations and most of them, at least, supplied the needs of a 
small number of primitive people. But also in Europe and Asia four 
centuries ago most of the mines were small operations. 

“High grading” was feared at least in the Peruvian communal min- 
ing, for at the Chuchiabo gold placers, Pedro Sancho (Pizarro, 1917, 
165) states “they [the caciques—S. H. B.] have taken such precau- 
tions in the matter that in nowise can any of what is taken out be 
stolen, because they have placed guards around the mines so that none 
of those who take out the gold can get away without being seen.” 


THE INDIAN’S KNOWLEDGE OF COMMERCIAL CHEMISTRY 


The Indian knew something of chemistry; he burned limonite to 
produce red ochre for paint, gypsum was dehydrated to produce 
whitening, salt was obtained by evaporating sea water or saline spring 
water, and the Peruvian Indians smelted simple ores. The Kamia 
leached the salt-impregnated earth of Salton Sink and crystallized 
the salt out by boiling (Gifford, 1931, p. 4); this was done also by 
Indians of eastern Peru (Smyth and Lowe, 1836, p. 145), and by the 
Chibchas (Thompson, 1936, p. 120). A Potawatomi chief stated 
that their tribe had first noted elks drinking at salt licks: the Indians 


ANTHROP. Pap. No. 13] INDIAN MINING—BALL 15 


then tasted the water and, liking the flavor, boiled their meat and 
vegetables in it; finding this palatable “‘they boiled down the water in 
the manner that they had done the sap [1. e., hard maple sap—S. H. B.] 
and thus obtained salt” (Keating, 1824, p. 118). 

The Tapuyas, of Brazil, made saltpeter by leaching earth contain- 
ing it and then boiling the solution until the salt crystallized out 
(Warden, 1832, vol. 5, p. 209). Alunogen was used by the Navahos 
as a mordant. 


THE EFFECT OF INDIAN MINING ON THE COMMERCIAL CONQUEST 
OF AMERICA 


The hoarded mineral wealth of the Indians and the mines from 
which it had been obtained hastened to a remarkable degree the 
development of mining in America. Many of the earliest Spanish 
metal mines in Mexico and Peru were but further development of 
aboriginal mines. The natives’ knowledge of the occurrence of gold, 
silver, emerald, and turquoise expedited mining development by 
many decades. Further, the primitive system of roads, the Indian 
trails, were followed by the white man in his exploration and conquest 
of the country. 

INDIAN MINING LAWS 


Usually the mine belonged loosely to the tribe in whose territory 
it occurred but in most cases working parties from other tribes could 
take what was necessary for their own needs. The mineral mined 
north of the Rio Grande, at least, was the personal property of the 
miner and he could use it or trade it as he saw fit (Gilmore, 1929, pp. 
99-100; Weyer, 1932, pp. 174-176). In some instances, a valuable 
deposit for a time was sacred ground, open to all comers; for example, 
the Minnesota catlinite deposits (see p. 48), the Wisconsin catlinite 
deposits, and the blue clay of Blue Earth River, Minn., and probably 
the Obsidian Cliff obsidian (Alter, 1925, p. 381). Among the Pomo 
Indians of north-central California, the magnesite deposits and the 
obsidian quarries were operated, after proper votive offerings, by all 
the Indians of the region. Should hostile villages meet by chance at 
such places, their quarrels were forgotten; naturally, however, each 
had its own encampment and each party went about his business 
separately (Loeb, 1926, p. 194). Flint Ridge, Ohio, also is stated to 
have been neutral ground (Wilcox, 1934, p. 174). Neutral ground 
was not confined to mining for it is said that among the Araucanian 
Indians of Chile warfare ceased during the pifion nut season (Latcham, 
Jr., 1909, p. 341). 

Such common use of mineral resources among the Indians probably 
originated through fear of angering the spirits of the mines. In cer- 
tain instances, however, tribal rivalry existed as to the ownership of 
mineral deposits, and the Modak and Pit River Indians fought for 


16 BUREAU OF AMERICAN BHTHNOLOGY [ Bub. 128 


the possession of the rich obsidian deposits west of Glass Mountain, 
Calif. Even monopolies existed in rare instances; for example, an 
old Natchez Indian alone made black marble pipes, nor did he permit 
his fellow tribesman to know the source of his raw product. For a 
common pipe he demanded “‘half the price of a blanket’’ (Schoolcraft, 
1851-57, vol. 5, p. 692). 

Gold, silver, and precious stones found in the Incan Empire were 
delivered as tribute to the Inca and he and his family wore them and 
also those nobles and captains he delighted to honor; they were used 
also in adorning the temples. ‘‘They were merely valued for their 
beauty and splendor’ and were only mined when the Indians had no 
other work to do as ‘‘these were not things necessary for their exis- 
tence.” ‘Yet as they [the Indians] saw that these metals were used 
to adorn the palaces and temples (places which they valued so highly) 
they employed their spare time in seeking for gold, silver, and precious 
stones to present to the Ynea and to the Sun who were their Gods.” 
(Garcilaso, 1871, vol. 2, pp. 21-22.) The Incan government, appar- 
ently with parental care, did not permit mining to be so extensively 
carried on by any individual as to injure his health. 


TRADE 


Due to less perfected methods of transport than our own, the stones 
used by the Indians were more likely to be of local origin than they 
are with us. In consequence, the source of precious stones was likely 
to be near its user’s home—an aid in tracing its provenience but one 
to be used cautiously. Each tribe used the best stone his bailiwick 
afforded for the purpose required. A suitable mineral was much used 
by the tribe living where it occurred and from such centers gradually 
became less common until it disappeared where the limit of the local 
barter was reached. Conversely, if a region supplied no superlatively 
good material, for arrowheads, for example, the stones used might 
be of diverse origins. As the Indian liked variety and particularly 
brightly colored stones he was willing to barter articles of value for 
such as attracted his fancy. Much material from a distance was, 
however, used and, indeed, the Indians of the Argentine coast were 
wholly dependent on imports. In the first place, some of the tribes 
were nomadic and in tribal wanderings side trips were doubtless made 
to localities yielding desirable minerals. It is known that in 1680, a 
war party of Iroquois braves attacked tribes west of the Mississippi, 
distant from their New York home some 1,000 miles, and that other 
Iroquois war parties attacked the natives of South Carolina and of 
Lake Superior (Morgan, 1901, vol. 1, pp. 12-13). In some instances 
periodical trips were made for the particular purpose of procuring the 
desired material; we may cite the excursions to the pipestone quarry 
in Minnesota and the long wanderings of Eskimo after soapstone and 


AntTHROP. Pap. No. 13] INDIAN MINING—BALL 17 


other mineral substances. Roderick Macfarlane says the Eskimo “‘in 
singing and shouting boatloads” journeyed 400 miles to get flint from 
the quarries at Fort Good Hope (Stefansson, 1922, p. 12; 1914, pp. 
17-18). Again, by barter from tribe to tribe, some mineral substances 
almost traversed the continent until they found owners who treasured 
them too dearly to part with them. In the eighteenth century, In- 
dians of the Northwest, even as far north as Montana, by intertribal 
barter possessed Spanish goods from New Mexico. Minnesota catli- 
nite was carried as far as New York and Georgia; the Mound Builders 
had obsidian in quantity, probably obtaining it from the Yellowstone 
National Park (1,500 miles), mica and soapstone from the Appalachian 
Mountains (250 miles), and copper from Lake Superior (600 miles). 
New Mexican turquoise reached Mexico City and the Mayan cities, 
and Colombian emerald was so common in Peru that for at least two 
centuries after the Conquest it was known as Peruvian emerald. 
Certain tribes, for example, the Nez Percés, were outstanding as 
traders and over 100 years ago the Chippewas told William Cameron 
that they sometimes went as far as Virginia to barter Lake Superior 
copper for the products of the Atlantic coast (Fowke, 1888-89, 
pp. 402-403). 

The Aztecs in particular, and the Mayas and Caribs to perhaps an 
almost equal extent, had a merchant class who journeyed far beyond 
the limits of their own countries. Colonel Church believes the Caribs 
traded along the seacoast of northwestern South America and the 
West Indies and probably in the entire Gulf of Mexico, including 
Florida (Church, 1912, p. 46). But the most interesting example of 
trade was the possession by the pre-Colombian Caribs, of the tiny 
island of Montserrat in the West Indies, of ornaments of amethyst, 
carnelian, jadeite, turquoise, rock crystal, chalcedony, lapis lazuli, 
nephrite, and cannel coal (Hodge, 1922, pp. 65, 75; Harrington, 
1924, pp. 184-189). These semiprecious stones are all foreign to the 
island and strongly suggest that for their raw material the local Carib 
lapidaries were able to draw upon a number of different South Amer- 
ican localities, certain of which must have been 2,000 miles away. 
Charlevoix, indeed, states that the Haitians have a legend that the 
green stones with which they hollowed out their canoes came from 
off the island and he specifies from the upper Amazon (Schomburgk, 
1922, vol. 1, p. 264). C. F. P. von Martius also reports that West 
Indian Caribs spoke of their green stone amulets as “polished from 
the far-off continent”? (Von Martius, 1867, vol. 1, pp. 731-732). 
[My attention was called to this reference by Miss Gladys C. Ran- 
dolph.] The “trade trail’ of nephrite along the Lesser Antilles 
to Cuba certainly suggests the South American origin of that 
stone. The materials reached the skillful Montserrat Island lapi- 
daries unworked. Since many rocks and some minerals possess char- 


18 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bun 128 


acteristics which indicate their source, it is suggested that petro- 
sraphic examination of artifacts might throw much light on early 
American trade routes. 

C. C. Jones (1859, p. 19) says that traditions then existed that arrow 
makers from the Georgia mountains in olden times left for the sea 
to trade their wares with the coastal peoples. Their avocation was 
honorable, they took no part in war, and were permitted to go wherever 
they pleased, being received everywhere hospitably. When, in 1584, 
Capt. Arthur Barlow and Capt. Philip Amados traded with the North 
Carolina coastal natives, they found the chiefs had precedence in the 
bartering and if they were present the commoner sort did not trade. 
When corn was ripe the Sioux arrived at the Hidatsa villages to trade 
and from ‘‘the time they came in sight of the village, to the time they 
disappeared there was a truce. When they had passed beyond the 
bluffs, they might steal an unguarded pony or lift a scalp and were in 
turn liable to be attacked’ (Matthews, 1877, p. 27). In South 
America also, traders were permitted to traverse the country of their 
enemies in part because they carried with them the latest news 
(Im Thurn, 1883, p. 271). 

Cabeza de Vaca could never have made his marvelous transconti- 
nental trip had he not received fair treatment due to the commodities 
which he gathered and exchanged en route. 

The wealth and variety of precious stones in the hands of the Aztecs 
was due in part from A. D. 1406 onward, according to Sahagun (1880, 
p. 547), to the Aztec traders who covered not only their own country 
but also penetrated the country of the surrounding tribes, traveling 
in the beginning of the sixteenth century as far south as Guatemala. 
As they had no beasts of burden, they packed their wares on their 
own backs, and it can be safely assumed that the cargoes they brought 
back with such difficulty to Mexico City were considered very pre- 
cious. Owing to their familiarity with foreign tongues, these traders 
also served as imperial spies and frequently as the entering wedge of 
conquest. 

As to when trade originated, we have no data but it presumably 
began soon after the Indians had stone artifacts. We can state, 
however, that it was well developed both in North and South America 
not long after the time of Christ (Coplico-Zacatenco culture, Mexico, 
the early Mayan Empire, Late Basket Makers, etc.). 

In Mexico City, the Spaniards were surprised to find in the market 
a quarter given over to the goldsmiths who sold goldware and gem-set 
jewelry equal to or surpassing the handicraft of their Spanish con- 
temporaries. Markets or fairs seem to have been held in many of 
the villages on set days which were attended not only by the people 
of the adjoining territory but by traveling merchants from afar. 
Bernal Diaz was greatly astonished “‘to see the vast number of people, 


ANTHROP. Pap. No. 13] INDIAN MINING—BALL 19 


the profusion of merchandise exposed for sale, and the admirable 
police system and the order that everywhere existed.’’ Special 
magistrates held court and settled disputes on the spot; official weight- 
and-measure inspectors were present and falsification was severely 
punished (Joyce, 1914, p. 129-30). 

The Mayas, particularly after they moved into Yucatan, inhabited 
a country without precious stones. However, they kept in commer- 
cial contact with their old home, the mountainous part of Central 
America, from which they got opals, presumably jadeite and probably 
other gem stones, but they doubtless obtained the majority of their 
stones by bartering with the Nahua peoples of Mexico. Indeed, in 
discussing the various articles used by the Mayas as currency, Cogol- 
ludo (1688, lib. 4., ch. 5) includes “certain precious stones and disks 
of copper brought from New Spain which they exchanged for other 
things.”” Spinden and Mason (Mason, 1926, p. 439) are convinced 
that they had emeralds from Colombia, although the writer has never 
seen an emerald in Maya jewelry. The Maya merchants, like the 
Aztec, traveled far and wide. Their gods were Xamen Ek, god of 
the North Star, and Ek-chuah, god of commerce, and to the latter 
when on the road they prayed nightly for safe return home. Much 
of their trade, like that of the Caribs, was doubtless by water as their 
canoes, manned by from 25 to 30 paddlers, made relatively long 
voyages. Columbus on his fourth voyage, in 1502, sighted such a 
trading canoe in the Caribbean off Bonacca Island. 

For centuries, the Alaskan natives and those of northeastern Siberia 
have been in commercial contact. American soapstone, pectolite, 
and nephrite were traded with the Siberian natives (Kotzebue, 1821, 
vol. 3, p. 296). Alaskan nephrite is found in the ruins on St. Lawrence 
Island. On the other hand, Asian turquoise and amber (Weyer, Jr., 
1929, p. 234) have been found in Aleutian graves. 


GEMS MINED BY AMERICAN INDIANS 
DIAMOND 


Richard F. Burton (1869, vol. 2, p. 107) states that diamonds in 
Minas Geraes, Brazil, were ‘used it is said by the Indians as play- 
things for their children.”” While not susceptible of proof, the state- 
ment is not improbable because when the Portuguese first visited 
Brazil, the fact that the natives mined the associated alluvial gold was 
evidenced by their possession of gold fishhooks. From time to time 
an Indian hunter or miner must have been attracted by a diamond in 
a stream and picked it up, just as the Brazilian gold miners had done, 
prior to the recognition of the stones as diamonds in 1720. We may 
add that the fine diamond, ‘‘The Star of South Africa,” was bought 
from an unsuspecting Negro sheepherder and that the Kashmir 


20 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLn, 128 


sapphires were used locally as gun flints—and they made good ones, 
too—before their true nature was known. It is probable that the 
Indians knew of at least some of the precious stones of Minas Geraes 
before the white man arrived, for Master Antonie Knivet, who was 
with Thomas Cavendish on his second voyage in 1591, says that at a 
village inland from Rio, the Tamoyes found ‘‘stones as green as grasse, 
and great store of white glistering stones like Christall, but many of 
them were blew and greene, red and white, wonderfull faire to beholde”’ 
(Purchas, 1905-6, vol. 16, p. 220). Still earlier, in 1572, due to in- 
formation received from Indians, the Governor of Bahia sent Se- 
bastian-Fernandez Tourinho on a long exploratory trip. In the 
hinterland, he found different colored precious stones and the Indians 
told him of the existence of other varieties (Warden, 1832, vol. 5, 
PDA rah). 

Travelers in British Guiana repeat a story, doubtless a myth, that 
some of the native manioc graters have inset in them small diamonds 
rather than quartz crystals (MacCreagh, 1926, pp. 276-279). 


CORUNDUM (RUBY AND SAPPHIRE) 


J. H. Howard (1936, p. 78) states that “Mr. Burnham S. Colburn, 
of Bellmore Forest, N. C., has in his gem collection a ruby bead 
found in a Cherokee Indian grave in western North Carolina.” He 
apparently believes it to be of Indian workmanship and it may be 
noted that rubies occur in that part of the State. 

At the Track Rock corundum mine, Union County, Ga., so named 
from an Indian pictograph nearby, blue and red detrital corundum 
is common. As the Indians spent considerable time in the vicinity, 
it is conceivable that they collected some of the brightly colored 
corundum (King, 1894, p. 133). 


EMERALD 


Emerald was used ornamentally by the Indians of Colombia, 
Venezuela, Ecuador, Bolivia, Peru, Brazil, and Panama (pl. 4). 
Among the Peruvian Indians under the Incas, the emerald (called 
Umina) was the king of gems, even the turquoise being “not so much 
esteemed by the Indians” (Garcilaso, 1688, pt. 1, p. 341). 

The Colombian emerald mines had been worked by Indians an 
unknown but long time before the Spaniards conquered the country, 
the Chibchas working the Chivor-Somondoco mines, and the Muzos 
the Muzo and Coscuez mines. (Pogue, 1917, pp. 910-84; Pamphlet 
of Columbia Emerald Syndicate, 1921; Bauer, 1904; Olden, 1912, pp. 
193-209; Benzoni, 1857, pp. 109-12; etc.) The Chibchas, being 
great traders, also distributed the emeralds mined by the less civil- 
ized Muzos (Veatch, 1917, p. 249). They bartered part of the 


AnTHrop. Pap, No. 13] INDIAN MINING—BALL 21 


emeralds with the tribes on the Magdalena below Neiva for gold 
(Joyce, 1912, p. 23). The Chibchas held fairs at which emeralds 
were featured, particularly that of Turmequé held every third day 
(Bollaert, 1860, p. 20). 

So relentlessly did the conquistadores plunder the peoples of Ecua- 
dor and Peru that the large exports to Europe temporarily broke 
down the price structure of the emerald market. The fleet in which 
Father Joseph de Acosta returned to Europe (A. D. 1587) carried 
over 200 pounds of emeralds (Acosta, 1880, p. 226). 

According to Joyce (1912, p. 42) emerald mining was inaugurated 
by religious ceremonies and was done in the rainy season, probably 
to take advantage of abundant water. Only the local Chibchas were 
permitted to dig at Somondoco and if a Chibcha permitted an out- 
sider to do so, the former would die within a moon. J. Eric Thomp- 
son (1936, p. 120) states that the miners indulged in herbs causing 
them to see visions in which pay lodes would be revealed. The 
earth, excavated with pointed stakes, was washed in ponds, fed by 
deep-dug water ditches. W. H. Holmes (1919, p. 135) adds that 
the Colombian Indians also worked the solid-vein matter. 

At the time of the arrival of the Spanish, emeralds in quantity 
were in the hands of the natives of northwestern South America and 
a few in those of Panama. The large number of emeralds in the 
hands of the Indians in the sixteenth century and their occurrence in 
old Indian graves in Peru and Colombia, support the thesis of a 
considerable age for the mines, as does the size of the pre-Hispanic 
workings at Somondoco. The Spanish chroniclers state that the 
keepers of the quipus said that Chimo Capac, a great chief of the 
Chimu period (perhaps 100 B. C——A. D. 600) received emeralds 
among other tribute (Means, 1931, p. 64). William Bollaert (1861, 
p. 84), reports that the ruler or Scyris of the Caras, who conquered 
Quito about A. D. 1000, wore a large emerald, the hereditary emblem 
of his sovereignty. Further, Montesinos, a priest resident in America 
from 1628-42 (Montesinos, 1920, p. 94), states that emeralds were 
among the spoils of the Inca, Sinchi Roca, when he entered Cuzco 
in triumph after defeating the Chancas Indians (about A. D. 1100). 
It is stated that after Huayna-Capac conquered the Scyris he added 
to the borla, the insignia of Incan royalty, the emerald of the Scyris 
(Myers, 1871, p. 229). The mines are at least a thousand years old. 

Recently S. K. Lothrop in his excavations at Coclé, Panama (1937, 
p. 186) found three emeralds; one, a pear-shaped double cabochon, 
was 1% inches long and about 1 inch thick (189 carats), while a 
second weighed 112 carats. This is most interesting proof that the 
natives of Panama knew of the existence of emerald to the south as 
recorded by Francisco Lopez de Gomara (1749): “Some say that 

218558403 


22 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bute 128 


Balboa received an account of how that land of Peru contained gold 
and emeralds.” 

Many archeologists believe that the Mayas and Aztecs possessed 
emeralds, but to the writer’s knowledge no emerald artifact has ever 
been found in any of the Mayan or Mexican ruins. I feel that the 
“emeralds” mentioned by the followers of Cortes were fine jades. 
Now, however, that S. K. Lothrop has found emeralds at Coclé, in 
Panama, a city which had trade relations not only with South America 
but with the cities to the north, the possession of emeralds by these 
people becomes less unlikely. Molina (1571) gives as the Aztec 
name of emerald quetzdlitztl (the stone of the brilliantly colored bird, 
the quetzél, Pharomachrus mocinno), an identification accepted by 
Pogue (1915, p. 109) and others (Squier, 1870, p. 246). I am 
inclined to believe, however, from Molina’s description that this may 
well have been but a finely colored translucent jade. 

While the South America lapidaries in some cases polished the stones 
into cabochon forms, they normally, like the Roman lapidaries, merely 
pierced the natural crystals so that they could be strung for necklaces 
or pendants. Emeralds in some instances were mounted by the 
Ecuadorian goldsmiths in gold jewelry. 


BERYL 


Beryl was not infrequently used by the Aztecs and it is one of the 
minerals mentioned in the Aztec Book of Tribute (Pefiafiel, 1890, p. 79) 
as coming from the present State of Veracruz. It seems reasonable 
that some local Mexican source was known. It was used also by the . 
Panamanians, Peruvians, and Brazilian Indians. At the Charleston 
Exposition in 1901, a crystal of golden beryl from an Indian mound, 
near Tessentee Creek, Macon County, N. C., was exhibited. It was 
1% inches in diameter and 2), inches long. Dr. G. F. Kunz stresses 
the fact that the Littlefield mine nearby produces fine aquamarines 
(1907, p. 45). D. B. Sterrett (1907, p. 799) reports that two beryl 
crystals were obtained from an Indian squaw at Lewiston, Idaho. 


TOURMALINE 


When the Mesa Grande, San Diego County, Calif., tourmaline 
deposits were found in 1898, it was reported that the Indians had long 
known of the deposit, a rumor substantiated by the occurrence of 
colored tourmaline crystals in Indian graves in the vicinity (Kunz, 
1905, p. 23). The rediscovery of several deposits in the district was 
due to the Indians (Kunz, 1905, pp. 55, 56). 


TURQUOISE * 


Green and blue stones were especially valued by the Pueblos. (See 
p. 3.) They highly prized turquoise as an ornament, as a votive 
«For further data on turquoise, see Pogue, Joseph E. (1915). 


AnTHROP. Par. No. 13] INDIAN MINING—BALL 23 


offering, and as a fetish; they decorated, in some instances, the lintels 
of their doors with it and used it as a measure of wealth and a means 
of investment. It may be added that the Navaho, to assist him in 
gambling, must needs have a fine piece of turquoise since Noholipi, 
the Gambling God in the Navaho origin legend, owed his remarkable 
winnings to a turquoise lucky piece (James, 1903, p. 150). Fray 
Geronimo de Zarate Salmerén (in New Mexico, 1618-26) says “‘to 
them it [turquoise] is as diamonds and precious stones” (Ayers, 1916, 
p. 217). In more recent times a string of turquoise fragments suffi- 
cient for an earring might well be worth the price of a pony (Blake, 
1858, pp. 227-232). While Prof. J. S. Newberry (1876, p. 41) states 
that it was ‘“‘so highly prized that a fragment of fine quality no larger 
than the nail of one’s little finger and one-eighth of an inch in thick- 
ness was regarded as worth a mule or a good horse.’”’ He states that 
the Indians “discriminated accurately between the different shades of 
color’ and were ‘‘not to be deceived by any base imitation.’”’ The 
value of turquoise beads was judged by the delicacy and purity of 
their blue color (Eleventh Census, 1890, vol. 50, p. 186). 

The Pueblo Indians worked turquoise mines in our own Southwest 
at a number of places long before the Spanish arrived. Turquoise 
does not occur in ruins previous to those of the late Basket Makers 
and hence we can date the beginning of turquoise mining in the 
Southwest to about the fifth century (Roberts, 1929, p. 142). These 
people also apparently inaugurated the fascinating mosaic work of the 
Pueblo Indians. That the industry was an important one long before 
the discovery of America is shown by the many thousands of tur- 
quoise beads and pendants (30,000 in one room and 5,889 beads in a 
single burial) found at Pueblo Bonito, Chaco Canyon, N. Mex., 
dating from about A. D. 900 to 1100 (Pepper, 1909; Judd, 1925). It 
has furnished more turquoise ornaments than any other American ruin. 
George H. Pepper (1905, pp. 183-197) describes a turquoise pendant 
from Pueblo Bonito 3.4 centimeters (11% inches) long and 2 centi- 
meters (7%99 inch) broad at top and 2.5 centimeters (1 inch) at the 
bottom. A single mosaic cylinder 6 inches long and 3 inches in diam- 
eter was set with 1,214 pieces of turquoise. One can well agree 
(Pepper, 1920, p. 377) that the nearby Los Cerrillos mines must have 
been diligently worked by these people 1,000 years ago. John F. 
Blandy reported that in one grave near Prescott, Ariz., half a peck of 
turquoises worth $2,000 was recovered (Kunz, 1896, p. 910). Arti- 
facts, indeed, suggest that over a thousand years ago the Pueblo 
peoples had greater wealth in turquoise than now and this opinion is 
strengthened by some of the Indian legends (Cushing, 1901, p. 385). 
Along the Salinas River, Ariz., ancient ruins are searched for turquoise 
after rains by modern Indians (Bartlett, 1854, vol. 2, p. 247). Tur- 
quoise is also prominent in the myths of the people of the Southwest 


24. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bunn, 128 


(i. e., the Zufii, Pima, and Hopi), including the Navaho creation myth, 
suggesting the length of time it has been known to them. The extent 
of the commerce in turquoise in the sixteenth century is further proof 
that the mines were relatively old. 

The most famous of these old turquoise mines, that at Los Cerrillos, 
N. Mex., the Tewa Indian place-name for which is the equivalent of 
“the place where turquoise is dug” (Harrington, 1916, p. 492), 
was reworked by the Spaniards until 1686, when the workings caved. 
From the size of the Cerrillos open-cut and of its dumps (pl. 2), and 
the large trees thereon, some of the latter being considered to be 600 
years old, a considerable age for these pits is indicated. George H. 
Pepper, judging from country rock attached to some of the Pueblo 
Bonito turquoise pendants, is satisfied that Los Cerrillos was the mine 
from which they were obtained. In 1540 the Indians at the head of the 
Gulf of California told Captain Fernando Alarchon that the Pueblos 
dug the turquoises “‘out of a rock of stone” (Alarchon in Hakluyt, 
1904, vol. 9, p. 300). Los Cerrillos workings have been described by 
many geologists. (Blake, 1858, pp. 227-232; Newberry, 1876, p. 41; 
Silliman, 1881, pp. 67-71; Kunz, 1890, pp. 54-59; Johnson, 1908, pp. 
493-499; Sterrett, 1911, pp. 1066-1067, 1071.) Rather extensive 
ancient workings occur all over Mt. Chalchihuitl and on Turquoise 
Hill, 4 miles distant. Modern mining on Mount Chalchihuitl, 
according to Silliman, broke into open stopes in which were many 
stone hammers, some to be held in the hand and others grooved for 
handles. One of 20-pounds weight had the scrub-oak handle still 
attached by a withe. He adds that fire was used in breaking the 
rock. Sterrett says the “‘main pit on the northwest side of the hill’ 
is “about 130 feet deep on the upper side and about 35 feet deep on 
the lower side, the rim is about 200 feet across and the bottom nearly 
100 feet across. The large dumps of waste rock removed from this 
are about 150 yards long by 75 yards wide and from 1 to 30 feet deep. 
These dimensions do not correspond closely with those given by the 
earlier writers since this would give the dump an area of less than 2% 
acres as compared with some 20 reported by Silliman.” It does, how- 
ever, suggest the removal of some 100,000 tons of rock. Silliman 
mentions aboriginal open chambers in solid rock, 40 feet long, and he 
states that at places modern mining has encountered aboriginal work- 
ings to depths of at least 100 feet. W.P. Blake says that 75 years ago 
it was visited by Indians from a distance and the Indians continue 
to this day to get turquoise at this mine. Although this mine is 
undoubtedly old, the Zufi tale of the migration of the Turquoise Man 
and the Salt Woman suggests that, before the discovery of Los 
Cerrillos, turquoise was obtained from some mine farther north 
(Bunzel, 1932, pp. 1032-1033), possibly from the locality of La Jara, 
Colo. 


AnrHrop, Pap. No. 13] INDIAN MINING—BALL 25 


There are also ancient Indian turquoise mines (Pogue, 1915, p. 55; 
Snow, 1891, pp. 511-512; Lindgren, Graton, and Gordon, 1910, 
p. 324; Zalinski, 1907, pp. 464-465, 474) presumably of pre-Columbian 
age in the Burro Mountains at several localities, on Hachita Moun- 
tains, and Jarilla Mountains (Hidden, 1893, pp. 400-402), Sierra 
County, near Paschal, N. Mex.; Sugar Loaf Peak, Lincoln County 
(anon., 1897, vol. 64, p. 456) and Crescent, Clark County, Nev. 
(Lincoln, 1923, p. 19; Vanderberg, 1937, pp. 24-25) ; Turquoise Moun- 
tain, Cochise County; and Mineral Park, Mohave County, Ariz. (pits 
and 20-foot long tunnels) (Blake, 1883, pp. 199-200; Mining and 
Science Press, 1902, vol. 85, No. 11, p. 102; Crawford and Johnson, 
1937, pp. 511-522); Manvel, and Silver Lake, San Bernardino County, 
Calif., and near La Jara, Conejos County, Colo. (Kunz, 1902, p. 760). 
Several of the Burro Mountain localities known to white miners were 
discovered by evidence of aboriginal workings. The presence of char- 
coal indicates the use of fire in breaking the rock, followed by hammer 
work. The larger rock fragments were broken into small pieces in 
the search of turquoise. The stone hammers are ‘‘of rounded form, 
4 to 8 inches or more in diameter and were evidently used without a 
handle” (Zalinski, 1907, vol. 2, pp. 464-465). Pits were sunk to a 
depth of 20 feet at least. Fire was also used at Turquoise Mountain, 
Cochise County, Ariz. Prehistoric turquoise mines occur over a large 
area in northwestern San Bernardino County, Calif., Manvel being 
one of the chief centers (Kunz, 1905, pp. 12, 107-109, 152-153; 1899, 
p. 580). Stone hammers and crude pottery occur in the old pits while 
pictographs are common in the vicinity. The pits, which occur in an 
area 30 or 40 miles in diameter, are from 15 to 30 feet across and up to 
18 feet deep. Malcolm J. Rogers (1929, pp. 1-13) states that in the 
Silver Lake district, San Bernardino County, Calif., the pits occur in 
an east and west line 8 miles long and that short drifts were driven 
from the main pits. 

The aboriginal trade in the turquoise of the Southwest (pl. 4) was 
widespread, extending from the West Indies and Yucatan on the 
south to Ontario on the north (New York Times, September 20, 1895) 
and from California on the west to Mississippi and Arkansas on the 
east. About 1527, Alvar Nufiez Cabeza de Vaca obtained turquoise 
from his Indian patients on the Rio Grande, Tex. The men of 
Hernando de Soto (A. D. 1542), when they arrived in the province of 
Guasco (eastern Arkansas), found in the possession of the Indians 
“Turkie stones—which the Indians signified by signes that they had 
from the West’? (Purchas, 1905-7, vol. 18, p. 46). In a grave in 
Coahomo County, Miss., 100 turquoise beads and a small turquoise 
pendant were found (Peabody, 1904, vol. 3, p. 51). As glass beads 
were also found in the grave, this commerce with the Pueblos of the 
Southwest continued after the white man reached America. Vicente 


26 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bun. 128 


de Saldivar Mendoza in 1599 met, near the Canadian River in the 
vicinity of the present Texas-New Mexican line, a band of Apaches 
who had been trading for turquoise (‘some small green stones which 
they use’) with the Picuries and Taos pueblos of New Mexico 
(Thomas, 1935, p. 7). Agustin de Vetancurt writing between the 
years 1630 and 1680 says the Apaches visited the Pueblo of Pecos to 
trade for Chalchuites (1870-71, vol. 3, p. 323). Among the Apaches, 
precious stones had a directional symbolism: white shell, north; jet, 
east; turquoise, south; and catlinite, west. 

When Sieur Perrot (1911, vol. 1, pp. 363-364; LeRoy, 1753), arrived 
among the Fox and Sauk in 1683, he was informed that the latter had 
visited lands to the Southwest where they met Indians coming from 
that direction whence they had brought “‘stones, blue and green, 
resembling the turquoise which they wore fastened in their noses and 
ears.”” They had also seen mounted men resembling the French, 
that is, the Spaniards of New Mexico. Twenty-one years earlier 
Radisson claimed that the Crees of the Lake Superior region had beads 
of “‘a stone of Turquoise” as nose ornaments which they obtained by 
barter from the ‘‘nation of the buff and beefe’’ (Burpee, 1908, p. 
216). Malcolm J. Rogers (1936) states that a piece of turquoise 
was reported from a Wisconsin Indian site. 

Jean Ribault (1875, p. 177) claimed that the French got turquoises 
from the Florida Indians in 1562 but his mineralogy may have been 
faulty or the material may have been derived from Spanish wrecks. 

That turquoise, Xiwitl, was known to the Aztecs in early time is 
proved by the name of their God of Fire and Water, Xiuhcoatl (‘‘The 
Turquoise Snakes’) (Verrill, 1929, p. 185). Turquoise was rather — 
commonly used by them, and also at the time of the Spanish occupa- 
tion by the Indians of Sinaloa, Sonora, and Chihuahua. The latter 
certainly got theirs from our own Southwest, largely by barter with 
the Pueblos, although perhaps in part in mining excursions which 
they, themselves, may have made. A Franciscan friar (probably 
Fray Juan de la Asuncion) in 1538 found turquoise among the Indians 
of Northern Mexico which they got as day laborers’ pay from the 
Pueblos to the north (Bandelier, 1890, p. 86) and the next year 
Friar Marcos de Niza repeats the statement. In consequence, at 
that time New Mexican turquoise in quantity was in the possession 
of at least the northern Mexican Indians and as, in the ruins of 
Pueblo Bonito sherds of Toltec pottery have been found, trade be- 
tween our Southwest and Mexico is indicated even 1,200 years ago 
(Coolidge, 1929, p. 216). While the gem does occur in Mexico at 
several localities, none of the deposits are important and no aboriginal 
workings are known, although the Aztec Book of Tribute and the 
statement of Sahagun (1880, p. 77) that it was found in the ‘‘mines”’ 
indicate without much doubt that the Aztecs had Mexican sources of 


AnrHrop. Par. No. 13] INDIAN MINING—BALL 27 


turquoise. Turquoise is said by Lorenzana to have been worked at 
Tollan, the capital of the Toltecs, about 1325 (Blondel, 1876, p. 
294). In short, the Aztecs and their predecessors, the Toltecs, prob- 
ably got their turquoise largely from New Mexico and Arizona but 
in part from local sources now undiscovered or exhausted. It appears 
to have been available in smaller pieces to the Aztecs than to the 
Pueblos and particularly was used as thin plates in mosaic work. 
Its treatment suggests its high value and possibly its foreign source. 

That the Mayas had at their command considerable quantities of 
turquoise is shown by the 3,000 pieces set in the mosaic plaque found 
by Earl H. Morris at Chichen Itza in 1928 (1931, pp. 210-221). 
The turquoise, doubtless, was largely of New Mexican origin. 

Turquoise was a popular and relatively common gem among the 
Peruvian Indians. It was also used by the natives of Montserrat, 
West Indies; Bolivia; Colombia; Ecuador; Argentina; and Chile. 
Indeed A. Hrdlitka, in 1910, found a turquoise bead at Miramir, 
Argentina, on the Atlantic Ocean, 270 miles south of Buenos Aires. 
The natives of Ecuador had some fair-sized pieces of turquoise, a 
partially worked bead found on the Island of La Plata being 2% inches 
long and 1% inches in diameter (Dorsey, 1901, p. 266). No aboriginal 
South American mines are as yet certainly known but the gem occurs 
at certain places in the Andean regions of Peru, Argentina, and Chile. 
A suggestion as to a source is obtained from the name, Copiapé, 
which owes its origin, according to the Indian tradition to the great 
quantity of turquoise found in its mountains (Molina, 1809, p. 64). 
Further turquoise has recently been identified in the Chuquicamata 
copper deposit in Chile and as this mine was extensively worked by 
the Indians and as turquoise artifacts are found in the immediate 
vicinity, this was doubtless a source.® 

D. Jenness found a turquoise bead some years ago in an ancient 
Eskimo grave on one of the Diomede Isles in Bering Strait, which he 
judged to be of Chinese origin from etchings on it. 


GARNET 


Garnet was used by the Pueblos, although it appears to have been 
one of the later stones known, as it has not, to the writer’s knowledge, 
been found in Cliff Dwellers or Basket Makers ruins. Fray Geré- 
- nimo de Zérate Salmerén, who served in New Mexico from 1618-26, 
in his account of his missionary work states that in the Pueblo of 
Picuris (Taos County) ‘‘are garnet mines,” a garnet locality known to 
this day (Ayer, 1916, p. 217). Today the Navahos collect the gem 
from their reservation as do other Arizona Indians from several locali- 
ties, obtaining the gem both from the desert sands, from ant hills, and 
the source rock (Kunz, 1890, p. 80). 


j. ' Personal communication, L. W. Kemp. 


28 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bunn, 128 


Of doubtful correctness is the reported occurrence of garnet in 
Mound Builders graves (Shepherd, 1890, p. 103). 

The Comanche Indians collected garnet at Jaco Lake, Chihuahua, 
Mexico (Bauer, 1904, p. 360) and it was commonly used by the Aztecs 
and was known to the Peruvian Indians. 

Don de Ulloa and Don George Juan, Captains of the Spanish Navy, 
who traveled in Peru in 1734 (Pinkerton, 1808-14, vol. 14, p. 550) 
state that ‘‘rubies” are found in a river near the village of Azogues in 
the vicinity of Quito. ‘Indians wash them recovering pieces as big 
as a lentil and sometimes larger. . .. But the inhabitants, con- 
tent with this piddling work, do not trouble themselves to trace the 
origin of the mine.”’ 

OLIVINE 


The Navahos collect from their reservation olivines which occur 
with garnets in the desert sands. That the pre-Columbian Pueblos 
possessed olivine, I cannot definitely state, although they probably did 
(Winship, 1896; James, 1920, p. xv). Olivine and bronzite are inci- 
dental constituents of meteoric iron found in Ohio Mound Builders 
mounds (Shepherd, 1890, p. 101). 


LAPIS LAZULI 


Lapis lazuli was possessed by the Indians of Montserrat Island, 
Peru, Bolivia, Ecuador, and Chile (pl. 4). One of the largest pieces of 
lapis lazuli known (24 x 12 x8 inches) was found in a Peruvian grave 
(Farrington, 1903, p. 202). Lapis lazuli is at present mined in Chile. 
By the Peruvian Indians, it was called huinzo. 


SODALITE 


Sodalite was used by the ancient Peruvians and by the Indians of 
Bolivia, Ecuador, and Argentina. Lapis lazuli, or more probably 
sodalite, was common at Tiaguanaco, Bolivia, where pounds of worked 
chips may be picked up, some as large as one’s hands (Uhle, 1903, p. 
95). In 1928 Fr. Ahlfeld (Ahlfeld and Wegner, 1932, pp. 288-96; 
Ahlfeld and Mosebach, 1935, pp. 388-414) found old workings for soda- 
lite on the northern part of Serrania of Palca on the East Cordillera of 
Cochabamba, Bolivia. The mineral. occurs as veins in a dike of nephe- 
line syenite cutting Devonian sandstone. The works consist of open 
cuts and tunnels, the largest of the latter being 300 feet long and 16 
feet high. The Jesuits worked the deposits after the Indians aban- 
doned them, the earliest workings being pre-Inca. Microscopically 
and chemically the sodalite resembles that of the Inca artifacts 
(Brendler, 1934, pp. 28-31). 


AntuRop. Pap. No. 13] INDIAN MINING—BALL 29 
LAZULITE 
Lazulite was used by the ancient Peruvians and Bolivians. 
OPAL 


The fire opal of Mexico was known to the Aztecs. There is now in 
the Field Museum of Natural History, Chicago, a head of the Mexican 
Sun God carved in fire opal, probably the work of an Aztec lapidary. 
Since the sixteenth century, it has been in European collections, and 
was one of the gorgeous gems owned by Philip Henry Hope. EI 
Aguila Azteca (‘‘the Aztec eagle’’) is a lovely Mexican opal weighing 
cut, evidently by an Aztec lapidary, 32 carats. It is carved in the 
form of an eagle’s head and is reported to have been found about 1863. 
It is said once to have belonged to Maximilian (anon., 1937, pp. 97, 
99, 101). Snr. Garcia (1936, p. 559) reports the finding of worked 
opals in the mountains southeast of Lake Chapala near Jiquilpan, 
Michoacan. The accurate word picture of the opal in Sahagun’s 
Nahuatl text descriptive of Aztec lapidary work’ (Seler’s trans. in 
Saville, 1922, p. 33) is well known. 

Wm. T. Brigham (1887, p. 256) states that the Quiches, a Mayan 
tribe, in pre-Spanish times, used noble opals from Honduras commonly 
in their jewelry. The Mayas also had hyalite. 

W. Reiss and A. Stiibel (1880-87, p. 29 and pl. 80) recovered rela- 
tively large pierced opal beads from the Ancon, Peru, ruin. The min- 
eralogic determination was by Prof. H. Fischer, of Freiburg. 

Common opal was known to the Indians of British Columbia, 
Washington, Oregon, Wyoming, South Dakota, California, Panama, 
Brazil, and Argentina and to the Pueblos, Mayas, and Aztecs. That 
used in Oregon or Washington in part is, or approaches, gem quality. 


DISTRIBUTION OF QUARTZ GEMS 


Rock crystal and quartz, jasper and chalcedony were used by prac- 
tically all tribes. Agate was known to the Indians of British Colum- 
bia, eastern Canada, the North Atlantic States, Virginia, the Missis- 
sippi Valley, the northern plains, the western mountains, the American 
Pacific coast, and the Pueblos. It was also used by the Aztecs, the 
Mayas, and the Peruvians and the Indians of Costa Rica, Panama, 
Colombia, Bolivia, British Guiana, Chile, Argentina, and Brazil. 
Carnelian artifacts have been found in Georgia, Illinois, the western 
mountain States, California, Oregon, and Washington, and among the 
Pueblo ruins. It was used by the Aztecs and the Mayas and the In- 
dians of Costa Rica, Panama, Montserrat Island, Lesser Antilles, 
Colombia, Venezuela, Ecuador, British Guiana, and Brazil. In cer- 
tain Colombian graves, as many as 8,000 beads, largely carnelian, have 
been found together with pebbles of carnelian, suggesting a stream 


30 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL, 128 


origin. Such beads are readily sold to the present-day Indians living 
to the east, and a brightly colored one may be worth a mule. The 
local source is not sufficient for today’s demand and beads are actually 
imported from Germany to satisfy it (Mason, 1936, pp. 212-216). 

In North America amethyst was used by the Eskimo and by the 
Indians of eastern Canada, the southeastern States, the upper Mis- 
sissippi Valley, and California, and by the Pueblos and Aztecs. It 
was also used by the aborigines of Costa Rica, Panama, Montserrat 
Island, the Lesser Antilles, and Peru. Smoky quartz was used by the 
Eskimo, the Indians of Newfoundland, Rhode Island, the southeastern 
States, upper Mississippi Valley, Colorado, Washington, Oregon, and 
California, and the Pueblos and Peruvians. Other species of quartz 
were used as follows: Moss agate (Saskatchewan, New York, south- 
eastern States, Wyoming, Colorado, Texas, Utah, California, Oregon, 
and the Pueblos); rose quartz (New Jersey, Maryland, Virginia, Geor- 
gia, South Dakota, Aztecs, and Brazil); gold quartz (Georgia, Califor- 
nia, and Arizona); citrine (Georgia, upper Mississippi Valley, and 
Dakota); prase (Pueblos and Aztecs); bloodstone (Oregon, Aztecs, 
Panama, and Peru); chrysoprase (Peru, Colombia, and perhaps Cali- 
fornia); iris (Mound Builders); Aventurine quartz (Aztecs and Mayas); 
plasma (Aztecs and Panama); and onyx (southeastern States and 
Washington). 

AMETHYST 


The Aztecs had some amethyst of fine color; finer, I am inclined to 
believe, than that of any of the Mexican sources we now know. Saha- 
gun (1880, p. 771) mentions Aztec amethyst mines. 


ROCK CRYSTAL 


Quartz was doubtless obtained largely in river, marine, and glacial 
gravels but pits were sunk on quartz veins in New England, New York, 
and in the Appalachian Mountains of Virginia and North Carolina 
and it must have been a byproduct of mica mining. Quartz was, 
indeed, quarried at many places in the Piedmont region of the south- 
eastern States, but since here, as elsewhere, it occurs so frequently as 
pebbles, gravels were the main source (Holmes, 1897). Master Alex- 
ander Whitaker, minister to Henrico Colony, Virginia, writing in 
1613 (Purchas, 1905-7, vol. 19, p. 112) says that 12 miles above the 
falls on the James River is ‘‘a Christall Rocke wherewith the Indians 
doe head many of their arrows.”? When Albert de la Pierria founded 
Beaufort, Fla., about 1563, the Indians brought the Frenchmen 
presents of ‘‘pearls, crystals, silver, etc.’’ In 1587, the Frenchmen of 
Charles-fort were given by the chief, Ovade, pearls, fine crystal, and 
silver ore said to come from 10 days’ journey inland (Georgia prob- 
ably) where ‘‘the inhabitants of the countrey did dig the same at the 
foote of certaine high mountaines where they found of it in very good 


Anturor. Par. No. 13] INDIAN MINING—BALL 31 


quantitie. Being joyfull to understand such good newes and to have 
come to the knowledge of that which they most desired” the French- 
men returned to their fort (Laudonniere, 1904, pp. 481-482). When 
John Verarzanus, a Florentine writing in 1524, states that the Florida 
natives were the possessors not only of crystal but also of turquoise, 
we become skeptical of his mineralogic attainments (Hakluyt, 1850, 
p. 106). 

The Hot Springs, Ark., rock crystal locality was as well known to the 
Indians as to present-day mineralogists. Rock crystal and arrow- 
heads made of it are common in Arkansas Indian graves. In Cavelier’s 
account of La Salle’s voyage, he says “‘about 50 leagues from the spot 
where we were [mouth of Rio Bravo, Tex.] were two or three moun- 
tains on the banks of a river from which were taken red stones as clear 
as crystal,” possibly a distorted reference to Hot Springs (Shea, 1861, 
p. 28). 

Father Gravier (1900, pp. 138-141) in his voyage on the Mississippi 
in 1700 ‘“‘found in a small basket,’’ in a temple in the village of the 
Taensas, a subtribe of the Natches Indians, ‘‘a small piece of rock 
Crystal.” 

The Navahos are stated to light their ceremonial fire from the sun 
by means of crystal (Curtis, 1907, p. 53). The Pueblo Indians of the 
upper Rio Grande during their rain ceremonies beat the drum to 
imitate thunder, and rubbed together pebbles of white quartz to’ pro- 
duce an incandescent glow simulating lightning (Jeancon, 1923, p. 68). 
At Pecos, New Mex., A. V. Kidder (1932, p. 93) found a cylinder, set 
in a rectangle with a shallow groove into which the cylinder exactly 
fitted, both of white vein quartz. The cylinder is about 3 inches long 
and 1% inches in diameter. Knowing that ‘“‘lightning sets” still were 
used in religious ceremonies at San Ildefonsa, that night he rubbed 
the cylinder in the groove and finally the stones “‘became visible in 
a strange pale glow which flickered and died for all the world like 
distant lightning.’”’ Here we have a perfected machine perhaps 700 
years old; the first Indian to observe the luminescence of quartz must 
have done so centuries earlier. 

The Hopi used rock crystal in religious ceremonies, as well as in 
divinition (Fewkes, 1898, p. 730; 1904, pp. 107-109). It was also 
used in the religious ceremonies of the Zufii, being, for example, placed 
on certain fraternal shrines, and by other Pueblos it was used to reflect 
the sun into kivas and into medicine bowls. Rock crystal was used 
in diagnosing disease both by the Pueblos (White, 1932, p. 110; 
Parsons, 1932, p. 285) and the Pima (Parsons, 1928, p. 459). Rock 
crystal is a common charm among the Yuma Indians (Forde, 1931, 
p. 196). The Australian medicine man paralleled his American con- 
frere in many uses of rock crystal in the curative art (Goldenweiser, 
1922, pp. 105-107). 


32 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bun 128 


According to a Shasta legend, a long time ago there was in the East 
a white and glistening firestone like the purest quartz. The coyote 
brought this to the Indians, and thus fire originated (Bancroft, 1886, 
p. 547). Quartz was supposed by the Chippewas to protect its owner 
against thunderstorms as the thunderbird would no more hurt it than 
a hen “the egg she has laid’ (Densmore, 1929, p. 113). The most 
prized possession of the Cherokee medicine man was a rock-crystal- 
like mineral once embedded in the head of the Horned Serpent so 
prominent in Iroquois mythology. It was invaluable in treating the 
sick and foretold which of the braves should shun certain raids as 
their deaths were shown by it to be probable (Oldbrechts, 1930, pp. 
547-552). Among the Ojibways white flint was called mik kwum me 
wow beek, or ice stone and as the name was also doubtless applied to 
rock crystal, it parallels the Greek from which our word crystal is 
derived. Similarly certain Alaskan Eskimo believe rock crystals are 
the centers of ice masses so solidly frozen that they become stone: 
they are, therefore, prized amulets (Nelson, 1899, p. 446). A Mandan 
medicine man, among other wonderful performances vouched for by 
white witnesses, could roll a snowball in his hand “‘so that it at length 
becomes hard, and is converted into a white stone, which when struck 
emits fire’ (Maximilian, 1843; Thwaites, 1904-07, p. 342). Near the 
village of Lansingburgh, N. Y., is Diamond Rock, a mass of Quebec 
sandstone containing innumerable quartz crystals which glitter in the 
sunlight. According to Mohawk tradition, these are the joyful tears 
of a devoted mother upon her reunion with a wandering son (Syl- 
vester, 1877, pp. 207-220). 

Sahagun (1880, p. 771) reports that the Aztecs had crystal mines 
and Clavigero (1807, p. 16) states that these come from the mountains 
on the Gulf coast between Veracruz and Coatzacualco River, that 
is, those of Chinantla and the Province of Mixtecas. 

The present-day medicine men among the Yucatan Indians pretend 
that they can see hidden things with the aid of rock crystal, and it is 
successfully used in the diagnosis of the ills of their patients (Mendez, 
1921, pp. 173-174). When Hans Stade was about to be eaten by 
his eastern Brazilian captors, an old woman of the tribe shaved off 
his eyebrows with a rock-crystal razor (1874, p. 63). The Venezuelan 
Indian lover must shape for his beloved, as a betrothal gift, a cylin- 
drical bead of rock crystal to be worn around her neck (Spence, 1878, 
vol. 1, p. 81). Spruce (1908) emphasizes the far-flung trade in rock 
crystal along the Amazon. 


AGATE 


Agate adorned the central mountain where, according to the Navaho 
creation myth, their tribe was created. The pebbles in the rattle of 
the Guiana medicine man are agate (Bancroft, 1769, p. 311). 


ANTHROP. Pap. No. 13] INDIAN MINING—BALL 33 


JASPER 


In Bucks, Lehigh, and Berks Counties, Pa., there are some nine 
groups of jasper quarries. A depth of at least 14 feet was attained. 
Fire was used in quarrying. A tree in the bottom of one pit shows the 
quarries must at least antedate 1680-90. At one place almost 40,000 
cubic yards were excavated (Mercer, 1894, pp. 80-92; Deisher, 1932, 
pp. 334-341). Jasper was also quarried in Chester and Lancaster 
Counties, Pa. Flint Ridge, in Licking and Muskingum Counties, 
Ohio, is the site of aboriginal flint quarries, affording also jasper and 
chalcedony, which cover an area 2 miles square. In the cavities of 
the flint are quartz crystals up to 1 and 2 inches across. They vary 
from limpid to almost black. The pits are up to 80 feet in diameter. 
Fire and water were used to supplement the stone hammers (from 6 
ounces to 20 pounds in weight) in breaking up the rock (Wilson, 1898, 
pp. 868-871; Fowke, 1888-89, pp. 517-520). 

Sahagun (1880, p. 771) mentions Aztec jasper mines. Clavigero 
(1807, p. 16) states that jasper was quarried in the Mountains of 
Calpolalpan, east of Mexico City. R. H. Schomburgk (1846, pp. 
28-29) states that jasper resembling verd antique is obtained by the 
Arecunas Indians from Mount Roraima on the Caroni River and is 
not only used but is traded to other tribes. 


CHALCEDONY 


Jasper and chalcedony occur as nodules in the quartzite of the 
Converse County, Wyo., quartzite quarry and were a byproduct of 
quarrying there (Dorsey, 1901, pp. 237-241). 


CHRYSOPRASE 


Near the California chrysoprase localities on Venice Hill, Tulare 
County, are depressions which D. B. Sterrett (1909, pp. 753-754) 
seems inclined to believe are aboriginal pits. 


IRIS 


Among the Mound Builders artifacts found at Mound City, Ross 
County, Ohio, were arrowheads of ‘‘transparent or hyaline quartz 
which from the brilliant play of colors upon their fractured surfaces 
are real gems” (Squier and Davis, 1847, p. 213). 


AGATIZED WOOD 


Agatized wood was used by the Indians from Oregon and Wyoming 
southward to Yucatan, Mexico. 

The Petrified Forest, near Adamana, Ariz., was, to the Indians and 
particularly to the Pueblos, a source of agatized wood, amethyst, 
smoky quartz, and other members of the quartz family. Agatized 


34 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLn, 128 


wood was traded well out into the plains and southwest far into 
Mexico. Charles F. Lummis (1892, pp. 20-27; 1925, pp. 109-121) 
believes the Indians made special trips to gather chips from the 
shattered tree trunks. Agatized wood was used by the Basket 
Makers, but as neither they nor the Cliff Dwellers are known to have 
had either amethyst or smoky quartz, intensive exploitation of the 
Petrified Forest perhaps did not long antedate the coming of the 
Spaniards. Among the Arizona Indians, it was called Shinarump. 
Agatized wood, chalcedony, and other quartz minerals were also 
obtained by the Pueblo peoples from a ‘‘petrified forest’? 25 miles 
south of Chambers, Ariz., on the Sante Fe Railroad (Roberts, 1931, 
p. 5). The agatized wood used by the Wyoming Indians was pre- 
sumably of local origin, as sources are numerous in the West. 

Artifacts of silicified or agatized wood are found also in Florida, 
Mississippi, Arkansas, Texas, and the upper Mississippi Valley. 
More or less beautifully silicified fossils were also rather widely used 
(silicified coral, New York, southeastern States, upper Mississippi 
Valley and Pueblos; shark’s teeth, southeastern States; Baculites, Kan- 
sas; shells, Mound Builders, Pueblos, and Mayas; and crinoid stems, 
Pueblos). On account of their forms they were in high repute as 
charms. 


DISTRIBUTION OF JADE 


Jadeite was commonly used by the Aztecs and other Mexican tribes, 
the Mayas, all Indians of Central America, the West Indians and the 
Peruvians; it was also used less commonly by the Eskimo and British 
Columbia Indians, the Mound Builders, the Pueblos, and the peoples 
of British Guiana, Ecuador, and Brazil (pl. 4). Nephrite was com- 
monly used and highly prized by the Eskimo and the Indians of British 
Columbia, Venezuela, Colombia, Ecuador, and Brazil; it was also 
known to the Indians of Oregon and Washington, the Pueblos, the 
Aztecs, Mayas, the ancient Costa Ricans, and the Indians of Mont- 
serrat Island, Cuba, and the Lesser Antilles, and of Argentina and 
Chile. The single occurrence known to me among the Peruvian 
Indians is reported by Uhle in the Ica Valley. It was also probably 
known to the Haitian Indians (pl. 4). Jade was early used by the 
American aborigines. A jadeite tablet found in Guatemala bears in 
Maya numerals the date equivalent to A. D. 60, while a Maya stat- 
uette from Veracruz has the date corresponding to 98 B. C., by 
the Spinden correlation. The latter has been usually considered 
nephrite but more recently was determined to be jadeite (Washington, 
1922, pp. 2-12). The annals of the Cakchikels Indians of Guatemala, 
a Maya tribe, stated that jade was used as tribute in the second of 
the four Tulans from which the four clans came. The researches of 
F. W. Clarke and G. P. Merrill (1888, vol. 2, 115-130) lead them to 


Anturop. Par. No. 13] INDIAN MINING—BALL 35 


believe that all the Alaska jade is nephrite while that of the ancient 
Mexicans and Mayas is largely jadeite although nephrite also occurs. 

Nadaillac and Moorehead report jade in Mound Builders’ mounds 
and jadeite is reported by Putman from a mound of these people in 
Michigan. (Putnam, 1886, pp. 62-63; W. Moorehead, 1917, p. 20; de 
Nadaillac, 1884, pp. 107-109.) This is most interesting, proving the 
extent of tribe by tribe barter, while suggesting, if we let our imagi- 
nation run riot, a more direct commercial connection with the Mexi- 
can civilization or, via Florida, with that of the West Indies. Jadeite, 
while in the possession of the northern Mexican Indians (Chihuahua), 
was exceedingly rare among the Pueblos although A. V. Kidder and 
S. J. Guernsey (1919, p. 148) report a jadeite pendant in a Cliff House 
Ruin in northeastern Arizona. These authorities know of no other 
occurrence of jadeite in the Southwest, although it isalsoreported from 
Casas Grandes in Chihuahua. Nephrite also was very rare among 
the Pueblos although a small round tablet from Cochise County, 
Ariz., made of “an impure variety of nephrite’ has been found 
(Holmes, 1906, p. 108). Warren K. Moorehead (1910, vol. 2, pl. 51) 
states that a jade effigy of a fish was found in a Pueblo ruin near Mesa, 
Ariz. Julian H. Steward (1937, p. 72) found a nephrite scraper in a 
cave on Promontory Point, Salt Lake, Utah. As much Southwestern 
turquoise reached Central Mexico and Toltec pottery occurs in the 
ruins of Pueblo Bonito, it would appear natural that jade would have 
been obtained from the south, particularly as the Pueblo peoples 
were passionately fond of green stones. The situation is perplexing. 
Did the Pueblos have a taboo against jade or was its export from 
Mexico northward prohibited by tribal decree? It reminds one of 
the rarity of amber among the Egyptians and early Mesopotamian 
peoples. Strangely enough, the Pueblos depended largely on local 
sources for their precious stones. 


JADEITE 


Jade (largely jadeite) was used early by the Mexican peoples. 
According to Toltec chronicles, Chimalman, the mother of the king 
Quetzalcoatl Chalchiuitl (about A. D. 839), became pregnant from 
swallowing a chalchihwitl (jade) (1886, vol. 5, p. 257). In the advice 
of a Toltec father to his son, the gods listened to the prayers of the 
wise men of old, “‘because they were of a pure heart, perfect and 
without blemish like Chalchihuitl” (Charnay, 1887, p. 179). 

Jade (chalchihwitl in part; the term also covers turquoise and other 
green and blue stones) was highly prized by the Aztecs, and Father 
Sahagun says they could only be worn by the nobles or ruling classes. 
To show that the Aztecs valued it highly, I need but to remind you 
that when Montezuma and Cortes gambled, the native chieftain first 
paid his debts in gold but on the second night he promised the Spanish 


36 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buby 128 


marauder something much more precious; this, to Cortes’ disgust, 
proved to be four small carved jade beads. Montezuma had valued 
each one at two loads of gold, although I do not remember that the 
size of the load was specified. That it was relatively abundant 
among them is shown by the fact that Dr. H. M. Saville in 1900-1901 
excavated the site of an ancient Aztec temple in Mexico City, and 
found therein over 2,000 jadeite objects. 

It is not unusual for Aztec and Central American jadeite carvings 
to retain on the reverse side a segment of the original pebble from 
which it was cut. The jadeite was evidently of alluvial origin. 
Friar Bernardino de Sahagun says chalchihuitl was found in Mexico. 
Mrs. Zelia Nuttall, from a close study of the Aztec tribute rolls (1901, 
pp. 227-238) in which jadeite is listed as the tribute of certain towns, 
concluded that the material was obtained from a number of places in 
southeastern Mexico, the country east of a north to south line drawn 
through Mexico City, Chiapas, and Guerrero being particularly likely 
sources. Almost a generation thereafter her predictions were verified 
by discoveries of jade in Zimapan (Davis, 1931, p. 182) and as pebbles 
in rivers in Oaxaca and Guerrero (Caso, 1932, p. 509). 

Jadeite was the most precious of Mayan possessions, and its owner- 
ship an insignia of wealth or power. A piece of jade was put in the 
mouth of the dead, curiously analogous to the Chinese custom. The 
Mayas had jadeite in relatively large pieces as some pectoral plaques 
of it are 6 inches square. In March 1937, the Carnegie Institution 
reported that Dr. A. V. Kidder had found in a pyramid mound near 
Guatemala City a water-worn boulder of jade 16 inches in diameter 
and weighing nearly 200 pounds. This beautiful light-green jade is 
certainly one of the largest ever found in America. A highly polished 
sphere of jade 1% inches in diameter, once used as a conjuring stone, — 
was found at Chichen-Itza in 1928 (Morris, 1931, p. 210). Mayan 
jade, in part at least, was derived from stream gravels, for at Copan, 
Honduras, a human figure was engraved on one side of a pebble 8 
inches long, the reverse distinctly showing its pebble form (Gann, 
1926, p. 183). Guatemala and Costa Rica are likely sources in 
addition to trade with Mexico. H. J. Spinden (1913, p. 145) reports 
that some of the jades found at Monte Alban, Mexico, appear to be of 
Mayan workmanship, and were doubtless obtained by barter with 
the Mayan merchants. In later times, the Mayans were supplied 
with jadeite not only from Guatemala but also from Mexico. Thomas 
Gann (1925, p. 274) states that jadeite artifacts were more common 
in the early days of the Old Empire than in the later days of that era 
or in those of the New Empire, suggesting, perhaps, the partial ex- 
haustion of a local alluvial source. The conclusion appears probable 
as in late Mayan times some of the artifacts are patently cut from 
larger ornaments of an earlier date. 


ANTHROP. Pap. No. 13] INDIAN MINING—BALL 37 


Jadeite was widely used in Costa Rica, although it is much less 
common in the highland than in the Pacific coastal graves (Hartman, 
1901, p. 171). At Las Guacas, Nicoyan Peninsula, Costa Rica, 
jadeite occurs more abundantly than anywhere else in the American 
continent, the finds being numbered by hundreds. Included in 
them are partially worked pebbles and unworked blocks. The 
Nicoyans cut jade cleverly and had a considerable trade in it both to 
the north and south. A stream source must be nearby (Hartman, 
1907, p. 85). 

NEPHRITE 


Lt. J. C. Cantwell in 1884 heard of nephrite on the Kobuk River, 
Alaska, but the natives through superstitious fear of the mountain 
refused to guide him to the mine. Lt. George M. Stoney, however, in 
1886 found the aboriginal nephrite mine at Jade Mountains on the 
north side of Kobuk River (1900, pp. 56-57). His Indians refused to 
visit the place for fear they might not return as “only the medicine 
man could visit it and then not until after a long fast’’ (Stoney, 1900, 
p. 56). Shungnak, the local Eskimo name for jade, is given to one of 
the tributaries of Kobuk River (Smith and Mertie, 1930, p. 345). In 
addition to jade in place, the pebbles of the rivers of the region were 
doubtless collected by the Eskimo. The natives also collected neph- 
rite boulders occurring in the Fraser and Thompson Rivers, British 
Columbia, and on the high benches of the Fraser River (Camsell, 1912, 
p. 606), on the beaches of Puget Sound, and in southern Oregon. 
Nephrite boulders’ also?occur on the upper Lewes River, Yukon 
Territory, not far from the eastern boundary of Alaska (Dawson, 1887; 
1888, p. 186) and on the Rae River in the Coronation Gulf region 
(Jenness, 1925, p. 432) although we do not know that these sources 
were exploited by the Indians. Nephrite was used by all the Eskimo 
of Alaska, and they often made long journeys to procure it. By barter 
it had reached the Eskimo of the west coast of Hudson Bay and Baffin 
Island as early as the ‘Thule stage of culture” (say A. D. 600-1600) 
(Mathiassen, 1927; 1927 a, pt. 2, p. 27). Nephrite artifacts are found 
also in the Eskimo ruins of Newfoundland (Jenness, 1932). In con- 
sequence, the finding of an axe supposed to be of jade at Balsam Lake, 
Ontario, is not surprising (Laidlaw, 1897, p. 85; 1897 a, vol. 19, p. 69). 

Indeed, jade was traded in all along the northern Pacific coast; the 
British Columbian sources furnishing material for the coast from the 
Straits of Juan de Fuca to Bering Bay and Jade Mountain, from the 
Aleutian Islands to the mouth of the Mackenzie River (Emmons, 1923). 
Of the various stone amulets, jade was the most valuable and among 
the Eskimo the stone had magical properies. A small bead was worth 
six or seven foxskins. A small adz blade among the Tlingits was 

218558—40——-4 


38 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bow 128 


worth two or three slaves and while a Tlingit was using it, his wife 
refrained from frivolity lest the blade break. The Tlingit name was 
tsu (green), a close approximation to the Chinese Yu. The British 
Columbian father handed a nephrite tool down to his son as a priceless 
heirloom. Among the Salish Indians it was called Stoklait (green 
stone). 

The material of the jade (nephrite) ornaments in the possession of 
the British Guiana Indians is said by the natives of San Carlos to come 
from the source of the Orinoco River and by the Indians of the missions 
of the Caroni and of Angostura from the headwaters of the Rio Branco. 
The two localities are near one another (de Humboldt, 1814-29, vol. 
2, pp. 395-402, 462). Tubular beads and labrets of this material were 
an object of barter through much of Brazil and British Guiana. Such 
are reported to have been used ‘‘as current money (Keymis, in Hak- 
luyt, 1904, vol. 10, p. 491). Sir Walter Raleigh (1595) reported that 
the tribes of the Amazons traded jade ornaments for gold and the 
English exported them to England to cure kidney diseases as early as 
1604 (Pinkerton, 1812, vol. 12, p. 283). 

That the alluvial nephrite locality of Amargoza, Bahia, Brazil, was 
worked by the Indians seems probable from the abundance of nephrite 
artifacts in that region. 


MINERALS AND ORNAMENTAL STONES MINED BY 
AMERICAN INDIANS 


ACTINOLITE 


Actinolite, or a rock largely composed of it, was a material for axes 
prized by the ancient Hopi and Zufii (Hough, 1903, p. 322). It was 
also used by the California natives. 


CHLOROMELANITE 


Chloromelanite tools were particularly used by the Mayas of Gua- 
temala, and by the ancient people of the Valley of Mexico and the 
State of Guerrero (Hodge, 1922, vol. 3, p. 47). It is presumably of 
local origin. It was also used by the pre-Spanish Colombians and 
Chileans. 

PECTOLITE 


From a pale greenish or bluish slightly translucent pectolite, the 
Eskimo of Point Barrow make hammerheads. Both pectolite and 
jade are called Kaudlo and are said to come “‘from the East, a long 
way off’ (Murdoch, 1892, p. 60; Clarke and Chatard, 1884, p. 20). 
The Alaskan natives traded pectolite with the natives of Siberia. 
It was also used by the British Columbian Indians. 


AntHRop. Par. No. 13] INDIAN MINING—BALL 39 
SERPENTINE 
Serpentine was used by practically all Indian tribes. 
STAUROLITE 


While the writer has not been able to definitely prove the report, it is 
probable that the Indians of Virginia used the local staurolite as an 
ornament. Such a striking mineral, and one so locally abundant 
could scarcely have escaped their notice. 


MAGNESITE 


The Pomo Indians obtained magnesite at White Buttes, near Cache 
Creek, and at Sulphur Bank, Clear Lake, Calif. This was made into 
beads and baked, in which process the color changes from white to an 
attractive buff or salmon color. As elsewhere stated, this served as 
money and was traded from the coast to the Sierra Nevadas (Kroeber, 
1925, p. 249; Loeb, 1926, p. 178). The magnesite of the Pueblo 
Indians may also have been of California origin. It was also used by 
the Indians of British Columbia. 


ALABASTER AND STALACTITIC CALCITE 


Alabaster was used by the Indians of Canada, the North Atlantic 
States, Georgia, the Mississippi Valley, the Rocky Mountains, Cali- 
fornia, Cuba, Puerto Rico, Ecuador, Colombia, Bolivia, Brazil, 
Argentina, and Chile, and by the Pueblos, Aztecs, Mayas, and 
Peruvians. 

The Indians found that Wyandotte Cave, Crawford County, Ind., 
contained two desirable products, a jaspery flint and stalactites of 
satin spar. They carried on mining a full mile within the cave, lighting 
their labor with flaming torches. From the lenses of flint protruding 
from the limestone walls they hacked flint flakes, with granite hammers, 
and also cut from a giant stalactite some 1,000 cubic feet of glistening 
alabaster. The imprints of their moccasins were still visible on the 
floor of the cave 80 years ago. They also dug down from the surface 
in one place until the cave formation was encountered and mined 
alabaster open cut. Deer antlers were used as picks in this work. 
(Fowke, 1922, pp. 108-109; Blatchley, 1897, pp. 156, 165-169; Mercer, 
1895, pp. 396-400.) 

The Aztecs quarried at Tecali, in Puebla, Mexico, what we now 
call Mexican onyx, and what they called tecali, probably derived from 
teocali or “lord’s mansion”’ (anon., 1891, p. 729). It was widely used 
for images and vases and as windows in their temples (Fortier and 
Ficklen, 1907, p. 190). 


40 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bunn, 128 


GALENA 


The brilliant luster of galena appealed to the Eskimo, the Indians 
of British Columbia, Canada, Florida, the upper Mississipp. Valley, 
Virginia, Mississippi, Utah, the Yavapai Indians of Arizona, and the 
Pueblos. The Wisconsin-Iowa-Illinois lead district was known to the 
Indians before the white man’s arrival and Nicolet (1634) and Radisson 
and Groseilliers (1658-59) were told of the deposits. Miami Indians 
brought to Perrot upon his arrival in the region in 1684 “lumps of 
lead’”’ found, they said, in rock crevices (Neill, 1858, p. 139; Carver, 
1778, pp. 47-48). While the writer agrees that smelting was taught 
the Indians by the French, he cannot agree with those who state that 
mining was taught them by the French as galena is widely and abun- 
dantly present in the prehistoric mounds of the upper Mississippi 
Valley. When, in 1810, two St. Louisianians, Colonel Smith and Mr. 
Moorhead, purchased the Wisconsin-Iowa-Illinois lead fields from 
Augustus Choutou, the Sauk and Foxes ran them off the property. 
Fearing the effect of this action on the American Government, the 
tribes at once sent delegates to Governor Howard and General Clarke 
at St. Louis, who stated that ‘‘when the Great Spirit gave the land 
to the Red Men, their ancestors, he foresaw that the White Men 
would come into the country and that the game would be destroyed; 
therefore, out of his great goodness he put lead into the ground that 
they, their wives and children might continue to exist’? (Bradbury, 
1904, p. 253; Lanman, 1856, vol. 1, p. 25). This was doubtless the 
principal source of the galena so abundant in certain mounds of the 
Mound Builders. There is also evidence that the Indians obtained 
galena from the outcrops of the southeast Missouri mines (Thwaites, 
1904-07, vol. 26, p. 95). Probably the Tri-State district was known 
to the Indians for they informed Lieutenant Wilkinson ‘‘that the 
country to the northwest of the Osage village abounds with valuable 
lead mines’”’ (Coues, 1895, vol. 2, p. 561). John S. Newberry (1892, 
p. 191) states that near Lexington, Ky., the Indians sank a trench 
over 300 feet long and from 10 to 12 feet deep on a galena-barite vein. 
He adds that ‘‘trees growing in the trench show it to be at least 500 
years old.”” The Blue Bell Mine, Kootenai County, Idaho, is said to 
have been discovered by the whites owing to the fact that the Indians 
made bullets by smelting its galena (Laut, 1918, p. 89). It is by no 
means certain, however, that this particular discovery by Indiaus is 
very ancient. F. M. Endlich near Cook’s Peak, N. Mex., in sinking 
a shaft broke into an old stope in which were stone tools and none 
of metal (Chapin, 1892, p. 30). 

Galena, found as pebbles on the sea beach of Coronation Gulf, is 
used by the local Eskimo to blacken skins (Stefainsson, 1913, p. 443). 


ANTHROP. PAP. No. 13] INDIAN MINING—BALL 41 


HEMATITE 


Hematite was used by Eskimo, the Indians of Canada, many 
tribes in the United States, the Aztecs, Mayas, the old Panamanians, 
and Peruvians, and the Indians of Cuba, Venezuela, Bolivia, Ecuador, 
Brazil, and Argentina. Hematite was mined at Marquette, Mich., 
and at Iron Mountain, St. Francois County, and at Leslie, Franklin 
County, Mo. At Leslie, white miners have opened up an open cut 
in iron ore, 150 feet long, 100 feet wide, and from 15 to 20 feet deep. 
Honeycombing the area mined and extending beneath its deepest 
part are tortuous winzes, the work of Indians. Most of the openings 
are narrow and sinuous but some permit of a man standing up in 
them. Over 1,000 rude stone implements, all grooved and from 1 to 
5 pounds in weight, were found in and around the workings. The 
material sought was soft hematite used as paint although solid 
hematite for implements and some flint were byproducts (Holmes, 
1904, pp. 723-726). The Hopi got hematite for ceremonial pigment 
from Cataract Canyon, 110 miles west of the Hopi Reservation 
(Hough, 1902). The Peaux de Liévre Indians got hematite near 
Fort Good Hope on the Mackenzie River. From its appearance 
they called it Sa-ts-anne or “bear’s excrement”? (Chambers, 1914, 
p. 284). 

AZURITE AND MALACHITE 


Malachite was used by the Indians of Arizona and New Mexico, 
by the Aztecs, Mayas, and Peruvians and by the Indians of British 
Columbia, eastern Canada, Ecuador, Colombia, Bolivia, and Argen- 
tina. Azurite was used by the Pueblos, Eskimo, the Mayas, and the 
Indians of Bolivia, eastern Canada, San Domingo, and Chile. 
According to Apache belief, a small bead of malachite attached to 
one’s gun makes it shoot straight (Bourke, 1892, pp. 588-591). 

The Pueblo Indians had many sources of these minerals. Appar- 
ently a squad from Ofiate’s expedition (1598) inspected a shaft three 
“estados’ (about 16 feet) deep from which these minerals were 
obtained (Bolton, 1916, p. 244) either in the Aquarius or Hualpai 
Ranges. In Father Geronimo Zarate Salmeron’s account of the 
same expedition, the blue used as paint in the Zufii province and the 
green from Xémez, where ‘‘whole cargoes could be gathered,’”’ were 
also presumably oxidized copper ores (in Bolton, 1916, p. 269). The 
Hopi got malachite for ceremonial pigment from Cataract Canyon, 
110 miles west of the Hopi Reservation (Hough, 1902). Copper 
carbonates were obtained for pigments by the Pueblos in the elevated 
region west of Luna, New Mex. (Hough, 1907, p. 59). 


42 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Butn, 128 


SMITHSONITE 


Smithsonite was ornamentally used by the ancient Peruvians and 
probably by the Pueblos. 


ATACAMITE AND BROCHANTITE 


Beads of both these copper minerals have been found in Chile, near 
their source, the Chuquicamata mine. Atacamite was also used by 
the Peruvian and Argentina Indians, and brochantite by the Bolivian 
Indians. 


CHRYSOCOLLA 


Chrysocolla was popular among the old inhabitants of South 
America, artifacts of it being found in Peru, Bolivia, Chile, and 
Argentina. It was obtained at Quebrade de Cobres, northwestern 
Argentina, by the Diagiiites. Among their workings is a 45° inclined 
shaft 30 meters deep (Beuchat, 1912, p. 715). It was also used by 
Indians of California and Arizona. 


PYRITE 


Pyrite was rather widely used in both North and South America. 
It is not unusual for Maya pyrite mirrors and the firestones in Eskimo 
graves and those of the Maine Red Paint People to be altered to 
limonite, a possible scale of the rapidity of pyrite alteration. 

In Labrador, northern Canada, and Alaska, the Eskimo used pyrite 
to strike fire as did the Indians of northwest and northern Canada and 
Newfoundland. It may be mentioned that the Aleutians to obtain 
fire strike together two flints rubbed in sulfur, the spark falling on lint 
powdered with sulfur which is obtained from the nearby volcanoes 
(Dall, 1870, p. 370). At Point Barrow, the Eskimo miners believe 
the pyrite, which occurs massive and as spherical concretions, to have 
fallen from the sky and hence it is called ‘‘firestone”’ (Ray, 1885, p. 46; 
Murdoch, 1892, p. 60; Hough, 1890, p. 574). Among the Cumberland 
Bay Eskimo snapping a whip with a piece of pyrite at the tip drives 
away evil spritis (Boas, 1907, p. 138). These people believe that some 
seals break a breathing hole through the ice with a stone held under 
the flipper. A hunter, if he kills such a seal, should, without looking 
at the stone, throw it over his shoulder, which changes it into pyrite 
and thereafter insures good luck in sealing (Boas, 1907, p. 152). The 
Iglulik Eskimo protect themselves from thunderstorms by laying out 
an amulet consisting of pyrite, a piece of white skin, and a small 
kamik sole (Rasmussen, in Weyer, 1932, p. 182, footnote). The 
Haneragmiut Eskimo procure pyrite for fire-making to the northwest 
of Coronation Bay and trade this to the Copper Eskimo (Stefansson, 
1919, pp. 74, p. 118). 


Anruropr. Pap. No. 13] INDIAN MINING—BALL 43 


It is common in the Mound Builder mounds of Ohio, that of the 
Muskingum Valley presumably coming from the adjoining hills where 
pyrite abounds. In 1826 an English traveler, Ash, found in a mound 
what from its luster he believed a large lump of gold. His laborers 
carefully covered up their work and secretly in a private room gave 
it the fire test. Their ‘‘gold” turned ‘‘black, filled the place with a 
sulfurous odor and then burst into 10,000 fragments” (Mitchener, 
1876, pp. 24-25). 

Pyrite was used extensively by Aztecs as inlays in their mosaics, 
as eyes for their statues, and, well polished, as mirrors. Zelia Nuttall 
(1901 a, p. 83) believes that pyrite mirrors were used in the sun-cult, 
to concentrate the rays of the sun and so light the sacred fire at noon 
on the days of the vernal equinox and summer solstice. Crushed 
marcasite was used as a face powder by certain Aztec priests (Ban- 
croft, 1886, vol. 3, p. 340). 

Don George Juan and Don de Ulloa (traveled, 1734) refer to 
ancient aboriginal mines of pyrite in Peru (Pinkerton, 1808-14, vol. 
14, pp. 545-546). Pulverized pyrite was among the votive offerings 
to the gods. 

The natives of Tierra del Fuego who, like the Eskimo, used iron 
pyrite for fire-making, obtained it from at least two mines known to 
us; one on the northern part of Tierra del Fuego Island and another 
near Mercury Sound, Clarence Island (Cooper, 1917, pp. 191-192). 
As its use to produce fire is noted as early as A. D. 1580, it was doubt- 
less a pre-European custom (Lothrop, 1928, p. 64). The Fuegians 
prize it highly. Their neighbors, the Patagonians, not only used it 
for making fire but weighted the globular hide bags at the end of 
their bolas with it. Presumably they obtained it from the Fuegian 
country (Fitzroy, 1839, vol. 1, p. 62). 


CANNEL COAL, JET, AND LIGNITE 


Cannel coal, lignite, and jet were rather widely used by the North 
American Indians including the Aztecs and Mayas as well as by the 
Indians of Montserrat Island and Ecuador. These were used mainly 
as ornaments, although certain of the Pueblo people, the Assiniboin 
and other Northern Plains Indians, used it to a minor degree as fuel. 

The Indians of Blennerhasset Island, W. Va., used to a considerable 
extent for pendants cannel coal which they procured locally (Hodge, 
1922, p. 151). 

Cannel coal adorned the northland in the Navaho Creation Legend. 
Jet occurs in Colorado and lignite widely in the Southwest, and their 
outcrops furnished abundant material to the Pueblo peoples. They 
mined lignite for fuel purposes 15 miles north of Holbrook, Ariz., 
and at Kokopuyama, northeastern Arizona (Hough, 1903, pp. 334, 
335). 


44 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bu, 128 


MICA 


_ Mica was used by the Eskimo and the Indians of British Columbia, 

eastern Canada, the United States east of the Mississippi and Cali- 
fornia, by the Pueblos and Aztecs, and the Indians of Panama (para- 
gonite), San Salvador, Peru, Ecuador, Venezuela, and Argentina. 

Mica (largely muscovite) was mined by pits at many points in the 
Appalachian uplift from Alabama north-northeast to the St. Lawrence. 
It was an article of trade west as far as the Mississippi and south as 
far as Florida. Rock crystal and the more unusual pegmatitic 
minerals, often vividly colored, must have been occasional but prized 
byproducts. The Indians of North Carolina carried down some of 
their mica pits as far as surface weathering extended, that, is to 
ground-water level. Some of the pits were from 40 to 50 feet wide 
and from 75 to 100 feet long and, though in part filled up, are still from 
15 to 20 feet deep. One North Carolina mica pit is 320 feet long and 
in places 30 feet deep (Smith, 1877, pp. 441-443). Old tunnels connect- 
ing pits from 50 to over 100 feet long are mentioned. They are from 
3 to 3% feet in height and much less in width. Large trees have grown 
within the pits. When the North Carolina mica boom was on in 
1868-69, such pits were of value in relocating mica mines and the 
Indians proved to have been good prospectors (Kerr, vol. 1, 1875, 
pp. 300-301; 1880, p. 457). Incidentally the mountaineers were 
obsessed with the idea that the ancient pits were silver mines worked 
by De Soto’s men (Foster, 1873, p. 370). D.B.Sterrett (1907, p. 401) 
found stone tools around some of the North Carolina mica mines and 
Wm. B. Phillips (1888, p. 662) states that the Indians used fire in 
breaking the rock. The latter reports that large pine trees (18 inches 
in diameter) have grown on the debris of the Alabama mica mines 
(Phillips, 1907, p. 671). Mica mines occur in 7 different counties in 
Alabama and at some 17 localities in North Carolina (Holmes, 1919, 
pp. 244-245). Theold traveler Laudonniére (A. D. 1564) was shown 
by Indians large mica plates found in the Appalachians with “‘christal” 
and “slate stone.’”’ Ralph Lane (A. D. 1585-86) heard also of a 
“marvelous and strange mineral” occurring in large plates, which 
was mined to the west of Roanoke (Packard, 1893, pp. 162-163). 
In Amelia County, Va., there are aboriginal mica pits 12 feet deep 
(Fontaine, 1883, pp. 330-339). Fire was used to break the rock. 

Mica was commonly used by the Mound Builders, and J. Priest 
(1838, p. 179) mentions one piece, 3 feet long, 1% feet wide, and 1% inches 
thick, a fair sized ‘“‘book.’’ From a single mound, as many as 250 
mica objects and as much as 20 bushels of mica have been reclaimed. 
It doubtless came from the Appalachian mines. ‘Synthetic’ pearls 
were made by the Mound Builders by wrapping a coat of mica around 
wooden beads (Davis, 1931, p. 136). Again, beads of clay were 
covered with crushed mica (Lilly, 1937, p. 210). 


ANTHROP. Pap, No. 13] INDIAN MINING—BALL 45 


Among the Delaware Indians, mica laminae are placed in medicine 
bags and are powerful “rain medicine” as they are believed to be 
scales of the great mythological Horned Serpent. Merely place a few 
“scales” on a rock beside some stream and the black thunder clouds 
gather and refresh the thirsty cornfields with rain (Harrington, 1913, 
p. 226). 

Fuchsite beads are reported from an ancient Guatemalan grave 
(Bauer, 1900, p. 291). 


LABRADORITE 


Labradorite, which was introduced to the scientific world by Mo- 
ravian missionaries in 1770, was presumably procured by them from 
the Eskimo, who still bring fine specimens from the interior of Labra- 
dor (Packard, 1891, pp. 272-283). They know it as ‘“‘the fire-rock”’ 
(Browne, 1909, p. 155). Captain Cartwright, who was in Labrador 
from 1770-86 (Cartwright, 1911, p. 347), mentions it being picked 
up by the Eskimo. Eskimo chiefs used it ornamentally over 50 years 
ago (Tuttle, 1885, p. 65). 

Anorthite was used in Panama. 


SUNSTONE 


Dr. H. P. Wightman states that the Apache Indians collected sun- 
stone (variety andesine) from their reservation not far from Globe, 
Ariz. (Sterrett, 1916, p. 322). 


MOONSTONE 


Moonstone was among the gems excavated at Ticoman, Mexico, 
in a grave of Toltec or pre-Toltec culture (Vaillant, 1930, pp. 610-616). 


AMAZONSTONE 


Amazonstone was used by the Aztecs, Mayas, and the Indians of 
Wisconsin, California, Trinidad, Venezuela, and Brazil. 


SLATE 


The Haidahs, skillful carvers in slate, obtained the raw product 
from a quarry on Queen Charlotte’s Island. 


VARISCITE 


Mr. Don Maguire, according to Dr. G. F. Kunz, reports that in 
the vicinity of the variscite locality near old Camp Floyd in Cedar 
Valley, Utah, artifacts and rock inscriptions are common. No old 
workings have as yet been found, however, but variscite was used by 
the ancient Pueblo people of the region. 


46 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bunn, 128 


CALAMINE 


Calamine of predominant blue color, but in part gray and green, is 
possessed by the Yaquis of Chihuahua, Mexico. They use it as 
votive offerings, believing it has magical qualities (Sterrett, 1909, 
p. 812). 

F'LUORSPAR 


Fluorspar was used as an ornamental stone by the Indians of Mis- 
souri, Illinois, Tennessee, Kentucky, Indiana, and California, the 
Pueblos, Aztecs, and Peruvians, and the Bolivian Indians. 

The fluorite used by the Mound Builders was probably picked up 
from the outcrop as E. C. Clark® knows of no aboriginal pits in the 
Illinois-Kentucky field. He states that most of the fluorite employed 
by the Mound Builders apparently came from the Illinois part of the 
field. 


AMBER 


Amber was commonly used by the Eskimo and the Indians of Alaska 
and British Columbia, the Aztecs and Mayas, the Peruvians and the 
Indians of Santo Domingo and the Lesser Antilles and Colombia. A 
fossil gum was also used by the Brazilian Indians and a fossil resin 
closely resembling amber has been found in Mound Builder mounds 
in Ross County, Ohio. Reported occurrences of amber artifacts in 
Virginia and Tennessee may or may not be authentic. 

The Eskimo of Point Barrow find from time to time amber on the 
beach and use it rough as amulets and rarely cut it into beads. It is 
called atima, i. e., “‘a live coal,’ a descriptive figure of speech (Mur- 
doch, 1892, p. 61). Ernest de K. Leffingwell (1919, p. 179) saw the 
Point Barrow natives ‘‘pick up a few pieces [of amber] a quarter of 
an inch in diameter from the protected beaches between Harrison 
and Smith Bays.’’ The Eskimo also got amber for beads from the 
alluvium of the Yukon delta and from the Tertiary formations of the 
Fox Islands (Holmes, 1907, p. 48). The Koniagas of Kodiak Island 
prize labrets, ear ornaments, and pendants of amber which at times, 
particularly after earthquakes, is said to be thrown up upon the south 
side of the island. Broken beads and pieces of amber are placed on 
the graves of the wealthy. It is also an important, though rare and 
costly, article of commerce among them. (Cox, 1787, p. 212; Ban- 
croft, 1886, vol. 1, pp. 72-73; Dall, 1870, p. 403; Petroff, 1884, p. 138.) 
That amber was widely traded in among the Eskimo long ago is shown 
by the presence. of beads and uncut lumps in Thule culture ruins 
(about A. D. 600-1600) at Naujan on the shore of Fox Channel. 
Amber beads said to be of Asian origin were found in an Aleutian 
grave on Unalaska Island (Weyer, Jr., 1929, p. 234). 


¢ Personal communication. 


Anrurop. Par. No. 13] INDIAN MINING—BALL 47 


Gerard Fowke (1894, p. 16) found in a grave in Rockbridge County, 
Va., a bead “resembling amber,’’ which, he suggests, possibly may be 
of European origin. The occasional finding of amber on the adjacent 
Virginian coast appears to render such a conclusion unnecessary. 
W. M. Clark (1878, p. 275) reported amber beads in a Tennessee 
mound but as these were stolen before being placed in a museum, the 
observation must be accepted with reservations. 

Amber and labrets of amber were among the tribute to be paid 
Montezuma by certain of the districts of Mexico, particularly the cities 
on the Atlantic coast and of Chiapas, a present-day locality. In 
Aztec times it was an important article of commerce. Sahagun (1880, 
p. 771) reports that amber was obtained by the Aztecs from “‘mines 
in the mountainous country.” Clavigero reports that it was used as 
an ornament mounted in gold. 

The amber of the north coast of Santo Domingo was gathered in 
pre-Columbian days. It was the first gem material recognized in the 
New World by the whites, as Christopher Columbus, in his account 
of his second voyage, says that the island contains ‘‘mines of copper, 
azure, and amber” (Kerr, 1811, vol. 3, p. 131). 


SOAPSTONE (STEATITE) 


Soapstone was used by practically all the North and Central 
American peoples, by the Indians of Puerto Rico, Venezuela, Colom- 
bia, Bolivia, Brazil, Argentina, and Chile, and by the Peruvians. 
The Cherokees of the Great Smokies, N. C., still make soapstone 
pipes, largely, however, for tourist consumption (Morley, 1913, p. 238) 
and Peter Kalm states that in 1748 soapstone pots were still used 
among the Delawares. 

Steatite was quarried in a large number of places in the Appalachian 
uplift from Newfoundland to Alabama, some 33 being known to the 
writer. Other localities were Wyoming and Lac de la Pluie, southwest 
of Lake of Woods, Ontario (Mackenzie, 1902, vol. 1, p. xci1). Soap- 
stone was also obtained in the Jacumba region, San Diego County, 
Calif. (Gifford, 1931, p. 29), and on Santa Catalina Island (Kroeber, 
1925, p. 629). Stone hammers, mauls, and picks are common at such 
localities. A peculiar feature of the quarrying is the fact that bowls 
were in some instances largely shaped in place, then undercut, and 
only then broken off from the solid rock by gradual pressure of the 
chisel around the base of the bowl (Schumacher, 1879, vol. 7, pp. 
117-121). At least the pots and other artifacts were usually roughly 
hewn at the quarry although they may have been finished at the 
home village. A. J. Pickett (1851, vol. 1, p. 177) states, from Indian 
testimony now over 100 years old, that in Alabama the Indians “cut 
out the pieces with flint rocks fixed in wooden handles. After working 
around as deep as they desired, the piece was pryed out of the rock.” 


48 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL, 128 


In Norway and Sweden in the Viking time, about 1,200 years ago, 
the Scandinavians cut pots from soapstone in place much as did the 
American Indians of that or later times (Grieg, 1930; 1932, pp. 88-106). 
The Laplanders of northwestern Sweden’ also cut their pots directly 
from the rock outcrop. 

At Johnston, R. I., the largest pits are 10 feet long, 6 feet wide, and 
are now 5 feet deep although originally doubtless 15 feet deep (Den- 
ison, 7n Chase, 1885, pp. 900-901). The Narragansett Indians were 
famous steatite artisans and traders, and their pipes made of local 
steatite were in demand not only among the Mohawk but also by “‘our 
English Tobacconists for their rarity, strength, handsomenesse and 
coolnesse”’ (Wood, 1634, p. 65). 

The Cumberland Sound Eskimo when breaking steatite from a 
quarry, ‘‘deposit a trifling present at the place, because otherwise the 
stone would become hard’”’ (Boas, 1907, p. 138). The Eskimo on the 
west coast of Hudson Bay and the Copper Eskimo believe that 
steatite should not be worked while the people are living on the 
ice (Boas, 1907, p. 149; Jenness, 1922, p. 184). The former some- 
times use steatite as bullets when lead is scarce. It is mined by 
Eskimo at the mouth of Tree River, which flows into Coronation 
Gulf, 75 miles east of the Coppermine mouth. The Coppermine 
Eskimo are dealers in soapstone lamps and pots, and at many of the 
soapstone localities the main occupation of certain Eskimo is pot 
making. Families from as far away as Cape Bexley visit the Tree 
River for the stone, being en route 1, 2, or more years and such trips 
are the subject of local songs. It is also distributed by tribal barter. 
It is believed by Stefansson that this and localities east of it once 
supplied soapstone cooking utensils as far west as Siberia (Stefansson, 
1919, pp. 68, 112-113; 1914, p. 25). Stefansson (1919, p. 28) states 
that to make a pot takes all an Eskimo’s spare time for a year and 
that certain of the more skillful members of the tribe specialize in 
making such utensils. 

CATLINITE 


Catlinite (Eyanskah in Sioux) (Neill, 1858, p. 515) occurs in the 
Coteau des Prairies, Minn., on the Red Cedar branch of the Chip- 
pewa River, Wis. (Schoolcraft, 1853, p. 206; Strong et al., 1882, 
vol. 4, pt. 5, p. 578; West, 1934, pp. 72-73, 330-331; De la Ronde, 
1876, pp. 348-349; Barrett, 1926; West, 1910, pp. 31-34; Brown, 
1914, vol. 13, pp. 75, 80-82), in Scioto County, Ohio (Shetrone, 
1930, p. 178), and in Arizona. The latter is probably the oldest of the 
localities, as catlinite artifacts occur in the Pueblo II culture stage of 
Utah (A. D. 200-800). The next oldest of the localities certainly 
worked by the aborigines was the Ohio locality. Its trade area was 


’ Personal communication, Hans Lundberg. 


AnTHROP, Par. No. 13] INDIAN MINING—BALL 49 


much more restricted than that of the Minnesota catlinite, but it was 
extensively used in Ohio and Kentucky and in some instances reached 
even Iowa and Wisconsin. The Minnesota and Wisconsin localities, 
while probably the youngest of the catlinite mines worked by the 
aborigines, are well over 300 years old. Sioux myths connecting 
catlinite with the creation of man suggest a greater age, but myths of 
the long ago conceivably can grow in a day. Catlinite was also ob- 
tained from the glacial drifts in the upper Mississippi Valley (pl. 5). 

To the Coteau des Prairies, the surrounding tribes from hundreds of 
miles around made yearly mining pilgrimages to obtain material 
for their pipes. The Great Spirit, after miraculously forming the 
pipestone, had dedicated the ground as neutral property where war 
was taboo, an admonition for a time respected. Even while en route 
to the quarries, the Indians’ bitterest enemies would not attack them. 
(For a poetical rendering of Indian catlinite myths, see Longfellow’s 
Hiawatha.) According to the Sioux, catlinite attained its color by 
being stained by the blood of buffalo slain by the Great Spirit, while 
to the Indians of the upper Missouri, it was the flesh of Indians 
drowned in a great flood (Armstrong, 1901, pp. 2-4, 11). 

L, N. Nicollet, who visited the quarry in the Coteau des Prairies in 
1838-39 (1843, pp. 15-17), adds that the Indians believe that when 
they visit the quarry they are always saluted by lightning and thunder 
and that its discovery was due to a deep path worn down into the 
catlinite bed by the buffalo, the path being still visible at the time of 
‘Nicollet’s visit. Three days of purification preceded the Indians’ 
visit to the quarry during which time he who was to do the quarrying 
must be continent. The Abbé Domenech (1860, vol. 2, p. 347) adds 
that during this period the miners fasted. Provided the pit, which 
the Indian miner sinks, does not encounter catlinite of good quality, 
he is considered to have ‘“‘impudently boasted of his purity. He is 
compelled to retire: and another takes his place.’’ A Sioux who visited 
the quarry about that time says that first there was a feast to the 
spirits of the place and then before quarrying a religious dance was 
held (Dodge, 1877, p. xtvi1). The Indians (Domenech, 1860, vol. 
2, p. 273) were loath to have white men visit the quarry as their pres- 
ence was a profanation which would draw down the wrath of heaven 
on the Indians. Before mining began the medicine men invoked and 
propitiated the spirits of two glacial boulders nearby, symbolizing two 
squaws, the guardian spirits of the place (Schoolcraft, 1851-57: 
Catlin, 1913, vol. 1, pp. 25-26; vol. 2, pp. 186-195, 228-234). 

A small creek at the foot of a quartzite ridge probably originally 
exposed the thin bed (18 inches) of reddish fine-grained somewhat 
metamorphosed clayey sediment (catlinite). At the base of the wall 
and parallel to it is a prairie one-half mile wide. On it for a distance 
of almost a mile are many pits from 20 to 40 feet wide and from 4 to 


50 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [But, 128 


10 feet deep sunk through the soil to procure the pipestone (pl. 5). 
The tools were roughly shaped hammers and sledges from the nearby 
quartzite ledges, some of the hammers being grooved. Hieroglyphics 
are common on the faces of the rock ledge and tradition says that 
each Indian before venturing to quarry Catlinite inscribed his totem 
thereon (Mallery, 1893, p. 87). Remains of ancient camp sites 
abound nearby and in them are found partially worked fragments of 
pipestone, the material in part having been carved at the quarry, 
perhaps because with age this rock is said by some to become indurated. 
(Holmes, 1892, p. 277; 1919, pt. 1, pp. 109, 253-263; Nicollet, 1843, p. 
15; Winchell, 1884, pp. 541-542; Hayden, 1867, pp. 19-22; West, 1934, 
p. 329; Lynd, 1865.) 

Groseilliers and Radisson in A. D. 1658-60 were perhaps the first 
whites to see catlinite for they mention pipes of a red stone owned by 
the Nation of Beef living west of Lake Superior. Father Marquette 
(Repplier, 1929, p. 151) smoked a pipe of peace of catlinite in 1673 and 
Le Seur in 1699-1700 mentions the Hinhoneton’s ‘village of the red 
stone quarry”’ (Shea, 1861, p. 111). Father Charlevoix (1763) men- 
tions its source as among the ‘“‘Ajouez (Iowa) beyond the Mississippi.” 
Initial quarrying by Indians must have preceded the seventeenth 
century. Le Page du Pratz (1758, vol. 1, p. 326) states that when 
M. de Bourgmont, in 1724, was en route to visit the Padoucas, he 
saw a cliff on the banks of the Missouri, consisting of a ‘‘mass of red 
stone with white spots like porphyry” but soft, easily worked into 
pipes and fire-resistant; this lay between two valueless stones. ‘The 
Indians of the country have contrived to strike off pieces thereof with 
their arrows and after they fall in the water plunge in for them.” 
This strangely perverted account of the method of obtaining catlinite 
is similar to that by which Pliny states the Persians obtained turquoise. 

Jonathan Carver (1778, p. 99), who traveled in the upper Mississippi 
region in 1766-68, shows on his map Couteau des Prairies as “Country 
of Peace.”” Lewis and Clarke (1804-06) also speak of the Indian 
tribes meeting there in “friendship”’ to collect stones for pipes (Coues, 
1893, vol. 1, p. 80) but in 1837 when George Catlin visited it (1848, 
vol. 2, p. 166) the Sioux were in possession and did not permit their 
enemies to procure pipestone. Indeed an old chief of the Sauk com- 
plained to Catlin that, while as a young man, he visited the place to 
dig catlinite “‘now their pipes were old and few.” ‘The Dakotans 
have spilled the blood of the red men on that place and the Great 
Spirit is offended” (Catlin, 1848, vol. 2, p.171). Thus, prior to about 
1810 the quarry was neutral ground, but after that date was in the 
possession of the Sioux. About 60 years ago, Professor Crane reported 
that 300 Yankton Sioux took part in the annual pilgrimage to the 
quarry, and an Indian chief claimed 100 years ago he had seen 6,000 
Indians encamped at the quarry for 2 months (Barber, 1883, pp. 


ANTHROP. Pap, No. 13] INDIAN MINING—BALL a) 


745-765). The Yankton Sioux by article 8 of the treaty with the 
United States, dated April 19, 1858, have the right in perpetuity to 
mine catlinite within about a square mile surrounding the quarry 
(S. Dak. Hist. Coll., 1902, vol. 1, app., p. 449). While these people 
and their friends, the Flandreau Sioux, still visit ® the locality, many 
of the pipes and trinkets sold since at least 1866 have been of white 
manufacture. Indeed, Indian traders had glass beads, imitating 
catlinite, by the end of the eighteenth century. 

The trade in catlinite was Nation-wide, extending from Canada to 
the Gulf of Mexico and from the Atlantic to well within the Rocky 
Mountains Iowa Indians, according to Father Louis André 
(Thwaites, 1896-1901, vol. 60, p. 203), in 1676, had Minnesota cat- 
linite and the Iroquois and Algonquin peoples on the Atlantic coast 
by intertribal barter late in the seventeenth century. Peter Kalm, 
Professor of Economy, University of Abo, Finland, who traveled in 
North America from 1748 to 1751 (Pinkerton, 1808-14, vol. 13, p. 516; 
Kalm, 1772, vol. 2, p. 43) says the chiefs of the Indians of Pennsylvania 
had pipes ingeniously made of “‘very fine red pot-stone or a kind of 
serpentine marble of the kind which Father Charlevoix says comes from 
beyond the Mississippi.’”? They were very scarce and were valued “‘as 
much as a piece of silver of the same size and sometimes they make it 
still dearer.’”’ Loskiel (1789, p. 66) says that the Delawares and Iro- 
quois got their pipes direct from Indians ‘‘who live near the Marble 
River, on the western side of the Mississippi, where they extract it 
from a mountain.” If so, these Indian merchants carried their wares 
1,000 miles from their homes. Among the Wisconsin Menomini, the 
journey to the quarry in Minnesota being long, small blocks of cat- 
linite were locally valued at $100. At Fort Union in 1852, Kurz 
purchased a ‘‘charming”’ catlinite pipe from an Absaroka for $7, 
although among the Crows it would have been worth a packhorse 
(Kurz, 1937, p. 257). He adds that, though fashioned by the Sioux, 
they are articles of barter among all the other tribes. 

The red pipestone found in the Ohio Mound Builders mounds was 
doubtless largely obtained from the Ohio pits (Shetrone, 1930, p. 178, 
and personal communication) but that from the mounds in Lyon 
County, Iowa, presumably, as A. R. Fulton holds (1882, p. 89), came 
from the Minnesota quarry. The Ohio pipestone is of lighter color 
than that of the other localities, being pinkish or grayish. 

There are a number of catlinite quarries in Barron (at least five 
quarries) and Chippewa Counties, Wis. The largest quarry, situated 
on a hill, is about 25 feet square and not over 3 feet deep. In places, 
the indurated shale was stoped back beneath the overlying quartzite. 
The Indians worked here at least as late as 1914. The catlinite is 
reddish brown in color and was used extensively by the Indians. Dela 


8 Personal communication, G. L. Chesley, postmaster, Pipestone, Minn. 


52 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL 128 


Ronde visited the locality over 100 years ago and states that the In- 
dians travel many miles to obtain the catlinite and that while there 
peace reigns. He tells a dramatic story of a Sioux and a Chippewa 
who by chance met at the mine and peaceably procured their pipe 
material but as soon as they were a respectable distance from the 
sacred spot fought a duel to the death. 

The Pueblos imitated catlinite in pottery, showing the esteem in 
which they held catlinite, some of which occurs in the ruins of Arizona. 
It doubtless came from the Jerome Junction, Arizona locality (Schra- 
der, Stone, and Sanford, 1917, p. 18). 


OBSIDIAN 


Obsidian was used throughout North and Central America, except 
in eastern Canada, New England, the North Atlantic (a single ob- 
sidian artifact has been found in Pennsylvania), and the southeastern 
States (artifacts have been reported from Georgia and Alabama, how- 
ever) and it was used in South America by the Indians of Colombia, 
Ecuador, Bolivia, British Guiana, Peru, Argentina, Chile, and Brazil, 
and also by those of the Lesser Antilles. By trade it traveled vast 
distances. 

Obsidian was quarried at Obsidian Cliff, Yellowstone National Park, 
and elsewhere in thejYellowstone and Snake River Valleys as well as in 
Utah, New Mexico, Arizona, and Nevada (Holmes, 1919, pp. 214-227). 
Apparently the Obsidian Cliff, Yellowstone National Park, was neutral 
ground to Indians seeking arrowhead material (Alter, 1925, p. 381). 
From shallow shafts, drifts were driven (Brower, 1897, pp. 20-24). 
Shell heaps around San Francisco Bay, in the opinion of A. L. Kroeber 
(1925, pp. 927-930), show that obsidian was used from 3,000 to 3,500 
years ago. Unworked blocks are buried therein as if of great value. 
It is reported in Minnesota in deposits antedating the last glacial 
state (Hagie, 1936). 

Obsidian was obtained by the aborigines in some 10 California local- 
ities either in place or as pebbles. The Pit River Indians made long 
trips to Sugar Hill in the summer to procure obsidian pebbles (Kniffen, 
1928). The hill was sacred and the Indians feared to offend its spirit. 
The Klamath Indians of southeastern Oregon believed that arrows 
made from obsidian obtained on a mountain west of Klamath Lake 
were poisonous (Spier, 1930, p. 32; Rust, vol. 7, 1905, pp. 688-695). 
Herbert J. Spinden (1908, vol. 2) states the Nez Percé’s name for the 
John Day River meant “obsidian river.’””’ The Mandan Indians 
remelted glass and cast characteristic beads: if, as tradition holds, they 
learned the art from the Snake Indians, their original raw material 
may have been obsidian from the Yellowstone National Park, rather 
than clay (Matthews, 1877, pp. 22-23). 


ANTHROP, Pap. No. 13] INDIAN MINING—BALL 53 


Obsidian was abundantly used by the Mound Builders and the 
Hopewell (Ohio) people had ceremonial knives 18 inches long and 
over 6 inches wide. Evidently blocks of obsidian were imported and 
the material worked up in the Mound Builders’ village. Shetrone 
(1930, p. 65) thinks that, as obsidian and grizzly bear teeth are found 
together in the Hopewell culture mounds and not in quantity, at 
least, to the west, the Hopewell men sent special expeditions to the 
Yellowstone Park to obtain obsidian. 

The pueblos of New Mexico and Arizona had obsidian at hand at 
many places. They not only quarried it but also apparently de- 
pended for their supply on the shattered outcrops. The Tewa In- 
dians of the upper Rio Grande Valley, N. Mex., believe that the flaking 
of the outcrop is due to lightning striking it (Harrington, 1916, p. 59). 

Obsidian was doubtless used a very long time ago by the peoples of 
the Southwest, as Earl H. Morris (1919, p. 202) reports that the obsid- 
ian implements from ancient ruins in southwestern Colorado are so 
old that they have acquired a “dull gloss,” or patina. That it was 
long in use among certain of the Indians is also indicated by the 
Athabascan folk tale in which it was one of the four substances existing 
before the world was created (Goddard, 1827, p. 180). 

The Aztecs and their predecessors used obsidian extensively, fash- 
ioning from it spear and arrow points, knives, razors, and swords, 
mirrors, beautiful masks, and dainty ear ornaments. The Aztecs 
called it iztlt and because of its many uses it was surnamed teotetl 
(divine stone) (Bancroft, 1883, vol. 3, p. 238). So abundantly was 
it used by the Aztecs that some of the refuse heaps around Mexico 
City are black with its fragments (Holmes, 1900, p. 406). Obsidian 
must have been long known to the Aztecs as one of their gods was 
Itzpopalotl (Obsidian Butterfly) (Verrill, 1929, p. 185). Further at 
Cuichuilco near Mexico City, Dean Byron Cummings in 1916 found 
a structure which, in its relation to certain lava flows, he believed long 
antedated the Aztecs. Nearby, Mrs. Zelia Nuttal found fragments 
of obsidian flakes ‘with a dull surface and a patina which unques- 
tionably indicate great antiquity’ in an ancient river bed, 17 feet 
beneath the lava bed (Mason, 1931, p. 30). 

Alexander de Humboldt rediscovered the old Aztec obsidian pits of 
Sierra de las Navajas some 10 miles east of Pachuca (1811, vol. 3, 
p. 122; 1815, vol. 1, p. 337). The aborigines, over hundreds of acres, 
according to W. H. Holmes (1900, vol. 2, pp. 405-416) in an area 
1% miles long and in places one-half wide, sunk shallow pits and 
gophered out horizontally from them where the obsidian was of good 
quality. The spall heaps nearby run into the hundreds of tons. 
W. H. Holmes, who says that the deepest pits are now 20 feet deep 
although once deeper, estimates that the workings are about as_ ex- 

218558—40—5 


54 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLb, 128 
KEY TO ABBREVIATIONS USED IN TABLE 1 

Central America: Northern South America: 
Costanhicas=s 2 22-2 ae C. British Guiande= Br. 
Nitarapiias 22s 22.) 2.22 N. Venezuela: 2-22 ve 
Panama wiring sce bee Pp} Colombia2.—. ae C. 
San Salvadoree ss) 2-2 2! Ss Heusdors 2.5.22 eee E. 

West Indies: Bolivia (in part Inean)__--- B. 
Santo Domingo (Hispaniola)_ S. Dutch Guianale 22 eee D. G. 
Montserrat -- 222. =e M. Southern South America: 
VRMIICH. 2 Se ee a kee J Argenting. 2 "222 _ eee A 
PuertosRicols est. ee iP Chiles. See Cc 
ecient}... HENS. ey Se C. Paraguay i: {1.9 2a ee P: 
Guadeloupe ls. 22.722. Gs Brazil_<!. 2.1: 2 B. 
sPrintGads <= eyo 2 ere Te 


= - — ~> Dass outs 7 3 ae > Ge ee > ee 


TasLe 1.—Precious and decorative stones used by Indians 


wep | | South west Mexico Central Americs 
pp) Western LS SS 

North Valley Lower Mountains ] 
Cen- AUantic | South. | (Minne- Mississippi, Northern | Southern | romero | } | 
tral eastern | sota, Mich-| Kentucky, | Plains Plains * |Oregon, 

Bouse] and | Ree | cow | states iqan, West | Tennessee, | (Dakotas, | (Okla- | Wyoming, Wash Call. | wag | West Indies Peru | Northern South America| Southern South 
Gems and stones fAretic | rusia jeastern| EDR | (New Mirstnia-| Virginis, | Missouri, | Kansas, boms, | colorado, | mieton tribes, | Pueb- | Astecs,| Wid | aravas|| Other than MM America 

Cana- Marg- | Floridn) | Ohio, * | to Loulsi: | Nebraska) | ‘Texas tah, Arito- | los | Toltecs| tribes then Mayas 

Tan Mlinois, ans Nevada) 


|x. a). 


20 |x, A» 
X Br, 0. E.,B.,D.0,|X (A, Pa By 
V). 


x 
x 
x 


ye 


nw: 
nnn 


“A 
x 


-| X (C., B. Ad). 


HAA A 
ARR KAA 


X(C., B.. Ad. 


nw 


X(A,, B). 


wa! 


X (B,, A.) 


6 cite.. oe 
em (CaC0s) (includes stalactites 
- and satin spar). Seoerd 


X (A.). 


-| X(C,, A. B.). 


AnAA AKA 


i Me 


|x @. 
|X). 


|x @., 4.0). 


| x @. 


X (B.). 
XA). 


X(C.). 


HAM: 


-Serp ntine (includes picrolite) 
Steatit 


#2 Shark’s teeth, coral. 
¥ Wisconsin probable. ‘i 
te nine Texas. H ae ae 4 North Carolina and Mississippi. A heed seanmaatte 
Also ne hae eae 1 Saskatchewan ot Regina, Northwest Ontario, Quebec (?), — ** Caicos group of Bahamas. 48 Crinold stems. 
Also pyrthot! 1 Anorthite, Labrador, Manitoba, Northwest Territories, # Also satin spar. % Shell, coral, erinoids. 
a Otite, @ Caicas Islands, St. Kitts, Neat yaraey nA Neg: Vor, %# Manitoba, Saskatchewan. ¥ Shells, 
‘ me Sys dag Kentucky. mviginia probable. 4 Georgia and North Carolina. # Isle Royal. ™ Shark’s teeth, 
1 : : \ Georgia, ¥ Baeulites, Inoceramus. th (Colombis). 
‘Saskatchewan. 15 Northwest Territories. % As far as Idaho. % Coral. %* Mastodon teeth (| 
Reported Wisconsin, \ Including Northwest Territories. ® Chihuahua, 


21865810 (Face p. 54) 


AntTHrop. Pap, No. 13] INDIAN MINING—BALL 50 


tensive as the great flit quarries at Hot Springs, Ark., and Flint 
Ridge, Ohio. Stone hammers, discoidal or globular in form, were 
found near the pits. In part, at least, the material was worked locally 
but it was also transported in the rough to distant markets. Loéwen- 
stern (1843, pp. 244-245) describes these mines as trenches from 1 to 2 
meters wide and of varying depth. From the extent of the pits it is 
believed that mining began some centuries before the arrival of the 
Spaniards (Tylor, 1861). It was also quarried at Zacaultipan and 15 
miles south of Tulancingo, Hidalgo; at Teuchitlin, Ixtlan de los 
Buenos Aires, and Etzatlan, Jalisco; Pica de Orizabo, Veracruz; Zina- 
pécuaro, Michoacan; and elsewhere in Mexico. At Teuchitlin some 
of the flakes are so very old that they are covered with a thick white 
crust (Breton, 1905, pp. 265-268). 

The Mayas got their obsidian doubtless in part, at least, from the 
extensive ancient quarries at La Joya, 18 miles east of Guatemala 
City. It also occurs at Fiscal (on the railroad from Guatemala to 
Zacapa) and near Antiqua (Holmes, 1919). At Flores, Guatemala, 
the local “‘small change”’ consists of oblong pieces of obsidian, the val- 
ue depending on the size and shape of the piece (Boddam-Whetham, 
1877, p. 296). 

Don George Juan and Don de Ulloa (who travelled in Peru in 1734) 
refer to ancient aboriginal mines of obsidian in that country (Pinker- 
ton, vol. 14, pp. 545-546). The Ecuador Indians had an obsidian 
quarry at Guamani and a thriving commerce in it was carried on with 
the coastal Indians. In their Quichua language it was known as 
aya-collqui, “silver of the dead,” certainly an apt poetic name. 


OTHER MINERALS 


Diopside was used by the Indians of British Columbia and the 
Pueblos, as was actinolite by the California Indians and the Pueblos. 
Scapolite was utilized by the Pueblos and the Peruvian Indians. 
Sillimanite was used by the Pueblos and the Brazilian Indians. Saus- 
surite was employed by the Indians of Ecuador. Chlorite was 
commonly used in North America, only rarely in South America. 
Agalmatolite was made into artifacts by the Mayas and the Indians 
of Ecuador, Colombia, and Chile. Apatite was known by the Pueblos. 
Barite was used by the Indians of Kentucky and by those of Georgia. 
Artifacts are common in the vicinity of Cartersville in the latter 
State, a district in which barite residuals are abundant. Celestite 
was made use of by the Indians of New York. Gypsum was utilized 
widely by the Eskimo, the Indians of Eastern Canada and the 
northeastern United States, those of the upper Mississippi Valley, 
northern plains, the Rocky Mountain States and California; also by 
the Pueblos, the northern Mexicans, the Mayas, and the Indians of 
Costa Rica, Cuba, Bahamas, Chile, and Argentina. 


56 


Aga, 


Ag, 


Al, 


Am, 


Ga, 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL, 128 
LIST OF MINES OPERATED BY THE INDIANS (pls. 4, 5) 


Agalmatolite: 

Paccha, Ecuador. 

Agate: 

Southampton Island, Canada; AgateBay, Two Harbor, Minn.; Spedes 
Valley, Wash. (also opal, etc.); Millers Island, Wash. (also opal, 
etc.); cataracts, Demarara R., British Guiana; Parima, Mountains, 
Venezuela. 

Agatized wood: 

Petrified Forest, Adamana, Ariz. (also amethyst, smoky quartz, etc.); 
Petrified Forest, 25 miles south of Chambers, Ariz. (also chalcedony, 
etc.). 

Alabaster: 
Wyandotte Cave, Crawford County, Ind.; Tecali, Puebla, Mexico. 
Amber: 

Aliaska Peninsula; Aliaka Isle; Unalaska Island; Umnak Island, 
Yukon Delta, Alaska; Ookamak Island and south side Kodiak 
Island, Alaska; Point Barrow, Alaska; north coast, Santo Domingo; 
Chiapas, Mexico. 

Atacamite: 
Chuquicamata, Chile. 
Barite: 
Bartow County, Ga. 
Brochantite: 
Chuquicamata, Chile; Corocoro, Bolivia. 
Cannel coal: 
Blennerhasset Island, W. Va. 
Catlinite: 

Pipestone, Minn.; Chippewa County, Wis.; Barron County, Wis., five 

quarries; Scioto County, Ohio. 
Chalcedony: 

Warsaw, Coshocton County, Ohio (numerous quarries); Redondo 
Beach, Calif.; Ballast Point, 5 miles below Tampa, Fla.; Wagon 
Wheel Gap, Colo. (also jasper); Saugus Center, Mass.; 100 miles 
northwest of Pinto Basin, Calif. 

Chrysocolla: 

Quebrade de Cobres, northwestern Argentina. 
Chrysoprase: 

Tulare County, Calif. (possible). 
Emerald: 

Coscuez, Chivor-Somondoco, and Muzo, Colombia. 
Fluorite: 

Southern Illinois. 
Galena: 

Golovin Bay, Alaska; Coronation Bay, Canada; Anse-a-la Mine, 
Quebec; Wisconsin-Iowa-Illinois lead district; southeastern Mis- 
souri; Cook’s Peak, N. Mex.; near Lexington, Ky. 

Garnet: 

Picuries, Taos County, N. Mex.; Navaho Reservation, N. Mex.; 
northeast Arizona; north central Arizona; Jaco Lake, Chihuahua, 
Mexico; near Quito, Ecuador. 


ANTHROP, Pap, No. 13] INDIAN MINING—BALL 57 


H, 


Hematite and red ochre: 

Mackenzie River at Fort Good Hope, Canada; Tulameen River, 
British Columbia; Tanana River, Alaska; Leslie, Franklin County, 
Mo.; Iron Mountain, Mo.; Marquette, Mich.; 44° N., 111° W., 
Ross Co., Ohio; Cataract Canyon, Ariz.; Red Canyon, Green River, 
Utah; Wellington, Calif.; Manzano Mountains, N. Mex.; 4 miles 
southwest of Zufi, N. Mex.; Katahdin, Maine; Nodules, Kanawha 
Valley, W. Va.; Kaimak, Argentina. 

Iron pyrite: 

Point Barrow, Alaska; Rowsell Harbour, Labrador; northwest of 
Coronation Bay, northern Canada; 92°30’ W., 69°30’ N.; Victoria 
Island; creek east of Coppermine River; near Wager Inlet and 
Repulse Bay; Bad Creek, 70° N., 117° W.; Mackenzie 10 miles 
below Fort Good Hope, alluvial; Whitemud River, Saskatchewan; 
north part Tierra del Fuego Island; Mercury Sound, Clarence 
Island. 

Jasper: 

Saugus Center, Mass.; Chester Bucks, Lancaster, Lehigh, and Berks 
Counties, Pa.; Flint Ridge, Licking, and Muskingum Counties, 
Ohio (also chalcedony); Normanskill on Hudson River, N. Y.; 
Converse County, Wyo. (also chalcedony); Delaware River, Mercer 
County, N. J.; St. Tammany Parish, La.; 40 miles south of Twenty- 
nine Palms, Calif.; 40 miles north of Pinto Basin, Calif.; Cal- 
pulalpam, Mexico; Mount Roraima, British Guiana. 

Labradorite: 

Labrador, near Paul’s Island. 
Lignite: 

Fifteen miles north of Holbrook, Kokopuyama, and Tusayan, Ariz. 
Limestone: 

For pipes, Ottawa River at Portage du Grand Calumet; Lake Winni- 
peg River to west of Pike River; Falls of Montmorenci near Quebec; 
Sitka, Alaska; Lynn Canal, Alaska; Nipigon Island, Lake Superior; 
Flint River, Ga.; St. Joseph’s Island, Ontario. 

Magnesite: 

White Buttes, near Cache Creek, Calif.; Sulphur Bank, Clear Lake, 

Calif.; Kaolin, Nev. 
Malachite: 
Cataract Canyon, Ariz.; Azurite Mountains, N. Mex. 


Az, Malachite and azurite: 


Highland, west of Luna, New Mex.; Aquarius and Hualpai Ranges, 
Ariz. 
Moss agate: 
Between Fort Ellis and Yellowstone River, Mont.; valley north of 
Uinta Mountains and San Rafael Valley, Utah. 
Mica: 
Spruce Pine (two pits), Bandana (two pits, Mitchell County), Bakers- 
ville, (Mitchell County), Yancey County, and Macon County 
(12 pits), N. C.; Amelia County, Va.; Chilton County, Jefferson 
County, Coosa County, Clay County, Randolph County, and Cle- 
burne County, Ala. 
Nephrite: 
Jade Mountain, north side of Kobuk River, Alaska; Fraser River and 
Thompson River, British Columbia; Puget Sound; divide head- 
waters of Orinoco and Rio Branco Railroad, British Guiana. 


58 BUREAU OF AMERICAN WIHNOLOGY [BULD, 128 


6, Obsidian: 

Rocky Mountains, about 62°30’ N.; Mount Anahim, 100 miles north- 
east Prince Rupert, British Columbia; Mountains of Thompson 
River, British Columbia; Klamath Lake, Oreg.; John Day River, 
Oreg.; Glass Butte, Lake County, Oreg.; Obsidian Cliff, Yellow- 
stone National Park; Promontory Point, Great Salt Lake, near 
Willard; Shingle Spring (Sierra Nevadas), Clear Lake, lower Clear 
Lake, Head of Napa Valley, Upper Sonomo Valley, Cole Creek, 
Shasta County, Glass Mountain, Sugar Hill, Wheatland, Cortina, 
Mount Kilili (near Tuolumne), Mount Kanaktai (Sonoma County), 
and near Fillmore (Ventura County), Calif; near Pecos Church, 
headwaters Gila River, and Jemez Plateau, N. Mex.; east of Silver 
Peak, Nev.; Robinson Crater and Mount Sitgreaves (latter detrital) 
in San Francisco Mountains, Ariz.; Sierra de las Navajas, Zacaultipan, 
and south of Tulancingo (Hidalgo), Cerro Tepayo, Teuchitlan and 
Ixtlan de los Buenos Aires and Etzatlan (Jalisco); Pica de Orizabo 
(Veracruz), and Zinapecuaro (Michoacan), Mexico; La Joya, 
Antiqua, and Fiscal, Guatemala; Patagonia (detrital 48°10’ S., 
72° W.); Guamani, Ecuador. 


O Olivine: 
Navaho Reservation, N. Mex. 
R, Rock erystal: 


Mackenzie River mouth, Canada; James River, 12 miles above 
Richmond, Va.; Hot Springs, Ark.; Little Falls, Morrison County, 
Minn.; west end Wichita Mountains, Okla. (also jasper); Yakima 
Valley, Wash.; Armonk, Westchester County, N. Y.; east end, 
Long Island, N. Y.; Tiquie River, Colombia; near Guayaquil, 
Ecuador; Pikin Mountain, Brazil; Manhattan Island, N. Y.; 
Compounce, Conn.; northern Oaxaca, Mexico. 
S, Selenite: 
Southern Nebraska; near Zufi, N. Mex.; southeast New Mexico.; near 
Santa Fe, N. Mex.; 44°10’ N., 104°18’ W., S. Dak.; Gypsum Cave, 
near Las Vegas, Nev.; Kaolin, near St. Thomas, Nev.; Mammoth 
Cave, Ky. 
Se, Serpentine: 
Two to two and one-half miles north of Phillipsburg, N. J.; Red Rock, 
Grant County, N. Mex.; streams near Jade Mountain, Alaska; 
Pipestone Lake, 54°30’ N., 93°30’ W.; Anderson Lake, British 
Columbia. 
Sl, Slate: 
Skidegateon, Queen Charlotte Island, British Columbia; 5 miles 
up Mattawa River; Elk River, Canada. 
A, Soapstone: 
Ukasiksalik and Nachvok Fiord, (several localities), Labrador; Buck 
River, 95° W., 67° N.; Simikameen R., British Columbia; Pipe- 
stone Lake, Manitoba; Lac de Ja Pluie, Canada; Reindeer Lake, 
west shore 103° W., 57°30’ N.; just west of Great Slave Lake; 
Utkusikaluk about 111° W., 67°40’ N.; 68° 10’ N., 114° W., on 
Coronation Bay; 112°30’ W., 67°45’ N.; Reindeer Island in Great 
Slave Lake; Lake of Woods, Akkoolee, near Repulse Bay; 96° W., 
66°30’ N.; 90° W., south of Pelly Bay; Arctic Ocean, 60 miles east 
of Mackenzie River; Cumberland Sound; mouth, Tree River; 
Fleur de Lis, Newfoundland; Johnson, Vt.; Westfield, North 
Wilbraham, and Millbury, Mass.; Johnston and Providence, R. I.; 


ANTHROP. Pap. No. 13] INDIAN MINING—BALL 59 


Bristol, Nepaug, Portland, and Harwinton, Conn.; Christiana and 
Bald Hill, Lancaster County, Pa.; four localities Patuxent Valley 
(Montgomery and Howard Counties), Olney, and Clifton, Md.; 
Washington, D. C.; below Little Falls, near Washington, D. C.; 
Culpeper, Wayland Mill (Culpeper County, two localities), Orange 
(Madison County), Falls Church, 6 miles west of Lawrenceville 
(Brunswick County), Norwood, Amelia Court House (two localities, 
Amelia County), Caledonia (Goochland County), and Clifton 
(Fairfax County), Va.; Fawn Knob, Yancey County, N. C.; Roane 
Mountain, Tenn.; Coon Creek, Tallapoosa County, and Jefferson 
County, Ala.; Clam River, Burnett County, Wis.; Jacumba (San 
Diego County) and Santa Catalina Island, Calif.; Columbia 
River above Kettle Falls, Wash.; Pipestone Creek, southwest 
Montana; bordering Buena Vista Hills, San Joaquin Valley, Calif.; 
Tuolumne, Calif.; 4 miles northeast of Lindsay, Calif. 
So, Sodalite: 
Cerro Sapo, Cochabamba Cordillera, Bolivia. 


Su, Sunstone: 

Reservation near Globe, Ariz. 
To, Tourmaline: 

Mesa Grande, San Diego County, Calif. 
pi Turquoise: 


Los Cerrillos, Burro Mountains, Hachita Mountains, Jarilla Moun- 
tains, and Paschal, N. Mex.; Sugar Loaf Peak (Lincoln County), 
Columbus (Mineral County), Crescent (Clark County), Royston 
(Nye County), near Boulder City, and northeast of Searchlight, 
Landon County, Nev.; Turquoise Mountain, Cochise County, 
Ariz.; Mineral Park, Mohave County, Ariz.; Manvel, also Silver 
Lake, San Bernardino County, Calif.; La Jara, Conejos County, 
Colo.; Chuquicamata, Chile. 


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4h | 
tome 
‘ae ee is 
4 Nhs TWD ia Wien ale ds eeu 
h ‘ } ! fy iy i “ 
f 7 , . a) 
: er: nae ie m waa 
‘ane , ler ty ue - 
An 


aildgayestMt | 1 ie-4 

mf Lek cy, bay" Pi ly Aa ae Manu duly, Mz Pided 

ee gar “ands ant, gta (anitthogzl baie 
mur ? inept) oe eae a | Rite é hey Oee-S08 L fo. 

Tht ee bet PAY ey; ay eR ‘ 


ih, grams, a 7A gored inj 


a ie Hae 
Meta Mis cle Cg oth rod yo I ane te 


ois oes ait ‘BB. Hed a Pheer otha “ata sdebnl 


i O ae cde Fipinonesaam Boal rele ‘gifh > tobi g ag 
ry ny Layne : Pvt hacen "Se 


cura: Fs OL it f Nii 44 sets ject dwlt-e 


Meldaty ' iin Leman he 
ia oes te ABTEL “ent 


Sa} 


{ Whee. Ti koe, Rr a, { 
i , hey A whee \ 
Ma ain ty, ted. VaR AE At 
‘ ree eee it 
>. Corie “4 Lia hao Wome 1a ine: 
t V4) ] 


i wo va f eat at 


4 ¢ . ig ‘ ‘ al a3 A 5 
Wide Seton ety den ate ysl 
remote °F ie. oH ¥ 
vy NAY, a, Sale and bs ee 
r ‘ hi as Gaye i wt i een i- Me yon, 
; K : , Fin wy 7 fates ‘A Cio aed t 
ake in | 
" ‘ ) ; ; watt Ves Uv 
v : 
o 
a ‘ 
AR | ~ 4 Si Al 
io ae 
| 1 
. ¥ hg 
( ’ ec 4 4 " wen ig 
, Ve if 
| } ‘ rab 
f Sita is 
2 - a » Teh THN 
i v, 
J 1 
wus ‘ his 4 ee | Hata wt Senin 
. hd ; mi i ae | 1% Fea 
a thi { : es 
ih ' , 
| ; 
i 
fe Biwi ; 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULELEETIN 128 PEATE 2 


LOS CERRILLOS OPEN CUT. 


“VWLOSANNIW ‘“ANOLSAdId ALINIILVYD ONINIGWG 


a aye OO Mc py ee 


ee q 


’ 
Tes ee tak, at Oe ee 


a Rast Sek — ae 
SO i ema BS oe Ee eh an 3 
ze Bian Ee a 


— er by Od 


S3LV1d 8¢l NILS11NG ASOIONHL]A NVOIMSAWY AO Nvaena 


AN 5 wVewesrsiv AVY IYI SII ore 
\ FUINDIANS PRIOR TO 
G OF WHITES 


LEGEND 


L£merald Magnesite 
Fluorite Moss Agate 
Galena Nephrite 
Garnet Olivine 
Hematite & Red Ochre Ope/ 
tron Pyrite Rock Crystal 
_ Jasper Selenite 
Lignite Se Serpentine 
Labradorite S/ = Slate 
Limestone So Sodalite 
Mica Su Sunstone 
| Malachite 7 Turquoise 
z Malachite Azurite To Tourmaline 


Yravels x Ovicrops ® Mines or Quarries 


TO COMING OF WHITES. 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 


ae 


) 


o 
y 


WORKED BY INDIANS PRIOR TO 


COMING OF WHITES 

LEGEND 
Agate £  £Lmerald 
Agatized Wood =F Fluorite 
Agalnotolite G Galena 
Alabaster G Garnet 
Amber H Hematite & Red Ochre 
Alacamite lL fenhyrite 
Brochantite J Jasper 
Barite L  lhignite 
Chalcedony la  Labradorife 
Cannel Coa! Li Limestone 
Chrysocolla M Mica 
CHinite Ma Malachite 
Chrysoprase —_Ma-Az Malachite Azurite 


7o 


BULLETIN 128 PLATE 4 


MINES OTHER THAN OBSIDIAN AND SOAPSTONE 


Magnesile 
Mess Agate 
Nephrile 
Olivine 
Opa/ 

Rock Crysta/ 
Selenite 
Serpentine 
Slate 
Sodalite 
Sunstone 
Turquoise 
Tourmaline 


+ River Gravels © Marine Gravels * Outerops * Mines or Quarries 


MINES OTHER THAN OBSIDIAN AND SOAPSTONE WORKED BY INDIANS PRIOR TO COMING OF WHITES. 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 


OBSIDIAN AND SOARSTONE MINES 
WORKED By INDIANS PRIOR TO 
COMING OF WHITES 


© Obsidian 4 Saapsione 


OBSIDIAN AND SOAPSTONE MINES WORKED BY INDIANS PRIOR TO COMING OF WHITES. 


BULLETIN 128 PLATE 5 


SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION 
Bureau of American Ethnology 
Bulletin No. 128 


Anthropological Papers, No. 14 


Iroquois Suicide: A Study in 
the Stability of a Culture Pattern 


By WILLIAM N. FENTON 


79 


PHONETIC NOTE 


The orthography employed in this paper, except where I am quoting others, 
reduces Iroquois transcription to a minimum of characters required by the econ- 
omy of the dialects. The vowels: a (of English father); a (of English but) which 
Waugh and J heard in Mohawk; 4 (of English hat); e (of English met); e (of French 
été); 7 (of French fini); o (of English mote); and u (before an m closure in 
Mohawk of St. Regis and (of English boot) in Cayuga), I think can be reduced to 
four: a, e, 7, and o. They occur frequently in diphthongs and in Seneca less 
frequently in triphthongs. Nasalization is denoted by a hook beneath the vowel; 
vowel length by a raised period after the vowel. A raised comma indicates the 
glottal stop. In Waugh’s and Hewitt’s transcription, the spiritus asper (¢) 
occurs, but I have used h. The character § is c (of English shoe). s and ¢ 
followed by h are heavily aspirated. The weakly trilled r of Mohawk and 
Cayuga is related to the 1 series of Oneida. The asterisk * before a word indicates 
a reconstructed form; similar forms in capitals are so written where the pro- 
nuneiation is not certain. 


80 


CONTENTS 


Part 1: General information - ------------ ers aan RA Sa ee Rian te SU 
CUDA ET FG Re Se eS Gee eS eS a Lg 
TE SLC aN Spee Se oe See ee nee eer ey HS Lae oe 
PRR TeOMIGE NCS). 3S 8 oe Me Ee te ee 
faaamional methods and attitudes...._..-..2--=-2225-.-- 4. 4.22. 
hievconcept: of allottedilifes so o2)- 2). te ee. et Lee 

nmr ees Neat: Sie arg Et eat ee Se ee. Se ee 
DiewMUCARER <= 2 fo Dk SPAS Re Spt paler MA hace Bs ee ee 

OAC AABN: PP GINOMINg ER. 23200 Je ee eh he ee 
Temere cases: Viclent AUICIGCS 2-2. oe ee 
Miscellaneous modern types] 2-2-0 ee ee aM eke WA 
Ripe mearancay® io ee ECMO eee Bare is Sete es Ne 8 ol ee ae 
Hariy easesior root. poisonings Type A. sens. 2322-38 kes 
Crcnia poisanings. 1 720-lOs2.. oo.) UN Be ea 

Huron eases of poisoning prior to 1650________----------- 
hhendaentibycOLr GHe POISON. ose 2 Jeo as ee ey eee 

Violent suicides by stabbing, shooting, and strangling: Type B_- 
oe SOUT SEEN [i IRE Se De Ik aie Qube FS ane oe pe 

Part 3: Analysis, distributions, and conclusions_ = -—~___-..2---4.-+--.-=- 

TUMEUR 9 pty eS Ee OS hd Sy Eh ae ak lee A ee 


ILLUSTRATIONS 
PLATES 


6. 1, Jesse J. Cornplanter, Seneca of the Tonawanda Reservation. 2, 
Rev. Peter W. Doctor, ex-chief of the Tonawanda Band of Senecas. 
mabe Brooks; Tonawanda Senecaie.i lit ACL O ss. Leese el 

7. 1, Waterhemlock, Cicuta maculata L. 2, Sarah Snow, Seneca herbalist 
of Quaker Bridge, Allegany Reservation_____._-_-_-_-------------- 

8. 1, Kate Debeau (D’ Ailleboust), Mohawk herbalist. 2, Simeon Gibson, 
principal informant at Six Nations Reserve, Ontario-__--_-_---------- 


138 


138 


138 


rAyy a i hy / ii 
t= Y 
ee re 
a) HN 
Ay ita i 
hi My oF 
Very Li 5 
i A 
My ; A 
. PPYAATIOD 
t i . 
“ ne 
SAS . 2 ; 
veh Osh, cia OS Sa eae See + weap areas eitok 
on ’ ' a : > : ~~ sea i 


atte 


7 _ P 4 . Ne » ts 
ag a se ee ee nh _ouitgbbre, 
Bie iis | Vig a ue aobleti die bir dbodienn 
ps hp ee Nye UE Probod ta Teh 


ra ai el iaitiateos sgisinoaintl, 
Aes on pins dedaivet icons peal 
PY, aaah OD ns ey ecinesin® ae uP He Uae i 
SAE > ¥ : Ad puneriy t , ory sted Y + me AD») Ee 
a aE a ee, ee ee Oe Jal haion, soc Ta at 
APE sta lb Ni ablees diecast unk Repos pea EER at gvate Oe 
a) ne bis Aehn ne aay Ne TOI, BOMBED +t hea 
i 0 ia Caer eer 1 Sah meclint Bierce 0 DRI anid lo 2iiagn 
bib that)” nang bynes BAR poga spetigiclandy 2 alae 


4 
- 
. 
» 


BO or. soto aune DL heekecr Thaaees partion 
Bi Ai hethh ih ingen wild cat o> saeewiatigaae ing ito, 
Goh, ’ c er J a aN > Shygicttrt ene Ors re ah PA ete oppor og We 
RM NTAIN HEMEL CO) ay May 0 
me ea ad? ‘ OT, vie Sue A at AS : 
, Mi ee , h, devin T datas 
Pai hg adda Ms CT ALS 
mT ns i v 
& wottevionsd abuyuawanoT aff te. aoaned rendtoeig mY uae 


amoonet lo bas abaswaaoP ot le datde~n's vodpod, Bit . 
Ril i, atodee show eauet om ig 
ladeded asonot wode deiak B&B id olbbiotine ob 
2) : d. 225, hia re eos Subii 
em conrad Jeiledsed, diate Menddalti® ai 
gee ; ohn reef eave”, 36 te Lanai 


i 


IROQUOIS SUICIDE: A STUDY IN 
THE STABILITY OF A CULTURE PATTERN 


By WILLIAM N. FENTON 


PART 1; GENERAL INFORMATION 
INTRODUCTION 


The problem of suicide frequency, its causes, and methods of com- 
mission among the Seneca Indians of western New York became the 
subject of a brief field study in 1935 when I was stationed on the 
Tonawanda Indian Reservation for the United States Indian Service. 
The Indian Office requested information for a survey which Mrs. 
Elna N. Smith was conducting, and although her interests were the 
psychological questions surrounding changing Indian life, on which 
specific data were requested, the general problem fitted nicely my 
own interests in the remarkable stability of Iroquois culture pat- 
terns, and, furthermore, the data illustrated relations between the 
individual participant and the culture of his group. 

Informants on the Tonawanda Reservation supplied the modern 
cases of suicides occurring within their memory. First, Jesse J. 
Cornplanter (pl.6, fig. 1), a nearly fullblood Seneca of middle age, 
the son of Edward Cornplanter, the speaker of Newtown longhouse, 
and a Tonawanda mother on Cattaraugus Reservation, related the 
first case which occurred in the conservative Seneca neighborhood of 
Jesse’s youth. Following service in the World War, he lived at 
Allegany and later removed to Tonawanda, always living with the 
conservative longhouse people. Jesse’s accounts were checked by 
Peter Doctor (pl. 6, fig. 2), now in his seventies, one-quarter white 
from his maternal grandfather. Peter was born and lived his youth at 
Tonawanda, before he turned Christian and married an Allegany 
woman and lived at Allegany many years before returning to his 
birthplace in 1905. He was long a member of the Tonawanda 
council, and lately has served as pastor of the Presbyterian church. 
He is a reliable informant of remarkable intellect with an excellent 
memory and respect for the truth, and being one of the oldest Senecas 
in full possession of his mind, he represents what the ethnologist hopes 
for in an informant. I gathered additional notes from William 

83 


84 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buu. 128 


Gordon who used to live at Newtown before he married a Tonawanda 
woman with whom he has lived during the generation of his children, 
20 years, more or less; he still remains an unyielding adherent to the 
“‘longhouse party’? who respect his knowledge of tradition. His 
genial wife, Abbie Brooks (pl. 6, fig. 3), principal female officer for her 
moiety in the Tonawanda longhouse, volunteered the case about the 
unsuccessful attempt of her father’s brother to take Cicuta. Addi- 
tional information on the medicinal uses of Cicuta and mayapple grew 
out of the extended investigations of F. W. Waugh, of the National 
Museum of Canada, the late J. N. B. Hewitt of the Bureau of Ameri- 
can Ethnology, and my own field work on the Allegany Reservation. 

The time perspective of this investigation runs from the recent 
to the past. Perhaps a bit unorthodoxly, the problem was pointed 
from the field to the library, rather than the reverse, and, therefore, 
the cases will be presented in the reverse of chronological order. 
This corresponds with the original interest in discovering the com- 
parative frequency of suicides in the last two decades and in pre- 
vious years, and my own interest in the stable character of Iroquois ? 
suicide patterns over a period of 300 years, when I readily saw that 
the first case paralleled in its general framework another case I 
recalled from the seventeenth century Jesuit Relations (Thwaites, 
1896-1901, vol. 57, p. 165). 

The library research followed several years after collecting the 
first cases among the Senecas, and several points have subsequently 
been pursued in the field and have yielded additional data. I 
originally attempted to determine the age, sex, degree of blood, and 
method employed by each participant. Informants generally volun- 
teered the causes, which may not be the real ones, but at least they 
are the stock excuses supplied by the culture, and I had to depend on 
them for the scanty data on the personalities of the participants 
whom, excepting three, I did not know nor had I materials for their 
life histories, so that the personalities of my informants are more 
familiar to me than the subjects of the cases. 

This paper, written in the spring of 1939, was first called ‘‘Seneca 
Suicide.”” However, I went to the field soon after and cleared up some 
of the problems that still remained in the first draft. Josephine 
Jimmerson, Dwight Jimmerson, and Sarah Snow (pl. 7, fig. 2,) 
Senecas of Allegany Reservation, furnished additional information 
on cases 1 and 3; and Charles Gordon, Harvey Jacobs, and Windsor 

1 The Iroquois proper were the confederated Mohawk, Oneida, Onondaga, Cayuga, and Seneca tribes 
occupying central New York. Known also as the Five Nations, they became the Six Nations when 
the Tuscarora migrated north after 1714. The enemy Hurons of southern Ontario shared Iroquois culture 
and also spoke an Iroquoian language, but Cherokee and Tuscarora in the south were more distant lan- 
guages of the same stock. However, the Delaware, Pequot, Shawnee, Algonkin, Micmac, Saulteaux, 
Sauk, Ojibwa, Ottawa, Miami, and Pottawatomi in the north spoke various Algonkian dialects; the Winne- 


bago and Tutelo spoke languages of the Siouan stock. I have introduced this note here because these tribes 
enter later into our discussion, and may be confusing to the nonanthropologist. 


AnrHRoP, Pap, NO.14] IROQUOIS SUICIDE—-FENTON 85 


Pierce, of the Cornplanter Band of Senecas, supplemented the data 
previously collected on waterhemlock and its uses, and one new 
suicide case emerged. Moreover, I visited St. Regis Mohawk Res- 
ervation, where I worked with Noah La France and Peter Hopps; 
and at Caughnawaga Mohawk Reservation near Montreal, I found 
Kate Debeau (D’Ailleboust) (pl. 8, fig. 1) with whom Waugh had 
worked in 1912. New cases gathered from the Mohawks parallel the 
Seneca cases, and Mohawk terms bridge the linguistic chasm between 
Seneca and Huron; therefore, the study is more properly called 
“‘Troquois Suicide.”” The Hurons of Lorette no longer speak their 
own language so that they were unable to identify the Huron names 
for Cicuta that appear in the Jesuit Relations, nor did my informants, 
the daughters of Prudent Sioui of La Jeune Lorette, 9 miles from 
Quebec, recognize waterhemlock when I pointed it out to them in the 
field. It remains for future field work among the Oklahoma Wyan- 
dots to absolutely establish the Huron uses of the plant. At Six 
Nations Reserve in Ontario, Simeon Gibson (pl. 8, fig. 2), added 
cultural and dialectic parallels for the Cayuga and Onondaga Tribes 
but he added no new cases. 


THE PROBLEM 


The problem, then, set for this study is to answer so far as is possible 
five rather elementary questions concerning Iroquois suicides. First, 
what are the attitudes toward suicide as a value, or how does public 
opinion regard suicides and what is believed to be the destiny of 
their souls? Second, what is the comparative frequency of suicides 
in the present reservation life and in the older Indian life? Third, 
what are the causes? Fourth, what are the methods? And fifth, 
to what extent are the current causes, forms, and attitudes cultural 
norms that have been preserved during 300 years of contact with 
European cultures? Besides, there is the further theoretical con- 
sideration of the relative permanence of pattern as a cultural con- 
tinuant for custom. 


LINGUISTIC E\VIDENCE ” 


The Seneca language lacks an abstract term for suicide. While 
this is typical of Iroquoian languages which generally have few 
abstract terms, it does show that the act was not frequent enough 
to cause the progressive reduction of the descriptive verb to an abstract 
concept. ‘She has killed herself” (wa’agodadi’‘yo’), [the third person 
singular reflexive form of the verb ‘‘to kill” (-dityo’), recent past], is 
the usual term for suicide among the Senecas. The third person 
singular feminine (nonmasculine) form is often made to thus stand 


2 The orthography employed in this paper is explained in the Phonetic Note, p. 80. 
218558—40 rf 


86 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [ Buu. 128 


for the individual or society. One who is contemplating suicide will 
employ “I am about to kill myself” (egadadi’‘yo’), the future form 
(Cornplanter). When a death occurs through suicide and someone 
inquires how the person died, the informant simply replies, ‘‘she (some- 
one) killed herself”? (wa’agodadi’:yo’) (Evelyn Pierce).* 

The terms are similar in the other [roquoian dialects. 


TRADITIONAL METHODS AND ATTITUDES 


Suicide was known but informants believe that it was rather infre- 
quently practiced in the old Seneca culture. It occurred often enough, 
however, for public opinion to be marshalled against it, and there 
come down to the present day a well-defined method, a set of attitudes 
frowning on its practice, and some excuses to condone the few cases 
that occur. Thus, there is a traditional definition of the situation 
when the proper causes precipitate it. My informants recall a few 
cases where individuals ate a poisonous herb, indicating waterhem- 
lock, Cicuta maculata L. (pl. 7, fig. 1), as the source of the fatal root, 
and they express a seemingly old repugnance toward suicide as a means 
of departing this life. 


The old (Seneca) method of committing suicide is by eating the muskrat root 
which we call o’nghse¢’e. It is a white flowering plant with a tuberous root that 
exudes a strong, pungent smell. Itiseatenraw. It causes rupture of the internal 
organs and bleeding at the mouth. [Cornplanter.] 4 


There is an old belief that anyone who is contemplating suicide by taking 
muskrat root need not necessarily know the plant, for he can easily findit. [Corn- 
planter.] The plant is said to call and show itself. You can go right up to it in 
the dark. It has a strong smell. [Peter Doctor.] The old people say that 
muskrat root is like any other herbal medicine which you want. They believe 
that when you want it, it stands up there where it grows calling to you. That is 
why it is easy to find a medicine which you seek, especially this one with its strong 
odor. [Cornplanter.] 


The Senecas do not use waterhemlock as an internal medicine. 
Chauncey Johnny-John pointed to it growing by the spring behind 
his house in Coldspring, Allegany Reservation, saying, ‘‘the root 


3 Miss Evelyn Pierce, Assistant Guidance Officer, Office of Indian Affairs, went over the Seneca terminol- 
ogy with me at the time of writing (1939), and confirmed Cornplanter’s statements. 

4 This plant, which has similar names in the several Iroquoian dialects (see p. 113), was collected on several 
occasions independently by F. W. Waugh and myself, and it was identified by informants and competent 
botanists (Prof. William P. Alexander and Dr. Robert B. Gordon, of the Allegany School of Natural His- 
tory, and E. C. Leonard, of the U. S. National Museum) as the ‘‘fatal root,” waterhemlock, Cicuta maculata 
L.; and only once did an Iroquois confuse it with another plant, although some Senecas consider that hairy 
Angelica, Angelica villosa (Walt.) BSP., is the female of the species, while others say Queen Anne’s Lace, 
Daucus carota L. [introduced], is in the same family. The Indian descriptions of its form, structure, and 
properties are fairly consistent with the facts established by modern research. (See Muenscher, 1939, 
pp. 170-173; Marsh and Clawson, 1914; Pammel, 1911, pt. 1, p. 49, pt. 2, pp. 652-656.) The root when cut 
exudes an aromatic oil of peculiar odor which contains a resinlike substance, cicutczin, but the leaves and 
fruits may be edible at certain seasons without poisoning. Evena very small quantity of the root produces 
fatal poisoning—a piece of root the size of a walnut will killacow. Thesymptoms of poisoning in man are: 
“pain in the stomach, nausea, sometimes violent vomiting, diarrhoea, dilated pupils, labored breathing, 
sometimes [bloody (Pammel)] frothing at the mouth, weak and rapid pulse, and violent convulsions. If 
free vomiting is promptly produced, the patient is likely to recover” (Muenscher, 1939, p. 173). 


ANTHROP, Pap, NO. 14] IROQUOIS SUICIDE—-FENTON 87 


looks like a radish and is poison; it is not used for medicine.’ It 
will kill you in ten minutes.’”’ When I showed the root to Josephine 
Snow, she said, ‘‘Women used to think it was poison, and my mother 
said the women used it to commit suicide.’ Her sister, a noted 
Seneca woman herbalist whose grandmother had taken the root, knew 
it. “It has a white flower. It is poison, and it does not mix with 
any other medicine. It is good for nothing [internally].” (Sarah 
Snow.) Another Seneca woman from Cattaraugus said, “I am afraid 
of it. Mother always said it was poison.” (Josephine K. Jim- 
merson.) Other Seneca men seemed afraid of the plant (Charles 
Gordon and Harvey Jacobs, of Cornplanter Reservation), but they 
all know it makes an effective poultice for dislocated joints. (Wind- 
sor Pierce, Cornplanter Reserve.) One informant remarked that it 
frequents graveyards, and he knew of a ceremony which was performed 
at Cattaraugus on the fourth night of the new moon to ask its help for 
strengthening some other remedy. A priest goes into the cemetery, 
clears the brush away, and builds a fire near the stalk. He offers 
tobacco and asks the plant to lend its strength to the medicine, but 
he does not use the root. (Windsor Pierce.) 

Another Seneca informant remarked: 

That plant is poison. All the Indians—every nation in western New York and 
Canada [the Iroquois tribes]—know that that plant is poison. They all know 
that Indians have taken it to commit suicide. 

That root will take effect immediately. They die in 2 hours. I know of no 
antidote that will counteract it.7 A teaspoonful of the root will killa man. I 
have tasted it and spit it out, and it does not taste badly. There is nothing 
good about the plant [and this informant does not even use it as a poultice]. 
Those who eat it die in 2 hours. It must be a painful death. It twists the arms 


and ankles and turns the head back. Finally they die in a last wretching con- 
vulsion. They say it turns the eyes back. They turn in awful shape. 


He had never heard that the plant grows on its victim’s grave. 
“There is no compulsion about the plant. Unless you want to take it, 
it will not make you.”’ (Dwight Jimmerson.) Dwight scouted the idea 
heard from other conservatives that the plant “‘grows inside the head 
of its victim until he takes it and then it comes up later from his 
grave.” (Cornplanter, David Jack, and others.) 

The Cayugas of Six Nations Reserve in Ontario call waterhemlock 
onas‘e’ and the Onondagas there call it onase’e’* (Simeon and 


§ Herbalists throughout the Six Nations know that, although waterhemlock root is a deadly internal 
poison, the smashed root makes a powerful drawing poultice for quickly reducing swollen joints, particularly 
ankles, and for relief in cases of rheumatism and arthritis, but they caution against leaving the poultice on 
too long lest it draw out all the fluid leaving a stiff joint. This use is recorded for the Cayugas, Onondagas, 
and Mohawks of Six Nations Reserve, Ontario; the Mohawks of St. Regis, Caughnawaga, and Oka (Two 
Mountains Iroquois) in Quebec (Waugh, 1912, 1914; Fenton, 1939), the Senecas of Cornplanter, Penusy!- 
vania, and of Allegany, Cattaraugus, and Tonawanda reservations in New York (Fenton, 1935, 1938, 1939); 
and by a savage at Missilimakinak around 1720 (Lafitau, 1724, vol. 2, p. 369). 

6 James Crow of Newtown, Cattaraugus Reserve, is reputed to know this ritual, but I have not had it 
from him directly. 

7 He was very much interested when I read him the account in Muenscher, 1939, p. 173, after he had 
described the reaction so closely. 


88 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buun. 128 


Jemima Gibson), but my informants were unable to analyze the terms. 
They know it is poison to take, but there have been no recent suicides 
there, and they only know that a woman on one of the Seneca reserves 
in New York (case 1) took it. Gibson thought it a wicked thing to 
take one’s life because Handsome Lake had said that suicides are 
deprived of a place in the hereafter; that it is as bad as murder. 
Nevertheless, Waugh’s data of a generation ago say that these people 
believe waterbemlock compels the potential suicide to seek it, and 
that contrary to the usual attitude of medicinal herbs that stand willing 
to respond to man’s call for assistance in curing, this one is willing to 
destroy him. 

A preacher in the longhouse will say that it [the plant as symbolic of the sucide 
fixation] will grow in your head. By this is meant that it is willing to kill you 

When eaten it will make a man crazy; he will die shortly. When the 
root is chewed and swallowed [it is believed that] it becomes whole again within 
the stomach. [David Jack; Waugh, 1912, No.4, p. 13.] 

Furthermore, we find the belief among the Mohawks that not only 
does the root of waterhemlock re-form within the stomach but that it 
subsequently grows upon the victim’s grave. The Mohawks of St. 
Regis, Caughnawaga, and Oka in the St. Lawrence Valley know water- 
hemlock as o‘nasg’’ra (St. Regis and Oka) and onghsarT (Caughna- 
waga), meaning ‘‘whitish feather” or ‘“‘white plumed’’—a name given 
to the umbellate blossoms so characteristic of the plant (pl. 7, fig. 1). 
They all use the root as a poultice, and fear the danger of taking it 
internally. Katie Debeau related to Waugh and me at intervals of 
27 years the tragic case of two little St. Regis children. 

A brother and sister followed their father who was plowing new land one spring 
of the year. The plowshare turned up some roots which they picked up, washed 
and ate without knowing what they were. When the parents realized that the 
children had been poisoned, they tried every possible means to get them to throw 
up, but they failed and the children died from the effects. Later on, after they 
had been buried, the plant grew up on their graves. 

This was evidently one of those unfortunate spring accidents that 
recur infrequently wherever the plant grows. Katie recalled a second 
tragedy which occurred at Caughnawaga; it points a moral to the 
Troquois habit of tasting roots to identify them when ccllecting medici- 
nal herbs. “A boy and his brother here were looking for medicinal 
herbs. They had been instructed to procure a’dja* (Dentaria dyphylla 
Michx.) [which has a peppery taste], and they ate the poisonous root 
by mistake.”” (Kate Debeau.) 

The use of waterhemlock as a suicide poison has been recorded for 
all of the Six Nations, excepting the Oneidas, and including the Tusca- 
roras, the latest settlers in the North.® 

8 Hewitt’s manuscript, ‘31 remedies for disease,”’ (Tuscarora ms. No. 435, Bur. Amer. Ethnol., 1888) lists, 


“14. Forthe commission of suicide it was customary to eat a piece of the root of Spotted Cowbane 
(o’nd-sén’-8’) .. ., Cicuta maculata.” 


AnrTHRoP. Pap. No.14] IROQUOIS SUICIDE—-FENTON 89 


THE CONCEPT OF ALLOTTED LIFE 


The concept of the allotted life span and the view of natural death 
as the departure on the long trail leading westward to the spirit world 
marshals Seneca public opinion against suicides. The conservatives 
still believe that a man has an allotted number of days which the 
Creator sets for him to live. When his time comes, whether he be 
abroad hunting, at home in bed, or down sick he will go regardless of 
medicine, science, or the persuasion of his relatives. The followers 
of Handsome Lake, the Seneca prophet who preached 15 years following 
1800, believe ‘‘the events of all our days are foreknown” (Parker, 
1913, p. 49), and they repeat in the funeral address the Creator’s 
message to the prophet: 

When you, the beings of earth, lose one of your number you must bury your 
grief in their grave. Some will die today and some tomorrow for the number of our 
days is known in the sky-world. [Parker, 1913, pp. 57, 108.] 

Some speakers make a special plea to the surviving relatives to take 
their minds off the deceased lest the fixation lead them to neglect their 
dependants or destroy their own lives (Henry Redeye). 

And our belief is that for anyone who will destroy his own life, his spirit will 
always be earth-bound (dedwadi). My father [Edward Cornplanter, speaker and 
ritual holder in Newtown longhouse who recited the Code of Handsome Lake to 
Arthur C. Parker] used to say that the spirit [of a suicide] will just wander around 
where the [waterhemlock] plants grow, and it will always be expecting another 
person to followitsexample. Indians [Senecas] believe it is a sin (gaiwane’’akshe’) 
to take one’s own life, to shorten the span of days which the Great Spirit has given 
to each one of us; therefore as a punishment he shall not go on the path to the 
spirit-world, but shall always remain on earth among the plants which he took for 
death. [Cornplanter.] 

To guard against seeing one of these earth-bound spirits people drop 
their curtains at dusk or pin up a white cloth or newspaper at the 
windows. They warn the children not to look out, partly for disci- 
pline, and partly lest they see one of these hungry earth-bound souls 
peering in after some food (John Jacobs). 

A maple leaf is the thickness of the partition between us and the dead. A 
person who has died of violence—witchcraft poisoning, suicide, and murder— 
remains earth-bound until judgement day. [Handsome Lake by Cornplanter.] 
These foreshortened souls are conceived as wandering about the 
scenes of their crimes, and they remind the living of their passage by 
mysteriously opening and closing doors. 

Occasionally the dead appear to the living during dreams to request 
food, or a song; the surviving clansmen should placate the ghost by 
sponsoring the great feast of Chanters for the Dead (ohgi’we), be- 
cause the dreamer might become sick and follow the relative, or, it 
would seem, there is danger that he might willfully take his life in a 
vain effort to join the deceased in the land of the dead. 


90 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [ Buy. 128 


My informants believe that there are fewer suicides among the 
Indians than among the whites, and this it seems is because the causes 
are fewer, although they cite the sanctions imposed by belief in the 
destiny of souls. We shall examine the possible extent of these 
beliefs into aboriginal culture when we have presented the cases, for 
it is likely that the bulk of them are aboriginal and antedate the com- 
ing of the Jesuits and Handsome Lake who borrowed Christian moral- 
ity and sanctions to bolster up a basically native religion (Wolf, 1919, 
pp. 59-65). 

My father always said that our mind, or will power is stronger than the whites’, 
and, therefore, we overcome those trifles under which they break down. We look 
upon life [death] with the prospect of an everlasting life beyond the grave, and 
we have no desire to forbid ourselves the path to the spirit-world. [Cornplanter.] 

Holding these beliefs and values has not prevented one Seneca from 
entertaining suicidal thoughts. According to his wife, he once threat- 
ened to kill her and then kill himself, and, fortunately, in a drunken 
shooting episode he was lucky enough not to hit his wife’s brother 
and bring himself to the position from which suicide might be the 
only easy exit. On a previous occasion he told me that after his 
regiment demobilized in 1918, he was considering jumping over the 
falls of the Genesee River at Rochester when an officer accosted him 
and persuaded him to spend the night at the station house. 

The modern Iroquois commit suicide for two principal reasons that 
appear in the following case studies. Women who have been mis- 
treated in love affairs or marriages in most instances revenge them- 
selves by taking poison and thereby bring critical public opinion on 
the head of the abusive male consort. Men who think that they 
have committed some violent crime and have lost face put an end to 
themselves to escape revenge or apprehension. ‘Their suicides are 
most apt to be violent. The first type of case is the one which the 
Iroquois condone and most frequently, mention. 

The only cause of suicide with us [Senecas] would be a love affair or marriage 
(ganghgwa’) [the same term is used for both], or a broken and unhappy marriage. 
{[Cornplanter.] 

Child suicides, to escape restrictions or in revenge of punishment, 
and the few cases of suicide among the chronically ill are mentioned 
infrequently. 

Iroquois suicides fall more surely into two fundamental types based 
on a formal method of commission. Here the ethnologist is on safer 
ground than when he is discussing causes and motives which cannot 
always be established after the fact. Type A are the cases of root 
poisoning, and type B are violent cases. The cases bear out the 
Iroquois who say that the type A cases are apt to be women following 
broken love affairs, whereas the type B cases are most apt to be men 
who seek to escape the consequences of violent crimes or loss of status. 


Anrunor. Par, No.14] IROQUOIS SUICIDE—-FENTON 9] 


Besides, there is a group of miscellaneous cases. We present all of 
the modern cases and then the earlier cases from the literature, pro- 
ceeding upstream historically. 


PART 2: CASES 
MODERN CASES 


TYPE A CASES: POISONINGS 


Case 1.—Josephine L., a full-blood Seneca woman of middle age. 

About 1902-3 there was living at Newtown on the Cataraugus 
Reservation a woman we shall call Josephine L. ‘She was one of 
those Seneca women of regal bearing whom I remember used to live 
at Newtown” (Cornplanter, my younger informant, was a small 
boy at this time). She was a fine looking woman, and she was prob- 
ably nearly a full-blooded Indian (Peter Doctor). Her husband 
came from Allegany (P. D.), he was a much younger man (C.); and 
while he was visiting at Newtown, they went to living together in 
her house, and it seems that he had been living matrilocally with 
her at the time of her death. ‘‘He caused her a lot of worry. He 
was undecided about her, and he was teasing her,” and my informant 
implied that he had made her feel his interest in other women (C.). 
Much of this is undoubtedly imputed Seneca behavior, but as such 
it is interesting cultural data. 

As the result of a quarrel she went to the woods, unknown to the others, where 
she secured and ate the fatal root. She got home and died quickly after her 
arrival. They say she went into spasms—she had convulsions—and that wit- 
nesses heard noises in her vitals. She emitted blood from her mouth as if she 
had burst internal blood vessels. [C.] 

Jesse Cornplanter was in district school at the time, ‘and when 
they heard she had died school was dismissed. Many were taken 
with the strangeness of her death and came to the funeral. Many 
wondered why she had reached a state where she could take her own 
life. It was discussed a great deal for many years.” 

Undoubtedly, my informant gained his knowledge of the attitudes 
toward suicide current at this time from his father who was well 
versed in Seneca traditions. It is also evident that the case of Jos- 
ephine L. made a strong impression on him, and that the Newtown 
community was stirred by the event. The news soon spread to 
Allegany and Tonawanda. It was one of those rare occurrences that 
a community recalls as happening infrequently but for which there 
was a well-defined pattern of behavior. 

There are other versions of this case, differing according to locality. 
My Cayuga informants had heard of the affair, but they were unfamil- 
"8 Probably all recent Seneca generations have carried some white blood. I have no genealogies going 


back over more than four generations which do not reveal a white ancestor. What Doctor means is that 
not Knowing any white antecedent in her pedigree, she appeared to be all Indian. 


92 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [ BULL, 128 


iar with details. However, at Allegany thec ase is better known among 
the Senecas. Dwight Jimmerson of Bucktooth (West Salamanca), in 
Peter Doctor’s generation, remembers the following story about a 
suicide at Newtown, Cattaraugus Reservation, about 1900, and he 
thinks it may concern the case of Josephine L.: 

At Cattaraugus Reservation in the Newtown longhouse community a young 
man and woman got together as man and wife, and they were living that way. 
It came fourth of July and the man wanted to go to Buffalo where there was to 
be a celebration, and his wife also wanted to go, but he did not want to have her 
with him. He knew the time that the train would leave the nearby Lawtons 
depot, and they walked toward the depot, and she was still teasing to accompany 
him. Not willing to give in, he stalled along leading her as far away from the 
depot as he calculated he could dash for the train, which only stops there briefly 
since Lawtons is a small station. When he heard the train coming, he sprinted 
for the depot. He made the train, but she could not run fast enough and was 
left standing breathless. She turned around and went into the woods and pro- 
cured and ate the root of waterhemlock. She barely reached home when she 
died. 

Case 2: A supplement to case {.—Louisa S., niece of Josephine L. 

William Gordon, who knew Cicuta by its Seneca name both as a 
reducing poultice for sprains and as a suicide poison, gave the following 
supplementary information on the case above: 

Louisa S. [whom] we called Ska’‘di’ at Newtown [William’s wife’s nickname] 
took that medicine. It is poison. It grows on wet ground. She was married 
once and she got mad and thought she kill herself. She was still [a] young woman 
when she took it. 

Now a year later and her aunt [mother’s sister], Josephine L. [case 1] took it. 
Alfred L. is her brother and he is now living at Cattaraugus. 


This informant thinks that Josephine L. “went to the woods,” 
procured the poisonous root, and did not take it until she had returned 
home and entered her house. Both Cornplanter and Gordon agree on 
the immediate cause of her suicide: ‘‘She must have been jealous of 
another woman.” They said that this trait is apt to run in families. 

Josephine K. Jimmerson has heard her mother tell how the deceased 
Ska’‘di’ (ska-di’géok) took waterhemlock, but she attributes the act 
to fear of blood revenge. 

Mother always said it [water-hemlock] was poison. Ska’-di’ who took that 
lived across from my mother at Newtown. They drink it, but I do not know 
whether they take it raw or boil it. Iam afraid of it. There was another case 
about the same time. Her sister, Hattie, took it. Something was wrong. 
They had a big quarrel around the neighborhood during which they murdered 
someone. Then they killed themselves before they could be punished. 

Since this informant is both very deaf and quite feeble, I could not 
press her for additional details which she did not seem willing to 
volunteer. 

Case 8.—Abandoned Seneca mother takes waterhemlock, circa 1885. 

Josephine and Sarah Snow of Allegany relate how their mother’s 
mother was abandoned by her husband (their mother’s father). 


AnrHROP. Pap, No.14] IROQUOIS SUICIDE—-FENTON 93 


Another woman took her husband away from her when their mother 
was a baby just walking at her side, and she became angry and ate 
the root. This happened along the Allegheny river, Sarah calculates, 
in 1853 because her mother was 20 when Sarah was born in 1871. 
Both women had the story from their mother who learned about it 
later. 

She went after water and on her way she pulled that plant. She got the water 
all right, and on her way back she ate the root which she had washed at the 
spring which was quite a distance from the house. On the long carry she started 
puking blood [here Sarah rolled her hands from her stomach upward to her 
mouth to illustrate vomiting], and she fell by the way. Some men who were work- 
ing in the garden nearby saw her fall and rushed over. In her body she was 
having cramps and she soon began having convulsions. She was dead by the 
time they reached her. She was buried from the longhouse. ([Sarah.] 

She received a regular funeral and burial, and Sarah had never heard 
that the plant grows out of the victim’s grave. The attitude of both 
women is that their grandmother had revenged herself of her husband’s 
adultery, and though not especially proud of the suicide in their 
maternal family, Josephine had originally volunteered the informa- 
tion to me one day at breakfast, and neither sister seemed loath to 
discuss the affair. 

Case 8a.—Mary J., abandoned by her Seneca lover, circa 1889. 

Dwight Jimmerson gave me this case in the summer of 1939; it 
was one that he remembered vividly as occurring in the Allegany 
community during his youth. 

I knew these people well. George G. was older than I and he was going with 
Mary J. Both were Allegany Senecas. Finally they had a falling out, and he 
went home in the night telling her that he was leaving her for good, that he would 
notreturn. The following morning she went out and dug up the root of o’nd’’she¢’¢ 
[Cicuta] and ate it and died. 

Apparently, Dwight’s knowledge of how the poison affects its 
victims came to him from this case. (See p. 87.) 

Case 8b.—Neglected Mohawk wife takes Cicuta, Circa 1850. 

Katie Debeau of Caughnawaga, with whom I worked in 1939, re- 
called one case of suicide among the Mohawks that occurred within 
her grandmother’s time. This was presumably in the Catholic 
settlement near St. Regis. 

In the family living neighbors to my grandmother the husband was not sup- 
porting his wife. She became discouraged and told my grandmother that she 
intended to fix up a medicine to take, and only God knows whether it is a cure 
or a kill. 

That same evening the little girl of the family came running over to tell my 
grandmother that her own mother was very ill. So my grandmother, who was 
a great herbalist, prepared herself with different kinds of roots from her stock and 
went over to see her neighbor. 


When she arrived, she asked, ‘‘Where is the pain?” ‘All over my insides,” 
her neighbor replied. 


94 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (Bub, 128 


She did not last but a very few minutes before she died. Whenever my grand- 
mother would lift the woman to give her some medicine or water to drink, she 
would sigh and breathe a strange odor. Her eyes blinked and dilated rapidly, 
and she had difficulty swallowing. The odor she breathed was like liquor, and 
all around her mouth was black. She died a terrible death—she finally 
suffocated. 

The next morning when my grandmother looked around the house, she dis- 
covered the remnants of the root and the stalk of o-nasa‘ta [waterhemlock] that 
had been cut away. She broke the root in twain and it gave off the same odor 
that she had detected on the breath of her poisoned neighbor. 


Katie claims to know an effective emetic for cases of Cicuta poisoning. 


Take fresh cream and a pinch of baking soda and some sugar. Mix it and give 
it to the patient. Then turn the patient on his stomach and roll him and massage 
the stomach to mix the medicine in the stomach. They will throw up. If they 
throw up they will recover. 

Witnesses said that Katie had cured a child who had accidentally 
taken “Paris green’’ that his father had prepared in solution for bug- 
ging potatoes. This poison produces violent diarrhoea, she said, and 
ultimately death follows. Katie used the above treatment and em- 
ployed a feather to induce vomiting. 

Case 4.—Elijah Brooks who was saved from Cicuta poisoning. 

The following case is exceptional because it is the first of two modern 
cases of Seneca males attempting poisoning. Abbie Gordon (Ska’-di’) 
recalled that Elijah Brooks, her father’s brother, took Cicuta but he 
did not die. Somebody discovered him and doctored him quickly, 
giving him a large dose of mashed boiled beans (as an emetic(?)). 
Abbie did not know the cause of the attempt, and she seemed un- 
willing to discuss it further. Elijah died somewhat later of natural 
causes. (This case should be read in connection with case 12 of my 
informant and her daughter who wanted to die.) 

Case 4a.—Informants of the Cornplanter Band of Senecas in north- 
western Pennsylvania identified waterhemlock, which grows along 
the flats near the Allegheny River, as the fatal root which they call 
o’né’’she’e, which they think means, ‘it looks like onion.” (Charles 
Gordon, Harvey Jacobs, Ezra Jacobs, and Windsor Pierce.) 

Charles Gordon’s mother used to relate how a Seneca outlander, 
i. e., a Seneca from up the river or from Cattaraugus who is not a 
descendant of Cornplanter, came there to stay. ‘He came here to 
get a wife, and someone else got her away from him. He poisoned 
himself with this plant which you see here.”’ 1° 

This case interested me because it shows that one Seneca male was 
unable to endure the shame and ridicule that would follow losing a 
mate to another suitor. I recall one young man of Allegany who 
brought home a young Cayuga bride and soon lost her to a neighbor 

10 At this particular sitting, my informants identified the suicide root from the illustration (fig. 54.— 


Cicuta maculata) on p. 171 of Muenscher. The following day we collected a specimen, which was inde- 
pendently identified by another informant. 


AnrHrop. Pap. No.14] IROQUOIS SUICIDE—FENTON 95 


whereupon even his own father remarked that his son had just rented 
her for a while. However, in this case the youth soon acquired another 
wife from the same community, and his unsuccessful affair is no longer 
mentioned. 

While writing this paper, two type A cases that occurred near 
Onondaga were related to me by Earl Jones, a young Onondaga- 
Mohawk employed at the Smithsonian Institution. Similarly, both 
cases are of young women who found the adjustment between reserva- 
tion culture and city life difficult, and both cases involve lovers. 
One young woman recovered. The other was an 
Oneida girl living with an Onondaga man. They had been to the nearby city of 
Syracuse, and returning to the reservation a little drunk they got into an argu- 
ment. This continued after they entered the house. She went to the cupboard 
and drank the contents of an ammonia bottle. Her ‘‘boy friend” said afterward 
that she habitually took medicine, that she had been drinking this night, and 
that in the dark she had grabbed at a bottle, the wrong one. That was his alibi. 

Earl Jones has heard of a poison root that was anciently used at 
Onondaga for suicide. He recognized Cusick’s O-nah-san-a (Cicuta 
maculata L.)§ as probably o’ne’si’‘na’, which is close to the form 
Hewitt gives in Tuscarora (footnote 8, p. 88), but he does not know 
the plant. However, he suggested it should be a poisonous plant 
because the modern Onondaga apply the same term to poison ivy. 

Jones believes that Onondaga suicides were formerly less frequent, 
and they are certainly of less frequency than the cases he cited of 
whites who had married on the Reservation and among the neighbor- 
ing city dwellers. 

TYPE B CASES: VIOLENT SUICIDES 


Male suicides among the modern Iroquois are apt to be violent. 
Thinking they have committed a violent crime, they seek a violent 
end as an escape. In three of the following cases a jealous husband 
killed his wife and then killed himself to avoid blood revenge or crimi- 
nal prosecution. One gains the impression from talking with in- 
formants that he killed himself out of self-pity. The basic information 
in these cases came from Peter Doctor. 

Case 5.—Albert S., an unsuccessful-spouse suicide, 1925. 

Albert S. of Tonawanda Reservation, got very drunk and shot his 
wife Phoebe early on the morning of December 7, 1925, and then shot 
himself in the head. Phoebe died the following night, but he lived 
to be tried for murder and sentenced to the Atlanta jail, where he died 
May 29, 1928. 

Although Phoebe is survived by three sisters and two brothers 
(1935), I acquired no information about the motives, other than the 
bare facts and that he was drunk, which seemed sufficient to my 
informant. 


11 See Beauchamp’s notes appended to Pursh’s Journal of 1807, p. 75. 


96 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buby 128 


Case 6.—Hiram Redeye, an unhappy-marriage suicide, circa 1900. 

Perhaps the most famous suicide is the case of Hiram Redeye, of 
Coldspring on the Allegany Reservation, who hurled himself under a 
passing freight after beating out his unfaithful wife’s brains with a 
trackmaul.”” 


Hiram Redeye, whom we nicknamed swé’ ’no, father of Newman and brother of 
Amos, lived at Coldspring around 1900. He was a great athlete, an especially 
talented runner and baseball player. He used to live with Phoebe Cooper, widow 
of Solon Jimmerson, of Jimmersontown [a settlement on the bank of the Allegheny 
below Salamanca]. After the death of her husband, she stayed with her brother, 
Hiram Cooper, at Coldspring. It was here that she met Hiram Redeye, and they 
went to living together at Hiram’s house. 

Hiram was abusive, he licked his woman, Phoebe, and he frequently threatened 
her life. He had a jealous disposition. 


Another informant ventured that she was unfaithful, and, whatever 
the fact, Hiram believed the rumor. 


Phoebe finally despaired and went back to her brother’s, to the house of her 
clansman; and while she was living there Hiram went over repeatedly and begged 
and coaxed her to come back to his house. However, she did not in the least want 
to return, but her kinsman kept urging her to make up with her consort, saying 
that everything would probably be all right from now on. [Peter added paren- 
thetically, ‘‘the old folks [parents and relatives in upper generations] usually try 
to patch up these broken affairs, just as they formerly selected mates for their 
children and arranged the weddings with the opposite parents.’”’] But Phoebe 
wept and carried on because her folks insisted that she return with Hiram.% 
Reluctantly, she packed her few clothes, her sewing, and a splint basket she was 
working on. In going she remarked, ‘‘If anything happens, it will be up to you 
[you will be responsible],’’ meaning that her relatives were responsible for her 
fate. 

They started out single file, Hiram going ahead. [It was customary for a man 
to walk in front of his wife.] She looked back again and again as they went along 
the path until finally, stopping to take one last longing look, she turned and 
followed. 

When they arrived at Hiram’s house, he opened the door and they went inside. 
She set down her burdens. Hiram locked the door and seized a hammer, a small 
track walker’s maul with a short handle. Then he went after her. ‘‘You did not 
want to come back,” he said, and he accused her of having had illicit relations 
with Jonas Titus. He was jealous of his neighbor, Jonas. She cried, “No,” 


12 To appreciate the setting the reader must understand the fascination which the railroads hold for the 
New York Indians. Wherever tracks cross the reserves, the maintenance crew is apt to be composed of 
Indians. They take to this work with enthusiasm, although they may speak little English besides the rail- 
road jargon; and the central factor in the modern life of Coldspring is certainly the Erie Railroad complex: 
the dinner pail, overalls, caps, gloves, and the worn circle in the pants pocket indicating the presence or 
absence of the snuff habit. To the rest of the community the trains have brought, with railroad watches, a 
sense of time, and the tracks serve as a berrying ground, a highway up and down the river, and a sure but 
dangerous way home on foggy Saturday nights. It is impossible to tell what proportion of the frequent 
deaths during 50 years to Indian trespassers have been accidents to homeward-bound travelers, deliberate 
murders, or suicides. 

18 This narrative has the ring of truth. The facts and causes of marital rupture and the attempts of the 
relatives to mend it agree point for point with cases of brittle monogamy which I have observed since 1933 
on the Seneca Reservations. No sooner does the wife seek sanctuary in her clansman’s house, because her 
husband has beaten her or jealousy has induced a quarrel, than he is there the following morning teasing her 
to return. Unless one of the mates absconds ‘‘to play house’’ with another lover, a few days of isolation 
serve to draw the breach together until the next incident arises. 


ANTHROP. Par, No.14] IROQUOIS SUICIDE—FENTON 97 


saying that she had had nothing to do with Jonas, but he refused to believe her. 
He struck her on the head, and in his fury hit her again and again until her skull 
was completely crushed. [A Coldspring informant states that he also cut her 
throat with a butcher’s knife.] 

Then he opened the door and set out on the run through Coldspring settlement 
toward the ‘nip and O’ tracks [N. Y. P. & O. R. R., which has since become the 
Eric]. A west-bound freight train was coming down the valley, and he made for it. 
Thetrain beat him to the crossing, but he cast himself underthe wheels. I remem- 
ber the details of this case because Phoebe Cooper was of my wife’s relations. 14 
[Peter Doctor.] 


Case 7.—Sam Parker, who hanged himself, circa 1875. 

“Sam Parker of Tonawanda Reservation hung himself because he 
thought he had killed two people.’’ Peter Doctor remembers the 
event clearly as happening either in 1874 or 1875, as he was in district 
school on Sundown Road at the time. 

Sam Parker, Peter supposes, was a full-blood, and he was around 
50 years old but still active; he was still playing lacrosse and engaging 
in other equally violent exercise. He came of a remarkable family, 
being the son of Levi Parker, who was related to General Ely Parker, 
and his was the only suicide in that family known to my informant. 


Sam Parker stole a horse belonging to his sister, Clara Parker, and he sold it 
somewhere off the reservation. His sister persisted in her search and finally 
traced it. A man from Tuscarora stayed here at the time, and Sam’s sister acted 
as his interpreter as they searched together from farm to farm among the whites. 
The Tuscarora finally located the horse, and the sheriff returned it to its original 
owner because it was stolen property. The man who had purchased the horse 
described the seller and thief as Sam Parker, her own brother. 

When Sam knew he had been discovered he went after his gun. 


The tragedy below happened before the West Shore Railroad went 
through in 1882. Peter does not remember the sequence, but he 
thinks that the shooting at the sister came first, and then Sam went 
after the Tuscarora. 


The first shooting occurred toward the east end of the reserve at William 
Charles’ house. Clara Parker, the sister, lived there; she was the present William 
Charles’ aunt and Charlie Moses’ mother. When Clara’s mother and brother 
saw Sam approaching carrying the revolver, they hid Clara in the bedroom. 
He entered, and not seeing her, suggested she might be hiding in the bedroom. 
They attempted to block the door, but he shot through the wooden panels. 
Clara [who Peter says had a bad temper anyway, and adds that she was probably 
angry] screamed from within the bedroom, and Sam fled supposing that he had 
killed her. 

Next he went to the house where he knew the Tuscarora man was staying. 
This was at Seavor Blackchief’s at the time when the old people were still living. 
(Seaver’s mother’s brother had migrated to Tuscarora [where he had married], 
and a while afterward he returned. Therefore the Tuscarora man was staying 


14 T gathered from Peter Doctor that the couple made such a din that the close neighbors were attracted to 
hear the shouted accusations and denials and that they saw part of the struggle. Much of the tale seems 
to have been reconstructed after the crime, and the years have not cramped Peter’s skill as a narrator, 
although I have never had cause to doubt his veracity. 


98 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLy, 128 


with them.) Sam went to the house inquiring for the Tuscarora who was up- 
stairs. As the Tuscarora emerged at the head of the stairs, Sam shot from where 
he was standing near the door. And again, thinking that he had hit him, he fled. 

Sam’s mother and sister and wife came running after him, but he went into the 
brush to the south of the present railroad track near McRae Skye’s place. Before 
they overtook him he had shinned up a leaning tree of nearly 2 feet in diameter. 
He was sitting on a limb with a rope tied around his neck and was busy tying 
the free end around the limb when the women came up. They told him he must 
not take his life, but he jumped anyway in full conviction that he had killed two 
people. He never hit either of them. 

We school children heard of the tragedy and the school teacher let us off to go 
over and see him. 


It is possible that the motive in Sam’s suicide was shame at having 
been caught in a theft rather than fear of revenge or prosecution. 

Case &.—Jealous husband hangs himself after ambushing wife 
and lover. 

Peter Doctor remembered one other case which occurred at Cat- 
taraugus Reservation about 1890. A jealous husband lay in ambush 
at the hill leading out of Gowanda. His wife must pass that 
way returning home in her lover’s wagon. He shot at her as the horses 
slowly climbed the hill, and thinking that he had killed his wife, he 
hung himself shortly afterward. 

Case Sa.—Sometime during the spring of 1939 while I was writing 
this paper, one of the Sachem chiefs whom I had known during my 
stay at Tonawanda hanged himself in his attic. Ididnot know him very 
well. During the time of our acquaintance he was frequently drunk 
and he kept pretty much to himself. A rather fine speaker and an 
exceptional singer, he seldom appeared to discharge his duties at the 
longhouse festivals, and he did not fraternize with the mutual aid 
singers’ society with whom I used to meet at Jesse Cornplanter’s. 
He did belong to another group of singers, but they seldom made pub- 
lic appearances at the longhouse dances. He had attended Carlisle 
Indian School where he had run the 100 yards in 10 seconds, and he 
had played considerable baseball after returning to the reservation. 
He lived in a little log cabin with a wife, who occasionally got herself 
very drunk, and they had several small children. 

A competent social worker, who knew him better than I did, had 
seen him intoxicated several times, and each time he had a crying jag. 
He wept a good deal begging her not to take him home, until she had 
straightened matters with this wife. The social worker had his con- 
fidence for he would regain control of his emotions when she agreed 
to intercede for him. It is perplexing just why he worried about his 
wife’s reactions since she was so given to drinking herself. 

It is reported that several times when he was drunk he had threatened to hang 
himself. It probably got to be an old story, and no one took him seriously. He 


used his own attic for the occasion. He had been working regularly at the Tona- 
wanda Community House [which was then being built by Indian labor under 


Anrurop. Pap. No.14] IROQUOIS SUICIDE—FENTON 99 


WPA], until shortly before [his suicide]. He seemed to be in no difficulties pre- 
viously or [at the time of his demise]. [H. A. Wayne, correspondence, 1939.] 

He had an Indian funeral of the longhouse variety and his clansmen 
held the regular feast to thank the participants 10 days after. 

This is the only case that can be definitely attributed to a disor- 
ganized personality that developed out of the conditions that produced 
the break down of a culture. His death may be attributed to the 
introduction of liquor among the Senecas. In turn, the frustrations 
that young partly educated Indians experience in trying to adjust 
themselves to a changing life are, I think, responsible for the excessive 
drinking among them. 

Case 9.—Katherine K. who shot herself in revolt to parental 
discipline, 1932.% 

Katherine K., a Seneca Indian girl of about 15 years, shot herself 
with a .45 caliber automatic pistol in 1932. Katherine was in the 
first year of high school, and her degree of Indian blood is uncertain, 
but her family is an old one on the Cattaraugus Reservation. 

The cause seems to have been discontent with parental discipline. 
Her mother objected to Katherine’s running around like other Indian 
girls of her age, who with the break down of the old maternal discipline 
run about at will. On the occasion of the tragedy the family had 
gone to a lacrosse game in Buffalo, and they had left Katherine home 
to take care of six small children. (Perhaps I should explain that 
the indoor lacrosse games at Broadway auditorium attract large 
audiences from the reservations to the city whither the Senecas flock 
to see their young men bruise one another and to visit with relatives 
and friends. The young people have a chance to meet each other 
and to escape in the slums of the city the scrutiny of their neighbors 
at home. The consequences are sometimes disastrous from the view- 
point of conscientious parents, of which there are still a few among the 
Indians.) Thus the parents had indulged themselves in a pleasure 
they denied their daughter. The next morning a neighbor discovered 
footprints in the snow leading to a lonely shanty where he discovered 


her body. 
MISCELLANEOUS MODERN TYPES 


Case 10.—A Tuscarora Maid of the Mists, circa 1890. 

About 1890, a Tuscarora girl cast herself into the rapids above 
Niagara Falls because her parents refused to sanction her love affair. 
Clearly this type of suicide parallels the ‘‘Maid of the Mists” episode 
in Seneca folklore." 


15 Information on this case also was obtained from Miss Helen 4. Wayne, Supervisor of Indian Welfare, 
New York State Department of Social Welfare, Buffalo. 

16 The Seneca girl, who has become impregnated by a snake, is so ashamed that she stands a canoe through 
the Niagara rapids above the Falls, but as she goes over the brink she is saved by Hinon, the thunderer, 
who lives in the cave of the Winds beneath the Falls. Later he delivers her of serpents, and finally she 
returns home. (See Hinon Saves a Woman from Suicide, in Curtin and Hewitt, 1918, pp. 228-229.) Ihave 
another version of the same tale from Cornplanter. 


100 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buun. 128 


This Tuscarora girl was Ike Patterson’s daughter, and she was probably 12 
years old the last time I saw her when her father brought her to a Baptist con- 
vention here at Tonawanda. She would be nearly 60 were she living today 
[1935]. She promised to be a pretty girl. [Peter Doctor.] 

It is difficult to tell her degree of Indian blood because the Tus- 
caroras have incorporated so many white prisoners during their 
wanderings and there have been so many intermarriages with white 
soldiers from Fort Niagara that none of them are full-blood Indians. 

The girl grew up and met a white man at Niagara Falls, and she fell in love with 
him. The old Indian people, both her parents and her father in particular, 
resented the union and they broke it up. The girl decided that if she could not 
have the white man she would have no one. She went to Niagara Falls and 
waded into the rapids above the falls. [Peter Doctor.] 

Case 11.—Dennison M.’s two unsuccessful threats. 

Dennison M. is a Seneca male of 33 years (1935), nearly a full-blood 
(%), who lives when at home with his aged mother in the longhouse 
district of Tonawanda Reservation. He is the greatest wanderer of 
three vagrant brothers, and when at home he shares a workshop in 
the barn with his half brother Cephas. He spends long hours by him- 
self carving, and fashioning archery tackle. Frequently, he destroys 
what he makes, feeling, perhaps with the true sense of an artist, that 
the creation is no longer to his liking. (I asked him why he destroyed 
his crafts, and he replied that he was sick of them.) He seldom goes 
out when at home, and I have never seen him with the other reser- 
vation youths at the dances and singing society meetings. Neverthe- 
less, he is a famous dancer and showman, however reticent he may be 
about performing at home. On one of his excursions he bought a 
bicycle in Atlantic City and rode it all the way to Florida and the 
Gulf coast, making his living en route by staging a dancing and fancy- 
roping act on street corners. His misanthropic temperament emerges 
at home where, his brother says, he sometimes hides upstairs and 
refuses to come down when visitors call, in which situation they tell 
the visitor they do not know Dennison’s whereabouts. At other 
times the family come down in the morning to find Dennison suddenly 
home from a trip, and a few days later he is off again before dawn 
without saying farewell. He is apt to turn up unexpectedly in distant 
places; in California to pose for some sculptor, at the Art Students 
League in New York, or at a cabaret in some other city, but all of his 
jobs end on pay day in a prolonged inebriation. 

When Dennison gets drunk, according to Cephas, he frequently 
mentions killing himself. One night, when Cephas was fed up with 
his odd brother’s repetition of this old theme of killing himself, he 
handed him a rifle, saying, ‘‘Why don’t you do it and have it over 
with?” Dennison accepted the rifle and went outside. He has not 
mentioned suicide to Cephas since. 


AnruroP. Par.No.14] IROQUOIS SUICIDE—FENTON 101 


Another time he was arrested in Niagara Falls when he was drunk. 
One of the Park Police patrolmen saw him staggering in the direction 
of the Falls and set after him. Dennison walked away through the 
park toward the Falls. The officer told him to halt, and asked him 
where he was going, and Dennison replied that he was going to kill 
himself. Naturally, the patrolman, thinking the lad was about to 
jump over the falls, arrested him. 

Case 12.—A mother and daughter who wanted to die, 1935. 

This case should be considered in connection with case 4 because 
it involves the same maternal family. It would appear that there is 
almost a strain of potential suicide in this family. Abbie Brooks 
remarked to the nurse that she did not want to live—“I want to die; 
I do not want to get well’’—when the nurse urged her to seek medical 
treatment for a large goiter, but, of course, since Abbie is hostile to 
white medicine, her reply may carry that bias. Last winter Abbie’s 
daughter Lucy died of a number of complicated disorders resulting 
from an abortion and virulent tuberculosis. During the time when 
Lucy might have been removed to the hospital with fair chances for 
recovery, she consistently refused to go, saying that she did not want 
to get well. She felt that she had been deserted by her lover. The 
child was unwanted. Her parents took the typical Seneca attitude 
of refusing to assume the responsibility for sending her. They left 
it with their daughter. I secured this information from a trusted 
neighbor whom I sent in to talk with the girl about going to the 
hospital, and this explanation was currently given about the long- 
house settlement. Her death temporarily cast a shadow over a num- 
ber of suspects reputed to be the fathers of the unwanted child. Her 
case is no longer mentioned but it is not forgotten.” 


EARLY CASES 


Early travelers and missionaries to the Iroquoian Tribes recorded 
cases of suicide that fell under their observation which are markedly 
similar to the modern cases above. The early cases group themselves 
by method of commission into cases of suicide by taking poisonous 
roots (type A) and violent deaths by stabbing, shooting, and stran- 
gling (type B); and here too we find the love, revenge, and escape 
motives as operating causes. It appears then that here are the his- 
torical antecedents for the modern suicide patterns, and with this 
in mind, let us see how far back we can trace the methods and motives, 
proceeding upstream historically. 

17 There have been recent cases of suicides following long illnesses. About 15 years ago, Jerry Pierce, of 


Irving on the Cattaraugus Reservation, following a long illness hanged himself (E. Pierce). My informant 
had a theory that hanging goes with melancholia and violent suicides with choleric temperament. 


218558—40——_8 


102 BUREAU OF AMERICAN BHTHNOLOGY [Buy, 128 


EARLY CASES OF ROOT POISONING: TYPE A 


Speaking of Cicuta in his Medical Flora, Rafinesque (1828, vol. 1, 
p. 110) remarks of the Indians generally, though his observations 
were probably among the Delaware but may also include Iroquois, 
“The Indians when tired of life, are said to poison themselves with the 
roots of this plant [Cicuta] and the Purple Angelica, Az. atropurpurea.” 

Case 13.—Two murderers forego self-shooting, but one finally takes 
Cicuta: Senecas of Genessee valley, 1817. 

Mary Jemison, the white woman of the Genesee, relates graphically 
how her quarrelsome son John, a prominent herbalist, following a 
premonition of death, was murdered in 1817 by Jack and Doctor, 
two Squawky Hill Indians, with whom he drank too freely. John 
had previously murdered his two brothers, and his violent passing 
made all the more deep his mother’s loss. She relates that after 
several weeks of lying in the woods, Doctor and Jack, hoping to 
compound their crime, sent the customary wampum to Mary, but 
she returned it, advising them to leave the country lest they be 
killed [by her clansmen]. Roundly condemned by Tallchief, a spokes- 
man for their own relatives, to wander the woods forever persecuted 
by their victim’s ghost and their own delusions, forbidden entrée to 
the spirit-world, and knowing that if they returned home they would 
be at the mercy of their victim’s relatives, they were abandoned to 
consult their own feelings as to whether they preferred prolonged 
exile or giving themselves up. 

As soon as they were alone, Jack said to Doctor, ‘‘I had rather die here, than 
leave my country and friends! Put the muzzle of your rifle into my mouth, and 
I will put the muzzle of mine into yours, and at a given signal we will discharge 
them, and rid ourselves at once of all the troubles under which we now labor, 
and satisfy the claims which justice holds against us.” 

Doctor heard the proposition, and after a moment’s pause, made the following 
reply:—‘‘I am as sensible as you can be of the unhappy situation in which we 
have placed ourselves. We are bad Indians. We have forfeited our lives, and 
must expect in some way to atone for our crime: but, because we are bad and 
miserable, shall we make ourselves worse? If we were now innocent, and in a 
calm reflecting moment should kill ourselves, that act would make us bad, and 
deprive us of our share of the good hunting in the land where our fathers have 
gone! What would Little Beard [a Chief who died in 1806] say to us on our 
arrival at his cabin? He would say, ‘Bad Indians! Cowards! You were afraid 
to wait until we wanted your help! Go (Jogo) [djago’] to where snakes will lie 
in your path; where the panthers will starve you, by devouring the venison; and 
where you will be naked and suffer with the cold! Jogo, (go,) none but the brave 
and good Indians live here!’ I cannot think of performing an act that will add to 
my wretchedness. It is hard enough for me to suffer here, and have good hunting 
hereafter—worse to lose the whole.” 

Upon this, Jack withdrew his proposal. They went on about 2 miles, and then 
turned about and came home. Guilty and uneasy, they lurked about Squawky 
Hill near a fortnight, and then went to Cattaraugus, and were gone 6 weeks. 
When they came back, Jack’s wife earnestly requested him to remove his family 


ANTHROP. Pap, NO.14] IROQUOIS SUICIDE—FENTON 103 


to Tonnewonta; but he remonstrated against her project, and utterly declined 
going. His wife and family, however, tired of the tumult by which they were 
surrounded, packed up their effects in spite of what he could say, and went off. 

Jack deliberated a short time upon the proper course for himself to pursue, and 
finally, rather than leave his old home, he ate a large quantity of muskrat root, 
and died in 10 or 12 hours.'8 His family being immediately notified of his death, 
returned to attend the burial, and is yet living at Squawky Hill. 

Nothing was ever done with Doctor, who continued to live quietly at Squawky 
Hill till sometime in the year 1819, when he died of Consumtion [sic]. [Mary 
Jemison.] 


Cicuta was also in current use at Onondaga, according to Pursh the 
botanist, who visited Onondaga Castle in the summer of 1807 during 
his botanical excursion through New York. He observed the plant 
growing there, and it is evident that several suicides had occurred 
within the memory of his informant. On July 18, in company with 
Captain Webster, Pursh set out to learn the names of some herbs in 
Onondaga which Webster claimed to know and promised to impart to 
him. 

Pursh observes, 

Cicuta maculata grows in great abundance throughout Onondaga: the Indians 
use it to poison themselves, when they have an inclination in going out of this 
world: it is a most powerful poison, as Capt. Webster tells me, who has seen the 
case on some Indians which had eaten the root, & was lost without being able to 
get anything as a remedy against it; it occasions Lockjaw & the patient is soon 
done. Elder bark or a Muskrat skin chopped fine, with the hair on is reckoned a 
remedy if soon applyed to.” 

In several cases emetics seem to have been successful. Here there 
is a sympathetic association between the muskrat who likes the root 
and the use of its hide and hair in an emetic, as if to transfer the 
poison to the muskrat. 

Mayapple poisonings.—The sources for the last three-quarters of 
the eighteenth century are disappointing where we expect them to 
be rich. Two able botanists, J. Bartram in 1743 and P. Kalm in 1748 
and 1750, visited the Iroquois country, and neither mentions poison- 
ous roots in use among the Indians (Bartram, 1895; Kalm, 1937); 
both neglect to mention the common mayapple, Podophyllum peltatum 
L., which grows widely from Virginia to Lake Ontario, and only 
Kalm recorded a variety of waterhemlock (Cicuta ramis bulbiferus) 
growing in the low-lying country west of Lake Champlain, but he 
does not connect the plant with the Indians. Curiously enough, 
however, the Moravian missionaries, Heckewelder and Zeisberger, 


18 When I read this account to Henry Redeye of Allegany, he said this is the plant they cal! o’nq’’s‘e’”’, 
which proved to be Cicuta maculata L. He also considered Seaver’s inclusion of djageq, meaning ‘‘take cour- 
agel’”’, a mistake; that go’ge’” was probably what Mary said. 

19 Seaver, 1932 edit., pp. 127-132; quotation, pp. 132-134. 

20 Pursh, 1869 (Beauchamp, ed., 1923, pp. 42-43). 

Beauchamp notes (p. 66), . . . ‘‘the deadly Cicuta maculata, found then throughout Onondaga and 
still [1920] frequent on the Reservation. We yet hear of fatal results from chewing or eating the root. It is 
frequently mentioned in Seneca stories and distinguished as ‘the root’.”” Beauchamp offers a list of Onon- 
daga plant names from Albert Cusick (p. 75), ‘Muskrat Root or Water Hemlock.—O-nah-san-a [o’ne’sa’°na’].”” 


104 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bun, 128 


cite some interesting mayapple suicides among the neighboring 
Delaware, but it is possible that these are Iroquois cases, for both 
men are writing general histories. Zeisberger traveled among the 
Onondaga, Cayuga, and Seneca Tribes, and there were Senecas living 
adjacent to the Moravian mission in Ohio where Heckewelder minis- 
tered following 1770. If these are Delaware cases, that tribe shared 
the Iroquois suicide complex, and they are pertinent to this paper. 


Wild citrons (Podophyllum peliatum L.) or May Apples, grow on a stalk not 
over a foot high. The Indians enjoy eating the fruit, which has a sour but 
pleasant taste. The roots are a powerful poison which, who eats, dies in a few 
hours’ time unless promptly given an emetic. [Zeisberger, 1910, p. 47.] 


Zeisberger continues later— 


In the use of poisonous roots the Indians are well versed, and there are many 
melancholy examples where they have by their use destroyed themselves or others. 
If a case of poisoning is taken in time, the effect of the poisonous root may be 
prevented by inducing vomiting. In case assistance is rendered too late, death 
follows, as arule, in afew hours. There are poisonous roots that operate by slow 
degrees, in some cases illness may last a year or longer. [Zeisberger, 1910, p. 56.] 


Case 14a.—There is a generalized case by Zeisberger, in connection 
with marital infidelity, and he probably refers to the same events 
as Heckewelder. 


Not every Indian, however, is indifferent to the light behavior of his wife. 
Many a one takes her unfaithfulness so to heart that in the height of his despair 
he swallows a poisonous root, which generally causes death in two hours, unless 
an antidote be administered in good time; this is often done, the Indians knowing 
that the properties of certain herbs counteract each other and being able to judge 
from the effects, what poison has been taken. Women, also, have been known 
to destroy themselves on account of a husband’s unfaithfulness. [Zeisberger, 
1910, p. 83.] 2! 


It is evident from this account that more than one poison was in 
use and that the practice was not confined to either sex. 

Heckewelder is a little more specific, and all of his cases are men 
who took Podophyllum. 


Suicide is not considered by the Indians either as an act of heroism or of 
cowardice, nor is it with them a subject of praise or blame. They view this 
desperate act as the consequence of mental derangement, and the person who 
destroys himself is to them an object of pity. Such cases do not frequently oceur. 
Between the years 1771 and 1780, four Indians of my acquaintance took the root 
of the may-apple, which is commonly used on such occasions, in order to poison 
themselves, in which they all succeeded, except one. [See case 14b below.] 
Two of them were young men, who had been disappointed in love, the girls on 
whom they had fixed their choice, and to whom they were engaged, having 
changed their minds and married other lovers. . . The two others were married 
men. 


Heckewelder goes on to cite the cases of the two married men. 


31 The same account appears almost verbatim in Loskiel, 1794, p. 58. 


AnrHRoP. Pap, No.14] IROQUOIS SUICIDE—-FENTON 105 


One. . . was a person of excellent character, respected and esteemed by all who 
knew him. He had a wife of whom he was very fond and two children, and 
they lived very happily together. . . half a mile from... where I resided. He 
often came to visit me, and he was of a most amiable disposition, I was pleased 
with his visits, and always gave him a hearty welcome. When I thought he was 
too long about coming, I went. . . to. . . hisdwelling. Here I always found the 
family cheerful, sociable, and happy, until some time before the fatal catastrophe 
happened, when I observed that my friend’s countenance bore the marks of deep 
melancholy... His wife had received the visits of another man; he foresaw 
that he would soon be obliged to separate from her, and he shuddered when he 
thought that he must also part from his two. . . children; .. . for it is the 
custom ... when a divorce takes place . . ., the children remain with their 
mother, until they are of proper age to chose for themselves. One hope... 
remained. The sugar-making season was at hand, and they were shortly to re- 
move to their sugar-camp, where he flattered himself his wife would not be fol- 
lowed by the disturber . . ., whose residence was about ten miles from thence. 
But this hope was of short duration. They had hardly been a fortnight in their 
new habitation, when, as he returned . . . from a morning’s hunt, he found the 
unwelcome visitor . . ., in close conversation with his faithless wife. This... 
was more than he could bear; without saying a... word, he took. . . a large 
cake of his sugar, and. . . came to my house,. . . eight miles from his tempo- 
rary residence. It was ...a Sunday, ... [10 a. mJ, that he entered... 
with sorrow strongly. . . on his. . . countenance. As he came in he presented 
me with his cake of sugar, saying, ‘‘My friend! you have many a time served 
me with a good pipe of tobacco, and I have not yet done anything to please you. 
Take this as a reward for your goodness, . . . from me as your friend.”’ He said 
no more, but giving me with both his hands a warm farewell squeeze, he... 
returned to the camp. At about two o’clock in the afternoon, a runner from 
thence passing through the town tonotify his death to the village two miles farther, 
informed us of the shocking event. He had immediately on his return, remained a 
short time in the house, indulging in the last caress to his . . . children; then retir- 
ing to some distance, had eaten the fatal root, and before relief could be admin- 
istered by some persons who had observed him staggering from the other side of 
the river, he was on the point of expiring, and all succours were vain. [Hecke- 
welder, 1819, pp. 258-259.] 


146.—Heckewelder’s second case is 


also that of a married man, but he had no children. He lived happily with his 
wife, until one day that she fell into a passion and made use to him of such abusive 
language as he could not endure. Too highminded to quarrel with a woman, he 
resolved to punish her by putting an end to his existence. Fortunately, he was 
seen in the first stages of his fits, and was brought into a house, where a strong 
emetic diluted in luke-warm water, . . . was forcibly poured down his throat. 
([He] . . . had poisoned himself with the root of the May Apple (Podophyllum 
peltatum). It [the emetic] consisted of a piece of raccoon skin burned with the 
hair on and finely powdered, pounded dry beans and gunpowder. These three 
ingredients were mixed with water and poured down the patient’s throat. This 
brought on a severe vomiting, the poisonous root was entirely discharged and the 
man cured.22, [Heckewelder, 1819, pp. 225-226.] He recovered after some time, 
but never was again the strong healthy man he had been before; his wife, however, 
took warning from this desperate act, and behaved better. ([Ibid., p. 260.] 


22 It is interesting to note that Abbie Gordon said they gave an emetic of boiled beans to her uncle Elijah 
Brooks, case 4, when he took Cicuta. Pursh describes a similar emetic among the Onondaga. 


106 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Butn, 128 


Case 15.—An Iroquois woman eats mayapple root to follow her 
deceased husband: Onondagas (?) at Fort Frontenac, 1684. 

The Iroquois also did not entirely rely upon the poisonous water- 
hemlock. Zeisberger’s remarks suggest that the Delaware used other 
roots besides mayapple, and for a time the Iroquois, according to 
Lahontan and others, were using mayapple. This especially baffles me 
because Seneca informants, save one, scout the idea that mayapple 
is poisonous. They regularly stew the roots for a physic, and all the 
data which Waugh and I have collected point to waterhemlock as the 
suicide root. Nevertheless, regardless of failing tradition, Lahontan 
describes a plant like mayapple, without giving its Onondaga or 
Huron name, and the Baron was markedly impressed by the constancy 
of the Iroquois woman who took this root to follow her decreased 
husband. 


The Citrons of North-America are so call’d, only because their form resembles 
that of our Citron, Instead of a Rind, they have only a single skin. They grow 
upon a Plant that rises three Foot high, and do’s not bear more than three or four 
at atime. This Fruit is as wholsom [sic] as its Root is dangerous; for the one is 
very Healthy, and the juice of the other is a mortal subtile Poyson. While I 
stay’d at Fort Frontenac, in the year 1684, I saw an Iroquese Woman take down 
this fatal Potion, with a design to follow her deceased Husband; after she had 
took leaves of her Friends, and sung the Death Song, with the formalities that 
are usual among these blind Wretches.28 The Poison quickly worked the desir’d 
effect; for this widdow, who in Europe would be justly look’d upon as a model of 
Constancy and Fidelity, had no sooner swallowed the murdering Juice, than she 
fell into two or three shivering Fits, and so expir’d. [Lahontan, 1703, vol. 1, pp. 
250-251.] 


Lahontan gives us the impression that among the Hurons (?) it was 
the regular sequence for spouse to follow spouse by suicide within a 
few months after the death of the first, and particularly when the 
survivor had dreamed more than once of the deceased mate. It is 
against just such contingencies that the society of Chanters for the 
Dead (hono’hgi'we’) attempt to placate the restless soul, and free the 
mind of the survivor. 

When the Husband of a Wife comes to dye, the Widowhood does not last 
above six Months; and if in that space of time the Widow or Widower dreams of 
their deceas’d Bedfellow, they Poyson themselves in cold Blood with all the con- 
tentment imaginable; and at the same time sing a sort of tune that one may 
safely say proceeds from the Heart. But if the surviving Party dreams but 
once of the Deceased, they say, that the Spirit of Dreams was not sure that the 
dead Person was uneasie [sic] in the Country of Souls, for asmuch as he only 
pass’d by without returning, and for that reason they think that they are not 
oblig’d to go keep him Company. [Lahontan, 1703, vol. 2, pp. 41—42.] 


CICUTA POISONINGS, 1720-1672 
Cicuta was taken as well during this same period, which Lahontan 
describes, but, unfortunately, none of the relations say that both 


33 The Personal chant (4dq‘.we’) was sung to return thanks in religious festivals, to boast at war feasts 
and during torture, and as a finale at death. 


ANrHRoOP. Pap. No.14] TROQUOIS SUICIDE—FENTON 107 


waterhemlock and mayapple were in use at the same time, or they 
give a native term without describing the plant, or the reverse, or 
neither. We can compare their accounts and attempt to equate the 
native terms with modern survivals in the same or related languages, 
which has profited little, because of linguistic drift or change of 
terminology. 

The accounts of specific Cicuta poisonings go back to 1672 for the 
Onondagas, and presumably the other Iroquois, and likely some of 
the earlier ambiguous accounts are of suicides by this root. The 
motives continue to be chagrin and revenge over reprimands or mis- 
treatment. 

Case 16.—A spiteful girl takes Cicuta: Lafitau, Iroquois, 1710-20. 

Lafitau, of whom Parkman (1885, p. Liv) has said, “None of the old 
writers are so satisfactory,’ paints the Iroquois, to whom he ministered 
for a decade following 1710, as a thin-skinned lot, who as children 
had been left to develop bad habits on the pretext that they had not 
yet attained the age of reason, whose most serious punishment was 
to have water thrown in the face, and who were never struck. And 
among them it was not extraordinary to see them poison themselves 
with Cicuta over a moderately severe scolding, and thereby make 
away with themselves. 

Les sauvages en general sont d’ailleurs si sensibles, que pour un reproche un 
peu trop amer, il n’est pas extraordinaire de les voir s’empoisonner avec la cigué, & 
se défaire eux-mémes. [Lafitau, 1724, vol. 1, p. 603.] 

In another place, when writing of the unequal status of souls in 
the hereafter according to their manner of death, he cites a specific 
case which occurred in the experience of a brother missionary. He 
speaks of a young Jroquois(?) girl who wept bitterly over her sister, 
who was dying from a quantity of Cicuta which she had taken in a 
huff and to ensure her death refused any antidote, because neither 
bonds of blood or friendship could touch her, and because she knew 
that her sister’s suicide would eternally separate them in the land of 
souls. 

Ce pais des Ames a aussi ses differens étages, & tous n’y sont pas également 
bien. C’est ce que conclut un de nos Missionaires, de ce qu’il entendit dire 4 
jeune Sauvagesse. Cette fille voyant sa soeur mourante, par la quantité de cigué 
[Cicuta] qu’elle avoit prise dans un dépit, & déterminée 4 ne faire aucun remede 
pour se guarantir de la mort, pleuroit 4 chaudes larmes, & s’eforgoit de la toucher 
par liens du sang, & de l’amitié qui les unissoit ensemble. Elle lui disoit sans 
cesse: c’en est done fait, tu veux que nous ne nous retrouvions jamais plus, & 
que nous ne nous revoyions jamais? Le Missionaire frappé de ces paroles, lui en 
demanda la raison. Il me semble, dit-il, que vous avez un pais des Ames, ot 
vous devez tous vous réiinir 4 vos Ancétres; pourquoi done et-ce que tu parles 
ainsi 4 ta soeur? II est vrai, reprit-elle, que nous allons tous au pais des Ames; 
mes les méchans, & ceux en particulier, qui se sont détruits eux-mémes par une 
mort violente, y portant la peine de leur crime; ils y sont separés des autres, & 


108 BUREAU OF AMERICAN BTHNOLOGY [Buun, 128 


n’ont point de communication avec eux: c’est-la le sujet de mes peines. [Lafitau, 
vol. 1, p. 404.] 


Case 17.—Girls scolded by mothers eat Cicuta: Onondaga, circa 
1690. 

Bacqueville de la Potherie, whose visit to the Iroquois, 1689-1701, 
preceded Lafitau’s, describes the same methods of rearing children, 
and the danger that scolding might produce child suicides. Onondaga 
daughters who have been scolded by their mothers eat Cicuta to poison 
themselves, while youths kill themselves with gun or knife. 


Les Filles d’Onnontaquez qui ont été reprises par leurs Meres, mangent de la 
Cigué pour s’empoisonner, les enfans se tuént avec leur fusil ou avec leur cofiteau. 
[La Potherie, 1753, vol. 3, p. 16.] 


Case 18 Annoyed young woman takes poison: Seneca, 1672. 

A generation earlier, the Jesuit Raffeix reported an isolated case 
from the Seneca mission. 

‘“‘A young woman had poisoned herself, in consequence of serious 
annoyance that she had experienced.” ** The context conveys the 
impression that she was annoyed by unwelcome male agressors. 

Case 19.— Abandoned wife takes hemlock juice: Onondaga, 1672. 

About the same year Lamberville writes in the Relation of 1672-73 
of an Onondaga woman who took hemlock juice (waterhemlock) over 
the loss of her husband to a rival. Neither Lamberville’s emetic 
brings up the poison, nor his persuasions convince her that she has 
sinned, and she dies asserting that the guilt is on her faithless husband. 


Another took some Hemlock juice, because she could not bear to see herself 
abandoned by her husband, who married her rival. I am summoned in the 
capacity of a physician who has already succeeded in counteracting the effects of 
that poison. I make her take orvietan [a popular antidote of the period], and 
shortly afterward some theriac,—on condition that no one else shall give Her any 
other medicine, lest it should take away the strength of mine. But hardly have 
I left the Dwelling than a woman makes Her swallow more than a pint of Colored 
water. Iask the attendant whether she thought that it was good medicine; she 
says that she knew nothing about it, but that, as she had been requested to give a 
medicine, she prepared one as she was able... [The Iroquois have not 
forsaken this ancient duplicity in medicine, and no modern practicioner on the 
reservations knows at what point his perscriptions may be upset by an overdose 
of herbal medicine.]. . . I give an emetic. . . The poison has already 
penetrated into the intestines. [Here a shaman intervened and the Father 
made the mother understand that her daughter had sinned, which she agreed.] 
Meanwhile, the sick woman is frothing at the mouth; she utters loud cries and 
is seized with dreadful convulsions.. . . ‘I have not sinned,” she says, 
‘he who has abandoned me is The one who is Guilty.” [Lamberville in 
Thwaites, 1896-1901, vol. 57, pp. 165-169.] 


% Dablon, 1672-74 (Thwaites, 1896-1901, vol. 58, p. 239). 

% William Penn mentions a similar case among the Delaware without naming the herb. He writes in a 
letter dated 1683, that they (the Delaware) are great concealers of resentment, how “‘a King’s [Chief’s] 
daughter thinking herself slighted by her husband in suffering another woman to lie down between them, 
rose up, went out, plucked a root out of the ground, and ate it, upon which she immediately died;” her 
husband later made an offering to her relatives for atonement and liberty to marry again (Penn, 1683, p. 210). 


Anrror. Par, No.14] IROQUOIS SUICIDE—FENTON 109 


Case 20.—More suicides of children and married women: Iroquois, 
1656. 


From the Relation of 1656-57, we have the earliest cases from the 
Iroquois proper, perhaps the source for Lafitau’s interest in the sensi- 
tiveness of children, their horror of restraint, their predilection for 
revenge, and suicides by eating poisonous plants, of which he specifies 
Cicuta. Dablon writes of the Iroquois, while referring to the Onondaga 
nation whom he knew best, 

There is nothing for which these people have a greater horror than restraint. 
The very children cannot endure it, and live as they please in the houses of their 
parents, without fear of reprimand or of chastisement. Not that they are not 
punished sometimes by having their lips and their tongues rubbed with a very 
bitter root [probably one of the Hellebores]; but this is seldom done for fear that 
vexation might lead the children to cause their own death by eating certain 
noxious plants, which they know to be poisonous. These are most often used by 
the married women, to revenge themselves of the ill treatment of their husbands 
by thus leaving them the reproach of their death. [Dablon in Thwaites, 1896- 
1901, vol. 438, p. 271.] 


HURON CASES OF POISONING, PRIOR TO 1650 


Prior to 1650, the Relations concern the missions to the Hurons 
among whom there are several parailel cases of suicides by eating 
poisonous roots. These cases may be the prototypes of the suicide 
patterns we have been discussing, which were probably also current 
among the Iroquois of the period. However, there is the possi- 
bility that the Hurons may have introduced the custom among the 
Senecas who incorporated part of them following 1648. Naturally 
the plant identifications are confused or lacking in this early period 
because the observers were confronted with the double problem of 
learning an Indian language and a New World flora. 

Case 21.—Youth mysteriously poisons himself: Hurons, 1640. 

Neither Chaumonot nor Lalement was able to discover the reason 
why a young Huron poisoned himself, as they say, with aconite, and 
it is equally baffling why he chose their cabin as his death spot unless 
he hoped that he might gain some special advantage in the hereafter 
through the magic of salvation. The poison is probably not aconite, 
which was introduced and naturalized in the northeast somewhat 
later;*° and there is no record for native species as far north as On- 
tario (Gray, 1908, p. 407). Furthermore, the symptoms more nearly 
resemble those attending Cicuta poisoning (Muenscher, 1939, p. 173). 

Some days ago [March 21, 1640], a young man from Saint Frangois Xavier 


[west side of the Wye River, near Wyebridge, Ontario] entered our cabin early 
in the morning; he came with a firm step, and singing like those who go to war 


% Aconite (Aconitum napellus L.) was introduced from Europe to the northeast (Muenscher, 1939, pp. 
77-79). ‘“‘None of this genus is weedy in Eastern North America’ (Pammel, 1910-11, pt. 2, p. 449). 


110 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bunn, 128 


[Personal Chant (a’dg° we’)].27 ... he was already tormented by the violence 
of the posion when he entered our cabin.*® Hardly is he seated when his heart 
fails him [Aconite and Hellebore act on the heart]; he falls to the gound and can- 
not rise again. We suppose that he is either acting the lunatic, or that he is one; 
we try to put him out; he gently begs us to wait [Lalement]. Having there suc- 
cumbed, he flings himself to the ground, foaming, with all the signs of approaching 
death [Chaumonot]. His eyes roll in his head, the foam comes to his mouth; 
we know not what these symptoms mean. Weask him his name, where he is from 
and who are his relatives, that one may go and fetch them: to that he answers, 
but ‘‘Alas!’’ he added, ‘‘I shall be dead before they come; only give them that,”’ 
he said, drawing from his tobacco pouch a piece of root [Lalement]. Being 
questioned ... his only answer was to present the remainder of the root 
that he had eaten,—bidding to show it to his parents after his death... 
[Chaumonot]. We are ignorant of his meaning: nevertheless, one of our Fathers 
leaves in haste to go and fetch his relatives; hardly had he crossed half the width 
of the lake, on which the ice was still quite firm, when he met here and there 
some Savages who were fishing. He said to one who was nearest, that such a 
young man from the next village was very sick in our house, and at the same time 
hands him the piece of root. This man puts it to his lips [a common Iroquois 
method of identifying roots], and without making other answer to the Father, 
exclaims to his comrads: ‘‘Such a one is dead,—he has eaten aconite [sic]; let us 
go and get his body.” They leave their fishing there, they run in haste; 
but ... Father... tries to anticipate them, .. . [to] baptize . . . [the] 
man... [if] possible, ...he had eaten posion ... the sickman had 
told us that poison was causing his death; . . . We were completing the act of 
his salvation, when these barbarians arrived in a crowd, and put him on a hurdle 
[toboggan ?] to draw him over the ice of the lake, and convey him to his house; 
but alas ! he soon began to vomit blood, and suddenly died by the way. It all 
lasted not an hour. This happened on the 21st of March [1640], day of St. 
Benoist. [Lalement.] 


Lalement questions whether they could have hit upon a more suit- 
able name. One wonders whether his coming to their house was a 
protest against Christianity, or whether he believed that baptism 
might gain him some special advantage in the land of souls. 

There remain three earlier cases of root poisonings among the 
Hurons. LeMercier, writing in LeJeune’s Relation of 1637,” reports 
that two young men in 1637 (case 22) and 1636 (case 23) poisoned 
themselves by eating a root, spelled variously Ondachienroa (1636) 
and Andachienrra (1637); and Brébeuf refers to a poisoning in 1635, 
the earliest recorded case of suicide in the Relations,® without speci- 
fying the plant. 

Case 22.—Young man poisons himself at Ossassané: Huron, April 
15, 1637. 


On the 15th, we learned that a young man had poisoned himself at Ossassané; 
and in reference to this some Savages told us that one of the principal reasons 
why they showed so much indulgence towards their children, was that when the 
children saw themselves treated by their parents with some severity, they usually 
resorted to extreme measures and hanged themselves, or ate of a certain root 
that they call Andachienrra, which is a very quick poison. [LeMercier, 1637.] 
“iw Lalement, 1640 (Thwaites, 1896-1901, vol. 19, pp. 171-175). 

2 Chaumonot to . . . P. Nappi, 1640 (Thwaites, 1896-1901, vol. 18, pp. 27-29). 


° LeMercier, 1637 (Thwaites, 1896-1901, vol. 14, p. 37 and vol. 13, p. 27). 
30 Brébeuf, 1635 (Thwaites, 1896-1901, vol. 8, p. 121). 


AnrHROP. PAP, No. 14] IROQUOIS SUICIDE—-FENTON 111 


Case 23.—Chiefling sends daughter after the root: Hurons of 
Thonatiria, 1636. 

Writing in the same Relation (LeJeune’s Relation of 1637), Le- 
Mercier describes the death of Saronhes, Louis de Sainte-Foi, the 
principal native convert of the Huron town [honatiria, who had been 
markedly unfaithful to them by gambling on an island near Kebec. 

We did not see anything of him, and the first news we heard was that he was 
sick, and almost at the same time we learned of his death . . . some persons told 
us that he had not died a natural death, but the grief that he had felt for the 
loss of his son had so plunged him into despair that he himself had shortened his 
days. This is the way they say it occurred: One day, when he found himself 
alone in his cabin with one of his little daughters, he sent her to get a certain 
root that they call Ondachienroa, which is a quick poison. This child went for 
it very innocently, supposing that her father wanted to make some medicine, as 
he had shown some slight indisposition. She brought him some, but not enough 
to suit him, and she returned for it the second time. He ate his fill of it; a high 
fever attacked him, and carried him off in a little while. But his relatives do 
not admit that he died in this way. [LeMercier, in Thwaites, 1896-1901, vol. 
13, p. 27.] 

It is apparent that the good Father was a bit piqued because of 
the unchristian manner of his death. 

Case 24.—Wife taken away (death?), young man poisons himself: 
Hurons, 1635. 

Brébeuf implies that there was no distinction made in the hereafter 
between the souls of suicides and the ordinary dead, and cites the 
evidence that no distinction is made at burial, and that no punishment 
awaits the wicked in the hereafter. Referring to their myths, he 
says, 

ss they make no mention either of punishment or reward, in the place 
to which the souls go after death. And so they do not make any distinction 
between the good and the bad, the virtuous and the vicious; and they honor 
equally the interment of both, even as we have seen in the case of a young man who 


had poisoned himself from the grief he felt because his wife had been taken away 
from him. *! 


THE IDENTITY OF THE POISON 


It is my conviction, after an analysis of the sources and the 
linguistic terms, that the suicide root referred to in these cases is 
waterhemlock, Cicuta maculata L., rather than mayapple, Podo- 
phyllum peltatum L. Let us first consider the evidence from the 
sources. Heretofore, the root has been accepted as mayapple on 
the following grounds. Im case 23 to which LeMercier was not an 
eyewitness, there is the implication that the root might have been 
brewed into a medicine which was taken internally. Mayapple is a 
powerful physic, as we shall see; but this evidence has not been pre- 
sented by others. Thwaites, the editor of the Jesuit Relations 


31 Brébeuf in LeJeune’s Relation, 1635 (Thwaites, 1896-1901, vol. 8, p. 121). Italics mine. 


112 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bun, 128 


(1896-1901, vol. 13, p. 270), in a note on LeMercier’s account of 
1636 (case 23), connects Ondachienroa with mayapple on the basis 
of Sagard’s Voyage to the Hurons (p. 268), and Laverdiére’s footnote 
to Champlain’s clear description of mayapple in 1615.” Laverdiére 
(and Biggar) cites Brunet, the Quebec botanist of the nineteenth 
century, as authority for saying, 

The fruit of this plant (Podophyllum peltatum L.) which one calls “‘citronier,”’ 
in the country, is good to eat; but the root is a violent poison which the savages 
made use of sometimes when they could not outlive their sorrow. [Trans.]* 

However, Champlain does not give the Huron name of the plant, 
and he does not connect it with suicide. Sagard (1865, vol. 1, p. 187) 
writes of Indian medicine and health in his Voyage (written, 1632) 
and in his Histoire written in 1636 (1866, vol. 3, pp. 603-607), refer- 
ring to several roots. The first, Oscar, has properties of bloodroot or 
sassafras, but phonetically, *oska: resembles Seneca, ’oska’’a, or 
hellebore, Veratrum viride Ait. The third, which he calls Ooxrat, 
*o-ksra’, has all the smarting properties of, and probably is, the 
hellebore, and his comparison of the root to a “peeled chestnut’’ 
(chastaigne pellée), or a “‘cabbage stalk” (naveau), fits the dried root 
of hellebore, which is still popular among the Iroquois as a snuff for 
catarrh. Wrong (1939, p. 195) suggests sarsaparilla, Aralia nudicaulis, 
for Oscar, and Indian turnip, Arisaema triphyllum, for Ooxrat, but he 
agrees with me that ondachiera is waterhemlock, Cicuta maculata L. 
This is Sagard’s second plant which he warns is very poisonous, and 
he warns that on no account should one eat any root which one does 
not know. He tells of the fright they experienced one day over a 
young Frenchman who had pulled it up in the woods. [Mayapple 
does grow in the shaded woods about villages.| He became seriously 
ill, and he was fortunately cured by an emetic composed of some tree 
bark that a Huron gave him. But Sagard does not describe the citron- 
like fruit of mayapple, nor does he say this root was used for suicides. 
A letter dated 1709, which C. M. Barbeau kindly excerpted for me 
from the Archives of the Seminary of Quebec (Archives du seminaire 
de Quebec, Fonds Casgrain. ‘Lettres sur l’Amérique septentrionale”’ 
ou ‘‘Relations/ Par Lettres de/ l’Amérique septentrionale,’’ Premiere 


lettre datée de 1709) reads, ‘‘Les hurons . . . s’empoisonment avec 
racine de Cigiie ou de citronnier.... [The Hurons .. . poison 
themselves with the root of waterhemlock or of mayapple. . . .]. The 


sources, then, give both mayapple and waterhemlock. 

The linguistic evidence favors waterhemlock. The modern Huron- 
Wyandot term for mayapple, uja’‘rawi’, ‘fruit in between,” or “‘sour 
fruit on’? (Barbeau), bears no resemblance to Ondachiera; uja’ ‘rawi’ 

82 Champlain, 1615 (Laverdiére ed., 1870, vol. 4, p. 31; and Biggar ed., 1929, vol. 3, pp, 50-51). 
83 Cited by Laverdiére, 1870, vol. 4, p. 31, from l’Abbé O. Brunet, Catalogue des Plantes Canadiénnes 


dans Vherbier de 1’Univ. Laval, livr. 1, p. 15, Quebec, 1865. This catalog is not available in the library of 
the U.S. Dept. of Agriculture or the Library of Congress. 


AnrHrop. Pap. No.14] IROQUOIS SUICIDE—FENTON 113 


is rather related to Seneca, o-gwa’’a, “round fruit on it” [hence, 
modern ‘‘orange’’], Cayuga, o’gwa’’; Onondaga, u‘gwa’a’, “berries 
on” (Waugh); and the other modern term, “shade maker” [hence, 
modern ‘‘umbrella’’] is also unrelated to ondachiera: Seneca, ade’- 
gnoshe’, ‘it makes shade,” Cayuga, y’tnosada’hkwa’; modern Onon- 
daga, ona’hutsde’ (Waugh), and Onondaga of 1650-1710, onehaensta 
(*ona’hwensta’), “citron” (Shea, 1860, p. 33); Mohawk, onyhuste’- 
u‘dera (Waugh), but even this last form hardly suggests ondachiera. 
All of these tribes know the cathartic property of the root, and prepare 
from it a physic by boiling, or roasting and then boiling, which likely 
reduces the percentage of podophyllin. Elijah David, a Tonawanda 
Seneca, advised Waugh to cut out the portion of the root where the 
rootlets branch as this contains the poison, and to use the rest of the 
root taken in spring before the plant flowers (Waugh, 1912, vol. 7, 
pp. 44-55). Some Senecas fear and dislike the plant (Fenton), other 
informants warn against overdoses of the powerful physic (Waugh 
and Fenton), and one foolhardy Cayuga recommended eating the roots 
raw (Waugh); and it is certain the mayapple has not been fashionable 
in recent suicide cases. 

Huron, Ondachiera (Sagard, 1632), Ondachienroa, Andachienrra 
(LeMercier, 1637), rather resemble the modern terms for Cicuta in 
the various dialects: Mohawk, *ONASA:RA from Caughnawaga, 
o’nahser, or o’nd’sér (Waugh), and St. Regis-Mohawk, onahsgq’ ra, 
“feather-white’ (Fenton); Onondaga of New York, o’ne’si’na’, 
Onondagas of Six Nations, Ontario, onashe’’e’’ (Fenton); and Tus- 
carora, o’-na-séii’-4’ (Hewitt) are derived from the old Onondaga, 
honachinra [*ONASE’‘RA’], cigiie, Cicuta maculata L. (French- 
Onondaga dictionary, Shea, 1860, p. 33). However, Cayuga, u’na*- 
sda’ (Waugh), onashe’” (Fenton) and modern Seneca, o’ng’’she¢’’e 
or o’no’hshe’e, ‘odorous fleshy tuber,’ or ‘looks like onion”’ 
(Fenton), are more differentiated from the other dialects. The close 
resemblance between the seventeenth-century spelling of the Onon- 
daga term, honachinra, for Cicuta, and the spelling of the Huron word, 
ondachiera, taken together with the modern Mohawk, onasa’ ta, 
clinches the matter because the resemblance is also clear between the 
seventeenth-century term, *ondhwensta’, and the modern Onondaga 
term, ondhutsde’, for mayapple. In the same way that Onondaga 
*ONASE-RA’ has become o:ne’si/na’, we would expect early 
Huron *ONDASIE-RA’, made up of *ONDAS- (or *ONAS-) mean- 
ing “plume” or “feather,” plus *-SERA’, meaning ‘‘whitish,” as in 
the Mohawk, to become *O NA SE:RA’in modern Huron. This will 
have to await verification among the Wyandots of Oklahoma because 
the Hurons of Lorette, P. Q., no longer speak their language. 


114 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Butn. 128 


VIOLENT SUICIDES BY STABBING, SHOOTING, AND STRANGLING: TYPE B 


From the seventeenth century also there are a series of suicides that 
resemble the type B modern cases where the escape motive in violent 
death predominates. Stabbing, shooting, and strangling appear to 
be as old as poisoning with the Iroquois, who resorted to the former 
methods under duress of torture and imprisonment pending certain 
torture, and less frequently under the unhurried circumstances of love 
affairs and chagrin following gambling losses, which usually led to 
poisoning. 

Case 25.—One Iroquois prisoner stabs himself to avoid torture, 
but his companion braves the fire: Quebec, 1692. 

Following a year of severe raids on the French settlements in the 
St. Lawrence valley, Governor Frontenac ordered burned two prisoners 
of the Five Nations, who had been taken early in the year when their 
party was defeated beyond Montreal; he hoped that their torture 
would serve as an example to ward off future Iroquois raiders on 
Quebec towns. Frontenac refused the pleas of his lady and the 
Jesuits who hastened to prepare the prisoners for death with Baptism. 
However, the haughty Iroquois dismissed the good Fathers, and 
prepared in their own way by singing the Death Song.** The one 
who stabs himself to escape certain torture is roundly condemned by 
his comrade as a ‘‘Coward, a Scandal to the Five Nations” (Colden) 
while he fulfills the role of the brave Iroquois warrior and faces death 
by torture unflinchingly. 

Some charitable Person having thrown a Knife to them in Prison, he who had 
the least Courage of the two, thrust it into his Breast, and died of the Wound 
immediately. Some young Hurons of Lorette, aged between fourteen and fifteen 
years, came to seize the other, and carry him away to the Diamant Cape, where 
notice was given to prepare a great pile of Wood. He ran to Death with a greater 
unconcernedness, than Socrates would have done, if he had been in his case. 
During the time of Execution he sung continually; ‘‘That he was a Warriour, 
brave and undaunted; that the most cruel kind of Death could not shock his 
Courage, that no Torments could extort from him any Cries, that his Companion 
was a Coward for having killed himself through the fear of Torment; and lastly, 
that if he was burnt, he had this Comfort, that he had treated many French 
and Hurons after the same manner.’ [Lahontan, 1708, vol. 1, p. 178.] 


Case 26.—Unsuccessful attempts of Miami captive to swallow stones 
and hang himself: Onondaga, 1682. 

This case is of interest only because it occurred at Onondaga and it 
illustrates the way traits spread from the Central Algonkians to the 
Iroquois. Here we have a Miami captive bound for certain torture 
at Onondaga who twice attempted to swallow stones during the 
journey, and thereby rob his captors of the honor of bringing him in 


34 Lahontan, letter dated Oct. 25, 1692 (1703 vol. 1, pp. 177-179.) It appears that Colden (1902, vol. 1, 
p. 171) copied Lahontan. 


ANTHROP, Par. NO.14] TROQUOIS SUICIDE—FENTON H15 


alive, a device which might readily occur to some Onondaga in future 
similar circumstances. 


When the warriors perceived [his fright on approaching Onondaga village], 
fearing that the apprehension of death might lead him to swallow some stones,—as 
He had already twice done,—in order to kill himself, and that they would not 
have the honor of bringing him in alive, They promptly made him march in their 
midst, always singing his Doleful air, his face being painted red.* 


That same night, seated high in an Onondaga house, he attempted 
to draw himself down on the rope that bound him by the neck to a 
house post, but the rope broke. 

Case 27.—Two mistreated old men: Onondaga, 1682. 

Two old men were potential suicides this same year at Onondaga, 
Lamberville reports, because they were mistreated by their cabin 
mates. One old chief mourned the loss of his wife, and the other had 
served too long as a butt for the village drunkards. The first hanged 
himself, and the other was found dead. 

Case 27a.—An old man hangs himself to join his deceased spouse. 


An old Captain who still retained his rank among the leading men of the 
Village . . . God had, 2 vears before taken away .. . his wife; Father Bruyas 
. . - had baptized her. [Persecuted by slaves of other nations adopted in place 
of deceased sisters who lived in the same cabin] He took the resolution to rejoin 
her as soon as possible; He frequently went to visit her grave, two leagues from 
here [at the site of the old village]. Two years . . . [he considered] causing his 
own death, that he might the sooner go to heaven to see his own wife again. He 
had a swollen Cheek, which they persuaded him was the effect of the pretended 
sorceries of certain half sorcerers or jugglers of the country. [Some Iroquois still 
believe that sorcerers can project disease objects into the body causing inflamed 
swellings.] This, Added to the bad treatment that the women of his cabin made 
him endure, induced him to put an end to his troubles by death. He asked me, 
on one occasion, whether Christians who were tired of life were not permitted to 
strangle themselves, so that they might the sooner go to the land of the blessed 
souls. [This may have been an Onondaga tabu against spouse suicides which he 
hoped to escape in the new Christianity.] I [attempted to turn] him from so 
detestable a purpose, but He always thought that he could abandon life, which 
he looked upon as something of which He could dispose; and on the very next 
night He hanged himself, at the same Spot where he usually slept. The women 
who had been the cause of his vexation were Awakened by some noise that he 
made, and Immediately hastened to the miserable man; but it was too late, for, 
after they had untied the rope, He expired in Their hands. The Whole village 
was horrified at this act. [Lamberville in Thwaites, 1896-1901, vol. 62, pp. 
61-65.]} 


Case 27b.—Another old man found dead. 


A poor blind Old man, nearly a hundred years old, who had formerly been bap- 
tized by Father Bruyas, . . . repelled by his relatives, and continually exposed 
to the fury of the drunkards,— Weary of his misery, and knowing not where 
to take refuge . . . or procure food, was found dead. ‘There are various opinions 
regarding him. [It was not clear whether his case wasasuicide.] [Lamberville 
in Thwaites, 1896-1901, vol. 63, p. 65.] 


35 Lamberville, letter dated August 25, 1682 (Thwaites, 1896-1901, vol. 62, pp. 85-87, 91). 


116 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bunw, 128 


Case 28.—Convert remembers Jesuit teaching and throws away 
knife: Huron, 1659. 

Lalement tells of a third Huron who had miraculously escaped the 
flames at Onondaga. A friendly Huron, who had been previously 
adopted there, slipped a knife to his tribesman on the way to the 
village. Lalement takes particular delight in reporting this unusual 
case of fidelity to his teachings on the part of his pupil who prayed 
during the torture instead of singing the customary Death Song.*® 

At sight of Onondaga . . . I resolved to cut my throat in order to escape by a 
sudden death—and one, that was very gentle, in my opinion—the thousand 
deaths that I had before my eyes. I had the knife in my hand, and was already 
to deal the blow, when I recalled what the Fathers had told me in times past— 
that we are not the masters of our lives, that it is for God alone to lengthen or 
curtail our days, and that I could not employ this violence without committing 
a great sin. After this thought, which from the first made me waver a little in 
my resolve, I offered myself to god, . . . to free myself from temptation, which 
was a very strong one, I cast my knife far away from me, and bravely took up 
my march toward all the people awaiting me. [Lalement in Thwaites, 1896-1901, 
vol. 46, p. 41.] 

Case 29.—Onondaga hostage cuts his throat when Mohawks over- 
take and massacre a Huron peace delegation: Huron country, 1648. 

Paul Raguenau writes from the Huron country in 1648 that an 
Onondaga ambassador, who had remained a hostage in the Huron 
village, killed himself when the Hurons learned that a party of 
Mohawks overtook and killed the Huron ambassadors returning from 
a good will mission to Onondaga. Hewitt (1928, p. 457) holds that 
this individual held the title of Skanawati, fire keeper of the federal 
council. 

At the beginning of the month of April, eden dnouati the Onnontaeronnon 
Ambassador who had remained here as a hostage, disappeared, and our Hurons 
thought he had escaped; but after some days his Corpse was found in the middle 
of the wood, not far from the Village where he had resided. The poor man had 
killed himself by cutting his throat with a knife, after having prepared a sort of 
bed of fir-branches, on which be was found stretched out. [Raguenau in 
Thwaites, 1896-1901, vol. 33, p. 125.] 

It is difficult to decide whether his motive was shame of the great 
dishonor the Mohawk allies had done the League, or fear of the 
almost certain revenge torture which his Huron bonders would seek, 
or whether the motive was vanity, as Wisse (1933, p. 172) suggests. 

Case 30.—Onondaga captive dives into Huron kettle to avoid 
torture: Huron country, 1647. 

Early the previous year (1647), the Hurons had repulsed the 
Onondaga invaders, who were not always individually capable of 
taking the tortures which they sadistically practised on their enemies. 
The Hurons overtook and defeated an invading Onondaga war 


36 Lalement, Relation of 1659-60 (Thwaites, 1896-1901, vol. 46, pp. 37-89). 


Anrurop. Pap, No.14] IROQUOIS SUIOIDE—FENTON M7 


party, killing the leader and taking prisoners who, excepting Annen- 
raes, they burned. 

. . . one of those who was destined to the flames, seized with a horror of the 
cruelties that awaited him cast himself headlong into a great kettle of boiling 
water, to shorten his tortures with his life. [Raguenau, 1648 (Thwaites, 1896- 
1901, vol. 33; p. 117).] 

Unless Raguenau refers to a trade kettle, the feat gives us a gage 
of the enormity of this Huron cooking pot. 

Case 31.—Three Algonkin women escape Iroquois torture and kill 
themselves, 1647-42. 

These cases are taken together because they occurred under similar 
conditions to three women taken from the Algonkin Tribe to Onondaga 
for torture or adoption; they stand in marked contrast to to the usual 
Iroquois women’s suicides by poisoning. 

a. The first woman failed twice to hang herself, and finally made 
her way to Quebec where she describes her awful experience (1646) 
to Father Lalement. She escaped from torture in an [Onondaga] 
Iroquois village and fled to the woods. Hiding daily at the wood’s 
edge in constant fear of apprehension, she soon despaired of stealing 
enough corn for a 2 months’ journey to Quebec, and decided to kill 
herself rather than be tortured. 

Having said her prayer, she fastens her belt to a tree, up which she climbs; she 
makes at the other end a running knot, which she slips about her neck, and throws 
herself down. The weight of her body broke the cord without doing her great 
injury; she mends it, tries it, and then climbs up again; but God willed that it 
should break for the second time. She, much astonished, begins to say... 
perhaps God does not wish me to die.*? 

6. Another woman, more hostile to the faith, succeeded; although 
advised by other women of the band not to carry out her evil intention, 

. she heeded not this counsel. Laying hands on her child, she murdered 
it, and threw it at the feet of the Hiroquois; then, having slipped her head into a 
halter, she pulled with one hand to strangle herself, and with the other she cut 
her throat with a knife. [Lalement in Thwaites, 1896-1901, vol 30, pp. 275-277.] 

c. A third Algonkin mother tried to drown herself after her child 
was burned. She was one of three Algonkin mothers taken in an 
evening raid in the fall of 1641 when the Iroquois wiped out a whole 
settlement above Montreal. A woman who subsequently escaped 
related to Father Buteux, whose account Vimont includes in the 
Relation of 1642 (Thwaites, 1896-1901, vol. 22, p. 257, et passim), 
these harrowing events. The next morning the Iroquois roasted 
the crying children and boiled them in a kettle and ate them before 
their imploring mothers. 

‘‘When the dismal band reached the great falls of the chaudiere— 
this is a river which falls into the River of the three meadows, above 

37 Lalement, Relation of 1647 (Thwaites, 1896-1901, vol. 80, pp. 263-265). 

218558—40-—9 


118 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLt. 128 


Montreal”? (Vimont)—this captive woman cast herself into an un- 
frozen section of the rapids, preferring to perish in the water rather 
than die by fire; but the Iroquois, running up to a spot where the 
rapids cast her up, succeeded in snatching and beheading and then 
scalping her before she managed to drown. 

Case 32.—Young woman urged to marry attemps hanging: Algon- 
kin, 1640. 

We include another non-Iroquois case because it illustrates how 
Algonkin women employed hanging to escape male aggression where 
Iroquois women poisoned themselves. (See case 18.) Paul LeJeune 
writes of an Algonkin girl who tried to hang herself at Sillery near 
Quebec, 1640, 

A young woman, finding herself urged to marry a man whom she did not love, 
became so enraged, without showing any outward indications of it, that she tried 
to hang herself. People ran to her at once; they found her half dead; they cut 
the noose, and carried her, entirely unconscious to her cabin. A Christian... 
informed us . . . We asked her if she was not afraid of being damned. “I was 
not thinking of that ... but only of freeing myself from the annoyance of that 
man.”’ 38 

Case 33.—Iroquois prisoner attempts strangling to escape torture: 
Hurons, 1639. 

Some Iroquois warriors also resorted to strangling to escape 
martyrdom; certainly, the following case shows that one attempted 
suicide as a welcome alternative to the idealized pattern of death by 
fire. 

Lalement writes from the Huron country in LeJeune’s Relation of 
1639 (Thwaites, 1896-1901, vol. 17, p. 99) how on January 2, 1639, 
they almost lost the soul of an Iroquois prisoner who tried to choke 
himself on his last and fatal night 24 hours after they baptized him. 
They finally got him to accuse himself and ask pardon. “Having 
done this, he was granted absolution; and 2 hours later he was boiling 
in a kettle.” 

Case 34.—Chief’s son loses at gambling and hangs himself: Hurons, 
1639. 

The Jesuits considered gambling a disruptive force in Huron 
society, and they describe both the Huron and Iroquois as greatly 
addicted to the evil pleasure which produced a harvest of assaults 
and murders, depending, probably, upon how individuals took their 
losses. Brébeuf writes to his superior at Quebec how the loss of the 
family wampum drove one melancholy lad to hang himself rather 
than face his relatives. 

On the fourteenth of April [1636], the son of Chief Aenons, after having lost 
at the game of straws a Beaver robe and a collar of four hundred Porcelain beads, 


had such a fear of meeting his relatives that, not daring to enter the cabin, he 
became desperate, and hanged himself to a tree. He had a very melancholy 


% LeJeune, Relation of 1640 (Thwaites, 1896-1901, vol. 18, pp. 163-165). 


AnrHRoP. Par. No. 14] IROQUOIS SUICIDE—FENTON 119 


disposition. The first of the winter he was on the point of putting an end to him- 
self, but a little girl caught him in the act. When asked what had led him to this 
wicked resolution, [he said] “I do not know . . . but someone within me 
seems always to be saying, ‘Hang thyself, hang thyself.’ ’’ Gambling never 
leads to anything good; in fact, the savages themselves remark that it is almost 
the sole cause of assaults and murders.*° 


Case 35.—The sick beg mercy death, 1636. 

Suicides were rather frequent among the Hurons during the recur- 
rent epidemics of smallpox which struck the Huron towns from 
1635-37 (Parkman, 1885, p. 87). In the Relation of 1636 (LeJeune in 
Thwaites, 1896-1901, vol. 9, p. 117), we read that they “beg to be 
killed when very sick,’ and in 1640, a Huron man sick with smallpox 
had himself stabbed twice and then swallowed an awl (Thwaites, 
1896-1901, vol. 19, p. 171; vol. 18, p. 28). 


EXPLANATION OF ABBREVIATIONS USED IN TABLE 


CoLumn: 

Case: Italic numerals in parentheses indicate frequencies known; with 
asterisk*, estimated frequencies; alone, data not included in cases. 

Source: F, my own field notes; JR, Jesuit Relations. 

Tribe: S, Seneca; M, Mohawk; Oa, Onondaga; Oe, Oneida; T, Tuscarora; 
D, Delaware; I, Iroquois; H, Huron; Mi, Miami; Mi/Oa, Miami at 
Onondaga; A, Algonkin. 

Sex: M, male; F, female. 

Age: ma, middle-age; yw, young woman; y, youth; m, adult man; ch, child; 
g, girl; ym, young man; om, old man. 

Blood: fb, fullblood; mb, mixblood; fractions, degree of Indian blood where 
known. 

x marks the incidence of the trait; in combination under certain columns it 
has the following specific meanings: 

Revenge and mistreatment: xp, revenge directed at parents; xd, revenge of 
aged on descendants; xd followed by arabic numeral, incidence. 

Sickness: xa, cause was old age. 

Lover’s leap: rr, railroad; mm, Maid of the Mist. 

Reaction: st, a known strong reaction. 

Under the general heading of Methods, xf indicates attempt at suicide 
and failure; xfx, first attempt at suicide followed by success. 


3 Brébeuf, in LeJeune’s Relation of 1636 (Thwaites, 1896-1901, vol. 10, p. 81): 


[Butt. 128 


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Laps BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [But 128 
PART 3: ANALYSIS, DISTRIBUTIONS, AND CONCLUSIONS 


We have now presented the information extant concerning the 
known. cases of Iroquois suicide, and we have also presented earlier 
cases from the other related Huron-Iroquois Tribes, and a few Dela- 
ware and Algonkin incidents that seemed pertinent to our problem. 
The task now remains to answer the questions we posed as the problem 
for this study. Fortunately, two other scholars have reviewed the 
evidence from the sources on the Eastern Woodlands, removing much 
of the onus from our task: Wisse has considered the data from the 
area as a unit in a survey of the Americas by culture-areas, part of his 
scholarly world survey of Suicide and Fear of Death among Primitive 
Peoples (Wisse, 1933, pp. 159-185); and Dr. Flannery has assembled 
the principal references to suicide by taking a poisonous root in her 
indispensable Analysis of Coastal Algonquian Culture (1939, pp. 
132-133, 181), coming to the conclusion from its limited distribution 
that the custom was probably original with the Iroquois. 

We shall postpone discussing attitudes toward suicide until after 
we have summarized our data on frequency, causes, and methods of 
commission. There are between 39 and 50 known Huron-Iroquois 
cases spread over a period of 300 years, dating from 1635-1935. As 
compared with the maximum of 20 instances in 16 cases going back 
to 1850 that I was able to recover during field work, the greater num- 
ber of cases, 22, come from the middle years of the seventeenth cen- 
tury at the height of the Huron versus Iroquois war, when there were 
some 20,000 Hurons and 15,000 Iroquois (Hewitt, 1912); and there 
are enough cases sprinkled through the 1700’s to bridge the interven- 
ing century, conveying the impression of continuity of custom. Our 
records show an average of a case every 9 years for the whole period: 
One every 4 to 5 years since 1855 among the 3,000 New York Senecas, 
but we have also recorded attempts and failures; it is likely that many 
more than seven escaped the notice of eighteenth century observers, 
although Heckewelder reports four cases in 10 years (1771-80) for the 
Delaware, which Wisse (1933, p. 160) regards as a considerable fre- 
quency; and we find one every 3 years for the seventeenth century, 
about equally divided between the Hurons and Iroquois. There has 
been no marked increase in frequency during the last decade; in fact, 
the highest frequency seems to have occurred between 1635 and 1650 
when the 20,000 Hurons were feeling the impact of European civil- 
ization through the epidemics of smallpox carried by the French 
traders and the Christian teaching Jesuits, and the torture and perse- 
cution of the Iroquois who had received rum and guns from the 
Albany Dutch. This interpretation, if correct, would seem to bear 
out the theory of modern sociologists who derive from the conditions 
leading to mass suicides their concept of social disorganization. As 


AnrHRoP. PAP. NO.14] IROQUOIS SUICIDE—FENTON 123 


the recorded cases represent only a fraction of actual incidence, we 
cannot judge the actual frequency per 1,000 per year; we have only 
a clue to relative frequency from period to period. 

Lacking a summary of Iroquois frequency, Wisse (1933, p. 161) 
assumes that the cases were relatively frequent on the grounds that the 
great variety of causes, discussed below, is proportional to frequency— 
as contrasted with but one Winnebago case—and he places the Iro- 
quois, Hurons, and Delaware in column B (second rank) of his fourfold 
estimate of relative frequencies among primitive peoples, with the 
Onondagas in column C (Wisse, 1933, pp. 465, 467). Of greater sig- 
nificance, perhaps, would be a future study of the conditions leading to 
murder, rape, and incest, and the periodic changes in frequency of these 
counterpart crimes for which suicide might provide the escape. 

Breaking the data down by tribes, among the Huron-Iroquois no 
one tribe has a monopoly of cases. For the periods for which there are 
data, they usually concern one tribe, and the frequencies by tribes from 
period to period are similar, excepting the modern Senecas who re- 
ceived intensive investigation, although we suspect that there were 
many more unrecorded cases among the Hurons about 1648 when the 
Five Iroquois nations combined to wipe them out. There are 7 plus 
Huron, 8 Onondaga, 4 generalized Iroquois, 1 Mohawk, and 16 
Seneca cases. 

Quantitatively, the Huron-Iroquois cases, excluding the four cases of 
Delaware men and four cases of Algonkin women, show no significant 
group differences between the sexes; whereas among the Algonkin and 
Saulteaux women’s cases predominate; only men are reported from the 
Ottawa, and the other eastern woodland groups do not seem to be 
differentiated along sex lines (Wisse, 1933, pp. 188-182). 

We do find interesting group differences between horizontal age 
erades. There are more than four references to children, whom observ- 
ors categorize plurally without enumerating individual cases, but it is 
my impression that they were fewer than adult cases. There are 5 inci- 
dents of youths (male and female) and 10 of young men and women, 
14 of men and women, and 10 of middle age, and 2 of old men. The 
toll fell heaviest on the younger men and middle-aged women; the 
former were liable to be warriors, gamblers, and drunkards, while the 
latter were liable to desertion and mistreatment, significantly enough 
about the time that they approached climacteric. Therefore, these 
female suicides might be interpreted as protests against recognizing 
the transition from the adult to old-age status when their lovers have 
given social recognition to their physiological passage.*° 

Our data do not point to any significant relation between full- 
bloodedness and suicide rate. Rather, suicide rate does not appear 


40 This interpretation springs from reading Professor Linton’s stimulating discussion of Status and Réle in 
his The Study of Man. (See Linton, 1936, p. 119.) 


124 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buu 128 


to increase with dilution, although mixed-bloodedness and culture 
conflict paralleled each other in the recent Seneca cases. However, 
we have no accurate measure, including genealogies for the recent 
generations of Senecas, of the extent of intermarriage; but it is 
likely that prior to 1700 we are dealing with full-bloods. The Jesuit 
Relations would be apt to tell us if any of the subjects were children of 
French fathers. Nevertheless, the question of degree of blood can be 
a factor preventing full participation in tribal society and, therefore, 
lead to suicide, as in case 10 of the Tuscarora girl whose parents pre- 
vented her marrying a white man, and it is easy to conceive how 
attitudes toward the children of such a union would not be favorable; 
but, unfortunately, I have no case of a mix-blood suicide growing out 
of tribal persecution. 

Iroquois suicides as failures in adaptation may be classified accord- 
ingly as they fulfill response, avoidance, or recognition-seeking 
motives." The love-motive, a response mechanism, figures in cases 
going back to 1635 either as jealousy, revenge of mistreatment, love 
of the dead, or escape from enforced marriage. Sometimes, several 
motives combine in a single case: Jealousy is combined with revenge 
of mistreatment in the type A cases of poisoning; women become 
jealous of a husband’s new mistress and seek revenge through poison- 
ing, as in cases 1, 2, 3, 3a, and 3b among the modern Senecas, and 
Mohawks, and cases 19 (1672) and 20 (1656) among the Onondagas. 
The same motive lies behind the suicides of four Delaware men (case 
14) mentioned by Heckewelder, and one woman mentioned by Penn, 
1680. Jealousy occurs 6 times, and spouse revenge 12 times, being the 
most frequent type of motive in our records. This is fundamentally 
an old pattern going as far back as there are records for women’s 
suicides. However, we have no such cases among Huron women, 
but the love-motive arising out of jealousy and anxiety over betrayed 
love operates in women’s suicides among the Central Algonkian 
Ojibwa, Sauk, and Ottawa (Wisse, p. 168). 

Wisse suggests that the superior position of Iroquois women is a 
factor in the infrequency of love-motive suicides arising out of anger, 
jealousy, and anxiety. Actually, there are more cases than he sus- 
pected, and my informants have emphasized jealousy and anxiety 
as the love-motives behind suicides in revenge of mistreatment. The 
Seneca concept of romantic tragedy views suicide as the final instru- 
ment to which an Iroquois woman may resort to bring public opinion 
upon her errant lover. Thus suicide might be considered the counter- 
weight opposing desertion in the patterned equilibrium of marriage, 

41 Wisse has grouped the causes of these suicides as: Desire to escape physical suffering, insult or injury, 
unfaithfulness of loved-ones, and out of love of another; but my own thinking has been largely influenced by 
W. I. Thomas’ concept of the ‘‘Four Wishes” (new experience, response, recognition, and security) that lies 


behind his recent treatment of data from early societies in Primitive Behavior, (1937, see especially p. 358), 
and his earlier essay, The Configurations of Personality (1928, pp. 145-148). 


AnrHrop. Par,No.14] IROQUOIS SUICIDE—FENTON 125 


focusing an adverse public opinion charged with potential blood 
revenge, society’s unconscious device for administering justice, on 
the guilty husband. 

The motive of revenge for mistreatment extends beyond love affairs 
to response situations between generations. As early as 1637 among 
the Hurons (case 22), there are child suicides revenging punishment 
or parental mistreatment. Children are seldom punished today, and 
we find the historical explanation of the customary parental attitude 
in the seventeenth century fear that they might kill themselves by 
taking a poisonous herb, usually Cicuta, or, less often, shoot or hang 
themselves. Then, the indulgent attitude of Iroquois parents toward 
their children, whom they seldom punish and then only to throw water 
in their faces, is the reciprocal of children’s potential revenge seeking 
in the patterned relationship between the end-point statuses of parent 
and child. Wisse explains child suicides as due partly to fits of anger 
growing out of personality variables determined before birth. He 
would, I gather, attribute them to congenital factors (predispositions) 
plus culturally determined values such as revenge seeking, the result 
of an attitude of sensitivity to personal injury, a prime Iroquois value 
from early days forward according to Dablon, Lafitau, and my own 
field experience. (Wisse, 1933, pp. 171-172; Dablon, 1676, on Thwaites, 
1896-1901, vol. 60, p. 287; and Lafitau, 1724, vol. 1, p. 603.) 

That children might grow up to mistreat their parents is another 
stock excuse the Senecas give for not disciplining their children. 
While it is suggestive that the number of cases where Iroquois adults 
have maltreated their aged parents is great enough to warrant investi- 
gation, we have only two suicides of old Onondaga men in revenge of 
abuse at the hands of their descendants (case 27, Onondaga, 1682). In 
one of these cases, the secondary cause was his love for his deceased 
wife. Here we have the converse of the patterned relationship between 
parent and child explained above because here the relative statuses 
have been advanced a generation and the mistreatment reversed. 
Suicide becomes an escape for the lower and upper generations from 
the abuse of the middle generation. 

The Iroquois love their dead. Whether we read the Jesuit accounts 
describing the care which the Hurons lavished on their dead ancestors’ 
bones before burying them in huge ossuaries at the Dead Feast, or 
observe the behavior of modern Senecas during the long wakes pre- 
ceding burials, or listen to the funeral orator warn the mourners to 
bury their sorrows in the grave, or hear out the monotonous songs 
of the Chanters for the Dead, a ceremonial prophylaxis to remove 
thoughts of the dead from the minds of the living, we discover back- 
ground materials lending symbolic meaning to early suicides following 
the death of a near relative. Our four cases come from the seven- 
teenth century. Commencing with the earliest case in the Jesuit 


126 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [But, 128 


Relations (case 24, Huron, 1635), a Huron kills himself over the 
death[?] of his wife, and the case of the melanchony young chief who 
took Cicuta over the death of his son (case 23), they end in 1684 with 
Lahontan’s eulogy on the amazing constancy of Huron-Iroquois 
spouses (case 15). For some of them love of the dead may have 
been a principal cause, but whether they really thought they could 
follow the dead to the spirit world is irrelevant to the actual deed 
which was more likely motivated by a fixation on the dead, bolstered 
by the Iroquois belief in the compulsive power of the dead over 
the living. ‘This is seen in a number of modern suicides where 
murder arising through jealousy suggests the sequence of self-destruc- 
tion (cases: 5, 6, 7, 8, and 13). Perhaps the Iroquois feel the com- 
pulsion which the dead exercise over the living less than they did in 
the seventeenth century when Lahontan observed the unequivocal 
case of an Iroquois who killed herself to follow her husband (case 15); 
but Lahontan explains that this spouse sequence was not obligatory 
unless the soul manifested its uneasiness in the spirit land by causing 
the survivor to dream twice within 6 months, in which case the 
survivor sang the Death Song and went cheerfully. At the present 
time, the Society of the Chanters for the dead still operates to free 
the survivor’s mind of any compulsion to follow the dead. Spouse 
suicides were a voluntary pattern condoned during the seventeenth 
century and successfully circumvented in the twentieth; and our 
records are incomplete for the eighteenth and nineteenth. Also we 
are unable to know how many men simply went to war and got them- 
selves killed following the death of a near relative.” 

Suicides out of love for the dead are reported also from the Algon- 
kin (case 31, 6 and c), Ojibwa, Ottawa, Pottawatomi, and Saul- 
teaux (Wisse, 1933, pp. 166-167). 

Suicides to escape enforced marriage are uncommon with the 
Iroquois, although they are reported from the Algonkin tribe (case 32) 
and possibly the Seneca (case 18, 1672). Among the Iroquois, the 
mothers arranged the marriages, divorce was easy, and remarriage 
regular. Probably, as Wisse suggests (1933, p. 170), the lack of 
such cases reflects the more favorable position of the Iroquois woman. 
Enforced marriages are certainly not consonant with a strong clan 
feeling which would resist aggression of outside males, and between 
clans the mothers attempt to build permanent bonds through effect- 
ing workable marriages. However, we have the one Tuscarora 
case where the family induced a suicide by preventing a desired 
marriage with an outlander, a white man (case 10). However, 
suicides to escape marriage were found among the Ojibwa (Catlin, 
1841, vol. 2, p. 143) and Delaware (Schoolcraft, 1851-57, vol. 5, 


42 T am indebted to Dr. Julian H. Steward for this observation. 


ANTHROP. Pap. No. 14] IROQUOIS SUICIDE—FENTON 127 


p. 683); and the seemingly Algonkin lover’s leap parallels the Maid 
of the Mist as a typical trait. 

Avoidances, the second general class of causes or motives, embrac- 
ing desires to escape martyrdom, punishment, or revenge, and suicides 
of the sick, raise a paradox. In the Eastern Woodlands, as on the 
Plains and in the Southeast, the regular pattern was for brave warriors 
to seek glory or death in warfare. This meant that regularly normal 
men died by torture without fear of death. Yet, the dishonor that 
attached to being taken captive and the love of freedom and dislike 
of restraint, that we have seen characterized Iroquois child rearing, 
led warriors, says Lahontan (1703, vol. 2, pp. 79-80), to kill them- 
selves rather than be taken captive. For this reason, Wisse (1933, 
p. 161) holds that suicide to escape torture was a secondary motive. 
Yet some Iroquois individuals did not conform to the norms set for 
them by their culture and committed suicides to avoid painful deaths. 
Thus we have an alternative pattern for escaping the traditional 
definition of the situation—the ideal pattern. We have three cases of 
Iroquois men who killed themselves from fear of martyrdom: The 
Iroquois facing torture among the Hurons who attempted to choke him- 
self (case 33, 1639), the Iroquois who dove into ‘the Huron kettle of 


boiling water, 1647 (case 30), and the cowardly Iroquois who stabbed 
himself at Quebec, 1692 (case 25). All of these come from the 
1600’s; there are probably other later cases. We see a similar 
motive in the Miami who attempted to swallow stones (case 26) 
and later choke himself, the Algonkin women who drowned or at- 
tempted to hang themselves lest they be burnt (case 31), and the 
Pequots who in despair rushed into their burning houses to avoid 
capture (DeForest, 1851, p. 133). This type of suicide appears 
among Iroquois, Algonkians, and Sioux. 

The recent type B suicides to escape the consequences of violent 
murders, either punishment or blood revenge, are the modern variants 
of the old seventeenth century pattern of avoiding martyrdom by 
suicide. Cases 6, 7, 8, and 18 all follow the desire to escape revenge, 
avoid capture, or efface loss of status. 

Suicides of the sick parallel the former cases as efforts to avoid or 
foreshorten a painful death. Here come the many cases from the 
years of the Huron smallpox epidemics: The sick Huron who had 
himself stabbed twice, and then swallowed an awl (case 35); and re- 
lated to these are the suicides of the aged (case 27). This type of 
suicide seems more common among the Algonkin, Ojibwa, Saulteaux, 
and Pottawatomi who lived closer to the border of starvation. 

Suicides registering a feeling of lost status or recognition that in- 
volves the motives of shame and vanity, or a feeling of status or recog- 
nition never attained, as in the few cases of chronic misanthropes, are 
not many among the Iroquois. One might interpret the love-motive 


128 BUREAU OF AMERICAN PTHNOLOGY [Butn. 128 


suicides of women who have lost husbands as an expression of lost 
status, as in the case of the Seneca lover who lost his bride (case 4a). 
Shame is a motive in the case of the horse thief (case 7) ; the murderer 
of Mary Jemison’s son (case 13); and in two early cases, the Onondaga 
ambassador (case 29), 1648, and the melancholy Huron who gambled 
away the family wampum (case 34). Vanity appears also in the latter 
cases. Melancholia induced by drunkenness operated in the recent 
case 8a of the Seneca sachem. Gamblers committed suicide in Con- 
necticut (DeForest, pp. 16, 17), and melancholy seems to have been 
a cause with the Algonkin, while shame was a motive with the Ojibwa, 
Ottawa, and Delaware (Wisse, 1933, pp. 172-174). This type of 
suicide is hardly typical of the Iroquois, at least in the light of the 
present evidence. 

Wisse (1938, pp. 174-175) has summarized the motives with some 
overlapping and has given their distribution by tribes. Taking his 
data together with ours, the following tribes furnish one or more 
illustrations of suicides recognizing lost status—wounded pride, 
injured honor, jealousy, and vanity (Wisse holds that loss of self- 
esteem leads to revenge suicides): Micmac, Ojibwa, Ottawa, Sauk, 
Delaware, Huron, and Iroquois (Mohawk, Onondaga, and Seneca), 
and Tutelo (Byrd). Avoidances of physical suffering—for reasons 
of age, sickness, fear of martyrdom or gruesome death, mauling, and 
hunger—occur among Algonkin, Miami, Pottawatomi, Ojibwa, 
Saulteaux, Shawnee, Pequots, Huron, and Iroquois (Onondaga and 
Seneca). Suicides in response to unfaithfulness of love mates (and 
here Wisse includes love of freedom and enforced marriages as sharing 
common nobility of feeling), are distributed among Algonkin, Ottawa, 
Ojibwa, Sauk, Winnebago, Delaware, Shawnee (Voegelin), Ontario [?], 
Huron, and Iroquois (Mohawk, Onondaga, Seneca, and Tuscarora). 
These distributions are too widespread to be diagnostic for our pur- 
poses. However, Wisse groups Saulteaux, Ojibwa, Ottawa, Huron, 
and Iroquois cases together in a fourth category because these neigh- 
boring tribes share suicides growing out of love for another. I would 
interpret this as a northern Great Lakes area type motive since two 
of our four Huron-Iroquois cases are from the seventeenth century 
Hurons, and we have only one definite Iroquois case, and the custom 
seems to have gone out of vogue 50 years after the Huron dispersal. 
It is consistently Iroquoian only inasmuch as it fits their emphasis 
that the love motive is the only legitimate reason for suicide. The 
more typically Iroquoian love suicides are those of women who poison 
themselves to revenge unfaithfulness, a pattern that is continuously 
distributed over a limited area south from the Jroquois proper among 
Iroquois (Mohawk, Oneida [?], Onondaga, Cayuga, Seneca, and 
Tuscarora), Delaware, and Shawnee [?] (Voegelin). 


ANTHROP. Pap. No. 14] IROQUOIS SUICIDE—FENTON 129 


Our cases are about equally divided between poisoning (type A) 
and violent methods (type B). Our data show 24 instances of poison- 
ing: 10 men and 14 women. We are in doubt what poison 5 used, 
although 3 of these took herbs; 14, plus-or-minus 2, took Cicuta, 
which seems to have been the favorite with Iroquois women and a 
few men after 1672; and it was taken by Huron men as early as 1636, 
with the likelihood of contemporary use among the Iroquois; and 5 
took mayapple, but 4 of these were Delaware men. Poisoning offered 
14 to 10 odds for women over men, and odds were probably greater 
because women mentioned plurally are counted once. Byrd reports 
a Tutelo woman who ate trumpet plant root to protest a hanging 
(Byrd, 1929, pp. 310-312). Wisse and I are in agreement that poison- 
ing was the most common method among the Huron, Iroquois, and 
Delaware. The difference in the Iroquois cases is that predominately 
women killed themselves in this way, and there are relatively few 
references to men. Lahontan suggests that surviving male spouses 
took poison, as did Mary Jemison’s son’s murderer (case 13). 

Hanging or strangling is the next favorite method. Our data 
indicate 12 attempts and 5 failures, of which 3 are cases of Algonkin 
women (cases 31 a, b, and 32). The four recent Seneca hangings are 
males, two of whom avoided the consequences of violent crimes (cases 
7 and 8); whereas a Miami attempted strangling at Onondaga, 1682 
(case 26), and an Onondaga hanged himself to end old age (case 27) 
causing a stir that points to the rarity of these cases; and we have one 
isolated Huron case following gambling (case 34). Hanging was a 
favorite method with the Algonkin tribe and among the Micmacs of 
the Gaspé (Le Clercq, 1910, p. 247), along with drowning which was 
similarly uncommon among the Huron and Iroquois: The single 
Onondaga who plunged into a Huron kettle is hardly typical (case 30). 
However, three Onondagas and two Hurons facing torture attempted 
stabbing, one failing, and one Algonkin woman succeeded prior to 1690. 
After 1690 there are five attempts at shooting, including three failures. 
In the modern period, knife suicides gave way to gun suicides; perhaps 
the change was facilitated by the improvement of shorter firearms. 
These cases are more common later on the Plains. We have only one 
lover’s leap, the Maid of the Mists (case 10), and one male who cast 
himself under a train (case 6). 

“Suicide in any form [is] unknown among the far Northern Algon- 
quians” (Flannery, 1939, p. 132). 

If we look to the Southeast for the sources of Iroquois poisonings, 
we find only Byrd’s report of the lone Tutelo King’s daughter who ate 
the root of trumpet plant to protest a hanging and because she feared 
she might be mistreated as the last of her nation (Byrd, 1929, pp. 
310-312). Olbrechts reports suicides as rare but not unknown 
among the Cherokee who, like their linguistic Iroquoian cousins, find 


130 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Burn. 128 


illness or incurable love troubles principal causes. A suicide causes 
a tremendous commotion, but there are no especial beliefs connected 
with the fate of the ghost. Olbrechts (1932, p. 144) could find only 
three cases, all men. Two shot themselves, and one strangled himself 
with a rope, while he was told that Cherokee women chewed and 
swallowed the roots of Cicuta maculata L. for 4 days consecutively to 
put an end to their conceptive abilities. I can well imagine, if there is 
anything to our Iroquois cases, that they might, as they allege, ‘‘be- 
come sterile forever”? (Olbrechts, 1932, p. 117). Among the Alabama 
suicides were deprived of burial and thrown into the river; a suicide 
was considered a coward.“ Suicides were relatively uncommon 
among the Chickasaw, according to Cushman, and the rifle was the 
favorite instrument of death (Swanton, 1928 b, p. 232). The only 
thing that approaches our northern cases cf root poisoning is the 
custom of lovelorn women drinking “‘bitter’’ cassava water in Guiana, 
and the reports that the natives committed suicide on a wholesale 
scale at the time of the Spanish conquest (Roth, 1924, p. 560). 

Eating wild parsnip root, a species of Cicuta, was an accepted mode 
of committing suicide as far afield to the west as among the Atsugewl, 
Achomawa, and Surprise Valley Paiute of northeastern California 
(Voegelin, 1937, p. 456). 

There is one other possible relationship with the southeastern 
custom of murder by administering poison which may have worked 
its way north to Virginia in the 1600’s from the country of the Siouan 
peoples. The Chitimacha killed enemies by poisoning springs, as did 
the Indians of Virginia and Carolina, where it was not uncommon for 
a chief to make way with the heir to his position, if the latter did not 
please him, by administering a poisonous plant (Swanton, 1928 a, 
p. 697). However, there are no reports that individuals poisoned 
themselves, nor have I discovered instances of Iroquois poisoning 
their enemies. 

We are left, then, with the conclusion that suicide by taking a 
poisonous root is an Iroquois culture trait that we have not succeeded 
in deriving from any other ethnic group outside of the area in which 
the Huron-Iroquois Tribes were living in the seventeenth century. 

Let us turn to the first question concerning traditional attitudes 
toward suicide as a value. Modern Senecas consider it a deplorable 
act and convey the impression that formerly there were fewer cases, 
but they recall cases of women who poisoned themselves and men who 
sought violent deaths after murdering someone. Everyone reproaches 
the murderers but they condone those unsuccessful lovers who suc- 
cumb to the compulsive attraction of taking waterhemlock. The 
rich lore surrounding this plant alone attests its long use; considering 


4&3 Swanton, 1928, p. 397, citing Bossu, Nouv. Voy., vol. 2, pp. 49-50. 


AnrHROP. Pap. No.14] IROQUOIS SUICIDE—FENTON 131 


cases going back to 1635, its use must be aboriginal. Nevertheless, 
we have information that suicides sometimes created strong public 
reaction. When women kill themselves society reacts hostilely by 
gossiping about the shameful behavior of the deserting lover and takes 
no action (case 1). While it may react strongly to suicides of murder- 
ers and thieves, it is comfortably relieved because it need not take 
action (cases 5, 6, and 13), and the ultimate suicide merely deepens the 
initial tragedy. Since Iroquois society values ties of consanguinity 
above conjugal links, grief attending spiteful child suicides was 
especially bitter (Lafitau, case 14); and likewise, when housemates 
and community drunks persecuted two old men to death in the same 
year (1682), Onondaga village expressed its horror to the relatives 
and the adopted cabin mates (case 27). One other warrior condemned 
his fellow’s suicide as cowardice for not fulfilling the ideal pattern 
of stoically enduring martyrdom. 

The individual himself manifested varying attitudes toward suicide. 
He might know all the traditional attitudes against the act, even 
having heard that it would exclude him from the land of souls, and 
yet perform the act in the traditional manner when circumstance 
demanded. Therefore, we cannot take too seriously the theory of a 
society whose tradition furnishes nicely patterned means for violating 
its values. Nevertheless, we may inquire whether the belief that 
souls of suicides are excluded from the land of the dead is aboriginal. 
Handsome Lake’s followers believe the creator has alloted the days 
each shall live and that suicide will render their souls earth-bound. 
On the surface one might suspect that this is the mark of early Jesuit 
teaching, but while I do not deny Christian influence, I think that 
very likely part of the belief antedates missionary teaching. Corn- 
planter’s version of Handsome Lake’s Code devotes half its length to 
admonishing the people about values that were commonly disregarded 
in daily life during the prophet’s time, 1735-1815, and the balance of 
the message describes his journey to the sky-world, a traditional type 
of visionary experience, during which he witnesses rewards reminiscent 
of the Book of Revelation, which his Philadelphia educated nephews 
read to him. But the code offers us negative evidence on suicide. 
The prophet inveighs against behavior that might furnish suicide 
motives—man deserts wife, man’s jealousy of children, wife’s mother 
slanders daughter’s husband, wife beating, gossip wife was unfaithful 
during husband’s hunt, polygamy, child punishment, drink, discredit- 
ing own child’s legitimacy, and unkindness to aged—but he does not 
treat of suicide directly (Parker, 1913, pp. 30-35). In the later sec- 
tions, he preaches the concept of allotted life, but does not describe 
suicides as being punished in the House of Torment (Parker, 1913, 
pp. 49, 57, 68-73, 107-109). Nevertheless, Edward Cornplanter, 
Parker’s informant, told his son, my informant, that souls of suicides 


132 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buut. 128 


remain earth-bound, and probably he sometimes included this warning 
when reciting the code. Mary Jemison narrates that Senecas living 
along the Genesee in 1817 believed that suicides deprived their souls 
of good hunting in the land of the dead and excluded themselves from 
entering cabins where the good and brave warriors dwell. Yet learn- 
ing this doctrine did not prevent a murderer from ultimately taking 
Cicuta (case 13). The Delawares a generation earlier had no especial 
prejudices in the matter (case 14). Lafitau, with a century of Jesuit 
experience behind him, cites suicides that occurred despite the belief 
that they received differential treatment in afterlife according to 
manner of death, that souls of suicides were separated from the other 
souls and had no communication with them (case 16). This belief 
extends back to the early seventeenth century and can hardly be. 
reconciled with the contemporary belief that surviving spouses could 
follow their love mates to the land of souls when summoned repeatedly 
through dreams. However, ethnology no longer tries to resolve all 
the conflicts in its data because ethnologists have demonstrated that 
societies often furnish mutually contradictory patterns for the indi- 
vidual to follow. Our own notions concerning the destiny of souls 
are almost as contradictory as those held by the seventeenth century 
Iroquois (Wolf, 1919, p. 44). We might expect more variation 
concerning knowledge of the supernatural than about elements more 
closely connected with the daily life of the people. 

Charlevoix, contemporary of Lafitau, recorded the belief that souls 
of those who meet violent deaths have no commerce with the rest, 
that survivors burn or bury the bodies immediately and never lay 
them in the common burying ground, and allow them no share in the 
Feast of the Dead (Charlevoix, 1761, vol. 1, p. 192). Bressani’s 
Huron Relation of 1653 was probably Charlevoix’s source, for Bressani 
claims to have more than once seen those who die a violent death 
burned or buried immediately, and that not even those who freeze 
to death are removed for subsequent ossuary burial at— 
the feast of the dead,—they believing without reason that the souls of those 
unhappy ones who died miserably either in war, etc. [which probably includes 
suicides and tortures], have no communication in the other life with the other 
souls. 44 

Brébeuf, relating in 1636 what the Huron opinion is regarding the 
nature of the soul here and hereafter, corrects his statement of the 
previous year.” His 1635 information based on mythology made no 
mention of punishment or reward in the afterlife, and he concluded 
that they made no ethical judgments; and they made no distinctions 
in burying suicides as they had observed in the case of a young man 
who had poisoned himself to follow his recently deceased wife, a pat- 


44 Bressani, 1653 (Thwaites, 1896-1901, vol. 39, p. 31). 
45 Brébeuf, 1635, 1636 (Thwaites, 1896-1901, vol. 8, p. 121; vol. 10, p. 145) (case 24). 


ANTHA IROQUOIS SUICIDE—FENTON 133 


tern the Huron condoned in Lahontan’s time (1692). But his later 
report describes souls migrating to a large village toward the setting 
sun, except souls of small children and weak-limbed aged who remain, 
unable to make the journey, about old villages to harmlessly bang 
cabin doors; and each nation has its particular village from which they 
exclude aliens. 

The souls of those who died in war form a band by themselves; the others fear 
them, and do not permit them entry into their Village, any more than to the 
souls of those who have killed themselves. [Brébeuf in Thwaites, 1896-1901, 
vol. 10, p. 145.] 

This leaves the souls of suicides without a destination, having no 
village of their own, a belief that persisted to Mary Jemison’s time 
(1817) and until recently among the Senecas. Therefore, they must 
remain earth-bound. The Hurons were still living their aboriginal 
life despite the intermittent efforts of Recollects after 1615 and 
the sustained efforts of the Jesuits, 1626-50, following Brébeuf’s 
advent among them; and their beliefs about the destiny of souls had 
been little affected by Christian teaching. The Hurons held two 
conflicting patterns of thought regarding souls of suicides—that spouse 
would follow spouse to the spirit world when summoned through 
dreams, which Huron culture valued above all other portents, and 
that souls of suicides remained earth-bound, excluded from towns of 
warriors and ordinary dead in the land of souls. 

Catholic doctrine supplemented native beliefs, and the Jesuits 
sowed the doctrine of sin where natives lacked any especial beliefs 
about the fate of their souls following suicide. Further, baptism for 
remission of sins saved the souls of those who, having sinned, confessed 
and repented. This must have given some comfort to those who 
desperately poisoned themselves and had misgivings about the fate 
of their souls (case 21). The fathers used every opportunity to instruct 
the natives. When a Huron woman felt compassion for a Seneca 
whom they were torturing (1636) and asked LeMercier if there could 
be harm in his committing suicide— 

The Father instructed them fully upon this point, and showed them that God 
alone was the master of our lives, and it was for him only to dispose of them; that 
those who poisoned themselves or made away with themselves by violence com- 
mitted a grievous sin; and that Saouandanoncoua . . . would lose the fruit of 


his baptism, and would never go to Heaven, if he hastened by a single moment 
the hour of his death.4” 


46 Hewitt came to a similar conclusion (1895, p. 1), but his published statement is ambiguous and misled 
Wisse (1933, p. 177), while his original manuscript (Misc. Notes relative to the state of the Soul after death, 
etc., Ms. No. 3638, Bur. Amer. Ethnol.) indicates that Brébeuf and Lafitau, whom I have cited, and Sagard 
and LeJeune were his sources. Following Brébeuf, he states, the war dead as well as suicides ‘‘have sepa- 
rate villages, not being allowed to visit the others, since these fear them’’; but in compacting Brébeuf, he 
misquotes him. 

47 LeMercier, 1637, in Thwaites, 1898-1901, vol. 13, p. 59. 


218558—40——_10 


134 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buxr, 128 


This teaching, coming later the same year that Brébeuf wrote, 
probably consolidated the older Huron belief. It may also date the 
introduction of the concept that God is the master of lives, a function 
the Hurons had already ascribed to their cosmological heroes (Hewitt, 
1912) which readily attached itself to existing Huron belief, for in 
1659 a Huron about to cut his throat recalled the Catholic teaching 
that man does not control his life and threw away the knife (case 28). 
By 1677, Cholenec reports how various Mohawks, Onondagas, and 
Hurons near Montreal have learned in the church to overcome cul- 
tural hypersensitivity that formerly led to revenge seeking or suicide 
(Cholenec in Thwaites, 1896-1901, vol. 60, pp. 287-289). Jesuit 
influence supplied religious sanctions to suicides where they were 
lacking among the Algonkin, as among the Delaware; it clarified 
Huron-Iroquois thinking by buttressing the ideas of differential status 
in heaven and the Creator as the controller of life by teaching that 
God is the master of lives. This may have led to the concept of 
allotted life and suicide as a sinful act. At any rate, by 1700 spouse 
suicides had ceased and the frequency of other suicides was lessening. 

Conclusions—An ambivalent Huron-Iroquois attitude toward 
suicide as a value crystallized into open hostility under Christian 
teaching. A definite concept of allotted life and exclusion from the 
land of the dead resulted. The latter belief was aboriginal. Public — 
opinion condemned as cowardice male suicides to avoid physical 
suffering, such as torture, but condoned cases of women who were 
mistreated by lovers. The greatest frequency came during the 
period immediately following white contact when conditions were 
ripe for social disorganization. We have not found a higher rate of 
mixblood suicides over fullbloods, nor any appreciable increase in 
recent years. The principal motive with women was revenge of mis- 
treatment by husbands who deserted them at middle age; children 
resented restraint, and men sought to avoid physical suffering, either 
martyrdom or blood revenge; some cases involve loss of status. 
Poisoning was the favorite Huron-Iroquois method, and Cicuta has 
remained the suicide root during 300 years, with mayapple running 
a close second; women prefer poisoning and men are more apt to seek 
violent ends, such as strangling and stabbing, which gave way to shoot- 
ing after firearms were introduced. Finally, the remarkable fact in 
Iroquois suicides is not the change that has followed the impact of 
European cultures but the stability of fundamental suicide patterns 
throughout the entire period of contact. The same motives, the same 
methods, and similar beliefs concerning the fate of souls prevail. 
Danger of capture and torture ceases with the wars, and blood revenge 
is giving way to white law enforcement on the reservation: The onus 
is shifted but throughout avoidance remains the dominating motive. 


ANTHROP, Pap. No. 14] IROQUOIS SUICIDE—FENTON 135 


Cases in revenge of mistreatment continue to arise in love-response 
situations, child suicides are now infrequent, and spouse suicides dis- 
appeared by 1700. Pattern then serves as a cultural continuant for 
custom, antecedents have already defined the situation for the indi- 
vidual, and once a fundamental pattern becomes established it tends 
to persist despite substitutions within its framework. ‘The uncon- 
scious nature of pattern and the illogical character of cultures are shown 
by the fact that social systems may offer the individual patterns as 
guides for his conduct that lead to the fulfillment of mutually opposite 
values. 
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LAFITAD, J. F. 
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Wo.tr, Morris. 
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Butler Hulbert and William Nathaniel Schwarze, ed. Ohio Archeol. 
and Hist. Soc. Quart., vol. 19. Columbus. 


4 Se 


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7 


SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION 
Bureau of American Ethnology 
Bulletin 128 


Anthropological Papers, No; 15 


Tonawanda Longhouse Ceremonies: 
Ninety Years After Lewis Henry Morgan 


By WILLIAM N. FENTON 


139 


PHONETIC NOTE 


The orthography employed in this paper is the same as that used in An Outline 
of Seneca Ceremonies at Coldspring Longhouse (Fenton, 1936). It reduces 
Seneca transcription to a minimum of characters required by the economy of the 
language. The vowels: a (of English father); @ (of English hat); e (of English met) ; 
e (of French ete); 7 (of French fini); and o (of English mote) may later be reduced 
to four: a, e,7,ando0. They occur frequently in diphthongs and less frequently in 
triphthongs. Nasalization is denoted by a hook beneath the vowel: Vowel 
length by a raised period after the vowel. A raised comma indicates the glottal 
stop. The character § is c (of English shoe); affricatives vary between dz 
and dj (of English adze and judge) depending on the speaker; s and ¢ are ordi- 
narily somewhat aspirated; heavily aspirated s and ¢ are followed by A (e. g., 
sh and th); h everywhere indicates aspiration; and T indicates a terminal whis- 
pered ¢ which is articulated after a glottal stop in a few words. 


140 


CONTENTS 


MEINE RTETUIR to SS ee ne et he hse ee 2 ee 
BIRT ESReR TOG TICHO VCC oe her ene ye fe kL eee ep a 


HMenogicweures and rene walsess. 2292228 2 sy ee es ee 


PIETESEOTATICIONTISUUCENS 24 25 ek acs 3. iS ee ee 
Bee ACOOUMNY, C1700 POS0cL 6 3. i oo le coe eee eee 
LEE ae PSSA UPS co nes Se ee AN Ye ee. er 
Appendix A. L. H. Morgan to E. S. Parker (letter).._...___._._-_---- 
Appendix B.. E.§. Parker to L. H. Morgan (letter)____._._.______..-- 
Appendix C. The Tonawanda ceremonial cycle__._-____-_------------ 


ILLUSTRATIONS 
PLATES 


. Tonawanda longhouse: 1, The longhouse and cook house. 2, Indian 


youths reshingle the longhouse under National Youth Adminis- 
Rte IRIERMEL TRAN Ret ek See Ne Se eno ee oe ee a oe ee eee 


. Faithkeepers prepare the Community Feast in honor of the ‘Three 


Sisters” at the Planting, or Seed, Festival in May___.____-___-_-_- 


. The men assist the women by pounding corn __.__-._-------------- 
. Our Uncles, “‘the Bigheads,”’ go through the houses announcing the 


RviLeTITeCrANeStivaleer seo SS Se ee Eyes, lene te eas Meee ee ee 


. 1, The False-face Beggar Dancers visit a house on second night of 


Midwinter Festival. 2, 3, Charlie Chaplin and the Devil capture the 
mEnn ation OF Chiloren 27 J Ne Se ee a 


. Groups and individuals stage impromptu dance contests__________-__-_ 
. Facsimile of first page of letter from L. H. Morgan to E. S. Parker 


written at Rochester, January 29, 1850__-__._..----.------------ 


. Facsimile of last page of letter from L. H. Morgan to E. S. Parker 


written at Rochester, January 29, 1850, showing signature_-___-__-_- 


. Facsimile of first page of letter from E. 8. Parker to L. H. Morgan written 


fn rancwuvile;bebruary €2;.1850. 52022-2820 <2 etree laced 


. Facsimile of last page of letter from E. 8. Parker to L. H. Morgan 


written at Ellicottville, February 12, 1850, showing signature_-_-_--.- 


166 


166 
166 


166 


166 


166 


166 


166 


166 


166 


Ot 


herd 2. ek tay: shut ae jana’ yer er iat ey ital nnauibig 


Dy se ok ne to iH 0 wroe? adel To lame teal to. 


i oly 
’ 
‘ 
Rev ane ele a celine os ag ek MLA Spee rate a 
udev Pe ty Oi he wo de ir Ry aigiee et ne ALy 
FG a TY 
Ie Te ae wate Bs AY el eh ee RAY DON yee 


A se Craxtihat) waotralt A 4 easyer ts we it Ag 
fet) eaten Thy i ay sel aL Fa: al 


t 


4 me A, alt BLsbandver alt i 


AWOLTAIT oq 8 i iH 


at P ovita ice hg 


Cabbie, A 


eter aa UNL ibs Cos a Foe wight pitt Ua debi, Ab 
Le pel ONE: tadiuhtei er eae tee Man Bae fg stage 


oe 


i ’ 


a ee ONS en Fide Fisly Srey Gill yeaa aah S wih s 


As a Net iD hie, jy eT te mc Ui tes Ve ii esia aed 
HA unis vito ehtoad Hit rywoada by * nate Reh 
Ry, Wee a idee coe aA oye aioe 


Up Seuin Thee: dono 2 war er dt ech Ge Zag Say 
ane wiitoins Vat. Se De RRL NS ola tae eee 
pets ag ame rib ade AM OUDCL OR MEDEN EN DCI w lsh. 
Wreosdkak dette 2uLeateos ol hfe al oe 
Teteta'y ea) BE Gp al JE Be ce oie he Sao i otia 
2 RR ae ‘i nlip iy Sioa SOS by BS oecontiehn fsa ome 


‘= » 

Bla chins Weve siadeSal eats a thors TR! (OS vette, teres Hae ty am 

wort Mf Eotasoel AUP won Lutte 10 Mic diene hee 
Pe riser ey foun a iene SOAt 3 viet 6th 

cena hl Ek ot Tota “i : “een th hinds te axpaet bind Vee i 
hed carartuors {i niivearhs OSGL BY waarenlal Ate oo MT uae 
rt = 


TONAWANDA LONGHOUSE CEREMONIES: NINETY YEARS 
AFTER LEWIS HENRY MORGAN! 


By WILLIAM N. FENTON 


METHOD 


During 30 months, February 1935 to September 1937, I was in 
almost daily contact with the Tonawanda Band of Senecas. Although 
occupied with official duties, I nevertheless witnessed the entire 
cycle of ceremonies that Handsome Lake’s followers have perpetuated 
at Tonawanda longhouse. At odd moments older Indians explained 
the present form and content of the rituals; they indicated unique 
features of the Tonawanda cycle; and they suggested possible changes 
in the last 100 years. 

I have followed the method which Dr. Frank G. Speck devised 
for recording the Cayuga yearly ceremonial calendar at Soursprings 
longhouse, which proved convenient for recording rituals at Cold- 
spring longhouse, classifying my field notes, and presenting a summary 
of results (Fenton, 1936).2. This approach reveals that although the 
same dances are shared by neighboring longhouse groups, patterning 
of the ceremonies differs from group to group; and that each longhouse 
repeats its ritual pattern several times during the yearly cycle. The 
yearly cycle is outlined, indicating the time, duration, and purpose 
of each festival; and the composition of ceremonies is listed day by 
day. Analysis of prayers reveals an Iroquois Pantheon of three 
orders: Spirit-forces on the earth, a midpantheon of appointed spirits 
above the earth, and an upper pantheon of forces controlling the 
universe. Prayers and thanksgiving songs, addressed to the unseen 
spirit world, commence on the earth and run the whole fixed gamut 

1 This paper was delivered in part, as “‘The Pattern of Seneca Ceremonies at Tonawanda Longhouse,’”’ 
before section H of the American Association for the Advancement of Science on June 16, 1936, at the Uni- 
versity of Rochester. The present draught was read December 27, 1936, at the annual meeting of the Amer- 
ican Anthropological Association at Washington, D. C. 

The data presented here were collected during fleld trips spread over several years. The study began 
in 1934 with grants-in-aid of research from the Institute of Human Relations at Yale University, and it 
continued from 1935 until mid-1937 while I acted as Community Worker for the United States Indian Field 
Service in the New York area. Thanks are due Prof. Edward Sapir of the former institution and John 
Collier, Commissioner of Indian Affairs, for their sustained interest in my Iroquois researches. My greatest 
debt is to my Seneca friends: Jesse Cornplanter, Cephas Hill, Rev. Peter Doctor, Chief Henan Scrogg 
and the “‘Salt Creek Singers,’’ a mutual-aid fraternity at Tonawanda, who in accepting me for member- 


ship anchored my labors to the rock of tradition. 
2 Dr. Speck’s monograph is still unpublished. 


143 


144 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buux. 128 


of stations upward to the Creator. Specific rites fall into three groups 
according to their function of bringing man into rapport with par- 
ticular spirit-forces. There is a group of worship rites addressed to 
the Creator, others to the spirits of cultivated plants; a group of 
medicine-society rites concern man’s relation to specific earth-bound 
tutelaries, frequently animals; and some societies restrict participation 
in their ceremonies to members only. The remaining rites fall under 
the general rubric of social dances which lack any direct religious 
purpose. 

Work at Tonawanda has been a projection of a program to obtain 
comparable data for all Iroquois ceremonial groups, trusting that the 
facts may ultimately lend themselves to historical interpretation. 
The approach recognizes an intense feeling of localism, which inform- 
ants voice in their replies to data obtained at other longhouses. 
Therefore, with Lewis Henry Morgan (1901, vol. 1, 175 ff.) as my illus- 
trious predecessor among the grandfathers of my oldest Tonawanda 
informants, I commenced work ill-prepared to discover vestiges of an 
even richer ceremonial life after 90 years of supposed deculturation.? 


THE LONGHOUSE 


The present Tonawanda longhouse, situated ‘down below” near the 
northwest end of the reservation, was built in 1876.* It is near the 
site of an older, log longhouse which still can be distinguished by an 
elliptical indentation near the present road where the feet of many 
dancers, emerging at intermissions to cool off and gossip, wore a path 
about the sunken foundation. South toward Indian Falls, another 
log longhouse stood on Sand Hill where the road emerges on a plateau. 
About 1870, the Faithkeepers tore it down in anticipation of erecting 
a new building of matched lumber, but, at that time, most of their 
membership passed over to the Christian party. No one now living 
remembers a third ceremonial longhouse which formerly stood in the 
middle of the original Tonawanda settlement of bark houses on the 
south bank of Tonawanda Creek near the canal feeder. As might be 
expected, where the longhouses were, at most, an hour’s walk apart, the 
yearly round of ceremonies is said to have been identical. 


THE CALENDRIC CYCLE 


The Tonawanda Senecas observe seven religious festivals of thanks- 
giving. The yearly cycle commences at midwinter on the fifth day 
of the new moon called ni-sgo’wakne when the Pleiades are on the 
meridian at dusk. This moon, when the game commences to rut, 
anciently marked the end of hunting and winter removal and witnessed 
the return to sedentary village life. 

3 For ceremonies at Newtown longhouse, Cattaraugus Reservation, see Parker, 1913. 
‘ Charles Blackchief, well over 80 years old, remembered that the lumber for the present building cost 


about $500, which the Faithkeepers raised by conscription of annuity moneys among the longhouse party; 
they have twice reshingled it. 


ANTHROP, PAP. NO.15] TONAWANDA CEREMONIES—FENTON 145 


Seven days are devoted to renewing rituals of shamanistic medicine 
societies as revealed in old dreams, celebrating new dreams, and 
returning thanks to the Creator for life and sustenance, and praying 
for an early spring. A lineal descendant of the shamanistic orgy, 
called the Feast of Fools by the Jesuits among the Hurons, the con- 
cepts of confession and renewal dominate the festival. Public con- 
fession of sin precedes the festival; and dreams are revealed and 
must be celebrated lest someone take sick and delay the coming of 
spring. Renewal implies “new fire,’ the repetition of every known 
ceremony and dance; it underlies the White Dog sacrifice, and es- 
pecially the rites associated with the planting, germination, pro- 
eressive growth, and harvest of cultivated plants5 Thanks-to-the- 
maple, or the Sap Dance, follows when the sap is collected from groves 
preempted by individual families. The Planting Festival, or Seed 
Dance, occurs early in May to soak and bless the seed before returning 
it to the earth. The Berry Festival, or Strawberry Dance, returns 
thanks for the first fruits ripening on earth. The Green Bean Fes- 
tival, or String-bean Dance, celebrates the ripening of the first culti- 
vated crop in August. The Green Corn Festival repeats the latter 
days of the Midwinter Festival, returning thanks that the crops have 
matured; and the Harvest Festival, or Bread Dance, late in the fall 
after harvesting and storing the crops for winter, completes the cycle 
before going into the woods on the fall hunt. 

The Tonawanda people formerly held a sun-shooting ceremony to 
dislodge from the sun a frog which they believed masked the orb and 
retarded the approach of spring. And then, in time of drought, the 
thunder ceremony, which Morgan describes, is still resorted to for 
rain. A priest burns tobacco imploring the Thunderers to water 
the crops and men dance the War Dance (wasa’se). During the 
recent dry summer (July 10, 1936), the ceremony failed to bring im- 
mediate rain, because, according to the faithful, “Too many people 
are wicked now!’ 


PERIODIC CURES AND RENEWALS 


Aside from their frequent public appearance during the Midwinter 
Festival, the False-face Company occasionally appears in early spring 
and late fall to drive pestilences from the settlement. The Little 
Water Medicine Society meets on the fifth night of the Berry Moon 


5 Wissler (1917) has indicated a northern provenience for the medicine-bundle type of shamanistic societies 
allegedly derived from earth-bound animals, and he has suggested that the idea of renewal dominates cyclical 
rituals which appear to have spread with agriculture as gifts of the spirits in heaven. Possibly the Iroquois 
Midwinter Festival, and it is a strange palimpsest of ceremony, represents the result of the impact of an 
agricultural people upon a northern hunting environment. The Iroquois have both charm-bundle societies 
and those in which membership is indicated by dreams or hysterical possession, northern concepts, besides 
a regular cycle of first-fruits ceremonies closely integrated with the cultivation of maize, a peculiarly southern 
idea. Ceremonial buffoonery is widespread. Confession to avoid supernatural disaster occurs among the 
Eskimo and northern Athabaskans (Lowie, 1915, pp. 233-234). The idea of sin with fear of supernatural 
disaster has a greater distribution (Michelson, 1930, pp. 55-56). 


146 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bunz 128 


(June), the fifth night of the Harvest Moon (October), and sometimes 
at midwinter when the medicine bundle has been used after the fall 
meeting to renew the. strength of the medicine. They sing four 
periods of songs recounting the origin of the society and the cure of 
the good hunter by animals whom he has befriended, but the Tona- 
wanda lodge sings a fifth group at their fall meeting. Chanters for 
the dead usually convene one night in March at the longhouse to 
rest the souls of the departed. Other medicine societies hold private 
meetings throughout the winter, but rarely in summer.® 


THE TONAWANDA PATTERN 


A combination of four dances, recurring together five times during 
the annual cycle of festivals, distinguishes Tonawanda celebrations 
from versions employed among the Seneca at Coldspring and New- 
town, and among the Onondaga near Syracuse. Five agricultural 
festivals repeat the same succession of dances—Women’s Dance, 
Feather Dance, Trotting (or Standing Quiver) Dance, Hand-in-hand 
Dance, and Women’s Dance—with the traditional songs to the plant 
spirits. This ceremonial pattern, except for particular speeches 
belonging to each festival, prescribes the procedure for the Planting, 
String-bean, last night of the Green Corn, Harvest, and the seventh 
night of the Midwinter Festival. The Maple and Strawberry Fes- 
tivals include two somewhat different patterns. Otherwise, on a 
given day of a longhouse festival, the arrangement of the ceremonies 
follows the general ceremonial pattern observed at all Seneca long- 
houses, which I have described in another paper (Fenton, 1936, p. 14; 
Morgan, 1901, vol. 1, p. 185). 

The scope of this paper permits only a schematic summary of this 1 
night in the cycle of ceremonies. After preliminary meetings, a collec- 
tion of food and money precedes communal cooking and the festival 
at the longhouse. Dances to the triad of agricultural patronesses—the 
spirits of the corn, beans, and squash: three sisters—should commence 
at dusk, because “‘the corn grows at night’? and the ceremonies are 
believed to assist its growth. An appointed speaker explains the 
significance of the meeting, returns thanks to all the spirit-forces from 
the earth to the Creator, particularly the growing plants and the 
. Thunderers who water them, and announces the names of the singers 
and dancers. Four dances follow. The women dance first. The 
Feather Dance to the Creator follows. The Trotting, or Standing 
Quiver Dance harks back to centuries of war parties dancing about 
their stacked arms when breaking camp. Hand-in-hand Dance sym- 
bolizes the bean and squash vines reaching out tendrils to grasp the 
erowing corn. The Tonawanda people call these the Four Rituals 


6 Form and content of the series and the function of specific rites is presented in outline as an appendix. 


AnTuRoP. Pap. NO.15] TONAWANDA CEREMONIES—FENTON 147 


because they are invariably performed at these five festivals. However, 
the other Seneca refer to the Feather Dance, Thanksgiving Dance, 
Personal Chant, and the Bowl Game when they mention the Four 
Ceremonies. Lastly, the women dance about the food kettles to the 
accompaniment of the traditional songs of the three sisters—corn, 
beans, and squash—dramatizing the sisterhood of women and culti- 
vated plants. The speaker returns thanks to the participants, invokes 
a blessing on the people, and announces the next festival. An equitable 
distribution of the feast ends the meeting, and each family takes home 
its share of food provided for the communal cook house. Management 
of the festival rests with two women, one from each moiety, and they 
choose a chief as their speaker. 

Peculiar to Tonawanda is the performance of the Feather Dance and 
Thanksgiving Dance on the third and fifth days of the Midwinter 
Festival and the first day of the Green Corn, and the coincidence of the 
Bow! Game, Women’s Dance, and Personal Chant on the fourth and 
sixth days of the Midwinter Festival and the second day of the Green 
Corn Festival (Fenton, 1936, p. 21; Morgan, 1901, vol. 1, pp. 196, 213). 
Since daily arrangement of major rituals disagrees with Morgan’s 
statement of 1850, we must consider the possibility of change. 


MORGAN’S ACCOUNT, CIRCA 1846 


Lewis Henry Morgan left us a somewhat complete account of the 
ceremonies current at Tonawanda in the middle of the last century, but 
attributed them to all of the Iroquois. While his description of the 
Midwinter Festival is full and rich, including difficult ritual prayers, 
which Ely Parker had ably translated, and there is an occasional bril- 
liant description of a social dance, like the Trotting Dance (Morgan, 
1901, pp. 271-273), which could only have been done from notes taken 
on the spot, his work is, nevertheless, unbalanced by failure to mention 
other significant details. He mentions turtle rattles accompanying 
the Thanksgiving Dance, instead of the water drum and horn rattle 
(Morgan, vol. 1, pp. 192, 273). He says nothing of the almost nightly 
winter meetings of medicine societies. He does not complete the 
programs of minor festivals after the Maple Dance to demonstrate their 
essential similarity (Morgan, 1901, vol. 1, p. 185). His failure to 
make any reference to a Green Bean Festival arouses one to wonder 
how much he really saw, to what extent he depended on Parker, how 
long he was in the field, and where he did his work. His extraordinary 
interpreter and collaborator, Ely S. Parker, lived beyond the ford in 
Tonawanda Creek from Sand Hill longhouse, the probable locus of the 
rituals he describes. Parker had access to Handsome Lake’s successor, 
Jimmy Johnson (Soshe’owa’’, ‘‘Great-burden-strap”’), whose working 
knowledge of the rituals extended back beyond the advent of the 
prophet’s teaching in 1800. Nevertheless, in mulling over the 


148 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bouxx. 128 


material which Parker furnished him for describing the religious system 
of the Iroquois, Morgan is frequently guilty of repeating Parker’s 
failure ‘“‘to describe Indian life in terms of itself,’’ a method on which 
Morgan later insisted. Since Morgan was at his best when describing 
phenomena which he had observed and later investigated, and since 
some of his observations were so penetrating that no less an authority 
than Lowie (1933, p. 206; 1936, pp. 169-170) has dubbed him a superb 
observer, it is especially interesting to learn which rituals Morgan 
actually witnessed. Morgan’s manuscript journals and field notes, 
in the Rush Rhees Library at the University of Rochester, disclose 
that all of his expeditions to the Seneca fell in the late fall and winter, 
by far the best season for field work among the Iroquois. Occupied 
with farming and hunting during the spring, summer, and fall, the 
Indians feel ‘‘free to talk while the earth sleeps.’? Nevertheless, he 
missed an opportunity to observe the periodic succession of first-fruits 
ceremonies, commencing with the Maple; he missed the migration of 
fish in Tonawanda Creek, planting, berrying, agriculture, the Green 
Bean Festival, if there were one, and summer harvest. He seems to 
have visited only Tonawanda and Buffalo Creek Reservations, appa- 
rently not going to Allegheny, and I find no entries of visits to Nichol- 
son Parker, Ely’s brother, at Cattaraugus. His first field trips were 
purposely made to gather information for embellishing the rituals of 
his ““New Confederacy,’”’ an idea which the Indians at first greeted 
with mixed feelings; and it was only later, when he commenced making 
collections for the New York State Cabinet, that his interests became 
primarily scientific. His intense interest in rank, adoption, and place 
names gradually made room for the manufacture of moccasins and 
the finer detail of ceremonies (Gilchrist, 1936).’ 

7 Morgan commenced his study of the Iroquois in 1841 (vol. 1, No. 18). He discussed the Iroquois with 
E. S. Parker on September 27, 1845 (vol. 1, No. 19); and on October 1, 2, and 3, he and George Ripley of 
Rochester attended a Six Nations Council on Tonawanda Reservation (vol. 1, Nos. 12, 15). Jimmy John- 
son, successor to Handsome Lake, recited the prophet’s message on October 12 and 13, and Ely Parker sent 
Morgan an English Synopsis (vol. 1, No. 16), reprinted in A. C. Parker (1919, pp. 252-268). December 16, 
Morgan was at Onondaga (vol. 1, No. 6). The first of the year 1846 in Rochester, Morgan awaited reports 
from Ely Parker while the Tonawanda chiefs deliberated for 2 days the possible benefits Morgan’s ‘‘New 
Confederacy’”’ might achieve in their dispute with the Ogden Land Company (vol. 1, No.3). Field notes 
for January 27, 1846 (vol. 1, No. 5), were made while a guest of William Parker, Ely’s father, during 
the Midwinter Festival at Tonawanda (vol. 1, No.5, pp. 69-73). After a short excursion to Buffalo 
Creek, he returned on February 6 and observed the White Dog hanging outside the Council house on Sand 
Hill (vol. 1, No. 5, p. 92; 1901, vol. 1, p. 202). An archelogical reconnaissance in the Genesee valley intervened 
before his return to Tonawanda again on March 3, 1846 (vol. 1, No. 7, p. 138). 

In April and May, in fulfillment of the purposes of the ‘“New Confederacy,’’ Morgan carried a memorial 
to Washington to procure relief against the treaties of 1838 and 1842 at Buffalo Creek, when the Senecas com- 
promised the Tonawanda Reservation (vol. 1, No. 8; Rep. Special Comm., 1889, p. 29). 

The following fall, Morgan and two fellow members of the “New Confederacy” left Rochester, October 27, 
to attend the Harvest Festival at Tonawanda the following day; and in appreciation of the services of the 
“new society,’’ they were adopted into various clans on Oct. 31, 1846. They remained in the field a week and 
returned to Rochester, November 7 (vol. 2, No. 1; vol. 1, Nos. 9, 10). As late as 1901, Charles T. Porter 
vividly recalled their visit, but gives the year as probably 1847 (Morgan, 1901, vol. 2, pp. 157-161). 

Except for an excellent description of the War Dance (Morgan, 1901, vol. 1, pp. 250 ff.), which Morgan 


says in a footnote occurred at a Mourning Council at Tonawanda in October 1846 (ibid., pp. 251-252), al- 
though I am inclined to think he meant the previous year, and a reference to a speech by Abraham LaFort 


ANTHROP, PaP. NO.15] TONAWANDA CEREMONIES—FENTON 149 


Morgan was also a prolific letter writer. A letter from L. H. 
Morgan to Ely [S. Parker] (see Appendix A), which turned up on 
Tonawanda Reservation in February 1936, discloses that Morgan 
was writing an article on the religious system of the Iroquois during 
the winter of 1850. Finding his notes inadequate, he asks Ely to: 
send him a description of ‘‘The Six Festivals of the Year,’ which he 
enumerates as Maple, Planting, Strawberry, Green Corn, Harvest, 
and New Year’s, lamenting that he has only attended two of the 
six—the Harvest Festival and Midwinter, or New Year’s, Festival. 

The letter sheds light on several problems. The six festivals 
which Morgan enumerates in his letter are the same six which he 
describes in the League (1901) and which are still celebrated somewhat 
differently at Newtown and Coldspring longhouses. With a single 
exception, the Green Bean Festival, Morgan’s enumeration and de- 
scription is that of the present Tonawanda cycle. His journals and 
letter say nothing about a Bean Festival. There is the Bopaae 
which Simeon Skye first suggested to me in 1934, that. . . .. 
“The Tonawanda band have borrowed the Bean Festival, since 
Morgan’s day, from the New York Onondaga, who share it with 
their Canadian tribesmen.” ® However, Tonawanda’s oldest in- 
habitants—Charles Blackchief, well over eighty, and Peter Doctor, 
in his seventies—remember the performance of the Bean Festival as 
a well-integrated ritual from their earliest childhood. The process 
of culture change implies inevitably a progressive loss of older forms; 
this would mean a sloughing off of festivals, a process that Morgan 
had already noted in the abandonment of a Whortleberry Festival; 
and since the Bean Festival repeats the ceremonial pattern of Tona- 
wanda longhouse, which recurs at the five festivals of the year asso- 
ciated with agriculture when returning thanks to the Creator for the 
germination, progressive growth and fruition of cultivated plants, 
(Onondaga) as of 1847 (ibid., p. 222), the next field data are Speeches delivered at a council of the Iroquois 
held at Tonawanda, October 4, 5, 6, and 7, 1848, for the purpose of raising life sachems (Gilchrist, vol. 1, No. 1; 
Morgan, 1901, vol. 1, p. 222). These speeches together with a transcription of Johnson’s recitation of the 
Handsome Lake Region, translated by Ely S. Parker, form the bulk of Book 2, Chapter 3, of the League 


(1901, vol. 1, p. 223 ff.). This seems to be the council for which Morgan, as we shall see presently, requested 
a report in his letter of January 29, 1850. 

In May 1849, Morgan visited Onondaga (Gilchrist, 1936, vol. 2, No. 2) and Oneida Castle (vol. 2, No. 3), 
recording the Sachem names for the confederate councillors. 

On November 30, 1849, he was once more a guest of William Parker’s Tonawanda home while studying 
material culture and collecting for the State Museum (Gilchrist, 1936, vol. 2, No. 4); and December 7, 1849 
(ibid., vol. 2, No. 5), was Morgan’s last field trip to Tonawanda prior to his letter of January 29, 1850, to Ely. 

However, later in 1850, Morgan made two field trips: On October 28 to Grand River, Ontario (Gilchrist, 
1936, vol. 2, No. 6), and another, December 26, to Tonawanda (ibid, vol. 2, No. 7), collecting for the State 
Museum, and prior to his publication of the League in 1851. 

Following the appearance of his famous work on the Iroquois, Morgan did not return to Tonawanda until 
1858, and then for 6 days, November 6-11, to obtain degrees of relationship (Gilchrist, 1936, vol. 2, No. 11). 
The last entry of possible Tonawanda source material is a record in 1865 of a Conversation with E. S. Sha- 
wano, an Ojibwa, and N. Parker, Ely’s brother from Cattaraugus (ibid., vol. 6, No. 4). 

8 Fenton, 1936, p. 6; Beauchamp, 1891, p. 42; 1922, p. 189 (where Beauchamp notes Morgan’s omission); 


Goldenweiser, 1913, p. 471. 
218558—40——11 


150 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bur 128 


I am inclined to believe that the Bean Festival is an old Seneca 
observance at Tonawanda rather than an idea which someone brought 
back from Onondaga and promoted within the old Tonawanda pattern. 

Confession, which used to precede all festivals, and the possibility 
that the wampum strings which were hung about the White Dog’s 
neck when it was burned on the fifth day of the New Year might 
be the confession strings, worried Morgan. In writing the League, 
he decided that the White Dog was not the scapegoat for the sins of 
the community. He was not quite sure that the festivals constitute 
a fixed recurring cycle, antedating the teaching of Handsome Lake. 
The nature of the Thunderers and the concept of a good and an evil 
spirit bothered Morgan. He asks about witches and the doctrine 
of supernatural personages; and his queries concerning the number, 
titles, and manner of election of longhouse ritual managers, whom he 
calls Keepers of the Faith, indicate a firm grasp of Seneca social 
structure. 

Since the answers to Morgan’s letter are incorporated in the first 
two chapters of book 2 of the League, the enigma of the Bean Festival 
renders Ely’s letter doubly interesting.? First, Parker’s letter reveals 
the degree to which Morgan depended on his Indian collaborator. 
Certain characteristic styles of expression in the League are not 
entirely Morgan’s, and they appear to have crept into Morgan’s 
writing from Ely’s letters. Ely, also, at times, reflects the flowery 
style of his tutor: the informant bears the mark of the ethnologist. 
Secondly, Morgan’s letter reached Ely at Ellicottville, 67 miles away 
from his Tonawanda people, where he was living among the whites 
as an Engineer for the Holland Land Co. Ely found the festivals 
difficult to recollect when considered apart from their natural setting. 
They are at best group phenomena closely integrated with village 
life and agriculture, celebrated by friends and relatives who share 
a common faith and a definite social organization which more or less 
prescribes the role of the individual. Lacking immediate nexus of 
kin and locality, Ely followed Morgan’s questions. Whether or 
not in 1850 his people considered a Thanksgiving Festival for the 
green beans a definite station in the yearly cycle of ceremonies, as 
my oldest informants now insist, Ely omitted any reference to it 
and so has Morgan. Certainly, Morgan’s regret of attending but 
two festivals, my failure to discover in his journals evidence that he 
ever visited Tonawanda in summer, Ely’s silence, and the memory 
of two old men have vitiated historical reconstruction on the basis 
of the six festivals which Morgan enumerated, and which, from present 
distribution and the testimony of Old Silverheels at Cattaraugus 

9 Morgan methodically bound his correspondence and field notes into 8 journal volumes, containing 80 
separate memoranda, which passed at his death to the University of Rochester. I am deeply indebted to 


Donald B. Gilchrist, Librarian of the University, who kindly helped me identify Ely’s reply in the first 
journal volume, and then cooperated in providing a photostatic copy (Gilchrist, 1936, pp. 385-390). 


AnTHRoP, PAP. NO.15] TONAWANDA CEREMONIES—FENTON 151 


before 1890 (Caswell, 1892, p. 215), I had believed were old Seneca 
festivals, asserting that the Bean Festival had diffused to Tonawanda 
since 1850. 

Morgan appends a list of 32 dances in his League, classifying 
them as mixed, women’s, and men’s dances. Of these, 3 are sacred 
rites addressed to the Creator; 2 war dances are now associated with 
the Sun and the Thunderers, respectively, in rain-making ceremonies; 
4 social dances are associated with 5 festivals devoted to pro- 
pitiating food spirits; 11 of the song series belong to medicine societies 
whose rites are restricted to members only; and the rest are social 
dances. A few dances are now becoming obsolete. 


CONCLUSION 


The yearly cycle of ceremonies at Tonawanda longhouse fall into 
the general framework or pattern of all Iroquois longhouse rituals 
which Dr. Frank G. Speck discovered among the Cayuga. Seven 
festivals survive. The celebration of five festivals with the same 
succession of dances, the inclusion of a Bean Festival, and the sequence 
of the Four Great Ceremonies at the New Year and Green Corn 
Festivals constitute the ceremonial pattern which is peculiarly Tona- 
wanda. Lewis Henry Morgan has left us the best published account 
of the Tonawanda longhouse festivals; but his limited opportunity for 
observation prevented his grasping the importance of the medicine 
societies, and it caused him to omit one of the festivals; and he had to 
depend on his correspondent, Ely S. Parker, who was somewhat 
prone to compare Indian customs with those in the Bible. And 
lastly, Morgan realized and discussed the essential sameness of the 
festivals, describing how particular speeches are repeated from time to 
time, and perhaps he anticipated the pattern concept, but he attri- 
buted his treatment of the Tonawanda cycle to all of the Iroquois. 


APPENDIX A 
L. H. MorGAN TO E. S. PARKER 


RocHEstsErR, Jonuary 29, 1850. 


Dr. Exy: I wish to trouble you now for a favor which will require a little of 
your time and patience. I am now writing an article upon the Religious System 
of the Iroquois and find on many points my information is not sufficiently minute. 
I wish you would sit down as soon as you receive this and give me a description 
of the proceedings at the 6 festivals of the year. 1. The Maple Dance. When 
was it instituted? How many days does it last? What is done? give me a descrip- _ . 
tion. 2. Planting Worship. When was this instituted? How many days does it 
last. Is it before or after planting. What does the feast consist of.—Describe 
the mode of proceeding and what the leading motive is. 3. Strawberry Feast. 
[See pl. 15.] Does this come before or after Planting.— What does the feast consist 
of. If of Strawberries how are they prepared.—What is done at this festival and 
how long does it generally last. describe it. 4. Green Corn Worship. How long 


152 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Butr. 128 


does it last. Is the feast of Succotash—Do you always have a religious discourse 
at these councils. or does it all consist of dances and short speeches which precede 
them. Neither of these four celebrations have I ever attended. and as I must describe 
each one minutely. I must look to you for a general and full explanation of 
them all. 5. Harvest Corn Worship This I have attended. Is that prayer you 
gave us giving thanks to the sun. & moon. & thunder & trees & birds used at this 
feast. or is it confined exclusively to the New Years. Give me the general idea 
of this festival. 6 & last the New Years. This I undersiand preity well from what 
I have seen & the explanations I have had from you and others. Still there are some 
things about it I do not comprehend. Does Each person go near the Dog and 
make a confession of his sins in silence? How is it about the String of Wampum. 
It is always put about the neck of the dog. I understand Each one talks his 
individual sins into this “string.” after which it is hung around the dogs neck 
& burned with him—Explain this whole proces minutely and you will oblige 
me greatly. The Spirit of the dog ascends to the Great Spirit and carrys the 
prayers of the people. Is that the idea of sacrificing the dog? What time in 
the 5th day is the dog burned. at Sunrise or towards noon. Is he taken 
down from the pole over night or does he hang on the pole from the Ist to the 
5th day. I wish you would describe the proceedings of this day methodically. 
I have the prayer but none of the other speeches. If you can remember them, 
or any part of them I wish you would write them down for me as full as you can 
in their order. I have been anxious for years to get this ceremony written down. 
I have tried this (?) repeatedly but without success. How are dreams worked 
off by confession—Are the same round of ceremonies. and the same speeches and 
dances used year after year in these 6 festivals. 

Let me ask you also if these six festivals were not instituted long before Hand- 
some Lake began to preach. These I suppose are a part of the old system. 
Under the old System also the Great Spirit is not regarded as the Creator of the 
world. This idea appears to have been introduced by Handsome Lake. The 
idea of future punishments also I take to be a part of the New System. and no 
part of the old. How do you understand it—Under the old System & new the 
Iroquois believed in the Great Spirit, the Evil Spirit (Send me the name of the 
Evil Spirit) & He is the spirit of thunder. What other Spirits or Gods did they 
believe in. Give me the Indian names and office of each. I find in my notes 
that He-no consisted of four persons. Tell me the Indian name and office of 
each of this also (?) I suppose one of them must be the Chief God of thunder 
and the others assistants. 

The doctrine of Witches & supernatural personages. Will you explain it 
briefly—Do the Indians pretend that man ever saw the Great Spirit 

One other thing I wish explained and that is the Committee or Prompters or 
Managers as you call them who are appointed on each reservation (?) to take 
charge of the dances the festivals. & religious discourses. How many are there 
at Tonawanda, or about how many. Do they hold their office for life? Are 
they appointed by the whole people or by the Tribe or by the Chiefs or by the 
Women. Explain the manner of their appointment. the term of their office their 
duties. & their numbers. I wish to understand this part of the system. What 
is the name in Seneca of the whole Committee as a Body & what the name of 
each one, includes a single committeman— 

Now if you can write me about two sheets of Cap paper at least in answering 
all these questions as I wish them answered. and I shall esteem it a new favor 
if you will take your earliest leasure. [sic] and give me full answers to all these 
inquiries and such other explanations and discriptions [sic] as you may think 


10 Ttalics added.—W. N. F. 


AnTHROP, Pap. NO.15] TONAWANDA CEREMONIES—-FENTON 153 


suitable-—When you have finished your answer I wish you would then read over 
this letter again & see if any questions are passed over in your answer. 

‘If it would not be asking too much of you at one time I would like exceedingly 
to have your Report of the Council which we have had so long in view.—I need 
it now to use. 

I will send you in a few days my Report to the Legislature on the Indian 
fabrics which I collected at Tonawanda for the Indian Collection. It is not yet 
printed '— 

Did you see the notice of the introduction by Mr. Burroughs of Orleans of 
my Bill for Support and Education of a limited number of Indian youths at the 
State Normal School (?) I wrote a memorial to the Regents of the University on 
the subject of opening this school to our Indian youth, and asked for an appro- 
priation to organise (?) and support a small class (?) at the Normal School. 
The Governor read my memorial, and recommended it in his message. I went 
to Albany Jany 1. and before I left. I got a resolution passed by the Executive 
Committee of the Normal School approving the plan. We also got (?) up a 
bill appropriating $1000 a year for two years, giving each student $100. a year 
& 3 cents a miles for mileage—This you see will support ten scholars. The 
Governor approves of the bill & I think it will pass. But we cannot tell of course 
as yet. Nic. Newt- and Caroline ® will go down I think if the law passes. It 
will take effect May 1. You must find a few at Allegany and Cattaraugus to 
try the experiment. 

Marsh the Resident Engineer said he thought he could give you a situation 
in his office in the Spring. if you wished to commence again as you did at Mt. 
Morris.4% You would have a fair chance to work your way up. If it would be 
any inducement to you let me know and I will keep watch for you, & I think 
you can obtain the situation if you wished it. [p. 17.] 

L. H. Morgan 


APPENDIX B 


E. S. PARKER TO L. H. MORGAN 


ELLICOTTVILLE, Feb. 12, 1850 

Dear Sir: Upon much reflection, and having carefully read your letter, I am 
free to confess that I consider myself totally unable to answer your several inter- 
rogations satisfactorily [sic] either to you or to myself. I have at many different 
times written to you upon the subjects concerning which you now ask further 
information. I do not now recollect what I have said respecting them, and in 
my present answer I may say many contradictory things. And I will further, at 
the outset, tell you that I do not profess any great knowledge upon the several 
subjects and questions you have sent me to answer. [Pl. 17.] 


MAPLE THANKSGIVING 


I will answer your letter in the order you have put your questions, First then 
the Maple Dance. I cannot tell you when it was instituted, and I will say now in 


11 Morgan, 1852, pp. 67-117. An abbreviation of this article appeared in Stryker’s American Register 
and Magazine, vol. 4, July 1850, Trenton, N. J. (Gilchrist, 1923). 

12 Nicholson Henry Parker, Newton Parker, and Caroline Parker, Mount Pleasant, brothers and sister 
of Ely S. Parker, were among the first Indians educated at the New York State Normal School. 

13 Morgan here refers to Ely’s early experience as a land engineer about Mount Morris in the Genesee 
valley. Later, after Ely learned he could not be admitted to the bar, this adventure led to his studying at 
Rensalaer Polytechnic Institute and to a post superintending the improvement of the western end of the 
Erie Canal (Parker, 1919, pp. 77, 79, 91). 

4 This signature appears in the right-hand margin of the last paragraph of the letter. (See pl. 16.) 


154 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Burt, 128 


regard to all the dances that I cannot tell when any of them were instituted. 
They are all among the ancient customs of the Iroquois, and are all, besides many 
other feasts which are now discontinued, spoken off [sic] by all the early writers, 
both French and English—The Maple Dance continues only one day. This is a 
thanksgiving festival to the Honor of the Great Spirit, that he has caused the 
good tree to again produce its sweets for the comfort of man. There are a variety 
of ceremonies & dances at this time, but the principal one is the grand religious 
& or thanksgiving Dance. This dance you know is always in honor & praise of 
the Great Spirit. 
PLANTING FESTIVAL (SEED DANCE) 


224 The Planting worship continues only one day, I believe—It is held at the 
most convenient season, but must & is always at or about planting time. There 
is no peculiarity in the feast, it consists of course of what they can get.—The 
leading object of this festival is twofold; first to return to the Great Spirit thanks 
for the return of the planting season, and second, that his blessing might rest 
upon the seed they should (?) & had sown to give them a plentiful crop and 
an abundant harvest— 


STRAWBERRY FESTIVAL 


3'4 The Strawberry Feast, comes off of course when the strawberrys [sic] get 
ripe, which I believe is in June sometime, and would of course bring it after 
planting season or cornplanting time—They have all they can get to furnish 
this feast, but strawberries form the principal ingredient of the materials, and is 
prepared by being jammed and then sweetened with Maple Sugar,'® so that when 
it is prepared it looks like jelly, & of this each partake more or less as they have 
the opportunity. Sometimes water is put in, if the mixture is too thick, which is 
also taken either in a ladle or dipper. It is when taking this that many (?) 
make a thanksgiving prayer & talk to the Great Spirit—They return him 
thanks that he has again permitted them to taste of the first fruits of the 
Earth.—They pray him to spare their lives to another similar season. The 
whole proceedings is nothing more than a thanksgiving festival. The grand 
religious dance forms the principal drama in the feast." 

GREEN CORN FESTIVAL 


4*® Green Corn Worship.—This generally lasts 3 days. The time is spent in 
feasting and dancing. It is opened by a religious discourse from the Grand High 
Priest or one of his Deputys.—They have a number of dances during the time, 
but the principal ones are the Grand Religious & Thanksgiving dance.—I say 
that this opened by a religious discourse, of course, you are not to understand 
that I mean a discourse like Johnsons annual,'8 but a statement of the invariable 
custom from time immemorial to celebrate this event with religious ceremonies, 
& says that it is a duty incumbent upon the people to recognize this custom & 
institution of the Great Spirit, who had ever required men to return thanks to 
him for every return & expression of his goodness—The speaker enjoins upon the 
people to examine themselves & see that they harbor no ill will to anyone, thus 
to come up to the festival with pure thoughts and right minds—. 


16 The Thanksgiving Dance (gane’o’0) is not included in the program of the present Maple Festival 
at Tonawanda. 

16 Now, about 5 pounds of granulated white or brown sugar is used to sweeten the “‘berry juice.” 

17 Here again, I think Ely’s memory has failed; perhaps he means Feather Dance. 

18 Ely refers here to Jimmy Johnson (Soshe’owa®”’, “Great-burden-strap”), the first priest of the Hand- 
some Lake Revelation, who was preaching at Tonawanda when Morgan visited it (Morgan, 1901, vol. 
1, pp. 223 ff). 


AnTurop, Pap. No.15] TONAWANDA CEREMONIES—FENTON years 


HARVEST THANKSGIVING FESTIVAL (BREAD DANCE) 


5‘® The Harvest Corn Worship.—This in its principal features is the same as the 
Green Corn Feast with the adoption of that speech I gave you.!® Thanks 
to the sun, moon, stars, the Thunderers etc., when they dance the Go-na-o-oh 
dance.2° The Grand Religious, Thanksgiving & Thunder dances are performed 
at this time.—This is intended only & purely as a thanksgiving festival, for the 
abundant harvest reaped, and the constant return of the great blessings bestowed 
by the Great Spirit. 


NEW YEAR OR MIDWINTER FESTIVAL 


6 & last the New Years Festival—Ist in regard to the confessions of the people— 
All the confessing of sins is done publicly before the Festival commences. This 
custom is adhered to now & has been for a long time, and is required & enjoined 
by our religion that all may come to the Festival free from sin—These confessions 
are made also before the commencement of the green corn & Harvest festivals. 
At the New Years festival, I am not aware that any person approaches the dog 
to confess his or her sins, though I admit that many confess in silence but not 
near the dog intentionally. I am not aware also, though I am conscious of the 
opinion you entertain respecting it, that this string of wampun into which the 
confessions are put, is the same that is put around the dogs neck. I hardly believe 
it is. And whether it is or not, it will make no difference as to the object and 
result. Now with us the white wampum is an emblem of peace & purity.—The 
dog is the only & most faithful companion (the) Indian has in the hunters state. 
The Indians therefore consider the trusty character of the dog. & they sacrifice 
him as a messenger and present to the Great Spirit, & they put the wampum 
about his neck to show to the Great Spirit his character and intentions. My 
phraseology in the last sentence may be wrong. By his character, I mean, that 
he is only a thanksgiving offering. It does not appear, nor is it pretended, that it 
is a type of anything, as to the ancient Offerings and Sacrifices we read of in the 
Old Testament—The wampum, always put about its neck, indicate to the Great 
Spirit the continued adherance [sic] of the Nation to the primitive faith—The 
dog is strangled upon the morning of the first day, when the wampum is put 
about his neck, not by any particular person, but by someone, while others put 
upon him ribbons and paints, & for every favor and gift so bestowed, the giver 
expects a blessing. It is then, when so prepared, hung upon a pole, which is also 
decorated with paints and ribbons. It there hangs day & night until it is taken 
down to be burnt; and it is burnt early in the morning, just as the day dawn 
begins to appear in the east.—At this time, & during the time the dog is burning a 
speech is made by the High Priest or one of his Deputies. The altar is only a few 
sticks of wood. When the Dog is thrown in, the priest throws into the fire a 
quantity of tobacco, at the same time giving three whoops to call the attention of 
the Great Spirit. He then commences his speech. Great Spirit, Maker of us all. 
Listen now to what we shall say (3 whoops). Lend a kind ear to the thanks of 
thy people—.They thank thee that thy blessings have been so_plentifully 
bestowed upon them during the past year. (3 whoops) Great Spirit, Our words 


19 Morgan, 1901, vol. 1, p. 192. 

2” (gane’o’?). During this dance aspeaker from each moiety or a single speaker interrupts the singers to 
intone prayers of thanksgiving to the Creator, hence Morgan called it Thanksgiving Dance. Prior to 
Handsome Lake, during the period of the Cherokee and the Catawba wars and earlier, it afforded an oppor- 
tunity for warriors to brag of the number of scalps taken on various expeditions; but the prophet advocated 
substituting thanksgiving prayers for war records which after cessation of the wars only incited domestic 
feuds [Henan Scrogg]. 


156 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [But. 128 


continue to flow towards thee—Preserve us from all dangers. Preserve our aged 
men. Preserve our Mothers. Preserve our warriors. Preserve our children. 
Give us wisdom. (38 whoops) we burn here tobacco; may its smoke arise to thee. 
We have also offered another sacrifice. May its spirit arise to thee & be accept- 
able. (38 whoops) The wampum we send as our pledge of sincerity—(3 whoops) 
Great Spirit, Remember us. Great Spirit, Maker of us all, we have done— 

This is about the substance of the speech made upon the occasion—tenor of it 
is the same among the Iroquois so far as I have heard. I am unable to give you 
a minute description of each days performance, having never taken any notes,?! 
and can only relate from memory. The original custom of this festival was to 
burn two dogs. You know the clans among the Indians are divided into two 
classes, each styling the other ‘‘Cousins,”’ and it was the custom & still is among the 
Onondagas for each Class to provide and burn a dog. They meet in separate 
buildings & when they are burnt the two classes meet when the dogs are carried 
out together and burnt together.”2 

As to dreams, I know not whether they are confessed. During the New Years 
festival there is a great deal of dreaming & guessing of dreams. The ceremony 
is simply this. A person apparently dejected advances into the room & says 
will some one guess my dream. Each person guesses, & when anyone guesses 
the person responds & feels much pleased. A present is then made to the Dream- 
er, & in this way presents accumulate, out of which a dance is got up from the 
presents. As to the many speeches that are made at this festival, I cannot send 
them to you. My memory is not powerful enough to recollect them, so many 
and diversified are they in their nature—This part of your answer will therefor 
remain unanswered. 

I send you in this connection a thanksgiving speech published by Baron Le [sic] 
Hontan in his work. I have frequently heard the same sentiments and 1 
therefore have doubt but that it was used by the ancients. That portion however 
relating to enemies & huntsmen (?) are now omitted—‘“‘Great Spirit, Master of 
our lives, Great Spirit Master of all things visible and invisible. Great Spirit 
Master of the spirits whether good or evil—Command the good spirits to favor 
thy children. Command the Evil spirits to keep at a distance from them. 
O Great Spirit keep up the strength and courage of our warriors, that they may 
be able to stem the fury of our enemies. Preserve the old persons, whose bodies 
are not quite wasted that they may give counsel to the young. Preserve Our 
Children. Enlarge their number. Deliver them from Evil spirits to the end 
that they may prove our support and comfort. Preserve our parents and our 
beasts, if thou meanest that we should die of hunger. Take care of our villages, 
and guard our huntsmen in their hunting adventures. Deliver us from all fatal 
surprises when thou ceasest to vouchsafe us the light of the sun, which speaks 
thy grandeur and power. Acquaint us by the spirit of dreams, with that thy 
pleasure requires of us or prohibits us to do. When it pleases to put a period 
to our lives, send us to the great country of souls, where we may meet with 
those of our fathers, our mothers, our wives, our children, and our relatives, O, 
Great Spirit, Great Spirit, hear the voice of the nation. Give ear to all thy 
children and remember them at all times.’’ 


21 T have employed italics here, as in the preceding letter, for emphasis.—W. N. F. 

22 The Seneca and Onondaga clans are grouped into two phratries or moieties that perform reciprocal and 
complimentary ceremonial functions. 

23 Morgan, 1901, vol. 1, p. 192, says in a footnote, ‘‘For similar address in use among the Ottawas, see La 
Hontan’s North Am., Lond. Ed. 1735, V. ii, p. 34.” 


ANTHROP. PaP. NO.15] TONAWANDA CEREMONIES—-FENTON 157 


THE OLD RELIGION 


None of the 6 festivals were instituted by Handsome Lake, but he dedicated 
the Grand Religious and Thanksgiving dances particularly & peculiarly to the 
worship of the Great Spirit.” 

You say that under the old system the Great Spirit is not regarded as the maker 
of the world. This is very true and it is further true that the new system intro- 
duced by Handsome Lake does not make him the creator of the world. It only 
confirms the ancient system of theology respecting him.—That He is the Maker 
of man and all the animals, which man can make useful to him in any way, Also 
that He blessed & sanctified some of the fruits of trees to the palate of man— 
They hold further that the Evil Spirit made all poisonous animals and put 
poison into some herbs and fruits of trees—The entire system consists simply in 
this that the Great Spirit made all that is good and beautiful, and the Evil Spirit 
everything that is poisonous and deformed.—Further that the Great Spirit is 
now the ruler of all things. He wills everything to be done that is good for man.— 
I do not understand that the idea of future punishments & rewards was unknown 
to the old system. It is said to have been/was one of its principal features. 
What is called the new system is only a systematic collection of their ancient 
notions on these subjects, and was intended only to refresh the memories of all 
upon their respective duties to one another as members of one great family & of 
their obligations to their Creator.—This I gather from the sayings of Handsome 
Lake himself, from the sayings of old men, who were taught before Handsome 
Lake preached, and from all the early writers upon Iroquois customs religion &c, 
who are all agreed. 

The Seneca name for Evil Spirit is 1st Ha-ne-go-ate,-geh, meaning Evil mind- 
ed.—2. H§i,-nis-ha-o, noh—His satanic majesty. Ha, nis-na-o-noh, geh, Hell or 
the place of Evil Spirits—. 


THUNDERERS 


I cannot give you the information you require respecting the 4 spirits of 
Thunder. Iam not aware that they have separate names. Still they may have. 
The oldest spirit is chief, & they are not Gods, but deputies of the Great Spirit to 
rule & dispense rain, & destroy Evil Spirits. The youngest of them is said to 
have been the offspring of a girl who lived at Cayuga above Niagara Falls, & who 
at one time was lost for the term of one year, during which time she was inter- 
married with one of the thunderers. Their offspring was a boy, who being at one 
time ill treated refused to remain longer with his earthly relatives & so translated 
himself to the clouds & became a juvenile Thunderer—The relation the thunderers 
sustain to the Indian race & the designating title for them is Grand Parents.— 

The Iroquois do not pretend to have any other God than the Great Spirit. 
But there are many spirits, who are considered only as messengers & assistants. 


WITCHES 


The Indian notion of witches is very vague—But they are all agreed that such a 
thing as a witch exists, and they believe that the witch is human, either male or 
female & may be either young or old. By some means or other, yet unknown to 


2% Here, Ely refers to Grand Religious, really Great Feather (’osto’we’go’wa’’), and theso-called Thanks- 
giving Dance, literally skin drum head (gane’o’Q). Handsome Lake revised them, but they are oldenough 
to be included in the cosmologic legends (Hewitt, 1928, p. 559 ff.) 

For a treatment of the New Religion of Handsome Lake, see Morgan, 1901, vol. 1, pp. 217-248; Parker, 
1913; Spier, 1935. 


158 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (Burt. 128 


me & everybody else except witches, and hence their indefinite notions on witch- 
craft, a person becomes endowed with the power of doing evil, of destroying lives 
at their will and pleasure, by means of unseen poison—lt is said that there is a 
regular and ancient organization of these demons, & that they have a regular 
initiation and fee. The fee is the life of the nearest & dearest relative or friend of 
the candidate, and the deed of poisoning to be executed by the candidate upon the 
eve of admittance. This may or may not be all true, but such is the belief. A 
witch, it is said, can transform themselves into kind of an animal and assume 
their shapes & as soon as thought regain again the human shape. They can 
dwindle down to a mere fox, or assume the huge dimensions of the black Bear, or 
they can take unto themselves wings and go to distant lands. Now whether this 
be so or not is altogether immaterial for our purposes, it is sufficient for us that 
these are their notions & beliefs.—They believe it is an organization of the Evil 
minded one for there is no good in them, & therefore it was a capital crime for 
anyone to be convicted of being a witch, and any person is justifiable in killing a 
witch whenever they are found on their nightly demoniac excursions. 

I am not aware that the Senecas have any belief in any supernatural per- 
sonages.— 

Neither has it ever been pretended that anyone ever saw the Great Spirit. 


FAITHKEEPERS 


Your last inquiry respecting, Committees, Managers, & Prompters, I am wholly 
unable to answer. All I know is that they are elective & hold during the time 
they adhere to the faith—Their number is not definite or limited. Women can 
and must hold these offices as well as men.—They are called Ho.nun-de-unt. 
Literally the Keepers of the word or faith, because to them are entrusted the times 
of appointing extraordinary festivals & religious exercises; & upon the regular 
festivals they have all the responsibility upon them.— 

Now Lewis I have done. This will probably be unsatisfactory, but it is the 
best I can do for you.—I have made out to deceive myself and write more than I 
expected.—But I send you the whole as it is——The report I cannot send. It is 
very long & full & I have no time to copy it, & notwithstanding my promise, I do 
not feel disposed to copy it for anyone at present.—*% 


Iam &e Yours 
EE. S. ParKxer *6 


APPENDIX C 
THE TONAWANDA CEREMONIAL CYCLE 
A. TIME, DURATION, AND PURPOSE OF THE PERIODIC FESTIVALS 


I. Midwinter, or New Year Festival: Dream Feast (Jesuits). 
gani’*ya’so’, derangement. 
hodinaé’‘ya’s, they are deranged (P. Dr.).?” 
gaiwanosgwa’’go'wa’’, difficult proposition, riddle (P. Dr.); the 
difficult ritual (HS). 


38 Morgan has asked Ely for a copy of his report of the council, and the particular council is not clear from 
either letter; but Morgan’s journals contain complete speeches delivered at a council at Tonawanda in 
October 1848, which Morgan received from Ely S. Parker in 1850 (Gilchrist, 1936, vol. 1, No. 1, pp. 1-46). 
This appears in the League (vol. 1, p. 223 ff.). 

36 This sheet is signed ‘‘Ely S. Parker’’ in the right-hand margin. (See pl. 18.) 

2 Initials stand for various informants: P. Dr., Peter Doctor, Tonawanda; HS, Hanover Spring, Tona- 
wanda; NYSM, New York State Museum ms. by Nicholson Parker, circa 1850; Ch. B., Charles Blackchief, 
Tonawanda; HRE, Henry Red-Eye, Coldspring; and JJ, John Jimmerson, Coldspring. 


AnTuHRoP. PaP. NO.15] TONAWANDA CEREMONIES—FENTON 159 


yosha’se’, new year (P. Dr.). 
gand‘yusta‘, (NYSM). 

Time.—Five days after the new moon of nisgowakneh (late January— 
February). 

Duration.—Seven days. 

Purpose.—Renew ceremonial associations revealed in dreams, renew old 
dreams, reveal new dreams; return thanks to all spirit-forces. 

Feature.—Medicine Societies’ celebrations (Feast of Fools); White Dog 
Sacrifice. 

II. Maple Festival, or Sap Dance; thanks to the Maple. 

gahada otoddinonio‘, tree thanking (NYSM). 

wainontchiiskot, sap boiling (NYSM). 

e’notcisgo’’, sap boiling (Ch. B.). 

otadinonyo” ne’ wa’hda’, thanks to the Maple(Morgan, HRE, JJ). 

Time.—At Maple harvest (March 30, 1935). 

Duration.—One evening. 

Purpose.—Thanks to the Maple, the harbinger of spring. 

II a. Sun Shooting Ceremony: Thanks to the Sun. 

deodi’nonyo” ga’hgwa’’, they thank the Sun (Ch. B.). 

Time.—Occasionally in early spring (now obsolete). 

Duration.—One day. 

Purpose.—Dislodge frog that is retarding warm weather by engulfing 
the Sun; implore Sun to grow warm. 

Feature.—Shooting at Sun; Feather Dance in honor of Sun. 

III. Planting Festival, or Seed Dance: Soaking of the Seeds. 

waing’no¢g gwa’So’’, they-the-seeds-soak (Ch. B.). 
wadno‘nigwa sho't (NYSM). 
ayent wa ta (Morgan, 1901, p. 186). 

Time.— When the dogwood is in bloom, early in May (15, 1935). 

Duration.—One evening. 

Purpose.—Ask the Creator to bless seeds going into the earth (Morgan) ; 
appeal to Our-Life-Sustainers, the three sisters—corn, beans, squash; 
appeal to Thunderers to water the growing plants. 

Feature.—Morgan says (1901, p. 187) that tobacco burning invocation 
used in later days, but anciently only at three principal festivals: 
Green Corn, Harvest, New Year. 

III a. Corn Sprouting Rite (?). ‘‘Towiissas, an annual thanksgiving ceremony 
led by the women, in honor of the corn, beans, and squashes’ (NYSM, 
list of annual festivals (Seneca)). This ceremony, now part of the Green 
Corn Festival, was apparently performed periodically during the year 
by the women to stimulate their cultivated plants. It was probably 
associated with first and second hoeings, celebrated again at Green Corn, 
and finally at fall harvest. It is sometimes performed at midwinter. 

IV. Berry Festival, or Strawberry Dance: Dipping the berries. 

hanunda’ yo (Morgan). 
wainoda’' yo: they-berries-dip (in water) (Ch. B.). 
wanondagaet (NYSM). 

Time——When strawberries ripen in June; fifth day of berry moon 
(oya’ikneh). 

Duration.—One morning. 

Purpose.—First-fruits thanksgiving; first fruit to ripen on the earth 
(Morgan). 

Feature—Communion with berry juice. 


160 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bout 128 


IV a. Whortleberry Festival (Morgan, 1:190). 

Time.—Ripening of huckleberries, not annual (now obsolete). 

Duration.—One day (?). 

Purpose.—Return thanks for first fruits of the shrubs. 

IV b. Thunder Ceremony, or Rain Dance (Morgan, 1901, vol. 1, p. 188). 

Time.—In case of drought (July 10, 1936). 

Duration.—One evening. 

Purpose.—To invoke the Creator to send the Thunderers to water the 
wilted crops. 

Feature—Tobacco invocation and War Dance (Sioux Type) to the 
Thunderers (Morgan); confession of sins which withheld rain, Thanks- 
giving Dance and Personal Chant. 

V. Green Bean Festival, or String Bean Dance: Boiling string beans.”8 
: gowa’’seo’ (P. Dr.). 
waingdet{o re, (Ch. B.). 
wadnodetgowuhseoh (NYSM, in notes by HE. 8. Parker and N. 
Parker). 

Time.—When string beans ripen (July 30, 1934; August 6, 1935). 

Purpose.—Return thanks to Life-sustainers and make crops grow. 

Duration.—One evening. 

VI. Green Corn Festival, or Ingathering of Food. 
Fees aol *wels (P. Dr.) they-food-collect. 
kwe-k (Ch. B.) 
honodekweet (NYSM). 
AH-DAKE’-WA-O, a feast (Morgan). 

Time.—When the corn is in the milk (late August-September). 

Duration.—Four days, anciently (Morgan, 1901, vol. 1, p. 196); three 
days (1847), (Morgan); two mornings and one evening (1935, 1936). 

Purpose.—Thanks to Creator and Life-supporters that the crops have 
matured. 

VII. Harvest Festival, or Bread Dance: Boiling bread. 
waingti’hgo’’, they-bread-boil (Ch. B. and P. Dr.). 
Do-yo-nun-neo-qua-na Deoha’ko, thanks to Our Supporters 
(Morgan, 1901, vol. 1; p. 197). 
wanontekweet (NYSM). 

Time.—Late fall after gathering and storing crops for winter. 

Duration.—Four days (Morgan); one evening (1935). 

Purpose-—Return thanks to the Creator, his appointed ones, and Life- 
sustainers for a bountiful harvest. 

Feature.-—Council of Faith-keepers decides to hold the Midwinter 
Festival following their return from fall hunt. 


B. PERIODIC MEDICINE SOCIETY CURES AND RENEWALS 


I. False-face Society Visits. 
Time.—Early spring and late fall; also at midwinter. 
Duration.—One day. 
Purpose.—Drive sickness and disease from the settlements. 


28 Lacking at Coldspring and Newtown, but present at Onondaga and the Canadian longhouses; it is 
mentioned in notes by E. S. Parker and Nicholson Parker in the files of the New York State Museum at 


Albany. 


ANTHROP, Pap, No, 15] TONAWANDA CEREMONIES—FENTON 161 


II. Little Water Medicine Company Meetings. 
Time.—(1) Spring meeting, when berry moon is 5 days old (June); 
(2) autumn meeting, when moon of ge’okneh is 5 days old (in the 
middle of October) (October 19, 1936); (3) midwinter meeting, when 
the Medicine has been used since the fall meeting. 
Duration.—Throughout one night. 
Purpose.—Renew strength of the Little Water Medicine; rearrange the 
sacred bundles. 
Feature.—Fifth group of songs sung at fall meeting. 
III. Chanters for the Dead, ’Ohgi’we. 
Time.— Winter, about March (not regular—E. 8S. P. in NYSM). 
Duration.—One night until midnight or all night. 
Purpose.—Rest the souls of the departed, or the living who have 
dreamed of them. 
Feature.—Carry-out-the-kettle; a clockwise dance. 


C. COMPOSITION OF THE CEREMONIES 


I. Midwinter Ceremony. 

a. Preliminary Councils of Faithkeepers. 

(1) Senior lenghouse officers meet and appoint first meeting of Faith- 
keepers who meet at the same fireplace (Julia Peters’, January 
12, 1936) each year, to commence advancing the “‘head’’ (feast 
fund). Appoint collectors from each phratry. 

(2) Hear report of collectors. Appoint day to commence Five Pre- 
liminary Longhouse Councils to meet 2 days apart until fifth 
day of the new moon, when the Festival begins. (January 14, 
1936). 

(3) Council of Faith-keepers and Commoners convenes at house 
nearer longhouse (Wm. Gordon’s, January 16, 1936). Appoint 
day for Faithkeepers to sit in council opposite the Chiefs and 
present the ‘‘head’”’ to the Chiefs. 

(4) Chiefs meet Faith-keepers at house nearest longhouse (Sadie 
George’s, January 19, 1936). Sit spatially divided opposite 
each other. Faithkeeper presents ‘‘Head’”’ to Chiefs. Chief 
accepts. Chiefs instruct Faith-keepers, ‘‘Cut your firewood” 
(for the festival). Meet 2 days hence at noon at longhouse. 

b. Chiefs call Preliminary Longhouse Councils to determine the ‘“‘Uncles’”’— 

Heralds for the Festival. 

(1) Longhouse council when sun on meridian (January 21, 1936). 
Sachems ask: ‘‘Who has an old dream? Who has a new dream? 
Who has a white dog?” If no one replies, appoint 2 days later. 

(2) Question put before the Sachems (January 23, 1936). 

(3) Two days later, question put to Subchiefs. 

(4) Two days later, question put to Faith-keepers and the Common 
people (warriors). If no one volunteers, then they appoint two 
heralds. Other appointments for festival. 

Preliminary night—(January 28, 1936). Night watch of the Uncles. 
Gunshots at midnight, two shots at 3 a. m., three shots at dawn, then 
one, two, and three again. 

First day—The Uncles, ‘“‘the Bigheads,’”’ circuit houses announcing the 
Festival at 9 a. m., noon, and at dusk (January 29, 1936). 


20 There were but four meetings in 1936; informants hinted that there were sometimes five. 


162 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bown 128 


Second day.—Stirring Ashes rite, Dawn Song (January 30, 1936). The Way 
is open for the False Faces. Medicine Society rites; dream renewals 
commence. 

Third day.—Faith-keepers stir ashes; Dawn Song. Feather Dance. 
Thanksgiving Dance; ‘‘go around town” through the houses traversed 
by Uncles. 

Fourth day—Morning; Dawn Song (February 1, 1936). Bowl Game. 
Women’s Dance for the Life-Supporters; make the circuit of houses. 
Last day of dream derangement and fulfillment; and on into the night. 

Fifth day.—Big day at the longhouse (February 2, 1936). Morning: 
White Dog Sacrifice and Tobacco Offering; Personal Chant; Feather 
Dance; Thanksgiving Dance (gane’o’9) ends at noon. 

Sizth day—Peach Stone game at the longhouse (February 3, 1936). 
Pt. 2. Large rite of Personal Chant, terminates at noon. 

Seventh day.—Nothing during the day. Dance for Life-supporters 
(djghe’hgo) at night at the longhouse: (1) Women’s Dance; (2) Feather 
Dance; (3) Standing Quiver (Trotting) Dance; (4) Hand-in-hand Dance; 
(5) Traditional Women’s Dance for the food-spirits, ‘‘Our-life-support- 
ers.”’ 

Final dance for the False Faces and the Husk Faces on the Sunday night 
following the Festival at the longhouse (February 28, 1936). Thanksgiving 
(da’hg) and floor managers from each moiety: (1) Standing-quiver Dance; 
(2) Hand-in hand Dance; False Face rite for E. Hill, passage of Husk 
Faces; (3) Corn Dance; (4) Shaking-a-jug Dance; (5) Sharpening-a- 
stick Dance, feints at door by False Faces (incomplete). 

II. Maple Thanksgiving. General Thanksgiving. Tobacco burning invocation to 
the Maple. Bowl game between the sexes. Social dances: (1) Pidgeon 
Dance; (2) Quiver Dance; (3) Hand-in-hand Dance; (4) Women’s Dance; 
(5) Fish Dance; (6) Coon Dance; (7) Shaking-a-bush Dance, or Naked 
Dance; (8) Duck Dance. (Note that the Feather Dance is absent.) 

III. Planting Festival. (Same as last night of Midwinter Festival.) 

IV. Strawberry Festival. 

Time.—One morning until noon. 

Purpose.—Thanksgiving. 

Feature.—Feather Dance in costume. (Intermission during which four 
women who have been appointed pass berry juice. Individual partak- 
ing and thanksgiving.) Feather Dance in costume (second part) ; distri- 
bution of Feast. 

V. Green Bean Festival. (Same as seventh night of Midwinter and Planting.) 

VI. Green Corn Festival. Ostensibly similar to last 3 days of the Midwinter 

Festival, omitting the sacrifice of the White Dog. 

Duration:—Two to three days depending on whether the bowl game is 
finished. 

VII. Thanksgiving or Harvest Festival. (Same as seventh night of Midwinter.) 


AnTHROP, Pap. NO. 15] TONAWANDA CEREMONIES—-FENTON 163 


D. SPECIFIC RITES AND DANCES ARRANGED IN GROUPS 
ACCORDING TO FUNCTION 


Group I. Longhouse Celebrations. 
A. Rituals addressed to the Creator. 


1. Four Longhouse Rituals. Morgan’s list.30 
(1) Great Feather Dance. = om & f. 
(2) Thanksgiving Dance (gane’o’9). By 


(3) Bowl game. 
(4) Personal Chant (adg’ we’). 
2. Confession. 
3. Ashes Stirring Rite. 
4. Tobacco invocation over burning White Dog. 
B. Rituals addressed to the mid-Pantheon and indirectly to the Creator. 
1. gano’iowi ’ 
2. Thunder Rite (ado’’we’) and War-dance (wasa’’se). 
3. Sun Rite (occasionally War Dance, wasa’’se’ eni’’dje’). 
C. Rituals addressed to earth-bound spirits. 
1. At Tonawanda, the following ‘‘Four Ceremonies’”’ are addressed to 
“the-sisters-our-life-sustainers’’—the spirits of the corn, beans, 
and squashes, the tutelaries of agriculture: 


(1) Feather Dance. ee mee fe 
(2) ga’da’Sot, Standing-Quiver, or Trotting Dance. 4. m. & f. 
(3) Hand-in-hand Dance, symbolic of bean vines climb- 

ing corn. By sine eg Ne 
(4) Traditional Women’s Dance, the dance of the three 

sisters 16. T. 


The appeal of these rites extends through B to A. 
Group II. Medicine Society Rites, restricted to members, and addressed to 
spirit-forces on earth or above it. 


1. Bear Dance. 24. m. (& f. now) 
2. Buffalo Dance. Dee m. (& f. now) 
3. Eagle Dance. 27. m. 
4. False-face. 30. m. (& some 
rites f.) 

5. Husk Faces. ile m. 
6. The Little Water Medicine Company and 

yei’do’s. 
7. Otter. 
8. Changing Ribs and Quavering. 17 & 19. fe 
9. Dark Dance and Charm Holders. ie f. 
10. Chanters for the Dead. 15. li 
11. Carry out the Kettle. a; m. & f 


12. Four-nights ceremony (from Cayuga-Tute- 
lo) is celebrated by several families. 


30 The numbers at the right of the page indicate the place in Morgan’s list of dances; * stands for costumed 
rites; ‘‘m. & f.’’ for men and women participants. 


164 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [But 128 


Group III. Social Dances. 


1. Standing Quiver, or Trotting Dance. 4, m. & f. 
2. Hand-in-hand Dance. 3. m. & f. 
3. Women’s Dance, with ancient or modern 

songs. 16. i 

4. Fish Dance. : 8.31 m. & f. 
5. Coon Dance. m. & f. 
6. Dove, or Pigeon Dance. 12. m. & f. 

7. Corn Dance. 

8. Duck Dance. 11.30 & f. 
9. Chicken Dance. & f. 
10. Naked, or Shaking-a-bush Dance. 9. & f. 


11. Skin-beating Dance (Delaware). 

12. Sharpening-a-stick Dance. 

13. Robin Dance. 

14. Shaking-a-jug Dance (from Cattaraugus). 

15. Garter Dance (from Cattaraugus but 
known). 

16. Ancient, or Devil Dance (dji’haya’) (obso- 
lete). 6. m. &f. 

17. Grinding-an-arrow Dance (obsolete). 

18. Grinding-dishes Dance (employ wood rasp 
on a bench for resonator). (Morgan 
marked this obsolete.) 13. 

19. North Dance, or Cold Dance (obsolete). oe 

20. Knee-rattle Dance (still known). 14. 

21. Arm-shaking Dance (Morgan marked this 
obsolete. It is still performed by 
women) .®2 29. m. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 


BEBEBEE 
& 


B 
& 


BBB 
ge 


BEAUCHAMP, WILLIAM M. 

1891. Iroquois notes. Journ. Amer. Folk-Lore, vol. 4, pp. 39-46. 

1922. Iroquois folk lore. Onondaga Hist. Soc. Syracuse. 
CaswELu, Harriet S. 

c. 1892. Our life among the Iroquois Indians. Boston and Chicago, n. d. 
Frenton, WituraM N. 

1936. An outline of Seneca ceremonies at Coldspring Longhouse. Yale 
Univ. Publ. Anthrop., No. 9. 

GILCHRIST, DONALD B. 

1923. Lewis Henry Morgan: His gifts to the University of Rochester, and a 
bibliography of his works. Rochester Hist. Soc., Publ. Fund Ser., 
vol. 2, 19 pp. 

1936. Manuscript journals and record of Indian letters by Lewis Henry 
Morgan in the Rush Rhees Library. A descriptive table of contents. 
Univ. Rochester, 11 pp. 

GOLDENWEISER, ALEXANDER A. 
1913. On Iroquois work, 1912. Geol. Surv. Canada, summary rep. . . for 
. 1912, pp. 464-475. Ottawa. 


31 Morgan lists this as foreign in provenience, but it has long been an integral part of the dance programs. 

32 The rest of the items on Morgan’s list were not identified by my informants. Evidently some dances 
have appeared since his time, and some others have become obsolete. There is also a possibility that his 
terms are but synonyms in faulty phonetics for dances now known by other names so that my informants 
do not recognize them. 


Antunopr. Pap. No.15] TONAWANDA CEREMONIES—-FENTON 165 


Hewitt, J. N. B. 
1928. Iroquois cosmology: Second part. 48rd Ann. Rep. Bur. Amer. Ethnol., 
1925-26, pp. 449-819. 
Lowis, Rosert H. 

1915. Ceremonialism in North America. Jn Anthropology in North America, 

pp. 229-258. New York. 

1933. Queries. Amer. Anthrop., vol. 35, No. 2, pp. 288-296. 

1936. Lewis H. Morgan in historical perspective. Jn Essays in anthropology 

presented to A. L. Kroeber, pp. 169-181, Berkeley, Calif. 
MicHEtson, TRUMAN 
1930. Contributions to Fox ethnology—II. Bur. Amer. Ethnol. Bull. 95. 
Morean, Lewis H. 

Ms. L. H. Morgan to Ely [S. Parker]. Letter, Rush Rhees Lib., dated at 
Rochester, Jan. 29, 1850. 

Ms. Manuscript journals and record of Indian letters. See Gilchrist, Rush 

Rhees Lib., 6 vols. 
1852. Report on the fabrics, inventions, implements, and utensils of the 
Iroquois. Rep. N. Y. State Mus., pt. 5, for 1851, pp. 67-117. 
Albany. 
1901. League of the Ho-dé-no-sau-nee, or Iroquois. Edited by Herbert M. 
Lloyd. New York. 
Parker, ARTHUR C. 
1913. The code of Handsome Lake, the Seneca prophet. Bull. N. Y. State 
Mus., No. 163. Albany. 
1919. The life of General Ely 8. Parker. Buffalo Hist. Soc. Publ., vol. 23. 
Parker, Ety 8. 

Ms. Letter from Ely S. Parker to Lewis H. Morgan, Ellicottville, Feb. 12, 
1850, describing various Indian ceremonies. See Gilchrist, Morgan 
journals, vol. 1, No. 21, pp. 385-390, 8 in. X 12% in. 

REPORT OF SPECIAL COMMITTEE TO INVESTIGATE THE INDIAN PROBLEM OF THE 
State oF New York. 
1889. Albany. 
Speck, FRANK G. 
Ms. The Cayuga yearly ceremonial cycle, or ceremonial year. 
Spier, Les is. 
1935. The Prophet Dance of the Northwest and its derivatives: the source 
of the Ghost Dance. Gen. Ser. Anthrop., No. 1, Menasha, Wis. 
STERN, BERNHARD J. 
1928. Lewis Henry Morgan: American ethnologist. Social Forces, vol. 6 
No. 3, pp. 344-357, March. 
1931. Lewis Henry Morgan: Social evolutionist. Chicago. 
WIsSLER, CLARK 
1917. Comparative study of Pawnee and Blackfoot rituals. Proc. 19th Int. 
Congr. Amer., Washington, December 1915, pp. 335-339. 


218558—40——_12 


fo iy st OR 
} Kay (th; 
i, * ete is on eh tH ‘gis Giakea ry his CARA oh vals 
yaad A iy ot eg acai a abs ads Houari jE tobe 
Minas ie 1a wale Ree 
tty cae ipaewiee ae & ak we lowe ps PUG: anak 
rgoldqorst) iin ah avenallh aN \gw bos died abot at inate 
SEDs Vos Yeti ed risetnonal 4 martin Veh: 
* ra MY Vaal 
SONA al tet A tet: CT nlaintle toF a ee 

ee FRI WS ay A ey 
i i whl t Sains egret geidTond cee ny a | 4 ¥ +h ‘at TMS 
aoe. ye at ah ‘hab 

Mae teh tees * acratiet Bokial th Brood hua niAteTieng 

ngth Mele with obi O fi 
nt) Je dlewratu. de ae moroehiyin dG | hebidal, nth) aa 
CELSNO ROMER aad er eA tad te atu 

{ ‘ i Pat aA At ve 
JM droduoM ch hota, \wnion port ta, ooemtrgmon- iba mit ion 
BIN tot 


; 


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; ait vila ‘ Ph A. ait a 
BS May's eat Cope tart Wy hattotiivecre seas Ge qil Tot ths ae oh ik Te 


Af hed Ah Ax wale oman Te ha at aba wea t ‘4 vi at no z 
mse tol, waits tid REG cen eee ere sip pies 19: 

EES nhs CCE aio a tS eS Lin debate 
aH? Go MeatonT Witla wee yba ee D Cutie TUNG <a Y TAS 


eet 


1? t iwi Re 
eo THe daa aiotes vo aloe bales H 


ae ty D> tues : 
on OR IME! cow allay whl bie Jheveddin Vy entivhy. ocala dear 
OW Acti MT Oh .domiath,toF Ag |cona Yeonnh am 
CLEn Tt Lap nies 
0 tty nodte ll dnlonat Jaiofonyl roo endivaeg hs tena ie feday) ta | 
ira Ae Nise etree oF 

. MADE itictsvok rele ee eh aR da tettesinel 

rene i, oy. ‘ 

toh Hr! cee ookir ten iatS haa shawrat ha eGote wr beet 
q MED ARE NT NED qucbenpaet orgie «tebe va a 


po 
4 
ify 
i 
Daisy Hive Wi y 
‘ Ty tas 
” AL 4 
if 4 Abs weting 7) 
i VPRE ey dy nih 
f i % wean j 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 128 PLATE 9 


1. The longhouse and cookhouse. 


2. Indian youths reshingle the longhouse under National Youth Administration. 


TONAWANDA LONGHOUSE. 


Ol 


IVAILSS4 GagS YO 'ONILNV1d SHL LV ..SYSLSIS JAYHL,, JHL AO YONOH NI LSVa4 ALINDWWOD SHL Ae Vdadd SHAdsaayHHLIVA 


ALV1d 821 NILS311NaA ADOIONH LA NVDIYAWYV AO NVaYNa 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 128 PLATE 11 


THE MEN ASSIST THE WOMEN BY POUNDING CORN. 


AVAILSSA YALNIMGIW SHL ONIONNONNY ‘SASNOH AHL HONOYHL OD ‘SAVFHSIG AHL ‘SAIONN YNO 


el SLVdd 8¢el NILSTIine ASOTONHLA NVOIYMAWYV AO NVAYNEaA 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULCERDIM, 126 PLATE AS 


1. THE FALSE-FACE BEGGAR DANCERS VISIT A HOUSE ON SECOND NIGHT OF MID- 
WINTER FESTIVAL. 


2, 3. CHARLIE CHAPLIN AND THE DEVIL CAPTURE THE IMAGINATION OF THE 
CHILDREN. 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 128 PLATE 


GROUPS AND INDIVIDUALS STAGE IMPROMPTU DANCE CONTESTS. 


| OTE ym ew Sig - PIE TG 2 
Bee Or sey ey oe 17017 heaprroyy, ¢ 
AG My page mo erg peg ay grey fe gies “of xy 

a py oy of ~ hy SG IE Aone wen: meaty Ry 
ideltidiads Pp Spe re rt 5 yy 59°) Ve hay : 
my LI st 9 gna RY FORE] Fay ae 
We a ee ee 
yon omen Domo arn ee fee be gen be ey of mo 
wtag gb 9% Gy yop pr en me Saeco y 
Sl beg 0 wakes ven gop ef se asin Aa , 


seperti apy 


ADSONONH LA NVOIMAWY AO NVaynNa 


By Pt ye ry EG 9 He On, Oe 
> -. 
Re ee re ee 
Ve ay on tb NA ht, Fes dis eee mee ad 
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: RTS ay —y os 7 seg Aatogy VF oof 2? rf pom 
Wh! Sp Ip GED BO hd OE A PPA. ee 
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PO A Be rpg pee aap hang Ey ah oper ~—yyen © 
tc tt tyme ey any y vamp tif oy 2 enn 
“Spry "pyre ne ee A os som 90 ay a | eae: Ae YW ye x aerg ~* we 7 
ete of” SOY = naff rf ao 7 ee oy OW ih al 


ASOTIONHLA NVYOIMAWY AO NVvsayNa 


Seatac decinomisioroe Alario arto 

4 2 ‘ 

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.- dat the litiited a elite ite 


Zz era ce i gap 
nT ead adapta i ae 
wore dtd iit a I SOE | ae 


“AUNLVYNDIS 


ONIMOHS ‘OG8l ‘Zl AYUVNHESS ‘ATMALLOOINNIW LV NALLIYUM NVSYOW °H “7 OL YSaxMeVd SF WOYSF YSALLAT] AO ADVd LSV7] AO ATIWISOV4 


CN A IY 10 y ap Pavan | Wl yorr gre ety y COC OP 7 
tp 4 Cia las SAY ap foe i jg 4 “Ye J ay tg? yp 7 
DY CL Y 29 4 ogy CHO OOO GDP IP LAO IPT OD Cay 
RPA ee) regs {OTD ys Y L0 SRS org 2 “fof * RS 
Dey yf 01 Dy Uprylpean y Dri ms gs Yl g2°"PO"Y » 
| | ay A LLY PD Ye 909 7 by aR 
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| ie FZ GY IR. BA oR ge CT ay 
Pryor Oy. 790 yy Cho re yp Ty ry 1719 7K 19 hy oy 
Co eee 
whem Pe a sae TM? py en 
GL ale tage Si olorny (22 neg,“ Rei aa Let iG aren Ps, 
TR TL re meg ey log ES, bei ty 4 Ao? PY, s 
Ae ee 


81 ALW1d 821 NILATINGA 


ADOTIONHLA NVOIWAWY AO NVvaena 


SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION 
Bureau of American Ethnology 
Bulletin No. 128 


Anthropological Papers, No. 16 


The Quichua-Speaking Indians 
of the Province of Imbabura (Ecuador) 
and Their Anthropometric Relations With the Living 
Populations of the Andean Area 


By JOHN GILLIN 


167 


a} yt rd Oo ee my, Is “ Ny , Whi “a 


ae TONES Sipe 
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5 ‘ ‘ By, . \ 
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’ of I : 
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. ‘ . c 4 


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et | k ee ih vi antolbast Nae 


yj a A if i 
hi Nh, 7% ‘nvm netbeans } : i 


oO} Wid tb ae ane ditt fenkt ” 


anpibal Sinbalh a na vid oft | 

(iohsiad) savdadiush to youth vord are w ee 
entvant itty HOES (a5f sia: noqortiads 9 
ast nesbab. ot to anoissludod 


i Ca) 


‘ Pant an VL VROL YA) 


pe ee arm en 
panes abide 


i \, a 
7 


E | mp <i e 


CONTENTS 


Some aspects of the prehistory of the Province of Imbabura__-_______-_-_- 
Remeron anboropolopical work +. 3.1%) /th 6 
Comparison of results of anthropological work in Province of Imbabura with 

Bpposive series from outside the area. _._-.-.-_..-----2-- 1.22 oLL 
Det eeeriemrangeareeee rere st) A ANS BN CR I ANE et Vb 
Appendix. Tables of anthropometric measurements and physical obser- 

apna MARIS 2 ead Ys = ese Nate Uae, Se 2 ay! es ct 


ILLUSTRATIONS 


PLATES 
19. 1, General view of the village of Angachagua. 2, Houses and fields at 
[TE EL a SI, OE Sa Rd As NO ea Py 
20. 1, House at Angachagua. 2, Quichua Indian woman spinning wool, 
25 EG SCAU Re Sea a a i RN le aL UNI ANE Bee Cat 2 nae wl abe ret 
21. 1, Native Quichua Indians of Angachagua showing typical costume. 
2, Household utensils: pottery vesasels_28uo00 6 22. 2 ek Sek 
eae ences Of OLovaloveroup. 2. £.20y eee Soe kee ee ee 
PemTHOL AS ato, meat Opovalos. 222 220k be ede ee 


TEXT FIGURES 


Pearacdaetia HOUNe plans 2 Soo Eis Peer Se eee 
PEE CU PACHHmUMTOOR ramos. 201 3iult Sub heals sou e Min bes bese 


228 
228 
228 


228 
228 


173 
174 


% 


BT MALKOD 


(AEG 


ait 


ao at ae! SSnaEN Stig a 

AN or pet 

ey I ai ait } a _) 

ev) Rye pt Jin, ” ortiiica't mie Tes tonite HR MT toe , 
oh alan Laat , tae) 


Vile mtn) Operate if i th 


elke govgor iad to aay 


wen: LOD The SDI) ue ret i 
ony " : 
ipaifer Ted live choy bad 4 whats diivopitaatdin pfidonind lt ‘ua deta 
>t 7 + ee a ee Oe = 
thes ye: * 
Vas q Wren aol : r ae ee 
: CAOTTAR Pau er: a 
ip ¢ i i 
ROP ACES 7 
Mouhled boa woulolh & .mumertadtta to oeality. salt te why i 
Ja wh +h ; ae yey 
oe, iets ara fet? molging oe ‘aiphibohaaae ‘a 
“ASN ge 
aaniiitada’ Cunt yy maid de ‘AUYA hia) AA te onthe eu ohagy ye 
“aly ils Laken Ve Witiial ce i sanhiey/ pad Slade it 
oy hom olaroj te 
‘ 
eh OlGVOW) Then la eiiae 
rey che BB AB ER) WC Ral Ah OF it by 
OXI (ial eynot BE 


Av iy 
Hn 


_ sities? tore 


THE QUICHUA-SPEAKING INDIANS OF THE PROVINCE OF 
IMBABURA (ECUADOR) AND THEIR ANTHROPOMETRIC 
RELATIONS WITH THE LIVING POPULATIONS OF THE 
ANDEAN REGION 


By Joun GILLIN 


INTRODUCTION 


The writer and his wife visited the Province of Imbabura in Novem- 
ber 1934, on behalf of the Peabody Museum of Harvard University. 
A superficial survey of the culture was made, but the primary object 
of this visit was to obtain a series of anthropometric measurements 
and physical observations for the Indians of this region, which repre- 
sents the last conquest of the Incas toward the north. 

Measuring and observing were done at Otavalo, near the southern 
limit of the Province; San Roqué, lying on the western slope of 
Mount Imbabura about 7 miles northeast of Otavalo; Agato, a com- 
munity of free Indians about 6 miles south of Otavalo situated on the 
saddle which separates the basin of Otavalo from that of Lago de 
San Pablo; and Angachagua, a community of free Indians living in a 
closed valley at the foot of the Eastern Cordillera about 15 miles 
southeast of the city of Ibarra. The Indians of the first three locali- 
ties—Otavalo, San Roqué, and Agato—consider themselves more or less 
related and, consequently, in the discussion of their anthropometry 
will be treated as one group in distinction to those of Angachagua. 
According to available information, both verbal and published, these 
localities have been least subject to acculturation and least exposed to 
possible admixture with other stocks (Garces, 1932; Saenz, 1933, 
pp. 30 ff.). All individuals who admitted Negro or white ancestors 
or relatives, or for whom such were suggested by our informants, were 
eliminated from our series after measurement. Only seven such 
doubtful subjects appeared. Furthermore, adult males only were 
selected, cripples and other deformed persons being eliminated. Such 
deformities included two acromegalic giants. Otherwise no selection 
was practised. 

A total of 134 individuals was measured and observed, including 
108 from Otavalo and associated localities, and 26 from Angachagua. 

The writer is indebted in the following quarters and hereby wishes, 
even if inadequately, to express his gratitude to Prof. E. A. Hooton 

171 


172 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buxx. 128 


of Harvard University, who advised and counselled him in all phases 
of this work and who placed the facilities of the Harvard Anthropo- 
metric Laboratory at his disposal; the Peabody Museum of Harvard 
University, which financed the expedition, and Mr. Donald Scott, 
Director; the Government of Ecuador and particularly Dr. Louis 
Alfonso Merlo, formerly Governor of the Province of Imbabura, who 
extended the expedition many favors which facilitated its efforts; Mr. 
Matthew W. Stirling, Chief of the Bureau of American Ethnology, 
who has undertaken the supervision of the publication of this paper 
by the Bureau over which he presides; and the writer’s wife who 
contributed not only her presence but also her energy as recorder 
and assistant. 

It is now proposed (1) to tell something of the present mode of life 
of the Indians; (2) to review pertinent facts from the prehistory of the 
region in an effort to establish the antecedents of the population under 
discussion; (3) to present and analyze the results of the anthropological 
work; (4) to compare these results with apposite series from outside 
the area; and (5) to present such conclusions as may result from the 
facts. 

PRESENT MODE OF LIFE 


Each community of Iadians in the district is an ethnic group which 
possesses certain details of culture distinguishing it from other villages. 
For instance, the form of the large saucer-shaped felt hats worn by 
both men and women is a common feature of village identification 
(Garces, 1932; Saenz, 1933, pp. 30 ff.). Except for such minor dis- 
tinctions, however, the culture of the region is essentially of one 
pattern. 

The Indians are divided into two categories as regards social and 
economic position in the eyes of the law: (1) Those who own the 
plots of ground which they work and who are called ‘‘free’’ Indians; 
(2) those who live as tenant farmers on the lands of an hacienda, 
obtaining the use of a plot of ground in exchange for a specified 
number of days’ work each week on the lands of the patrén. The 
modes of life of these two types are not essentially dissimiliar except 
that the free Indians tend to be much more independent in their 
political and economic activities. 

Maize, barley, wheat, quinoa, potatoes, lentils, and beans are the 
principal vegetable crops, although many others are occasionally 
grown. The fields are cultivated by hand with wooden spades and 
sometimes with iron hoes. Mutton, guinea pigs, and, occasionally, 
wild rabbits contribute to the meat diet. Practically all of the fields, 
which are seldom larger than an acre, are irrigated with water which 
is brought from the mountain streams in ditches constructed by the 
community as a whole. Domestic animals consist of sheep, goats, 


Anturor. Pap. No. 16] QUICHUA-SPEAKING INDIANS—GILLIN Ae 


guinea pigs (which are usually kept in the houses), dogs, chickens, and, 
more rarely, asses and horses. 

The latter are not plentiful among the Indians and are generally 
used for carrying loads rather than persons. The majority of persons 
depend upon the strength of their own backs for the transportation of 
goods. 

The houses are built of wattle covered with mud, giving an external 
appearance of adobe construction and have gabled or four-sided 
pitched roofs with ridge poles. They are thatched with pdéramo 


foe mee ee aa ow 
S 
presse sse2ce= 
hee ew ewe oem awe 
eww ww remem me 


t 
i] 
4 
i] 
t] 
1 
4 
( 
‘ 
i] 
6 
ae 


FiagurE 1.—Angachagua house plan. 


A, Wood storeroom; B, open porch; C, wooden bed covered with mat of twilled leaves; D, loft for storage; 
E, rack for storing bags of wool and baskets. 


erass. Each house is, as a rule, occupied by one family. The 
dwellings are usually grouped into communities, but they are not 
situated closely together because each is surrounded by its fields. 
Associated with the house is usually a kitchen, built on somewhat the 
same plan, while two or three houses share a large free-standing oven 
made of clay. In the center of each community is a plaza where is 
situated the church and the office of the aleade (appointed by the 
government and usually a literate Indian), and from this center the 
houses of the community spread out over the cultivated lands to a 
radius of a mile or two. Beyond the cultivated lands, on the slopes 
of the nearby mountains, are the community grazing grounds. 
Figure 1 is a diagram indicating the plan of a typical house and 


174 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buun, 128 


the uses to which the various parts are put. Figure 2 shows the 
construction of the roof frame. A group of four or five houses usually 
shares a watering hole and laundering place at one of the neighboring 
streams. In plates 19 to 21 are shown views of the houses and their 
furnishings. Physical types of the Indians of the Otovalo group 
and of Agato are shown in plates 22 to 29. 

Clothes are woven at home from home-spun and home-woven 
wool and cotton. The costume of both men and women includes the 
large, platter-shaped felt hats which are made by specialists. Women 
wear blouses embroidered with colors, full colored skirts, bright sashes, 
and woolen shawls, as well as brass and silver rings and many strings 


INTERIOR 
BRACE 
RAFTERS 


RID GE 
POLE 


STRINGER 


§ z 
= 


Figure 2.—Angachagua roof frame. 


of gold or brass beads around the neck. Men wear loin cloths, 
shirts, pantaloons reaching to the calf, and ponchos. The clothing 
of both sexes is highly colorful and minor details of pattern differ 
according to the locality. Green dyes are made by mixing quillo 
and alpapoca plant juices. Most of the other colors are bought at 
the weekly markets, which move on a circuit and form the most 
important institution for the exchange of goods. 

All the people are nominally Catholics, although many survivals 
of ancient superstition remain. The aboriginal social organization 
seems to be submerged almost entirely. 

The language is a dialect of Quichua which is said to differ somewhat 
from that of Quito. In fact, the Angachagua dialect is in some 
respects different from that of Otavalo. The Quichua of the region 
contains a good many more or less modified Spanish words, but few 


AntHrop. Pap, No. 16] QUICHUA-SPEAKING INDIANS—GILLIN yD 


Indians are able to speak Spanish as such at all, and it is very unusual 
to find one who can speak it either fluently or grammatically. 

As Jijén says (1920, p. 103), the people are living in much the 
same condition as they probably were at the arrival of the Spaniards, 
except for the introduction of iron, certain domestic animals and 
their products, the Catholic religion, and European political control. 
Of these it seems that the latter has had the most profound influence, 
because the political and economic life has been much more seriously 
disrupted than the material culture. 


SOME ASPECTS OF THE PREHISTORY OF THE PROVINCE 
OF IMBABURA 


Before considering the anthropometric work it seems necessary to 
consider what is known concerning the history and prehistory of the 
region, since, to a certain extent, the significance of our findings 
depends upon the proper identification of the people we are studying. 

The people speak Quichua—are they predominately of Incaic 
or Peruvian blood; or, if not, what elements may have gone into 
their physical make-up? To shed some light on this question a 
survey of the literature has been made and the evidence will be 
summarized under the following heads: (1) Historical-traditional, 
(2) archeological, (3) linguistic. The physical evidence will be 
deferred to the fourth section after presenting the results of our own 
anthropometric investigation. 

The present Province of Imbabura had been conquered by the 
Inca Huayna Capac some 70 years previous to the arrival of the 
Spaniards (Reyes, 1934, p. 26) and the traditions of the previous 
sovereigns were extant in the time of the chroniclers who followed the 
European invaders. Before the coming of the Incas, therefore, 
this region, according to Velasco (1841-44, vol. 2, pp. 4 ff.), was 
occupied by the tribe of the Caras. They lived in the interandine 
valley in what is now the major part of the Province of Imbabura. 
Their territory was bounded on the north by the Rio Chota, which 
separated them from the Tucano-speaking Pastos. On the west 
beyond the cordillera, lived the Barbacoas, and east of the region 
on the Amazonian side of the mountains, were the Cofanes and the 
Quijos. The Cara had extended their dominion over the Canaris 
probably south of Riobamba (Velasco, 1841-44, vol. 2, p. 6), although 
Rivet regards 0/31” south as the southern limit of their effectual 
distribution, because of the absence of place names with the Cara 
ending, -pi, beyond this parallel. We are told that the tola burial 
mounds, associated with the Cara culture, are not found south of the 
Rio Guallabamba (Verneau and Rivet, 1912 and 1922, vol. 6, p. 15), 
and Cieza de Leén (1853, p. 392) reports that south of this river a 


176 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buxy,. 128 


different language was spoken in the villages of Panzaleo and Ma- 
chachi. There is thus some disagreement as to how far south the 
Cara occupation extended, but all reports point to the fact that they 
did occupy the Province of Imbabura. 

In 1582 the villages inhabited by Indians in the region of Otavalo 
were enumerated by the local Spanish administrator who gave the 
Indian population of his district, which is roughly the southern two- 
thirds of the present Province of Imbabura, as 11,252 souls (Ponce de 
Léon, 1881-97, vol. 3, p. 111). 

According to Velasco (1841-44, vol. 2, pp. 2-9), the Caras were 
invaders who arrived in Manabi on the Pacific coast of Ecuador on 
large rafts, coming from the west. They first occupied the region 
between the Bay of Charapoté and the Cape of San Francisco, and 
founded a village, or town, named Caraques. They later migrated 
along the coast toward the north, because increase of population and 
dissatisfaction with the tropical climate demanded territorial expan- 
sion. They discovered the mouth of the Rio Esmeraldas and an easy 
way into the interior by ascending the river. 

About A. D. 980 the Caras found themselves far up the Rio Blanco, 
a tributary of the Esmeraldas, on the slopes of Mount Pichincha 
(Means, 1931, p. 147). After establishing themselves in the Otavalo 
region, they moved south under the leadership of the Scyri (meaning 
chief, or king) and conquered the so-called Kingdom of Quitu, which 
was apparently a loose confederation of rather low-cultured tribes or 
eroups established very anciently in the region surrounding the present 
city of Quito. 

The earliest conquests of the Caras, according to Velasco, lay north 
of Quito and included Cayambe, Otavalo, and Tusa (modern San 
Gabriel). The seventh Scyri extended the conquests south of Quito, 
conquering the present Province of Latacunga with little difficulty. 
Attempts to subdue the warlike tribe of Puruha, whose capital was 
Riobamba, were unsuccessful and finally a friendly alliance was 
made with this power. The eleventh Scyri, however, managed to 
arrange a marriage between his only child, a daughter named Toa, 
and the heir of the Puruha line, named Duchicela. Thus the Caras 
came into possession of the Puruha territory by marriage about the 
year 1300, continuing a peaceful expansion by making alliances with 
the Cafiar and other tribes farther to the south in order to resist the 
expanding power of the Incas. The Cara period came to an end about 
1450 when the Inca Tupac Yupanqui began his successful campaigns 
against the southern allies of the Scyri. 

This account of Velasco has been accepted by Means (1931, p. 125), 
Gonzalez Suarez (1890-1903, vol. 1, chap. 1), and Verneau and Rivet 
(1912 and 1922, vol. 6, pp. 14-21), among others. The authenticity 
of the chronicler has been attacked principally by Jijén y Caamafo. 


ANTHROP. Pap. No. 16] QUICHUA-SPEAKING INDIANS—GILLIN 177 


Although there seems to be good reason to doubt some of the details 
of Velasco’s account of the Cara movements and political organiza- 
tion, there are, on the other hand, valid linguistic and archeological 
grounds for believing that the plateaux of Imbabura were populated 
by a people from the coast several hundred years before the Inca 
invasion. 

The culture of the Caras, mostly on the authority of Velasco, may 
be summarized briefly as follows: Clothing consisted of a large cloth 
draped over the shoulders and held with a sash around the waist. 
The weaving of cotton and wool, as well as the tanning of hides, was 
well known. Houses were small and round, of wattle covered with 
mud, and with roofs thatched with pdiramo grass on wooden frames. 
Principal foods consisted of maize, beans, potatoes, camotes, rabbits, 
quina, and a plant called huacamullu. The tribes in the valleys of 
Quilca and Pimampiro cultivated coca, which they traded to neigh- 
boring groups at a profit which gave them a higher standard of living 
than the others. 

Cultivation of the fields was performed with a sort of wooden dig- 
ging stick. Llamas were raised, but the meat was eaten by chiefs 
only. Arms consisted of the javelin which was used with a throwing 
stick, lance, and sling. Stones were used for axes and clubs. The 
people were very warlike, and in order to secure their victories, con- 
structed fortresses in conquered provinces in the form of quadrangular 
terraplanes of three or four stages, with palisades in which were 
located structures housing the store of arms. Near the forts were 
villages where the officers and chiefs of the Province lived. They 
used a war drum of cylindrical shape made from a single hollowed 
piece of wood and provided with ears at each end for suspension. In 
burying the dead, they first stretched the body on the ground at some 
distance from the house and surrounded it with the jewels and arms 
of the deceased. Then they raised around it a wall of rough stones, 
the nearest relatives having the privilege of placing the first stones. 
These structures are known as folas. 

The king’s graves were provided with a circular stone chamber with 
pyramidal stone roof and a door opening toward the east, which was 
opened only for the interment of a new corpse. ‘The bodies of the 
kings were “embalmed,” clothed in the royal insignia, and placed in 
a sitting position around the wall of the chamber. 

The Caras are said to have worshipped the sun and the moon, and 
to have venerated the two heroes Pacha and Eacha. The temple of 
the sun was on the Panecillo, an artificial (?) hill to the south of Quito. 
The temple was quadrangular in form, constructed of well-cut stone, 
with a pyramidal roof and a door facing the east. Inside was only an 
image of the sun in gold. On each side of the door were two columns 
which served as gnomons for observation of the solstices, and around 


178 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buw. 128 


the building was a circle of 12 columns, indicating the position of their 
shadows at the beginning of each month. Offerings to the sun con- 
sisted mostly of perfumes, resins, fruits, and animals. The temples 
of the moon were situated on a hill at the opposite end of the city to 
the north. It was of circular form with round windows, and in the 
center a silver image of the moon. Above the moon hung a piece 
of blue cotton cloth representing the sky in which were fixed silver 
stars. The first day of each lunar month was consecrated to this 
divinity. 

The foregoing is Velasco’s account of the Cara religion, but other 
sources mention such customs as the worship of pumas and large 
snakes, which we may assume represented the more primitive aspect 
of Cara religion.! 

Verneau and Rivet say ‘‘the sun cult seems to be of Peruvian origin as 
Cieza de Leén declares it to be in the case of the tribes of Chillo and 
Alangasi (near Quito). Before the coming of the Incas the Caras 
adored the sky, the high and snowy mountains, where they went under 
the conduct of their priests to carry sacrifices and offerings when they 
wished to obtain divine favors. The indigenes of Pimampiro and 
Chapi had wooden and stone representations of their gods to which 
they offered white maize, chicha, and coca” (Verneau and Rivet, 1912 
and 1922, vol. 6, p. 19). 

The political organization, according to Velasco, was a centralized 
aristocratic monarchy consisting of three classes—the Scyris or kings 
the nobles, and the commoners. The power of the kings, as well as 
that of the nobles, was inherited by sons to the exclusion of daughters, 
and in default of sons the title passed to the son of the ruler’s sister’ 
The new king did not take power until recognized by an assembly of 
the nobles who, if they considered him unworthy, appointed one of 
their number to take his place. This assembly, together with the 
king, decided all questions of general interest and particularly those 
relating to war. Each social class had its special insignia. All those 
capable of bearing arms wore a feather crown with a single row of 
feathers. Nobles’ crowns had two rows of feathers. The king wore 
the latter type, decorated with a large emerald suspended in the center 
of the forehead. Real and personal property were both inherited. 

The Scyri had only one wife, but many concubines, a privilege 
which was allowed the nobles. Polygamy was prohibited for the 
common people but divorce was easy and frequent. 

The Caras were known to be very good lapidaries, especially 
skillful in cutting emeralds. 

Although they had no writing, they possessed a form of annotation 
of events and accounts which consisted of placing in compartments of 


1 For summaries of Cara culture, see Verneau and Rivet, 1912 and 1922, vol. 6, pp. 20 ff., Means, 1931, pp. 
145-155, Gonz&lez Suarez, 1890-1903, vol. 1, pp. 86 ff.; for original source, see Velasco, 1841-44, vol. 2, pp. 393 ff. 


AnruropP. Pap, No. 16] QUICHUA-SPEAKING INDIANS—GILLIN 179 


wood, clay, or stone little pieces of stone of different colors and forms. 
These records were kept in the temples. 

So much for a rapid sketch of the Cara culture at the time of 
the Spanish conquest, as reported by Velasco. Many features sug- 
gesting Peruvian influence on a substratum of independent culture 
will be at once recognized. From our point of view it is important 
to remember this Peruvian influence because it may indicate the 
possibility of the infusion of Peruvian blood as well. Other evidence 
also speaks for such admixture. 

The resistance offered by the Cara tribes to the Inca conquest 
in the present Province of Imbabura was very fierce, and they suc- 
ceeded in holding their own against the Peruvian armies for at least 
17 years. In this struggle the people of Cayambe, Pifo, Otavalo, 
Cochasqui, and Caranqui were especially active, and they were only 
defeated in the end by a stratagem which resulted, as Cieza de Leén 
tells us (1853, pp. 255-260), in the slaughter of all the able-bodied 
men at Yaguarcocha (Quichua: Lake of Blood), some 5 miles north 
of the present town of Ibarra. The survivors were called Huam- 
bracunas, meaning “‘children.’”’ If this account is true, a large part 
of the Cara blood of the Province was wiped out about 1467. 

After the massacre, Huayna Capac is said to have repeopled the 
Province with mitimaes sent from Peru (Cieza de Leén, 1853, p. 258). 
Unfortunately, we do not know from precisely which part of Peru 
these colonists came, but Verneau and Rivet (1912 and 1922, vol. 6, 
p. 21) on the authority of a reference the writer has not been able to 
check, mention that the village of Zambiza, situated across a mountain 
spur some 10 miles to the northeast of Quito, was entirely peopled 
by Indians sent from the boundary between Peru and Bolivia. 

A review of the historical material, therefore, tells us of at least 
three physical strains which may be involved in the present popula- 
tion of Imbabura: (1) The first inhabitants of which we know 
anything, called Quitus by Velasco, the people who were inhabiting 
the plateau at the time of the Cara invasion; (2) the Caras, coming 
from the coast and probably possessing blood foreign to the territory 
of Ecuador, if the tradition of their arrival from overseas on rafts 
is to be taken seriously; (3) Peruvians of uncertain physical type, 
who came in as soldiers and colonists at the time of the Inca conquest. 
Let us see what light the other lines of evidence may throw on the 
problem. 

Jij6n (1920, pp. 103-105) summarizes the succession of cultures in 
Imbabura as follows: (1) Painted-vase period, which is earliest, 
characterized by painted vases of one or two colors on a clear ground; ” 
(2) well-grave period, in which bodies are buried in lateral gallery at 


2 The author says that they are possibly associated with burials in wells under ¢olas, although this seems 
doubtful on the evidence which he presents. 


180 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 28 


the base of a well 2 to 4 meters deep; (3) Yola period, which the 
author and others have proved to precede the Inca period (Verneau 
and Rivet, 1912 and 1922, p. 125; von Buchwald, 1909, p. 156); (4) 
the Inca period, which in Imbabura was neither— 

very durable nor very intense. In those places like Caraqui in which the Inca 
founded stable cities the people were made vassals. In other parts of the terri- 
tory the Inca influence was confined to numerous intrenched camps and the 
leaving of vases, while aboriginal life went on side by side with the Peruvian. 
[Jij6n, 1920, p. 105.] 

In another work, Jijén (1930) has given a general chronology for the 
pleateau part of Ecuador, based principally on the stratified site of 
San Sabastian near the town of Guano in the Province of Cotopaxi. 
The succession of cultures, beginning with the oldest, is as follows: 
(1) Proto-Panzaleo I, wavy, comb-made figures incised on pottery, 
?—200 B. C.; (2) Proto-Panzaleo II, large decorative motifs on pot- 
tery in negative painting, 200 B. C.—0; (3) Tuncahuan, pottery decora- 
tion consisting of negative and over-painting, A. D. 0-750; (4) Guano, 
pottery showing influence of Tiahuanaco, A. D. 755-850; (5) Elenpata, 
very stylized, small motifs of textile aspect in negative technique, 
common to Manta style of same date, A. D. 850-1300; (6) Huavalac, 
applied faces with bent noses, engraved figures, and remains of nega- 
tive painting of the preceeding period, A. D. 1300-1450; (7) Puruha- 
incaico and Inca, 1450-1532. 

The significance of this for us, lies in Jijén’s views concerning the 
foreign affiliations of these cultures, which he supports with a thorough 
study of comparative material. According to him, a primitive popu- 
lation, like that of the Fuegians or the ancient fishermen of Africa, 
was succeeded by another which was represented by the diffusion of 
an archaic culture element somewhat like that of the Valley of Mexico, 
and here represented by Proto-Panzaleo I. This archaic culture was 
followed by new cultural waves connected with the southern advance 
of the Chorotegas before 100 B. C. and represented in Ecuador by 
Proto-Panzaleo II. This culture was, in turn, followed by yet another 
wave of Chorotegan influence (Tuncahuan) which was already in- 
fluenced by the art of the old Maya Empire. The latter wave of 
culture was met by and blended with a wave of Tiahuanaco influence 
from Peru, represented by Jijén’s Guano. Jijén claims that Proto- 
Panzaleo II and the Guano types have been found in the Province of 
Imbabura, thereby indicating early intrusions of culture, and possibly 
of peoples, first from the Chorotegan area and, secondly, from 
Bolivia and Peru. 

Without repudiating the existence and direction of foreign influ- 
ences, Means has criticized Jijén’s succession of cultures as failing— 


to show the existence of any vivid and deep-reaching contrast between the various 
types. It is quite possible to lump all his types together and say they represent 


AnTHRoP. Par, No. 16] QUICHUA-SPEAKING INDIANS—GILLIN 181 


merely a culture which, beginning as a low archaic culture (an integral part of 
that so widespread in Central and South America), gradually worked its way up 
through the various grades of the archaic stage until it attained a stage which, 
though preserving traces of archism (in modelled human faces particularly), was, 
nevertheless, on a par with Tianhuanco II art in its later years and, like it, was 
possessed of a metallurgic art. Throughout all this long and gradual upward 
climb, influences were received far more constantly from the north, i. e., from 
Colombia and Central America, than they were from the south. Nevertheless, 
there are clear evidences of influences of an aesthetic sort derived from Tiahuanaco 
II art toward the end of its career. [Means, 1931, pp. 158-159]. 

In going through the literature, the writer has been able to find no 
evidence that an extensive migration accompanied the Tiahuanaco 
cultural influences from the south, and, since the latter occur with 
some scarcity in Imbabura, we may conclude for the time being that 
little infusion of Peruvian or Bolivian blood took place prior to the 
Inca invasion. There is more to be said, however, for both cultural 
and physical connection with the north. 

Gonzalez Suarez was of the belief that the Caribs exercised a strong 
early influence in Imbabura, basing his belief on finds of occasional 
urn burials, which he apparently considered to be a Carib trait. 
Verneau and Rivet (1912 and 1922, vol. 6, p. 127), however, con- 
sider these interandiane urn burials to be diffusions from the coast, 
where such finds have been recovered as far south as central Peru. 
It is also claimed, on what seems to be rather insufficient evidence to 
date, that certain names, such as Imbabura, Cayambe, and Cotopaxi, 
are of Carib origin. One should not say, however, that there has 
been no Amazonian influence on the Plateau. 

Uhle (1922, pp. 205 ff.; 1932) has summarized the archeological 
evidence and has made out a good ease for the presence of strong 
Central American influence both on the coast and in the highlands, 
including Imbabura. This view is, the writer believes, accepted by 
most students of the subject (Means, 1921; Jijén, 1930, etc.), although 
Dr. Samuel Lothrop says that recent finds of Ecuadoran material 
in Nicaragua show that the cultural movement was not all in one 
direction. 

Let us now return to Velasco’s story of the Cara invasion of Imba- 
bura via the Rio Esmeraldas and see what archeological evidence 
exists in support of it. 

Jij6n has summarized three facts which indicate, at least, that the 
pre-Inca inhabitants of Imbabura must have come from a forested 
region with a climate different from that of Imbabura, presumably a 
tropical forest region, since the nearest temperate forest is some 1,500 
miles away in Chile (Jijén, 1920, pp. 117-120). These three indica- 
tions are as follows, according to Jijén: 

1. According to early accounts, the fort erected by the Caranquis 
for the defense of Yaguarcocha was made of wooden palisades 

218558—40——13 


182 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [But. 128 


indicating an origin in a country where trees were plentiful. Except 
at. Yaguarcocha there is no other locality in Imbabura where it is 
possible to obtain trees for this purpose. 

2. The Caranquis used rafts on Yaguarcocha and the Lago de San 
Pablo, the only two lakes of any size in the region. These lakes, 
however, contain no fish and are too small to necessitate building 
rafts to cross them rather than walking around. 

3. The house construction, depending on much use of wood is more 
appropriate to forested regions than to Imbabura. 

The closest tropical forests are those of the Amazon valley and 
those of the Ecuadoran coast. Since the cultural elements in question 
are more like those of the latter region than the former, Jijén assumes 
that their presence among the Caras indicates a migration from the 
coast. 

In addition to these facts, we may mention that the counting 
devices mentioned by Velasco have actually been found in strata 
immediately preceding the Inca (Verneau and Rivet, 1912 and 1922, 
pl. 15; Means, 1931, p. 168) and tolas are found in Manta and Esmer- 
aldas which resemble those in Imbabura and also those described by 
Velasco. Further finds by Saville on the coast have been assigned 
to the Caras. There is, then, a strong presumption in favor of Velas- 
co’s account of an actual invasion from the coast. Furthermore, as 
we have said, there is good reason to believe that these people who 
came from the coast originally hailed from Central America. (See 
Gillin, 1936, p. 549, for short bibliography of coastal archeological 
finds attributed to the Caras.) 

The language of the Caras is completely extinct except for 10 place 
names and their meanings. Say Verneau and Rivet (1912 and 1922, 
vol 6, p. 20): 
insufficient as they are, their study has permitted the recognition in two of these 
names of a root belonging without doubt to the language of the Barbacoa Indians 
who lived on the western slope of the cordillera and who themselves belonged to 
a Chibcha stock. There is every reason to believe that the language spoken by 
the ancient inhabitants of the region was a Barbacoan (i. e., Chibchan) dialect. 
Beuchat and Rivet have established the fact that the three languages 
formerly known as Barbacoa, Paniquita, and Coconuco of the Ecua- 
doran and Colombian coasts all belong to the Chibchan stock. It 
also seems probable that the Chibcha languages were at some time 
spoken as far north as the frontier between Nicaragua and Costa 
Rica. 

This summary of background material has been made by way of 
uncovering clues regarding the antecedents of the present inhabitants 
of Imbabura. On the basis of this material we may say that the 
Imbabura population may be composed of the following strains: 


Anrurop. Par, No. 16] QUICHUA-SPEAKING INDIANS—GILLIN 183 


(1) A very ancient aboriginal element; (2) a coastal element which 
possibly came to the Eucadoran coast from Central America or at 
least from the north; (3) possibly some Amazonian elements, although 
the linguistic, archeological and historical evidence is largely silent 
with respect to them; (4) a Peruvian factor which might have been 
introduced as a result of the Inca conquest; and (5) possibly some 
white admixture acquired since the Spanish conquest, although 
records of such miscegenation are lacking. We shall now consider 
the physical characteristics of the Indians actually studied. It 
should be understood, of course, that our use of the word ‘‘strain”’ 
here signifies only population elements derived from external geo- 
eraphical regions and does not necessarily imply major ‘racial’ 
distinctions. 


RESULTS OF ANTHROPOLOGICAL WORK 


In table 1 are given the statistical results of the measurements of all 
the Imbabura Indians studied. Attention may be called to a few of 
the more important features of the group as a whole. The mean 
stature of 156.48 centimeters places the group within the range of the 
“short”? portion of the human species (Martin, 1928, vol. 1, p. 246). 
With a mean cephalic index of 80.04, these Indians are on the average 
mesocephalic. The hypsicephalic mean length-height index of 72.44 
and the acrocephalic breadth-height index of 90.26 indicate that the 
typical head is quite high relative to either the length or the breadth. 

The typical face is of medium length relative to its breadth as shown 
by the mesoprosopic mean total facial index of 84, while the upper 
face is relatively somewhat broader with a euryene mean upper 
facial index of 47.54. The nose is of medium width compared with 
its height as indicated by the mesorrhine mean nasal index of 72.34. 

The shoulders (biacromial width) are 23.12 percent of the stature, 
The average chest is 78.58 percent as deep as it is wide. The relative 
sitting height is 52.6 percent. The forehead is narrow in comparison 
with the head, the fronto-parietal index being 70.12, but the head 
itself is very nearly as broad as the face, as shown by the mean cephalo- 
facial index of 96.71. 

All the bodily and cephalic measurements fall within the small or 
medium ranges of the human species, with the exception of the head 
height, which is fairly large.‘ 

In table 2 are the results of the morphological observations of the 
group as a whole. 

3 For indicial categories here mentioned, see Martin, 1928, vol. 1, pp. 199-202. 

4 Measuring technique followed thesystem taught by Prof. E. A. Hooton, of Harvard University. Head 
height was taken with anthropometer from tragion on left side; chest measurements were taken with 
anthropometer at height of nipples on the normally deflated chest from in front and from left side; skin color 
was determined by comparison with the Von Luschan porcelain color chart; eye and hair color were judged 


without reference to a chart. Calculations were performed by machine in the Harvard Anthropometric 
Laboratory by Mrs. Sarah Cotton. All measuring was done by the writer, recording by Helen N. Gillin. 


184 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buuy, 128 


Skin color is overwhelmingly red brown, with less than 14 percent 
of the cases distributed among other shades of brown (brunet, swarthy, 
light brown). Seven-tenths of the cases show no vascularity, with 
about 30 percent showing small or pronounced vascularity. The same 
proportions hold for freckles. About 69 percent of the subjects have 
a few moles and 25 percent have many, while only 5 percent are free of 
moles. The hair form is more curly than might be expected a priori 
in an Indian group, with only 19 percent showing straight hair, while 
56 percent have light waves, and 25 percent deep waves. Hair 
texture is predominantly fine and medium, with only one case of coarse 
hair recorded. 

The largest proportion of heads have a medium amount of hair, 
but 27 percent show a more than medium quantity. Less than 7 
percent of baldness of any degree is recorded. The Imbabura men 
have scanty beards, 89 percent being recorded as “small” or “very 
small,’’ while only 11 percent have beards of medium heaviness. 
Body hair is also small in quantity, with only 6 percent having even a 
medium amount. 

One-tenth of the subjects showed gray hair on the head, while 17 
percent showed grayness of some degree in the beard. Ninety-four 
percent of all head hair is black, with 5 percent dark brown, while 
98 percent of all beards are black. Three-fifths of the eyes are black, 
with practically all the rest recorded as dark brown. Clear irises lead 
with 57 percent, followed by the rayed, zoned, and spotted types in 
order of diminishing frequency. Thus the pigmentation of these 
men is predominantly brunet, with only a small incidence of lighter 
factors which might indicate mixture with whites. 

In regard to eyefolds, a greater tendency toward the external and 
median types is found than toward the internal eyefolds, although all 
types are fairly well distributed. Thus 16 percent of the subjects 
show no indication of external eyefold, 11 percent show no indication 
of median eyefold, but 21 percent are devoid of the internal type. 
Sixty-six percent, however, show some degree of eye obliquity. About 
two-thirds of the eye openings are small, with one-third medium in 
size. 

The eyebrows tend to be small or medium in thickness, while nearly 
two-thirds of them meet over the nose, although the greater part of 
this concurrency is small. The greater part of brow ridges is small 
and less than 7 percent are medium in size. The forehead height is 
predominantly small or medium, with a slightly larger percentage 
falling in the latter category. The slope of the forehead is medium 
in slightly more than half the cases, but the two-fifths of nearly 
straight foreheads (as indicated by a “small” slope) is large enough 
to be remarked. 


AnrHropP. Pap. No. 16] QUICHUA-SPEAKING INDIANS—GILLIN 185 


A nasion depression is always present and in 16 percent it is 
marked. A nasal root of some height is typical, with seven-tenths 
showing a medium height and one-quarter of the subjects showing a 
nasal root of some height. Three-fourths of the nasal roots are 
medium in breadth, while the remainder are about equally divided 
between narrower and wider types. The lower border of the nasal 
septum in profile tends toward convexity, with three-fifths of the 
subjects in this category and the other two-fifths showing concave or 
straight septa. 

The nasal bridge is well elevated in the great majority of the cases, 
being of medium height in 69 percent and of more than medium height 
in 28 percent. The nose is not aquiline, however, for the bridge tends 
toward broadness with 97 percent showing double or triple-plus 
breadths. The largest proportion of noses are straight in profile (40 
percent), while 23 percent are convex, and the concave and concavo- 
convex types are about equally divided with a little more than 17 
percent each. Ninety percent of the tips show either medium or 
pronounced thickness, although the former type is twice as frequent 
as the latter. The up-tilted and down-tilted nasal tips occur in about 
equal proportions and only 15 percent of the nasal wings are com- 
pressed in some degree, with 66 percent medium and 19 percent 
flaring. The relatively high frequency of transverse nostrils (41 
percent) indicates that there is no perfect correlation between shape 
of nostril and flare of wings in this group. 

The integumental lips tend toward thickness (45 percent), while the 
medium type with 37 percent is about twice as frequent as the thin 
type with 19 percent. ‘The membranous lips are for the most part of 
medium thickness but there are more full lower membranous lips than 
upper ones. Eversion is generally small and medium. 

About 95 percent show some midfacial prognathism, although it is 
mostly small in size. Alveolar prognathism is more pronounced. 
The chin is prominent in roughly two-thirds of the cases and small in 
one-third. The bilateral type of chin is twice as frequent as the 
median type. 

Only about 11 percent of the men show partial eruption of the 
teeth. The majority bite edge-to-edge, with the overbite type 
accounting for roughly 40 percent and the underbite occurring in less 
than 4 percent of the cases. Only about two-fifths of the men have 
all their teeth, 31 percent have lost between 1 and 4 teeth, 11 percent 
have lost between 5 and 8 teeth, 7 percent have lost 9 to 16 teeth, and 
nearly 10 percent have lost more than 17 teeth. The largest propor- 
tion show heavy wear and less than one-fifth of the teeth show little 
or no wear. Only about 1% percent of the men had no caries in their 
teeth and almost 30 percent had 17 or more cavities. Shortening 


186 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buun, 128 


occurs in only a little over one-third of the cases, but crowding is 
present in about 86 percent. 

The helix of the ear is of medium size in exactly half the cases, but 
the well rolled helix is about 10 percent more frequent than the slightly 
rolled type. The antihelix is medium in slightly more than half the 
cases, but here the small type is twice as frequent as the pronounced 
type. Darwin’s point occurs in some form in 36 percent of the 
subjects. The attached ear lobe is most frequent (45 percent), while 
the soldered type occurs slightly oftener than the free type. Less than 
10 percent of the ears are of markedly large size, while the majority 
are of medium size. Seventy-three percent show little protrusion. 
Temporal fullness tends to be medium (79 percent), while the inci- 
dence of submedium fullness (15.38 percent) is about three times as 
ereat as that of the pronounced type (5.38 percent). 

The author regards the recorded incidence of occipital and lambdoid 
shapes as somewhat unreliable, due to the difficulty of taking precise 
observations on subjects who wear their hair braided in the back as 
these do. However, little evidence of marked cranial deformation 
was found. 

The subjects are for the most part of medium or lateral body build, 
only 11 percent conforming to the linear type. 

The whole group has been divided into two subgroups, which we 
shall term the Otavalo group and the Angachagua group respectively. 
The Otavalo group includes, as previously stated, Indians measured 
at Otavalo, San Roqué, and Agato. The Angachagua group is geo- 
graphically more isolated than the Otavalo group and is also regarded 
by the Indians themselves and whites in the country as being of 
different physical aspect. The two groups have been compared 
statistically to see if this assumption is true from the anthropometric 
point of view. In table 3 are presented the statistical results of the 
measurements taken on the Otavalo group; in table 4 will be found the 
tabulation of the morphological observations on the same group. In 
table 5 are the results of the anthropometric measurements at Anga- 
chagua and in table 6 the listing of the morphological observations 
for the same group. 

In comparing the two groups we find slight differences in variability, 
indicating that the Otavalo group is a bit less homogeneous than the 
Angachagua group, as would normally be expected because of its 
greater size. The average coefficient. of variation for measurements 
of the Otavalo group is 5.37 as compared with 4.91 for the Angachagua 
group, while the average coefficient of variation for the indices is 5.57 
for the Otavalo group as compared to 5.17 for the Angachagua group. 
(Coefficients of variation will be found in tables 3 and 5.) 


AnrHrop. Par. No. 16] QUICHUA-SPEAKING INDIANS—GILLIN 187 


When we compare the differences between the groups as expressed 
by the “P.E.’ (table 7), we find them of such a degree and charac- 
ter as to make it impossible for us to consider the two groups as sam- 
ples of the same universe. An arbitrary measure of difference fre- 
quently used is 3X P.E., because, on the basis of the normal frequency 
curve, 95.70 percent of the differences between any two random 
samples of the same universe will fall below 3xP.E. In comparing 
the Angachagua and Otavalo samples (table 7), however, only 66.67 
percent of the differences, both in measurements and indices, fall 
within 3XP.E. Actually, 69.23 percent of the measurements and 
64.29 percent of the indices show X P.E.’s of under 3. In other words, 
the number of insignificant differences is only about two-thirds as 
great as it should be were we to consider the two groups as members 
of the same population physically. 

Angachagua exceeds Otavalo significantly in head height and sitting 
height, whereas Otavalo significantly exceeds Angachagua in head 
breadth and nose breadth. In indicial characters, Angachagua 
significantly exceeds Otavalo in relative shoulder breadth, length- 
height index of the head, and breadth-height index of the head, while 
Otavalo significantly exceeds in cephalo-facial and nasal indices. 
Thus these two groups, in accordance with popular belief previously 
mentioned, are actually different on the basis of the present samples. 
The Angachagua group typically has an absolutely and relatively 
higher head, an absolutely and relatively narrower nose, narrower 
shoulders relative to stature, an absolutely narrower head, and a face 
broader in relation to the breadth of the head. 


COMPARISON OF RESULTS OF ANTHROPOLOGICAL WORK IN PROV- 
INCE OF IMBABURA WITH APPOSITE SERIES FROM OUTSIDE THE 
AREA 


In an effort to throw some light on the affinities of the Imbabura 
Indians we have collected a number of series of measurements made 
upon Indians who on the basis of historical, archeological, and lin- 
cuistic evidence may possibly have sprung from stocks represented 
in the ancestry of the Imbabura. In these series are included all the 
measurements on Quichua Indians which are known to the author, 
namely, those reported by Chervin and Rouma from Bolivia and those 
reported by Ferris from Peru. 

In tabulating the foreign series for comparison, males only have 
been selected and only those traits have been utilized in which the 
technique of the several investigators appears to have been identical 
with that of the present study. Since in only one case—Steggerda’s 
series of Mayas—has the statistical treatment accorded these various 


difference between two means 
5 ee eg : = 7 
XP. E. probable error of the difference Probable error of the difference=P. E.a?+P. E.,?. 


188 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bun 128 


groups been sufficient to permit direct comparisons of any validity, 
putative probable errors and putative P.E.’s have been calculated 
for these comparative series. 

The reader who is sophisticated in the interpretation of statistics 
will realize at once how tentative must be any conclusions drawn from 
the available anthropometric material of the Andean area. Anthropo- 
metric series are in most cases too small to be of high validity statisti- 
cally. The factors which may have influenced investigators in selecting 
individuals for samples are not wholly clear in all cases. The number 
of traits measured by comparable methods varies from sample to 
sample. It will be clear, therefore, that the material as we have 
presented it is suggestive rather than conclusive. A service can be 
performed for future investigators, however, by drawing together the 
material available at the present time and giving it the statistical 
treatment which will make for ready comparison with new data as it 
is collected. In this sense it is hoped that the present paper may serve 
as a starting point for extensive anthropometric investigations which 
will finally provide us with a clear picture of the physical attributes of 
the Andean populations. 

A few cautions should be mentioned. We have compared all series 
from this area by means of differences and probable errors. This was 
done in order to provide the most refined check available regarding 
the significance of the arithmetic means involved. It should be 
remembered, however, that good judgment and common sense are 
also part of the statistical method. Thus, until vastly more material 
is available the reader should not be too quick to form the conclusion 
that several different ‘‘races’’ are represented in the Andean area. 
No two of the series when compared with Otavalo and Angachagua, or 
when compared with each other, are statistically parts of the same 
population universe. Yet we must remember that the samples are in 
all cases relatively small, in some cases very small. Further sampling 
may show the apparent differences to be less important than they 
appear to be at present. In the second place, the number of com- 
parable means provided by other investigators is in some cases very 
small. Thus Chervin provides only seven measurements and six 
indices which are comparable. A single significant difference between 
one of these means and that of another series will produce a percentage 
of significant differences between the two arrays sufficient to make it 
appear that the two populations involved are highly different. Yet, 
if a larger array of means were available for comparison, it is con- 
ceivable that the degree of difference would appear much less imposing. 
In short, the percentages of significant differences between means in 
small arrays and those in much larger arrays must not be considered 
of equal importance until more data is available. Third, it is never 
absolutely clear, unless the investigators have been able to compare 


ANTHROP. Pap. No. 16] QUICHUA-SPEAKING INDIANS—GILLIN 189 


their methods of measurement in person, that the techniques are com- 
parable. Particularly is this true in the present case where few of the 
investigators, who have provided us with comparative material, have 
described their techniques fully. A very slight error in locating 
nasion, say, would be sufficient to produce significant differences. 
Finally, it must be repeated that, with the exception of Steggerda’s 
Maya series, all comparative series used here were published either in 
the form of raw data or were given that elementary mathematical 
treatment which consists of drawing up simple arithmetic means. In 
some quarters such simple treatment of anthropometric data at pub- 
lication is praised for its ‘‘simplicity’’ and ‘‘common sense,” but the 
fact is that it provides no check on the validity of the sample and 
greatly hinders the process of comparison with other samples. This 
lack of comparable statistical technique has meant that we have had 
to compare the series through putative probable errors, which we now 
proceed to do. 

The putative probable error for statistically untreated series is 
obtained by the following formula: 


0.6745 standard deviation of own series 


+ N of comparative series 


The use of this formula, of course, involves the assumption of the same 
variability in the comparative series as in our own series and, therefore, 
cannot be regarded as being as precise as the regular method. How- 
ever, with this putative probable error the « P. E. may be calculated 
for comparison. As a test of this method the <P. E. was calculated 
by both the regular and the putative methods in a comparison between 
the whole Imbabura series and Steggerda’s series of Maya Indians. 
(The data for the latter are presented in table 35.) As shown in 
table 36, the average <P. E. calculated by the regular method is 
somewhat larger (by 1.16 points) than that calculated by the putative 
method. In comparing the two series, the percentage of insignificant 
differences (as indicated by XP. E. under 3) is the same in the com- 
parison of measurements, but 20 percent of the indices are not sig- 
nificantly different under the regular method, whereas 40 percent of 
the indices are not significantly different under the putative method. 
(See table 41, ranks 2 and 3.) In order to allow for possible errors of 
variability, which the use of the putative method implies, it has been 
decided to use 4XP. E. instead of 3XP. E. as a test of group 
likeness in comparisons involving those groups with which the 
putative method must be used. In other words, we assume that 4 
<P. E. under the putative method marks the limit of insignificant 
differences, whereas 3X P. E. is the limit of insignificant difference 
under the regular method. 


190 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLy. 128 


Since it has been shown that the Otavalo and Angachagua groups 
are apparently not parts of the same physical group, the writer has 
compared the Otavalo group alone with each of the foreign series. 
In addition, however, because most of the comparative series are made 
up of measurements covering several localities within their respective 
general areas and, therefore, may possibly be somewhat heterogeneous, 
he has compared the whole Imbabura group (Angachagua and 
Otavalo groups combined, table 1) with each of the foreign series. 
If space had permitted, it would also have been logical to compare the 
Angachagua group alone with the several foreign groups, but since it 
is composed of only 26 individuals this procedure was omitted. 

The data given by the several authors used in this comparison are 
to be found in tables 8 to 35 inclusive. The differences and <P. E.’s 
involved in comparisons with the whole Imbabura group wil] be found 
in tables 9, 10, 14, 15, 19, 20, 21, 26, 29, 30, 31, and 36. The dif- 
ferences and XP. E.’s. concerned in the comparisons with the Otavalo 
group are tabulated in tables 11, 12, 16, 17, 22, 23, 24, 27, 32, 33, 34, 
and 37. 

No attempt at a trait-by-trait comparison will be made here, 
although in the indicated tables the statistical results of the comparison 
of each trait may be found. We shall content ourselves here with the 
measure of racial similarity indicated by the proportion of traits in 
the foreign groups which are not statistically differentiated from the 
Imbabura. In table 38 the percentages of comparable traits (xP. E. 
of under 4) of the total Imbabura group and the 12 foreign groups have 
been tabulated. Separate percentages have been calculated for 
measurements and indices. On this basis the comparative groups 
may be ranked as follows in the order of their diminishing likeness to 
the Imbabura group as a whole for absolute measurements: (1) 
Ferris Machiganga (63.64 percent); (2) Chervin Quichua, Chervin 
Aymara, Farabee Machiyenga, and Steggerda Maya (all 50 per- 
cent); (3) Barrett Cayapa (44.44 percent); (4) Ferris Quichua, series 
2 (36.36 percent); (5) Farabee Piro (35.71 percent); (6) Farabee 
Sipibo (28.57 percent); (7) Ferris Quichua, series 1 (20 percent); (8) 
Rouma Aymara and Rouma Quichua (both 18.18 percent). The per- 
centages in parentheses in this ranking indicate in each case the 
percentage of insignificant differences shown by the series when 
compared with the whole Imbabura group. 

When ranked on the basis of indices, the order is as follows: (1) 
Rouma Aymara (71.42 percent); (2) Chervin Quichua, Ferris Qui- 
chua, series 2, Ferris Machiganga, Farabee Machiyenga, Farabee 
Sipibo (all 50 percent); (8) Ferris Quichua, series 1 (42.86 percent); 
(4) Steggerda Maya (40 percent); (5) Farabee Piro (83.33 percent); 
(6) Rouma Quichua (28.57 percent); (7) Chervin Aymara (25 per- 
cent); (8) Barrett Cayapa (no insignificant differences). 


ANTHROP. Pap. No. 16] QUICHUA-SPEAKING INDIANS—GILLIN 191 


If the measurements and indices are thrown together and percent- 
ages of likeness calculated, as in table 39, the order of diminishing 
likeness is as follows: (1) Ferris Machiganga (58.82 percent); (2) 
Chervin Quichua and Farabee Machiyenga (50 percent); (3) Steggerda 
Maya (47.37 percent); (4) Ferris Quichua, series 2 (41.18 percent); (5) 
Chervin Aymara (40 percent); (6) Rouma Aymara (38.89 percent); 
(7) Farabee Sipibo and Farabee Piro (35 percent); (8) Barrett Cayapa 
(30.77 percent); (9) Ferris Quichua, series 1 (29.41 percent); (10) 
Rouma Quichua (22.22 percent). 

The group which consistently shows the greatest affinity for the 
Imbabura total group is the Machiganga or Machiyenga, a jungle tribe 
on the upper Rio Huallaga in Peru. Of the four Quichua groups 
that of Chervin from Bolivia shows consistently the greatest similarity 
to the Imbabura Quichuas, but this comparison is based on a smaller 
number of traits than is the case with the other Quichua groups. On 
the whole the Aymara groups show more similarity than do the 
Quichua groups. None of these foreign groups is a sample of the 
same statistical universe as the Imbabura group. 

In table 40 will be found the percentages of like traits in the com- 
parison of the Otavalo group alone with the foreign groups. Ranking 
of measured traits in order of diminishing likeness to Otavalo fol- 
lows: (1) Chervin Quichua and Chervin Aymara (67 percent); (2) 
Ferris Machiganga (64 percent); (3) Farabee Machiyenga (50 per- 
cent); (4) Farabee Sipibo and Steggerda Maya (48 percent); (5) 
Farabee Piro (33 percent) and Barrett Cayapa (33 percent); (6) 
Ferris Quichua, series 2 (27 percent); (7) Ferris Quichua, series 1, 
and Rouma Aymara (20 percent); (8) Rouma Quichua (18 percent). 
Ranking on the basis of insignificant differences in indicial traits 
follows: (1) Rouma Aymara (83 percent); (2) Ferris Quichua, series 
2, and Farabee Sipibo (67 percent); (3) Chervin Quichua, Ferris 
Machiganga, and Farabee Machiyenga (50 percent); (4) Steggerda 
Maya and Farabee Piro (40 percent); (5) Ferris Quichua, series 1, (33 
percent); (6) Chervin Aymara (25 percent); (7) Rouma Quichua (17 
percent); (8) Barrett Cayapa (no insignificant differences). When 
both measurements and indices are lumped together and like traits 
calculated on this basis, the order of diminishing likeness to Otavalo 
is as follows: (1) Chervin Quichua (60 percent) ; (2) Ferris Machiganga 
(59 percent); (3) Chervin Aymara, Farabee Machiyenga and Farabee 
Sipibo (50 percent); (4) Rouma Aymara (44 percent); (5) Steggerda 
Maya (42 percent) ; (6) Ferris Quichua, series 2 (41 percent); (7) Fara- 
bee Piro (35 percent); (8) Ferris Quichua, series 1 (25 percent); (9) 
Barrett Cayapa (23 percent); (10) Rouma Quichua (18 percent). 

Of the comparative groups, Chervin’s Quichua and Ferris’ Machi- 
ganga are most like the Otavalo group, in the sense that they have 
the highest porportion of traits like Otavalo. If we consider, not 


192 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 128 


percentages, but the absolute number of similar traits, an examination 
of the comparative tables will show that the Machiganga, Machi- 
yenga, and Sipibo lead the field in this respect, each with 10 traits 
similar to Otavalo. Of the Quichua-speaking groups, Ferris’ Peruvian 
series 2 leads with 7 traits similar to Otavalo, followed by Chervin’s 
Quichuas from Bolivia. 

CONCLUSIONS 


If we bear in mind the inadequacy of the comparative material 
and the possible weaknesses of the method used here, we may draw 
some tentative conclusions which may be helpful for future research: 

1. The Otavalo and Angachagua populations do not show enough 
similarities of a significant kind to be considered, on the basis of the 
present samples, parts of the same statistical universe. Larger sam- 
ples might, of course, alter this picture. 

2. Neither the whole Imbabura group nor the Otavalo section of it 
shows enough traits in common with any of the other groups used for 
comparison to be considered, in the light of the present data, samples 
of the same physical type. 

3. We have compared the Imbabura samples with series from a 
number of foreign areas which, in the light of cultural evidence, might 
conceivably have contributed at some time to the make-up of the 
present Imbabura population. The foreign groups showing the 
greatest affinities for the Otavalo population are now living in the 
Amazon drainage—the Machiganga, Machiyenga, and the Sipibo. 
Since these peoples live close to the mountains and there is some reason 
to believe that they may have had access to the highlands and vice 
versa, it is conceivable that the Otavalo and the Machiganga-Machi- 
yenga, in particular, represent marginal peoples of an earlier physical 
strain of the Inca area, modified or pushed back in later Inca times by 
other elements from the Peruvian highlands. Our facts no more than 
hint at this, but it is at least interesting to note the relatively small 
and inconsistent similarity between Otavalo and the Quichua-speaking 
groups. 

4. The four comparative Quichua groups plus the Imbabura groups 
show so many differences of statistical significance when compared 
with each other that we have no basis for believing in a “‘Quichua”’ or 
an ‘Inca’? physical type among living inhabitants of the Inca area 
which might represent a universal correlation with the Quichua 
language. This will not be surprising to those who are familiar with 
the methods whereby the Quichua language was spread by conquest. 

5. The differences between the Otavalo group and the Chibcha- 
speaking Cayapa, living on the tributaries of the Esmeraldas and 
possibly to be regarded as descendants of the ancient Cara, are so 
great as to indicate, at least, that the Cara blood has completely 
disappeared either from the Cayapa or the Otavalo. 


ANTHroP. Par, No. 16] QUICHUA-SPEAKING INDIANS—GILLIN 193 


6. Very few similarities exist between Otavalo and the Maya group 
used for comparison. 

To sum up, the present study has indicated a considerable hetero- 
geneity of physical type among living populations of the Andean 
highlands and contiguous areas, with the Quichua-speaking popula- 
tion of the Province of Imbabura showing the greatest affinities with 
certain tribes of the upper Amazon drainage. Further research on a 
fairly large scale will be required to answer the questions thus raised. 


APPENDIX 


TABLES OF ANTHROPOMETRIC MEASUREMENTS AND PHYSICAL 
OBSERVATIONS 


TABLE 1.—Anthropometric measurements and indices of male Indians from the 
Province of Imbabura, Ecuador, including all measurements taken from Otavalo, 
Agato, San Roqué, and Angachagua } 


Trait Number Range Mean | P.E. S.D. PEE v P.E. 
Measurements: 
MUHUMITE eee ee 133 |140-172 (¢) | 156.48 | +0. 33 5.67 | +0. 23 3. 62 +0. 15 
[inerominlen <2.) 52 134 | 28- 45 (c) 36. 35 +k. 12 1,98 +. 08 5. 45 +k, 22 
Chest breadth.__.-_....-_- 133 | 23- 37 (c) 27. 69 +. 10 1, 72 +. 07 6.18 bt, 26 
Shestdepth:-=-.2=...---=- 133 | 18- 29 (c) 21. 74 +. 09 1. 54 +k. 06 7. 08 +, 29 
Sitting height: . ==... -...-- 133 | 75- 95 (c) 82. 48 +. 19 3. 24 +. 13 3.93 +. 16 
GHW id ———————— 134 |167-208 (m)]} 184.65 | +. 37 6.39 | —+.26 3. 46 +. 14 
Head breadth... )—..-...-- 134 |135-158 (m)} 147.76 | +. 27 4.71 | +.19 3.19 +, 13 
Peredineiphtss2 22. .---.=-- 110 |110-153 (m)} 133. 82 ck. 43 6. 76 +. 31 5. 05 +. 23 
Minimum frontal_-___-___- 134 | 89-120 (m)| 101.34 | -+.27 4.56 | +.19 4. 50 +. 18 
IBizyeomMapiC..--.--4-=-- 134 |130-164 (m)| 142.80 | -&.29 5.05} =. 21 3. 50 +. 14 
SIO OMIA eta 134 | 94-145 (m)| 107.06 +. 42 7. 28 +. 30 6. 80 =. 28 
Total face height__.______- 134 |100-144 (m)] 120.10 =k. 34 5. 90 =k, 24 4.91 +. 20 
Upper face height ____.___- 134 | 55- 74 (m)| 67.75 | +.27 4.60 | +.19 6.79 =k. 28 
iNesenelghts=s22) -.=2=.- = - 134 | 44- 67 (m)| 52.58 | -+.23 3.92 | +.16 7. 46 bk. 31 
INosebréesd thie: 2<.--s--2c 133 | 31- 57 (m)} 38.15 =r, 21 3. 51 st, 15 9, 20 bk. 38 
Indices: 
Relative shoulder breadth_ 134 | 16- 27 23, 12 +. 07 1, 24 +. 05 5. 36 xt, 22 
Phoracietindex. L-.--..=.. 133 | 65-100 78.58 | +. 32 5.40 | +. 22 6. 87 bk. 28 
Relative sitting height_____ 133 | 46- 57 52. 60 +t. 10 1, 64 =e 07, 3.12 xt. 13 
Cephalic index--._-------- 134 | 68- 88 80.04 | +.19 3.18 | +.13 3.97 +. 16 
Length-height index____-_- 110 | 61- 81 72,44 | +. 23 3.60 | +.16 4.97 =k. 23 
Breadth-height index_____- 110 | 76-111 90, 26 =. 31 4,89 ck. 22 5. 42 ck. 25 
Fronto-parietal index-___ _- 134 | 63- 83 70.12} +.18 3.09} +.138 4.41 +. 18 
Cephalo-facial index____-._- 134 | 88-108 96.71) +.19 3.30} 4.14 3.41 +. 14 
Zygo-frontal index_.__---_- 34 | 64- 83 72.62} -.18 3.16] +.13 4,35 +. 18 
Fronto-gonial index __-.___- 134 | 90-139 103. 40 +. 40 6.90 +, 28 6, 67 +. 27 
Zygo-gonial index_______.__ 134 | 66-104 75,16| 22.27 | ~4°56|/ 3.19] 6.07] 5.26 
facial index ===. ..._...-- 134 | 70- 94 84. 00 =k. 27 4.70 +. 19 5. 60 +, 23 
Upper facial index.________ 134 | 37— 57 47. 54 =e. 20 3. 36 +. 14 7.07 =. 29 
dvasaltindexe=o=2).-.-.--.. 133 | 52- 99 72. 34 +. 46 7. 80 ck. 32 10. 78 +. 45 


1 The following abbreviations are used in this and the following tables: ‘‘Number’”’ signifies number of 
individuals measured, ‘‘P.E.”’ signifies probable error, ‘‘S. D.” signifies standard deviation, ‘‘v’’ signifies 
coefficient of variation, ‘‘(c)’’ indicates that the measurement in question is given in centimeters, ‘‘(m)” 
indicates that the measurement in question is given in millimeters. 


194 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 


[BuLt. 128 


TABLE 2.—Total Imbabura group: Morphological observations 


Observations 


Marital state: 


Swarthiy. 52-23-2232 ee tee 
Red brown: === =-=5- === 
Hight prOwhesess aa ea 


Skin, vascularity: 


IASON Ge ee ee ee 


Hair, form: 


Straight --- 2 ieee ee 
WOWAWAV.OS- [26 228 32255. Se. 
Deep waves. =... 2-24.95. 


Hair, texture: 


COaTse. = ena ae 


Number 


Individuals 

Percent 

11 8.40 
116 88. 55 
4 3.05 
LoL" -e eee 
5 3.79 

9 6. 82 
114 86. 36 
4 3. 03 
ABD) | eek - 
93 69. 40 
32 23. 88 
9 6.72 
13 bay i © ES 


(0) 


Beard, qu 


bservations 


antity: 


WVeryssmiallis 2252252524. 22 


Grayness, 


head: 


“A'ibsentest 2. 20 Sees 


Grayness, 


beard: 


WAND Sent Hes A: 22. ee es ee 


Individuals 


Number | Percent 


125 93. 28 
7 5. 22 

2 1.49 
134! | 222seeeeee 
60 44.78 
59 44.03 
15 11.19 
1340) sae 
2 1. 50 
123 92. 48 
8 6. 02 
198) |jece=seeeek 
119 89. 47 
13 9.77 
1 75 
UBB Pe om 
ill 82. 84 
20 14. 93 
2 1.49 

1 75 


126 94. 03 
7 5. 22 

1 «75 
AS4 Wi as ee 
131 97. 76 
2 1,49 

1 75 
134)||saezest ss 
82 61.19 
50 37.31 
2 1.49 
194s S-2 = ae 


ANTHROP. Pap. No. 16] QUICHUA-SPEAKING INDIANS—GILLIN 


195 


TABLE 2.—Total Imbabura group: Morphological observations—Continued 


Observations 


Eye, obliquity: 
ACS 


Individuals 

Number | Percent 
76 56. 72 
32 23. 88 
25 18. 66 
1 75 
19 Sa |e ee 
22 16. 42 
26 19. 40 
60 44. 78 
26 19. 40 
ASSs Re: esos 
———$—$—<——— 

15 11.19 
13 9. 70 
77 57. 46 
29 21. 64 
BGT eo a 
28 20, 90 
54 40. 30 
40 29. 85 
12 8.96 
14 | eo Se 


Observations 


Brow ridges: 
Absent: 38.25 Se eee 


Nasal septum: 
Concave and straight_____ 
ICON VOxASeuse eet ee 


Individuals 
Number | Percent 

1 0. 75 
124 92. 54 
9 6.72 
He eee eee 
60 44,78 
65 48. 51 
9 6.72 
15%? | pee ees 
56 41.79 
70 52, 24 
8 5.97 
ee ee esa 
1 76 
35 26.12 
77 57. 46 
21 15. 67 
134, jeie se. --2 
7 5, 22 
93 69. 40 
34 25. 37 
aks 7 Ug) ee eee 
16 11.94 
101 75. 37 
17 12. 69 
p73 ee Se 
53 39. 55 
81 60. 44 
134. |i eS 
1 75 
48 35. 82 
74 55. 22 
1l 8. 21 
134), eee oe 
46 34. 33 
86 64. 18 
2 1.49 
tS? 4S) Ep een aa 


196 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 


[Buy. 128 


TABLE 2.—Total Imbabura group: Morphological observations—Continued 


Individuals 
Observations 
Number | Percent 
Chin, type: 
WMedians.....-_! eee 44 33. 08 
Bilateraler =. B90 lois 89 66. 92 
Motalso anes ee he 1B eee eS 


Teeth, eruption: 


Complete: eb k= 5 117 88. 64 
Arti al: Oe ee ee te ere 15 11. 36 
Mottaret. eke aes 1824) ee sett 
Teeth, bite: eee 
Win dete sers eee eens cee 5 3. 82 
Bdge'to'edge: =. 2 _ = - == 74 56. 49 
Small, owers-- ==! = - ee 41 31. 30 
Pronounced, over________- 11 8. 40 
Totalu-erwseeit LEGG | eee ee hoe 
Teeth, loss: aol ay 
INCH. wee See 55 41.04 
Very small, 1-4___________ 42 31. 34 
BMA See ee 15 41.19 
Medium, 9-16_.____-____- 9 6. 72 
Pronounced, 17+________- 13 9. 70 
Roba Re see te ted LSA MRE WF ae 
Teeth, wear: 
Absent, small. _-2 =... 2 19. 70 
Wiedi tm). ee | 42 31. 82 
Pronouncedand very pro- 
nounceds=s2 42-22 == 64 48. 48 
Motalessseewe = 25. es i}? eee 
Teeth, caries: eo Ti 
AIDSenit art bk 2 1. 54 
Very small, 1-4_______ Safe 42 32. 31 
Small GB seek be 25 19. 23 
Medium, 9-16____________ 23 17. 69 
Pronounced, 17-++-_______-- 38 29. 23 
otal ees ae ae 130s ees 
Teeth, shortening? an re 
SAU DS It. Bee oe ee 82 62.12 
Simiagllameerceien sat 3s oy 30 22. 73 
Wedinmes a2. aie wee 18 13. 64 
PronounceGss-=- =e 2 1. 52 
FL OLAL can ah ca eee oan 1927 | arte 
Teeth, crowding: 
Albsent= 222. 20 ea 19 14. 50 
IGG Gi Uris eee 90 68. 70 
Pronounced. =.= ese 22 16. 79 
otal sess see Re 2 | [eae a 


Observations 


Malars, frontal projection: 
Absent, smapllo= = 22 22 ees 
Wiadiinimes <5 2h es See 


Ear, antihelix (prominence): 
NDSONG=2e Sooo 8. 2 2 eee 


PAID SOn ty: SE ee 


Woedium==-55--- 82-32 ; 
Pronounced = --222-) 


Individuals 
Number | Percent 

4 + 2.98 
42 31. 34 
88 65. 67 
B34) a. eee 
1 275 
31 23.13 
102 76. 11 
134 weyttt Lo. 
6 4.48 
57 42. 54 
71 52. 98 
134453 hot. 
27 20.15 
67 50. 00 
40 29. 85 
1340 eee 
1 By (i) 
41 30. 60 
71 52. 98 
21 15. 67 
134 yet Bate = 
85 63. 43 
39 29. 10 
8 5.97 
2 1.49 
BS leek Bo 
3 2. 24 
93 69. 40 
38 28. 36 

134 chit te 
4 2. 98 
95 70. 90 
35 26. 12 
134422 ee 


AnTHROP. Pap. No. 16] QUICHUA-SPEAKING INDIANS—GILLIN 


197 


TABLE 2.—Total Imbabura group: Morphological observations—Continued 


Individuals 
Observations 
Number | Percent 
Nasal profile: 

CO oe eet 23 17.16 
CNC, a Poe 54 40. 30 
ty ao. 31 23. 13 
Coneavo-convex________ __ 26 19. 40 
AAT UD LORS ES SS See 1844 beeeest 

Nasal tip, thickness: 
lit) a 12 8. 96 
Git a 8&3 61. 94 
Pronounced == 2-~') = 38 28. 36 
Very pronounced_______ nt HED 
ROS Ee es, Sa 16 {IN [See ee 


Nasal tip, inclination: 


Wipe medium...) ....... 5 3.73 
(ho). cre. 0) | ee 63 47. 01 
Down, small -....—-- 55 41.04 
Down, medium_-_________ 11 8.21 

1) ee as ee $844. See he 


Nasal tip, wings: 


Compressed _____- se ee 20 14. 92 
WWheditambsss tb 89 66, 42 
Miprame =k 25 18. 66 
LCG) tens Wiytieteaeie Rpm as fla i ae 
Nostrils, visible front: 
Jou] U5 ay rise aS Seimei 57 42. 54 
Small, medium___________ 75 55. 97 
ieronomnced::.. "2 2 1, 49 
“UA 1 (etaeeaeees, Reema ca : Eig hae aides 
Nostrils, visible lateral: 
Ores Bo 17 12. 69 
ELVCST OEY se es Sa ae nal 117 87. 31 
CUEGT betes ME Rie cetrakeet pede ISB | ek kept 
Nostrils, shape: 
YN IVH i 590 Se ir eee le 42 31.34 
Bedi? —- 2 ee)! an 84 62. 69 
OnnGe-e.. <i 3 fa. 9 ar 8 5.97 
Tope ey ee 16 Se ga ey 
Nostrils, axes: 
paralipk-}.§ sf 2.) oe 1 .75 
Oblique, smal]___________ 12 8. 96 
Oblique, medium________ 66 49.25 
aN TAHSVPrRO® | Sh | dah 55 41.04 
Potala) ae. de Be! | 134/03 oes... 
4 1 


218558—40——14 


Individuals 
Observations = Be 
Number | Percent 
Lips; integumental: 
ios915% 5 |< SO es Sater at 25 | 18. 66 
iMeditim =... 3 —. = 49 36. 57 
iPronomnced =. 0 a 60 44.78 
1 Naf} (a ae Nae ae ae 1h 8 a ae 
Lips; membranous, upper: 
sioat:t | WE _ 1] Saeeeie dd FSS aee 33 24. 63 
IMeditinmte <8 9 ee 74 55. 22 
Bronowncedeonet = - 4 7 20.15 
‘Dota)i=seaee |. 8 ei) Ee ee 
Lips; membranous, lower: 
fSiet:) || 1 Sees Sees Te eee eek 16 11.94 
Wieder 73 54. 48 
Pronownced.- 3-2 44 32. 84 
Very pronounced________- 1 mri) 
Totabs nts wee wy. PBS, Nee atk 


Lips, seam: 
AD Sent ees bance dees et ee 


Med ime .. 
Pronguncad | Ue ee 
Motalees sess ee 


Midfacial prognathism: 
JADsente ee 8 eee 


IWediniies se eee ne 
Proveunced. 4. ---- = 


Motalee=2- etna 


Ear, lobe: 
Solderedty.. 2... saat 


198 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Burs 128 


TABLE 2.—Total Imbabura group: Morphological observations—Continued 


Individuals Individuals 
Observations Observations 
Number | Percent Number | Percent 
Ear, protrusion: Lambdoid flattening: 
Smal) zee ce 98 73. 13 PA DSONG: == oon ee Be 2 6. 67 
INIGGIUNI eee eee ee 34 25. 37 Srialieerere ns emer 7 23. 33 
Pronounced = ses ns sn ee 2 1. 49 IMedinmtsss 2 o2ese se en 6 20. 00 
IPrOnOuUnICEO en eee ee 15 50. 00 
Wotaleees ee) eee ee LSE: acenh a ees hee § 
Temporal fullness: aes Total... --------..------ 80 |-.---=---- 
Smallves 2. So eee 20 15.38 || Occipital flattening: 
Podiums 322s 2S 103 79. 23 AlpsenG2. 22 7h ee 21 77. 78 
Pronounced -_--_.-.___.-..- 7 5. 38 IWMiediamre 2.2.2. eS 5 18. 52 
+ | - - Pronounced. =. - = =---. == 1 3. 70 
‘Motel ee 130)y|=s-esesene 
Occipital protrusion: tae 7 TOP fn a nomena ete an (aso A= 
Absent=s2e.-- 8 Fie Cores 1 3.23 || Body build: 
Sell aera he 9 29. 03 NUINO@AT o- 25) co Shoe ee 15 11,19 
Medinmsst stat 2s oe 20 64. 52 MUCHO 2 vn et nee 62 46, 27 
IPrOnOUNCEGe Smeaton 1 3. 23 Waterale. ccc se eee ey 57 42. 54 
Ota) esse noe ee Bf ba Les ee ‘Totals scsi 164 [22 ee 
TABLE 3.—Otavalo group: Anthropometric measurements and indices 
Trait Number Range Mean | P.E. | 8.D. | P.E. v PAE: 
Measurements: 
Staturessces- ote sees 107 | 140-172 (c)} 156.03 | +0. 37 5.64 | +0. 26 3.61 | -40.17 
IBIRCrOMIA see esee ee eee 108 | 28-45 (c)| 36.23 xk. 13 2.04) +.09 5. 63 a. 26 
@hestipreadth=22* == 2-222 107 | 238- 37 (e)| 27.45 +t. 10 1,59 bt. 07 5. 79 x. 27 
@hest. depths 22> = 107 |} 18-27 (c)} 21.56} +.09 1.42} +.07 6. 59 +. 30 
Sitting height__.___._.____ 107 | 75-95 (c)} 82.18] +. 22 3.30] +.15 4.02 +.19 
Headlenginese= ear aLe 108 | 167-208 (m)} 184.38 | -. 41 6.36 | +. 29 3. 45 +t. 16 
Head breadth 2222222. 2 108 | 185-159 (m)} 147.55 | +. 32 4.98 | +. 23 3. 38 +. 16 
eadihelghts =e se 84 | 110-153 (m)} 182. 54 =k. 50 6. 76 ck. 35 5. 10 xt. 27 
Minimum frontal_____----- 108 | 89-120 (m)} 103.70 | -b. 29 4.40} +.20 4, 24 =k. 19 
BIZ ZOMAti C2 see 108 | 130-164 (m)} 142.90 | +.33 56.05] -&. 23 3. 53 +. 16 
Big omnia! sete ee yee 108 | 94-145 (m)} 107.14] -+.48 7.36 | +.34 6. 87 bk. 32 
Total face height___________ 108 | 105-144 (m)| 120.25 | +. 38 5.85 | -.27 4, 86 ck, 22 
Upper face height_________ 108 | 55- 79(m)} 68.05] +.30 4.60] +. 21 6. 76 +. 31 
INoseiheightesss-e= ese 108 | 44- 67(m)} 52.74] +. 26 3.96 | +.18 7. 61 bk. 34 
Nose breadth___._-_._____- 108 | 31- 57(m)} 38.57] +. 23 3.60 | +.17 9. 33 xk. 43 
AV OLA POs 2 oan one ssn coe sae eee | Sete Se ee es eel ee | bet Vfl (ieee oo 
Indices: 
Relative shoulder breadth_ 108 | 16- 27 23.08 |} -&.09 1.32} +.06 5. 72 -k. 26 
Thoracic index. -.__--...__- 107 | 65- 92 78.54) +.35 §.32 | +. 25 6.77 x. 31 
Relative sitting height_____ 107 | 48- 57 52. 56 +. 11 1, 64 +. 08 3. 12 +. 14 
Cephalic index____________ 108 | 68- 88 80.04 | +. 20 3.15 | +.14 3.94 +t. 18 
Length-height index______-_ 84] 61- 81 71.93 | +. 27 3.72 | +.19 5.17 zk. 27 
Breadth-height index______ 84] 76-111 89. 57 ck. 36 4.89 ck. 25 5. 46 bk. 28 
Fronto-parietal index ____- 108 | 63- 83 70.21 | -+.20 3.15 |] +.14 4.49 ck. 21 
Cephalo-facial index _____- 108 | 88-108 96.92 | +. 22 3.39 +. 16 3. 50 xb. 16 
Zygo-frontal index_________ 108 | 64- 83 72. 50 +k, 21 3. 28 +.15 4. 52 cb. 21 
Fronto-gonial index_______ 108 | 90-139 103.50 | +. 46 7.15 | +.33 6, 91 ck. 32 
Zygo-gonial index__________ 108 | 66-104 75.16 | -.30 4.62] +. 21 6.15 ck, 28 
Maclaltindex =a 108 | 70- 94 84.20 | +.29 4.40] +.20 §. 23 xk. 24 
Upper facial index____.____ 108 | 37- 51 47.72} +.21 3.30} +.15 6. 92 ck. 32 
xt. 51 7. 84 -k. 36 10. 74 ck. 49 


INasaliindex2- 2222 ee 108 | 52- 99 73. 02 


AVOTAROS 2 msn a FC SI Se ek ee tke ee ae | ee DIRT Sees 


ANTHROP. Pap, No. 16] QUICHUA-SPEAKING INDIANS—GILLIN 199 


TABLE 4.—Olavalo group: Morphological observations 


Observations 


Marital state: 


Vascularity: 


PAREN GE ho ae 


Freckles: 


PRDRON Gee coe soe 


Hair, form: 


Biralenten te 8 
Bowswaves: 2122). ..-..-. 


Individuals 
Number | Percent 
8 7. 62 
94 89. 52 
3 2. 86 


Individuals 
Observations 
Number | Percent 
Baldness: 

AUDSBIE eee et eee henge 100 92. 59 
yee Vi A . ee ae aes 6 5. 56 
Mediums =2 2.222522. ee 2 1.85 
BUEN ae a ES 12 Eee 


Slightet ea # ee 53 49.07 
Smalls keer see 47 43. 52 
Medinumie 3 8 7.41 
UTC es ae a ine LOS eee 
Body hair: 
Absentee ess 1 . 93 
Smislleer ee oe ee eee 104 97. 20 
Mediumee 2.2 328 2. oho 2 1. 87 
ROC RI ae aa ee Se etc LOZ Reese 
QGrayness, head: 
ADSen ewes es 96 88. 89 
Gmighl Seer oe 11 10. 19 
Pronounceds.-2 ee 1 93 
Motel #22 - ate en ee 108) | 2222s - - 
Grayness, beard: 
ADEA 08 eeest a2 89 82. 41 
Smplibe eee bee 16 14. 81 
1 Reo by bo (ee coped ee 2 1.85 
Pronounced... 2220-22 4-- 1 93 
Rotal sae 2/22 eek JO8),| eae Ss 


Blagkmaee cise UE ee 100 92. 59 
Darks brown. 2222+ ese ee 7 6. 48 
SASh= Or ay seats ee 1 . 93 
AMG) 42) [oe oe cet See ley 11) | See ree 
Hair color, beard, mustache: 
lacked eee 105 97. 22 
Dark brownes--)2-=2- ==. 2 1.85 
1M eae.) See See eee 1 - 93 
otal esas sb ok oc HOSS |Ex seas = 
Eye color: 
Ley ht) cs See a Peers 73 67. 59 
Darkibrowns. 222% 22-2222. 33 30. 56 
Dark light brown_-_-_-_-_-- 2 1.85 


200 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 


(Buu, 


TABLE 4.—Otavalo group: Morphological observations—Continued 


Observations 


Eyefold, external: 
ANDSenty ete 


Eyefold, median: 
ADsentenees sees oases 


Eyefold, internal: 
Absent 


Eye, obliquity: 
Absent 


PLODOUNCEG! so o22 0-2 == 2 


DOWNS WUE ee | ie ee 
Small and down_______- 


NOGA ewes eee De 
Eye, opening height: 
Mediums sb 


Ae]: Pe a Jee ee 


Eyebrow, thickness: 
Sigh pas: oe eee mer : 
MWeGia a. ee no eee eee 
Pronounced. 226s. ee 
Motaiesnn eee te oe 


Eyebrow, concurrency: 


Individuals 
Number | Percent 
62 57. 41 
24 Pp APA 
21 19. 44 
1 - 93 
OSig| tee eee ae 


17 15. 74 
22 20. 37 
44 40, 74 
25 23.15 
108' )) »=Fet Tie} 
14 12. 96 
9 8. 33 
59 54, 63 
26 24. 07 
108; |Hsenet + = 
26 24. 07 
40 387. 04 
32 29. 63 
10 9. 26 
108 | -t8a98 - 
30 7.78 
48 44. 44 
22 20. 37 
1 93 

1 - 93 

6 5. 56 
LOS sees eee 
70 64. 81 
38 35.19 
LOS) || eee 
49 45. 37 
57 52. 78 
2 1.85 
MUS ees ten c 
45 41. 67 
58 53. 70 
5 4. 63 
LORS ee ee 


Observations 


Brow ridges: 
Absent 


Forehead, slope: 
Small 


Nasal septum: 
Straight, concave_______-- 
Convex: te a2 6 ses ee 


128 


Individuals 
Number | Percent 
1 0.93 
101 93. 52 
6 5. 56 
108: | |e¢-f Pe. =e 


51 47, 22 
48 44. 44 
9 8. 33 
1084) -2-2eeoees 
48 44, 44 
56 51. 85 
4 3. 70 
108)'|22--s32cse 
1 - 93 
31 28. 70 
62 57. 41 
14 12. 96 
108. eee 
5 4. 63 
74 68. 52 
29 26. 85 
LOS; Eee nena 
13 12. 04 
78 72. 22 
17 15. 74 
108.28 seek 
42 38. 89 
66 61.11 
LOS |) oo ae oe 
3 2.78 
77 71.30 
28 25. 93 
TOS" Ets seee ee 
2 1.85 
76 70. 37 
30 27. 78 
LOSH28 Se eee 


AnTHROP. Pap. No. 16] QUICHUA-SPEAKING INDIANS—GILLIN 


TABLE 4.—Otavalo group: Morphological observations—Continued 


Observations 


Chin, type: 
Median- ------- Lee pee 
GUC ae amp 


Teeth, eruption: 
Complete-.-..-2-..--wepit 
LODGE: Jee ee ee 


Edge to edge-_-_-__-___-_-_- 
Sm Overs-.-2.... 22208 
Wiedinm, Over. o2es222-2:: 


Medium, 9-16___________- 
Pronounced, 17-+-..._--._- 


Teeth, wear: 
Absent, small________ Anes 
Lulz hobo: iS See Sere 
Pronounced, very pro- 
MOUMCOM oa 


Individuals 
Number | Percent 
35 32. 71 
72 67. 29 
LOW oe eee 


Observations 


Malars, front projection: 
Absent, small____.______- 
Mediums 2sees ee 
Pronounced: 2232252224222 


Ear, Darwin’s point: 
ADSONG =. Be ook Se 
Smale hss. sche be eA Bs a 
Medium. 53) - drdece.ts~ 


Ear, lobe: 
Solderad-=3s. 2245-45223 


MWediumes east 328 e 
Pronounced: 4 sa2.28eseed 


201 


Individuals 


Number 


Percent 


3. 70 


65.74 


1 - 93 
51 47. 22 
56 51.85 

1084 |S aes 
18 16. 67 
56 51. 85 
34 31. 48 

TOS) Ss. ce Jos 
71 65. 74 
31 28. 70 

5 4. 63 

1 - 93 

108 5|Be == osen-8 
30 27. 78 
51 47, 22 
27 25. 00 

108) aeesnrese 
29 26. 85 
69 63. 89 
10 9. 26 

108 =5 2=-25e5 
78 72. 22 
29 26. 85 

1 - 93 

108 s}a oc eS S25 


202 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN HTHNOLOGY 


[Buu. 128 


TABLE 4.—Otavalo group: Morphological obse rvations—Continued 


Observations 


Temporal fullness: 


NVeGiIM Es ae ee ee 
Pronounced.<-1-.-5 += =. 


Nasal profile: 


Conesve: 2-2 452. -e ee 


Nasal tip, inclination: 


Wp; medium): 232222222525 
Up Smalls asses ee eee 
Own, smallos fee ae 
Down, medium_-_-__-_----- 


Nasal tip, wings: 


@ompressede=2 = = 
VOGT cere See 
HO) Va Ve) 0 Sami Se 


Nostrils visible, front: 


PADSON Gee sea sheen eee 
Small, medium___________ 
Pronounced 2. 22" 22222222" 


Nostrils visible, lateral: 


(ADSAN Ger oo 2c erl es ae lat 


Nostrils, axes: 


Parallel bese a eee oe ae 
Oblique, small___________ 
Oblique, medium________ 
“ETANSVOPSO22 esas oe 


Individuals 
Number} Percent 
18 17.14 
82 78. 10 
5 4.76 
BUN) 9] SE yee 
18 16. 67 
45 41. 6? 
24 22, 22 
21 19. 44 
LOS Se eee 
8 7.41 
63 58. 33 
36 33.33 
1 .93 
108: |s:efe sar 


Observations 


Lips, integumental: 


Moedtumice=se24-- a 
Pronounced -224-====-2-=— 
Very pronounced____-___- 


Medium 22>... <02-s-< ; 
Pronounced: == ---------- 


Lip, seam: 


Absent: ci<- 2-22. 22 


Midfacial prognathism: 


pAIDson tHe -< =.= te22se eee 


Alveolar prognathism: 


(AiDSenGs 52s ee eee 


Individuals 

Number | Percent 
22 20. 37 
46 42. 59 
40 37. 04 
108) |p oseeceeee 
29 26. 85 
57 52. 78 
22 20. 37 
108:4Jo% 3 oe 
————=—=—=a_ 
14 12. 96 
61 56. 48 
32 29. 63 
1 . 93 
108" se esos 
54 60. 00 
50 46. 30 
4 3. 70 
LOS) } 2 eSeeE 
5 4.63 
45 41. 67 
28 25. 93 
30 27.78 


ANTHROP. Pap. No. 16] QUICHUA-SPEAKING INDIANS—GILLIN 203 


TABLE 4.—Otavalo group: Morphological observations—Continued 


Individuals Individuals 
Observations — SSS SSS Observations See 
Number | Percent Number | Percent 

Occipital protrusion: Cranial asymmetry: 
snl So ee ere 4 66. 67 A DSOnt 3. SOEPUE ee el 1 50. 00 
AGG 711 ro 2 33. 33 1) a. A ee eee 1 50. 00 

TET Ee oe ee it 2 eee Ma) 8: | ence wy Re pa 7 1 AE rae 
Lambdoid flattening: Facial asymmetry: 
STE! | ae ee Pee eee 2 40. 00 ALDSOMG oon eae cla S i! 33. 33 
IN 0 he 2 40. 00 DOSS RS Ae a ed oh 4 2 66. 67 
PrFoOnonnCad. 2-2... =-= 1 20. 00 
— othe: <2 eS pneeed yi | ele 
a agains Body build: 

Occipital flattening: ineareey Sees oe 5. 13 12. 04 
AOU. oe ae 102 97.10 edie 2a eee se ee 50 46. 30 
VPI es =k «ane ed 2 1.90 Watorelie pap h te 45 41. 67 
TO GHRCOG t= o— . 5S = i 85 = 

UNA |S eee eae LOS s | Peete Sa 
TRG) eee Ee Se ee LOB ees ee 


TABLE 5.—Angachagua group: Anthropometric measurements and indices 


Trait Number Range Mean | P.E. | 8.D. | P.E. D PoE: 
Measurements: 

Se 0) 2S eet 26 | 143-169 (c)} 158.31 | +0. 71 5. 34 | +0. 50 3.37 | 40.32 
Bincromilale...* =.= 2.2. 26 | 31- 39 (c)| 36.86] +. 22 1.68 | +.16 4.56 +. 43 
Chest breadth__._.__--_-__ 26 | 26- 34 (c)} 28.74] +.22 1.71 16 5. 96 +. 56 
iGhest depth---.: .---..-..- 26 | 20-29 (c)| 24.42) +. 24 1.78 | +.17 7. 29 +. 68 
Sitting height___._-_______ 26 | 78-92 (c)| 83.74] +.37 2.79 | +. 26 3. 33 bk. 31 
Hoeadlenpth:— 2 UP 26 | 170-199(m)}| 185.76 | +. 84 6.33 | +. 59 3.41 +. 32 
FHerdibresdth: 22. eo 26 | 141-158(m)} 145.57 | +. 45 3.42 | +.32 2.35 +, 22 
Headsneipnt:—.--—- aoe 26 | 130-153(m)} 187.98 +. 62 4.72 +. 44 3. 42 +. 32 
Minimum frontal_-__-____- 26 | 93-116(m)]} 103. 58 +. 67 5. 04 +. 47 4,87 +. 46 
Bizyeomatic_..--..---=._-- 26 | 130-164(m)} 142.40 | -+.65 4.95 | +. 46 3. 48 +b. 33 
TBA Ey C1 be pl a Se Ree ame oh 26 | 94-125(m)| 106.74] -+.92 6.92] +.65 6. 48 +. 61 
Total face height__________ 26 | 100-134(m)} 119. 50 +. 81 6.10 =k. 57 5. 10 +. 48 
Upper face height __-_-___-_ 26 | 55- 74(m)| 66.40] -+.60 4.50 | =. 42 6.78 =k. 63 
Nose ineighG. fe 26 | 44- 63(m)} 51.98 | +.49 3.68 | +. 34 7.08 +b. 66 
Nose preadeh=_=- =. 25 | 31- 42(m)} 36.20] +.30 2.25 | +.21 6, 22 +t. 59 

a ORT eee Oe eae Sigel (kak BPE 8 | Ml eee pee eae ens thee Senn (a 2 ee ee 

Indices: 

Relative shoulder breadth. 26 | 22 -25 23.60 | +.13 98} +.09 4.21 +. 39 
Thoracic index___._-_____- 26 69-100 78. 66 +. 77 5. 84 zk. 55 7. 42 +, 69 
Relative sitting height_____ 26 46- 55 52.80 | +. 22 1. 64 +.15 3.11 =. 29 
Cephalic index_..________- 26 | 71- 88 80.07 | +. 44 3.30 | +.31 4.12 =. 39 
Length-height index_______ 26 | 70- 81 74.12} +.32 2.43 | +.23 3. 28 b. 31 
Breadth-height index______ 26 88-108 92. 45 xt. 57 4, 29 =k. 40 4. 64 ck. 43 
Fronto-parietal index______ 26 | 66-77 69.64 | +.37 2.79 | =. 4.01 zk. 38 
Cephalo-facial index_______ 26 | 91-102 95.81 | +. 25 2.70 | =. 25 2.82 +b. 26 
Zygo-frontal index_________ 26 | 68- 79 73. 02 ct. 34 2. 56 +. 24 3. 51 kt. 33 
Fronto-gonial index________ 26 | 90-114 102.95 | -+.75 5.70 | +.53 5. 54 tk. 52 
Zygo-gonial index__________ 26 | 66- 86 76.19 | +. 56 4.20] +.39 5. 59 xk. 52 
Macial Mdex: = 222s... 26 | 70- 94 83.15 | +. 74 5.80 | +. 52 6. 73 =b, 63 
Upper facial index_________ 26 | 40- 64 46.76 | +.45 3.42 | +.32 7.31 +b. 68 
Nasal index: . 25 56- 83 69. 34 ck. 94 7.00 ck. 67 10. 10 =k. 96 


JS GVTs ER ad PRESS BSR) Se See) || cn ee ae A ee Ee a |e BiFole=-eo = 


204 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN 


ETH NOLOGY 


TABLE 6.—Angachagua group: Morphological observations 


Observations 


Marital state: 


Skin color; beard, inner arm: 
iBriingt. 2 == =e 
Swaruny 0: a -ee ee 
Redibrowils2 So otecsoseaae 
Lightibrowi= 22-------- 


Vascularity: 
WASDSOIM He ee ee on eae ee 


Freckles: 
AND Seni tease ere 


Hair, form: 
Straight<. 2! +.-- 2. bis= 5 
OW WANeS-= 3-55 5 
Deep waveS- -----------+-- 


Hair, texture; coarse__------- 


Head hair, quantity: 


Meditimyt 22: oss eee. 
Pronowcede se 


Baldness: 
‘A psenit0. i.) Sa oe eee 


Individuals 

Number | Percent 
3 11. 54 

22 84. 62 

1 3.85 

71h eee a pe 

2 7.69 

1 3. 85 

20 76. 92 

3 11. 54 

26M ieee ee 


14 53. 85 
10 38. 46 

2 7. 69 
Of | bos eer 


18 69. 23 
8 30.77 
opt) Te eee 
15 57. 69 
11 42. 31 
Dial Ree 
14 53. 85 
5 19. 23 
7 26.92 
Ora fa a 
26 100. 00 
2 7.69 
8 30. 77 
16 61. 54 
OB) |W tee eow 
25 96. 15 
1 3.85 
26} ||| wage} 


7 26. 92 
12 46.15 
7 26. 92 


Observations 


Body hair: 


Grayness, head: 
ANSON Gi no. oe ae ee 


Hair color; head, black _----- 
Hair color; beard, mustache: 


Eyefold, external: 
Albsentec.-5=--' 25s ee 


Eyefold, median: 
ASONGH 222 cbao = Sees 


Eye, obliquity: 
Absente =. =---1b..7 Ne 


[Buxt. 128 
Individuals 
Number | Percent 
1 3. 85 
19 73. 08 
6 23. 08 
OG |) LoS ahaa 
23 92. 00 
2 8. 00 
25: | 222 
26 100. 00 
26 100. 00 
9 34. 62 
17 65. 38 
26) | Ss5sess2e= 
14 53. 85 
8 30.77 
4 15. 38 
26% (taaney ee 
5 19. 23 
4 15. 38 
16 61. 54 
1 3.85 
D6 i sen 
1 3. 85 
4 15. 38 
18 69. 23 
3 11. 54 
26) | ee FRE 
2 7.69 
14 53. 85 
8 30. 77 
2, 7. 69 
20a ae a oe 
7 26. 92 
3 11. 54 
14 53. 85 
1 3. 85 
1 3. 85 
Dhalee Boots. 


AnTHropP, Pap, No. 16] QUICHUA-SPEAKING INDIANS——GILLIN 


205 


TABLE 6.—Angachagua group: Morphological observations—Continued 


Individuals Individuals 
Observations Observations = 
Number | Percent Number | Percent 

Eye, opening height: Nasal septum: 

SE See Sees 16 61. 54 Straight, concave__--_----- 11 42.31 
POON Se 2 oa 10 38. 46 Convers. nnn 5- = aes 15 57. 69 
Pane ot 26 Voth = Rp tallies = eee it | |e 
Eyebrow, thickness: Nasal bridge, height: 
a be ee See I 19. 23 Meditmess.2-24eeeo5 ee 16 61. 54 
Wiedinin 2... -1..--.-..- 18 69. 23 Pronounced - 2-4-2 —8 se 10 38. 46 
Pronounced _—~.<-.--.--- 3 11. 54 — ed 
Motale=*. o2 3 Stk a bi eee ee 
(iG) tC ae 74) ee ee sd 
Nasal bridge, breadth: 

Eyebrow, concurrency: fshoats ttt, See ees Seat ae 2 7.69 
UNG. i 7 26. 92 Mediums > 4-522 -.223 19 73. 08 
Hie. a eee 15 57. 69 (Pronomnceds.. 34-2 54-5—- 5 19. 23 
Mediumiies 22. J2-- +. 4 15. 38 

—_—— ORG tas eee 1M ee, coe 
Motalsscas2s-- ee 22 Ai (ee ae 2 Pe 
Nasal profile: 

Brow ridges: (Eh ster (eee es ee 5 19. 23 
Shi ee a See 23 88. 46 Straigiiaeeseise ae 9 34. 62 
MWrettitimee. <2. 5-3-2225 3 11. 54 Wonyexe se se 7 26. 92 

Concavo-convex---------- 5 19. 23 
ARG) ae ee See 263 leat ee — 
Motaleiats st) Foy oa. 2632222. 5 ae 

Forehead, height: es 
ST [a ie 9 34.62 || Nasal tip, thickness: 

IWC Lar ee ee 17 65. 38 Smee: Ae 87s Bese 4 15. 38 
oe Medi tsatet. fo... 20 76. 92 
1) cE a 72iP | ee ee 8 Pronouneed...-22—--=-=)—— 2 7.69 

Forehead, slope: Total___---------------- 26 |---------- 
Brin lbewe e+ Fao 8 30. 77 
Miodiimiie coed... 8 14 53.85 || Nasal tip, inclination: 

Pronouneed |= ==2-— 22-22. 4 15. 38 WipySin ale ee eae 13 50. 00 
Ow, smalls 2 ess oe 11 42.31 
Tai ee eee Cr De eee Down, medium_---_-_-_- 2 7.69 

Nasion depression: Total..----------------- Pores oy Was veel. 
SEOOTE | | aes eae, pa eee 4 15. 38 ; Bsa 
Medigm: 9). ..52- 2525522 15 57. 69 ae ee 6 93. 08 
Prononneed.....-3322-2-=2- 7 26. 92 Hebe ey eens 19 73. 08 

| oc ara ral. sete Mlamnpe.. 52-6225 23 oS 1 3. 85 
MOtali tee ea 710 ]e\ Pee eet 

Nasal root, height: S| 
EN == on- mentor tten : 7.69 || Nostrils, visibility front: 

Mediam._—..-------==--+-- 19 73.08 peat 2) Cob 2 ae 11 42.31 
i 5 19. 23 Small, medium.___-_----_ 15 57. 69 
Total_._...---.---.----- 26 |= ------ Wotalestuses tee eee OTe eae 

Nasal root, breadth: Nostrils, visibility lateral: 

ETN (8 SS ee ae 3 11.54 THe 2 RERSE Sees Se 2 7.69 
AVodtnmips.< 228 23 88. 46 Wedivine® 22. b = ee 24 92. 31 
Motaluscocofe 2 22555 26) ins eS LO lieweoccteb ee 26'\ 5 aeeeee 


206 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [ Buu. 128 


TABLE 6.—Angachagua group: Morphological observations—Continued 


Individuals Individuals 
Observations a Observations 
Number | Percent Number | Percent 
Nostrils, shape: Chin, prominence: 
Win its. ae te 11 42.31 Small ee... eee 12 46.15 
Wied itm 2 222 Seaeiaes 2 13 50. 00 Mediums .2 bes ae 14 53. 85 
WONNG! See ee ee! 2 7. 69 ——— 
Total? 2.2 2b6 sane 264M So 
DOU are he ee a) Oa} Me aes oe eed 
SS Chin, type: 

Nostrils, axes: Mediantaes 2.0 See mae 9 34, 62 
Oblique, small_._..______ 2 7. 69 Bilateral®.\-- 7s 17 65. 38 
Oblique, medium_______- 15 57. 69 — Se 
ALTANS Verse sss ses ese 9 34. 62 ‘Totalet are eee 26.2 deeee 

ne | _————SS=_&_ _ —————_— 
Totals ee 264 -oe eee Teeth, eruption: 
= SS es SSS GCompletex2...2.) 17 65. 38 

Lips, integumental: Partial <2 s:) psineees 9 34. 62 
Bimalleee ss ew eee ee 3 11. 54 a 
aM ya by re hare viens Sa Ty Ue 3 11. 54 Totaled. DG sae ae 
Pronounced: — 22 4e2 5225252 20 76. 92 == 

—_____-|—__——__ || Teeth, bite: 
Tetal.2o = eee 26h |i seek y > Edge to edge.____________ 19 73.08 
SS SS SS SES = Smalloverse-6.4 2 ai 26. 92 


[ohoatsN) LG $ Sie RR ple ease 4 15. 38 Totales. => poms sees 26k Danes 
Miedinm: ssc seen eee 17 65. 38 
Pronounced ______.._._-_- 5 19. 23 || Teeth, loss: 
NON ee 13 60. 00 
Mota fee remeeta See 2 264 | Sean eoe ek Slight? 1-4: so 4 see 7 26.92 
ted Smal); 5-8. .....-222222552 1 3. 85 
Lips, lower: Medium, 9-16____________ 1 3. 85 
Sms lita a wa See eer r ae 2 7.69 Pronounced, 17-++-_________ 4 15. 38 
Medinm= 2. < esac And oe 12 46.15 —-——-. 
IPrononnced sass ose 12 46.15 Totals aaa ae 28 || eo -- See 
Teeth, wear: 
Total_..---.----------.- oi Besae ease “Absent, smallen eee 6 23. 08 
Lips, eversion: sa pean cere Ps . a 
SSra dea Te a Babs he hoes if ZOHO dil! eech ek A KA DURP ANG ice loa yp ae be Mina i tiet ane 
Medigm = ot. bey ea leat 18 69. 23 
Pronounced =~. ---._-.-.-/ 1 3. 85 CMS ate, Seas is Mabe s Te 
Teeth, caries: Rar 
Hi Boy ro) [cds Bt See 26 dle see Slizghtl—4.2221- 5.22) ll 42.31 
——= Smallhp-882 0228020 Ss 3 11. 54 
Lips, seam: Medium, 9-16___-.-_-_-_. 4 15. 38 
AS rave) Tt eee ae eee as 13 50. 00 Pronounced, 17-+-______.-_- 8 30.77 
Medium =. 220 Pky 8 30. 77 
Pronounced. -_.___-__.___- 5 19, 23 Dotal. 222 eee 26)"s22 eee 
Teeth, shortening: 
Tote ----------—- =D | pceacscse Apeintel ke 18 69. 23 
Midfacial prognathism Smallbss 4 222 2. ee 4 15. 38 
Smiallt Aes ee 19 73. 08 Mediumt:: 2=.24.. 2 ee 3 11. 54 
Medinme: 222 boo ra 7 26. 92 Pronounced ...----------= 1 3. 85 
otalecs 222. 4anes eee PAG} eee elie Res Motels nnn ath ook 260 | see ee 
Alveolar prognathism: Teeth, crowding: 
Smale. J22 22 be 9 34. 62 JA Dsentze = 12 ot te 5 19. 23 
Medium: = 32 222-2222 16 61. 34 Medi’ 2243 re 18 69. 23 
(Pronouncedee. eas eeee i 3. 85 Pronounced] 2222-- 2-222 3 11. 54 
Tota ee tase 5558 O44} ne ee Totals sas ee 26)\|a2252— 2556 


ANTHROP. Pap. No. 16] QUICHUA-SPEAKING INDIANS—GILLIN 207 


TABLE 6.—Angachagua group: Morphological observations—Continued 


Individuals Individuals 


Observations Observations 


Number | Percent Number | Percent 


—_—— | | | SS 


Molars projection, front: Ear, size: 


Mr Guib ies. 3. 22 SoS se 9 34. 62 Smale 2 ss es eee 7 26. 92 
Pronounced = 2222252222222 17 65. 38 Medinms 222232" e 16 61. 54 
‘Pronounced 3---2-----2-- 3 11. 54 
LES oe ak A eee 0 Palate il ea 
—SS Notale 2.2 /4224-5242-25- a eee 
Molars, lateral projection: 
Minwiiceet ss esses rsss2l2- 1 3.85 || Ear, protrusion: 
Wredignmtan 5 = 22259 252 c902" 7 26. 92 Bmialits* a. eae See ee 20 76. 92 
IPronouneed 4942225 222=2 18 69. 23 Medium2: -22-22"2222-=2 5 19. 23 
Pronounced: s222=2-2-2-== 1 3. 85 
Ties wets er sess il i Ree Sema 
——— Lo) 2) eee he eee 771) beeper 
Gonial angle: 
Mmnpiter ssa 225222222 5 19. 23 || Temporal fullness: 
LE ah rer a oa 6 23.08 Small’ 2+ -22- aka 2 8. 00 
Pronounced... =-..=---- =.=. 15 57. 69 Mediwm:.-.- ---==.-- =~ =. 21 84. 00 
Pronounced - ------------- 2 8. 00 
NE) 4st So an 744 J ee elles 
Totals: ---<---=-2-=----— FN | ae ne 
Ear, helix: 
Bmgeeted ssescccscance 9 34. 62 || Occipital protrusion: 
Wiredinm=:.3.- 2e8 sit! 11 42.31 Absent: 2. -=222-852422=-~- 1 4.00 
Pronounced ._2--—-=22...2 6 23.08 Smiallessu- 252 StS 2a25 = 5 20. 00 
Medium-22-=---=2-22-2-- 18 72. 00 
400) 30) Cee ee Yi} ae Dea Pronounced es=---=22e—==— 1 4.00 
Ear, antihelix: Totalss52-eenose eee Obie hap wae h 
Sy 02) | See eS RL 7 26. 92 
WVRoditam 5.250) Sih _ 15 57.69 || Lambdoid flattening: 
iPronoumced $2) =. .==-4 4 15. 38 Absent. -==-2=--=s=<=<---+- 2 8.00 
Smalls. oe acte se aee oes 5 20. 00 
136) 42) [EE Se oe Se Ot ee Soe eee Medinm=.---+:--=-.25 4 16.00 
Pronounced: =-=.--.------- 14 56. 00 
Darwin’s point: 
ANG = a ee 14 63. 85 Total. 2see cee Ses Sa AMR Ae. = 
Bmgieee st 232-0528 8 30. 77 
Torre Cy | 9 ee eee 3 11. 54 || Occipital flattening: 
Pronounced 2-22" V2.2. 222 a} 3. 85 Absent iso-2edee e252 US 19 86. 36 
Medium 1222.25. 22eeee2% 3 13. 64 
at folie) Lee eae ee ees 26) \|Csbar els 
Totals 22. - sh ou bel ites a 
Ear, lobe: 
Solderedess=-2s.- eS. 10 38.46 || Body build: 
PRCLACHEO G8 ta 22s 222 9 34. 62 Linear. 25-2 .se8.2cce- 2 7. 69 
1g DSS ee eee 7 26. 92 Medium: 232-6222 -2--—6= 12 46.15 
Tateral: s2-5- 2222 es 12 46.15 


208 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buu. 128 


TABLE 7.—Differences of Angachagua over Otavalo indices and measurements, 
with values in terms of X P. HE. 


Trait sere ie axes of Trait DBS ts ae 
Measurements: Indices: 

BA PUTOR Ne oe sae Lead +2. 28 2. 85 Relative shoulder breadth____| -++0. 52 3.47 
Bincromigl ie. ss) ae eee eel E-lGR 2.31 Thoracic index__........------] --.12 .14 
Sittinethelehtss2 S222 22 222 +1. 56 3. 55 Relative sitting height________ +. 24 1.00 
Headtlenpthi22s oe sane ee +1. 38 1.47 @ephalicindex.--2_-..--_-=--- +. 03 . 06 
Head breadth_-_-_____- pee Ber —1.98 3. 60 Length-height index_________- +2. 19 5.21 
Headihibignht2-< aes ee +5. 44 5. 89 Breadth-height index________- +2. 88 4.30 
Minimum frontal_____________ —.12 .16 Fronto-parietal index_________ —.57 1. 36 
BizygZomatic!.-.-4_-2 2 ee —.50 . 68 Cephalo-facial index_________- —1.11 3. 36 
IBIFOMIS tees ee nee ae —.40 38 Zygo-frontal index____.__-_-_- +. 52 1, 30 
Total face height__._.._...-.. —.75 . 84 Fronto-gonial index __________ —.55 . 62 
Upper face height__.__...____- —1.65 2. 46 Zygo-gonial index___.._______- +. 03 .05 
INoseiheight= 222s eee ee —.76 1.36 Macialiindex: 32085 )82 aes —1.05 1.33 
Nose: bread thisesce 2 ane —2.37 6.41 Upper facial index______---__- —.96 1,92 
Nasal: index: 9-22-22 eee —3. 68 3. 44 


1 Percentage of measurements under 3XP. E.=69; percentage of indices under 3XP. E.=64. 


TABLE 8.—Comparison of means for measurements and indices of Imbabura Indians 
with those of Quichua and Aymara Indians of Bolivia measured by Chervin} 


‘ Imbabura2 | Bolivian Bolivian 
ine (eolumn A) | (column B) | (column ©) 
INumberintseries 2 22<) <-22- ct 22 sos oe et eo ee 133-4 66-67 lll 
Measurements: 
ehh! ee a ee Serene. | ie ae 1, 564 (m) 1, 580 (m) 1, 570 (m) 
Sittingiheight.2-1. 5. ==. arent Nb 91 E) en 824 (m) 840 (m) 870 (m) 
ead lonpth << ot 200 od ee a oe ee 185 (m) 182 (m) 183 (m) 
Head bresdths sot 222 28 ae bt eT 148 (m) 147 (m) 150 (m) 
Head! height (110/ceases)_— + ee ek EEE tier ere 134 (m) 134 (m) 130 (m) 
IBinygomabics 2. Pe fe ee ae ee 2 a 143 (m) 138 (m) 142 (m) 
Indices: 
@ephalicundex:-25.). = 2228 a Se ee a 80 82 $2 
Wceneth-helehtundex 22. 2-252. a= Be a Se 72 73 69 
Breadth-height:index. 2.206 eee ee a pa 90 87 89 
ielativesitting height. .2. 2022) ee ee ae ee 53 §2 54 


1 Chervin, 1907-08, vol. 2. 
2 Round numbers. 


AnTuror. Pap. No. 16] QUICHUA-SPEAKING INDIANS—GILLIN 209 


TABLE 9.—Differences of male Indians of the Province of Imbabura (including all 
measuremenis from Otavalo, Agato, San Roqué, and Angachagua) and male 
Quichua Indians measured in Bolivia by Chervin, calculated by means of the 
putative method ! 


Trait Difference ? Pak. XP. E. 
Measurements: 
[2110 {Lin ee Rl ae sepa sf SS i a ee ee ae eA ee —1.52 +0. 57 2. 67 
ULI 1S age Be ee eee bE MSE —1.52 bh. 33 4.61 
ELTA GA ee SA ieee eee aie ae BAe: +2. 65 +. 65 4.08 
Pe MESTRPRMES SPIEL ENE Aces ar Ss ee oa Pee Se ee +. 76 +b. 46 1. 65 
Moadiholehte.a-cn- =.=...) 5 A oh RE ste ano Lei —.18 +. 71 225 
Rol SRST re eee AE oe UA ee a Ae eee eee Sree +4. 80 +. 51 9. 41 
Indices: 
UISVELTLA EVE GY cS RE se SESE (UNA er se aaa vE ES Ne ao —1. 96 +. 32 6.12 
TLDS ECL ea wa bat (ry ORR (i es ae es NN eee ea eS —.56 +. 37 1.51 
Pema eetieip i GUNG OX: 5 ans oy Ae ne ee ce ee eee ae +3. 26 +. 51 6.39 
Eee Ota Uitte MEO MEE Gea ee ee meee ee ee ce ory ae eae ee +. 60 4.17 3. 53 


1 Percentage of measurements below 4X P. E.=50; percentage of indices below 4XP. E.=50. 
2? Differences calculated from actual values; ef. table 1. 


TABLE 10.—Differences between male Indians of the Province of Imbabura (including 
all measurements from Otavalo, San Roqué, Angachagua) and male Aymara Indians 
measured in Bolivia by Chervin,' calculated by means of the putative method 2 


Trait Differences P. E. <P. E: 
Measurements: 
SUEUR. - eS SER AE 2 eS ee ee een ones Oe ere —0. 52 =L0. 49 1.06 
SUNURVEIS JECTED RRS A. SE en eee 7 eee eee ee ee ere —4.52 =k. 28 16.14 
EGG See BS ee ee Cee a ee eee eee +1. 65 bk. 55 3.00 
TEREST) Sie oo a ORS 2a a ES ee es oe ee eee See aeeere —2, 24 +. 40 5. 60 
Headiroente ._-_.-- Senor e. = os Ue Se ae ee ee ee +3. 82 +. 61 6. 26 
CE SEGiirH Hr) a © SE RS a Eee eas See eee +. 80 kb. 44 1, 82 
Indices: 
(Heya) e151 Cus Sa (5 CaS OS Sel NPS ee eS Eee a ae a OS —1.96 ~k. 28 7.00 
ROHNER PIP EDN COX see an eee tad es le ee +3, 44 bk. 33 10. 42 
CCAM UMANOIE A GNU OK ne Gece 2. btn seen ie eRe ee so +1. 26 bt. 44 2. 86 
Romiversituing Height. (see oes Ota, 5 ae me OBE Oe —1. 40 +.14 10. 00 


1 Differences calculated from actual values; ef. table 1. 
2 Percentage of measurements below 4XP. E.=50; percentage of indices below 4« P. E.=25. 


210 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bunz 128 


TABLE 11.—Differences between the Otavalo group and male Quichuas of Bolivia 
measured by Chervin, calculated by means of the putative method 1 


Trait Difference P. E. | XP. E, 
Measurements: 
Sen Ab ig: pe Sie eel eee eee eee NRE See ea. oe ee ee —1.97 =L0. 60 3. 28 
Dittinguheight= <= ass ee gape ek 2. See emf ks melee cee gees —1.82 =k. 35 5. 20 
Headivlenethe.~o.. oe ee I Ne ee a ene ee +2. 38 +. 67 3. 55 
Hesgdsbresgth- ooo kee 22) See ee Yee ae Ce eee +. 55 bh. 52 1. 06 
FGA GUnSIRN Gs a ee ese ak. ee Be eee leer Se ee —1. 46 sk. 75 1.95 
BIZ V ZOU LIC mes Se ae each ee Ne ae ee eee +4. 90 cb. 54 9.07 
Indices: 
@ephalic index: ee a se ee ee ee eee —1.96 -b. 33 5. 94 
1B7yaYeg oe aol td of rey ba (ep. carey ae nae ee ae ta ee rie eis —1.07 ck. 44 2. 43 
Breadth-neiphtindex.- <2. a3<. Se eee see deena oe +2. 57 zk. 55 4. 67 
Relative siting NelGNt- = 2 ee se lee wee nO ee gee ence +. 56 +k. 18 Beat 


1 Percentage of measurements below 4XP. E.—67; percentage of indices below 4x P. E.—=60. 


TABLE 12.—Differences between the Otavalo group and male Aymaras of Bolivia 
measured by Chervin, calculated by means of the putative method 3 


Trait Difference P.E. XP. E. 
Measurements: 
DOA LUTO Ss Sie ees Goes 28 eee ee ee ee eee —0. 97 +0. 52 1, 87 
Sittinghoeight! 21] 5: See ee eee eee et are —4, 82 +. 30 16.07 
Fea dulan gto scr 2 haere fae sae eke ae ee eee eek +1. 38 bk. 58 2. 38 
(Headibresath:-2t2 bootie et os eel ea eee ee oe —2.45 bh. 45 5. 44 
Headhoightan 25-6 Rae ye Ee ee ee ae Le ee +2. 54 =. 66 3. 85 
BIZVeOMatiOsn-so- st ee eae ne Bo cn ee ee ee ee eee eee . 90 ck. 46 1.96 
Indices: 
Gephalichindexc. <<) et Sie 2 ae eee eee en —1.96 ck. 28 7. 00 
Deneth=breadth index=+ ses | os Ne a eee a ee +2. 93 +b. 36 8.14 
Breadth-neightindexts sae- eee keer e eens  o ees +. 57 bk. 48 1.19 
RGA TLV OSL Gbin 2) Nee Hh ne ee ee es eee —1.44 +.15 9. 60 


1 Percentage of measurements below 4XP. E.—67; percentage of indices below 4XP. E.=25. 


AnTHROP. Pap, No. 16] QUICHUA-SPEAKING INDIANS—GILLIN aa | 


TABLE 13.—Comparison of means for measurements and indices of Imbabura 
Indians with those of Quichua and Aymara Indians measured in Bolivia by Rowma, 
in millimeters in round numbers } 


Imbabura} Bolivia Bolivia 
Trait Quichua Quichua Aymara 
(column A, | (column B, | (column C, 
No. 134) No. 245) No. 52) 


Measurements: 
SLI 1 ERE fe RS RS RS Pe a ea ee See eee 1, 564 1, 601 1, 599 
APO nN Ce eS ae ae eee eee 363 365 362 
PUMOSGMEORUU Dh oa ono oa ots soswascn emaeeesteonas cess ce|Sonn wees eaten ocean | oe ea aseeees 
SUAE CS TOTAD JE SER SEE ee SE ar ees a papen eo oe eens) [Peeea tne Sell oe eas Sle ace aN 
RUS GI eee ot ee ee eee ee te Ones 825 852 850 
1S EAPVG 11 (S5 (pe ae ee ge a gee 185 181 180 
1S CEE] LOSE A |e ae eS ee ee ee 148 148 148 
TEIN CCH 2) Ha Se ep ee aap a Soe ever 134 126 129 
RAE TETTETITEIONGAL seston een ae Se coe eee 101 109 111 
fel er Gees et a ee ee nee ee ee oe ee ee ee 143 141 140 
Loi ee ee Se ee eee ee ee ae 107 104 103 
OUMREY AE UE CE CSST TG) 1 | AS a Sa ae pep Ps 120 CC) Jono Mh bende Soe SRE ES 
TUHPG Yared EVe DNL EGS Te a, SIS a a ea Sn gL ABN PCs Bel ehh fae 
EVES JEU DY pis a ea as eee Pee ee ale 52.6 48.6 50. 4 
PNRROI DISA Uneaten sone a at oe Ae ee ees 38.1 35.3 35.5 
Indices: 
PcIsuiVesioullen Dread elon o-oo nen ee eee nee 23. 12 22:7 22.7 
PRM BRAUIO TIC Okes Sick bees ee oe ee deh ules he Eel ee wet oa Se ee 
(CTD SE Ons ela (ey a = Se ee a ee ee ee ee 80. 04 81.5 81.7 
Maney Nel nvungexssss. = Fee et eis ne ee 72. 44 69.5 71.7 
Bread ih-neigniindexes.- - 22223. 522224.--355— lb ses eat 90. 26 84.9 87.9 
HrOMtGenAniobelMinGeXs <2 = oo 2S Ae ee oe Bee oe eee (UGH 0/45) eel ee ee 
PEP EVEVIH CD APEY CEES U5 ba Uy Gl ee ek a [ie eI he el | es A |S a 
POV EGA OL UAL INO OX anaes sams eee os cee sae = oe ane Sete Seal Se oe | eee ome | Oe eee Se 
HE MRUGePOMAlIN GON! 32. nan op a eee oe ane nee ones Seen (Neer ae ne eR care ee ee 
Poy Pe GIANT OX sae anata ee Ly eee ee ele 75. 16 73.7 73.7 
Seed Pa RIAA CL OX mee ne ee BS eS ee Ss el Sa RS se ae eee 
LORE YS (a1 ED FG Gy cemege Ripert enn eentrar Meena rp teeny reese ease [gene ane eel lagen ni esl fy pa Pe 
IEC Si GG es ee a aS Ae ee ee ee 72. 34 73.2 “lee 
CIE EISIEbITIP Nelo bas ee te ee 52. 60 53. 2 53.1 


1 Rouma, G., 1933. The Quichua series is composed of 10 groups of men measured in the following 
localities: Tarabuco, Chaqui, Puna, Vacas, Colomi, Punata, Novillero, Potolo, Anfaya, and Caraza, in the 
Departments of Chuquisaca, Cochabamba, and Potosi. The Aymara series is composed of 2 groups of males 
measured in Cafaviri and Pillapi of the Department of La Paz. 

7 Measured from hair line, not comparable. 


212 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Burt 128 


TABLE 14.—Differences between the whole Imbabura group and Quichua Indians 
measured in Bolivia by Rouwma, with value in terms of probable error, calculated 
by the putative method } 


Trait Difference TAD XPLE. 
Measurements: 
SCTE Cs cierto irr era ee enre nee ed Hees eraciaectbnendd —3. 62 +0. 41 8. 83 
BigGrorriig ls ons) eet ieee Me Re he ea el oe eS +. 15 =. 15 1. 00 
Sitsingteiolitue )2 1 Bi eal ee Un Re eo eee eae ae —2.72 bh. 24 11.33 
Da (2 %o TP LL) YF) eV eps SEO SPE MA ELS Dae ey eal le yore +3. 65 +. 47 Tene 
Hegdipnead ths ~.6 ee oe ee eee Nee Rayae ety —.24 +. 30 . 80 
Head height_____- RRS 7 Ga SRNL Tee SE RE ALEC ye es eve Ges +7. 82 x. 52 15. 04 
IGE Geb baad boos too) a1 sy bacco ee ee ee SFU NOR ot Veen ny eye diya wea gore —7. 66 +. 33 23. 21 
Biponiqgivaen 22 see t Se AD EC epee sre ta any aes +3. 06 bk, 52 5. 88 
Nose height2:22 52 3 _ = SEEPS IA ae Hp Stee See oe 2 ep MEN ag ge Nr +38. 98 bk. 29 13.72 
INoseibread tits: 2s See ee AS OR ERED: AED eee, +2. 85 bk. 26 10. 96 
Bizygomatic___.-----_.-- ae Re i Belle eRe oe ne -+1.80 =k. 36 5. 00 
Indices: 
ROALIVE SHOW Ook Dread Ulises ene keene es eee eee +. 42 +. 09 4. 67 
@oephalipind exes. 2). ose Ae Bee 8 ae 8 eee oe ee —1. 46 st. 24 6. 08 
(ueneth-neieht next =o er one ee ee le eee ee +2. 94 +. 27 10. 89 
iBreadth-helght index 2-2 sce Se See cee es ome +5. 36 bk. 37 14, 49 
ZV O-POMIA GN COX eee ek: 9 oem Re Nn Si ols ee Mee eRe ee Yee de +1. 46 +. 40 3. 65 
Relative sitting heieht y=) ees ee ee eee ete eee —.60 =. 12 5. 00 
Dns 21 15 ba (615s, ecemmngaaaie levee ee epee Bie sha Wes Spee erp aw atl RE —.86 ck. 57 bist 


1 Percentage of measurements under 4XP. E.=18 percent; percentage of indices under 4xP. E.=29 
percent. 


TABLE 15.—Differences between the whole Imbabura group and Aymara Indians 
measured in Bolivia by Rouma, with value in terms of probable error, calculated 
by the putative method } 


Trait Difference P. Ey XP. E. 
Measurements: 
SUERTE Care a eee ne ae a ee ee ne ere ee OE —3.42 -L0. 62 5. 52 
VESEY Gia 009 Fig ie es ee he aS el la i ta ere he ye +.15 +. 22 68 
Sivbin gihied phi bees hee co cee Yee gals they AU Nea epee ey ree ee epi —2. 52 +. 36 7. 00 
HeadHlongthy: 2esia sk 2ioio st hyo bare tt tel Bak) +4, 65 a+. 71 6. 55 
Head breadth_________ RL PAS preteen ATTY pangs OE Eipegy., ark o —.24 +. 52 . 46 
Woadvheight.- +. 22-/cce 2 22. 5-2 2) A a eee af +4. 82 +. 76 6. 34 
Minimum frontal____._______- a ae es ee ee ee —9. 66 +. 51 18, 94 
BIZ COM AtieLe == — eee ea Se ene ee pee ee +2. 80 +. 55 5. 09 
Bir onigl eee: se tee yeas ok Sue er ee oe eee Pa +4. 06 +. 80 5. 07 
INosevheight sense era ee OP ees es See ek a +2. 18 +. 44 4.95 
INjOSe! bread tines bate aie 2 Pots See ee ee ees By +2. 65 +. 44 6. 02 
Indices: 
Relative shoulder/breadth™ 3226 =e ee ee +. 42 +.13 3. 23 
Cephalic index_-___--_- ES rey ae fe a eg eS ee ere ees aM ERNE —1, 66 bk. 36 4.61 
eneth-neientindextsAe4 yo. ks Sen eee ee ee eee +. 74 +. 41 1.80 
Breadth-heightiingdexs sess) tae ears ee ee +2. 36 -b. 56 4,21 
Ayeo-conialindexc4 utes woe ee i ee es +1. 46 +.71 2.06 
Nasallind@x. 222-2. 142 tos Se ea ee +1. 14 +. 86 1.33 
Relativersithine height 4-2 ee eee —.50 +.18 2.78 


1 Percentage of measurements under 4XP. E.=18; percentage of indices under 4XP. E.=71. 


ANTHROP. Pap. No. 16] QUICHUA-SPEAKING INDIANS—GILLIN 213 


TABLE 16.—Differences between the Otavalo group and Quichua Indians of Bolivia 
measured by Rouma, with value in terms of probable error, calculated by the 
putative method! 


Trait Difference P. E. <P. 
Measurements: 

Si PERT REE 0 Oy I SS sd YB a ee eee —3. 98 +0. 44 9. 05 
RI TCRIAISE Ay nt tS ete ern Seg ce get ES Ns oe es —.27 +. 16 1. 69 
SNM De’ L GME ros WE SOE CO ae Ee Pee) ete a ee —3. 02 +b. 26 11. 62 
[RIES (SPC 2 EE Ee ee ee ae ae eee eee ae +3. 38 +. 49 6.90 
PeREES TOC ieee... ee See ee 3. Ba ees Sd eke wnt we en eees 2 me —.45 bk. 39 1.15 
LSEp EUG Se SS SEE Se Dae 2 ees Oe eee +6. 54 +k. 57 11. 47 
MR SSLETEBIUIRCOTIGAL Sf Penner eke os RRA 2B Rist hehe ie —5. 30 -b. 35 15. 14 
RAI OE ORs nd ander eas rey | BRR 2 RSL ss co oy el +1. 90 cb. 40 4.7 

SS LEGTTTULS. 3 RR Be eee See ead +3. 14 +. 57 5.51 
SMOSHINEISN Tees 222 Oe 8 SNS Lae en thae tele 28 be aes +4. 14 +. 31 13. 35 
RPSG\ ats Td SU 2 Se Re. A 4 Siw ceeds ey abetess +3. 27 +. 28 11. 68 

Indices: 

(OSL ROS ss CS a Se ee ee watenieetecs —1. 46 +. 24 6. 08 
Mrenctn-neighuandex: $82.20.) 8 Fos beseeessies eezcese 4-2. 43 +. 31 7. 84 
Breadth-height index._______________ DME Ss enc en ee dealt ae +4. 67 +. 41 11.39 
LPLTS EG Hie es a A St ey ee ee +1. 46 bk. 36 4. 06 
Dent 5 CER A a ees Eee, See ee ee ee —.18 -b. 61 . 29 
ERIE LEH ODIO RN bao te cet. ee 8b ee ae eee —. 64 +.13 4.92 


' Percentage of measurements under 4X P. E.=18; percentage of indices under 4XP. E.=17. 


TABLE 17.—Differences between Otavalo group and Aymara Indians of Bolivia 
measured by Rouma, with value in terms of probable error, calculated by the 
putative method ! 


Trait Difference Leas > eel OF 
Measurements: 
SRDS oe Se SOE, i. See Py) Se See ee Se ee eee —1.87 +0. 65 5.95 
np oo Se eee eo ee ee eee +. 03 xk. 23 le 
‘Stine Las fe a i A Sey Re ena aoe = 9182 ai 7. 62 
TRYEDG LGTY ee a SS ee EE oie eee ae Senne ee: -+-4. 38 +. 72 6. 08 
FRE CG) (ET 2H 7 nope penne ote eh oe Rn oa a les oes ap hak tales Oo ely og ee : —.45 -k. 57 7S 
cpebhd LOGO ss Spe globe pt le dg src gt Klee te olla 3, Reda i neat cae nam ces +3. 54 +, 81 4. 37 
Re ER EETERESTISTAL ICA ee tee eee ee te Pie ene te omer eee tee —7. 30 +t. 50 14. 60 
LEU Wn TESTA tip pt ees cal pl nae JN nytt be Slat obealiel ‘icel  Seleelle MATE ded +4.14 +. 84 4.93 
ESTE LAGS VELA 2 ee eel aie I eee ae ct Ne le i ent esas Benoa Ady +2. 34 +. 45 onal 
Nose breadth________- ch acy. cra ence Ay sos eu Alig Sed ipa Ree +3. 07 -t. 41 7.49 
Indices: 
“CHULA (i ia (2) a 2A eM, iow ee eae —1. 66 +. 35 4. 74 
HP pit OL GON S oe ee ee ee oe ee +. 23 bk. 45 .51 
Breadth-height index_____ See a RAS ean Da Lae +1. 67 +. 58 2. 88 
Lae PTYTHNTA GEE GE Goes SE ee Oe ae ee ae eee +1. 46 cb. 52 2.81 
LUPIN G Ie ake eee ee ee eee eee +1. 82 -b. 89 2. 04 
SATUS TESTE Cf PTE OT 19 a —.54 +.19 2. 84 


1 Percentage of measurements below 4X P. E.=20; percentage of indices below 4x P. W.=83.33. 


218558—40 


15 


214 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bunn, 128 


TABLE 18.—Comparison of means for measurements and indices of Imbabura Indians 
with those of Quichua and Machiganga Indians of Peru studied by Ferris in 
millimeters in round numbers } 


Imbabura | Peruvian | Peruvian ih iin 
Quichua | Quichua | Quichua 


+ ganga 
Trait (column (column (colts (column 


A, B, , D 
No. 134) No. 124) No. 85) No. 18) 
Measurements: 
BS Geant tear es ee ee ee a 1, 565 1, 584 1, 584 1, 559 
Blacronvighees S255 00 se ae ek ene ae 363 381. |-2=.---3398| eee 
@hest breadth. ---s- be2ks oo ee PC AM | ees. 304 275 
@hest depth= 2-22 22 aee a fee See Sone iene as 1 mee |e 224 218 
Sitting heighte iss 2-0 aa. wee Bao eae eee eee 825 836 830 781 
éadiengthy= 2. o-b sae! nee Ee oben oe oce 185 185 190 181 
Head breadth=-- =. Seeaeee Se eee 148 148 150 145 
Head ‘helghts: s22-= te nee net een a ee 134 146 134 128 
Minimunifrontal 232 ss) 422 oe eee eee 101 = | =~ =e. aa 2n3) =. ee 
BIZ VOUS Gs a te ee en ree 143 141 141 141 
Bivonial: 2025502508 5- Se Meh i es) eee 107 104 ose ch go Eee 
Total facevnelght-—2 452 FL 2s Soe Soe een 120 116 9135 2125 
(Uipperftaceibeie ht os esaen soe ees oe een 68 65. ||--22-.--e8| eee 
INose height sees te aoa tee ee oe eee 5256) || esas eee 57 50 
Nose breadth] =--2-3- = 2.2 80223 22 eee SOL. qs Saute See 40 42 
Indices: 

Relative shoulder breadth 222.02L_2222221242223.-2 23. 12 24..0') 44 22S ae See 
Relative sitting heights )22-=2-s-n—sa= =. eee ee 52. 60 51.8 52. 54 50. 09 
‘Phoracie indox:tyj+5.. 235 we oo ee __aet ee oad 78s68 Alecks - ee see 73. 83 79. 38 
Gephblictindexss --~teee sete Ae eee bh 80. 04 79.9 79. 46 80. 38 
ene hehele he iinid exe see eens ae 72. 44 68.6 70. 46 70.9 
Breadth-heipht and ex = eee eee 90.26 | 2 2 oo ol ee 
Wronto-parietal index... 4.2422) aes sn 70.12) |_ 202-2222 eee 
@ephalo-facialindext=.-- 2 -=- 282 oe eae 96.\71 |--.-2. 32-22 sone es 
ZYZO-LONIBMINGOXS soe eae ee ee eee ae 75. 16 13.6 || --23202242 54 
MaACIalindex 2. es Sinks. Ae ee eS ee eee 84. 00 82.9 196.35 788. 44 
UW pperifacialtind exs2o 4 re see ee eee ans 47. 54 45.9 |-22- 2a eee eee 
Nasal index.) +2 1 ee ete oe CPR, | eee ee 69. 98 85. 37 


1 The data in column B are from H. B. Ferris (1921), and comprise the pure Quichuas only, measured 
by Dr. L. T. Nelson, from the localities mentioned in pp. 62-63 of Ferris’ work. The data in column C 
are from Ferris (1916), and refer to Indians measured by Dr. D. E. Ford in the Provinces of Urubambaand 
Convenci6én of the Department of Cuzco. They comprise supposedly pure Quichuas, although the author 
states that there is a possibility of 8 percent admixture with Spanish whites. Data in column D are from 
Ferris (1921), and refer to Indians measured by Dr. Ford in the San Miguel Valiey. 

i Probably glabella-menton height. 


AntHRopP. Par. No. 16] QUICHUA-SPEAKING INDIANS—GILLIN 


215 


TABLE 19.—Differences between whole Imbabura group and Quichua series 1 reported 
from Peru by Ferris, wiih value in terms of probable error, calculated by putative 


method ! 2 
Trait Difference 1 oe yes 15) 
Measurements: 
MinimrGsseere. 2 tk Re ee. oes s shoe gen esse nok tele ss —1.92 £0. 47 4.09 
LE TVEC TY CPR) Cai Span Sel ES Re St ee eee ee ee —1. 65 +. 17 9, 71 
CEU ATECS STC 1h Sa 8 bt a Te eee eee oe eee ae —1.12 bk. 28 4,00 
HD TG!) Qe e eee Be Te eee eee ee ee —.35 +t. 54 . 65 
1 EPGSNEL | aC RAT Bh a Se ae Oe ek et oe eee ee ee ee eee —. 24 +. 40 . 60 
TEED e LN ete SB hh Se Oe ee ee eee —12. 18 =k. 59 20. 64 
TPE COE DE 3 a lie OE Ee ee tea gage Oe ae +1. 80 xk. 42 4. 29 
LRTI So A I Set Re Ee en ee ee eee ee eee +8. 06 t. 61 5. 02 
Total face height_-__-_-.-----_-- Jae RON» sticve Se a: cabs ea 5 ee J +4. 10 +k. 50 8. 20 
iimpentacemeieht: 6 Se 2 Salata ses see ey eae és suk Mees +2. 75 bk. 39 7.05 
Indices: 
PO amVOMnOUlGerureagthine = 2-4-2 fee — see oe Se —.88 +. 10 8. 80 
LEVTUENT ASEH ARES 41S 1 gl lS ee eee eee +. 80 +. 14 5 71 
Cephalic index----._-------- TE eee ere eee eae +. 14 sb. 27 52 
Wp EH NGI ENO OK nh. cana we ERR been tn ray Lae we Seis +3. 84 ck. 82 12.00 
ZED CTA by PAGES GI Bh ae gE eee eee +1. 66 zk. 50 3.32 
TOG G L2) ¢8 2 pena Ot ae EO eee eee eer eee +1. 10 zk. 39 2. 82 
(Ore AC ANTON etre see ca Lae eae 5 te 1th in eA erin Fe +1. 64 +. 28 5. 86 


1 Percentage of measurements below 4X P. E.=20; percentage of indices below 4XP. E.=43. 


2 See table 18, column B. 


TABLE 20.—Differences between whole Imbabura group and Quichua Indians 
series 2 reporied from Peru by Ferris, with value in terms of probable error, calcu- 


lated by putative method }2 


Measurements: 


@hest breadth. .--..1=..-=-.-- BAe oR iat Gs eee tere Dyn Se ey pine wynroanss 
CoE EUT) 5 CEE) oN Be, UIE SEROUS es Ce he. 2 ey arr ie ahs iecatnee tt ik Pe oe 
RTC ee oe et ha Se a eae eae aioe 
RCPS OFS 08 tees =e Br ee ee Se eco oeeee 
TECRIUE LO ATLA See Re a ae Ben atc eee sp pen Alene iia eee 
TERE SELECT CAI Fe SS eee RE ae en Ae ee ene ee ark rate 
ES GROTH Sl Oars ee ot ee oe EE oe Se pk non sun aoe ewoeeeeee 
WG TREAD O30 8G) Te Se ES Seg ane ARUN eter eae nee 
HEP Sy GTR DY 2  e S RR ES Die EUU en) eae Rs yap eines 
IRS aye tr SE PR os ee ee ere ae ree ees 
Indices: 
Pepe UI MOC OIG Mayan 8 toes Sy os ee soe ce ane 
SRC PREPERIC WU RETICL ONS MS SACO a a PS ee rg es ro OD 
 OAVUE a FO At SO ee ire ae eae ee Sea eee 
LESTVENTG LTS Ed SY 0G Eh pee RR Ee ac ee ene a 
TEEN EIDY [Tea (ES Cea SS RCE Birch, ENC iI LDR PCR aga ay Seyi ceh-e er veel ineaes 
ANSSHIINGOK === sees te tere a cere rc see en ee eke = 


1 Percentage of measurements under 4XP. E.=36; percentage of indices under 4X P. E.=50. 


2 See table 18, column C, 


Difference 


216 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buy. 128 


TABLE 21.—Differences between whole Imbabura group and Machiganga Indians 
reported from Peru by Ferris, with value in terms of probable error, calculated by 
putative method 12 


Trait Difference pags “PLE. 
Measurements: 
Stature set Wy 530 wey Sa eee ae ee Se) +0. 58 +0. 96 0. 60 
@hestipronc thie == See wee ar ee et a re ee + .19 + .29 . 66 
@hestidep Gly sas-o. 7 eee ee re ee et ee ad ee ea — .06 x . 26 .23 
Sitting yneient. ee ete ey el Tallon preei set ee eek n eee eenee +4. 38 + .56 7. 82 
eadilangth sis. eet Sat ee an ed fe ee le +3. 65 +1. 09 3. 35 
fries dibread ths.. 3 52: tee wes oe a ee ete ee ee Pee ee ee +2. 76 + .80 3. 45 
WEVesy ane ta Gils 7d Lane ek See De eee ee ee +5. 82 +1.16 5. 02 
IBIZY POUT C!s: 220s 2B ie Bile BES eet ee +1. 80 + .85 2.12 
Moatal Tacaneight.-2_ 6 eto eee ee nl SR ee —4,90 +1. 00 4.90 
INOseheitht:s 22 UP eae SLO eee ae ee ee Le ee +2. 58 + .66 3.91 
INGSelbrena Gh. e: SS eee eee 2 Nae es as A te —3. 85 + .60 6. 42 
Indices: 
Relativersittine heightws 23.2 ks ee ee +2. 51 + .28 8. 96 
TMHOVACION AK. <2 ee NS ee ee ne — .80 + .92 87 
Mophalic index. 222. Se eS ees ok See ee en oe — .34 + .55 - 62 
hongth-heiehindex s 4422-22. oer ea ee +1. 54 x .62 2. 48 
Racialiindaxtret:- 23 pete ee ese ee een eee oe —4, 44 + .80 5. 55 
INAS 8 iG Gg: 2 eae ee in eee ete oe —13. 03 £1. 26 10. 34 


1 Percentage of measurements under 4X P. E.=63; percentage of indices under 4X P. E.=50. 
2 See table 18, column D. 


TABLE 22.—Differences between male Otavalo and Quichua Indians of Peru 
reported by Ferris (column B, table 18), series 1, with value in terms of probable 
error calculated by putative method } 


Trait Difference Pees SAP SIs 


Measurements: 
SU Thee AOS k Es ES yee eee Se we eee ee eee eS —2.37 +0. 50 4.74 
VBS TEUei aya ts |S Ae ce ER BP 2 pa Ne a Soe eR he cy 6 la ooh, as Mate —1.87 + .18 10. 39 
Bittinesneigh trerser are cme ne eo ee rere enn teeter eee —1.42 + .30 4.73 
read eneth esis 58 see tones FES ee ee eae es Se eee — .62 + .56 1.11 
ead bread nish et ja tele Se re oe ee ee ee ee — .45 + .44 1.02 
eg dwheighte2 as. 28 easyer Fn ag tt by ee Se eee Se —13. 46 + .65 20. 71 
IBIZVEOMACS tees Ee Ae Pee ae | ee ae Se eee 1. 90 + .45 4.22 
IBIS ON ial sce 53a ee et ae Deal ST aa Tey ee rey Sere eee 3.14 + .66 4.76 
Totalfaceheehts vet wala sn wales ete We Ce Ree ae 4. 25 + .52 8.17 
Winperifaceshelgh tsetse ae oe eee oe oe Seen seme 3.05 + .41 7.44 

Indices: 
Relativeshoulder bread thes sober are eee — .92 + .12 7. 67 
Roelativesittine heights =< £5. - wea ee ee eee eee — .76 + .15 5.07 
ZY 20-2 ODIANINGOXE bbs ae ie Fe en ee ee ee ee 1. 66 + .41 4.05 
Cephalicindexs 22422. fs aap ee Se ee ee ee .14 + .28 . 50 
NUON ET H-ROIPNTUNGOK- 225 see oe ee one ee ee ae ey 3. 33 + .36 9. 25 
1 OPERONS Dee (25 Giatek Shee I SOS yee SC aca Bt Py Pala eh ee Sn i ole 1.30 + .40 3. 25 


1 Percentage of measurements below 4XP. E.=20; percentage of indices below 4XP. E.= 33. 


ANTHROP. Pap. No. 16] QUICHUA-SPEAKING INDIANS—GILLIN 


217 


TABLE 23.—Differences between Otavalo group and Quichua Indians, series 2, 
reported from Peru by Ferris, with value in terms of probable error, calculated 


by putative method } 


Trait 


Measurements: 


CUE LEY OL SS i a ae Se Ea ee | eee eer ear 
CUCDHEEE LITT 0 ee, BRAS OS aS OR PSE S eS Sree : Gr OS Nene See 
LE UTE ee ae ee ae as eee: ere ee ae 
PEERS yee a Te I a ee Pe ee a eee | eee ae 
CEETG CL Se nee eee: eee | eee eee Boe 
UA RG TE Qe SR A a SE SSID GPL eee a eine SO 
SRG HBOI DION (a3) ke ae A ee et ee 
NP ES UD i Bs ae ee Se eee, | en: Bee 
LS) ES EU SoU Ne = areata = rae ep ere ene reg pee eae re see 
Indices: 
MORO ERIOUO INCOR es oe oe ne sa aape eee Le wb eae 
erste Neen hy. ses oes ae ie eeu k Voth ge 
enicmarmnnor 2 2 sytwk pes el) ye ee eros Sa es 
UIE MBS TOO UY ea ed Re a np i pe eS eee, Se 


1 Percentage of measurements below 4XP. E.=27; percentage of indices below 4X P. E.=67. 


Difference 


—2.37 
—2.95 
—.84 
— .82 
—65, 62 
—2, 45 
—1.46 
-++1. 90 
—14. 75 
—4, 26 
—1, 43 


+1. 47 
—.02 
+. 58 

—12.16 

+3. 04 

+4. 71 


a a 


XP. E. 


~ 


$978 St SONS S290 
ro] 
co 


a) 
ay 
oo 
es) 


TABLE 24.—Differences between Otavalo group and Machiganga of Peru reported 
by Ferris, with value in terms of probable error, calculated by putative method | 


Trait 


Measurements: 
LVVDULEYE Es 22 <p ee SS Re re eee Pl An a De) a ete 
COULD R BYU D201} Chae bane ii ale aR emily Ped a eel Ate. aera) OS 
"CAPTIAT GIS 2) tee 9 eer alls foe pel ELIA taal Sa sone x ne eatc a EI ye 
SUNTUEVE LCE EG ae ee ee el ae ee Deal baci peek betel, 2 alee eere ee 
(Bic TUDE Gri Lee lien meee ale (SG dea Retiel she ei eta, PICs Si 
CREST! 1 TVP RG O71 ope cee ae th eine Soe Rb peri lao) AR 
LEE sch Th L612) (01 Pep poem, bi oes Beh Ben PNG pence, 5h Ha Pe eg PE 
Binvronintie =~ ooo ota 25 pce ste sc ctacecAwesss 
LEDUC LW ETCayl VS Se ee re oe See a A eee 
PPT ETUDE LEY Pa ate er a ya le ge ih OY oO 
RFD SEM SEP U2 ea ie Seale. 12 ea eg lesa ee RE SE hed 

Indices: 
PEAS LD UR SG c/En L109 (2) 0G) (ges a le gel ea ae oe 
VLE GVaT E04 1 LE) cep awe al icp ee ee, See Et dE 
MOEN LCM OOK ies sea Sus te WN ones eto Sune 
MAIN Oke eee eos SAA LYS AR ake cl hag 2 ee Sebel 


1 Percentage of measurements under 4XP. E.=64; percentage of indices under 4XP. F.=50. 


Difference 


P.E. 


£0. 


tobi ree te tea 


97 


XPSE. 


218 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL 128 


TABLE 25.—Comparison of means of measurements and indices of male Imbabura 
Indians and Cayapas Indians measured by Barreti, in millimeters } 


Imbabura] Cayapas Imbabura] Cayapas 
(column | (column (column | (column 
Trait A, B, Trait ; 7 
series series series series 
No. 134) | No. 36) No. 134) | No. 36) 
Measurements: Measurements—Continued. 

PLAtwro sees ee eee 1, 564. 8 1, 551. 31 INosevheight=*22" Saas 52. 58 46. 68 
Sitting height=- 220 to 824.8 836. 84 Nose breadth___-_.---.-.- 38.15 36. 42 

Biscromigieoc.- 2. see 363. 5 399. 21 || Indices: 
Head length.__._.________ 184. 65 178. 36 Relative sitting height____ 52. 60 63. 88 
Head breadth. _____._____ 147.76 148. 94 Macialindexs=222 5402558 84. 00 79. 59 
Bizyeomaticn: 2.2 - boe 142. 80 139. 89 INasallindex 4222 sseees 72. 34 78. 46 
Maceiheigit sess. 2s 120. 10 111. 21 Cephalic index____.__-__- 80. 04 83. 58 


1 Barrett, 1925, vol. 2, p. 423. 


TABLE 26.—Differences between total Imbabura series and male Cayapas of the 
Ecuadorean coast measured by Barrett, with value in terms of probable error, 
computed by putative method } 


Trait Difference P. E. > er OT 
Measurements: 
SUS CULT weer 8 eee i Se a ee ee +1. 35 +40. 72 1.87 
Sitting height. . 28-2 as Ee a TS VOR —1.20 +. 41 2.93 
Bidcromigl 32s Ve SAM Bah ATT BOUIN AL TG. eat —3. 57 ck. 25 14. 28 
Hea delong thes $8 eset regent oe in Scope tans eaten 2 tenants +6. 29 +. 81 Corks 
feuds bread tat sls 2 tis eee Shey a a os ee —1.18 +t. 59 2.00 
(BIZ VP OMIA PICs sae raya ae cea Ce SO icra eh eR +2. 91 =k. 64 4. 55 
ACO VNC EG ee eee AUR el AE ALLIS A TE ie 8 ol Se +8. 89 ct. 74 12.01 
INOSeyeiD In Gas Seis Fe a A Be Ne EN ee ee ee le +5. 90 +. 50 11.80 
IN OSCUDTRAC Nese ae a wen i ere See net eran te ae Ura eee +1. 73 hk. 45 3. 84 
Indices: 
Relativesituur height.--weee esd sence ee ee ee eee Se ere eee —1, 28 +. 21 6.10 
Mg cial singe: ce sa eRe Te Se ot ee Ce eee eee ener te +4. 41 +. 59 7.47 
IN aSe tin GaKere aia eae oie We et ene ae Pet ae eT eC ene eee —6.12 +. 90 6. 80 
MepHAlIGHNdext.: ioe ee at Ne eae ee te eee ene —3. 54 +. 41 8. 63 


1 Percentage of measurements under 4X P. E.=44; percentage of indices under 4XP. E.=0. 


ANTHROP. Pap. No. 16]: QUICHUA-SPEAKING INDIANS—GILLIN 219 


TABLE 27.—Differences between male Otavalo and male Cayapas of Ecuadorean 
coast measured by Barrett, with value in terms of probable error, calculated by 
putative method ! 


Trait Difference P.E. DOP. 
Measurements: 
SOS Tn, eS ee ee ee ee een eres +0. 72 +0. 73 0. 99 
SHEE DSTO LON Yee ee ye ee ee a a ee koa! —1.50 bk. 44 3.41 
FRO Blake ee Sem soe eee eee er ete ee —3. 69 cb. 26 14.19 
PAPTEN RD eee Wek ees eS oe eee an deen eee +6. 02 +. 82 (ov 
PCB ORO Ne nee ete oh SR a ee Se ee ee eS —1.39 +. 65 2.14 
TOSCO eS ee en eee eee +3. 01 +. 66 4, 56 
EATD LEG eM Ee ee ee ee eee ener ess +9. 04 +. 76 11. 89 
TNPRSTS Die ran Ree ee OR ee es ot te te +6. 06 -k. 52 11. 65 
ENDED SWEET GH te eS ee a eee ene a a a +2. 15 bk. 46 4.67 
Indices: 
ETE RATS 0 ne es Se ee eee —1.32 bk. 21 6. 29 
TMT UTE GS oe re ee Se eee eee ee +4. 61 ch. 57 8.09 
TSG Ty a ee Ee oe ee ee —5. 44 +1. 01 5.39 
Cyr Riri se6G (> Cae Se ee as ee ea Been ae —3. 54 =k. 40 8.85 


1 Percentage of measurements below 4XP. E.=33; percentage of indices below 4XP. E.=0. 


TABLE 28.—Comparison of means for whole Imbabura group with those of Piro, 
Machiyenga, and Sipibo of eastern Peru reported by Farabee } 


Mache- 


Imbabura? Piro rca Sipibo 
Trait (column | (column | ( Sean (column 


A, series B, series Fi D, series 
No. 134) | No. 23) | G-Series | “No. 14) 


No. 19) 
Measurements: 
SHOUGHGL 22.2. ae Secor Ieee senate 1, 564 1, 613 1, 610 1, 586 
STOLE HRs os 2. ek ek cen ceaeoe se 824 866 832 797 
Tou GON ETRE TIT oe aces aee pepe pret Semi pe seperate ea 363 379 406 381 
CHE HELE tl EN Se ee oe eee 277 283 293 292 
(CROCS ANG TET eS ieee Se oe ae ee Se eee 217 237 234 235 
TERT Go A eS Bee ee ee ee nee 185 194 184 182 
PESTO Vee T ove A ae a ee eee ee 148 150 146 156 
Lotro) eee TR Sie ee. eS ee eee 134 134 134 135 
ICV POMIA NOME. - 8 eae eal coe os ee sa 143 145 145 147 
POL SNACORNOION Gee ee eae oe oe 120 118 112 122 
WTSI ACE AS Re Se ee eae See eae 53 48 50 48 
WES eee ti es SS SER OE Sees See eee ee 38 41 40 41 
WLC Th OT EE Re Be eee a 101 121 121 124 
URGE 2 Oe ae Bee Se Soe ee ee 107 127 119 128 
Indices: ~ 

Relanweasiubine helent.. - 222 22 oe 8 52. 60 53.77 5110 50. 97 
MTC LPL GO Ke oe eae soe ee Ee Le Ee 78. 58 83. 87 80. 20 78. 58 
TORR AIGNNOOK ea oat et oe te eee ee de 80. 04 77.43 78.99 85. 69 
ene inNelen tr iNGexs. 22 |= Sa 8-2 oso of? 190A | OR Bal | See Se ol Laeieeie wk 8 TE 
rend LH-neienindex:2essc so. 2 Poe So 90. 26 89. 71 92. 50 86. 82 
TOP CITA EG Fs OO oe eee eee oe 84. 00 81. 45 77. 50 82. 88 
INGEN 5 i ee ee ee Sa ee eee ee eee 72. 34 86. 59 80. 10 84. 63 


1 Farabee, 1922, pp. 168-179. 
2 Round numbers. 


220 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buu 128 


TABLE 29.—Differences between total Imbabura group and Piro Indians reported by 
Farabee, with value in terms of probable error, calculated by putative method 1 


Trait Difference | P.E. xP: 
Measurements: 
Stature: tos) 4c 6 sob SoU etl ase ae Oe ea ese —4, 82 0. 87 5. 54 
Sitting Helgh pases 22 Wo yete, ole eer eet ONE ee RCN Ae enna eE Rd —4,12 . 50 8. 24 
iplacromial® ees. 222d eee. 2 sR i ee eee eeneen —1.55 . 30 6.17 
@hest'breadth:a 222. hoes sow ce), Deh hh eee RT an] ee apem —.61 . 26 2.35 
Chest depener ess awd eS MUN rir Die hk 2 Bee EN —1.96 . 24 8.17 
Head length tas 14 2 3 BA 5_  Vo) Cet ree eae oe ee ane ee —9. 35 97 9. 64 
ead ibresa thes. + 2-420 Re nts oe eee ene Wa eee —2. 24 ay A 3.15 
Head shee hte cae Aa EL See eee ee eae ee —.18 1,04 217 
IB IZVRODIRGIC LO. S.A RENT Sis Ed Oe ee Or oe eae —2. 20 Ais 2. 86 
otalifaceher sh bsea.5 S50 Ae Be eos EE Skee «ANA 3.10 . 89 2. 36 
Nose heizht- 2. 2 ke eed 2s EER ee Ae 4.85 . 60 7. 63 
INOse|Drcad ites. Seen. = SER en eer eens re eee NAL Reel: —2. 58 . 53 5. 38 
Minimnmnrontal. 6202" oan one ed iors —19. 66 . 69 28. 49 
Biponiall ---sse= s- a we Nee 5S Pee lee eee eh Ah shes Rd —19. 94 1.10 18.13 
Indices: , 
Relativesittine heignt (ee we ee eee ee —1.17 .25 4. 68 
‘HHOTAGIC UNG Ox seas eee en gs ee eee, ee ee ee ae ae —5, 29 . 82 6. 45 
@Gephalicindex eee a ee eae el ee Tee oes 2. 61 .49 5. 33 
Breadth-heightiindex.<- 4-222 eeia sees ee ee 55 Wie .73 
WaClal index soe es hee Pe En ea ges  OO ROE 2. 55 ay 3. 59 
Nasal index. 22-2228 32 EN. SEae Se Re SD OS Sea oe —14, 25 1.19 11,97 


1 Percentage of measurements below 4XP. E.=36; percentage of indices below 4XP. E.=33. 


TABLE 80.—Differences between total Imbabura group and Arawak Machiyenga 
hater by Farabee, with value in terms of probable error, calculated by putative 
method } 


Trait Difference Pie <P. E. 


i | ee. 


Measurements: 
ESR Y ATU gs A a SRI SONIA yet aE, tes eet nano wp —4, 52 0. 94 4.81 
SUC ALT C1 Fo3 1) RET SREB hee eee Ure lt SPEED eee Sy a sony —.72 . 54 1,33 
BI ACTO WMG) ee One ee es eee ee ee oe Ste —4, 25 .33 12, 88 
Chestbreadtheaa-4- files aetna See —1.61 .29 5. 55 
Chestidoep thse sues newer ok i hI Se oS Te ee ee es —1.66 . 26 6. 38 
i oadvenrthec 255 Moiese Cee tee ee Eee eee wae . 65 1.06 61 
IELea Gt bread Gees s= 2 Ba Soe We ae ae | eens 6 oe ee eee 1. 76 . 78 2. 26 
Headtheieht=—2.= 2 8s yt ore SE eae Nac i Saar (SU OE ES Pale a oh et —.18 1.14 .16 
Bizyeomaticn =.= bu eka. ae | cE Reet ee bentecheg aril an Akad Rae —2. 20 . 83 2. 65 
*hotaliface ele hit=.\ kanes eae eS ee eee eee eo een 8.10 -97 8.35 
Naosoihels hips se: 2 Roce eth Wire eee Me eine pee ses 7 ee 2. 58 . 65 3.97 
INOSO bread Uh 2s ..0 tise es 2 Eee eee ee ee —1.85 . 58 3.19 
IVE MM ON tal 228 sree heen ee ea eee ee CE —19, 66 . 76 26. 21 
Biponinjewet ts. t io Aone oo She eee ees ae eee ee —11.94 1, 20 9.95 
Indices: 
Relative:sittinesholohine seen ees eek ee: Ae eee eee 1, 50 27 5. 56 
TRHOY A CIO Oke Sac bin ae a een eS ee EE oe —1. 62 -90 1.80 
Cophalichindexs 252222. a-ha ep ee et ee ee ee eee 1.05 . 53 1. 98 
iBreadth-helehtindexce: eee ee eee —2, 24 . 82 2.73 
MAciaiind exc sso!) it te 2 Lee 1 ee ot ee ee 6. 50 .78 8.33 
INasaliindexse2 2s. Sooe ee ee ae Oh ace ae —7. 76 1.30 5.97 


1 Percentage of measurements below 4XP. E.=36; percentage of indices below 4XP. E.=50. 


Anrurop. Pap, No. 16] QUICHUA-SPEAKING INDIANS—GILLIN 221 


TABLE 31.—Differences between whole Imbabura group and Pano Sipibo Indians 
eather by Farabee, with value in terms of probable error, calculated by putative 
method ! 


Trait Difference ate SCP. 
Measurements: 
RS IeA WEEN Seen ae Seen | EE ed et OF i ke ee —2.12 +1. 07 1.98 
STUN GALES ot SRR TE BS ee 2. 78 =k. 61 4. 56 
SUS Sesh ie SUS Ee, aes a ee se —1.75 +. 37 4.73 
VOLES Sy Ca EES TS | pee od a en —1.51 +. 33 4. 58 
Re ONT OLS Hier oe = eee aie 2 Oi = 5 = = 8 SS oe ee eee E —1.76 +. 29 6. 07 
2B URED ae Se 2) ae ral eee Ree eS oe 2.65 +1, 21 2.19 
PERPD EL Sic2e ee Oe aS ee a ee eo ee ete —8. 24 +. 89 9. 26 
REERACCEL CLES] SED Tyme eae = Ph WBE I A A a he RE —1.18 +1. 29 91 
Bizygomatic_-_----.----- ie 3 AR SEGReeet Behan tht tes ee eek —4, 20 =. 95 4.42 
TREE EVES) TEN 6 ER Sr a ee ee —1.90 +1. 11 1.71 
INET SS a See eee Os Re ee ee ee 4. 58 =k. 75 6.11 
INPOSCN) sya TENG | SID D2 OS Sea os eee sak eee ee ee See —2.85 bt. 66 4,32 
ANAT agnor afer) eS os Se ee ee ee ae —22. 60 +k. 87 26. 05 
LGW eee Se 3 Ss See ose Sa eene Senne SS —20. 94 +1. 37 15. 28 
Indices: 

els uiVeI sung Neighteasta=c. 24) bs oe eS cee etre eae 1. 63 +. 32 5.09 
TR GIGO Ss 25 eS CO OS ee ee ee oe 0 +1. 02 0 

NOTES Tah oe ea ee a i hs Ty Se eS —5. 65 +. 60 9. 42 
Erect ance He Gee mates Cine w dc8 eld oh a oe a eee 3. 44 bk. 93 3.70 
PRECIP ne pee = ee eh SE 5 ee ee ee RS ae Se eee ae 1.12 +. 89 1. 26 
DEMON | none ce eee SS Se ee ee ie eee ee ee —12, 29 +1. 48 8. 30 


1 Percentage of measurements below 4XP. E.=29; percentage of indices below 4x P. E.=50. 


TABLE 32.—Differences between Otavalo group and Arawak Piro measured in eastern 
Peru ve Farabee, with value in terms of probable error, calculated by putative 
method } 


Trait Difference P.E. <P iE. 
Measurements: 
SVR) = - 2 eee De Ss Ree ee see eee eee ene eS —5. 27 £0. 87 6.06 
STAM Seip Ole poe ee Red SS Sn ee ee ee Se eee eee —4, 42 xt. 51 8. 67 
SuTree eras 13 |g UE BS 8 Fenn Rist ele MMe Pony Gay Sree epee we Se —1.67 +t. 32 5. 22 
CEES Oates a hI DS Ee ee ee ees eee eee —.85 +b. 24 3. 54 
(CUES CELE) LU 1) ea pe Ee Ep ee —2.14 st. 22 9.73 
ET ECIV LTE EG LRews =e =p eepee Moy 8 Sohn 2p Ne oo Te SEs ee —9. 62 +. 98 9. 82 
IBhppoe Gi ee koe Se ee ee ee eee eee See —2. 45 +.77 3.18 
LEAT (2) 0. a 2. Be EE SE ee ee oe —2.10 +. 78 2. 69 
ONTOS GCP TE) EES SES EES ee a ee +2. 25 +. 91 2. 47 
PE ONOUICIC EN mmE Se o> er Ret Rees de eo er oe +4. 74 xk. 66 7.18 
eS hESG 5 ae LYE ns Cpe ee pee a er aoe 5k a — 2. 43 xb. 58 4.19 
PEPOAUO HOLE epee = nee wee ait is = be oe ERS 2 ee —1. 46 +1. 07 1.36 
BHD oo Se SN Se ee Seer ee eee —19. 86 +1. 14 17. 42 
ING he, SORE Se eee a ee aoe ee Se py ae ee —13. 57 +1. 21 11. 21 
Indices: 
IVR TE EHCOn CAL ING GRs 5 oo hy os. 8 bee —17.30 +. 69 25. 10 
neistive sisuing Noipniese f22 ob 222 68 See eee —1.21 bk. 25 4.89 
MSHGEACIE UBS 225-9 Mee eens ie =. ea Srge  s —5. 33 +. 82 6. 50 
Wophaliotndex 229s ee dah ss et Beene asters anaeaene +2. 61 +t. 44 5.93 
IS Youd Ui HOU kU TNGOK Sess see eet PE a oad —.14 +. 78 . 06 
TOUTS Ce (2) oe es Seen eee ees Se ae hes See se +2. 75 +. 69 3.99 


1 Percentage of measurements below 4X P. E.=36; percentage of indices below 4XP. E.=33. 


222 BUREAU OF AMERICAN PTHNOLOGY [Buxn, 128 


TABLE 33.—Differences between Otavalo males and Arawak Machiyenga males 
measured by Farabee in eastern Peru with value in terms of probable error, calcu- 
lated by putative method } 


Trait Difference i Ea ir XP. E. 
Measurements: 
Statureds Spe kates 2 2 Re ee ee a ee con Oe —4,97 40. 94 5. 28 
Sittin eheion tie oo. y koe Se Be ee ee ee ee ee oe a —1.02 bk. 56 1.82 
IBA Crore limes a2 2 Loe Pied 2 Bee ee ee ee ee —4. 37 zk. 35 12. 48 
@hestibrend tle). 50) £8 Saas oe a ee See —1. 85 bk. 28 6. 60 
Ghestidan iinet: Sisl lige feat othe se ele a ee —1.84 zk. 22 8. 36 
Head lengthi-4.-. 1 (ee EE Rae ite Seek le ee aa +0. 38 +1. 06 35 
JE UGLY Uf] oy e¥s40 |] 0 faalbev mu, 2X Sn < TE Mies SAR ae see eg TRE Lp Ste +1. 55 zk. 84 1, 85 
Head height. __._______. nee So ee eek Ue Me ets a he oh —1.46 £1. 16 1, 26 
BIZVPOMatiCars-2- 2 tee eee SS se See Geeta —2. 10 ck. 85 2. 47 
Cotalifacathelght 222 yet bes ve I a Oe SEE Poe ed oe Oe +8. 25 =k. 97 8. 50 
NOSE HEIpEE ese} Ue J DAE Bn eer eh ee ee Mk +2. 74 =é. 71 3. 86 
INose. breadth’._2---) #4S=. _- ie Rae ne et Oeste eees Bete DPR eTS —1. 43 tk. 61 2. 34 
Vira mepron tal’... eee eaten oN ee ae ee he cee —17. 30 sEL73 23. 70 
IB iO TEN Oe Ck ae AU ES eke ee ee ee eee le ee —11. 86 £1. 23 9. 64 
Indices: 
Relative sitting heightst 6-2 ee ee ee ee +1. 46 = =P / 5. 42 
(RHOraciG an Gexte so 2 bee ae ee Ee Se ee ee ee eee —1. 66 =k. 89 1. 87 
Wephalicindex sake ak gle 2) ee ee aR el ee +1. 05 =k. 53 1.98 
Breadth-heipht Indexsee so 2 week ee oe ee eee nae —2. 93 =k. 83 3. 53 
AE EACUA S19 GLC ap oi a a a Ne ee ee -+6. 70 +. 73 9.18 
INeSalinde@x:fee: 28 oie ae et Be ee ee eee —7.08 £1.31 5. 40 


1 Percentage of measurements under 4XP. E.=50; percentage of indices under 4xP. E.=50. 


TABLE 34.—Differences between Otavalo and Pano Sipibo measured in Peru by 
Farabee, with value in terms of probable error, calculated by putative method } 


Trait Difference P.E. Det d Ds 
Measurements: 
Statnroses. ste. 8 See wn ee ee Ee PE A re Rk bea —2. 57 +1. 08 2. 38 
Sarting Nelo se 5 Oe epee 8 ee ene oe +2. 48 +. 64 3. 87 
Jabbve fosaa\tts) Ae Sewn OY See Bee ia ee ee ely Si —1.87 xk. 39 4.79 
Chestibreddtiies 22! useSae Bee 2 RA tee a eee! —1.75 -k. 30 5. 83 
Ghestdepthee 2... Bape ee Pee ee ee ee —1.94 ch. 28 6. 93 
ead eng iimecs >: Cae Wes Bee ae 2 on Se ey +3. 38 1. 22 1.95 
Head ibredad pies = i226 ei apie LS eal oe ep ie pete te Pe ee —8. 45 +. 95 8.89 
Head neighimen st cease tl Bk hs ee ae oad oN pares —2. 46 -b1. 32 1. 86 
1S) PArgefoy eats ritel: esemmmmps (Ve 2 20:5 ae aie BOE OE et ae) cor ie ee APN Stee ther ee —4.10 +. 97 4, 23 
hotel Taceinelg hts. pwede oe —1.75 +1.12 1. 56 
INoseiheigitt tte.) 2a By eeu A os eee et ee ae +4. 74 =. 79 6. 00 
INGsei bread tins =. 9... skeen 2 ~ Bat etek rs pte ate gas ENS —2. 43 +. 78 Bae! 
IBivonial..44 Bytes yo iiee aes tN Ree bs ee —20. 86 +1. 41 14, 48 
INGinimmmM frontal’: + pepe we se eee DN SE eas —20. 30 ch. 84 24.19 
Indices: 
Relativersitting helehte sew a ee ey ee ee +1. 59 ck. 32 4.97 
Mhoracioindex:. <1 Gi Adee 2 Seka ee oe baie Be eI —. 04 +1. 02 - 00 
Gephalicundex>.'. -_t Iara ar Pine Brey cer eaee Wok aa rae —5. 56 +. 60 . 94 
iBreadthibeight:in Geox: eases 15 eae eee Bie Debi ae eee +2. 65 +. 95 2.89 
Mia cialedn dex 2 2 1 Gee eee mater ee fk eae iN Lean ee +1. 32 bk. 84 1. 57 
IN aSalviad exci! a De RR ee nee ee Sree ae tas Ne ee ee —11. 61 +1. 50 7. 74 


1 Percentage of measurements below 4XP. E.=43; percentage of indices below 4XP. E.=67. 


ANTHROP. Pap. No. 16] QUICHUA-SPEAKING INDIANS—GILLIN 223 


TABLE 35.—Measurements and indices reporied by Steggerda on Maya Indians 
of Yucatan! 


Trait Mean 8. D. XP. E. 
Measurements: 
SU RLUTEDO Dy Ee Be ee Se, RAR OR SEE Ay Ae ee eee 155. 11-b. 40 5. 25+. 29 3. 38+. 18 
SVEN SEE TNT Ea AOS SA CPO ee aS eS es Oe 83. 674.28 | 2.964. 20 3. 54-b. 24 
COU DEESTP 15) EEG Url i See REE SE SPS OOS Ge SS ee SEP See 28.05.13 | 1.39-+.09 4. 96-b. 33 
ROTDSTAOE TOUT te cee ee eee Be kod ca are ae tat 2 ke ace 20. 55-b. 12 1. 22+. 08 6. 94-4. 40 
STAKE VTEC SUS at BN 0S ee eee eee ene eee ene 30.01+.14 |} 1.51.10 3. 97=b. 27 
Tare Narre. A oS pol eee ee eee eee ee eet 180. 41.41 | 5.33. 29 2. 95-4. 16 
Lelonca toy e706 til) [aie WE Le ee ee ees etree 153. 714.36 | 4. 64+. 25 3. 02+. 17 
LEGS cra To) oe ee oe ee ee ee ee ee 117. 504.37 | 3. 91+. 26 3. 33-4. 22 
ECS Eeya (ce ee eee SE a es ee eee ere 142,984.49 | 5. 144.35 3. 59-- 24 
SVIRELEN TE STINEVOT) Chl os toe AL Be Sk he ne ie eed ba he 110. 86.44 | 4. 58+. 31 4. 138+. 28 
LEGO D [25 a OE gS ee ee ee See Lee 106. 06.53 | 5. 544.37 5. 22-4. 35 
ONES EVLA 0) pe a ee ee Oe 2 eee ere 55. 78.30 | 3.144. 21 5. 63-b. 38 
LIVERY L100 Ny OE Ss Te eee ee Pee eer meter ae me 38. 22.24 | 2. 514.17 6. 57k. 44 
TOG G) (ala ts as OE ie ee een ere ee ee ee 118. 48-4. 64 6. 58-b. 45 5. 64-4. 38 
Indices: 

elniivesinime heieh t= 2.2 sate oe nl ne Se | 68.02-+.11 ] 1.14.08 2.15-. 15 
THOSE CG ey eS 2 Bee ee eee eee (2) (2) (3) 

eelauve suoliderbreagths === 203... ..sSzaee te 2k ek 24,284.08 | 0.80-+.06 3. 29+. 22 
OTHE Gate 5 a SG OR A ae nee ee RE eae RS Ae 85. 01--.22 ; 2.80+.16 3. 29. 18 
INFECES D2 (0 GV e) an ee ee eee ee 68. 50-+.57 | 5.95-+. 40 8. 28-4. 57 
TRECIR NEG boca, = SO Se OS Ee SE Dee eee eee ea eee oe ae 82. 46-+.37 | 3. 90-b. 25 4, 73k. 32 


1 Steggerda, 1932. 
2 Not comparable. 


TABLE 36.—Differences between whole Imbabura group and Maya group reported 
by Steggerda, with values in terms of probable error, calculated by regular and by 
putative methods 


Regular method Putative method 
Trait a ee + 
eerie. |, Boks (OPS Speers | ABS da Scea cm 
Measurements: 
ShaVichis. Ua ee ee Seer 1.37 +0. 52 2. 63 1.37 £0. 55 2.49 
Ripnineineitht= = eee ea 2 Ss —1.19 +. 33 3. 61 —1.19 ck. 36 3.31 
Mes Dred$a@yu- ==. 2-6 ee —. 36 +. 16 2.00 —.36 +.19 1.89 
iestidepe l= ste ek et ee 1.19 +.15 7. 93 1.19 .17 7.00 
dare a ee 6. 34 +.18 35. 22 6. 34 bk. 22 28. 22 
rendvenepaeec: 2-2 he Be 2 ek es 3. 24 zk. 55 5. 89 3. 24 -k. 60 6.31 
PTeaG preqa th.» 2 se —5.95 bk. 46 12. 93 —5. 95 . 45 18. 22 
ROTOR Cie te ee | a are 16. 32 -k. 57 28. 63 16. 32 +. 77 21.19 
Wiinimem frontal 2322-22-22 2. 22 —9. 52 ck. 52 18. 31 —9. 52 +. 51 18. 67 
Big gromiapicue= > 5 28 ee. + 2-8 8 —.18 +. 57 32 —.18 ck. 56 32 
123 tn o ERE a ee ae es 1.00 xk. 68 1.47 1. 00 zt. 81 1. 23 
Total face height_________ eee ee 1. 64 ck. 73 2. 25 1. 64 -k. 66 2. 48 
OSO Nee RY =. ee —3. 20 x. 37 8. 65 —3. 20 ch. 44 7.27 
Moceinrand pot {ee ae oe} Boy —.07 +b. 32 22 —.07 bk. 39 18 
Indices: 

Relative shoulder breadth____.-.-_.-- —1.16 +. 11 10. 55 —1.16 +. 14 8. 29 
Relative sitting height___._____.__..__ —.42 +. 15 2. 80 —. 42 +.19 2. 21 
Wannaliggnders 22-22 02< 0202-3) e —4,97 =k. 29 17. 14 —4.97 +. 31 16.03 
HEIN Tint (2) 2. oe ee Dee eee 1. 54 xk. 46 3. 35 1. 54 bh. 53 2.91 
INST iG Ge a aed 3. 84 +. 73 5. 26 3. 84 bk. 87 4.41 


AAV eee oe iy RS oad | RRO 1 ( Ses caged I eee oye 8.90 | pe Sea | Ee aan res | 7.74 


2 


24 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 


(Buu. 128 


TABLE 37.—Differences between Otavalo males and male Mayas measured by Steggerda 


in Yucatan 1 


Regular method 


Difference 


P. E. 


Measurements: 


Stature. =. 2 ap ee STE Min eb he eee ee ee Seely 
Sitting height. sac. 2-0 ye he gyn te ee ee ee ee ote ree 
Ghest Dread thie st gk. os yp aie Bc ee ws 
Gest depth wn OKe 2h ene 2 vat, ep tes a Le eae Se ee he 
(BiSGronTight= 5 #06. 2b te we Meh py yD ee ce ee ae 
lead length... ¢ ei be a ere dN oe ee ae 
iead! breadthe: «25 4. 3k wey BE AS IS ened Fe) te MN oe es | 
HesG Height -2:28 2. ty oe ee ate! ee oe eae 
INMiinimumifromtalh 2 yar site ay eS eee ee : 
IBARVZOMIATIC + Pak Ae 8 ge, ek ce ae en eee ee 
IP ONIANS She pe tee tel ieee Se le eee 
Potalitace Neier G! see se ee ae ee eee Bae ee 
INOSOnOIgnt secs eek aes pe oe Pe as Se eee 
INOSselbread thiaee. cea Stic ae is See eee ae etnies So Se ale 


Indices: 


Rolative shouldenbreadthi== 32 2-) 0 oe ee eee eee 
Relativesittinas;heigh tus 4 a= sat ese ee ee ee 
Gephaliesindex 3-3 2 5 Ss Spy Ap tp hea, ap PM LTR Ho 
MaCiatnGOX= 2c 228 ee es ee ene nee onal ee ee ae 
DSRS Er ara 1.0 (Ep ci uecprne ta ance ye Merman, Peis er seta ol ate fin Scala eS J 


1 Percentage of measurements under 3XP. E.=36; percentage of indices under 3XP. E.=20. 


TABLE 38.—Percentages of insignificant differences, as shown by putative X P. E. 
under 4, between total Imbabura group and various foreign groups 


Group Measurements 
Rank Percent 
1. Expected differences in random samples of same uni- 
IVOTSG se eee ss BE RR Se SS Sc ee Rs ee ee ete 99. 38 
2. Imbabura compared with Chervin Quichua (table 9)__- 2 50. 00 
3. Imbabura compared with Rouma Quichuas (table 14) _- 8 18.18 
4. Imbabura compared with Ferris Quichuas (table 19)____ 7 20. 00 
5. Imbabura compared with Ferris Quichuas (table 20) ___ 4 36. 36 
6. Imbabura compared with Chervin Aymaras (table 10)_- 2 50. 00 
7. Imbabura compared with Rouma Aymaras (table 15)_- 8 18.18 
8. Imbabura compared with Barrett Cayapas (table 26)___ 3 44.44 
9. Imbabura compared with Ferris Machiganga (table 21) __ 1 63. 64 
10. Imbabura compared with Farabee Machiyenga (table 
SD} ee ott oo, os RR RE tS aR OS gm 2 50. 00 
11. Imbabura compared with Farabee Sipibo (table 31)____ 6 28. 57 
12. Imbabura compared with Farabee Piro (table 29)______ 5 35. 71 
13. Imbabura compared with Steggerda Maya (table 36)___ 2 50. 00 


Percentage under 4XP. E. 


Indices 
Rank Percent 

conde 99. 38 
2 50. 00 
6 28. 57 
3 42. 86 
Z 50. 00 
7 25. 00 
1 71. 42 
Sik hee 
2 50. 00 
2 50. 00 
2 50. 00 
5 33. 33 
4 40. 00 


AnTHROP. Pap, No. 16] QUICHUA-SPEAKING INDIANS—GILLIN 


225 


TABLE 39.—Distribution of differences as expressed by X P. E., calculated by 
putative method, between total Imbabura group and respective apposite series. 


Distribution of X P. E. in categories of size 
by percentages 


Per- 


Per- 


centage] centage 
below 3} below 4 
ee otkae|| Sede re 


Rank 


1. Expected difference in random 
samples of same universe!___| 50.00 
2. Imbabura compared with 
Chervin Quichuas (table 9) __| 10.00 
3. Imbabura compared with 
Rouma Quichuas (table 14)__] 5. 56 
4. Imbabura compared with 
Ferris Quichuas (table 19)___} 17.65 
5. Imbabura compared with 
Ferris Quichuas (table 20)_-_} 11.76 
6. Imbabura compared with 
Chervin Aymaras (table 10)_} .00 
7. Imbabura compared with 
Rouma Aymaras (table 15)__| 11.11 
8. Imbabura compared with 
Barrett Cayapas (table 26)_-| 0 
9. Imbabura compared with 
Ferris Machiganga (table 21) _| 29. 41 
10. Imbabura compared with 
Farabee Machiyenga (table 
SU 2 2 oe eee eee 10. 00 
11. Imbabura compared with 
Farabee Sipibo (table 31)____] 10.00 
12. Imbabura compared with 
Farabee Piro (table 29)______ 10. 00 
13. Imbabura compared with 
Steggerda Maya (table 36)___| 10. 53 


17.73 


20. 00 


11.11 


0 


5. 26 


4. 30} 0.698) 0.074} 0. 005/0. 0002 


10. 00/10. 00 {20.00 | 0 


- 00) 5, 56 


5. 88} 5. 88 


- 00)17. 65 


10. 00/10. 00 


11.11] 5. 56 


15. 38] 7. 69 


11. 76/17. 65 


15. 00/10. 00 


5.00} 5.00 


15. 00/10. 00 


21. 05/10. 53 


5. 56 


17. 65 


16. 69 


17. 65 


17. 65 


10. 00 


16. 67 


20. 00 


10. 53 


30. 00 


30. 00 


35. 00 


40. 00 


42.11 


36. 84 


1 From Mathematical Tables from Handbook of Chemistry and Physics, 5th ed., p. 183, Cleveland, 1936. 


226 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 


[Buy 128 


TABLE 40.—Percentage of insignificant differences between Otavalo group and various 
foreign groups as shown by * P. E. under 4 in round numbers 


ule 


an 


12. 


13. 


Group 


Expected differences in random sample of same 


MATL OTC eee es 2 Ng ee 
. Otavalo compared with Chervin Quichuas (table 


(0-5) IS Se ea a Oa eae 


Dis ik SE ee Be Sa ee i re eee ee 


. Otavalo compared with Farabee Machiyenga 


(table.33) == soe ae) ee ee 


. Otavalo compared with Farabee Sipibo (table 


Percentage under 4 X P. E. 


Measurements 


Rank 


em OV 


OO538) | 22a eeae 
67 3 
18 7 
20 5 
27 2 
67 6 
20 1 
33 8 
64 3 
50 3 
43 2 
36 4 
43 4 


Indices 


Measurements 
and indices 


Percent | Rank | Percent | Rank | Percent 


an 


TABLE 41.—Percentages of insignificant differences between Otavalo, whole Imbabura 


1. Angachagua compared with Otavalo (table 7) 
2. Imbabura compared with Maya, regular method (table 36) 
3. Imbabura compared with Maya, putative method (table 36) 
4. Otavalo compared with Maya, regular method (table 37) 


group, and Maya, as shown by X P. E. under 3 


Group 


Percentage under 3 X 
P.E. 


Measure: 
ments 


69 
43 
43 
36 


Indices 


40 
20 


AntTHropP. Pap, No. 16] QUICHUA-SPEAKING INDIANS—GILLIN 227 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 


Barrett, 8. A. 
1925. The Cayapa Indians of Ecuador. 2 vols. New York. 
CuHERVIN, A. 
1907-08. Anthropologie Bolivienne. 3 vols. Paris. 
Crmza DE Le6N, PEDRO DE 
1853. Crénica del Perd. Madrid. 
FARABEE, WILLIAM CURTIS 
1922. Indian tribes of eastern Peru. Pap. Peabody Mus. Amer. Archaeol. 
and Ethnol., vol. 10, pp. 168-179. 
Ferris, H. B. 
1916. The Indians of Cuzco and Apurimac. Mem. Amer. Anthrop. Assoc., 
vol. 3, pp. 59-148. 
1921. Anthropological studies on the Quichua and Machiganga Indians. 
New Haven. 
Garcrs, Victor GABRIEL 
1932. Condiciones psiquico-sociales del indio en la Provincia de Imbabura. 
An. Univ. Central Quito, vol. 48, pp. 125-184; vol. 49, pp. 159-174. 
GILLIN, JOHN 
1936. Quichua-speaking Indians of Northern Ecuador. Amer. Anthrop., 
vol. 88, pp. 548-553. 
GonzALes SUAREZ, FEDERICO 
1890-1903. Historia general dela Reptblica del Ecuador. 7 vols. and atlas. 
Quito. 
J1i36N ¥Y CaamMaNo, JACINTO 
1920. Nueva contribucién al conocimiento de los aborigines de la Provincia 
de Imbabura. Bol. Soc. Ecuatoriana de Estudios Hist. Amer., vol. 
4, pp. 1-120. 
1930. Una gran marea cultural en el nord-oest de Sud America. Journ. 
Soc. Amér. Paris, vol. 22, pp. 107-197. 
MartTIN, RUDOLPH 
1928. Lehrbuch der Anthropologie in Systematischer Darstellung. 3 vols. 
Jena. 
Mans, Puitirp AINSWORTH 
1931. Ancient civilizations of the Andes. New York. 
Ponce DE LEe6én, SANCHO Pas | 
1881-97. Relacién y descripcién de los pueblos del partido de Otavalo, 1582. 
Relaciones Geogrdficas de Indias, 4 vols. Madrid. 
Reyes, Oscar EFREN 
1934. Brevisima Historia del Ecuador. Quito. 
Rovuma, G. 
1913. Les indiennes quichouas et aymaras des hautes plateaux de la Bolivie. 
Bull. et Mém. Soc. Anthrop. Bruxelles, vol. 32, pp. 281-391. 
1933. Quichouas et Aymaras, étude des populations autochtones des Andes 
Boliviennes, extrait du Bull. Soc. Roy. Belge Anthrop. et Prehist., 
Bruxelles. 
Sarnz, Moises 
1933. Sobre el Indio Ecuatoriano y su Incorporacién al Medio Nacional. 
Publ. Sec. Educacién Publ. Mexico. 
STEGGERDA, Morris 
1932. Anthropometry of adult Maya Indians. Carnegie Inst. Washington, 
Publ. 434. 


228 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLn. 128 


Untn, Max. 
1922. Influencias mayas en el alto Ecuador. Bol. Acad. Nac. Hist., vol. 4, 
pp. 205 ff. Quito. 
1932. Las antiguas civilizaciones de Manta. Bol. Acad. Nac. Hist., vol. 
12. Quito. 
Veuasco, Juan Dr 
1841-44. Historia del Reino de Quito. 3 vols. Quito. 
VERNEAU, R., and Rivet, P. 
1912, 1922. Ethnographie ancienne de l’Equateur. Are Méridien Equi- 
torial Amer. du Sud, vols. 6. Paris. 
Von BucHWALp, OTTo 
1909. Ecuatorianische Grabhiigel. Globus, vol. 96, pp. 154-157. 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 128 PLATE 19 


1. GENERAL VIEW OF THE VILLAGE OF ANGACHAGUA. 


2. HOUSES AND FIELDS AT ANGACHAGUA. NOTE FOUR-SIDED ROOF 
CONSTRUCTION. 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 128 PLATE 20 


1. HOUSE AT ANGACHAGUA. 


2. QUICHUA INDIAN WOMAN SPINNING WOOL, ANGACHAGUA. 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 128 PLATE 2l 


1. NATIVE QUICHUA INDIANS OF ANGACHAGUA, SHOWING TYPICAL COSTUME. 


2. HOUSEHOLD UTENSILS; POTTERY VESSELS. 


“dNOUD OIVAOLO AO NVIGNI 


¢¢ ALV1Id 821 NILSAaaMna ASOTONHL]A NVOIMAWY AO Nvayna 


“dNOYD OIVAOLO AO NVIONI 


€e ALV1d 8¢l NILATINGA ADSDOIONHL]A NVOINAWY AO NVaNNSG 


“"dNOYD OIVWAOLO AO NVIOGNI 


ve ALV1d 821 NILST1INA ASOTIONHLA NVOIYAWY SAO NV3AYNa 


dNOYD OWAOLO AO NVIOGNI 


G@ ALV1d 821 NILATINA ASONIONHALA NVOINAWY AO NVadNns 


“dNOYD OIVAOLO AO NVIOGNI 


9¢ ALV1d se! NILATING ASONIONHLA NVOIMAWY AO NVvayna 


*dNOYUD OIVAOLO AO NVION] 


4@ 31V1d 821 NILSAIINGA ASOIONHL]A NVODINAWY AO NVaYHNSa 


“dNOYD OIWAOLO AO NVIGNI 


8¢ ALV1d 821 NILATINA ASOTONHL]A NVYOIMAWY AO NVvsaena 


“OI1WAOLO YVAN 'OLVSOYV AO NVIOGNI 


6¢ ALVaId scl NILATIng ADOIONHL]A NVOIMAWY SAO Nvadne 


SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION 
Bureau of American Ethnology 
Bulletin 128 


Anthropological Papers, No. 17 


Art Processes in Birchbark of the River 
Desert Algonquin, a Circumboreal Trait 


By FRANK G. SPECK 


229 


218558—40——-16 


i + ; ” ie VAAN 
Vee gl an ey i 7 od 
he | t - ; uh i" 2 By / 4 
ML, 
- ; \ 
' 
« 
a 2, 
SS ee rs 
saa asUSAEEaT OCUNGATI Sie een 
\ 
e 
\ 
LOTT TITAVT MAIR ty rie 
¢qoleahd esotmonA Yo rgevneil . 
BET citedlintt 
Lo esoqoh Isigologouliak 
wovist ott lo arsddowitl at asaconord pA" 
tisyT Inovodenue) 5 yoinpsoglA tromofh 
AOQATe 2 AVANT 2h 
aa RNY © aah w= enna Pome doin Atepd htmanienatinder re enily:stsiar rwanda sega rome He 
o 


Uy 4) a ‘ BTS 
us Ma it) at i 


” i mann ey 
us P , ae i 2 7 
= -- Pe i ee nite | 


CONTENTS 


PAGE 
Pemocuetion <==. 2ast Teh) Sov) Poe 2h Nh) Pee Sel eee 233 
ivpes ef birchbark ‘containers 2s _ 02. DOL SLU sa be _ Skee 236 
Types of designs on Algonquin birchbark containers__ ~~ _-------------- 243 
The conscious elements of Algonquin design motivation__.---.--------- 268 
Ghronology of designs scunt let keie! Oly Bl aeoy ERO LO eae 270 
MMMIOGEAD IY <0 kane oes eee eees soe secon eee esses OUR eet 274 

ILLUSTRATIONS 
PLATES 

30. Birchbark containers, sap bucket, and round pail (River Desert Band). 274 
31. Birchbark containers (River Desert Band) _____.__.__-.---_-------- 274 
32. Birchbark sap pails and dishes (River Desert Band)_-_--.---.------ 274 
33. Birchbark trunk (River Desert Band) and baskets (Mattawa Band)__ 274 
34. Decorated birchbark containers (Timiskaming Band, Algonquin) ____- 274 
35. Algonquin birchbark containers (River Desert Band) _-_------------ 274 
36. Algonquin birchbark box with scene of beaver gnawing vegetation 

(River Desert. Band) ief) Seb 4) oe) SU ed Le 274 


37. Algonquin birchbark containers for household articles with floral 
figures in sgraffito designing and with sewed-on cut-out pattern 
decoration (River Desert ‘Band)__22 + 2.810222 fe Sie eee 274 

88. Birchbark containers (River Desert Band) __.-._._.__._..-_--__------ 274 

39. Birchbark envelope container for bear bait (River Desert Algonquin, 

P. Q.) and birchbark container with spruce-root loops for decoration 
GriversMesert; band) 22.52. S52 eto es Pe a es ee 2 en 274 

40. Birchbark cut-out pattern markers for decorating bark containers, 

representing undefined varieties of flowers and leaves (River Desert 


TES ELINGL)) et RRR ES OEE SE te a ee Se Se a 274 
41. Camp of Algonquin birehbark worker and basket maker (Madenine 

Caan chiverslesert Bandy PN Os) es. ee 2 oie Sa ae 274 
42. Mackusi*’k'we, ‘‘Beaver Meadow Woman” (Mrs. M. Buckshot), with 

decorated birchbark baby carrier for infant up to 1 month of age__ 274 


TEXT FIGURES 


3. Algonquin methods of sewing birchbark with stitches of spruce root in 


fastening the sides of containers. A basting tack_.__.___-------- 237 
4. Patterns for birchbark utensils (Algonquin) .....-............_-__- 238 
5. Rim reinforcements of Algonquin birchbark containers and decorative 

bordersiderivedsromitheme- See= 2s eee 9S eee aoe ee eee 244 
6. Decorations below rims of birchbark containers____________-------- 245 
7. Decorations below rims of birchbark containers (River Desert Band). 246 
8. Decorations below rims of Algonquin birchbark containers_-—-_-_-_---- 247 
9. Cut-out patterns for decorating birchbark containers (a-e) and animal 

figures from decorated objects (f-7) (River Desert Band) ---------- 252 


232 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buct. 128 


PAGE 

10. Realistic decorations on birchbark maple-sap, or water pail (River 
Deserts Band) 22 535s ee il ge ee 253 

11. Designs from birchbark containers (Timiskaming Band) _-_---------- 254 


12. Designs on birchbark containers (River Desert and Mattawa Bands). 255 
13. Symmetrical band floral designs from birchbark containers (River 
Desert: Band)s240. 2.2 ee ei ee 256 
14. Designs from sides of birchbark basket (River Desert Band)--_---~-_-- 257 
15. Birchbark cut-out patterns applied to surfaces of containers and 
baskets to outline decorative scraped-away designs (River Desert 


Bang) 2.2225 4eeul ber ehh sh ote ee te Ae tee 258 
16. Designs from birchbark vessels and baskets (Timiskaming and River 

Deésert: Bands)22. a ee ee 259 
17. Element designs from birchbark wall pocket (a-e), and birchbark cut- 

out patterns for decoration of containers (f-j) (River Desert Band). 260 
18. Designs from sides of birchbark dishes (River Desert Band) -_--~_--__- 261 
19. Design elements from birchbark water pail (River Desert Band) ---~_- 263 
20. Birchbark cut-out patterns for decorating containers, representing 

flowers, (River Desert Band) 222.2) pje4e0) «240s oe eee 264 
21. Pattern stencils cut out of birchbark, used in decorating containers 

(River: Desert) Band)so2220-bws-en! sepaetl see. bee ee 264 
22. Birchbark cut-out patterns for decorating containers, and designs 

taken from decorated objects (River Desert Band) -____---------- 265 
23. Designs from one side and end of birchbark container (Mattawa Band). 266 
24. Designs from birchbark containers (Mattawa Band)____------------- 266 


25. Assortment of plant-design elements from sides and covers of birch- 
bark containers derived from cut-out patterns, mostly pseudorealistic 
representations of yellow pond lily (River Desert Band) - ~~~ ------ 267 


ART PROCESSES IN BIRCHBARK OF THE RIVER DESERT 
ALGONQUIN, A CIRCUMBOREAL TRAIT 


By FRANK G. SPECK 


INTRODUCTION 


Knowledge of the area over which birchbark basketry is used and 
decorated in northeastern America has now been extended to include 
a wide area in the Province of Quebec, from the Ottawa River north- 
ward to the St. Maurice, Lake Barrier, and Grand Lake Victoria. 
This is the territory inhabited by various bands forming the quondam 
Algonquin Nation, now widely dispersed throughout the Canadian 
forest region of the upper Ottawa from the River du Liévre on the 
east, taking in the Gatineau, Coulonge, and Dumoine Rivers, west to 
Lake Timiskaming and the frontier between Quebec and Ontario. 
A series of specimens of birchbark work from five bands of this his- 
torically famous group are to be found in the collections of a number of 
museums (as listed below), and seem sufficient to justify reproduction 
and discussion of the designs they offer as representing the work of the 
Algonquin proper. The specimens, numbering over 130, forming the 
original basis of this study, with locations and other pertinent data,! 
are as follows: 


a. River Desert Band: 

The National Museum of Canada (NMOC),? 37 specimens, collected 
(1915-18) by E. Sapir and F. G. Speck. 

The Museum of the American Indian, Heye Foundation (MAJ), 41 speci- 
mens, collected (1926-29) by F. G. Speck. 

The University Museum, University of Pennsylvania (UPM), 7 speci- 
mens, collected (1929) by F. Johnson. 

The National Museum of Denmark (NMD), 6+ specimens, collected 
(1928) by F. G. Speck. 

The Denver Art Museum (DAM), 15 specimens, collected (1937) by F. G. 
Speck. 


1 A return to the River Desert Band in July 1937, made possible through a grant (No. 342) from the Faculty 
Research Fund, University of Pennsylvania, provided occasion for amplification of the manuscript in the 
field with the cooperation of informants as a final, and at the same time fortunate, step in its preparation. 
Opportunity was also afforded by this renewal of contact to examine 45 additional specimens of birchbark 
work of the band and to include discussion of their characteristics in the text. The investigation here 
presented is accordingly based upon study of 175 specimens of Algonquin birchbark containers. 

2 I desire to acknowledge the courtesy of Dr. Diamond Jenness, Director of Anthropology of the National 
Museum of Canada, in providing the opportunity to have the specimens of Algonquin decorated birchbark 
containers photographed and studied, in 1928, when they were lent to the University of Pennsylvania for 
the purpose. 


233 


234 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Butn. 128 


b. River du Liévre Band: 
The Museum of the American Indian, Heye Foundation, 5 specter, 
collected (1928) by V. M. Petrullo. 
c. Golden Lake Band: 
The Museum of the American Indian, Heye Foundation, 11 specimens, 
collected (1928) by F. Johnson. 
d. Mattawa Band: 
The National Museum of Canada (NMC), 3 specimens, collected (1915) 
by F. G. Speck. 
e. Timiskaming Band: 
The National Museum of Canada, 21 specimens, collected (1915) by F. G. 
Speck. 

A more precise delineation of the territorial boundaries of these 
bands will be found in my recent report, covering the River Desert 
group (Speck, 1929) and in a study of 1915 dealing with the Timiskam- 
ing and River Dumoine Bands (Speck, 1915). During this period of 
field work the specimens and etymological notes forming the basis of 
the following report were obtained. 

For the designs and bark work of the River du Liévre band the 
illustrations and information given in an article by V. M. Petrullo 
(1929) have been used. 

It is important to note before examining in detail the character of 
bark work and designs of the Algonquin that a close resemblance 
exists between the manufactures and decorations of this division and 
those of the Montagnais of Lake St. John (Speck, 1937), and that a 
marked differentiation is to be observed between the wares of these 
two when compared with those of the Tétes de Boule which intervene 
between the two, and those of the Barriére Indians, next neighbors on 
the north. In the case of the Tétes de Boule, we have the published 
results of the field work of D. S. Davidson (1928), whose collections 
from this tribe show almost no etched or scraped ornamentations on 
the sides of containers. A collection of bark objects from the Bar- 
riére Indians, made for the Museum of the American Indian by F. 
Johnson (1930, pp. 34-35), also shows the same lack of wall decora- 
tions on baskets. Aside from recognition of the efforts of those who 
by collecting actual material in the field have increased the portfolio 
of native art from which such studies as this are built, I am mindful 
of advantages derived from consultation in the preparation of the 
text with Dr. F. H. Douglas, Denver Art Museum; Dr. L. C. Eiseley, 
University of Kansas; and Dr. C. E. Schaeffer, University of Penn- 
sylvania. 

There has evidently been a factor at work in the St. Lawrence 
Valley and watershed affecting the art motives of the Algonquin and 
the Lake St. John Indians in a similar way; that is, toward profusion. 
And, in addition to this, the predominance of band-floral and leaf 
figures to the exclusion of human and animal forms has become char- 


Anrurop. Pap. No.17] ALGONQUIN BIRCHBARK—SPECK 235 


acteristic of both peoples. ‘This is brought out in the illustrations of 
specimens now to be shown. 

The scope of the following report is not limited to aspects of Algon- 
quin art of the past. The forces active now in the historical develop- 
ment of decoration here may represent a continuity of systems em- 
ployed in at least protohistoric times in the region occupied, not 
necessarily derived from association with Europeans. ‘The assertion 
of European origin of the nongeometrical art forms of the northeastern 
Woodland tribes has frequently been made without adequate proof by 
writers dealing with the area. Despite evident influence of modern 
conditions which will continue to affect the growth or the decline of 
native crafts, certain principles of decoration will be manifest in the 
work of different tribal groups which bear witness to individual art 
traditions possessed by them. What their age may be it will only be 
possible to surmise in most respects. The decoration of useful articles 
for the pure satisfaction of such performance to their makers is evi- 
dently an ancient cultural trait of the Woodland peoples. The con- 
tinuation and even increase of these products for trade within or with- 
out the group, in other words, for gain, is also to be inferred as a native 
characteristic of every age of tribal life in the region. Even a lax 
form of professionalism may be marked for past as well as present 
phases of life, for there have been and are the more expert canoe 
makers, bowmakers and the art creators whose manufactures are in 
demand, and who command admiration among members of their band. 
At the present time there may be observed in various families of the 
River Desert Algonquin objects preserved for their value and some of 
them in use which have come from the hands of some half dozen experi- 
enced bark workers; the creations of Mackusi-/k:we (Mrs. Michele 
Buckshot) (pl. 42), Madenine Cesar (Mrs. Clement) (pl. 41) in parti- 
cular, and some of the women of the MacDougal, Ottawa, and White 
Duck families. Thus there is traffic among the Indians themselves 
for the neatly made and decorated handicraft of their own experts. 
Commercialism has, to be sure, influenced the art industries of the 
band, as it has elsewhere among Indians of the historic period in 
general, increasing the demand and producing a spirit of competition, 
for which the object is gain. We may not, however, say that contact 
with Europeans has empirically created the art of the people. The 
impulse to decorate articles of use and to create fancy articles of 
minor utility, as well as to excel in their manufacture, should be 
credited distinctly to a native phase of culture. In their conversion 
from old to newer currents of progress through dealings with the 
encroaching civilized world, the Algonquin artists have grafted their 
tradition upon the latter and expanded it. The line to be drawn 
between antiques in native culture and those utensils customarily 


236 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bun, 128 


used which have on their part acquired acculturational features, is in 
reality a hazy and ethnologically insignificant one on the horizon of 
native culture history. The accompanying paper is, then, intended 
to form a contribution to our knowledge of living art phases of a 
people rather than a reconstruction of their art as a cultural possession 
of the past. The River Desert Band is numerically on the increase 
(469 in 1923, 552in 1937). With a revival of interest in folk art which, 
while not conspicuously imminent now, might take place under the 
stimulus of educational guidance, forces could swing into action to 
promote the decorative arts to a still further development. It need 
cause little surprise to find that pulsations of interest in the calling of 
art as a possibility for revenue have induced designers here to introduce 
cut-out pattern figures into their repertoire which seem strange to 
Indian traditions, such as the representation of a ribbon bowknot, a 
goblet, and even (1937) a representation of the Queen’s (literally, 
“chief-woman’s’’) coronation crown. This product was a spontaneous 
creation of Madenine Clement celebrating the occasion of the royal 
coronation in London in that year, an event which created some stir 
even among the distant Indian subjects of the Canadian backwoods. 
In the eyes of the historian who is interested in acculturation it also 
attests the vitality of an art in the process of acquiring the character 
of memorial documentation. 


TYPES OF BIRCHBARK CONTAINERS 


The five major types of bark containers and receptacles made and 
used by the Algonquin include the following, as they appear in the 
plates: 

1. Wi'gwe’mat‘, “birchbark receptacle’ (pls. 30, a, 6, e; 31, a; 
33, b-f; 34, a-e). A container of varying capacity, from 6 to 24 
inches in length, with walls generally less in height than the length, 
and tapering in toward the top (construction pattern, fig. 4, a). 
The outside of the rim is reinforced with a maple hoop, bound on 
with spruce or basswood wrapping. It frequently has a fitted lid 
attached by a skin thong to prevent its loss. This container serves 
the purpose of sewing box, trunk, and general receptacle, as its name 
implies, for women’s effects and men’s tools and work materials. 
Food is also occasionally kept in it. The majority of these baskets, 
as they are termed locally, show decorative motives on their sides and 
lids. In the bush life the wi'gwe’mat‘ is an indispensable article of 
equipment although it is being replaced by the tin canister and paste- 
board carton among the Indians who dwell near the precincts of 
civilization. The grain of the bark is perpendicular to the rim. 

2. Kik’*bana’gan, ‘‘vessel”’ (pls. 30, d, e, f; 31, b-e). Similar in 
construction to the preceding type (pattern fig. 4, a), except that the 
sides are higher, a bale or carrying handle of basswood is provided 


AnrHrop. Pap. No.17] ALGONQUIN BIRCHBARK—SPECK Ia 


and the cover is lacking. The seams are coated with pitch made of 
spruce gum to make the vessel watertight. This is the carrying pail, 
of service in the transportation of maple sap in the sugar-making 
season, and of water to and from the spring. It is still used at all 
times except where it has become obsolete through the invasion of 
the commercial tin pail. Decorations on the sides are frequently 
seen. The grain of the bark is perpendicular to the rim. 

3. P‘ski'tana’gan, “folded double” (pl. 32, a, b, c, d). A seamless 


aiiicaes 


in 
1 
4 
] 
Rt 


i 


Ficure 3.—Algonquin methods of sewing birch bark with stitches of spruce root 
in fastening the sides of containers. A basting tack. 


a, 6, Spruce root stitching; c, penis bone of black bear used in perforating bark for sewing with spruce roots 
(MALT, 16/4196). (For institutions indicated by initials see list on page 1. Catalog numbers are given 
when possible.) 


bottomed, troughlike vessel constructed on the plan of pattern c, 
figure 4. The folded ends are sewn with spruce roots or the bass- 
wood inner bark (wi'gub‘). This container, according to tradition 
over a wide region of the northern hunting area, is the original native 

3 Other types of containers (‘‘bottles’’) were made and employed as watertight receptacles. A bear’s 
stomach, turned inside out, was used for bear’s oil, whisky, ete. Similarly a loon’s gullet or deer’s stomach 


was blown up and stretched, and turned for use as a container. These vessels were fastened with a twist 
of basswood fiber at the neck. The ear of a moose or deer was split and dried for use as a match container. 


238 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bury. 128 


cooking vessel. Having no seams it is naturally watertight. When 
placed over hot coals it will resist the action of heat, if thoroughly 
wet beforehand, sufficiently long to allow water or soup to boil. This 
operation has been witnessed by myself and others. In recent times 
the folded bark vessels have retreated from their position of former 


FOLD INS/DE 


FOLD OUTSIDE 


' 
L 


FOLD 
OUFSIDE 


FOLD INGIDE } 


Figure 4.—Patterns for birchbark utensils (Algonquin). 


a, Pattern for bark pail and container for berries and women’s work materials (MAI, 16/4901); b, pattern 
for dish (MAI, 16/4900); c, pattern for seamless pail or boiler (MAI, 16/4902); d, pattern for rolled-up 
match box. 


importance to become sap troughs or receptacles for other liquids 
about the camp orfarm. The grain of the bark is parallel to the rim. 

4, At‘oba’gan, “pail” (pl. 32, e). A variation of the seamless vessel 
in which the ends are not folded over but merely bent together and 
caught with a fastening of the usual materials, spruce root or bass- 
wood fiber. It is used in the same manner as the preceding type, 


ANTHROP. Pap. No.17} ALGONQUIN BIRCHBARK—SPECK 239 


usually for sap. Both of these containers (pl. 32, c, d) are of less 
permanent construction than the first two, and are not always pro- 
vided with hoops to strengthen their rims. Nor are they so fre- 
quently decorated. The grain of the bark is perpendicular to the rim. 

5. Wigwasana’gan, ‘“birchbark dish,” (pl. 32, f). Constructed from 
the pattern (fig. 4, 6), this dish is of wide distribution in the birchbark 
culture area. It serves the purpose of an eating dish or bowl among 
the more remote hunters who are as yet not so generously provided 
with utensils obtained from the traders. The dish or food tray has 
a hoop and is occasionally decorated. 

6. Figure 4, d, shows the pattern for making the cylindrical match 
box, by which the bark strip is rolled to form a tube and the narrow 
end tucked into a slit which holds and conceals it. These boxes are 
made of a size to fit the matches used and are not decorated. They 
are made similarly, according to our present knowledge, eastward 
through the territory of the Montagnais-Naskapi. 

7. Pski'tona’ge, “folded.’’ This equally simple type of construction 
is to be listed separately although in native terminology the same 
designation is given it as type 3. A rectangular sheet of bark is 
folded double, the two lateral edges sewn with a whip stitching of 
spruce root (or basswood inner bark) to form a simple envelope (pl. 
39, a). A section of the top of the bark (or flap) is left so that it 
might be turned down over the open end. To keep it from curling, 
strips of cedar wood are fastened inside the folder as stiffeners. A 
variation in construction is to place the cedar strips outside the folder 
and bind them so tightly that nothing can enter the orifice. These 
receptacles serve the purpose of preserving dried, or even fresh meat, 
from insects and also for the storing of clothing. Frequently such a 
“meat bag’? (wityfas owac) is made of green elm or cedar bark, in 
which to store foods like dried beaver tail (amikwazo awac, “beaver 
tail folded holder’’) and dried fish (naméteg) for a period as long as a 
year. The larger sizes serve as folded trunks in which to store fur 
clothing during the summer. When packed in one of these envelopes 
with quantities of cedar boughs, the furs are safe from insects. The 
folder is also used for the simple purpose of holding bait suspended 
temptingly in a bear trap, as a specimen from Mrs. Buckshot demon- 
strates (the scraped-away representation appearing on the front of 
this bait holder (pl. 39, a) is that of the pitcherplant, Sarracena 
purpurea, a symbol of the trap that nature grows in the plant realm 
to ensnare insects). 

The similitude of these bark folders to the parfleches of the Plains 
area is a feature of comparative ethnology not to be overlooked. It 
lies in their constructional simplicity and in their adaptation to the 
same economic purposes; namely, the preservation of dried meat and 
the storage of clothing. Spier has pointed out the characteristic 


240 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buun. 128 


details of decoration which appear on the surfaces of the parfleches 
and their evident antiquity in Plains culture, and I have added some 
remarks along related lines in the study of birchbark techniques of 
the Montagnais (cf. Speck, 1937), showing that a similarity exists 
ostensibly between the primitive use of bark, or ‘‘tree skin” and 
animal skin, both serving in the raw state as materials of construction,‘ 
and also have drawn attention to the techniques of their ornamenta- 
tion in the Woodlands and on the Plains.’ 

It has been noted in describing the constructional types of Algon- 
quin containers that the principle followed here is to cut and sew the 
bark so that the grain of the bark forming the longer side (usually the 
decorated wall) runs perpendicular to the rim, The same principle 
is followed by artisans in birchbark among all the tribal bands from 
here eastward through the territory of the Montagnais and the 
Wabanaki divisions. And westward the observation holds true for 
Ojibwa and Saulteaux bark baskets, judging from available specimens. 
Western Cree and Athabaskan series, however, predominantly show 
the bark cut and patterned so that the grain runs parallel with the 
trim. I regard this as a feature of considerable significance in the 
distribution of types. 

While the forms of bark containers in the various Algonquin bands 
are also strikingly like those of the Lake St. John Montagnais, it 
is to be noted that the Algonquin manufacture and use the ash- 
splint baskets woven in the simple under-and-over twill as frequently 


4 The textual quality of wet, green birch or elm bark (par écorceau) closely resembles that of green rawhide 
(parfleche), a fact not without interest in the consideration of resemblances between Woodland bark con- 
tainers and Plains rawhide receptacles, as discussed in the next paragraph. 

The Canadian French term above has passed over into the vernacular of eastern Canada in the form of 
corceau (c4so), while in the English-speaking area the common term is macock, derived from Algonkian (ef. 
definition by A. F. Chamberlain, Handbook of the American Indians, 1911, pt. 1, p. 824). 

5 As the most recent contribution to literature on incised parfleche decoration I quote from Frederick H. 
Douglas (1938, p. 25): 

“The origin of the type and its historical relation to the painted parfleche are not known. The design 
styles of the two types appear to be identical. The oldest information known to me about painted parfleches 
is that given by the picture of one figured in the report of Maximilian’s 1833-34 expedition. The design 
and technic are like those of later times. As noted by Wissler, Sioux tradition states that the incising of 
parfleches came before painting. 

“There are two theories as to the origin of the technic. One suggests that it may be an adaptation of the 
scraped method of decorating birchbark utensils, and the second ascribes it to the influence of Spanish 
methods of decorating leather horse furnishings. 

“In support of the first it may be said that the Eastern Sioux certainly used birchbark; and that much 
birchbark was decorated by scraping. But the present center of incised parfleches is far from that of scraped 
bark. Dr. Verne Ray tells me that birchbark articles from near the incised parfleche area, as it is known 
from existing specimens, are not scraped or incised. The Crow crupper and sword case mentioned above 
are the evidence for the suggested Spanish origin of the practice. The Indian undoubtedly used Spanish 
horse furniture as a model for his own. Spanish leather was decorated by tooling, cutting and stamping, 
according to Arthur Woodward. The suggestion is that the Indian endeavored to imitate the effects created 
by these technics by means familiar to him, cutting and scraping. If he achieved effects pleasing to him 
on horse furniture, it seems as though the same methods might very well have been applied to other leather- 
work.” 

In another paper Dr. Douglas lists 53 tribes which used parfleches. ‘Of these the scanty available 
evidence ascribes incised parfleches to but five, Yakima, Sanpoil, Warm Springs, Crow and Nez Percé.” 
[Douglas, (1936).] 


AnrHror. Pap. No.17] ALGONQUIN BIRCHBARK—SPECK 241 


as they do the bark wares.® The distribution of splint basketry, 
however, ends with the boundaries of the Algonquin proper going 
northward. It is not to be found among the Tétes de Boule, the 
Barriére Indians, or the Montagnais-Naskapi.’ Evidently the art 
of splint basketry has been creeping northward since the contacts of 
Algonquin bands with the Iroquois have begun. The reason for 
this assumption in regard to the origin of basketwork among more 
southern tribes may be found in pure ethnological theory, for the 
splint basket types of the Algonquin and the Iroquois are indistin- 
guishable. The Algonquin, being thrown into association, even 
cohabitation, with the Iroquois subsequent to the establishment of 
the missions on the St. Lawrence two centuries ago, have undoubtedly 
developed the craft in common with the Iroquois. I have made 
reference to this idea in two previous papers (Speck, 1920, p. 67; 
1927, pp. 242-246). 

It will be observed from the illustrations of Algonquin bark wares 
that the forms correspond to those of the Montagnais throughout, 
except that the ovoid forms of the latter are absent among the Algon- 
quin,® and the cylindrical are infrequent. 

As for other particulars, we observe the wider base and narrower 
mouth, and the hoop of wood with spruce-root wrappings, which wrap- 
pings are never colored to produce the decorative effect that one 
finds on Tétes de Boule and Mistassini bark containers. Several 
divergences, in the form of basswood material sometimes employed 
for the wrappings, and the habit of more frequently applying pitch 
to the seams, mark off the work of the Algonquin from that of the 
Montagnais. The latter peculiarities appear more frequently as the 
border of the Ojibwa habitat is approached. The impression ob- 
tained from observing a series of Algonquin containers is that of 
constructional similarity with those of the Ojibwa, not only in the 
use of pitch for covering the seams but in the use of basswood bark 
for the binding material of the rims and occasionally for the seam 
stitching, and the use of hazelwood for the hoops. These peculiarities 
never appear in Montagnais bark containers. It will, however, be 
only when larger series of Ojibwa bark baskets shall have been col- 
lected, and especially those showing surface decorations which are 
as yet rare or absent altogether, that the diffusion of influence can 
be traced in this direction. The study made by Miss Densmore 
(1928, 1929) of birchbark forms and decoration in bitten patterns 

6 This simplest form of basket production ranges eastward to the Wabanaki as the sole technique there. 

7 The few specimens of ash-splint basketry collected at Lake St. John have in every case been traced to 
the hands of St. Francis Abenaki women who have migrated northward since about 1860 to join the Mon- 
tagnais at Chicoutimi and Lake St. John. 

8 Specimens collected from the Iroquois at Lake of Two Mountains (Oka) in support of this statement are 


to be found in the collections of the Museum of the American Indian, Heye Foundation. 
9 The Montagnais form of this container is shown in Speck, 1937, pl. 1, h; pl. 18, a, 0, c. 


242 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buun, 128 


employed as suggestions for moccasin decoration affords some idea 
of general common properties in bark craftsmanship between the 
two peoples. 

Further observation of constructive details of the bark work of the 
River Desert Band shows that the pattern outlines of the containers 
of type 1 result in the line of joining (the construction seams on the 
lower ends of the vessel) being nearer the bottom than in forms seen 
among bands inhabiting districts to the north and west. The con- 
structed form is, therefore, similar to the work of the Montagnais on 
the east. The same holds true of the work of all of the Algonquin 
proper as far west as and including the Indians of Lake Timagami 
who are to be ethnologically classified with the Ojibwa. These re- 
marks are based upon material collected by myself from the bands 
concerned, and reposing in the National Museum of Canada. There- 
fore an area may be designated for this peculiarity of construction 
which would include also the next characteristic of technique; namely, 
the ‘‘basting”’ or “‘tack”’ stitch in the sewing of thebark with the spruce- 
root split (wa’dap‘). The tack stitch predominates, almost one might 
note, exclusively, in the method of bark attachment of this area. 
(The term ‘‘tack stitch” denotes that type in which the threaded root 
is made to penetrate the bark upward and down again within a short 
space, generally less than \ of an inch, then runs under the surface 
for a space of from 1 to 2 inches and comes out again, the whole attach- 
ment resembling the operation of ‘“‘basting.’’) (See fig. 3, 6.) Like 
the pattern outline just mentioned, this stitch predominates in Mon- 
tagnais work and throughout the work of the Algonquin proper. To 
the north and west it gives way to a more complicated and artistic 
type of stitching, the “embroidery”’ stitch, in which the stitches are 
made to form a solid line touching each other, each advancing stitch 
being made to come up through the preceding one. The latter is 
characteristic of Tétes de Boule work and that of the Cree to the north 
and west, and especially of the bark sewing of the Athabaskan divi- 
sions. The tack stitch, it may be added, is a characteristic of the 
work of the Wabanaki groups as well. Its distribution also seems to 
include the Ojibwa about the Great Lakes, as observed in old speci- 
mens. The few specimens extant from the Beothuk also show the 
same. Whence it may be considered as an old seaming technique, 
possibly antedating the ‘‘embroidery”’ type. 

The rim wrapping of Algonquin birchbark containers is of spruce 
root (wa’dap‘) in most instances, though shreds of boiled inner bark 
of basswood (wi’gub‘) and elm are occasionally substituted, since 
these materials are resorted to in the economy of the forests. When 
ash-splint baskets are being made, the presence of available strips of 
this material accounts for its use in fastening and rim binding. The 
rim wrapping is close and undecorated, the spruce roots being left in 


ANnTHROP. Pap. No.17] ALGONQUIN BIRCHBARK—SPECK 243 


their natural color, except in a very few specimens where a dark shade 
appears as a result of being allowed to soak in tainted water. No 
cases of imbrication with quills or colored strands of material have 
been observed in the series of River Desert specimens examined, al- 
though they are invariably found in the bark work of the adjacent 
Tétes de Boule, and among the Cree to the northwest. 

Another feature in the construction of bark centainers of the 
Algonquin in general, as well as of the River Desert Band, is the fitted 
lid, with a hoop or ‘cuff’? underneath, stitched with the binding 
material to the under side of the cover, and fitting inside the mouth 
of the vessel. This virtually necessitates that the rim have one 
hoop (maple) on the outer side only. One might venture a hazard 
that any critical ethnologist who at a glance compares this cover with 
the constructive features of European boxes would pronounce it an 
innovation derived from contact with white people. And it may, 
indeed, be true. The same type of cover appears in the containers 
of the Montagnais to the eastward, but it becomes rarer in passing 
to the west and is replaced by the flat lid without cuff among the 
Cree and the Athabaskan groups. Among the latter it is a cover 
tied loosely to the rim of the container by strips of leather. 

It should also be mentioned here as an incident in the history of 
change in form of containers that an innovation has recently appeared 
in the types made by workers in this band (1938). Rectangular 
boxes sewed at the four corners, provided with fitted lids and decorated 
in the usual manner are being produced. I have not been able to 
trace the origin of this shape to my own satisfaction. 


TYPES OF DESIGNS ON ALGONQUIN BIRCHBARK CONTAINERS 


The Algonquin techniques of design, namely, the production of 
patterns on the dark surface of spring-peeled bark, by moistening 
and then scratching away the softened layer surrounding the pattern, 
as described for the Lake St. John Indians (Montagnais), follows 
identically the process of the latter tribe. The employment of bitten 
birchbark (miZi’ni‘katowé", ‘‘picture-biting’?) and cut-out birch- 
bark (maiZine’Ziga®, “‘picture-cut’’) patterns is fully as characteristic 
here as in the aforementioned tribe.!° Perhaps even more does the 


10 The sequence of bitten pattern for decorative suggestion and symmetrical designs derived therefrom 
is fundamental to the Ojibwa of Minnesota as well. Miss Densmore’s report is one of the few on this area 
to mention the bitten patterns, or transparencies, in the evolution of design. The Ojibwa she describes 
do not, however, work these patterns into bark-vessel decoration but use them for designing beaded bands. 
(Densmore, 1929, pp. 184-185, figs. 22-24.) The Algonquin do not invariably transfer the bitten patterns 
to their decorated bark objects but practice pattern biting for an amusement. The same is true of the 
Penobscot. (See Speck, 1940, 185-186.) And while both groups are alike in this respect, they regard the 
patterns so produced to be suggestive of the geometrical and floral figures that are produced in their 
art. For these two peoples, at least, there is a gap in the sequence of evolution from bitten patterns to 
bark decoration. ‘There is some meaning in the Algonquin designation maiZini’zegan miguzéwinabézuwe, 
“cut-out decoration,” applied to bark ornamentation, as respects the evolution of art. Davidson (1928, 
footnote 6, p. 2a) also has treatment of bitten patterns in art composition of the Tétes de Boule. 


244 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buxn. 128 


River Desert Algonquin woman rely upon her cut-outs for the transfer 
of pattern to her basket than does the artist at work farther north. 
And, again, the appearance of geometrical decorations in the bark 
etching is less frequently met with here than to the northward. An 
examination of designs, furthermore, shows the Algonquin, especially 
the bands nearer to the Ojibwa of Ontario, to be somewhat more 
given to the use of animal and human outlines for ornamentation than 
the Montagnais. 

But the feature of striking importance in a comparison of the bark- 
basket art motivation of this and the adjacent areas occurs in the 


Ficure 5.—Rim reinforcements of Algonquin birchbark containers and decorative 
borders derived from them. 


a, Rim with birchbark reinforcement below hoop for strengthening and for decorative effect, River Desert 
Band (NMC); 6, representation of reinforcement in scraped-away design for decoration, River Desert 
Band (NMO); c, rim reinforcement, River Desert Band; d, representation of same, River Desert 
Band; e, f, elaborated representations of reinforcement principle, Timiskaming Band and River Desert 
Band, respectively (NMC). 


decoration of the space just below the hoop and rim, with an encircling 
band of varied outlines. It is found in so many of the Algonquin 
bark objects as to challenge attention to its origin and its meaning in 
the puzzle of design distribution.!! This particular feature is shown 
in the sketches in figures 5-8 and plates 30,31. At first glance, indeed, 
it would seem probable that its origin might lie in some detail of con- 
struction, for technical ‘precursors of decoration have always a high 
probability as explanatory suggestions. In this case there is reason 
to close the assumption with an affirmative solution. Specimens in 

11 Boas (1927, p. 55) emphasizes the importance of rim binding in North America and Siberia, both as a 


technical feature and as a field of decoration: ‘‘In a bark basket the rim must be strengthened by a band, to 
prevent splitting, and the band and the sewing set off the rim from the body.” 


ANTHROP. PaP. No.17] ALGONQUIN BIRCHBARK—SPECK 245 


the National Museum of Canada from the River Desert Band, and 
from the Golden Lake Band in the Museum of the American Indian, 
and others recently (1937) added to the series—half a dozen in all— 
are found to have a reinforcement of birchbark sewed into the rim and 
extending a short way below it. This takes the form of a cut-out 
decoration as well as a reinforcement, serving the double objective of 
decoration and of strengthening. Among the Indians this feature of 
construction is called the “‘canoe wrapping,” since it is so often re- 
sorted to in sewing the gunwales of canoes where the bark of the sides 
join them, as a measure of strengthening the attachment. It also 
functions similarly in leather work as shown in the edging of moccasins. 


Ficure 6.—Decorations below rims of birchbark containers. 


a, b, River Desert Band (NMC, III, L, 19, 20); c, d, Timagami Band (NMC, III, G, 248, 256); e, from. 
birchbark dish (NMD); f, dish, River Desert Band (MAI, 16/1597) and dish 434-inches in diameter 
(NMD). 


Just why this peculiarity of bark-basket construction should occur 
with such frequency among the Algonquin and not among the Mon- 
tagnais is, however, not so simple to explain. Whether or not it has 
a distribution to the west or northwest in the direction of the Cree and 
Saulteaux remains to be found out. At present it would seem that it 
has, judging from the few specimens of Cree birchbark basketry that 
are available from the Saskatchewan area. We may hardly speculate 
further in this direction at the present time. 

The occurrence of the bark rim reinforcement in baskets of birch- 
bark of the Athabaskan and Sahaptian Tribes is stressed by Boas (in 
Teit, 1909, pp. 477-478), raising a question as to the history of this 
particular feature of construction that calls for more information on 
bark wares of the intervening territories. 

218558—41——17 


246 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buxn. 128 


In the decoration of the surface of the birchbark, it should be noted 
for the Algonquin that both the negative, and, to a slight extent, the 
positive, methods of bringing out designs are employed. In the 
former the cut-out stencil is placed upon the dark surface of the 
material and the area around the pattern is scraped away until the 
lighter undersurface is exposed. It bears the designation sgraffto, 
“scraped.”’ The design is accordingly not scratched into the dark 
coating of the bark, as it is in the positive process, but is left in the 
negative state after the background has been taken away.” All the 
bark decoration of this and the immediately neighboring groups 
follows this scheme, while the distant Wabanaki tribes," and the 


Ficure 7.—Decorations below rims of birchbark containers (River Desert Band). 


a, 6, c, From birchbark dishes, 10, 8, and 4 inches in diameter, respectively (MAI and NMD, 2 spec- 
imens); d, dish, 8 inches (NMD); e, pail (MAJ); f, dish, 8 inches (NMD). 


Ojibwa “ in some places, employ exclusively the positive (inscribed) 
process. The combining of the two, however, takes a certain form 
among the Algonquin, as well as, to a slight extent, among the Mon- 
tagnais. In these cases the interior of the space within the design is 
scraped out by the positive method, producing a smaller figure which 
follows in outline the general contour of the larger one. The effect 
is to show something suggesting partial open work. It is, however, 

12 That sgraffito decoration in the Old World had so short a life-span as a development in ornamental 
technique (sgraffito was done on a coating of plaster at Bologna up until the seventeenth century), has been 
something of a puzzle to students of the history of art. A similar process occurs in calabash decoration in 
the West Indies and in enamel decoration in Mexico. 

13 For illustrations of Penobscot decorations of this type, see Speck (1927 and 1940). 


14 Specimens procured from the Indians of Long Lac, Ontario, show the positive process in producing 
geometrical designs. 


AnrHror. Par. No.17] ALGONQUIN BIRCHBARK—SPECK 247 


not a common type of ornamentation, but one evidently favored by 
certain more skilled operators (fig. 24, a; pl. 33, ¢). One of the three 
specimens from the Mattawa Band and some of those from the River 
du Liévre Band show this development well worked out (pl. 33, ¢, 
and Petrullo, 1929, figs. 66 to 69). 

The containers (pl. 34) made by women of the Timiskaming Band 
show some deviation in ornamental conception from those of the 
eastern bands of the Algonquin, in the greater frequency of their 
animal figures. We might attribute this to the influence of the 


fi 


Set edi) satel 


Figure 8.—Decorations below rims of Algonquin birchbark containers. 


@ Timiskaming Band (NMC, III, L, 108); 6, ¢, d, Mattawa Band (NMC, III, L, 189-91); e, River Desert 
Band (Rochester Municipal Mus.); f, Timagami Band (NMC); g, 4, River Desert Band (MAT, 16/1595). 


Ojibwa in the older phases of whose art animal forms are outstanding.” 

Discussion of the decorative devices of this band would not be 
complete without mention of the process of sewing the birchbark cut- 
out figures themselves directly to the surface of the container with an 
edge stitching of spruce roots. This ornamental technique, called 
mi’ndjimegw4’de, is shown in figures a, d, plate 37. In these instances 
the cut-out figures are applied directly to the surface to form a positive 
motive of embellishment. No medium of transfer is brought into 


15 Among the River Desert people esthetic appreciation seems to have turned in favor of floral designs, 
as typified by Mrs. Buckshot (see page 257). 


248 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuL, 128 


play, as in the case of the incised or scraped-away designing. It 
possesses an elemental character as one might estimate the growth 
of the decorative impulse from an historical point of view.° Yet no 
conclusions should be drawn from the nature of its simplicity or from 
its distribution until wider surveys and a fuller background of knowl- 
edge of changes in styles of ornamentation have come into our hands. 
As inquiry reveals, the functional purpose served by this particular 
device of ornamentation is, however, perfectly clear in the case of the 
artists of the River Desert Band. The sewed-on cut-out figures 
appear on the sides of containers only when these are made of “‘sum- 
mer” bark. This seasonal phase of the material lacks the dark coat- 
ing on its inner surface which alone makes the “scraped-away”’, 
sgraffito, process possible to be performed. There is, accordingly, no 
other manner in which decorated outlines could be applied than to 
cut them out and stitch them on, unless it would be by the use of 
colors, and this process, for some unexplained reason, has not been 
adopted in the area. Stitching-on is, then, a substitution for the 
more usual form of ornamentation when required by the nature of 
materials. And when, through paucity of winter bark, vessels are 
made of both summer and winter bark on opposite sides of the same 
article, then both processes of decoration are thought of. Four speci- 
mens, the handicraft of Madenine Cesar, have been obtained as 
evidence of the technique (pl. 37), and Mrs. Buckshot was familiar 
with it in her tradition of local methods preserved from the time 
of her childhood. 

Here, in short, is a technique of decoration which still retains its 
pattern source in full evidence as an initial step in designing without 
transfer to another medium. Sewed-on patterns are reserved for the 
garnishment of containers made of bark taken off in the summer time, 
as has been noted. The specimens show admirably the utilization of 
the sewed-on process as a substitute for scraping designs on surfaces 
which would otherwise be impossible to decorate. The objects in 
question are made of part summer bark and part winter bark, which 
would result in a one-side-only ornamentation distasteful to the 
maker. This explanation was given by both women who employed 
the device. One might wonder in turn why the idea of painting or 
stamping designs had not presented itself as an alternative in such 
cases. But it should be noted that Mrs. Buckshot (74 years of age), 
one of the oldest artisans of the band, could not testify to having ever 
seen bark containers so embellished, i. e., with figures in color. And 
this despite the recollection that stamped designs were applied to 
Ge Ab encanta ace pea in one instance a cut-out pattern of a ‘‘coiled snake’’ used for sgraffito on a con- 


tainer was later found sewed as an ornament upon a birchbark cup made of summer bark, and collected 
by J. Patman. 


ANTHROP. Pap. No.17] ALGONQUIN BIRCHBARK—SPECK 249 


leather articles of clothing.” The sewed-on development seems to be 
practiced by only a few women of the band (Madenine Cesar, in 
particular) so far as contemporary material from the Quebec Algon- 
quin shows. Its appearance in the series of bark designing processes 
is significant in the history of northern Indian art, and somewhat 
exceptional forthwith. 

An extreme development of the cut-out, sewed-on technique is 
remarkable in the work of groups in Saskatchewan (Athabaskan and 
Cree), but how this relates to the similar, though weaker, development 
of the art so much farther east is to remain an unsettled question until 
intervening phases of artcraft have become known. Among the 
western groups referred to, the birchbark used in construction of con- 
tainers is the ‘‘uncoated” (summer) bark, from which it is evident 
that a connection exists between the use of sewed-on patterns and the 
uncoated bark.® 

There is still another feebly manifested inclination on the part of 
River Desert birchbark decorators to employ the idea of stitch-design- 
ing, or, as it might be termed, spruce-root embroidery. In this form 
of decoration the spruce root is treated as one would a thread to form 
a coarse embroidered outline. The figures so produced among 
Algonquin craftsmen are usually simple and geometrical and are not 
filled in. Neither are plant or animal outlines in evidence. This 
technique is here only a weak and incidental feature in the series of 
ornamental tricks. It would seem to be an adaptation of a functional 
process of sewed-fastenings to decorative purposes. Again we meet 
with this feature of root-designing among the Cree of Saskatchewan, 
in the same area where the sewed-on cut-outs are prevalent. A 
carry-over from the splint-basketry-rim fancy work of Algonquin 
(kidji'’gani'ga‘, “fancy-work”’) and Iroquois baskets appears in one 
example collected at River Desert (pl. 39). In the case mentioned 
it happens that the artist (Madenine Cesar) of her own accord com- 
bined the sewed-on, cut-out ornamentation with the spruce-root rim 
loop fancy work—both of them rather exceptional in the local forms 
of decoration. 

A survey and interpretation of the historical meaning of the spruce- 
root stitching and the cut-out, sewed-on designs leads to consideration 
of the possibility that these techniques may be antecedent to the 
porcupine-quill mosaic process which appears sporadically among 
Algonkian peoples in the Great Lakes region and the East. Spruce- 
root designing is associated with a skeuomorphic source of ornamenta- 
tion. Porcupine-quill designing stands out as being conceptual and 


17 A specimen of deerskin leggins, worn by her defunct husband in winter, was so ornamented by Mrs. 
Buckshot. 

18 In the collections of the Denver Art Museum are some Wisconsin Ojibwa containers with designs in 
surface painting, while examples of ‘‘sewed-on”’ figures in birchbark from the Ojibwa of Minnesota, identical 
with those figured in this paper, are reported in the same collection by Dr. F. H. Douglas. 


250 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [ Bunn, 128 


more definitely esthetic. The solidly filled decorated areas of birch- 
bark decoration in porcupine-quill mosaic bear resemblance to the 
solid areas of the bark cut-out decorations, and where the spruce-root 
stitching is arranged to form open decorative patterns a similarity 
appears to the open-work porcupine-quill small leaflike figures pro- 
duced in some central Algonkian bands. Thisisespecially true of work 
of tribes in the Cree-Athabaskan area where the roots are dyed in 
colors. Such connections, however, have little bearing upon the types 
of decorations in favor among the Algonquin proper, for it may be 
noted now that attempts on the part of the latter to utilize porcupine 
quills are few and irregular. The Algonquin have not adopted this 
form of bark decoration, either through the influence of their Ojibwa 
neighbors 200 miles to the westward or through their own art ini- 
tiative. 

The resort to the use of bitten patterns for the production of sug- 
gestions of design outlines to be transferred to the sides of bark con- 
tainers, a practice so characteristic among the Montagnais, is one, 
however, not entirely overlooked by artists among the Algonquin, 
Not all, however, are capable, through having been provided by 
nature with opposed pointed teeth to make design biting feasible, of 
operating their creative desires in this fashion. Madenine Cesar 
(Mrs. Pierre Clement), for instance, who is rated the most gifted 
among the River Desert Algonquin in this line, finds a particular and 
a, rich inspiration in designs bitten in outline into thin folded layers of 
the inner membrane of birchbark. Mackusi’’k'we, ‘‘Fair Meadow 
Woman” (Mrs. Buckshot), on the other hand, produces her designs for 
bark work by the cutting-out method. Both, however, achieve plant 
and floral patterns by their preferred systems. Madenine Cesar 
furthermore utilizes the bitten patterns usually for silk, yarn, or 
beadwork, by basting the bitten figures after they have been trimmed 
out upon the surface to be decorated and stitching the beads or colored 
thread atop the pattern. (Among bands more closely in contact 
with trade sources, patterns of paper are similarly used, the pattern 
beneath the finished design being picked out with a needle afterward 
to remove it.) Madenine Cesar, nevertheless, constantly uses cut-out 
figures for her bark decorations. I would regard the cut-out process 
for the present time (1930-38) to be more characteristic of designing 
in birchbark ornamentation among the River Desert Algonquin.” 

The method of producing patterns by means of biting may be de- 
scribed in more detail. They are usually executed upon a thin sheet 

19 Since the above was written I had occasion again to observe Mrs. Buckshot, in the summer of 1938, 
making some thin birchbark patterns by folding the sheet double and cutting the ouline desired on one side 
only with scissors, producing a half-image in profile. This formed a single flower when opened up. This 
led me to inquire further, and it developed that she sometimes resorted to the method in trying out for new 


floralideas. Folded symmetrical patterns are not, however, made to produce a string of connected cut-out 
figures, as they are in the attenuated paper cut-out patterns snipped out by white children. 


Anrrop. PaP. No.17] ALGONQUIN BIRCHBARK—SPECK 251 


or membrane of inner birchbark folded once or twice. The biting is 
done forcibly between opposing pointed teeth, usually the canines. 
The sheet is turned to this side and that, moved forward and back to 
track a series of impressions forcibly indented without perforating the 
. material. The results are ovals, curves and radiating lines. Then the 
sheet is removed from the mouth and opened up, displaying sym- 
metrical figures suggesting highly varied life forms to the beholder. 
Blind imagination alone directs the movements to produce outlines— 
imagination enriched by experience and maxillary control. For the 
most part they are given floral interpretations. The figures assume 
a still more marvelous character when held up to the light as trans- 
parencies. Next comes their utilization in the decorative system. 
Here among the River Desert people they are cut out with scissors 
and laid as patterns upon surfaces to be ornamented with beads or silk 
embroidery. Only rarely, weare told, are they employed as patterns for 
birchbark decoration when found suitable in the eyes of their creators. 

The design register of the Algonquin is not a very definite one as far 
as interpretation goes, nor is it particularly circumscribed in range. 
The functionally explainable border patterns on the surface below the 
rims of bark containers, discussed on a previous page (244), are ap- 
parently the most fixed characteristic that we can observe and a con- 
stant one among all the bands of Algonquin classification. 

The portrayal of human and animal forms covers the usual range of 
male and female, moose, deer, bear, dog, mink, otter, partridge, loon, 
duck, and beaver (figs. 9, 10, 11). Animal motifs are more numerous 
among the Timiskaming band, whose affinity in culture with the 
Ojibwa is marked (fig. 11). 

The band floral figures so suggestive of Montagnais work are com- 
mon in combination with simple loose elements (figs. 13, b, c, d; 14, 6). 

The smaller single elements of decoration (figs. 17, 19, 22) are 
strikingly present, however, in Algonquin ornamentation. In compo- 
sition over a broad surface they seem to form a favorite style of em- 
bellishment, as will be noticed by examining the sides of decorated 
bark pails and baskets (pls. 30, d, e, f, g; 31). Among these ele- 
ments the outlines of leaf (ani*’bi-c), berry (mi‘na’n‘) bud, flowers 
(wapi’gwun), and stems predominate. And it should be noted that 
the Indian’s fondness for playing cards has prompted the adoption 
of the diamond (kayes‘a’wes‘ek) (figs. 19, 22), heart (wede’’), club, 
and spade (both called leaves), so popular and appealing to the eye 
of mankind everywhere. In several instances the ribbon bow ap- 
pears as a design pattern.” The Algonquin artist is perfectly conscious 
of the origin of these particular patterns in her repertoire. Among 
all of those questioned, however, a native source of conception is 
claimed for the other simple pattern elements. Among these is 


20 Represented by a specimen in the Denver Art Museum. 


252 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buun. 128 


A / 


FicurE 9.—Cut-out patterns for decorating birchbark containers (a—e), and 
animal figures from decorated objects (f-1) (River Desert Band). 


a, Partridge; 6, bear; c, bear making his mark on tree; d, moose; e, beaver; f, deer; g, beaver; h, otter; #, duck. 


ANTHROP. PaP. No.17] ALGONQUIN BIRCHBARK—SPECK 253 


emphatically the “‘arch” (ci’ba’usa) (figs. 14, ¢; 21, 6; 23, 6), which 
may have formerly been a representation of the rainbow (adegwa’ 
ni‘bisa, “holds back water’). The figure is consistently prominent 
with sky concepts of the area, although the informants do not so apply 
it now. The ellipse, the stem with three leaves, trefoil (both called 


Figure 10.—Realistic decorations on birchbark maple-sap, or water pail (River 
Desert Band). 
A dog chasing a partridge, and man and wife engaged in tapping sugar maple and collecting sap. The 


sugar barrel is shown at left. The spill inserted in the tree and sap pail at right. The bulge on the tree 
trunk is a burl out of which wooden food bowls are made. 


ani’’bi'c, “‘leaf’”’), the dome, the “toad’s legging” or pitcherplant (pls. 
1, d, e, f, 9; (omakaki’’mi'ta’s) or twist,”! the scallop, and the dome with 
41 This figure represents the leaf of the pitcherplant (Sarracena purpurea), which has similar significance 


in Ojibwa etymology (ct. Densmore, 1929, p. 14; 1928, p. 379). In Penobscot symbolism this is the ‘‘fiddle- 
head,” or fern crozier, underlying the double-curve series. Here it is also a powerful antidote. 


254 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buu, 128 


serrations on its straight edge (fig. 19, d),?? are among those of an old 
native derivation, according to the testimony of their users. 

For several others, namely, the mapleleaf (ana’tukw ani-’bi‘c) and 
the five-pointed star (fig. 16, a) and the cross (tci-ba’iatek, ‘“ghost- 


h GF 


Figure 11.—Designs from birchbark containers (Timiskaming Band). 


a, Hares (NMC, III, L, 108); b, beaver (NMC, III, L, 102); c, beavers opposed; d, beaver (NMC, III, L, 
101); e, cocks opposed symmetrically (NMC, III, L, 103); f, g, doe and duck (on opposite sides of basket) 
(NMC, III, L, 102); h, bears opposed symmetrically under ‘‘double-curve” tree (NMC, L, 100). 


32 An identical figure occurs in Delaware art under the name of “‘flame.”” To the Delaware this figure is 
an ancient one by tradition, as stated by Tom Half Moon’s wife, who employed it in her bead-and-ribbon 
work. Since the figure, which attracted some attention through these occurrences, is a possible legacy in the 
art register of the woodlands from an early period, I touk occasion to make a casual search for its appearance in 
the designs of living groups and in archeological material. Results so far have been to show its occurrence in 
Winnebago beadwork and Delaware-Munsee ribbon work, in Osage beadwork on a cloth coat, and finally 
(most significantly) as an incised ornamentation upon the body of a vessel excavated by Clarence B. Moore 
in a mound on Black Warrior River, Ala., and figured in the Journal of the Academy of Natural Sciences of 
Philadelphia, 2d Ser., vol. 13, pt. 2, 1905, fig. 74, p. 183. In all of these instances its form is identical with the 
figure illustrated herewith (fig. 19, d). Whence the native estimate of its age and character may be con- 
sidered as worthy of further attention by investigators of art history in the East. 


AnTHROP. Pap. No.17] ALGONQUIN BIRCHBARK—SPECK 255 


wood’’),?3 a similar nativity is asserted, but I would quite agree with 
the sceptic who, upon critical consideration, places these, with the 
card emblems, in the category of patterns borrowed recently, that is, 
within 50 years, from decorations in common use among the Canadians, 

The element designs, nevertheless, lie strictly within the con- 
structional realm of the bark cut-out stencil patterns and we cannot 
deny without sufficient proof that they are as indigenous to the old 
art life of the region as the cut-out process itself is. After setting to 
one side those designs whose European origin need not be questioned, 
we observe the remainder to form elements in the ornamentations of 
peoples in the north as far as the Cree, the Naskapi, and others. 


Re 


Vad 


d 
Figure 12.—Designs on birchbark containers (River Desert and Mattawa Bands). 


a, 6, c, Designs from sides and ends of bark container (Mattawa Band) (NMC, III, L, 191); d, scene from 
side of basket, representing hares’ heads in setting of forest profile, as interpreted by Mrs. Buckshot 
(River Desert Band) (NMO, III, L, 89). 


Thus, it would seem, there existed an old category of design elements, 
common to a wide area in the northeast, which has descended more 
or less intact among the dispersed populations, suffering in the course 
of time some losses from the original body of motives as well as some 
accretions from the outside. And finally, whether the cut-out figures 
have ever possessed a different symbolism than they now have (see 


*3 The figure 14, a, is an unusually suggestive conception of the River Desert artist. She has combined 
the “‘cross’’ figure with that of the heart of Christ shown in the middle of the group, and, being unable to 
resist the habit of tradition, has introduced a floral modification above the heart and turned the arms of the 
cross into leaf figures. 


256 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bunn, 128 


p. 270), they have come to acquire a floral connotation, under the 
native name, pa’gwedji’ wapi’gwun, “wild (or orphan) flowers.” 
The cut-out patterns appearing in such profusion upon Algonquin 
bark receptacles are for the most part unspecified varieties of these 
growths. 

In the design register of this band the representation of the yellow 
water lily (Nymphaea advena) is repeated with great frequency and 
in a variety of modifications which do not always betray its identity 
to European eyes. Rarely are the botanic features so realistically 


RE DE 
Swe we 


Figure 13.—Symmetrica] band floral designs from birchbark containers (River 
Desert Band). 


a, 6, Flowers, on sides of baskets (NMC, III, L, 19, 20); c, d, from opposite sides of same container (III, 
L, 89); e, f, flowers from baskets. 


preserved as in figures 22, g, h; 25; plate 35, b,d. Inseeking the reason 
for its favor among artisans, an observation by Madenine Cesar an- 
swered the question. She said of the pond lily, ‘‘That is what the 
muskrat eats (waZackwé’de).’’? In native esteem this is a sufficiently 
cogent reason for the frequency of the yellow lily figure in decoration of 
storage containers intended for food and for other possessions. Do 
we need to be reminded of the hoarding habits of the rodentia to 
understand the curious force of symbolism habitual to the Algonkian 


ANTHROP. PaP.No.17] ALGONQUIN BIRCHBARK—SPECK 257 


mind? And the Nymphaea is furthermore edible, not only to beaver 
and muskrat, but to the Indian himself who hunts the creatures for food 
and fur. Beneath the symbolism here is linked an association ever- 
present in the connectivity of nature. I mention the instance of the 
yellow pond-lily symbol in particular, since it affords an opportunity 
to connect again the art motivation of the Algonquin with an indig- 
enous and locally characteristic object in the tribal environment. 
It is not, indeed, the French lily, introduced sporadically into the New 
World flora, which provides in this case the inspiration of art, nor is it 


d 
Figure 14.—Designs from sides of birchbark basket (River Desert Band) (NMC, 
III, L, 89). 


a, Elaboration of cross and heart; 6, flower (fern head?); ¢c, arch, rainbow; 4d, flower. 


the scented pond lily (Castalia odorata), in such favor among white 
people. The latter I have not as yet observed in the endroits of the 
reservation. 

Among those who, as I recall it, have indicated preference for one 
or another type of design, Mackusi’’k-we (Mrs. Buckshot) expressed 
her preference for floral over animal figures in her work. I believe I 
had a similar impression of the taste of artisans in talking with other 
women. 


258 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL, 128 
A formalism in plant representation is strikingly exhibited in the 


series of slightly varied contours which show little regard for specific 
botanical features of the plants chosen for reproduction. The rule 


7‘ 


x 


Figure 15.—Birchbark cut-out patterns applied to surfaces of containers and 
baskets to outline decorative scraped-away designs. They represent flowers 
and plants, some general, some specific (River Desert Band) (MAI). 


which holds in the majority of cases seems to be to cut-out patterns 
representing floral growths leaving a thick vertical center stalk sur- 
mounted by a bulbous head (equaling the blossom or fruit), with 
symmetrically placed ovals in pairs placed below to represent leaves 


AnrHror. Par. No.17] ALGONQUIN BIRCHBARK—SPECK 259 


branching from the stalk. The base line is often broadened, some- 
times a little domed, to represent the earth. (See the varied series 
in figs. 13, 15, 25.) Notwithstanding the prevailing disregard for bo- 
tanic accuracy just mentioned, the makers of the patterns, both cut-out 
and bitten, confess to seeing in them the likenesses of plant forms 
which they can name. The muster of named identities given in 
response to questioning includes berries of every kind, hawberry, 
leaves of every sort, maple, ‘‘trees,’’ white pine, spruce, balsam, elm and 
ash, and the favorite outlines of swamp vegetation, the pond lily and 


2 \) 


c 


Figure 16.—Designs from birchbark vessels and baskets (Timiskaming and 
River Desert Bands). 


a, Star, five in series on one side of basket (Timiskaming Band) (NMC, III, L, 102); 6, band-curve design 
on cover ofc (pl. 34 c) (III, L, 104); c, maple leaf, four in series on one side (III, L, 102); d, sprout of a plant 
and leaf (River Desert Band); e, maple-leaf cluster (Timiskaming Band) (III, L, 103). 


pitcherplant occurring with the greatest frequency. One need not 
hesitate long in deciding what elements of environment engross the 
imagination of the simple people whose art we have here spread out 
before us. 

The placing of the design figures on containers is manifestly a matter 
of individual taste among the artisans of the band. Certain of them 
show preference for an arrangement of smaller design units on the 
basket walls. Others show a tendency to place a larger composite 
and symmetrical plant figure on the long side-wall and add smaller 
units as taste dictates. In such cases they are interpreted as unrelated 
single objects in nature. Those who combine the unit patterns into 


260 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bun. 128 


a synoptic whole, introducing both animals and plants into a scene 
which shows also some celestial phenomena, may be rated among 
the master designers of their community. Reference will be made to 
the feature of composition in the course of a few pages. 

An observable characteristic of design location in the work of this 
group is the consciousness of need, in their esteem of beauty, to cover 
or disguise the ‘‘unsightliness” of seams. This is achieved by causing 
the decorative patterns to fall upon the seam spaces so that the 
stitches (in spruce-root material, of course) become the vertical 
center or midrib of an upright plant figure. The result makes the 
stitches and seams integrate into the decoration, becoming an adjunct 


I 
Y) 3 
J 
FieurE 17.—Element designs from birchbark wall pocket (a—e), and birchbark 
cut-out patterns for decoration of containers (f—j) (River Desert Band) (MAI). 


ay Leaves; b, blossom; ¢, little diamonds; d, blossom and leaves; e, wild cherries; f, leaf; g, h, blossoms; 
i, jf, ornamental forms. 


instead of a detriment. A glance through the illustrations will furnish 
evidence of this. We might recall that Wissler in a study of the art 
principles of the Plains Indians focused attention upon a similar 
esthetic persuasion in the art of the Sioux. 

In the productions of the River Desert Algonquin the percentage 
of undecorated baskets and containers is relatively low. (See table of 
summary, p. 262.) This may be due to the more settled form of life 
of the band since the partial transformation of interest from hunting 
and trapping to farming began some 70 years ago. Proximity to 
whites has likewise to be considered. Specimens with undecorated 
sides but decorated lids are also in evidence. Lids or covers so orna- 


ANTHROP. Pap. No.17] ALGONQUIN BIRCHBARK—SPECK 261 


mented usually show an arrangement of simple elements to form a 
whorl, the patterns being turned upon a center. 

The treatment of designs in composition among Algonquin artisans 
also runs to landscape representation, resulting in a stylicism which 
approaches the first steps of pictography. This tendency may be 
expected for a people so closely approximating, historically and geo- 
graphically, the cultural stature of the Ojibwa. The combination 
of animal and plant motives, with a smattering of celestial phenomena 
thrown in, comprises, in a certain proportion of the better decorated 
products, a panoramic display well suited to express the sylvan inter- 
ests of such a people. On the sides of the larger baskets where 
space invites a display of ornamentation, animals in silhouette appear 
posed in portraiture in the varied staging of pond, marsh, and clusters 


c 

d 
e 

Figure 18.—Designs from sides of birchbark dishes (River Desert Band). 


Elements of decoration representing flowers and blossoms (MAI, NMD, UPM). 


of deciduous and evergreen growths, especially lilies (the cow lily, 
Nymphaea advena) and pitcherplants, with easily recognizable reality 
of form and of action. The panoramic totalities are appealing in 
meaning to the eyes of the Algonquin, depicting to him in visible 
form the vision of his sleeping and his waking moments—the Utopia 
of plenty for a hunting and trapping tribe. So it happens that land- 
scapes of night as well as of day are laid out in composition on some 
of the containers. The distinguishing mark of night horizons is the 
presence of the star figure or the crescent moon above. The night 
scenes are strikingly realistic both in form and in concept, showing 
the familiarity of the artists with the activities of the wonderful 
animals chosen for portrayal—the bear, beaver, otter, deer. They 
stand out most vividly in the experience of the natives and seem to 
hold their place in the best achievements of their art. Without 
2185584118 


262 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buun, 128 


indulging in further discussion of the qualities of the woodscapes, a 
selection of examples will suggest for themselves what they may 
mean to their forest-minded makers. (See pls. 30, d, e, g; 35, a; 36; 
38; and figs. 10, 11.) 

In the following tabulation the salient features of Algonquin tech- 
nique and design are summed up to conform with the purpose of this 
article, that is, the presentation of material from specific tribes to 
serve as a basis for future interpretative study. 


TABLE 1.—Summary of characteristics of birchbark container construction and 
decoration of various bands of Algonquin and neighboring groups 


™ |oo S IE & |g 2 
fie | (Sle 2 see 
4018 |e] 2 [ele | 2 Salodl 2 [83 
3 pslo8| 315 (Soles! § |esl8l a Ss 
Bands 3 |Z /e2/85/ a] & |SsiSe| 3 eeigai & ins 
Slela la |g|2isale | gle lee) $1.8 
3\8is 2 |8lsig jg lal is | 8 fag 
qa oils |a a § & militate 5} Ba 
PIAA I< |Hia ls la |e la |O |S la 
Algonquin bands: 
River Desert: 
Museum of the American Indian_____} 20 | 26 |_-__}____]---- 5 gd re fos eee ee Se elt 
National Museum of Canada_-_-_-____- tg2N RO | ss 2)-- 22a 2 ey = || TC soe aru al|ehee 
University Museum ________________- 2) 6) | eee |e 1 UE Pen ee 3) |) -cs2] 2 ees eee ee 
National Museum of Denmark__-_-_--- eee 9 (| a aa 6 eee) 26)" = 2 Sees ees ea laters 
River du Liévre: 
Museum of the American Indian_____ gl). || ll a Bhs Been (ess Jie | ee 
Mattawa: 
National Museum of Canada__-_-____- ee | ai) || ae (Oe Saeeesie S lssct-s sie Belle et 
Golden Lake: 
Museum of the American Indian____- 5] ea eel |). 8) ee SS) |S 2 a ee ee eee 
Timiskaming. ...... See Qi jaram| (20s |---} eee B |e oe eee ee Sapo eon 
Ojibwa bands: 
Timagami: 
National Museum of Canada__-___-___ 72a We He (| FS SC ae Dla Ab ee te | ees | ee 
Museum of the American Indian_____ seen] 8) fesncf eh eee) +2 [eso] S2=. | Sees | eee ee ee 
Private collection] ee Pere (ae ht a fae at Ba Ie dl ee | ee) sf ee SI le 
Nipissing: % 
Museum of the American Indian_____|---- Yet Ee (emt Peer epee | PO Fes oe Leh 2k ee eee ees 
Depot Harbor: 4 
Museum of the American Indian_____| 8 |{--__]_----|---_]_-__]_--_|----]----|---- @®) S220) ey ee. 
Long Lac: 
Museum of the American Indian_____|--.-} 7 |----|----|----|----]---- nie) eres) (ete fas 4 2 
Algonquin (1937): 
River Desert: 6 
Denver Art Museum (and private 
collection) =:22 3228 2222 tage. eevee 10 | 35 0 7) 26 | 24 2) 14 0 1 q 3 9 


1 The large number of plain forms here is due, according to Mr. Leechman’s information, to their being 
a gift to the museum of newly made specimens of bark peeled in the summer, which is not suited to etching. 

2 Origin doubtful, dated from about 1840. Quillwork vaguely remembered by informant (information, 
F. Johnson). 

3 Collected by Dr. A. I. Hallowell, 1928. 

4 Collected by Frederick Johnson, 1928. 

5 Quantities of quill-decorated bark boxes are exported from this reserve to supply the trade. An enu- 
meration of specimens of this type would not affect the problem, although quill decoration in early times 
evidently extended to this area. 

6 See footnote, p. 233. 


ANTHROP, PaP. No.17] ALGONQUIN BIRCHBARK—SPECK 263 


Although at the present time of writing, studies of the art content 
of birchbark containers of the northern Indians have not progressed 
far enough to permit comparisons to be made, nevertheless something 
can and probably should be said since the printing of the material on 
Montagnais art in birchbark work (Speck, 1937). A few remarks 
summarizing the characteristics of decorations of this group may be 
made from an angle of comparison derived from the sources already 
available. 

Unlike the Montagnais, the Algonquin workers I have observed 
in the present generation do not create the patterns for their designs 


e 


A 


Figure 19.—Design elements from birchbark water pail (River Desert Ban d) 


a, ‘‘Toad’s leggings,’ pitcherplant (Sarracena purpurea); 6, e, leaves; c, heart; d, blossom of lily. 


so much from folded sheets of thin birchbark indented by the teeth. 
The Montagnais derive many of their symetrical patterns from these 
symmetrically unfolded impressions. The Algonquin depend more 
upon the cut-out figures trimmed with a knife or scissors in accord- 
ance with a visual image formed in the imagination or imitated from 
the observation of nature. (See p. 243.) Horizontal symmetry is 
produced by repeating the carving of the pattern to the right or to 
the left. Vertical symmetry (that is, where the design is repeated 
by turning the pattern up or down on its top or bottom) is not in 
evidence in the art of the bands dealt with here, so far as material 
warrants the statement. The cut-outs are both floral and animal. 
Floral suggestions are more in evidence among the eastern bands of 


264. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bunn 128 


the group. Animal figures increase as one approaches the cultural 
strip nearer to the Ojibwa. I would infer from a general estimate of 
the evidence we possess that the animal figures are of prior dating to 
the floral motives. And that the latter are an acquisition, either 
having developed within the art horizon of the area as a natural 
outgrowth of internal stimuli or having resulted from imitation of 
other Indians or the French, is also highly probable. Knowledge of 


+4 
‘ky 


Ficure 20.—Birchbark cut-out patterns for decorating containers, representing 
flowers (River Desert Band). 


the absence or presence of surface decorations on bark containers of 
related and adjacent groups is now the lacking element in the art 
history of the northern Algonquin. 

To theorize, furthermore, upon the possible sources of origin here 
for the tree and flower designs would call for a play of imagination 


a c 


Fiaure 21.—Pattern stencils cut out of birchbark, used in decorating containers 
(River Desert Band). 


a, Scallop for decorating center or corner of basket; 6, arch or rainbow for side of basket; c, scallop element 
for decoration under rim of basket. 


hardly permissible in a report of this character. One need not, 
however, feel obliged to conjure up the remote past in the life of 
these forest denizens to seek for pointed suggestions in their function- 
ing experiences amid daily and constant environment which would 
lead to the adoption of floral, especially leaf, devices in ornamentation. 
It is a real experience in the retina of European as well as native eyes 
to witness the mottled shadows cast by the rays of the summer sun 


AnrHnor. Pap. No.17] ALGONQUIN BIRCHBARK—SPECK 265 


through the canopy of the leafy crown of the forest thrown upon the 
flat surfaces of objects lying littered about the camps. The Indians 
themselves are not oblivious to the shadowed silhouettes in the cease- 
less panorama of sun-strewn patterns. In their contemplations, such 
displays of beauty have upon occasion been noted and the impressions 
voiced in my presence. Yet the association of leaf silhouettes with 
the origin of bark surface decorations still remains only a possible, if 
not a futile, suggestion of explanation emanating from the reasoning 
habit of the student—an unprovable hypothesis until ‘nature pho- 


w V 
pod 


“vo 


Figure 22.—Birchbark cut-out ey for decorating an and designs 
taken from decorated objects (River Desert Band). 


¢ 


a, Arch (pattern for border design below rim); 6, bear’s head; c, canoe; d, diamond; e, tree (balsam); f, berries; 
g, pond lily; h, pond lily; i, j, flowers (unidentified). 


tography” shall disclose itself as a functioning concept of art * in 
aboriginal Algonquin culture history, be it ancient or modern. 

The modest array of designs from this band upon which judgment 
has to be formed, permits an observation; namely that the integral 
floral or the forest landscape, as conceived in native eyes, is a char- 
acteristic. This seems to accord with the economic eminence of the 
great environing forest and its animal denizens expressed in totality 
(as in fig. 12,a; pls.30, 6, d,e; 31,6, c, f, g; 34, f). And so pictographic 
art expresses here in symbols the ecology of a Canadian Algonkian 
group. 


%4 Since the above was written I have examined the volume Reflections, by Mrs. Marian Thayer 
MacMillan (N. Y., 1936, p. 55), in which an interpretation of the “‘double curve” motif is proposed. The 
author of this remarkable hypothesis suggests derivation of the curve patterns of the northern Indians 
from native observations of plant reflections along the edge of still water. One cannot fail to be impressed 
by the author’s logical views as supported by her text and illustrations. 


266 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bunn 128 


The scenes are characteristically those of the food quest. In one, 
perhaps the highest flight of realistic genius of which these Indians 
are capable without instruction from the outside, we have the familiar 
and joyous event of late winter; the gathering of sugar-maple sap 
(fig. 10, b; pl. 30, d). This pictographic composition is reproduced 
from a spontaneously made water pail of bark, the seams pitched with 


a 


Figure 23.—Designs from one side and end of birchbark container (Mattawa 
Band) (NMC, III, L, 189). 


spruce gum, in constant use in the family of Mikweni’n1, ‘Willing 
Man.” It stands for the idea which I have expressed with some 
persistence, that the forest dwellers of the ‘snowshoe hunting”’ 
culture possess a natural inclination toward an art tradition in deco- 
rating utensils in common use. Another theme construed in the style 


Figure 24.—Designs from birchbark containers (Mattawa Band). 


a, Floral design in positive and negative technique (NMC, III, L, 189); 6, floral design on side of small 
container (III, L, 191). 


which may be called aboriginal so far as its conception and execution 
are concerned is the forest horizon in profile shown in figure 12, d. 
Two northern hares, their heads only showing above the hill, amid 
the tangle of a swamp, are portrayed realistically enough to excite 
interest in the eyes of hunters, whether natives or Europeans. Note 
also the dog chasing the partridge as a theme on a pail (fig. 10, a). 


ANTHROP, Pap. No.17] ALGONQUIN BIRCHBARK—SPECK 267 


Similar judgment may be pronounced upon the bears symmetrically 
opposed under the arching tree in figure 11, h. The dominance of the 
feeling for symmetricism is here apparent in the composition of 
animal and tree silhouettes. Another conception of the forest night 
scene of vital meaning to these Indians is the representation of a 
goose on the lake shore, the crescent moon above, with the hunter’s 
arrow on its way to its mark (pl. 36, 6, cover of basket). Upon the 
sides of a cylindrical pail (pl. 31, g) are two graphic pictures, one an 


Figure 25.—Assortment of plant-design elements from sides and covers of 
birchbark containers derived from cut-out patterns, mostly pseudorealistic 
representations of yellow pond lily (River Desert Band). 


otter racing over the flats beneath the full moon, and, on the opposite 
side, two does at a stand facing each other beneath a drooping ever- 
green tree. Here again the symmetrical ruling of Algonquin com- 
position has asserted itself. The otter scene just mentioned occurs 
twice on specimens collected from the River Desert Band. In plate 
38 (upper figuré) appears a duck represented advancing toward a 
blossoming pond lily. Above is a butterfly and a disk representing 
optionally the sun or the moon. The specimen is a sap pail. The 


268 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buxu. 128 


lid of a pattern holder made by a girl of about 12 years of age (Anne 
Clement), at Maniwaki, betrays what seems to rank as a work of 
more sophisticated skill, namely, a single pyramidally-formed balsam 
rising above a firmament of five stars and crescent moon (pl. 38, lower 
fig.). Algonquin realistic intention is evident throughout. The beaver 
in his nightly activity of feeding and storing is a favorite topic of 
thought and portrayal in the north. The subject appears occasionally 
in the work of this band, as in three instances observed (pls. 34 f; 33, a; 
36, a). Its treatment is fairly simple yet falls into the holographic 
category. The partly gnawed stem of a plant or tree is shown before 
the animal climbing over rocks on the border of his pond (pl. 36, a). In 
plate 35, a, appears a most pleasing arrangement of outline and con- 
trast in a composition obtained by Mr. Patman from Madenine 
Cesar. It is scraped upon a large storage box made to protect her 
clothing and personal effects from misplacement in her camp. The 
subject chosen by her was a loon in flight above a setting of lake shore 
as stamped upon the memory of its creator. I dare not indulge in 
comment upon the quality of this composition more than to stress 
its appeal as well as its adaptability to the aims of modern decorative 
art. 


THE CONSCIOUS ELEMENTS OF ALGONQUIN DESIGN MOTIVATION 


To what extent the creation of animal and plant designs among the 
workers investigated is the result of deliberate intention, arises as a 
question to be weighed by evidence both objective and, as far as pos- 
sible, subjective. Responses to efforts through questioning of several 
of the more active workers in birchbark showed that in producing 
animal and plant figures by means of cutting out the imaginary sil- 
houettes, a conscious effort is made in the direction of portrait realism. 
Familiarity with plant forms in a multitude of varieties is a character- 
istic of woman’s life in these bands. The traditional knowledge of 
curative properties of herbs, barks, and roots marks their personalities. 
The same is true of their experience with animal life. Small wonder 
that these influences should dominate the realm of creative illustra- 
tion. One who considers the general aspects of design motivation 
among the Canadian forest tribes should also consider the importance 
of plant and animal beings in the milieu of environment. The past 
era of cultural development has been an era immersed in the influences 
of the woods—the ‘‘bush,”’ in the vernacular of the north. Camp life, 
camp food, desires, associations of wide variety, induce thoughts by 
day and dreams by night centered about the denizens of the dark 
forests, the shimmering lakes, the barren brulés, and the waving 
marshes. These environments harbor both blessings and haunting 
terrors. Their effect is deeply registered upon the imagination as 


AnrHROP. Pap. No.17] ALGONQUIN BIRCHBARK—SPECK 269 


well as the daily-life horizon of the natives. An outgrowth of emo- 
tions determined by such influences resulting in productions of art 
form would seem to be inevitable.” 

Where, we may ask, might a subconscious motive in phytozoo- 
morphic representation be expected to appear in the art work of these 
groups? We might gain something by teaching ourselves to view the 
conditions with a freshness of outlook hitherto strange to ethnological 
trends of estimating the sources of native art inspiration. That there 
seems to be a suggestion of a hazy approach to subconscious rulings 
in the production of the bitten designs at least, is a point for considera- 
tion in an unbiased scrutiny of evidence. It requires an analysis of 
the purposes and practices of designing and of the feelings of the 
designers themselves for the outcome of their own habitual efforts. 
So far as the discussion of control factors in the making of the tooth- 
bitten decorative patterns has brought forth results, it may be said 
that the creators of these blind outlines do not profess to know just 
what patterns are to emerge from their teeth in most cases. There 
may be, indeed, a deliberate effort to mystify their art in the esteem of 
admirers when they profess to be moved by what we may consider as 
pure genius in discussing the matter. Yet there remains a shadow of 
accidency in the production of bitten designs attributable by one so 
inclined to subconscious influences. To what extent the profoundly 
personal emotions, and experiences of natives who have alternately 
suffered and reveled in the bosom of the wilderness, affect the forms 
of patterns produced by the teeth with eyes often closed and imagina- 
tion actively functioning, we may never learn. To admit such influ- 
ences, however, one would have to be a witness to the process. And 
that is not possible for contestants of the surmise just expressed. On 
the other hand, it is not the intention here to insinuate a surrealistic 
explanation of these instances of blind designing with the teeth. I 
should only add that those who are adept in the art of biting patterns, 
like Madenine Cesar, are widely known among their people and enjoy 
a reputation which could be rendered by our use of the term inspired. 
One would need to secure intimate personal histories of the few per- 
formers in the band. To obtain candid confessions from some of them 
by usual means would not be at all easy without courtship. The ques- 
tion raised in this paragraph is nevertheless fraught with interesting 
possibilities for investigation. I shall have to pass it on. 

The question of religious symbolism in the designs discussed may 
arise as a possibility here. The matter was given some attention 
during the course of contact with the people. In no sense, however, 

25 Incidentally, and to lend emphasis to the question of origin so often approached by students of native 
art, it seems to be as plausible to regard these deep-seated stimuli as indigenous provocations of design 
motives in the woodlands as to pronounce them summarily to be derived from European promptings. 


To dispense with the deeper motives of nature representation in Woodland Indian art in favor of the Euro- 
pean derivation theory has become almost a habit in certain circles of thought. 


270 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buxn, 128 


can Algonquin decoration be construed into being a conscious religious 
document as might be the case in groups socially more complicated. 


CHRONOLOGY OF DESIGN 


Confronting us constantly is the important question of the dating of 
decorations met with on these objects. It would be a most valuable 
addition to our knowledge of northern art history could we learn 
something from eighteenth century documents concerning the nature 
of basket designs of the area, or even as far back as a century ago. Here, 
as in the case of the Montagnais, however, early records have nothing 
sufficiently specific to say regarding birchbark wares and their decora- 
tions—topics too remote from the zeal-arousing subjects of soul salva- 
tion and education which engrossed the thoughts of missionary writers 
of the period. 

For the contemporary art figures (flowers, leaves, animals, arch, etc.) 
there is nothing for us beyond native tradition of antiquity to pierce 
the haze of uncertainty surrounding the time and manner of their 
adoption and the sources from which they owe their derivation. Many 
of the River Desert specimens figured are modern, that is, made 
within the last 15 or 20 years. Some, however, have a known age of 
three generations (Petrullo, 1929, p. 227). Mrs. Buckshot, of River 
Desert, now in her seventies, the maker of a number of those illus- 
trated, acquired her art from her mother without making any changes 
in the construction process or patterns of decoration of her bark work. 

Knowing that the River Desert Indians prior to 1854 were resident 
at the Lake of Two Mountains Mission, and nearer by about 150 miles 
to the settlements on the St. Lawrence, we cannot evade the conclusion 
that European influence has been operating upon the esthetic develop- 
ment of these Indians. Indeed, the River du Liévre Band shows such 
elaborate composition of its birchbark decorative figures, that the 
effect of French-Canadian farm life is only too apparent in the repre- 
sentations of flower pots and even bouquet groupings. The main 
difficulty is where to discriminate between native motives in the 
ornamentation of these old bark pails and the attempt to imitate 
European designs. While the critic may possess grounds for his own 
opinion on the question, it is evident that more material and especially 
more historical data will have to be obtained before the argument 
lurking beneath the surface will have been closed. It is apparent 
nevertheless, from what we know of the age, the economic character 
of the bark containers, and their decorations among these bands, that 
the craft they now represent dates back to the beginnings of the last 
century. 

There is, however, another aspect of recent history of the basketry 
problem involved in the art craftsmanship of the River Desert Algon- 


ANTHROP. PaP.No.17] ALGONQUIN BIRCHBARK—SPECK 271 


quin, if not that of the other bands as well. Among the older decora- 
tive techniques of this and the River du Liévre Band we meet with an 
art process having deep significance in the understanding of distribu- 
tion problems, namely the ornamentation of the splints of checker- 
work baskets by applying stamp designs to the broad splints by means 
of cut-out “pattern blocks” made of potato, turnip, or wood. Discus- 
sion of this form of art is a topic in itself, for the outline of which we 
may await the results of a study by Miss Gladys Tantaquidgeon. 
The provenience of the “block” printing basket ornamentation carries 
us to the consideration of art over a wide area extending from the 
Delaware, Munsee, and Mahican of the middle Atlantic region across 
southern New England, Mohegan, Pequot, and Nehantic, and then, 
after a break in distribution presented by the Iroquois,” who do not 
stamp or paint patterns on their baskets, back to the upper St. Law- 
rence where the process appears again among the Algonquin. The 
interruption in distribution of this remarkable decorative technique, 
caused by its nonoccurrence among the Iroquois wedged between the 
two areas where it flourished, is, to my mind, tacit evidence that it 
belongs to a period of art evolution among eastern Alognkian-speak- 
ing tribes when they occupied an extent of territory in common, at a 
time prior to their dispersion northward and eastward through pene- 
tration of the Iroquois into their domain. Block stamping in basket 
ornamentation is, therefore, probably an extremely early native de- 
velopment among the eastern Algonkian peoples, and one which by 
some trend of migration was diffused northward to the later Algon- 
quin proper. This has by now become blended with the primitive 
and natural decorative processes of a northern provenience, i. e., 
birchbark etching. It is, however, only with the latter that the 
present paper attempts to deal. 

A consideration to be included in our examination of Algonquin art 
is the knowledge that the making of birchbark baskets has witnessed 
both a decline and an expansion within the last two generations. The 
use of such articles in the band fell off to its lowest level in about the 
last decade of the nineteenth century. Introduction of industry into 
the forest sections of Quebec caused a withdrawal of the Indians lying 
near the centers of industrial activity, lurmg them from exclusive 
-hunting and trapping to pursuits of labor in the construction camps. 
The River Desert Band was one of those deeply affected by the change. 
Then came a feeble renewal of demand for the more esthetic forms of 
Indian labor. The women, on their part, found occupation in dull 
times and in winter in making birchbark and splint baskets for the 
more appreciative element of the incoming whites—the families of 

26 Exceptions may be noted in the case of the Iroquois Oneida and Mohawk, who have produced these 


forms corresponding in design and technique to those of the adjacent Algonkian, from whom I believe they 
were acquired. 


272 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bunn, 128 


officers and staffs of the huge corporations. Contact with this class 
of Europeans had its results. The Indian of the ‘bush’ encountered 
gentler white people at last who admired some of his gifts and accom- 
plishments, and liked them. The discovery on the part of the latter 
that Indians could do something more than chop, drive, paddle, cook, 
sweat, and freeze in the ‘‘shanties”’ of the lumber and pulp operations 
created a spark of interest in the ‘‘inferiors.”’ The discovery of native 
arts of delicate form, skillful technique and tasteful ornamentation, 
of the symbolic language of picture writing in the alphabet of beasts, 
flowers, and trees, brought out something that both races could under- 
stand. The Indians slowly responded to the new demand put upon 
their abilities. This time they drew upon a form of production which 
appealed to their woods-loving nature. And so, while it is true and 
should be emphasized that indigenous arts and crafts both useful and 
beautiful never completely ceased, there has been a revival. Native 
groups in other parts of the country have passed through similar 
transitions in the rise and fall of their folk-crafts. In the case of the 
Algonquin another generation will write the answer to the question of 
ultimate survival or extinction of a promising art inspiration born 
somewhere in the birch-forest depths of the circumboreal area. 

Interest in the construction and decoration of bark containers is 
aroused by the position they hold in the history and evolution of in- 
vention from the world point of view. Containers for dry and for 
liquid properties may be thought of as extremely early products of 
invention beginning with animal skin (rawhide) and tree skin (bark) 
folded wrappers and troughs of the simplest forms, some of which sur- 
vive in use among hunting nomads of recent times. How can it be 
doubted that these products antedate in time and precede in tech- 
nology the lengthy series of containers and holders which appear 
evolved through boxes, basketry, and bags in manifold form from the 
simplest to most complex forms often within the same areas? The 
porcupine-quill decorative technique on birchbark containers char- 
acteristic of the area among the Algonkian of the Great Lakes region, 
where it has reached such an efflorescent stage, has developed, as I 
conceive it, from the incised floral decoration on birchbark discussed 
in this and in related themes of treatment. 

It seems a proper time for a more critical, even reformistic attitude 
to be taken toward treatment of historical as well as functional 
aspects of native American art. 

In a recent paper on Montagnais art in birchbark (Speck, 1937) 
I have evaluated certain evidence as set forth by commentators to 
prove European derivation of the floral and curve motifs so char- 
acteristic of design styles of Algonkian peoples of the Northeast. To 
many ethnologists this deduction may seem right in a superficial 
sense. In a profound sense, however, such an assumption in the guise 


ANTHROP. PaP. No.17] ALGONQUIN BIRCHBARK—SPECK 273 


of a conclusion is a delusive one. Yet it has swayed the arguments 
propounded in treatises which constitute in most instances secondary 
sources. The review and analysis arranged in the discussions just 
concluded should mean something in the future understanding of what 
these nature associations (flora, fauna, and hunter’s visions of land- 
scapes) stand for among groups culturally environed in the ecological 
set-up of the Canadian life zone. To stress social factors of art cul- 
ture, thereby thrusting aside a realization of what force is exerted by 
environmental conditions of nature, I am sure is to betray obstinate 
disregard for a great functioning influence. To drag in and stand up 
the historical art dummy of modern European origin in this case is 
subserving a sickly and overworked tradition of nineteenth century 
American ethnology. Someone may yet desire to attribute the pat- 
tern-biting process to as mythical a source as the old woman who bit 
holes in Swiss cheese with her one tooth, or perhaps to trace the Al- 
gonquin method of fashioning thongs from a single moose hide by 
spiral-centripetal trimming to Dido and the classical cutting of the 
bull hide! The material discussed in my several recent papers may 
at least inaugurate a contest of opinion with new bearings upon a 
subject of art which some of our profession have regarded as closed. 

It would seem, furthermore, that these nations of the woods had 
already started a few steps along the way leading to the formation of 
a crude scriptural system, at least as far as pictorial representation of 
object and idea might so be regarded. The symbols having values 
of floral glyphs, partially developed into curve ideograms, passed 
into use as fixed outline forms. Their wide range of significance 
pictorially embraces those most important elements of life and 
environment. They rise in the scale of literate culture traits, even 
to the extent of being carved upon the faces of blocks employed as 
stamps, whence they acquire the character of block designs consti- 
tuting a process of elementary printing with a color (ink) medium. 
If it seems presumptuous to lift these developments to such a high 
cultural rating in favor of a crude civilization, how may they be other- 
wise described? I shall take occasion subsequently to show in another 
paper how the block printing of designs was effected in the decorative 
art composition of other Algonkian groups of the Northeast (Munsee, 
Delaware, Mahikan, and the early southern New England peoples), a 
distribution which points toward a locus of specialization in art 
history that may be said to own some conventionalized type-forms 
for representation of ideas. May we not then boldly but justly call it 
an initial step on the part of Algonkian hunters in the production of an 
elementary system of writing and block printing amid an environment 
of uncleared forests? 


274 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bunn. 128 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 

Boas, FRANz. : 
1927. Primitive art. Oslo. 

CHAMBERLAIN, A. F. 

1907. Article on Maycock. In Handbook of American Indians. Bur. Amer. 
Ethnol. Bull. 30, pt. 1, p. 824. 

Davipson, D. S. 

1928. Decorative art of the Tétes de Boule of Quebec. Ind. Notes and 

Monogr., vol. 10, No. 9, Mus. Amer. Ind., Heye Foundation. 
DENSMORE, FRANCES 

1928. Use of plants by the Chippewa Indians. 44th Ann. Rep. Bur. Amer. 
Ethnol., 1926-27, pp. 275-397. 

1929. Chippewa customs. Bur. Amer. Ethnol. Bull. 86. 

Dovetas, FREDERICK H. 

1936. Parfleches and other rawhide articles. Denver Art Mus., Ind. Leaflets 
70, (8: 

1938. An incised bison rawhide parfleche. Material Culture Notes, No. 6, 
April. Denver Art Mus. 

JOHNSON, F. 
1930. An Algonkian band at Lac Barriére, Province of Quebec. Ind. Notes 
and Monogr., vol. 12, No. 1, Mus. Amer. Ind., Heye Foundation. 
MacMituan, Marian T. 
1936. Reflections, the story of water pictures. N. Y. 
Moore, CLARENCE B. 

1905. Certain aboriginal remains of the Black Warrior River. ... Journ. 

Acad. Nat. Sci. Philadelphia, 2d ser., vol. 18, pt. 2, pp. 125-232. 
PETRULLO, V. M. 

1929. Decorative art on birchbark containers from the Algonquin, River du 
Liévre Band. Ind. Notes and Monogr., vol. 11, No. 3, Mus. Amer. 
Ind., Heye Foundation. 

Speck, FRANK G. 

1915. Family hunting territories and social life of various Algonkian bands of 
the Ottawa Valley. Geol. Surv. Canada, Dept. Mines, Mem. 70. 
Ottawa. 

1920. Decorative art and basketry of the Cherokees. Bull. Pub. Mus. 
Milwaukee, vol. 2, No. 2. 

1927. River Desert Indians of Quebec. Ind. Notes and Monogr., vol. 4, 
No. 8, Mus. Amer. Ind., Heye Foundation. 

1927 a. Symbolism in Penobscot art. Anthrop. Pap. Amer. Mus, Nat. 

Hist., vol. 29, pt. 2. 

1929. Boundaries and hunting groups of the River Desert Algonquin. Ind. 
Notes and Monogr., vol. 6, No. 2, Mus. Amer. Ind., Heye Founda- 
tion. 

1930. Mistassini notes. Ind. Notes, vol. 7, No. 4, Mus. Amer. Ind., Heye 

Foundation. 

1937. Montagnais art in birchbark, a circumpolar trait. Ind. Notes and 
Monogr., vol. 11, No. 2, Mus. Amer. Ind., Heye Foundation. 

1940. Penobscot Man. Univ. Penna. Press, Phila. 

TritT, JAMES 
1909. The Shuswap. Mem. Amer. Mus. Nat. Hist., Jesup North Pacific 
Exped., vol. 2, pt. 7. Ed. note by F. Boas, pp. 477-478, 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 128 PLATE 30 


BIRCHBARK CONTAINERS, SAP BUCKET AND ROUND PAIL (RIVER DESERT BAND) 
(NMC). 

a, b, c, Containers with similar designs on both sides; d, e, opposite sides of same bucket, 
scene of activity in sugarbush (Mz AI, 11X12 in.); ifs birc hbark pail for maple sap or water 
(River Desert Band), 1314 in. Designs represent ‘‘frog’s leggings,” pitcherplant (Sar- 
racena purpurea), and leaves (MAI, 15/3068); g, round pail for household possessions, 


tools, work material, etc. (height 12 ‘in.). Designs depicting night scene in woods, deer 
under tree. 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 128 PLATE 31 


BIRCHBARK CONTAINERS (RIVER DESERT BAND). 


a, Workbox, 8X10 in. (both sides are the same) (MAI); b, c, maple sap pail (Rochester 
Municipal Mus.); d, water or sap pail, height 11% in. (MAI, 16/1595); ¢, water or sap 
pail, height 10 in. (MAI, 16/1596). Both have seams closed with pitch. 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 128 PLATE 32 


BIRCHBARK SAP PAILS AND DISHES (RIVER DESERT BAND). 


a, b,c, d, Sap pails, height 4% in. (MAI, 16/1613—16/1616); ¢, large sap container, height 
54 in. (16/1612); f, dish, height 3 in. (16/1597). 


(16I “O61 “681 “T 
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‘uvuned “7 ‘wAA Aq ydeizoj0yg) *(q-z-IVvD 


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“CNI G LHSISH) NAWIOSdS AO SACGIS HLOG ‘LHDSOIN LY MOYNYXY 
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9€ ALV1d 821 NILATINGA ASOTONHLA NVOIMAWYV AO Nvaynsa 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 128 PLATE 37 


AIGONQUIN BIRCHBARK CONTAINERS FOR HOUSEHOLD ARTICLES WITH FLORAL 
FIGURES IN SGRAFFITO DESIGNING AND WITH SEWED-ON CUT-OUT PATTERN 
DECORATIONS. 

Both sides of two vessels shown (66 in.) (DAM, CAI-II-P). (Photograph by Wm. F. 


Patman.) 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 128 PLATE 38 


BIRCHBARK CONTAINERS (RIVER DESERT BAND). 


Upper, decorated containers, night scene, duck, moth, or butterfly and moon on edge of 
lake; Jower, decorated container for woman’s possessions, sewing materials, cut-out and 


bitten patterns, with forest night scene on lid (10 in.) (DAM, CAI-14-P). 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 128 PLATE 39 


BIRCHBARK CONTAINERS. 


a, Birchbark envelope container for bear bait, with pitcher-plant figure, 944 X 11 in. 
(River Desert Algonquin, P. Q.) (DAM ‘CAI-16-P). 
6, Birchbark container with spruce-root loops for decoration on rim, 534 & 4% in. (River 


Desert Band) (DAM, CAI-12-P). 


“(AIVW) (GNV@ LYSaS3q YSsAIY) SSAVAT 
ONY SYSMO74 JO SAILSINVA GANIASGNN ONILNSESSYdsyY SYANIVLNOD MYvVea ONILVYOOSG HOA SYSMYVW NYSaLLVd LNO-LND MYvsHoylae 


Ov ALlV1d 8¢l NILATING ADOIONHL]A NVOINSWY AO Nvaana 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 128 PLATE 41 


CAMP OF ALGONQUIN BIRCHBARK WORKER AND BASKET MAKER (MADENINE 
CESAR) (RIVER DESERT BAND, P. Q.). 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 128 PLATE 42 


MACKUSI’’K’WE, ‘‘BEAVER MEADOW WOMAN,” (MRS. M. BUCKSHOT) WITH DEC- 
ORATED BIRCHBARK BABY CARRIER FOR INFANT UP TO ONE MONTH CF AGE. 
(SPECIMEN IN NMD, 1938.) 


Le 
‘hin, © 


he 


SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION 
Bureau of American Ethnology 
Bulletin No. 128 


Anthropological Papers, No. 18 


Archeological Reconnaissance of Southern Utah 


By JULIAN H. STEWARD 


275 


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CONTENTS 


PAGE 
ST AI ap ae a ace uals CARA IPer, PRET SNR NONE aN. teh a gee 281 
Part 1. The Johnson Canyon and Paria River region_________-_-------- 282 
EES TEST Aegean Sp gE Somat SINNED ae RST) pemetr repee oN pings RS 282 
RRS eA ANC CATCOIGCCUULG = 2265s ieee ee eR Ag ee Be ee ne 288 
SLIT SYS) Foal EDO) rg 2 OS Gan eee Ramee Yan AE Sy etna 288 
PROBE HIG LOGKOS =e cca baht Sete ieee Be ee 291 
Rectanouiar masonry, NOUSESp. 2 yas oe pea eee 292 
RPIeROMe Gs A GUROR oe 20 og Se ea = eg eee eee 298 
a a a ko pa a rea ee 299 
| jor yn i hatte 8 ed ieppma pa ol melee a yaa gm SE a A i a a pnt ate > 310 
© ESET ay BS a veg ene a ta a an et ag eo ai Se ties 315 
RPS PRETEEN Sd gE rg Be ge ee a a a ee eg 318 
(ERLISTE FEV ON le a aD RN SYST SERIE LE tlh (ENE AEN is 319 
Lo STLS 17%) S787 21 SAPS a Ali pa epee ie apt cn ae een ie ene cy aN ENA REN 319 
East 2. Gien Canyon of the Colorado River__..-......-=_...---.----.= 323 
OTE S, TOIT ai en pa oa rh a EN a RON A ey 328 
"cs FE] TTS 2 0 RA A i i A a a li OR a, aD ra are pg 350 
(LT 7 FETS TES a RI Ca Rg Nig AG Psp en Rie mma FI 356 
ILLUSTRATIONS 
PLATES 

43. Pit houses at site 2, Molly’s Nipple Canyon________-_-_-_-------_-_- 356 

44. Site 2, Molly’s Nipple Canyon. a, House A. 6, Rubbed grooves in 
LOE Ee LS OS IRR a NO A RIND IRE ISDE, ATE AY 356 

45. Masonry cliff houses and slab structures (sites 18, 37, 71, 83, 96, 
Jennson CAnyon-rarla River Hepgion)__...... 5. ne 356 
46. Petroglyphs.at site 117, Johnson, Canyon__.._.._-__..--.--_.--_._- 356 
47.,. Petroglyphs ait site 117, Johnson Canyon__......_....------------ 356 
Zee Ceuopiyphs a. site, lag, Oak Canyon. =. 2-2 356 

49. House ruins at White Canyon (site 2), Redd Canyon (site 4), and 
LeU PTET TEN ELL DR ag lS ela iAP aR NaN SRT NE IR TSR 356 

50. Slab and masonry structures near Lake Canyon (site 6) and below 
Derr RMIPORIVGE (BEC Ee) dese ee ee oe eg 356 

51. House types at Redd Canyon (site 4), Aztec Creek (sites 16, 17), and 
PES Gres Sa SF sR i eh Marc cnae MDa. 356 
waenictopraphe andspetroglyphe...-.-.,--.- _------~- <= s-2--5-- = 356 

TEXT FIGURES 

26. Sketch map of Johnson Canyon-Paria River region__._______-------- 282 
27. Sketch map of slab structures, site 39, Kitchen Canyon______-_----_- 290 
28. Sketch map of slab structures, site 41, Kitchen Canyon______-_-_---- 290 
29. Sketch map of slab structures, site 42, Kitchen Canyon________--_-- 291 
30. Sketch map of slab structures, site 86, near Clark Canyon____---_--- 291 
31. Sketch map of slab structures, site 87, near Clark Canyon____-_-_~-- 291 


218558—_41——19 277 


278 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [ Bun, 128 


PAGE 
32. Sketch map of cave, site 2, Molly’s Nipple Canyon___._____________ 292 
33. Sketch map of masonry houses, depressions, and slab structures, site 
48, Wildcat Canyons 222 shee .2 220k eee Lee ee 293 
34. Sketch map of masonry house and slab structure, site 60, Kitchen 
Canyori 2s kU Ok See en oe ae ee er 294 
35. Sketch maps of masonry houses, depressions, and slab cists, sites 76, 
80, 81, and 82, Finn Little and Clark Canyons______.___________-_- 295 
36. Sketch map of masonry houses, depressions, and slab cist, site 119, 
Johnson Lakes Canyon. 22.22.2222 22222 eee 295 
37. Rim sherds and designs on Basket Maker black-on-gray. Numbers 
indicate sites in Johnson Canyon-Paria River region______------_- 300 
38. Rim sherds and designs on Tusayan (Virgin) black-on-white bowls. 
Numbers indicate sites in Johnson Canyon-Paria River region_____ 301 
39. Half of Tusayan (Virgin) black-on-white bowl, site 123, Dairy Canyon. 302 
40. Rim sherds and designs on Tusayan black-on-red and polychrome 
bowls. Numbers indicate sites in Johnson Canyon-Paria River 
TH EYL 0) 0 PS Es RN ILA NG AP Waa We UPA ENT PUR LN AC RCE HD se 302 
41. Tusayan black-on-red pitcher, site 2, Molly’s Nipple Canyon_______-_ 303 
42. Bowl rims, Tusayan black-on-white and Tusayan black-on-red_____-_-_ 303 
43. Rim sherds and handles of plain ollas, Paria gray and Johnson gray- 
12 0 le Na RN PI a he UCN etree eat enka Ani eeneRS Br 304 
44., Variations in rims of plain ollas! 222 LS eee 305 
45,, Rim sherds of Paria gray bowls. 25-5222 eee 306 
46. Johnson corrugated pitchers, site 123, Dairy Canyon, and corrugated 
olla rim sherds from Johnson Canyon-Paria River region___------_- 306 
47. Chipped sandstone ‘‘hoes”’ from Johnson Canyon-Paria River region._. 310 
48, 49. Metates from sites in Johnson Canyon-Paria River region_____- 311, 312 
50. Mullers, or manos, and cross sections of same from sites in Johnson 
Canyon-Paria River region... 9 2 .t 22-3) 313 
51. Projectile points of chipped flint. Johnson Canyon-Paria River 
TOOT OMe ee niyo ace a ee re ae en ek 314 
52. Knives, drills, and scrapers. Johnson Canyon-Paria River region_... 315 
da., Lextile impression in adobe =< Se ee 317 
54. Crescent (“‘sickles’) of mountain sheep horn in the Judd collection at 
Kanab, Utaheo ssi or ee eee ee ee 317 
55. Wooden dippers in the Judd collection at Kanab, Utah____--------- 318 
56. Two quartz objects. a, Quartzite lump (11744), site 2, Paria River 
region. b, Crystalline pendant (11894), site 119, Johnson Lakes 
CANYON. ofan no nee ees eee ee coe eee ee 318 
57. Petroglyphs, sites 1 and 4, Molly’s Nipple Canyon________--------- 320 
58. Pictographs, site 7, Molly’s Nipple Canyon; and site 29, Wildcat 
CanyOR = | eee fe ee 321 
59. Pictographs and petroglyphs, site 111, near Johnson Canyon-_--_----- 322 
60. Petroglyphs, site 111, near Johnson Canyon..___...-...-.--------- 323 
61. Petroglyphs, site 117, Johnson Canyon... _-.._.-. 2.225 324 
62. Petroglyphs, site 180, Oak Canyon-w2i5 uous.) sessed le puede 325 
63. Petroglyphs, sites 130, 132, and 183, Oak Canyon, and site 141 near 
Clark. Canyon..Jo0i4!) wed al Le ole ew deus dale Yee 326 
64. Distribution of sites of different periods in Johnson Canyon-Paria 
River region. 20yce)) aga ww 0d adie Geouioutia dei ie ee 327 
65. Map of Glen Canyon, Colorado River___.._.----.-----------+---- 328 
66. Ground plan of large ruin and kiva, site 2, White Canyon______-_--- 330 


AntTHRoP. Pap. No.18] UTAH ARCHEOLOGY—STEWARD 279 


PAGE 

67. House structures. a, Plan of ruin at site 3, Trachyte Canyon. 6-f, 
Houses on the northern cliff of White Canyon, site 2_-____________ 331 
68. Cliff houses south of the large ruin, site 2, White Canyon__________- 333 
iemoarec Tin atenedd Canyon, site 425... 22.2.0. 223 682 Le 336 

70. Details of house structures at site 6 near Lake Canyon and site 22, 
POTS) ees Spe ee 0 OF ee | pe a 339 

71. Metates and manos, or mullers, from sites 6 and 9, near Lake Canyon; 
site 11, near Escalente River; and site 22, near Rock Creek____-_-- 340 
72-74. Petroglyphs at site 2, White Canyon___._.__............_. -_ 345-347 
75. Pictographs and petroglyphs at site 2, White Canyon______________- 348 
76. Pictographs near Colorado River, on highway north of Moab, Utah___ 348 


77. Petroglyphs by highway bridge over Colorado River, near Moab, Utah. 349 


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ARCHEOLOGICAL RECONNAISSANCE OF SOUTHERN 
UTAH 


By JULIAN H. STEWARD 


INTRODUCTION 


Archeological investigations by Judd (1926) and by the present 
writer (Steward, 1933, 1933a, 1936) in the Northern Periphery of the 
Southwest, that is, in northern and western Utah, had revealed 
numerous remains of a prehistoric culture the main features of which 
were derived from the Anasazi or Basket Maker-Pueblo cultures of 
the San Juan River drainage. But whereas the cultures of the latter 
area are known to have developed through at least four compara- 
tively distinct chronological periods—Basket Maker (II), Modified 
Basket Maker (III), Developmental Pueblo (I and II), and Great 
Pueblo (III)!—present data indicate but two periods in the Northern 
Periphery. Neither true Basket Maker nor Modified Basket Maker 
is present. The early period, though Basket Maker in such fea- 
tures as ceramics and stress on clay figurines and anthropomorphic 
petroglyphs (which largely faded out in the San Juan Pueblo cultures), 
already contains some Developmental Pueblo elements, especially a 
jacallike pit lodge. The late period merely brought the addition of 
such San Juan Pueblo II elements as rectangular houses, intensive 
horticulture, ceramic features, and probably some brachycephalic 
people. In the entire portion of Utah which lies north of the Fremont 
River in the east and which falls within the Great Basin in the west, 
only these two periods are known. 

The outstanding problem of the Northern Periphery, therefore, was 
to discover the place and manner in which those culture elements 
which had been chronologically differentiated in the San Juan area 
had become blended into a single culture and spread northward into 
the Northern Periphery. Theoretically, there should be found a 
region with the two following cultural stages: First, a Modified 
Basket Maker culture lacking any Pueblo influence; second, a culture 
retaining certain elements of the first (which, in the San Juan area, 
faded out after the close of the Basket Maker periods) but having in 
addition certain early Pueblo elements. Work by Judd (1926) and 

1 These terms are from Roberts (1937). Numerals in parentheses refer to the old terminology, i. e., 
Basket Maker II, III, ete. 

281 


282 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bout, 128 


Nusbaum (1922) had shown that the cultures in the vicinity of Kanab 
in southern Utah were chronologically differentiated much as in the 
San Juan area, which ruled out that region as the source of the special 
Northern Peripheral culture. 

In order to shed light on this problem as well as to explore areas 
which were blanks on the archeological map, the writer undertook 
two trips in southern Utah in 1932 for the University of Utah. One 
trip was made in company with B. O. Hughes of Ann Arbor, Mich., 
R. F. Hosmer of Los Angeles, Maurice Howe of Salt Lake City, and 
Delbert Riggs of Kanab, Utah. Traveling with pack outfit, the 
party thoroughly explored the region of the lower Paria River and 
Johnson Canyon, east of Kanab. The observations made on this 
trip form the first part of this paper. 

The other trip was made in company with Hughes, Charles Kelly 
of Salt Lake City, and Hoffman Birney and John Shoemaker of 
Philadelphia. It was only through sharing expenses with the last 
three that the expedition was possible. Traveling by boat, 23 days 
were spent exploring Glen Canyon of the Colorado River between 
the Fremont River in central-eastern Utah and Lee’s Ferry in northern 
Arizona. Description of the archeology of this region forms the 
second part of the paper. The writer wishes to express gratitude to 
his companions on both trips, particularly to Hughes, who assumed 
responsibility for much of the reconnaissance on the second trip. 

The archeological collections obtained are in the Museum of 
Anthropology at the University of Utah. Numbers of specimens 
recorded in this paper are those of the museum catalog. 


PART 1. THE JOHNSON CANYON AND PARIA RIVER REGION 
SITES VISITED 


The lists of sites visited follows. The numbers refer to those on 
the map. 


Site 1—Mouth of Molly’s Nipple Canyon. Petroglyphs and plain pottery, 
probably Basket Maker. 

Site 2—1% miles west of Potter’s ranch. A large cave with three circular 
houses, having slab foundations and adobe, straw, and horizontally laid rocks 
above; two were excavated. Artifacts: Mostly plain and black-on-white sherds. 
A few sherds of corrugated ware and of unbaked clay; metates and miullers. 
Site is early (pls. 43, 44). 

Site 3.—\% mile south of Potter’s ranch. No architecture. Sherds like those 
of site 2. 

Site 4.—1% mile south of Potter’s ranch. Three masonry cliff houses. Corru- 
gated and black-on-white sherds. Petroglyphs in one cave. 

Site §.—100 yards south of site 4. Plain sherds scattered on hillside. 

Site. 6.—200 yards south of site 5. Plain sherds and small slab cists. 

Site 7—South side Molly’s Nipple Canyon, 4 mile south of Kitchen cabin. 
White animal and anthropomorphic pictographs in rock shelter. 


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Ficurn 26.—Sketch map of the Johnson Canyon-Paria River region. 


Anrurop. Par. No.18] UTAH ARCHEOLOGY—STEWARD 283 


Site 8.—Head of canyon, directly opposite (south of) Kitchen cabin. Cave 
with one crude circular stone house. 

Site 9.—Back of Averett’s cabin. Late sherds and traces of houses. 

Site 10.—\% mile east of site 9, on promontory formed by Molly’s Nipple Can- 
yon and small side canyon. Sherds and stone ‘‘hoes”’ collected. 

Site 11—Cave just under rim rock between sites 9 and 10. Traces of stone 
walls. 

Site 12.—Cave at head of draw, southwest of Kitchen cabin. Plain sherd 
collected. 

Site 18—Potter’s ranch. Sherds and stone hoes scattered over sand hills. 

Site 14.—Molly’s Nipple Canyon just below Potter’s ranch. Stone hoes and 
sherds in canyon bottom. 

Site 15.—1\% mile northwest of Riggs’ ranch. Paria gray sherds in cave. 

Site 16.—%% mile east of site 2 where trail to Kitchen cabin leaves main canyon. 
Sherds and flints scattered on hillside. 

Site 17.—West of summit of trail from Molly’s Nipple Canyon to Five Pines 
Canyon. Plain sherds and flints scattered on waterless flat. 

Site 18.—East side of Kitchen Canyon, % mile north of Five Pines Canyon. 
Traces of stone and adobe walls. Plain and corrugated sherds (pl. 45, a). 

Site 19.—On hillside where trail drops into Wildcat Canyon opposite Wildcat 
Spring. Plain sherds. 

Site 20.—\ mile north of Wildcat Spring. Two small caves with traces of stone 
and adobe walls. Plain and corrugated sherds. 

Site 21.—1 mile south of Wildcat Spring at head of small canyon running east 
into Wildcat Canyon. Paria gray, and Basket Maker black-on-gray sherds. 

Site 22.— North side same canyon, 4 mile east of site 21. Small rock shelters 
containing layers of cedar bark, pine needles, and sand. No artifacts. 

Site 23.—West side Wildcat Canyon, sandy knoll north of Nephi Canyon. 
Plain and corrugated sherds, metates, and mullers. 

Site 24.—North side mouth of Nephi Canyon. Sherds and arrow points. 

Site 25.—South side of mouth of Nephi Canyon. Remains of masonry and 
cists; abundant sherds of late types. Also metates and mullers. 

Site 26—200 yards south of site 25. Remains of slab cists on hillside; sherds. 

Site 27.—East side Wildcat Canyon opposite canyon with sites 21, 22. Two 
caves with evidence of occupation and a semicircular stone and adobe granary 
under ledge near top of cliff. 

Site 28—¥% mile north of 27, east side Wildcat Canyon. Cave with water 
seep containing 18 inches of stratified ash and flint chips. 

Site 29.—West side Wildcat Canyon, % mile south of Wildcat Spring. Rock 
shelter with pictographs in white, cream, and black. 

Site 30.—300 yards south of 29. Cave containing corrugated and plain sherds. 

Site 31.—Above site 30. Small cave walled up to form granary. 

Site 32.—100 feet south of site 30. Rock shelter with late sherds and flints. 

Site 33.—\% mile north of site 30, in draw on east side Wildcat Canyon. Rock 
shelter containing sherds and flints. 

Site 34.—West side of Kitchen Canyon, 200 yards north of Five Pines Canyon. 
Sherds and flints scattered over small knoll. 

Site 35.—Opposite Five Pines Canyon. One metate and flint chips. 

Site 36.—300 yards below site 35, west side of canyon. Occupied cave with 
flint chips. 

Site 37.—East side Kitchen Canyon, 200 yards north of Box Elder Canyon. 
Caves and rock shelters containing masonry walls, also circular stone and adobe 
house (pl. 45, d). 


284 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Butn. 128 


Site 38—West side of Kitchen Canyon, 200 yards north of site 37. Rock 
shelter containing charcoal and worked flints. 

Site 39.—Junction of Kitchen and Box Elder Canyons, a knoll covered with 
nine slab cists, traces of more cists, sherds. 

Site 40.—%% mile south of site 39. Petroglyphs and pictographs in white. 

Site 41.—Kitchen Canyon, 4 mile north of Gidd’s Canyon. Knoll covered 
with 13 or more slab cists and houses. Sherds collected. 

Site 42.—North side of mouth of Gidd’s Canyon. Knoll covered with approxi- 
mately 13 slab cists and houses. Sherds and metate collected. 

Site 43.—North side of Gidd’s Canyon, 250 yards from mouth. Flint work- 
shop on small hill. 

Site 44.—Hill, junction of Gidd’s and Kitchen Canyons, south side mouth 
Gidd’s Canyon. Possibly cists; sherds. 

Site 45.—Knoll, Wildcat Cativon; east side, 4% mile below Nephi Cais: 
chipped flints, sherds, and metate. 

Site 46.—East side Wildcat Canyon, 300 yards below site 45. Sherds, worked 
flints, and muller fragment collected. 

Site 47.—Wildcat Canyon, 4 mile south of site 46. Sherds and flints on small 
hill. 

Site 48.—On sand knoll at junction of Wildcat and Kitchen Canyons. Several 
coursed masonry houses grouped around large circular depressions, possibly 
kivas. Also slab cists. Metates well worked. Sherds of late types. 

Site 49.—West side Kitchen Canyon, % mile above site 48. Sherds and slab 
cists. 

Site 50.—On small knoll opposite mouth of Kitchen Creek. Sherds, metate, 
and chipped flints. 

Site 51.—300 yards north of site 50. Nine slab cists, sherds, and chipped 
flints on knoll, 30 feet high, west side of Kitchen wash. 

Site 52.—On knoll 200 yards north of site 51. A cist, sherds, and chipped 
flints. 

Site 53.—West side of junction of Kitchen and Wildcat Canyons, on knoll 50 
feet high. Four rectangular masonry rooms form a semicircle around the north 
side of a circular depression, probably kiva. Also two slab cists, sherds, metates, 
and mullers, of late types. 

Site 54.—200 yards north of site 53. A slab cist and late type sherds. Prob- 
ably is part of site 53. 

Site 55.—% mile north of site 54. Late types of sherds on knoll. 

Site 56.—300 yards above site 55. Small slab cist and plain sherds. 

Site 57.—% mile north of site 56. Sherds and chipped flints. 

Site 58.—% mile north of site 56. Small cist, sherds, and metate fragment. 

Site 59.—East side Kitchen Canyon, 300 yards above Gidd’s corral. Sherds, 
flints, and small slab cist. 

Site 60.—On knoll % mile south of Gidd’s corral. Coursed masonry, rectangular 
house and slab cists or houses. Sherds and flints. 

Site 61.—% mile south of site 60. Slab cist and sherds. 

Site 62.—Small knoll south of Elmo’s Spring. Sherds, flints, and metate. 

Site 63.—1 mile south of site 62. Plain sherds and flints scattered on knoll. 

Site 64.—\% mile west of Jenny’s Clay Hole. Flint workshop and plain sherds. 

Site 65—'% mile south of site 64, east bank of Finn Little Canyon. Knoll 
with thousands of sherds, flints, and metates. No evidence of houses. 

Site 66.—\% mile northeast of Jenny’s Clay Hole. Flint-chipping station. 

Sites 67-70.—Located on large flat 24 miles east of Jenny’s Clay Hole. Sherds 
and flint-chipping sites cover the flat. 


AnTHROP. Pap. No.18] UTAH ARCHEOLOGY—STEWARD 285 


Site 71.—% mile northeast of Jenny’s Clay Hole. Knoll about 30 feet high 
with four slab cists and sherds (pl. 45, f). 

Site 72.—14 miles west of Jenny’s Clay Hole facing Finn Little Canyon. Rec- 
tangular houses with coursed stone walls, grouped in semicircle on north side of 
circular depression. 

Site 73.—% mile southwest of site 72. Coursed stone-wall houses and slab 
cists. Late pottery types. 

Site 74.—% mile east of site 73. Two coursed stone houses. 

Site 75.—% mile southeast of site 74. Two rectangular coursed stone houses 
and slab cist. 

Site 76.—300 yards southeast of site 75, or % mile from Finn Little Canyon. 
Five rectangular coursed stone houses grouped around semicircle. Late pottery 
types. 

Site 77.—1% miles southwest of site 76. Slab cists. Sherds: Plain, black-on- 
white. No corrugated sherds. 

Site 78.—% mile east of site 76. Five coursed rectangular stone houses grouped 
around circular depression. Late pottery types. 

Site 79.—¥% mile southeast of site 76. Scattered sherds and worked flints. 

Site 80.—\% mile west of Finn Little Canyon. Three rectangular coursed stone 
houses around circular depression. Late pottery types. 

Site 81.—300 yards north of site 80. Three rectangular coursed stone houses 
in semicircle on north side of circular depression. Also stone slab cist. 

Site 82.—East side Clark Canyon. Five rectangular coursed stone houses 
and slab cist. 

Site 83.—'%4 mile southwest of site 82. Rectangular coursed stone houses and 
slab cist (pl. 45, 6). 

Site 84.—200 yards east of site 838. Rectangular coursed stone house and cists. 

Site 85.—%4 mile northeast of site 84. Four rectangular coursed stone houses 
in semicircle on north side of circular depression. 

Site 86.—}4 mile northwest of site 85. Five slab structures on knoll top. 

Site 87.—1 mile west of site 86. Large rectangular slab structure on knoll top. 
Sherds: Plain, black-on-white. 

Site 88.—300 yards southwest of site 87. Scattered sherds and flints. 

Site 89.—\ mile west of site 88. Small slab cist, sherds, and flints. 

Site 90.—At mouth of Neaf Springs Canyon. Two slab cists and plain sherds. 

Site 91.—Cave opposite Neaf Springs previously dug. Sherds, muller, and 
corncob found. 

Site 92.—Head of Neaf Springs Canyon. Scattered plain and black-on-white 
sherds, metate, and muller fragments. 

Site 93.—% mile southeast of Neaf Springs on south side of canyon. Scattered 
sherds and flint chips. Sherds and other evidence of occupation were scattered in 
the general vicinity of Neaf Springs. 

Site 94.—On point above head of Seaman Canyon. Four rectangular coursed 
stone houses. Late pottery types. ‘ 

Site 95.—Head of Seaman Canyon. Rectangular coursed stone house. Late 
pottery types; flints. 

Site 96.—200 yards northeast of site 95. Rectangular structure of slabs, out- 
side of which was a coursed stone wall (pl. 45, e). 

Site 97.—150 yards northwest of site 96. A structure like that at site 96. 

Site 98.—% mile northeast of site 97. Large rectangular stone house on knoll. 

Site 99.—\% mile northwest of site 98. Scattered sherds, flints, metate, and 
muller. 

Site 100.—\ mile north of site 98. One small slab cist, plain sherds, and flints. 


286 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 128 


Site 101.—\ mile east of Johnson Lakes Canyon. Two slab cists, sherds, and 
flints. 

Site 102.—On small knoll 1% miles east of Johnson Lakes Canyon, 4% miles 
north of Flood Canyon. Slab cist, sherds, and flints. 

Site 103.—North edge of Flood Canyon, 4 mile south of site 102. Slab cist, 
sherds, and flints. 

Sites 104-107.—On north rim of Flood Canyon. Scattered sherds and flints 
and probably several house ruins. 

Site 108.—\% mile north of site 107. Twoslab cists. Sherds: Plain and black. 
on-white. Worked flints. 

Site 109.—On knoll west of upper end of Flood Canyon. Three slab cists, 
sherds, flints, and metate. 

Site 110.—¥% mile northwest of site 109. Traces of ruins on large flat knoll. 
Late pottery types. 

Site 111.—1 mile up Long Canyon. Cave containing two masonry wall houses 
and pictographs in blue-green, purple, and red. Also sherds and flints. 

Site 112.—On flat between Finn Little Canyon and Clark Canyon. Scattered 
plain and black-on-white sherds and flints. 

Site 1138.—At junction of Long and Johnson Canyons. Three circular slab 
and adobe houses 8 feet in diameter each. Previously excavated. Sherds. 

Site 114.—Knoll with two masonry rooms and cave, 200 yards above junction 
of Flood and Johnson Canyons. Sherds. 

Site 115—In Dairy Canyon, north side on sandy knoll 50 feet high, % mile 
west of Alvin Judd’sranch. Traces of coursed stone walls and slab cist containing 
burial. Flints and sherds scattered about. 

Site 116.—At Alvin Judd’s ranch, Johnson Canyon. Rectangular masonry 
houses, cists and slab-lined kiva (?). The kiva was partly excavated. 

Site 117.—Petroglyphs of zoomorphic and anthropomorphic figures on wall in 
James Bunting’s corral on east side of Johnson Canyon % mile north of Long 
Canyon (pls. 46, 47). 

Site 118.—Knoll 4% mile south of Neaf Hamblin’s ranch. Slab cists. 

Site 119.—'% mile east of Neaf Hamblin’s ranch. Several coursed stone houses 
and slab cists. Traces of two flexed burials. Sherds, flints, and metate fragments. 

Site 120.—North side Dairy Canyon, sandy knoll 1,000 feet west of site 115. 
Slab cist, sherds, and flints. 

Site 121.—50 yards north of site 120. Dumbbell-shaped petroglyphs on ledge. 

Site 122.—Sandy knoll north side of Dairy Canyon, 1,000 feet west of site 121. 
Ruins of coursed stone masonry houses and refuse heap. Late pottery types, 
flints, and muller fragments. 

Site 123.—Dairy Canyon, 1% miles from Judd ranch at junction of north branch 
and main canyon. Coursed stone houses on sandy knoll. One bowl and two 
corrugated pitchers found. 

Site 124.—Dairy Canyon % mile southwest of site 123, north side of main 
canyon. Slab cist, black-on-white sherds, and flints. 

Site 125.—Junction of upper forks of Dairy Canyon. Scattered sherds. 

Site 126.—South side Dairy Canyon 2 miles west of Judd ranch. Sherds, slab 
cist, and muller. 

Site 127.—South side Dairy Canyon 1 mile west of Judd ranch. Muller 
fragments. 

Site 128.—On bluff north side of mouth of Joel’s Canyon. Petroglyphs on ledge. 

Site 129.—North side mouth of Joel’s Canyon, bluff overlooking Johnson’s 
Canyon. Traces of stone and adobe walls and sherds. 

Site 130.—North side of mouth of Oak Creek. Zoomorphic, anthropomorphic, 
and geometric petroglyphs on wall (pl. 48). 


Anrurop. Pap. No.18] UTAH ARCHEOLOGY—STEWARD 287 


Site 131.—Rock shelter just above site 130. Remnants of masonry walls and 
disturbed burials. Sherds: Plain, corrugated, black-on-white. Geometric petro- 
glyphs. 

Site 132.—North side Oak Canyon ¥% mile from site 131. Cave with masonry 
walls and geometric petroglyphs inside. 

Site 133.—South side mouth Oak Canyon. Geometric petroglyphs on ledge. 

Site 134.—'% mile south of site 133. Sandy knoll inside canyon with scattered 
sherds. 

Site 135.—Sandy knoll south side junction of Oak and Johnson Canyons. 
Scattered sherds. 

Site 136.—Sandy knoll north side of junction of Oak and Johnson Canyons. 
Scattered sherds. 

Site 137.—On knoll % mile east of Johnson Canyon opposite mouth of Dairy 
Canyon, north side of Joel’s Canyon. Masonry-wall traces and slab cists. 

Site 138.—Hillside north of Joel’s Canyon. Remnants of three coursed masonry 
houses. 

Site 139.—Rock shelter east side Johnson Canyon north of mouth of Joel’s 
Canyon. Sherds and debris. 

Site 140.—On flats between head of Clark Canyon and Finn Little Canyon. 
Slab cist and plain sherds. 

Site 141.—% mile northwest of site 112 on flats. Scattered sherds and flints. 

Site 142.—Cave with traces of masonry walls. Near mouth of Dairy Canyon, 
north side. Sherds. 


Summary.—Sites were found throughout the entire region explored, 
but increased in number toward Johnson Canyon, that is, in the better 
water localities. Evidence of several periods is clear. These periods 
are roughly comparable to the Basket Maker II, III, and Pueblo I 
and II periods of the San Juan drainage. Basket Maker II sites, 
however, are extremely rare. Sherds of unbaked clay found in site 2 
may indicate Basket Maker II. Absence of pottery at slab houses is 
certainly no proof of Basket Maker II, for several masonry houses 
also had no associated ceramics. Sites with a basically Basket Maker 
III (Modified Basket Maker) culture are fairly common, especially 
in the western part of the region explored. Remains of this culture 
comprise slab cists and larger slab structures which have been inter- 
preted as houses. The associated pottery is usually a plain ware, 
Paria Gray, and a Basket Maker style of primitive black-on-gray, 
though later styles also occur at a few slab sites. 

Early Pueblo or transitional sites have structures with crudely 
coursed stone walls erected over slab foundations. The pottery wares 
resemble those of the preceding period. 

The late period has a culture roughly like that of the San Juan 
Pueblo II period, having rectangular coursed masonry structures and 
corrugated and black-on-white pottery. Late sites are more nu- 
merous than those of the other periods, most of the sites in Kitchen, 
Wildcat, Finn Little, Johnson Lakes, and Johnson Canyons being 
of this type. The typical site has several rectangular rooms (prob- 
ably houses) of coursed masonry forming a semicircle around the 


288 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bun. 128 


northern side of a circular depression which probably contains a kiva. 
Pottery types are Johnson corrugated, Tusayan black-on-white, 
Tusayan black-on-red, Tusayan red, Johnson gray-tan, and a small 
amount of Tusayan polychrome. 

Late sites are generally on sandy knolls or other low eminences. 
Habitable caves frequently contain traces of late type masonry walls. 
Basket Maker and early Pueblo or transitional sites are often near the 
late sites or are on canyon rims. 

Petroglyphs and pictographs are fairly numerous in the region and 
apparently date from all periods. They have stylistic features 
peculiar to the region. 

Depredations have left few sites of interest unharmed. Caves 
especially have been dug. Many sites, however, would repay careful 
excavation, particularly the late-period masonry rooms with associated 
depressions, which have been little molested. 


VILLAGES AND ARCHITECTURE 
SLAB STRUCTURES 


Slab structures occur alone at some sites but at others belong to 
villages of rectangular masonry houses. As the pottery associated 
with the former is a black-on-gray and Paria gray, both distinctly 
Basket Maker wares, most of these slab-structure sites clearly belong 
to a culture which in ceramics and architecture closely resembles the 
Basket Maker III of the San Juan. A survival of the use of such 
structures into later times, however, is demonstrated by such sites as 
41 and 42, where later wares, including corrugated pottery, are found. 

These sites are revealed by the tops of vertically set stone slabs 
projecting above the ground surface. Although no excavation was 
undertaken, the stones outline structures which, judging from a few 
that are partially eroded, were probably dug 2 or 3 feet deep. Small, 
circular cists associated with these were probably storage bins or fire 
pits of some kind. Larger cists, ranging up to 7 and 8 feet in diameter, 
may, however, well have been houses, for the grouping of half a dozen 
or more such structures in compact clusters must indicate small 
communities. Similar structures in the Zion Park region which are 
slab-lined, side and bottom, seem to have been small domiciles (Weth- 
erill, 1934). The limited number and extremely small size of these 
houses, however, shows that such communities were probably family 
groups or lineages 

Most of these sites are in canyon bottoms, on sandy knolls which 
rise 10 to 30 feet above the nearby wash. Such locations are near 
arable and well-drained land, but are by no means protected. 


Anrurop. Pap. No.18] UTAH ARCHEOLOGY—STEWARD 289 


The important data on the slab-structure sites are tabulated below. 
Field sketches of sites 39, 41, 42, 86, and 87 are reproduced in figures 


ni tO ol. 
TABLE 1.—Slab structures 


Struc- 


Site shied Diameter Shape ture | Diameter Shape Remarks 
>. A Witecen cose” Circular_..--.- 
i A 6 ft.6in.X8 | Oval_..--=-.- F Ey | eae. ee Circular__-..- Village (?). Sherds 
ft. 6 in. and traces of other 
B Gitte -s\pa-= | dois GQ 4 | ea ee ro (0 ene cists nearby. C 
Cc 6 ft.><8i ft. 9) [2-22 do" == H Dit? Gunes a | hee s GOsss_2 53. has stone floor, 8 
in. inches deep. 
D 6 ft. 6 in____- Circular_--._- I $:ft:i6in===4 L Sa GO-Se so sce 
E Ui Var be Sd ees GO ee Se ee ee I eee 
jit A OfteGin.-- 2s |o es doh 22522 H 6) ere ee ery (eS =e does A, D, C, E, F con- 
B Gft-£4.--2-- Spe eaG (eee I Kf fa ree © | ee do. tain charcoal. 
Cc 7 ft.X10ft__.| Rectangular-.| J Oiait:. 22 aE te does Traces of other 
D Ofc. cutee se Circular_-..-- Ke || Ott s oe do. cists. 
E Tite <oin__-a\wOval= == .--- L SifGle estas eas dow. 2! 
F 5ft.6in. X8ft.}_____ dows ==.- MS | atts.= eee i: BGo-ees 
Ga Gite @irear sire 2 ee ea eee eg 
eae A bfx 7 it. |Ovalat= =. F 6 ft.X84 ft__| Oval___-._-_- Traces of several 
B LS ee Circular__-_.-- G Site. 2 Circular___--- other cists. 
Cc 1a) ee ea ee do=22-522- H Sy (ea ae ee? dOs22- 2552 
D (Fy aaa Se SS doesn: I US 9 ee ee aes iS Oe lee 
E 5ft.x8ft_...] Rectangular-_| J PH) Haperap RN [gag Goutse == 
Rae A WaitOimes- 2 Wircular tes |p sees ee eee Se ee ee ee ee ee Probably belongs 
with village, site 
48, 14 mile away. 
iy Oe ee A ULLAL HS Sees od ee d0==22.-22 D (i) (roe Al [ee Gol 2t2e se 
B PAVIA ¢ poate Seas | Peroe dozcos E A055 | ree Amante ad dows s 
Cc CUA eee | ey (6 Cr eee | ee eee) (Seer Ss eee (eee Seba UES ae 
iy ee | Vii eee ee ees (i eee er te Ae a eee ro a 
(iti eS) ee ON ee ee ee 6 eee 3 el eee | ee SY ee ee eee 
ea 406 $6). + oe (0 Pe emer |" a a ey ae ee | Seen = ee 
(errs A Mei ose ee dO 422-222 Cc ALG {Cee dos 25-52 Basket Maker pot- 
B Sith sates! doze D OJ ei alemes Se| Vitae BM Ter a tery (pl. 45,f). 
Users A ATG Ok Se ees deus = Cc GUGATE Feet Se dose Basket Maker pot- 
B Dilton mone ee oe G0s===2==5 D Oita?) =22- owe dor ie tery. 
Shae A 1755 4 rae ess | RO Se ‘do. D T4ItXsite_.- Rectangular_- Do. 
B iS 1 eee Sl (eee ee E 24t3 sine - Circular___-_-- 
Cc 84 it... Siren (6 eee eee) Reena (Ce a nen (Nee eaee ne Se oa 
Cy cece es A 6% ft.X21ft_| Rectangular__| B Pil teess ose ae dosesaes A apparently subdi- 
vided. Basket 
Maker pottery. 
ee oe See Site eee se IT CUIAE ore oe aE ae cee ee Re Near site 87. 
gOF2=2-= A 4Nt S22 Sos oe dos B OF 1 = a ee do=2-e22: Plain sherds only. 
(1) eae ee Oe eee eee does k: ie ee ee A ee ee eee a 
1085-2. A PAU rae a) Goec222—= B 7) 1 Tepes nge a  | EL do... 3.2 
109: ....¢. A 2M eA ee dor. C Dilte wee anes G0:222-0 Y mile from last. 
B LY | Pen | (a fo {eae eee (eae ee | ee 


290 BUREPAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY {Buun, 128 


, STi: 
oe Ye 
Y, /) \a aN 1\ 


Wash of Kitchen Canyon 


Figure 28.—Sketch map of slab structures, site 41, Kitchen Canyon. 


Anrurop. Par. No.18] UTAH ARCHEOLOGY—STEWARD 291 


ADOBE WALL PIT LODGES 


Site 2, a cave (fig. 32, pls. 43, 44), contains three circular pit lodges. 
A (pls. 43, a; 44, a) is 10 feet 8inches. B (pl. 43, 6) is 9 feet 6 inches, 
and C, 8 feet 6 inches in diameter. All are nearly identical in con- 


Wash of Kitchen Canyon 


Stet at ed 


FiaurE 29.—Sketch map of slab structures, site 42, Kitchen Canyon. 


Se PEC 
/ ey 
2 G eer 
—s ‘, . i] pt 
iB} N=? 1 IE 
—_* imo 
N 
gia" | 
ir? 


Figure 30.—Sketch map of slab structures, site 86, near Clark Canyon. 


_ 
- 
= ae at net om 


\ \ 

1 Y H att) 

a 4 ee aoe ae? \ 
N i yj 


Figure 31.—Sketch map of slab structures, site 87, near Clark Canyon. 


struction. A was excavated: Pit, 3 feet deep, circular, paved with 
sandsone flagstones; pit edge lined with 12 to 14 vertical slabs each 
1 inch to 4 inches thick, 2 feet wide, 3 feet tall; floor and wall. plas- 
tered with red adobe. Wall, averaging 8% inches wide, carried above 


292 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buty 128 


pit, consists of a few horizontal stones laid in much adobe; layers or 
courses are 4 inches to 6 inches thick, each rounded on top; adobe in 
wall is reinforced with chopped grass and sticks or long fibers running 
horizontally; highest point now standing is 7 feet 3 inches above 
floor. Door: Southeastern side, bottom being about ground level; 
sides are rounded ends of wall; width, 3 feet 7 inches, slab under 
door stands 2 feet 1% inches above floor. No fireplace, but fire had 
been in middle of floor. Unburned adobe lumps with pole impres- 
sions suggest horizontal pole-and-adobe roof. 

An adjoining circular house, C, 8 feet 6 inches outside diameter, 
was built probably before A. Floor, 1 foot 11 inches below floor of A. 
Wall is similar to A, having a slab-lined base and small number of 
stones in much adobe above. Door, east side, was 2 feet wide, with 


Wp b 
_ Refuse 
A i ge 
ee 
ss c Sor a0 
", 
sae Washeq Sand Ge an 


Figure 32.—Sketch map of cave, site 2, Molly’s Nipple Canyon. 
A, B, C, Circular houses; D, rock with rubbed depressions; EH, sandstone blacks, roughly outlining a circle, 


horizontal slab sill 4 feet 6 inches above floor, or 1 foot 6 inches above 
slabs. Walls of C, which was not completely excavated, did not 
show above cave floor previous to excavation. 

These houses are probably of the period of the late Paria gray 
and Basket Maker black-on-gray pottery, although few sherds to 
date them were found. A Tusayan black-on-red pitcher (fig. 41) 
within 1 foot of the floor of house A, together with the beginnings of 
masonry in the upper walls suggests influence from Tusayan, Pueblo II, 
not yet fully implanted locally; in short, a transition to the local 
masonry house period. It is by no means impossible, however, that 
some of the slab structures at the out-of-door sites described above 
had walls like these, for such walls are very perishable. Wetherill 
(1934) found some slab structures which had slab-lined floors and 
possibly crude masonry walls, in the Zion National Park region. 
Were the site 2 houses subject to erosion, only a ring of slabs would 
remain. 

RECTANGULAR MASONRY HOUSES 


In the latest building style masonry was used in rectangular, 
l-room houses. Foundations of walls show that rectangular sand- 


AnTHROP. Pap. No.18] UTAH ARCHEOLOGY—STEWARD 293 


stone blocks were carefully selected and laid in even courses. As a 
rule each room stands alone, although but a few feet from its neighbor. 
Only rarely were two or more rooms joined end to end, a practice 
which, if consistently followed, would have saved the builders an 
appreciable amount of labor. Transitional sites or perpetuation of 
slab lining in late houses was seen at sites 96 and 97 (pl. 45, e) where 
vertically set slabs lined the inside of rectangular masonry wall 
rooms. No doubt excavation would have revealed this at other sites. 

The transition from slab to masonry houses was not abrupt. 
Several slab-house sites have corrugated and other late pottery types, 
showing that the full force of the Pueblo II influence emanating 
from the Kayenta district was not effective at once. Masonry fol- 


Figure 33.—Sketch map of masonry houses, depressions, and slab structures, 
site 48, Wildcat Canyon. 


lowed but did not immediately replace slab structures, e. g., site 60, 
figure 34. In fact, slab cists and possibly occasional slab houses 
belong also to the latest, most fully developed masonry-house settle- 
ments. In one instance, site 115, a cist accompanying a masonry 
house contained a burial. 

There is nothing to indictae that, as in parts of the San Juan and 
in the Flagstaff region, these earliest masonry structures were pri- 
marily granaries. On the contrary, that they exceed the slab struc- 
tures in size points to their use as dwellings. If, as in the Flagstaff 
region (Hargrave, 1930), the depression held a subterranean house, to 
which the masonry rooms were accessory granaries, one must assume 

218558—41——-20 


294. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buty 128 


a tremendous excess of storage space. It is impossible to believe 
with Wetherill (1934) that the absence of fireplaces in such rooms in 
the Zion Park region proves them to have been granaries for the 
adjoining subterranean house. Clearly, the aggregate of rooms with 
accompanying sites and kiva excavated by Smith in the Zion Park 
region (Smith, 1934) represents a village unit of the Johnson Canyon 
type, the living quarters being full-fledged Pueblo II style masonry 
houses. 

The typical masonry-house village consists of three to half a dozen 
separate rooms grouped so as to form a semicircle around the northern 
side of a circular depression, which undoubtedly contains a kiva (figs. 
33, 35, 36). Each of these conventional house groups must have held 
a definite social unit, which, judging by its size, could not have ex- 
ceeded a family or lineage of 20 or 30 people. Because the size of 
these settlements was very little greater than that of the Basket 
Maker slab-house settlements, the social development concurrent with 


Kitehen Creek ypfash 


Figure 34.—Sketch map of masonry house and slab structures, site 60, Kitchen 
Canyon. 


the introduction of masonry is merely implied in a more definite 
planning of the village. There was, however, a denser population 
for there are more masonry than slab villages. Larger communities 
of the late San Juan Pueblo II and III types, though no doubt eco- 
logically possible, did not occur.. Many of these independent aggre- 
gates were so close together—a few hundred yards apart—that to 
have concentrated in larger communities would have entailed no 
practical difficulties. The only amalgamation of two or more settle- 
ments is at site 48 (fig. 33), where nine rooms were arranged around 
two depressions. 


295 


UTAH ARCHEOLOGY—STEWARD 


ANTHROP. Pap. No. 18] 

The following table summarizes the more important data concern- 

ing these sites. Capital letters represent rectangular masonry houses; 
Measurements are in feet. 


small letters, slab structures. 


Site 80 


Site 81 Site 82 


Figure 35.—Sketch maps of masonry houses, depressions, and slab cists, sites 
76, 80, 81, and 82, Finn Little and Clark Canyons. 


- 
aé cu cs etre Caen 


~~ —_— Se as : 
, ~ / : © 
“ 
4 \ Terese er eerere Fe eee FS eee seess 


Sees. See 


i 
" } 
\ / +g: 7 
X / . 
< y] ! a \ 
. / Sele lo 
e N m4 oie 


Ficurs 36.—Sketch map of masonry houses, depressions, and slab cist, site 119, 
Johnson Lakes Canyon, 


296 


Site 


53 


60 


61 


72 


73 


74 
75 


76 


78 


80 
81 


82 


83 


Rectan- 


gular 
mason- 


PUQWrPHOssS Your 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 


TABLE 2.—Data on house sites 


(But, 128 


Diameter} Slab 
House dimensions depres- | struc- | Diameter Remarks 
sion tures 
Feet Feet Feet 
bs 4 Vs RE ae ee | eee |p Coe oe ee 
8 a 3% 3 
Df eee Gos, b On knoll about 60 feet high be- 
8X8. 220822 5-5-5352 22 ; 3 tween junction Wildcat Canyon 
8X 128.5.22.5 eee a 3 and Kitchen wash. Other cists 
(0S SE eee ew and flint workshop nearby. 
€ 24% 
93616 =~. = 
2 ae ee ee Fig. 33 
TCO Seen ee 
ne pertig onat a 6 |{On knoll sbout 655 feet high, 
8x9 as eae 23 b 5 west of Wildcat wash. Site 54, 
Bijan. Wun. Ve c 3 a cist, probably is part of this. 
OK D7 ie Ae Soe ee oe None..-- a 9 
b| 514x6%!| On knoll. Slab house @ seems 
c 4 under A, probably earlier? Ma- 
d 8 sonry house was probably sub- 
e 3%4|| divided (fig. 34). 
f 6 
bee a oa ges ot oN a 344| % mile from site 60; may belong 
with it. 
SX Quewe~. .. “Sees: 
ey si 36 | None.|.________- Room C probably subdivided. 
BS. ere See ee 
a 6 
b 24% 
li | AW eet bso e 4 |\On knoll { mile southwest of site 
ge Wh or ue i d 8 72. No definite arrangement. 
Cd Cy eR ey se 
e i 
f 5 
ee eee iN one None On knoll mile east of site 72 
Ste sciaterete ea ete aes! oe Sit s ; 
Rep i-seaeerermn ome) toga) EP RR 
CO. es eee 
ie {en 300 yards southeast of site 75; % 
BO ae ee eee 31) |gaINone 2122222 mile from Finn Little Canyon 
9414 nec wask (fig. 35). 
7 (oC er ie a Ne 
S10(7) 2 ee es 
S612 ee ee ee On knoll. 
SOROS Se ee Soni None.) |2=-—-- Arrangement like site 76 (fig. 35). 
OSes See eae Refuse to south. 
Pl?) Boke eee 
DE oe Room B is probably subdivided 
SYAGID oo eo cee acne 26) |i None! | Ee 2o soo (fig. 35) 
(pd Ee ht Be ited 
ees cn a ee oo Ie yards from site 80. Room B 
1 Sonate Meet av. 5 aver 4 probably subdivided (fig. 35). 
MONG. cit fae Peers 
(bd) be pie OEE I 2 4 On knoll. Lacks usual semicircu- 
BS tee te ee None... fe erty ™% lar arrangement and depression 
BCG ee eee SN (fig. 35). 
SXOn I. Ae eee 
82X10. ---<-----n<-n0 lrvone... PIAS, Bi sss Shee XY mile from site 82. 


DePHYOWPOWPOWPHOUOWrP RY OeP er wep 


AntHROP. Par. No.18] UTAH ARCHEOLOGY—STEWARD 297 


TABLE 2.—Data on house sites—Continued 


© 


Rectan- 
, gular ; Diameter} Slab 
Site ae House dimensions depres- rash Diameter Remarks 
sion ures 
houses 
Feet Feet Feet 
84 A 1” <a a ay oh ec ee Se Eee F 
B BeNOR). oA Bene |None.... i ew 5 | 00 yards east of site 83. 
85 A bg) (9) a ae 
B (xd i 2 a ew acede eM 
C Pee Giiis sara iel a ocd C7 Fl ar) eal |e 
D bate cepa <b SR Sa 
94 A ROM ADECERCEEE Pe Lacks semicircular arrangement 
B 4 eee ee a and depression. Closely 
C [i 9) epaaachanNn agh _s Span be Nang.) None pitta ae grouped. Room long axes east- 
D Ore ie Sate eee J west. 
95 A BCA: 26 Fe Ce Pees Room <A probably subdivided. 
B ( Gig) \ cee ee ee A Se a INGHes.—| INONG—|) 2 == Probably 2 other rooms in ar- 
Cc (ic) Se BB MR Bates SE rangement like site 94. 
200 yards from site 95. Has verti- 
96 A OE path tie, Babes Wone:. | Nore le 2-2 ca] slab lining base of inside of 
wall, 
150 yards from site 96. Construc- 
m7 = Be eee doe None...-| None|.____....- tion like site 96. 
98 A BM 22 oe soa sstowccecs INone2==|-.52-= 2212-2 e: 1 house only. 
102 és (:) Bee eee ere None:.=-|--22-2 28) 244 
114 A Bares so EES A is circular. Only plain and 
Tig \ Shah ee Ione. Ros oa black-on-white pottery. 
116 A AA ee SAA hee 
gaiise 
a Sere bie Not typical arrangement. De- 
Cc 6X<8(?) Sate ete! Soe 16 e ehhh. cma r Si h Id cy 1 ] b 
D 6KSO) 2 deleee ake pression held circular slab room. 
E (S29) aaa ae, ae NE | RET terns 
Sd i a a C probably subdivided into sev- 
B LO SGL2 Ea eee ee ane 18) |a2222 2 4 ral rooms (fig. 36) 
C dae a ae oly 8 ms (ig. : 
137 ‘3 al Sade apa (2) fp Shere 4 pies A and B, joined end to end. 
Cc Reiekclee Be | ase 5 Lacks semicircular arrangements. 
D (2). See A ee | eee ee ee ee ee | Pee ee eee! 
138 A (9 ee ie 25 SA (ey ee S| Pee 
B (Poe sek eee es ts See [LL sac oe ence 
Cc CURR Leah EER) er ee) eee ee 


It is probable that the depression of each house cluster contains a 
kiva. Site 116 had such a depression on the southern side of a ran- 
dom group of at least 5 rectangular masonry houses, 4 small slab cists 
and one small slab house (?). A small amount of excavation to 
ascertain whether a structure were present in the depression revealed 
a circular room, approximately 16 feet in diameter, with a clay floor 
3 feet deep on the uphill side, 1 foot 10 inches deep on the downhill, 
the pit edge lined with vertical slabs. Excavation was not carried 
far enough to reveal interior features. The depression accompanying 
Smith’s masonry village at Shonesburg in the Zion Park region had 
a subterranean structure, possessing, however, most of the conven- 
tional features of a kiva (Smith, 1934): Slab-edged bench, ventilator, 


298 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLn, 128 


deflector, and central firepit. Following is a summary of the ratio of 
rooms to each depression (kiva ?). 
Number of rooms to kiva (?) in masonry groups: 


Bitetast 2. seu lees 4:1 Site ott 4. oe oe 3:1 (or 4:1) 
Site pbass ee e 4:1 SiterShi Lael tad pe ee 4:1 

Sites#2tt 2 525. ae 4:1 Site A162) 20 Nee Ro 

Dit@n( Gee ee pikes aieey> 5:1 Site: TUG ee aks cad 338 

Sitet7 825232 seac 52 Site 1S ee eee eee 4:1 

Site’SOL Bers meat 3:1 (or 4:1) 


Apparently the diffusion of Pueblo culture which first introduced 
late ceramic types, then masonry houses, also brought the tendency 
to community standardization, but before large, composite villages 
developed the cultures disappeared. 

The locations of these sites are similar to those of the slab structure 
sites. Knolls in canyon bottoms were preferred, but some are above 
the cliffs overlooking the canyons. There is a marked concentration 
of these toward the west, especially in Johnson Canyon, where greater 
water supply and fertile canyon bottom alluvium must have enticed 
an agricultural people. 


MASONRY CLIFF HOUSES 


It is but natural that suitable caves should have been used for 
houses or granaries by the occupants of the masonry villages. The 
important data concerning these are summarized below. 


Site 4.—Several small caves, partially walled with horizontal masonry; also 
retaining walls for floor. Late period. 

Site 11.—Somewhat similar to site 4. 

Site 18.—Suggestion of former masonry walls in a cave; also late pottery types 
(pl. 45, a). 

Site 20.—A small cave; contained traces of a wall of stone and adobe reinforced 
with sticks; also late pottery types. 

Site 27.—Traces of masonry in dwelling caves, and semicircular masonry gran- 
ary, 7 feet diameter, in ledge. 

Site 31.—A granary somewhat similar to last. 

Site 37.—Rock shelters and caves (pl. 45, d); one wall to fill cave en- 
trance, of alternating adobe and courses of stones, each 2 inches thick, 6 inches 
to 14 inches long, 7 inches wide; window, 18 inches high, 138 inches wide, with 
stone sill and log lintel; accompanied by small granaries of walled-up crevices, 
the walls usually having windows; also traces of a circular house, 8 feet 6 inches 
diameter of similar construction. This type probably preceded true masonry 
houses. 

Site 111.—Cave with two masonry granaries, each about 6 feet in diameter, 4 
feet high, built against cliff. 

Site 129.—Traces of masonry and cists in cliffs. 

Site 131.—Traces of masonry in cave. 

Site 1382.—Small cave with mouth once closed by 12-foot wall; other traces of 
masonry. 

Site 8—A cave; one room crudely indicated by roughly piled rocks. No 
pottery. 


AnTHrop, Par. No.18] UTAH ARCHEOLOGY—STEWARD 299 


POTTERY 


The pottery of the Johnson Canyon and Paria River region has 
few distinctive features or novel types. The majority of the wares 
are so similar to well-known wares that it would but add confusion 
to the already formidable list of Southwestern pottery types and 
obscure historical connections to coin new terms merely to distin- 
euish minor local variations. For example, that tempering is almost 
invariably sand in this region that contains little but sandstone is 
not surprising and does not seem sufficient reason to distinguish by a 
new name a ware that is identical, except for temper, with a ware 
which is common elsewhere. New wares are named, therefore, only 
when there is no previously known ware to which they can be assigned, 
and when the number of sherds is sufficiently great and their char- 
acteristics sufficiently well defined to have significance. Scores of 
sherds were not readily assignable to any of the wares listed below. 
Perhaps some are variants of these wares, perhaps some are new types. 

In the tabulation at the end of this paper, pottery has been entered 
as E, early; T, transitional; L, late. Early wares are Basket Maker 
black-on-gray and Paria gray. ‘Transitional wares are probably 
Sevier black-on-gray and perhaps North Creek black-on-gray. Late 
wares are Tusayan black-on-white, Tusayan black-on-red, Tusayan 
red, Tusayan polychrome, Johnson gray-tan, and Johnson corrugated. 

Unbaked clay vessels—Site 2 yielded 10 sherds (11728 and 11716) 
of unbaked clay. These are about three-eighths of an inch thick, 
tempered with cedar bark; some bear impressions of coiled basketry 
on their exteriors. Vandals had despoiled this site, destroying any 
stratification and removing any other specimens. Similar sherds 
were found by Nusbaum (1922) in DuPont Cave, north of Kanab. 
Site 120 had a single unbaked, untempered rim sherd associated with a 
late, fired ware. 

Basket Maker black-on-gray—Paste firm; excessive sand and 
occasionally dark (igneous ?) temper which projects through both 
surfaces. Interior: Smoothed but not polished. Exterior: Rough, 
sometimes bearing fugitive red and frequently burned. Background: 
Brownish gray. Designs: Narrow lines, simple forms similar to 
San Juan and Little Colorado Basket Maker black-on-gray (fig. 37); 
Shapes: Bowls. Type site, 2, near Potter’s Ranch. Occurrence: 
Mainly in slab structures, associated with Paria gray. 

Sevier black-on-gray.—The absence of sufficient distinguishing 
minutiae to differentiate the ware of certain sites in this area from the 
black-on-gray of western Utah, described elsewhere (Steward, 1936, 
pp. 13-16), makes it inadvisable to coin a new term. This ware, 
apparently limited to bowls, has black on unslipped gray bowl inte- 
riors, the bowls having roughly smoothed or corrugated exteriors. It 
occurs here at transitional and late sites. 


300 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY - [Bunn, 128 


North Creek black-on-gray.—This ware, named and described by 
Spencer (1934, p. 74), has a very limited occurrence in this region. It 
is distinguished by a feldspar temper and a gray color and occurs at 
one or two sites that seem to be early. 

Tusayan (Virgin) black-on-white—The most common painted 
ware at late sites is clearly related to and no doubt derived from 
Tusayan black-on-white. Spencer’s Virgin black-on-white (1934, p. 
75) appears to be essentially the same ware. It has sand temper, 
fairly dense paste, a white slip, usually decoration with broad lines, 
and sometimes corrugated exteriors of bowls. Forms: Bowls with 


7 


P| 


S/ 


Figure 37.—Rim sherds and designs on Basket Maker black-on-gray. Numbers 
indicate sites in Johnson Canyon-Paria River region. 


rims more frequently rounded or bevelled than square (fig. 42); a few 
ollas; only one ladle, which is of the bowl-and-handle type, from 
site 142. Designs: Broad lines, elements including straight lines, 
triangles, dots, dotted edges, and considerable diagonal hachure, like 
the black-on-red designs. (See figures 38 and 39.) Occasionally 
Basket Maker designs survive, even on corrugated bowls, site 41. 
Tusayan black-on-red——This ware does not vary sufficiently from 
that of Tusayan to warrant anew name. Paste: Gray to brick color. 
Temper: Relatively little, mostly quartz with occasional small 


Anrurop. Par. No.18] UTAH ARCHEOQLOGY—STEWARD 301 


amount of sherd. Exterior: Smoothed, rarely slipped and polished; 
sometimes has more or less fugitive red wash, probably applied before 
firing. Interior: Slip, which is more orange and less polished than 
Tusayan ware. Forms: Bowls, with rims like those of black-on-white 
(fig. 42); seed jars; ollas; pitchers. One pitcher (fig. 41), with designs 
more like black-on-white designs. Designs: Predominately parallel 


Sele en 
Sel =! 7 
alae) 


48 


95 


Ficure 38.—Rim sherds and designs on Tusayan (Virgin) black-on-white bowls. 
Numbers indicate sites in Johnson Canyon-Paria River region. 


hachure in rectilinear figures (fig. 40), which are of a thinner, less 
permanent black than on Tusayan ware. Spencer’s Middleton black- 
on-red seems to differ from this mainly in consistent lack of slip 
and absence of sand temper (Spencer, 1934). Occurrence: At prac- 
tically all later sites, with Tusayan (Virgin) black-on-white, corru- 
gated, etc., and masonry houses. 


302 BUREAU OF AMERICAN HTHNOLOGY [ Bune, 128 


Tusayan red.—A ware like last, lacking designs (possibly sherds 
are from undecorated portions of bowls). 

Tusayan polychrome.—This was probably made locally or nearby 
as it usually has quartz rather than sherd temper, as in Arizona. 
Paste: Red to gray. Inferior to Arizona ware, the red in designs 
being thick and somewhat fugitive. Designs on bowl interiors; 
exteriors have somewhat fugitive red slip (fig. 40). 

Paria gray.—Closely resembles Sevier desert and Great Salt Lake 


Figure 39.—Half of Tusayan (Virgin) black-on-white bowl, site 123, Dairy 
Canyon, 


21Z/| SI 


25 


Figure 40.—Rim sherds and designs on Tusayan black-on-red and polychrome 
bowls. Numbers indicate sites in Johnson Canyon—Paria River region. 


gray, to which it may be ancestral. Paste: Coarse, dark gray. 
Temper: Large quantities of quartz sand and some dark (igneous ?) 
particles. Thickness, averages five thirty-secondths of an inch to 
three sixteenths of an inch. Interior, poorly smoothed. Exterior: 
Smoothed, sometimes almost polished. (This polish and lack of 
designs, distinguish it from Basket Maker black-on-gray). Some- 
times has fugitive red. Forms: Mostly flaring-mouth ollas with 
collars, like the Sevier and Great Salt Lake gray, which distinguishes 


ANTHROP, Pap. No.18] UTAH ARCHEOLOGY—STEWARD 303 


Ficure 41.—Tusayan black-on-red pitcher, site 2, Molly’s Nipple Canyon. 
Height, 5% inches. 


LL 


13 ah 25 S28 54 556 2 7212 .72 G9 102 HS Ws 


PAT // 


120 120 120 (23 123 /23 23 124 124 124 126 125 


WHT 


25 ile 72 


Ficure 42.—Bowl rims. seat two rows, ia black-on-white. Bottom 
row, Tusayan black-on-red. Numbers indicate sites in Johnson Canyon-Paria 
River region. 


304 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bun, 128 
the shapes from the later Johnson gray-tan (figs. 43, 44); two of these 


had mouths 7% inches and 8% inches in diameter; some deep bowls 
with thin lips (fig. 45). Occurrence: A Basket Maker and perhaps 


KG 


37 


43 
98 


Figure 43.—Rim sherds and handles of plain ollas. Paria gray: Sites 2, 3, 5, 
9, 10, 21, 37, and 87. Remainder are Johnson gray-tan. All from Johnson 
Canyon-Paria River region. 


4 


very early Pueblo ware, associated with Basket Maker black-on-gray, 
e. g., at sites 2, 3, 5,51, 116. Type.site: 2. 

Johnson gray-tan.—An extremely variable ware, somewhat like 
Johnson corrugated but thicker, more variable in temper often includ- 
ing sherds, and greater in color range, varying from gray to tan. 


Anrurop. Pap. No.18] UTAH ARCHEOLOGY—STEWARD 305 


Interiors are smoothed, lacking horizontal striations of corrugated 
ware and rarely showing more than fine scratches. Temper roughens 
both surfaces. Forms: Ollas, including wide and small-mouth (fig. 43), 
the latter being characteristic. There is considerable variation in these 
neck shapes (fig. 44), some approximating the Paria gray flarimg-mouth 
olla forms. Some bear small vertical handles, which are either per- 
forated lugs or a short strip with one end fixed, the other bent down 
(fig. 43). This belongs to the latest, masonry-house period. 

Johnson corrugated.—Paste gray or brownish gray to tan. ‘Temper: 
Large amount of quartz sand; occasional trace of sherds. Interior: 
Smoothed and striated. Exterior: Variable; plain coils; coils pinched 
and tooled, i. e., stick punched; alternating bands of pinched and plain; 
or partially obliterated. Occurs with Tusayan (Virgin) black-on- 


Sage i eae 


ee ES 


Figure 44.—Variations in rims of plain ollas. 


white at late masonry pueblo sites. Corrugated ware from Zion 
National Park region associated with similar black-on-white ware 
and masonry houses is identical with this. Forms: Wide-mouth ollas, 
with rims slightly curved over to outside; some have short handle 
attached vertically under rim and turned down (fig. 46); or made of 
three interwoven strips of clay, site 65. A specimen in the Judd 
collection at Kanab measured: Height, 12% inches; greatest diameter, 
12% inches; greatest circumference, 3 feet 9% inches; outside diameter 
of orifice, 5% inches; inside diameter of orifice, 4% inches. A few 
small pitchers. This belongs to the latest, masonry house period. 

Red-on-tan.—One sherd only (11907)? of this novel ware, site 142. 
Paste: Coarse, tan. Temper: Quartz. 

Incised ware-—Mr. Neaf Hamblin of Kanab has 8 similar pots 
found by him in a grave a few miles southeast of Johnson Canyon. 
One of these, 11904, loaned the University of Utah, is totally unlike 
the other wares found in the region, but closely resembles ‘‘Jemez 


4 Numbers of specimens are those of the catalog of the Museum of Anthropology, University of Utah. 


306 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY = (Bout. 128 


[) 


37 37 
FIGURE see Loe of gr gray Naty Numbers indicate sites in Johnson 
Canyon-Paria River region. 


+ 
we 


Figure 46.—a, 6, Johnson corrugated pitchers, site 123, Dairy Canyon. a, 55 
inches tall. Corrugated olla rim sherds. Numbers indicate sites in the John- 
son Canyon-Paria River district. 


ANTHROP. Pap. No.18] UTAH ARCHEOLOGY—STEWARD 307 


incised” (Jeancon, 1923, pp. 54-57) or Potsuwi’i incised (Mera, 1932) 
of the upper Rio Grande, Pueblo IV period. 

Paste: Medium fine, rich brown. Finish: No slip or polish but 
well smoothed. Shape: Jar, 6% inches high; widest body diameter, 
8% inches; rim diameter, 5% inches; wall thickness, 6 to 8 mm.; 
slightly outcurving rim; steeply sloping shoulder; lower half, including 
bottom, rounded; bottom drilled with hole in center, % of an inch in 
diameter. Decoration: Shoulder bears large triangles which alter- 
nately project up from turn of shoulder and hang down from under 
rim, each paralled hatched with fine incised lines; crude punches or 
shallow pits, spaced % inch apart, encircle the neck, just under the rim. 

The only conceivable interpretation of the presence of these jars in 
the Johnson Canyon region is that they were left by a small group 
which wandered far afield from its home in the upper Rio Grande. 
This, however, may be the ware mentioned by Judd (1926, p. 45). 

The following table gives the major kinds of pottery (not named 
wares) occurring at different sites. Plain gray, for example, may be 
Paria gray or Johnson gray-tan, the former usually occurring at earlier 
sites, the latter at later ones. Percentages are given when the samples 
are sufficiently large. At such sites, sherds were collected, as nearly 
as is humanly possibly, at random. 


TABLE 3.—Major kinds of pottery occurring at different sites 


Plain Cor- Black-on-| Black-on-| Rog Poly- Sane Fugitive 
gray rugated white Ted chrome| cor- red 
rugated 
Sile 

La] hm i] 
_a|3|/8|/23|8/2) 8/2) 8/2) 8 |2]/e/2/e/2la 
$5/8} 2/81 2/8] 2/8) 8/8] 8 18/8) 8188/8 
Bt | ies | ee fee | || Gee Ve Ll Oe 1 | eek Sil Gael | ee] | Be 
7 dain aes Seapae fe 232 |201 87 Pad], CUES a1 22 bal UU Soa (ES teal ERS | Eg RE ak nee | (Dn Buea 
Goectesewice sae 58 | 51 j= nf fa eel ane jbl ik el emanate ae RD Baal el Ae Ps pees] | eel eee 
Cape =p see ep 25} 3 12} 13 52] 2 8] 3 oi nel hy ge (RT 1/4 3 /12 
fa apy =p pee es aera Zid bes Del bhan TAG Uy Ls eel ape fs Dee De Bald pel be A ll UE ou) ERA UB ale Bl RB Wi ARTE | ag Le ee ea 
els leet eri By 5 )Dinh 8 G9 Yak, LLG il ge ee [Pa lg TB FE aaa cl i ee a a | oP) | Ue at Nt (ees 
(aaa steee & £9") 016")caeee" an ase san Tip be tense see 12 pape (As Bl PB | PO) bal 
ese ee ee Ree 39 | 35 SOP peewen| a see ee 4 TOM (S22 |e cesoes| sao] Soo (eee ee ae 
I i 1 Yas pepadras Sa  f TN ol PND Jeon LAL Ds aba cape (8 agile alt EE) UP Ew ea Po as al WE P| ed | (ee ae 
Hy fapah Seeta CE Dual Cp lar Lie Thal bse ace set Ss) Bagge A | | Pp VRE ne Bll FE ee bn acl tb el 
1s Page Gaara: See 1 '¢ jh ted Ed ad Son be ese tos 7a gems bee Od fn ee aren | EE al AER ind fet | | DS | eee S| [eed ae 
L6S- SSS l2- 2s Shell po] TAC | base pesado reset pe) pega be Ae tard ha a tL Bal [ep (te fe 
1c, Joey Senet Berenice bs DOr estan oe pe cts 2 nl fe all Ba fo Rad I cP ad fla ll yA id eB Le) Dae [cee (i 
| ah eee Seles Fs 24 | 16 iY fagl peRe fepeeeal (Ea 8 rE Sal (Es) fe eal UE Bd Se jl Dl a Md lene 3 Bey a To | 
7-5 ope eee ee PS fall ed Be Tel ees) Resse esa) es) [Eel aa PO ed pt | PE P| A et ee 
1 ar sek ne Rea iso) he «Sf lee sete [a= eae he sea eeaeel (ea RE El dg TS ll i Pe | ae Rd el ee | RE et 
ye at eee ae be 221 | 44 20 | 88 40 |} 43 | 19.3 | 32 | 14.4) 10| 4.5] 0 2.9 1 2) 39 
i pS eee See Chal he Th hy LANL) fs cose! = Sealed Bag Ea ade Te a || yl Ml a Lh 
Ze t ceed Seale Bulldog TOT hale ty raped el be peal pl ge] (A Rg a | 2 Bs A EF oe 


308 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 


[BuLL, 128 


TaBLE 3.—Major kinds of pottery occurring at different sites—Continued 


Site 


Op hepa ee 3 
SR Joe eer ts 27 
aa a 55 
RSsee Sees ata 6 
O74. 27h ett Ges 49 
5) eee: 25 
4S feel o eee 72 
ADL yy Ys Se Fe 43 
AA oe 7 
45: Sus tee 7 
G2 rey i is Be 148 
te ee Ieee 13 
CS hogan apes, Ba 536 
4Dyshy sec: £45 18 
Ee ee ee 18 
[r) apap, “aap te 25 
VAM Che ea ene 26 
Sgt eee een 236 
fe eee 144 
ee 132 
665225 -bs2-=3 20 
bY fates mentee eee 15 
ik ee ane 23 
Li} ee ee Bene ae 8 
60.29. 1. ee 49 
612! eee 14 
62202 Sree 30 
63.8 14 
O42 tS 6 
GOP Se bee 258 
66-70 eee ee 300 
7:2 = Soe dS 43 
(2uckooceeecoae 172 
W303. - $5225 190 
262222 eee Be 222 
Up eee 209 
74 ie aR ae Eee 10 
fo eee uae See 247 
82) Ses ee 21 
8352.52. 2 ae 23 
86...3 22h eee 20 
87_-2.-- ees. 13 
O22.) pet a 2 
LS ee eee ee a 2 
04.422 teen 265 
052. 2:.-+ 223. 186 
OS etn 3k ee 8 
99.1. Fee 20 
102. SocoL ba cee 13 
10323202) 25s 12 
UL Re Ee See a 323 
pb Ce ees ee 20 
WS se 2b See 12 
116.2. ts ll 


—————q—| | qj] qq] | qm | —“— 


Number 
Number 


red 
=] ee it 
Bees et ee 
g 8 g ° S| 
3 8 3 3 
Gil, Poe es 
SF V IB | QBN E 


9.3} 20} 8&3] 0 

13.2)| 7) -4.8 7) 1 

See 45) coals | eee 

| ee ee 1 

ere ere Pee analy |=teoes| anes 
10% 23 ees |S 

eA eee plone 1 Sees | 
3,4) 2oe2| anaes] oan 

Beets Ue ees) ees 


10.8 | 22} 83] 2 
12.3 | 19 | 10.4 |--__ 


8.1] 37] 11.4] 3 


Black- 


Black-on- | Black-on- Red Poly- |on-white|Fugitive 
chrome] cor- red 


a/Zlalsie 
S$/8/38}8/8 
S|53/3s/53/85 
414) ala | a 
scyey ey EP eey_ 21 4 
Be i jail 12-0 | eee 
et | ee ee | 
ae ih PY pac 
Pema i Yel YP eo 
Wp ste apes Sire 
bol et 1 | a 
TERE TB ase yee | eee 
ee 42s ee oe ee 
By (i FE | oh pee) i 
7 Gl ia (fsa 
Aaa ee 74) | fala 
a A fk pe ees 
Py Ps 2 Pe fee 


309 


ANTHROP. Pap. No.18] UTAH ARCHEOLOGY—STEWARD 


TABLE 3.— Major kinds of pottery occurring at different sites—Continued 


Plain Cor- Black-on- | Black-on- Red Poly- eae Fugitive 
gray rugated white red chrome] cor- red 
rugated 
Site 

atel eta a lea et are a terete asters 

ZEIEL EEL ESI EE) 2/8] 2/8/2122] 218 
eg/zlai2imiz24laizlm izle lzlelalai2 |e 

1p eS Se 121 | 98 | 81.3 Mat Osa) Wels tke a Oe se 1 see) Oech a MeN Beco 
3 Dy Eee ee eee BE Ov Gok hy LO) paar tee) 1 a0n a 1 20) tesa ceo. es ee ee ee ee a 
193. 3..Jee sh. 3 Te (ES 64 | 78 18 | 22 PAG Pao.) fe S| [Bey Pe | Pee ee 8 el SE, |. a a 
1941 2S seo. LS Sy fal (as 0 Dh eee 7, (ES ee (HT ames 6s) Poem [eee | Ca) PO 2 (ee fee | |S SR OREO 
125 2s. = 19 hig] ae Se Sapees- fi | aS Py oe ee i Le eer | eee fee el (ee eee |S Se eee 
126: se) -2- mA Oe 68 | 92 6] 8 Os roS nel (Saees ew Sea oe 
131. 2). 2. ..- 2 Eda bh 0 ee 1 Oa (ie ae Yay fe 2 eg 6 eS PS ee eS be eal ey Lee 
byes. . 1. Sa Dh Oe. 25 Syleeene- Cy eA Oe ke See De eee 1S) bees eee eee oN ba 
130: =. Sy) | ee See (iid | ee Oe | eee Lg | seme (ESPs) oem) (ey (Ce (| (MR IP a" al |e 
120 Oe here! aa OMe oacee uk ee 1 oe ee O'S Pecos oe Ee eee ee ee 
142) et 40} 8 | 20 13 | 32.5 | 16 | 40 2 5 1 A (eee jee (2 PE See) 


Objects made of potsherds——A number of sherds were ground to 
roughly oval shape, perhaps for scoops or pot scrapers. These are: 
11709, a fragment bearing fugitive red from site 25; 11830 and 11831, 
fragments from plain red sherds from site 65; 11876, a fragment made 
from a black-on-white sherd from site 99; 11849, 2 complete specimens 
made from plain gray olla sherds from site 73, the larger being 3% 
inches long, 1% inches wide, and 11851, a similar fragment from site 73. 


TaBLe 4.—Sherds ground to circles 
[Measurements in inches] 


Site Cale Ware Diameter | cee Remarks 
ae Se Eee P1710=1 | Black-on-white-<-¢ . 2.------ =. -2<.-- 8 <= es | (es SR No hole. 
fie opel 11710-2 |----- CUPS ee a eee. | ee PALS eee eee lees Do. 
48.2.4 e. 11804 |_---- CCS 2 Ea ee eS Seay enti yy |e ee a Ree Do. 
4S ee st M9804 [2222 rs (ye aes SO Se ee eae enn Seah Leg ie Eee ee Do. 

48... St 11804 |_-._- (Ch RE, SE 22 8 EN eR eee ae Soe 1 | bees ee ee Do. 
ESS . 5. ae ISO) ROG 22ers osc. see ee oo oo NGGs | eee ete ae Do. 
43 JN cteuc® 11804 |____- tr Fy) eee es ER Fie Oe es BA” og SS 1365) Se ee Do. 
ek Sa San TiS04 SP lsivigrays 2) es pa eS ia ya an (eee rae Do. 
(300s. Be 11804 |__--- CE es Se eee es. A See eee eo 11D) fics wa gc a Do. 
ee 2 ee DIST Weed aces demons. cee. oS eR 2 

Eee RIRIG ED IBIADK-On-White:--. 22200 22k 2 196) Do. 
Gye tke .¥ IS90) | Medea eee Se ah es IS 1% 

7 |i (ae eee 1166) Rigi pray.cf Jeendet ne tors 4 Wear iosteces.e. 2 Do. 
Fee eS > G40) Red-on-aranges- <2 -- 252 eee 136 A 

Uy ee. ee TIS4O PD laok-on-T60 =< ese 52-2 2 ee ge 1% He 

Tae Set TISAO A Corruvated set hl Peek Ane TE ee 156 Y% | Broken. 
(2 ee ML RAOH PNG eet asoe ee ee cous oes ft ee 2+ %{6} Do. 
lope See TISEO Bro wn-O-DIOWIL: 2. <2. 4-5: - Sacco 14% Xe 

Y fn pall ROS ate DE Gilead al Tua ge. bp Ri aL i a 164) ee No hole, 
OB) rs3ssicz SISHR UT White: 29 see sss eet dese zl ee eet 1% (2) 
ee eae cha FS aie 1% 3{6| Broken. 
poh at atl ye Es al Len ee oe Oe EES SORE et Ps ee PAU Sy (Se oe am No hole. 
hh i ee eee DI BOS BIRCK-OMGtAY: 25 oo222-2 52. She cect be 134 6|-=---eeeee Do. 
he DIRS) BrOWwds-Ol-PT Ay. 8 8 = eee ao ee LE | | ee eae Do. 


1 Museum of Anthropology, University of Utah. 


218558—41——21 


310 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bunh. 128 


A number of sherds were ground to circles, some but not all being 
perforated in their centers with small holes. These are tabulated 
on page 309, the measurements being in inches. 


SUBSISTENCE 


Domesticated plants —There is no evidence to prove that horticul- 
ture belonged to the earliest period as specimens of domesticated 


Figure 47.—Chipped sandstone “‘hoes.’”? Numbers indicate sites in the Johnson 
Canyon-Paria River region. The largest is 12 inches long. 


plants came only from caves which had been disturbed by previous 
digging. 

Site 2 yielded 15 specimens of maize, complete ears ranging from 
1% inches to 5% inches in length and having usually 6 but sometimes 
4 or 5 double rows of kernels. Sites 18, 37, 98, 113, and 131 also had 
similar maize. 


Anturor. Pap. No.18] UTAH ARCHEOLOGY—STEWARD 311 


Site 2 also yielded three small, yellow, nondent kernels of maize, a 
squash stem, and fragments of squash or gourd, and a red bean. Site 
98 contained a brown bean (11874). 

‘Hoes.’ —Sites 10, 13, and 14 yielded several thin slabs of sand- 
stone heavily impregnated with iron. The edges were chipped and 


NY 


polZ WINCHES 


Johnson Canyon-Paria River region. 


notched (fig. 47), as if they had been hafted as hoe blades, although 
there is no proof of this. A number were strewn in a meadow which 
would have made an excellent cornfield. Gillin (1938, fig. 25) found 
a somewhat comparable object in Nine Mile Canyon in northeastern 


Utah. 


312 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL, 128 


11770, site 14, iron sandstone; length, 12 inches; width, 8 inches in center, 
tapering to 6 inches at each end; thickness, % of an inch to ¥ of an inch; notch cut 
in middle of each side, 1 inch deep, 2 inches wide; edges crudely chipped from both 
sides to sharpness. 

11766, site 10, iron sandstone; probably broken; length, 6% inches; width, 6 
inches, tapering to one end; deep notches in opposite sides, 3 inches from small 
end; thickness, % of an inch; edges partly chipped to sharpness. 

11765, site 10, iron sandstone; one end broken; length, 5% inches; width, 4 
inches to 44 inches; edge of end sharpened; remaining edges square; thickness, 
%._ of an inch; notches on opposite edges 24 inches from small end. 

11768, site 13, iron sandstone; squarish; length, 5% inches; width, 5 inches; 
thickness, % of an inch to % of an inch; notches in middle opposite edges; edges 
mostly chipped to sharpness. 

11769, site 13, fragment; iron sandstone; present length, 3% inches; width, 4% 
inches; edges sharpened except left side and broken end; notches on opposite 
sides, 2 inches from unbroken end. 

11771, site 14, iron sandstone; circular, approximately 9% inches diameter; 
54, of an inch thick; edges chipped to sharpness; traces of two notches in edges 
opposite each other. 


53 $0 100 


/27 
pl2Inches : 


Figure 49.—Metates. Numbers indicate sites in the Johnson Canyon-Paria 
River region. 


Metates—Metates were of two styles, both being of sandstone, 
rectangular and moderately thick. The earlier type, A, generally has 
an ovoid, basinlike grinding depression (figs. 48, c, f, 9,7, 1, m, 0, p; 49). 
The later type, B, is better squared and finished and has a rectangular 
grinding surface (figs. 48, a, b, d, e, h, i, m; 49). Some chronological 
overlapping of types is indicated, for example at site 45, where a 
specimen of type A was associated with a large number of type B. 

Although deeply troughed metates of the Basket Maker type are 
known from the Zion Park region (Smith, 1934), the only specimen 
definitely of this type from our region is from site 142, which, judging 
by the masonry walls, was late. Another specimen at site 119 may 


Anrurop. Pap. No.18] UTAH ARCHEOLOGY—STEWARD 313 


have been similar. Types A and B specimens bear slight resemblance 
to the Basket Maker style in having a broad rim. But in these 
specimens the rim completely surrounds the grinding surface whereas 
in Basket Maker specimens the rim bounds it on only three sides. 
Flat metates, designed for a bin, like those of the later Pueblo cultures, 
were absent from the region. 

The metates illustrated in figures 48 and 49 are from field measure- 
ments and sketches. Difficulties of transportation prevented collec- 
tion of specimens. 


it 
QS 
Ue 
in 
aC 


Sn, 00 ae 19 
oe Cie He aA); 
‘a OF DIC 


LLL Ezz ms 


@; Cp eet ol 


‘SL 


ZA pan QZ 


8 Inches 


Figure 50.—Mullers or manos and cross sections of same. Numbers indicate 
sites in the Johnson Canyon-Paria River region. 


Mullers—Miullers, although extremely variable in shape and size, 
are usually between an oval and rectangle in outline. Those from 
early sites (fig. 50, sites 2, 3, 26, 92, 126, and 127) are smaller and more 
oval, thus being suited to the smaller and more oval grinding surface 
on the metate. Those from later sites are larger and more rectan- 
gular (fig. 50, sites 25, 46, 53, 99, 119) in keeping with the more defi- 
nitely rectangular and flat depression on the metates. There is some 


314 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bun, 128 


overlapping of the types, however. Although most cross sections are 
oval, wear has often produced a wedge shape. Many are pecked on 
the grinding surface as if they had been roughened from time to time. 
Some specimens are pecked on the side opposite that smoothed from 
grinding, as if this side were used for preliminary heavy grinding 
and smashing. 

Figure 50 illustrates specimens measured in the field as well as those 
collected. 

Projectile points.—Evidence of hunting is seen in petroglyphs as 
well as in projectile points. Many of the former, discussed below, 


woh AAA 


Figure 51.—Projectile points of chipped flint. Numbers indicate sites in the 
Johnson Canyon-Paria River region. 


show clearly the bow and arrow. But as these can only be dated by 
inference, they have little value in the present connection. 

Most projectile points are relatively small and are of flint, chert, 
jasper, and somewhat opalescent or translucent flint. Two types are 
distinguishable on the basis of presence or absence of notching (fig. 51). 

Type A is notched from the corners of the base so as to leave a long, 
slender tang but no barbs. It varies from 1%. of an inch to 1} inches 
in length. These occur more often at early sites. Only one specimen 


AntHrop. Pap. No.18] UTAH ARCHEOLOGY—STEWARD 315 


(11852), site 72, is side-notched like Basket Maker atlatl dart points. 

The later type B is a slender, triangular point with a concave base 
and no notches. These range from !%. of an inch to over 1% inches in 
length. Several points from site 72, however, have a slight tang within 
the concave base. This site is also of interest in that both types A and 
B were found here although architecturally and ceramically the site 
is late. Site 64 also had both styles. 


De 


Anal 


48 48 


NALA 


Fiaure 52.—Knives, drills, and scrapers. Numbers indicate sites in the Johnson 
Canyon-Paria River region. The largest is 3% inches long. 


55 72 


INDUSTRIES 


Azes.—The only stone ax known from this region is in the Judd 
collection at Kanab. It is crudely shaped of brown quartzite, 7 
inches long, 4 inches wide, 1% inches thick. In place of a groove, it 
bears shallow notches on opposite edges. One end is sharpened, the 
other rounded, bearing a shallow notch. 

Knives, drills, and scrapers.—Cutting implements are so variable 
that it is impossible to define types and often even to distinguish 
knives from scrapers. Most of the specimens, however, appear to have 
been knives, ranging around 2 inches in length. Some are triangular, 


316 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [ Buu, 128 


some roughly oval, some have squared butts, and others are extremely 
irregular, the shape not being consistent in any site. (See fig. 52.) 

A number of small, oval flints are probably scrapers. Only one 
scraper (11746) from site 2 is a fragment which is retouched from one 
surface only, although this manner of chipping is very common 
elsewhere. 

Several scrapers are mere irregular, unretouched flakes: 12048, 4 
from site 25; 12050, 2 from site 41; 12052, 1 from site 51. Of particular 
interest is the large flake (11842, fig. 52) from site 72, which has several 
deep serrations or notches in the edge and shows great wear. 

Two specimens, 11842, from site 72 appear to be drills. One is 
1% inches long, !%. of an inch wide at the butt with a slender, tapering 
point. The other is a slender point 1 inch long, %¢ of an inch wide. 

Bags.—The Judd collection at Kanab has a woven cotton bag 
from somewhere in the region. It contains seeds or leaves and white 
paint. There is also a fragment of cotton cloth. 

Baskets.—No basketry was found at any site visited during the 
survey, but the Judd collection contains a complete coiled basket. 
Although it is not possible to assign this to any period, it is important 
in demonstrating the local occurrence of the usual Basket Maker- 
Pueblo technique. It is a flat bowl, 11 inches in diameter, 2% inches 
deep. Foundation: 2 rods and bundle of crushed yucca leaf. Coils: 
Noninterlocking, 16 stitches per linear inch or 80 stitches per square 
inch. 

Also in the Judd collection is a twilled ring basket, 3% inches in 
diameter. 

Cordage.—Data concerning the few fragments of cordage are 
summarized in table 5 below: 


TABLE 5.—Data on fragments of cordage 


Cata- | Num- 


Site log | berof| Direction of twist | DP!@™-| Material Remarks 
No.! plys eter 
Inches 

7 eer oe 11718 2)} Olockwise:-. =. 2-2. 342] Yucca.._...- 2 strands, weaver’s knot. 
Basen hee 11718 i Ay) pee et dO. 6 ~ se Se ee es ce Go==2 255 Tied square knot. 

pe tae Se S| 11718 aby per ees GOs. hoo ees Se ene eee eed (eee 0 

VER ESSA eee 11873 2 | Counterclockwise- --__- Yg}____- Gorigte Do 

7 Sane ae 11752 pO) (eee (6 (i py eee ea ee | (ap ee | (ee ae (6 Ge Do 

Par 2 thes 11872 pin! |e (6 (a pepe te bead sok SSI Fy bn Deel dl Be ay (6 (0 ee Do. 

) Ae ee uy 11738 2 | Clockwise__......-...- Ye] Fiber______- Laced through buckskin. 
hes eo 12046 i ee dos. 225s) ee 342] Soft fiber____ Do. 

131........] 12046 ai feeooe (0s Pept fo PR ed Ge 6) Hard fiber-- Do. 

06 Le a 12046 Hy (Eee GO ee ie eee Ye] Soft fiber____ Do. 


1 Museum of Anthropology, University of Utah. 


In addition to these, site 2 yielded several bunches of shredded 
yucca fiber and what is probably a yucca quid. 


AnTuRoP. Par. No.18] UTAH ARCHEOLOGY—STEWARD 317 


The Judd collection in Kanab has a human-hair rope from this 
vicinity. Itis3% feet long and consists of 16 strands, each two-ply and 
all twisted counterclockwise. The end is formed by doubling the 
strands back on themselves and tying them at the point of doubling 
with a small cord. 

Textiles.—Although no textiles were found, a lump of clay, 11890, 
site 116, bears an impression (fig. 53) which may have been made by a 

Figure 53.—Textile impression in adobe. 


(CECC 


Fieure 54.—Crescent (“‘sickles’’) of mountain sheep horn in the Judd collection 
at Kanab, Utah. Arrows indicate worn grooves. 


Pury pee — 
a ee 4 bye 
14 2 “GE 15 glo 
OAS ES we 


Pua 


Ass 
. ‘ 
% ganna th 
Saget 
y Ay 
‘ 
S VAG 
Ss 
3 : 
yen 
8 ’ 
yu f 
‘ bd 5 
ual a. 
ib 
nt 


lip 
ong {l 
(allitin® 


sandal bottom of the ornamented type common in the Basket Maker 
III culture. 

Awls.—11721, site 2, is a fragment of a very stubby, blunt awl. 
The Judd collection contains three awls tied in buckskin. 

Horn crescents.—The Judd collection contains five flat, crescentic 
objects made of mountain-sheep horn (fig. 54). These resemble so- 
called sickles from certain Basket Maker sites and might be inter- 


318 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bunn 128 


preted as sickles were it not for small, worn grooves on the inner 
edges which look as if cords had been drawn repeatedly across them. 
These range from 8% inches to 9% inches, tip to tip. One has its small 
end wrapped with cord. Another is perforated near the large end. 
Dippers.—The Judd collection has three wooden dippers of the 
bowl-and-handle variety (fig. 55), taken from “‘cists in solid rock” 


(a Ce 
(= oe 


= -—— 
Fiaur5 55.— Wooden dippers in the Judd collection at Kanab, Utah. 


in a cave at the head of Dairy Canyon. The measurements of these 


are: 
Bowl length, Bowl width, Bowl depth, Handle length, 


inches inches inches inches 
6 5 2% 8 
4\% 4¥% 1% 8 
1% 1% % 54 


Hammerstone.—The only hammerstone collected was from site 123 
(11920), a fragment of water-worn quartzite pebble, about 2% inches 
in diameter, having one edge used slightly for pecking. 


gn 
Es @ 


Figure 56.—Two quartz objects. 
@, Quartzite lump (11744), site 2, Paria River region. Arrows Indicate facets. 6, Crystalline pendant 
(11894) site 119, Johnson Lakes Canyon. 
MISCELLANEOUS 


Stone objects—A sandstone slab (11739) from site 2 is approxi- 
mately 6 inches square, its smooth upper surface bearing a pastel 
shade of greenish-blue paint. 

An irregular quartzite lump (11744) from site 2 has several facets 
produced by rubbing (fig. 56). 


AyTuror. Par. No.18] UTAH ARCHEOLOGY—STEWARD 319 


A small sandstone slab (11730) from site 2 is covered with some 
substance, possibly resin. 

Site 123 had a fragment of unworked petrified wood (11917). 

Ornaments.—These included a half Olivella shell bored with a small 
hole (11720) from site 2 and an excellently trimmed and polished 
pendant fragment of semitranslucent crystalline stone (11894) (fig. 
56) from the burial at site 119. The latter is 14 inches wide, \-inch 
thick. 

Animal remains.—Site 2 yielded several turkey feathers (11731, 
11741) and site 4 several turkey (?) bones (11758). 

Site 131 had a bundle of 45 hawk feathers, 12 inches long (11900), 
their butts bound together by a small, two-ply fiber cord wrapped 
six times around them. 


SKELETAL MATERIAL 


The only skeletal material came from two partially exposed burials 
at site 119, which is of the latest period ceramically and architecturally. 
It is noteworthy that these are distinctly Basket Maker rather than 
Pueblo in type. Both skulls are adults, long and undeformed. One 
has a cephalic index of approximately 70, which may, however, have 
been deformed in the soil. It has high orbits, an occipital bulge 
and something of a ridge where the parietals join. 


PETROGLYPHS 


Site 1.—A group of petroglyphs on the north side of the mouth of Molly’s 
Nipple Canyon. Figure 57, a, group 3% feet wide; b, 24 inches tall; c, 12 inches 
long; d, group 10 feet wide; e, 6 inches tall; e, group 4% feet wide. 

Site 4.—Petroglyphs on wall of masonry cliff house. Figure 57, f; pecked 
group 22 inches wide. 

Site 7.—Figure 58, white pictographs in rock shelter: a, 7 inches wide; b, 4% 
inches wide; c, 13 inches tall; d, group 18 inches wide; 0, petroglyph 10 feet long. 

Site 29.—Figure 58, pictographs in white and black, in small cave or rock shelter: 
e, f, white-on-black; g, creamy white, 12 inches across; h, 12 inches across; 1, j, 
black; k,l, paper white group, 24 feet across; m, creamy white group, 2% feet across. 

Site 40.—Petroglyph 10 feet 8 inches long, on rock on floor of canyon; very 
similar to that at site 7. In addition, pictographs in white include zig-zags and 
rectilinear figures somewhat resembling pottery designs. 

Site 111.—Figure 59, a, pictographs in Long Canyon in blue-green (plain), 
purple (shaded upward to left), and red (shaded upward to right) in cave asso- 
ciated with masonry rooms; b-j, petroglyphs. Figure 60, a-f, also petroglyphs. 

Site 117.—Figure 61, petroglyphs on cliff in James Bunting’s corral: a, group, 
3 feet tall, pecked and rubbed smooth; c, apparently more recent than last, dull 
gray on faded black, 24 inches tall; d, like last, 12 inches tall; e, pecked 10 inches 
tall; f, incised group, double ended figure 13 inches tall; g, h, parts of same group 
of petroglyphs about 6 feet across. Plates 46, 47, large group of petroglyphs with last. 

Site 121.—A group of four petroglyphs, dumbbell shape, each 18 inches long, 
6 inches wide; also two spirals. 

Site 130.—Petroglyphs stretching 100 feet or more along cliff on north side of 
mouth of Oak Canyon. Figure 62, portion of the group. Figure 63, a, group 
8 feet across. Plate 48, continuous group, left to right. 


320 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 128 


Site 132.—Small group of petroglyphs, 24 inches wide, on wall inside masonry 
cliff house (fig. 63, 6). 

Site 133.—Figure 63, c-f, petroglyphs pecked on cliffs on south side of the 
mouth of Oak Canyon. Being 10 feet from the ground, they could have been 
reached only if the artist stood on something; but there were no signs of houses 


Figure 57.—Petroglyphs, a-e, site 1, and f, site 4, Molly’s Nipple Canyon. 


below them. c, 314 feet wide, incised 1 inch deep; d, incised, 24 inches across; e, 
like last, 18 inches tall; f, 9 inches square. 

Site 141.—Figure 638, g-k, petroglyphs. 

The petroglyphs in this area resemble those throughout western 
America in possessing certain common elements (Steward, 1929): 
Spirals (especially site 117, pl. 47; site 111, fig. 60; site 1, fig. 57, d; 
site 29, fig. 58, £), concentric circles (site 117, pl. 47; site 130, pl. 48; 


AnTHROP. Pap. No.18] UTAH ARCHEOLOGY—STEWARD 321 


site 1, fig. 57, d), “sun disks” (site 130, pl. 48, fig. 63), wavy and zigzag 
lines (especially site 117, pl. 47; site 130, pl. 48; and elsewhere). 


Figure 58.—Pictographs, a-d, o, site 7, Molly’s Nipple Canyon, and e—m, site 29, 
Wildcat Canyon. 


The most common realistic picture is a square-shouldered, anthropo- 
morphic figure, derived from a simple style which started in Basket 


322 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bun 128 


Maker II times.’ Several variations of this were at site 1 (fig. 57) 
and site 117 (fig. 61). A peculiar, probably local, style at each of 
these sites is a “‘double-ended”’ figure with a head at the top and 


Figure 59.—Pictographs and petrolgyphs, site 111, near Johnson Canyon. 


bottom (fig. 57, b, d, e; fig. 61, f). Other forms derived from the 
square-shouldered figure occur at site 7 (fig. 58), site 111 (fig. 60), 
site 130 (pl. 47), and site 130 (figs. 62, 63; pl. 48). Although most of 


For example, in Dupont Cave, Kane County, Utah. 


AnTurop. Par. No.18] UTAH ARCHEOLOGY—STEWARD 323 


these appear to be Basket Maker drawings, their association at site 
130 with representations of the bow place them as Pueblo. Special 
attention should be called to the hunchback flute player at site 130 
(fig. 63, a). Of particular interest are the hunting scenes depicting use 
of the bow at site 130 (pl. 48), and site 141 (fig. 63, h, k). Several 
peculiar, highly conventionalized anthropomorphic pictographs were 
at site 111 (fig. 59, a). 

Several animal species in varying styles are distinguishable with 
reasonable certainty: Mountain sheep (site 1, fig. 57; site 7, fig. 58, a; 
site 111, fig. 59, d (?), e (?), f (?), 2 (2); site 117, pl. 47; site 130, pl. 48; 
and site 141, fig. 63, h); possibly some antelope; deer or other antlered 
quadrupeds (site 1, fig. 57, c; site 111, fig. 60, a, e; site 117, pls. 46, 47; 
site 130, fig. 62, a; pl. 48); a bison (site 117, pl. 46); various other 


Figure 60.—Petroglyphs, site 111, near Johnson Canyon. 


quadrupeds; a centipede (site 130, pl. 48). Snakes may be repre- 
sented at several sites. 

Human or bear footprints appear at site 1 (fig. 57, d) site 117 (pl. 
47), and site 130, (fig. 62, b, pl. 48). Site 130 (pl. 48), has a human 
hand. Site 111 (fig. 60, f), site 117 (fig. 61, g), and site 130 (fig. 63, a) 
have bird tracks. 

Several sites had geometric designs which appear to have been de- 
rived from pottery ornamentation, especially site 29 (fig. 58, e-m; also 
site 130 (pl. 48). 


PART 2. GLEN CANYON OF THE COLORADO RIVER 


Glen Canyon comprises the 170 miles of tortuous Colorado river 
gorge which lies between the mouth of the Fremont (Dirty Devil) 
River in Utah and Lee’s Ferry, Ariz. Although the river is relatively 


324 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [ Bun, 128 


calm through this stretch, and lacks such rapids as make Cataract 
Canyon above and Marble Canyon below dangerous to travel, the 
gorge is narrow and sheer cliffs rise out of the water for stretches of 
miles leaving few sites which were suitable for aboriginal occupation 
or which could have been reached without adequate boats: The 
gorge walls rise several hundred feet to a rolling sandstone plateau 


Figure 61.—Petroglyphs, site 117, Johnson Canyon. 


which is so dissected with deep, narrow canyons that it is almost im- 
possible to traverse it. The side canyons entering the upper 15 or 20 
miles of Glen Canyon are fairly broad and contain a relative abund- 
ance of Pueblo sites, but below this they come in as box canyons which 
are flooded and filled with quicksand during high water in the Colo- 
rado, and which are too narrow through several miles of their lower 
reaches to have permitted any kind of settlement. Undoubtedly 


ANTHROP. Par. No.18] UTAH ARCHEOLOGY—STEWARD 325 


these have many sites where they broaden out some miles back from 
the river, but in most instances it proved impossible to explore them. 

The trip required 23 days, July 1 to July 23, 1932, 19 days of which 
were spent on the river. July was chosen, as by that time the water 
in the Colorado River had passed its height and was said to be best for 
navigation. The party went via Torrey to the Trachyte ranch at the 


cP 
[=aTre 


ro) 


Fiacure 62.—Petroglyphs, site 130, Oak Canyon. 


eastern foot of the Henry Mountains by automobile. From here it 
was transported the remaining 30 miles down North wash to the river 
by wagon. Two portable canvas boats proved entirely adequate for 
river transportation. As the current averaged about 5 miles an hour, 
only 2 or 3 hours’ travel each day covered the necessary distance. 


326 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [ Bunn. 128 


FieurE 63.—Petroglyphs: a, Site 130; 6b, site 132; cf, site 183, Oak Canyon; 
and g-k, site 141, near Clark Canyon. 


327 


UTAH ARCHEOLOGY—STEWARD 


ANTHROP, Pap, No. 18] 


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328 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bunn. 128 


SITES VISITED 


In North wash, about 10 miles below the wagon road, are a few rock 
shelters containing traces of occupation in the form of pottery sherds 
and charcoal but no house remains. 

Among the sherds collected, 11996, was one corrugated. Two were 
bowl sherds, unpolished and unpainted. The remainder were prob- 
ably from ollas, made of a medium fine paste containing a dark, 
igneous temper—probably a rock from the Henry Mountains. They 
are tan in color, and smooth, but unpolished. A few sherds are, 


“E Menry * 
Mountains <, 
veal 25 ; z, 

roe See a 2 


*, .* TWicgs, fe 
SS 200 
" Org + 


(e# 


gp) 


| 
Aero Boayid 
x 


ae 


Katparowits . + 
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Plateau a Halls Crossing Lake Caz, ui 
e 
° 


Hole-in- 
the-Rack 


is Klondike #43 
Crossing of EA 
the Fathers 


ARIZONA 


Legend 
A Cave 
& Cliff Dwelling 
@® House 
20 Miles 
mie 


Ficurs 65.— Map of Glen Canyon, Colorado River. 


however, polished and these are a dark gray with a slightly crackled 
surface, and greatly resemble the large ollas of western Utah. The 
vessel forms are not known. 

From the same locality were: 11998, a fragment of a bone point, 
perhaps a blunt awl; 11997, fragments of three flint points made with 
a fair chipping technique; 11999, a number of large, very crudely 
chipped lumps of beautiful red and yellow streaked jasper. Some of 
the last may be rejects, others extremely crude scrapers. 

Site 1.—A large cave in North wash about 12 miles from the Colo- 
rado River, situated on the western side of the canyon, facing south- 


Anruror. Par. No.18] UTAH ARCHEOLOGY—STEWARD 329 


east. Along the top of the talus which slopes up to the rear wall under 
the cave’s high arch is a series of 12 rooms built of crude masonry. 
These are either roughly circular or rectangular and in all cases the 
walls are simply piled rocks. At several places are worn spots on 
rocks which look as though they might have been formed by grinding 
axes. 

Specimens included only corncobs and animal bone fragments. 
Not a trace of pottery was found. 

On the cliff wall back of the first room is a large, elaborate kachina- 
like pictograph painted in red with white dots and beside it, a large 
quadruped (pl. 52, a). At other points are two pecked horned 
quadrupeds and a small, squared-shouldered, phallic female (?). 

Below site 1 in North wash, the canyon affords little arable land and 
there was a corresponding absence of sites. At the mouth of North 
wash, however, were found small rock-shelters, which yielded a few 
potsherds like those found higher up in the canyon. 

A trip was made on foot to the mouth of the Fremont (Dirty Devil) 
River but no further traces of aboriginal occupation discovered. 

Site 2, White Canyon.—The party proceeded downstream to the 
mouth of White Canyon which enters the Colorado River from the 
east. Here are located the most extensive ruins in all of Glen Canyon. 

The conspicuous feature is a large house standing about 300 feet 
above the river on the southern side of the tributary canyon (fig. 66, 
pl. 49, a). The house measures 22 feet 6 inches by 12 feet 6 inches, 
is of fair masonry, and must have had 2, possibly 3 stories, as the wall 
still stands at one point 15 feet 9 inches high. At four points along the 
southern wall, 7 feet 6 inches above the ground, were holes through 
which had passed the beams supporting the floor of the second story. 
The masonry is of carefully selected but untrimmed sandstone blocks 
which are fairly rectangular and are well laid, some parts of the walls 
being more or less coursed (pl. 49, e). Only small amounts of the 
cementing adobe remain. The average wall thickness is 1 foot 6 
inches to 1 foot 7 inches, but this decreases to 1 foot 3 inches a short 
distance above the second floor. 

The house is built on a narrow ledge of flat sandstone which drops 
away more or less sharply on each side, especially on the river side. 
That protection was a consideration in choosing this spot is shown by 
the wall which runs out from the eastern side of the house to the cliff 
edge. This was 18 inches thick, and although it is now mostly in 
ruins, it must have served to block thoroughfare along that side of 
the ridge. The other side, which is narrower with a steeper drop-off 
down the cliff, could have been defended from the house. 

Just under the cliff edge on the eastern side is a small room tucked 
away under the cliff. 


330 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bouun. 128 


As the house is built on solid rock which could not possibly have 
been excavated for a kiva, it is probable that the circular enclosure at 


<< VENTILATOR 
KIVA 


--" 


o 
coo” 


Es OC) Gwe 


COLORADO 
<— RIVER 


200 YOS. 


<— SMALL 
HOUSE 
UNDER 
LEOGE 


WALL FALLEN 
eee 


. ee 


& WALL 19° THICK 


% \ DEFENSE 
WALL 
oh 
t t ic Ae 
FLOOR BEAM HOLES 
UPPER LEOGE ; 


vA 


Figure 66.—Ground plan of large ruin and kiva, site 2, White Canyon. 


10 FEET 


the end of the ledge, 45 feet north of the house and built on a ledge 
slightly below it, served as kiva. The wall, 16, inches thick, built 


Anturop. Par. No.18] UTAH ARCHEOLOGY—STEWARD aok 


against the cliff, forms three-quarters of a circle. Its highest point is 
now 6 feet. A cleft in the southern side of the wall, one side being 
neatly squared, may be the remnant of the door. On the eastern side, 
12 inches above the floor, is a square opening in the wall 12 inches high 
and 8 inches wide, which was no doubt a ventilator. 

Slightly below the cliff edge of the western side is a foot or more of 
refuse. 

Apparently this house was the center of a fairly large community, 
for just below it to the south and across the canyon to the north is a 


Figure 67.—House structures. 


a, Plan of ruin at site 3, Trachyte Canyon; b-f, houses on the northern cliff of White Canyon, site 2; b, house 2; 
c, house 5; d, houses 3 and 4; e, house 1; f, house 7. 


series of cliff rooms. Although the latter may, and in some cases 
very likely do, antedate the large house, it is probable that in the 
later days of the community the large house was erected as a place 
of refuge. 

Room 1, on the northern side of the canyon, is built between the 
cliff and a large boulder 11 feet out from it. Masonry walls enclosed 
the openings, but a door 18 inches wide is left on the eastern side 
(fig. 67, e). On the back wall of the room are two round-bodied, 
kachinalike petroglyphs faintly pecked. One of these is shown in 
figure 72, e. 


332 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [ But. 128 


Structure 2, like the last, is built under an overhanging ledge. The 
walls, 15 inches thick, of rather poor masonry, enclose two rooms, 
one about 13 feet by 6 feet 6 inches, the other, east of this, 8 by 9 
feet. At the base of the partition between the two and against the 
cliff is an opening 19 by 24 inches. There also seems to have been a 
doorway between the two rooms at the outer end of this partition, 
and another leading outside from the outer wall of the eastern room 
(fig. 67, b). Room 2 is 50 feet east of room 1. 

Structure 3, 150 yards east of last, is enclosed by walls 18 inches 
thick. There seem to have been two rooms, one about 8 by 16 feet, 
the other about 8 by 12 feet (fig. 67, d). 

Structure 4 is a platform of masonry orming a semicircle against the 
cliff, about 8 feet long and 6 feet deefp, and built 5 feet above the 
ledge. 

Room 5 is just east of the last and is a small, circular granary, 6 
feet in diameter and 3 feet 4 inches high, built in under a ledge (fig. 
GiGi): 

Room 6 is a natural cave in a large crevice finished into a room by 
the addition of a few feet of masonry wall. It is 30 feet deep and 
averages 8 feet in width. 

Structure 7, 50 yards east of the last, has an outer wall 10 to 14 inches 
thick parallel to the cliff, behind which are three rooms, the western 
one very irregular but approximately 5 by 10 feet, the next 3 by 8 
feet, the eastern one 5 by 16 feet. Most of the outer wall had reached 
up to the ledge or roof above, but has now fallen. Between the first 
and second rooms is a passage 18 inches wide with a slab, 6 inches thick, 
as sill. 

Other rooms had continued on east of the last, but the ledge, which 
is several hundred feet above the valley, had partially fallen away, 
leaving them inaccessible. 

On the southern side of the canyon, just south of the large houses 
and under a ledge overlooking the Colorado River, are several more 
cliff rooms. The ledge on which they stand has, in several places, 
been built and levelled up with masonry. The walls seem not to 
have continued to the roof, but to have enclosed certain areas. Doors, 
however, lead from one to another (fig. 68; pl. 49, 6). 

Pictographs and petroglyphs——A characteristic of the Northern 
Peripheral culture is a remarkable elaboration of anthropomorphic 
petroglyphs and pictographs. Probably originating in the square- 
shouldered and comparatively simple Southwestern Basket Maker 
pictographs, these attained greatest development in northeastern 
Utah where facial features and ornaments of both head and body 
are represented in detail. Site 2 at White Canyon is one of the . 
southernmost localities where this style occurs. ‘The White Canyon 
figures, though differing in some details from many to the north, 


AnTHROP, Par, No.18] UTAH ARCHEOLOGY—STEWARD 333 


fall into this general class and are especially related to those on the 
middle Fremont River (Morss, 1931) and at Moab, farther up the 
Colorado River. 

Along the northern side of White Canyon, between and above the 
cliff houses, there is a series of round-bodied, anthropomorphic petro- 
glyphs having decorated bodies (figs. 72, 73, a; pl. 52, e). These are 
mainly pecked, some of the finer lines, however, being incised or 
rubbed. Other comparable circles which, however, are less clearly 
parts of anthropomorphic figures, are pecked on the rocks near the 
large ruins (fig. 75, e). In this group, the anthropomorphic figure was 
placed over the circle on the left which in turn was over the parallel 
lines with the dots between. ‘Two groups (figs. 73, c, and 74, f) show 
concentric circles and the last also has a circle containing zigzag 


OVERHANGING ROCK 
posts aot oS Pe EOGE 
. EE 
a8. \ te ae 
\ ar te Fi 
- \ ta/ 
\ eect 
: ) 
x Pe fy 
N x ge 
t »>—\ 
8 
N 
— > 
10 FEET 3 


Fiaure 68.—Cliff houses south of the large ruin, site 2, White Canyon. 


decoration. Other circles are painted. Plate 52, d, shows two compli- 
cated circles painted white. Where the paint has eroded from that 
on the left, rubbed lines appear, though this may be a recent bit of 
vandalism. Rubbed triangles appear above both figures. A red 
handprint appears in the center of each circle and two other red hand- 
prints, not shown in the plate, are on the cliff to the right. A circle 
made up of red, white, and yellow-buff lines appears in figure 75, c. 
All of these circles are approximately 3 feet in diameter. 

Although no weapons are clearly depicted in association with these 
figures, the writer hazards the guess that they represent shields. Two 
ornamented, rawhide shields were found on the Fremont River where 
somewhat similar circular petroglyphs appear to represent shields 
(Morss, 1931). Figure 76 shows several circles on the cliffs at Moab 
which no doubt belong to the same class of objects. 


334 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Burn, 128 


Another type of anthropomorphic figure is square-shouldered and, 
though less elaborate than those to the north, clearly of the same 
general style. The central figure in figure 73, 6, even has “tear 
streaks,”’ a device common in the Uintah Basin. Those in figures 73, 
c, and 75, d, e, are of this style. The three figures in figure 75, a, b, are 
painted in white and yellow-buff. That in plate 52, b, has the same 
colors. 

In addition to these anthropomorphic figures, several are of the 
complex curvilinear style common in the Great Basin. Two large 
groups of such petroglyphs are shown in figure 74, a, e. Although there 
is no proof whatever that the anthropomorphic and curvilinear styles 
were contemporary, it is probable that in western Utah and Nevada 
the latter, despite its great stylistic difference, was somewhat stimu- 
lated by the former. Small anthropomorphic figures, like those in 
figure 77, on the cliff near the bridge at Moab, occur in Idaho and 
Nevada beyond the Pueblo area in frequent association with the curvi- 
linear style, and yet seem related to the Northern Peripheral anthro- 
pomorphs. It is possible, of course, that chronological differences are 
involved in these styles of anthropomorphs. 

Plate 52, c, is a petroglyph, probably made by the Ute or Navaho, 
to represent a horse. 

Specimens from site 2.—Pottery from the northern side of the canyon, 
11987, comprises ware which is definitely Mesa Verde in general style 
and appears to be Pueblo II or early Pueblo III. Corrugated sherds 
are from large ollas of the San Juan types. Their paste is coarse, 
quartz tempered, and the coiling rather crude. Coils run 3 to 7 per 
inch. Highty-five percent of the corrugated sherds have the coils 
“crinkled” or pinched at intervals. Some alternate several plain and | 
several crinkled to give a banded effect. For 1 to 2 inches under the 
rim, the exterior is smoothed. The painted ware has a much finer 
paste and temper. Bowls have a plain grayish exterior, showing hori- 
zontal striations from the smoothing implement. Their interiors have 
a slip which is slightly grayish white, sometimes crackled, on which are 
painted designs in black which are Mesa Verde in style. Bowl rims 
are generally. squared, the lip slightly projecting on the outside. 
Both ollas and bowls average 5 millimeters in thickness. Sherds from 
painted ollas and jars are like the bowl sherds, but the black design is 
usually painted on the polished surface which lacks a slip; sometimes, 
however, a white slip is present. Four sherds have deep, rich red 
exteriors; one is black-on-red. 

The pottery from around the large ruin, 11989, is much like the 
last. Corrugated ware is slightly better made, somewhat darker, 
and a little thicker—7 millimeters. Ninety-eight percent of the 48 
corrugated sherds are crinkled. Clay and temper in bowls also 
resemble 11987. ‘The interiors have a slip which varies from paper 


ANTHROP. Pap. No.18] UTAH ARCHEOLOGY—STEWARD 335 


white to dark gray, like the ware of western Utah. Designs are in 
a good, solid black with good brushwork, and resemble Mesa Verde 
ware. A few are Kayenta style. Fine, parallel lines comprise a large 
portion of the designs. Twelve of fifteen rim sherds have one to five 
horizontal lines under the rim. Other forms include black and white 
ollas and ladles with solid handles. 

Artifacts of chipped flint are very crude. 11988 is a roughly shaped 
blade having a more or less diamond-shaped cross section, 2% inches 
long, 1% inches thick, % of an inch wide, of red jasper. 11944, from 
the large house, is a similar point, 2% inches long, 1% inches wide, 
% of an inch thick, having both ends somewhat rounded. These are 
common in Glen Canyon and are certainly not projectile points. 
11991 is a crudely chipped “‘pick’’ of white flint, 3% inches long. 

Three small corn cobs were found at the large house, 11995. Two 
had ten rows of kernels and were 3% and 2% inches long; the third 
had 12 rows of kernels. 

The presence of this village, site 2, is probably to be explained by 
the several miles of arable land along the river shore and the thorough- 
fare to the central parts of San Juan County provided by White 
Canyon. 

Site 3, Trachyte Creek —Trachyte Creek empties into the Colorado 
River from the west, about 1 mile below White Canyon. Long 
stretches of tillable land made possible a village, the main ruin of 
which stands about 100 feet above the river and about 200 yards 
south of Trachyte creek. It had two main rooms, the western one 
measuring about 9% by 10 feet inside, the other 9% by 12 feet (figure 
67,a). In front of,i.e.,south, of these were possibly two other rooms, 
but all of the walls are entirely crumbled. It may in part have been 
two stories. Just south of the ruins is a circular depression about 
30 feet in diameter which may have been a kiva or plaza. 

Specimens from site 3.—Pottery, 11979, included a corrugated ware 
much like that at site 2, having a coarse, quartz temper and varying 
in color from gray to tan. The black-on-white ware was tempered 
with both chalcedony and a dark, volcanic rock. The clay is gener- 
ally gray, but 11979-3 is two sherds of red clay. The interior slip 
on bowls varies from white to gray. Bowls are 4 to 5 millimeters 
thick. The black designs are slightly inferior in quality of color and 
brushwork. 11979-5 has the design in brown instead of black. (A 
specimen from near Blanding, San Juan County, has designs in both 
this same shade of brown and in black, showing that the brown is not 
simply a faded black.) 

Other ware includes: 11979-1, having a red exterior and a chocolate- 
brown interior bearing red lines. 11979-2, 3, having plain exteriors 
and unslipped but polished orange interiors, bearing faint red and 
black lines. 11979-4, a bowl rim sherd, having a plain gray exterior 


336 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bun, 128 


showing a thin wash of brown and a plain gray interior bearing 
brown lines. 

Stone work includes: 11981-1, a crudely triangular, unnotched 
point, 1% inches long; base width, % of an inch. 11981-2, fragment 
of a similar blade. 11981-3, a somewhat leaf-shaped point, 1% inches 
long. All are gray flint. 11980, a red flint blade 1% inches 
long, 1% inches wide, % of an inch thick. The base is somewhat 
straight, possibly for hafting; the other end is worn diagonally, 
making a blunt surface 4 of an inch wide; elsewhere the edge is 
retouched to sharpness. 

On the north side of Trachyte Canyon are several low rock shelters 
facing the river, under one of which was a masonry wall enclosing a 
low room about 8 feet in diameter. Nearby are several groups of 


-- 7A 


/ 

! 

{ OEPRESS/ON 
' 

\ 


7 
4 
‘ 
‘\ 
—e = 


- 
BSS 40 FEET 


Ficure 69.—Large ruin at Redd Canyon, site 4. 


petroglyphs, some suggesting an early—possibly Basket Maker— 
style, others developed kachinalike anthropomorphs. 

Site 4, Redd Canyon (‘Red Canyon” on most maps).—Extensive 
flats along the Colorado at the mouth of Redd Canyon afforded 
possibilities of horticulture. A large ruin stands overlooking the 
river on the edge of a slightly higher plateau, about 4% mile north of 
Redd Creek (pl. 49, ¢, fig. 69). The main wing is 40 feet long, 15 feet 
6 inches wide, and runs east and west. It contained two, possibly 
three rooms, and must have been two stories in height, for the north- 
west corner still stands 8 feet 1 inch high. The southern wing was 
apparently added later. It is 12 feet in average width, and 36 feet 
long, but only stood one story high as indicated by the smaller amount 


Anturop, Par. No.18] UTAH ARCHEOLOGY—STEWARD 337 


of wall debris. Walls are 18 to 22 inches thick and of masonry 
similar to that in the large ruin, site 2. 

In the angle of the two wings is a circular depression 30 feet in 
diameter and 2% feet deep. Although a hastily dug exploratory 
trench failed to reveal walls or other features of construction, a kiva 
very likely existed there. 

Under the ledge immediately below this ruin were several rooms 
built against the cliff, facing the river (pl. 51, a). There had been 
two, possibly three rooms, each two stories in height, for one wall 
still stands 11 feet 2 inches high and has the remains of three beams 
(probably cottonwood, one of which was collected) of the second 
floor at a height of 5 feet 6 inches. These walls are 18 to 24 inches 
thick and of fair masonry. 

Specimens from site 4, large ruin.—Pottery, 11982, included: A 
corrugated ware like that at site 2 but having a temper of coarse 
quartz, chalcedony, and a dark, igneous rock; painted bowls with an 
interior slip varying from white to gray (a few had no slip) and deco- 
tated with black designs like those at site 2, except for a few sherds 
which had heavy, black designs resembling Kayenta styles; spherical 
ollas with short, recurving necks and black-on-white exterior decora- 
tion. Chipped flint included: 11984, the square butt of a white 
flint projectile point or knife. 

Specimens from site 4, cliff rooms.—Pottery, 11985, included: A 
corrugated ware with paste like the last, but vessels which were 
extremely well made, with very regular coils which overlapped in 
shingle fashion more than is common, and with alternating bands of 
plain and crinkled coils, the crinkles being frequently exaggerated by 
pressing the depressions between them with the fingernail or a stick 
point (suggesting the “stick impressed” ware from Great Salt Lake); 
bowls of a fine paste tempered with chalcedony, bearing black interior 
designs on a finely crackled white slip or on a polished, unslipped 
gray. The designs are rather faint but in general resemble those at 
the large ruin. 

Below Redd Canyon, the river canyon narrows. There are few 
stretches of arable river bottom and many of these are rendered 
inaccessible by the sheer cliffs which rise out of the river above and 
below them. It is reasonable to suppose that the Pueblo and Basket 
Maker Indians did not have such means of river transportation as to 
be able to reach them. No traces of aboriginal occupation could be 
observed from the boat at those few places which would have been 
suitable, although a cliff room reached by steps is reported from the 
vicinity of Bullfrog Creek which enters the Colorado 120 miles up- 
stream from Lee’s Ferry and another is stated to be near the river, 
4 miles above Hall’s Creek or just below the mouth of Bullfrog Creek. 
The greater part of a day was spent exploring the vicinity of Hall’s 


338 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bun. 128 


Creek (see site 10) but the deep gorges everywhere made it impossible 
to cover much territory. 

Sites 6 to 9.—On the northwest bank of the river about 2 miles 
below Lake Canyon (111 miles above Lee’s Ferry), where a few acres 
of tillable land parallel the river. Rolling sandstone domes, rising 
to 1,000 feet above the river, contain many caves, several of which 
have been occupied. 

Site 5.—In the largest of these caves, opposite the middle of a long 
island. The only trace of occupation is a small levelled space with 
showings of charcoal and ash. The butt of a large, chipped flint 
point, 11935, notched slightly at the corners, was found here. 

Site 6.—A long cave, well up on the cliff, containing several ma- 
sonry structures. At its western end is granary A (pl. 49, d), built of 
a circular wall, 7 inches thick, which extends to the rock ceiling, 3 
feet 6 inches above the floor in front. It has a door, 1 foot 4inches 
wide and 24 inches tall with a stone lintel and sill; the sides of the 
door are coated with plaster (fig. 70, c). The doorway was covered 
with a neatly trimmed, rectangular stone slab. The cave floor has 
been levelled up by a retaining wall of crude masonry along the front 
of the cave. Twenty-nine feet east of granary A is a circular room 
built partly against the cliff, measuring inside 13 feet 4 inches across 
and 11 feet 6 inches from the cliff to the outside (fig. 70, a; pl. 50, c). 
This is semisubterranean although the walls in the front part extended 
several feet above the surface of the ground. Exactly opposite the 
cliff wall at the base of the house wall, is a ventilating opening 12 
inches wide and 12 inches tall, the sides of which are formed of verti- 
cally set stone slabs (fig. 70, 6), across which are sticks supporting 
a horizontal stone slab (fig. 70, ¢). This room was undoubtedly 
a kiva. A space about 14 feet long by 11 feet wide adjoining the 
kiva on the east was enclosed by a circular wall made up partly of 
stone slabs standing 3 feet 6 inches high and partly of masonry (pl. 
50, a). There seems to have been a door in this about 8 feet out 
from the cliff wall; the remainder of the wall was made up of perpen- 
dicularly set slabs which have fallen. Twenty-two feet east of this 
room is a short wall running out 8 feet from the cliff, leaving a narrow 
passage between it and the retaining wall which ends here. Ninety 
feet east of this passage (telescoped in fig. 70, a) at the eastern 
end of the cave is granary B (pl. 50, 6). It is semicircular, built 
against the cliff, and measures 4 by 6 feet. The door measures 18 
by 18 inches and is built like that of granary A, except that the stone 
lintel rests on a horizontal stick (fig. 70, d). 

Specimens from site 6.—Pottery, 11933, included: 5 corrugated 
sherds; 1 plain grey sherd having a fine paste and white (chalcedony ?) 
temper; 1 red sherd having black designs outlined by white. Corn, 
11930, included: 5 cobs 2% to 4% inches long having 8, 10, 12, 14, and 16 


Anturop. Par. No.18] UTAH ARCHEOLOGY—STEWARD 339 


rows of kernels in pairs. Stone work included: 2 flat metates (fig. 
71, a, 6), each 11 inches long and 5 inches wide made of hard, coarse 
gray sandstone; 2 manos (fig. 71, ¢, d), each more or less rectangular in 
form and cross section, one being slightly grooved down each side for 
finger grips. 

Site 7.—A small cave directly below site 6, having a small rectangu- 


Vf Hj igo 
a “ERTICAL 
SLABS ; 
g ar 
a) 
<a FALLEN PASSA ca 
Bees. doc SLABS = N 
-———— [ 
a 20 FEET 


J 
Figure 70.—Details of house structures at site 6 near Lake Canyon and site 22, 
Rock Creek. 


a, Cliff rooms and kiva, site 6; b, ventilator in the kiva, site 6, near Lake Canyon; e, view from above of 
construction of ventilator in kiva, site 6; c, door to granary A, site 6; d, door to granary B, site 6; f, ventilator 
to kiva, site 22, Rock Creek, showing slab foundation to wall on right. 


lar room, 9 feet 6 inches by 6 feet, scooped out of the earth on its 
steep floor. Ash beds occurred just under the floor surface. 
Specimens from site 7.—Pottery, 11927, includes: Corrugated sherds 
of a light gray, tempered with fine, dark, igneous rock, 5 millimeters 
thick (one sherd is tan); bowl sherds of a fine reddish clay having a 
fine, chalcedony temper, well polished but not slipped, 4 to 5 milli- 
meters thick, and painted with reddish brown designs. Stone 11928, 
includes: 4 very crudely chipped points like 11994, ranging from 
1% inches to 25% inches in length, 1% inches to 1% inches in width, 
and one-half to three-quarters of an inch in thickness. They could 


340 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bunn 128 


LB 


UM, 


Figure 71.—Metates and manos or mullers, all drawn to same scale (a is 11 inches 
long). 
a, b, Metates, c, d, manos, site 6, near Lake Canyon; e, metate, f, muller, site 9, near Lake Canyon; g, metate, 


site 11, near Escalante River; h, i, j, metates from site 22, near Rock Creek. The parallel hatched figures 
are cross sections through the metates and mullers. 


AnTsrop. Par. No.18] UTAH ARCHEOLOGY—STEWARD 341 


not have been missile points and they show no wear as knives or 
scrapers. 11928 also includes 3 tips of what were probably arrow 
points and one rounded butt of an arrow (?) point. 

Site 8 —A cave % mile east of the last containing on its western side 
traces of a very crude slab house 15 feet in diameter. A test pit 
produced one black-on-red sherd and a layer of grass at a depth of 
6 inches, under which were 6 inches of ash. In the eastern part of the 
cave on an inaccessible balcony 20 feet high, were walls of both 
horizontally laid stones and vertically set slabs. A corrugated sherd 
was found just below this balcony. 

Site 9.—Another large cave a quarter mile east of the last, containing 
the trace of a slab house. The pottery, 11936, is a curious ware of 
very fine, untempered, unbaked clay. Several sherds of the rim of a 
small, well-made olla with an orifice about 8 inches in diameter, 
were found here. The pot is too well made to have belonged to the 
early, unfired ware of the Southwest, and yet the clay and the fact 
of being unfired makes it totally unlike any known pottery of the 
Basket Maker or Pueblo peoples. Near the slab house occurred a 
sherd of corrugated ware. Specimens of stone included: 11938, a 
thick, crude, white flint point, 1% inches long, with an irregular, 
unnotched base; 11939, the concave base of a very well made, trian- 
gular flint point the total length of which must have been about 1% 
inches. 11940 is the fragment of a small corncob. A metate 
(fig. 71, e), was near the house. It was 16 inches long, about 4 inches 
thick, and had a slight concavity pecked out toward one end of the 
grinding surface. A muller (fig. 71, f) was 8 inches long, 4 inches 
broad, and 3 inches thick, rectangular in cross section and had been 
used on opposite faces for grinding. Both were of red sandstone. 

Site 10—A small cave just below the mouth of Hall’s Creek. It 
contained the remains of a flint workshop but no artifacts. 

Although caves are numerous along the river below these sites, few 
were accessible or near land which could have been farmed. Sites 
had been reported in the vicinity of the Escalante River, but attempts 
to explore this tributary were frustrated by a torrent brought down 
by a cloudburst. 

Site 11.—‘‘Hole in the Rock,” the site of the crossing of Mormon 
pioneers headed for San Juan County. A perfect “Utah type” 
metate (fig. 71, g), was observed here, but as no other traces of 
aboriginal occupation were noted and as the location seems quite 
unsuited for a puebloan people, it is possible that the pioneers who 
spent some time in this locality had transported the metate from 
the western part of the State. 

Site 12.—On the northern side of the river 2 miles below the mouth 
of the San Juan River. A huge cave contains traces of the walls of 
three circular houses, 12 to 18 feet in diameter, and two more or less 

218558—41——23 


342 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLb. 128 


rectangular houses, about 9 feet square, built partly of vertically set 
slabs tilting outward and partly of irregular shaped, roughly piled 
stones (pl. 50, d). A rough wall across the top of the ascent to the 
cave was undoubtedly for defense. Near the circular rooms are 
three small storage bins built of both vertically set and horizontally 
laid stone slabs chinked with mud. Bin A (pl. 50, f), is 2 feet 6 
inches in diameter, 16 inches high. It was built of horizontally laid 
stones on a large, flat rock, and was roofed with poles, straw, and 
adobe. Bin B (pl. 50, e), is rectangular, enclosed by four vertically 
set slabs, measures 27 inches by 32 inches, and is 22 inches deep. 
Bin C is like B, measures 18 inches by 20 inches and is 18 inches 
deep. All three had evidently been looted in aboriginal times. 

Test pits in the houses and other parts of the cave yielded no 
artifacts except several basketry fragments, 11941. These are coiled, 
the foundation being flattened rods, one-sixteenth of an inch thick 
and one-eighth of an inch wide, and a small bundle. The coils are 
noninterlocking but stitches are sometimes split. There are 6 rods 
and 9 stitches per linear inch. 

Site 18.—On the western bank of the river, about % mile south of 
the last, at the base of the cliff just north of a small, unnamed canyon. 
Walls of crudely piled stones, 1 to 2 feet high, enclose six different 
rooms. 

Specimens from site 13.—Pottery, 11945, includes: A corrugated 
ware of coarse clay; black-on-white bowls with typical Kayenta 
designs, a sherd of which has the remnant of a handle; two sherds of 
black-on-red ware; one sherd black-on-unslipped white. Stone in- 
cludes: 11949, fragments of projectile points including one with a 
notched base; 11943, an elongated pebble of greenstone probably 
used as a whetstone; 11944, a “throwing stone” of a type common 
on the Columbia river—a water-worn pebble, chipped so as to leave 
one end smooth; 11942, a more or less oblong mano, 5% inches 
long, 3% inches wide, 1% inches thick shaped by pecking and used 
on opposite faces. 11948 is a corncob fragment. 

Site 14.—This site, at the mouth of the first canyon entering the 
river from the east below Oak Creek, yielded a few sherds, 11950, 
including: A light gray, thin (4 millimeters thick) corrugated ware 
and a thin, highly polished but unslipped black-on-white ware remi- 
niscent of Kayenta ware. 11951 is a thick, crudely chipped flint 
blade, 2% inches long, like 11994. 

Site 15.—A small cave (pl. 51, d), on the west bank about 1 mile 
above Aztec Creek and about 20 feet up the cliff, containing a rough 
masonry wall 4 feet high built to retain a levelled floor. Pottery, 
11952, found below this included: Four sherds of a coarse, sand- 
tempered, plain, gray ware; one black-on-white sherd; one handle of 


AnTHrop, Pap.No.18] UTAH ARCHEOLOGY—STEWARD 343 


the semiloop variety used on Kayenta bowls. 11953 is the rounded 
butt of a small flint point. 

Site 16.—The site comprises several masonry structures in the cliffs 
at the mouth of Aztec Canyon (leading up to Rainbow Natural 
Bridge). Three of these are shown in plate 51, 6. That on the left 
is 4 feet 6 inches wide and stands 5 feet 2 inches high. Apparently 
a wall about 18 inches thick had been built on three sides of this 
and then the core filled in with rock, though this could not be ascer- 
tained without tearing down the structure. The central block is 2 
feet 8 inches wide and stands 4 feet high. Six inches out from the cliff 
and 4 feet above the ground is a rectangular hole 7 inches wide and 
4 inches high, running through the wall. The wall on the right is 
4 feet thick and the outer part stands 6 feet 3 inches. The outer 
4 feet 3 inches of this was apparently built as an isolated block and 
then later connected with the cliff wall. A large, tumbled block of 
masonry is just to the right of the last. These four structures could 
scarcely have been walls for rooms, but no other use can be suggested. 
West of these are three walls running out from the cliff, which probably 
enclosed three rooms. Just east of them is a large cave, part of the 
floor of which has been levelled off by building a crude masonry 
retaining wall. Fragments of what may have been a room evidently 
have been rearranged by white men. 

Specimens had been pretty well removed from this site. Pottery, 
11954, included: One corrugated sherd; five sherds of a plain gray 
ware with a coarse chalcedony and quartz temper; one black-on-red 
sherd with a finer paste. 

A mountain sheep (?) pecked between two of the large masonry 
structures is one of the few petroglyphs encountered below site 4. 

Site 17.—On a small flat on the northern side of Aztec Creek 
about 1% miles upstream from the river. Here are two slab cists 
(pl. 51, e, f), one 3 feet, the other 2 feet 6 inches in diameter. The 
first is 2 feet, the second 14inches deep; both have floors of slabs. 
Only sand and charcoal were found in them. 

Site 18.—In Aztec Canyon just below the mouth of ‘‘Bridge Creek”’ 
where three or four rooms on a ledge under an overhang are demarked 
by low, very crude masonry walls. Artifacts comprise only one plain, 
gray pottery sherd and a few flint chips. 

Site 19.—In “Bridge Creek” canyon, % mile east of the last. A 
wall 2 to 3 feet high had been built up to obtain a level place on a nar- 
row ledge, about 5 feet wide and 15 feet long. Scarcely traceable 
stone walls divide off three rooms. Across the canyon are two more 
similar rooms. 

Site 20.—A small cave in a canyon north of Rainbow Bridge. Two 
crude slab houses, about 12 feet in diameter, had been built against 


344 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULD. 128 


the cliff wall. No artifacts were found and the site had been badly 
dug by pot hunters. 

Aztec Canyon evidently had too little arable land to support a 
population of any size. The few sites there seem to have been hastily 
erected and only temporarily inhabited. 

Site 21.—On the northern shore of the Colorado River about 2 miles 
below Klondike Bar. A cave contains a rough ring of stones, prob- 
ably a house, but no artifacts. 

From Aztec to Rock Creek there are no other signs of aboriginal 
occupation except occasional flint chips. 

Site 22.—A cave on the western side of the river about \ mile 
below Rock Creek at the base of the cliff. A semicircular stone 
wall built against the cliff makes a room 13 feet long and 9 feet deep. 
The top of the wall was flush with the ground although originally it 
probably extended a foot or more higher. Excavation showed that the 
earliest floor to this room had been 5 feet deep, but that the structure 
had fallen, the older wall material on the floor had been levelled and a 
new floor made 18 inches above the other. The base of the western 
part of the wall was of vertical slabs (among them a large metate). 
The remainder of the western and all of the eastern wall were built of 
very crudely laid stone blocks which were untrimmed, uncoursed, and 
not even coated with plaster inside the room. At the base of the wall, 
opposite the cliff, was a ventilator demarked by vertical slabs on each 
side and one on top (fig. 70, f). It was 17 inches high, averaged 9 inches 
in width, and ran out an unknown distance. <A bed of charcoal and 
ash 6 inches deep was on the floor about 2 feet from the ventilator, 
but no definite fireplace nor deflector had been built. Immediately 
outside the room was 8 feet of refuse which thinned to 1 foot about 
10 feet away. It is probable that the room was originally, at least, 
semisubterranean. 

Specimens from the lower house level, site 22.—Pottery, 11959, in- 
cludes: Corrugated sherds; bowl sherds of an unslipped light gray 
ware bearing crudely painted black designs. All pottery is of a 
coarse, sand-tempered paste. 11957 is several squash seeds. 11956, 
fragments of gourd or squash rind. 11959, several small corncobs, 
one having eight rows of kernels. 11958, a hank of human hair. 
11960, a fragment of a braid of human hair made up of nine strands, 
each strand being two-ply and twisted clockwise. 11962, two tips 
of chipped flint points. 11971, a more or less oval-shaped implement 
(scraper ?) of chipped gray flint, 2% inches long, 1 inch wide. 11972, 
two unnotched, more or less squared butts of two chipped points. 
11967, bundle of twisted grass. 

Specimens from the upper house level, site 22.—Pottery, 11969, 
includes: A light brownish or grayish corrugated ware of coarse paste 
and with rather irregular coils, some of which are crinkled; bowls of a 


Anrurop. Par. No.18] UTAH ARCHEOLOGY—STEWARD 345 


light gray clay, painted with narrow irregular lines on a polished but 
generally unslipped interior. One sherd is untempered, though baked, 
and may have been a small, unfired pot which was accidentally burned. 
12004, ladle of mountain-sheep horn with a somewhat warped bowl, 
4% inches long, 5% inches wide, 2% inches deep, and a handle % 
inch in diameter and 5% inches long, which bends back to form nearly 
a semicircle. 11973, the end of a sandstone mano, 4 inches wide, 
% inch thick, with a rounded end; it had been used on opposite 
faces. 11968, complete corncobs which range from 5% inches to 
7 inches in length, with the exception of one which is only 3 inches 


6 c d e 


Fiaure 72.—Petroglyphs at site 2, White Canyon. Each figure is about 3 feet 
tall. 


a, Natural group of 5 figures; b, c, very faintly pecked. 


long; 2 have 12, 2 have 14 rows of kernels. 11970, several gourd 
fragments. A number of metates were observed but not collected 
(fig. 71, h, i, 7). These and others are similar having a very shallow 
central basin entirely surrounded by a flat rim 2 to 3 inches wide. 
Some are shaped by pecking, like figure 71, 7, which was set into the 
house wall as one of the foundation stones; others are irregular in 
outline. In figure 71, h is 16 inches long, 2 inches thick; 7 is 21 inches 
long, 3 inches thick; 7 is about 22 inches long, 4 inches thick and has 
an unusually deep basin as shown in the cross section. ‘Two other 
fragments had no definite basin but were used over the entire upper 
surface. Only that in figure 71, 7, was found inside the house. 


346 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Butn. 128 


Site 23.—On the San Juan side of the river. A fragment of a 
rectilinear petroglyph had been pecked against the cliff back of a long 
flat just below West Canyon Creek. The location, though seemingly 
suitable for native occupation, had no other traces of settlement, 
except a crude petroglyph of a horse, probably of Navaho or Ute 
origin. 

Site 24.—Meskin Bar, 45 miles above Lee’s Ferry, has much tillable 


Figure 73.—Petroglyphs at site 2, White Canyon. 


a, Natural group near house number 2; each figure 3 feet tall. b, Group south of large ruin; central figure 
is 34 inches tall. c, Anthropomorphic figure, snake, and circles form group near last; 44 inches tall. 
d, Lizard painted white, about 12 inches long. 


land, but of several caves suitable for occupation, only one had been 
used. The floor had been levelled and showed traces of fire. 

Site 25.—At the ‘Crossing of the Fathers.’’ Only a single sherd of 
a plain, gray olla was found near Kane Creek. 

Site 26.—At the mouth of Navajo Creek which flows in from the 
east 25 miles above Lee’s Ferry. On a ledge in the cliff north of the 
creek is the remnant of a stone-and-adobe wall granary. Near this 


AnTurop. Par, No.18] UTAH ARCHEOLOGY—STEWARD 347 


was found the rim sherd of a flaring-mouth olla of pinkish clay. It 
was tempered with exceedingly coarse quartz particles which project 


APR, 


= Wye 
+ A 


Why's, 
a wis 
= AHL “ K 
f ~ 


* eaift 
ays 
“Mn f° 
hy iN # 
AW, Wie 


Figure 74.—Petroglyphs at site 2, White Canyon. 
a, ¢, Ourvilinear style, 


through the surface of both sides of the sherd. Sherds from’ this 
vicinity, 11963, also included several of very light gray ollas which 


348 , BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL, 128 


were in form like corrugated ollas, but none of which were corrugated, 
and three bowl sherds of finer paste with black designs on a white 
slip. 11964 is a fragment of a polished “blade” of hard, gray, vol- 
canic rock, 2% inches wide, % inch thick with rounded edges. 


d e 


FIGURE 75.—a, b, c, Pictographs, and d, e, petroglyphs, at site 2, White Canyon. 
Horizontal shading, white; vertical shading, yellow; diagonal shading, red. 
Kach figure is about 3 feet tall. 


Ficure 76.—Pictographs near Colorado River, on highway north of Moab, Utah. 
Natural group, largest figure being about 7 feet tall. Horizontal shading, 
white; vertical shading, brown; solid, black. 


Sherds, 11965, marked the site of a camp or habitation on the 
southern side of Navajo Creek. Five are of corrugated ware made 
of a fine, firm paste; six are small fragments of a black-on-white 
ware suggesting Kayenta styles; one is a grayish brown-on-red. 
11966 is a chipped-flint projectile point, corner-notched, 1% inches 


AnTurop. Pap, No.18] UTAH ARCHEOLOGY—STEWARD 349 


long and % inch wide. Pottery from this site in the possession 
of other members of the party includes plain cream colored and 
orange sherds which evidently are olla fragments. 

Site 27.—This site comprises two caves on the western river bank 
just below the mouth of Wahweap Creek, 17 miles above Lee’s 
Ferry. These show no traces of human occupation, however, except 
two petroglyphs of anthropomorphic figures with excessively large 
hands and feet. 

Site 28.—Although there is much excellent farm land at the mouth 
of the Paria River, evidence of aboriginal occupation is suprisingly 
scant. On the northern side of the Paria River, about % of a mile 
from its mouth, however, is a ruin which has almost disappeared. Its 


gE sy seal tiie ty 


ea as moe (L 


Ficure 77.—Petroglyphs by highway bridge over Colorado River, near Moab, 
Utah. 


Groups a and 6 about 30 feet up cliff; each figure about 10 inches tall. Group con boulder near creek; group 
is 8 feet broad. 


main wing runs east-west and is 50 feet long. A southern wing, 40 
feet long, runs off from the western end of this. Pot sherds, 11974, 
were fairly abundant. Eighty-seven percent of 167 sherds gathered 
at random are corrugated. Corrugated ware is a brownish gray to 
light tan; some pieces show a coarse quartz temper, others are finely 
tempered. It is well made and varies from 2% to 8 coils per inch. 
Nearly 90 percent of the sherds are crinkled in some degree. One 
sherd has, just under the rim, two tiny nobs or handles, \% of an inch 
apart, which project % of an inch. Of bowl sherds, five have a 
white interior slip bearing black designs, five have an interior slip 
ranging from bright orange red to deep, brownish red with black 
designs. Twelve sherds are plain gray. 11977 is a small, triangular 
white flint arrow point, % of an inch long, % of an inch wide across 
the base. 


350 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buun, 128 


PART 3. CONCLUSIONS 


The Johnson Canyon and Paria River region—Summarizing the 
data in the accompanying table, it is found that of 36 sites having 
only slab structures, 11 have early pottery (Paria gray and Basket 
Maker black-on-gray), 4 have transitional or overlapping pottery 
types, and 9 (and possibly 2 others) have late pottery types. Some of 
the last sites could belong to house groups of the late period which 
were not located or could mark minor encampments. Judging, how- 
ever, by sites 39, 41, 42, and 72, which seem clearly to be slab-house 
villages and yet contain Johnson gray-tan, Johnson corrugated, and 
Tusayan black-on-white pottery, advanced ceramic styles reached 
the region before pueblo masonry architecture was used. Of 34 sites 
having masonry architecture, 31 had definitely late pottery (black-on- 
red, corrugated, Tusayan black-on-white, and Johnson gray-tan), 
although occasional early wares or features of early wares, especially 
design elements, survived into this phase. 


TABLE 6.—Cultural contents of sites! 


Sla Pro- 
Site foe ae sore struc- ee aes jectile Remarks 
cluster | house 
| ee eee © oO oO oO 10) O S| i ai 
pe eee O oO 0) x< J 2: Sa || Ses Transitional house, 
Beer eee E O oO Qe Peek Dal se Ben RD eel 
Wa Rak es L O x Os jee sae > aa 
Bie aie E O O SKF fie ae tas Set Ss 
(ae ee E oO O OW epee eee | Ra ee 
fee sek es L oO oO Ory eee te > irs || we onl 
Sie sae O oO O (2) O Ole | eee Crude stone house, cave. 
Ole ee te Tt Se O O O (0) eee 
105 ye ee E oO oO Oo PACD Aiton ae oe ee 2 Bd ‘“Hoes.”” 
pb et wer are 2 O oO x< O O ODM Ee -= ten Cave. 
12S eee ZA) oO O 0 ile gS Sena Fl a ee 2 Se Do. 
Bee E Oo O Ce a, 2 ae ee 2 “Hoes.’’ 
14s Sir eie eS x 18) Oo Qe Ae ae reek ee | Do. 
5 Up Be tee E oO O LO fe (apa | SS PA CI 2 Cave. 
16__ ee hi < O oO OL 2 LED wie a bate 
Ae tee baal E(?) O O CO (ee ged (yt a S| Ea aaa D 
Sy ee tae L ~< O (0 Smes| RRR ak So (SB! ERR ee 
19s 731h8. 3 E(?) oO oO Oy hi pa cs ae 2. Wa) te ERE 
D0 Ue ae L oO x Og zoetn sees ee eee ae Do. 
21 ee ee E O O Oy dhe eee ee ea A 
yA ee oO oO oO OLA ie 228 St eae A Rock shelter. 
v8 Be ee Rane L oO oO (0 ym Pree) ewe Sere B 
DA OD hee E O O Oe Ste nek | a 
71 aes RS L x O XK Mico See ae B 
265) =. we A~ E O O Ma lease | ee al eee 
7 plein ee O O x On Pee alee ee A 
ped SEO GO oO oO C01) || £5 Ae, S| ee os SL RL 
20) Feetii en 2 O oO oO O) = Wate Mp lecsoncss 
SO sa staTe ee L oO O OMG sae aa 6 So ee Cave. 
SIs ate L oO * OD S| Eee eee eae ee ee Cave, granary. 
SOM Es ee 1, O O OTM | ESS Be Pe 2 eek Le A Cave. 


1T, transitional pottery; X, element present; E, early pottery; L, late pottery; A, B, metate types 
described on pp. 299-309; O, element absent. 


ANTHROP. Pap. No. 18] 


UTAH ARCHEOLOGY—STEWARD 


TABLE 6.—Cultiural content of sites—Continued 


Ma- Ma- 
sonry | sonry 
house | cliff 


cluster | house 


Slab 
struc- 
tures 


type 


a pe | | ee | en | | a | 


Site he 
See oO 
it ess sae E 
sie ee Oo 
Si) T-L 
hi ae L 
eee coke 1@) 
Ls aC L 
(ie ae ee a 0 
Ces Se T-L 
eee T-L 
eo oO 
yl tah J) ib 
ae eee z L 
AG RSet SS L 
fa ed L 
fee ee a L 
ye ee Ei as(2) 
1) ee ae ee L 
Lt Stet E 
iV joe ere AR 
[ee Bee L 
177, frag L 
‘les Soe eae L 
77 L 
Uy ee ee S L 
[sh ee Tp 
i ee L 
| eae ee L 
(11 en, Pree te L 
iv no oe L 
Baie eee L 
i ee L 
Chee 544) L 
Con (?) 
Gy Oe eee E 
ee E 
i ee E 
nhs Seo: E 
Wits 26 oe se E 
17s L 
i L 
(i: (?) 
i (?) 
(eine ae L 
(ie oe E 
7} oie Rae L 
1! ae L 
Ct L 
(3 es TG) 
Soa Te, L 
US T-L(?) 
(os O 
Soei54 2 L 
BGR Ss E 
|) Seen E 
Lis. | 5 a x 
js hes eee x 
aN ieee oe E (?) 
OTe sa tit t x 
ee L (2) 


XOSS0OKXK9ONOOCDDOCOOCOCOCOCOOC0OO 


ps 
~ 


SCOSDDDOOXXXKXKXKXOXOXXXXXODSDDDODODODOODOOXD00090 


oo RoRoRoKeokohoRoRolokohoKoko ohooh okokokokokokokokekololokokoo koko olok oleh koko ko kolonoho loko koko lolololheob solo lkeone) 


OOK OX OXI KO O10 KX OX 'O X OX O1O'S © OOO OO xX XK 


351 


Pro- 
Petro- + 
jectile Remarks 
glyphs type 
Eons (ety || ERS ete Do. 
Pee el tee Se Do. 
Pee) See | © Ream Soe Rock shelter. 
fh Pec 
a ae A 
_......_|________| Flint workshop. 
atte Le B 
_ ae ae) B 
So ASA 
ees Gos B Sevier black-on grey associated. 
es id | gee See Flint workshop. ., ,. 
eee | Bes Be Scattered sherds’and flints, 
eine. Re a8 Do. 
ee el |< meee, ws Do. 
bot et EE ees Do. 
ae ek A 
Eat ACS 
Sec SSee A 
Pere ae B 
pelo ones A,B 
eeeanat Cave 


352 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buun, 128 


TABLE 6.—Cultural content of sites—Continued 


Bein |e lh ceneatan 3 cd alba Pro- 
Site tee hous soli, | Struc eet SIC DRE Jectile Remarks 
cluster | house ype 
(es ee ae L (?) oO O Oe ee es | eee a 
Qaeibiae Cs L mK oO (OLA eaten (Sees Sy Ce 
lees ee L x oO LO) pm) (eee es A Se SN ee 
Obes eae O < O OM |ESar ares ee | eee eee Slab and masonry. 
OT tie oO x O Os) ees Dare Mie wee 2 Heed) ey ai Do. 
OS are Sar L x< oO Oar Geel es P| 
OOS rut oe? L O oO O FO Sofi) PN a a So 
LOO Se sae E (?) O O x AST AF eae BN Cees 
LOL see x O oO RU | ee | ee |e 
1O2E See ee L (2) O Shae ce at Ce oaks ee | Renee 
LOB 2. N32 L O O > Se tye ee [ee Ol Ol Ie LS 
104 Soe. 2 oY x C2): ieee Bee lal ee kell Ok oe Scattered sites. 
LOGE Uses 2 x C2) | eee co | See eee eh Oe | eee el | eee eee Do. 
LOGY Lutes x QE) pce See Bes Se oe ahr ae Se See Do. 
LO%ee ene x CO cP ecker tel | Ee BS Se ee eo one Do. 
LOSE ee eee E (?) O oO > 6 Say | ES se Se fa | So lh Uo 
1 ee x oO O x phe beh [Lee eae 
LiObs es L MK 6) OF Sse ees Pt Sees Sel bs Sie 
1 b eae ea L oO x O} esse >a Ty eee Granaries ?: special metate. 
MDE Sea E (2) O oO Or SSF ee ee 
1 1 jane B RAY | Ka ee | Ee (ae a eons 228 IO en ||. Se 
he ae x x 10) Og Uys iae Ot ees 
iS es L MK oO P<) Ma (epee SERN PES A «oy Burial in cist. 
Ges 222252 E xX O > ie (ESR 8 3 AO SS Reet De 
shy Ape eoee es O O oO Opes | see Ke aa cees 
L1G eee O O O Ge ah me eres clon) [ree {pl Ye ae 
500 el ae L x oO x< ACT si eoeted OnE soe Also burials. 
120 Se e22 te L Oo Oo oO ta pl (SPAR ES is Poe ated || Dee 
A2te see O O O OF | Seen pS a ese 
122 Eee L ~< oO OF a2 5e Seale ta ae 
ps os ne ae L 4 oO Ope OS ee eal eee ena 
DID Vane reat L O O Da alps) earn tes a) AE at A 
2b seen eae L oO oO Op ee ee se Cada A 
1260-2 2 L oO oO > Oy (eee ae ene Aras alk ek 
5 Of ( ee Pa Oo Oo oO Oo By) eee ee 
1285 MeO 2 O oO oO OR y eneeeey Shor ees eae 
129s as XK x O eee ee a ey (a 
LO e ee O O oO CONS Mit esseee ts Wee My) asacotoS 
1S 3 Le ear L O x OW |i eres Me tseeestes 
132 son se O O x OV ee b th ee eee 
UBB isa eau) O O O OM asm MM ete 
14s ese x O O COT Mpa) ere tees O)Pipieset Bes 
13522 20aeeu x oO O OP sana Os ae eae 
1s ese x O O OL aieknes Ba OFF |e 
LSTOS Sees L > oO Oy pn AE ae A | 
13S eee O x oO CO pew SSB Ss) ran pe 
130 Feral E (?) O oO OF ee ES a ps Rock shelter. 
140L eee L oO Oo > Wigan Sees ne (RE Te dl | 8 A 
DA: 4 ea oe a oO oO r@) ON TA tetera ba eee 
TAQ Ene 1h; oO x Oe Mes a ee Basket Maker metate. 


The cultures encountered in the Johnson Canyon and Paria River 
region fall into the following chronological order: 

1. Basket Maker —Although there is little evidence of this in the 
Johnson Canyon and Paria River region, it is well represented in 
DuPont Cave (Nusbaum, 1922) and in other caves, dug by ranchers 
in the vicinity of Kanab. 


AnTurop. Par. No.18] UTAH ARCHEOLOGY—STEWARD 353 


2. Basket Maker slab-house culture (Derived Basket Maker) —This 
is characterized by slab houses and cists, arranged in small clusters 
and by ‘‘early’’ pottery—Basket Maker black-on-gray and Paria gray. 

8. A transitional period of uncertain nature.—Late pottery types are 
appearing. Masonry is added to slab houses and perhaps to pit 
houses as at site 2. 

4. Pueblo culture—Houses are of coursed masonry, in caves or on 
knolls near washes. The most standardized and probably latest. 
arrangement is half a dozen rooms forming a semicircle on the north- 
ern side of a kiva (?). No extensive amalgamation of these ‘‘units”’ 
into larger villages is observed. Slab cists and possibly houses ac- 
company these clusters. No doubt slabs are occasionally used in 
masonry houses. Pottery wares are Tusayan (Virgin) black-on-white, 
Tusayan black-on-red, Johnson gray-tan, Johnson corrugated, with 
occasional intrusions of outside wares, such as North Creek black-on- 
white from the west (?), Sevier black-on-gray from the north. The 
metate is rectangular, having either an oval or, more commonly and 
perhaps later, a rectangular grinding basin. 

Although Hayden (1930) claims Pueblo III pottery in southern 
Nevada, the writer knows of no trait in the Johnson Canyon—Paria 
River region which can be attributed to influence from Pueblo III of 
the San Juan cultures. In fact, he regards skeptically the occurrence of 
any such influence farther west. This does not, of course, provide 
proof that the latest cultures of these regions may not have been in 
part contemporary with the San Juan Pueblo III. It does, however, 
demonstrate that the latter had become less liberal in its contributions 
to neighboring areas by this time. 

The number, size, and distribution of the various sites indicate 
appreciable ecological changes from period to period. Of 109 sites 
which can be dated by pottery or architecture or by both, 11 have 
slab structures and early wares, 14 early wares only and 4 slab struc- 
tures only (the last, may, of course, be later), a total of 29 Basket 
Maker sites. Thirty-one have masonry structures and late wares, 
10 masonry structures only, and 21 late pottery only, a total of 62. 
Add to this 11 slab sites with late pottery and the total is 73 late sites, 
or more than twice as many Pueblo as Basket Maker sites. The late 
sites, moreover, are generally larger than the early ones. Very rough 
calculations of floor space of all structures combined at slab-structure 
site 41, probably the largest of its kind, give 285 square feet, and at 
site 39, also unusually large, 234 square feet. The masonry house 
site 82, perhaps the largest, had a total of 665 square feet in rooms 
and cists, site 48 had 643 square feet, site 53 had 401 square feet, site 
72 had 379 square feet, and many others are of equal size. Althrough 
later quarters may have been relatively more luxurious, a marked 
population increase is indicated, a doubling at least. This, no doubt, 


354 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [ Bun. 128 


was coupled with increasing importance of horticulture. Pueblo 
migrations may also have contributed to the increase; only skeletal 
material can settle this. 

The distribution of early and late sites is shown in figure 64. A 
slightly greater proportion of Basket Maker sites in the northern and 
western portions of the area may correlate with greater importance of 
hunting to the culture. This possibility could perhaps be checked 
by a study of the distribution of game in the region and the mammalian 
remains in the sites. 

Puebloan sites are naturally found in or near fertile canyon bottoms, 
but there is a surprising number of masonry houses variously situated 
on mesas, remote from present water sources. There were, in fact, 
few localities, however uninviting, that did not yield sherds, flints, 
and other evidence of human occupation. 

Glen Canyon.—Although archeological evidence from this section 
of the Colorado River is very scant, a few positive conclusions appear 
permissible. 

First, the river canyon and the neighboring terrain were too rugged 
and too limited in farming possibilities to attract any great number 
of agricultural people. Of nonagricultural people, there is no certain 
evidence. The Ute are known to have inhabited it very sparsely in 
recent centuries. Evidently its population was always sparse. 

Second, most of the region cannot be definitely assigned to any 
geographical divisions of the Anasazi area. Comparison of these 
sites with those of other sections is somewhat handicapped by the 
scarcity of minor antiquities. It seems certain, however, that this 
region did not provide a source for the typical Northern Peripheral 
culture which was strongly implanted on the Fremont River (Morss, 
1931) only a short distance to the north. Rather, it was a cultural 
depression into which influence had trickled from various directions. 
Some petroglyphs, especially at site 1, are definitely related to those 
of the Northern Periphery. Ceramic styles, however, affiliate it 
with both Mesa Verde and Kayenta more than with the north and 
west. Architecture also is San Juan and shows some influence even 
of the Great Period Pueblo which found here its northern limit. 

In short, it appears mainly to have been a kind of no-man’s land 
which had been very slightly settled by outposts from both Mesa 
Verde and Kayenta and which had come into contact with the North- 
ern Periphery but had not strongly influenced it. Farther south, 
however, toward the Arizona border, the sites increasingly resemble 
those of the Kayenta district and of the Johnson Canyon—Paria River 
district, to which they are geographically contiguous. 

Summary.—It had been hoped that these surveys would throw 
some light on one of the outstanding problems of the Northern 
Periphery—the problem of where the Basket Maker and Pueblo 


AnTurop. Pap. No.18] UTAH ARCHEOQLOGY—STEWARD 355 


cultures blended prior to their diffusion to the north. This survey 
seems to eliminate the regions under consideration. 

The region east of Kanab in southern Utah is not related to the 
Northern Periphery. It is rather a part, both geographically and 
culturally, of the Lower Colorado Plateau, that is, the area of south- 
western Utah and northwestern Arizona. Whereas the Northern 
Periphery had no Basket Maker as distinct from Pueblo culture, 
development on the Lower Colorado Plateau followed closely the 
San Juan sequence, showing strong Tusayan influence which is most 
recognizable in ceramics. Moreover, the cultural inventory of south- 
ern Utah does not correspond with that of the Northern Periphery, 
indicating that there was little contact between the two areas. The 
former lacked the ‘‘Utah type” metate, elaborate anthropomorphic 
clay figurines, and petroglyphs, stone balls, ‘“Fremont moccasins,” 
gaming (?) bones, and such ceramic features as stuck-on decoration, 
all typical of the north. The Northern Periphery, on the other hand, 
lacked such local features as ceramic styles, the turkey, developed 
kivas, and elaborate textiles. 

Only two elements indicate a possible connection between the 
north and south: Sevier black-on-gray pottery and the jacal pit 
lodge. The former, which is scarce at Northern Peripheral sites in 
eastern Utah but very abundant in western Utah, may have originated 
in this area where, though it is not abundant, it seems to have been a 
trifle earlier than in the north. The jacal type pit lodge of the ex- 
treme north had been assumed to have come from the jacal type of 
the Early Pueblo culture of southwestern Colorado. It is conceivable, 
though unlikely, that it was an independent adaptation of shallow 
slab houses. Such slab houses are common in southern Utah and, 
though little is known about house types throughout eastern Utah, 
they appear again in Nine Mile Canyon in northeastern Utah 
(Gillin, 1938). 

Present evidence also eliminates eastern Utah as the source of the 
Northern Peripheral culture. Like southern Utah, the region south 
of the Fremont River in eastern Utah lacks the specific northern 
traits, with a few minor exceptions, and is related instead to the San 
Juan area. It if contributed at all to the north, it was in passing on 
masonry architecture which marks the second phase of the Northern 
Peripheral culture. 

It appears at present that the source of the original Northern 
Peripheral culture should be sought in western Colorado or extreme 
eastern Utah, a region which is virtually unknown archeologically. 

It should also be added that to date central and southern Utah has 
not yielded a trace of the Promontory culture. This is a hunting 
culture, using the bow and making a distinctive pottery and is found 


356 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buxn, 128 


only in the Salt Lake basin. Negative evidence from other parts of 
Utah supports the belief based on the nature of this culture that it is 


of northern origin. 
BIBLIOGRAPHY 


GILLIN, JOHN. 
1938. Archaeological investigations in Nine Mile Canyon, Utah. Univ. 
Utah Bull., vol. 28, No. 11. 
HarGRAVE, Kynpbon L. 
1930. Prehistoric earth lodges of the San Francisco Mountains. Mus. 
Northern Ariz., Mus. Notes, vol. 3, No. 5. 
HaypDEN, IRwIn. 
1930. Mesa House. Southwest Mus. Pap., vol. 4, No. 2, pp. 26-92. 
JEANCON, J. A. 
1923. Excavations in the Chama Valley, N. Mex. Bur. Amer. Ethnol. 
Bull. 81. 
Jupp, Nrit M. 
1926. Archaeological observations north of the Rio Colorado. Bur. Amer. 
Ethnol. Bull. 82. 
Morss, NogEt. 
1931. The ancient culture of the Fremont River in Utah. Peabody Mus. 
Amer. Archaeol. and Ethnol., Pap. 12. 
Mera, H. P. 
1932. Wares ancestral to Tewa Polychrome. Lab. Anthrop., Santa Fe, 
N. Mex., Tech. Ser., Bull. 4. 
NvusBAUM, JESSE L. 
1922. A Basket Maker cave in Kane County, Utah. Ind. Notes and 
Monogr., No. 29. Mus. Amer. Ind., Heye Foundation. 
Rosekrts, F. H. H., Jr. 
1937. Archaeology in the Southwest. Amer. Antiq., vol. 3, pp. 3-33. 
Smit, ELMER. 
1934. A brief description of an Indian ruin near Shonesburg, Utah. Zion 
and Bryce Nature Notes, vol. 6, pp. 13-18, January. 
Spencer, J. E. 
1934. Pueblo sites of southwestern Utah. Amer. Anthrop., n. 8., vol. 36, 
pp. 70-80. 
STEWARD, JULIAN H. 
1929. Petroglyphs of California and adjoining States. Univ. Calif., Publ. 
Amer. Archaeol. and Ethnol., vol. 24, pp. 47-238. 
1933. Early inhabitants of western Utah: Mounds and house types. Univ. 
Utah Bull., vol. 23, pp. 1-34. 
1933a. Archaeological problems of the Northern Periphery of the Southwest. 
Mus. Northern Ariz., Bull. 5. 
1936. Pueblo material culture in western Utah. Univ. N. Mex., Bull. 287, 
Anthrop. Ser. 1, No. 3. 
WETHERILL, BEN. W. 
1934. Summary of investigations by Zion National Park Archaeological 
Party. Zion and Bryce Nature Notes, vol. 6, pp. 1-9. 


AOYS 


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BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 128 PLATE 49 


HOUSE RUINS. 


a, Large house, site 2, White Canyon. 5b, Cliff house south of large ruin, site 2. c, Large 
ruin, site 4, Redd Canyon. d, Granary A, site 6, near Lake Canyon (door is on ground 


in front of doorway). ¢, Detail of masonry of large ruin, site 2. 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 128 PLATE 50 


SLAB AND MASONRY STRUCTURES. 


a, Slab and masonry wall, site 6, near Lake Canyon. b, Granary B, site 6. c, Kiva, site 6. 
d, Crude house walls, site 12, below San Juan River. ¢, Bin B, site 12. £, Bin A, site 12. 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 128 PLATE 51 


HOUSE TYPES. 


a, Cliff house, site 4, Redd Canyon. b, Masonry walls, site 16, Aztec Creek. c, Semisub- 
terranean house or kiva, site 22, Rock Creek. d, Cave with wall and leveled floor, 
site 15. e, f, slab cists, site 17, Aztec Creek. 


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“SHdAT9ON Lad GNV SHdVYSDOLD!d 


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INDEX 


Abrasives, rock crystal and pumice, 4. 

Achomawa, suicide via Cicuta poison- 
ing, 130. 

Actinolite, 38, 54. 

Agalmatolite, 54, 56. 

Agate, 32, 56. 

arrowheads, 10. 
beliefs concerning, 5. 
distribution, 29. 
See also Moss agate. 
Agatized wood, 33-34, 56. 
buildings, 4. 
Folsom points, 2. 

Agato, Ecuador, a location of field 
work, 171. 

Alabama, suicides deprived of burial, 
130. 

Alabaster, 2, 39, 56. 

Algonkian, Central, love motive sui- 
cides, 124. 

Algonkin, lover’s leap, reference to, 127. 

suicide, mentioned, 117-118, 121, 
127, 128, 129, 134. 

Algonquin birchbark containers. 
Birchbark containers. 

Alluvial mining, 10, 19, 46. 

Amazonstone, 45. 

Amber, 46-47, 56. 

Aleutian Islands, 10. 
incense, 5. 
mentioned, 2. 
origin, 8. 
trade, 19. 
Amethyst, 30. 
distribution, 33, 34. 
trade, 17. 

Anasazi culture, reference to, 281, 354. 
See also Basket Maker-Pueblo. 

Angachagua, Ecuador, a location of 
field work, 171. 

Angachagua group, contrasted to Ota- 
valo group, 186-187, 192. 

Animal remains, Johnson Canyon, 319. 

Anthropological work, Imbabura In- 
dians, comparison of results, 187-192. 

conclusions, 192-193. 
results, 183-187. 

Anthropometric measurements, Imba- 
bura Indians, tables, 193, 198, 203, 
208-226. 

Apatite, mentioned, 54. 

Archeological reconnaissance of South- 
ern Utah (Steward), 275-356. 

Arrowheads, materials used, 10, 30, 31, 
33, 52, 53. 

sources of material, 7, 8, 16. 
See also Projectile points. 


218558—41 24 


See 


Arrows, used in mining, 50. 
Arrowmakers, as traders, 18. 
beliefs and customs, 11. 

Arrow-shaft straighteners, materials, 7. 

Art forms, Algonquin, possibility of 
sueoeas origin, 235, 248, 264, 270— 

Art processes in birchbark of the River 
Desert Algonquin, a circumboreal 
trait (Speck), 229-274. 

Atacamite, 7, 42, 56. 

Athabaskan divisions, construction of 
birchbark containers, 240, 242, 243, 
245, 249, 250. 

At‘oba’gan,  ‘‘pail,”’ 
use, 238-239. 

Soni ae suicide via Cicuta poisoning, 


description and 


Averett’s cabin, Utah, mentioned, 283. 

Awls, Johnson Canyon, 317. 

Axes, Johnson Canyon, 315. 

Aztec Canyon, Glen Canyon, descrip- 
tion of ruins, 343, 344. 

Aztec Creek, Glen Canyon, locality of 
sites 15 and 17, 342-348. 

Aztecs, knowledge of opals, 29. 

possessors of emeralds (?), 22. 
use of beryl, 22. 

use of garnet, 28. 

use of turquoise, 26-27. 

value of jade, 35-36. 

Azurite, 2, 4, 41, 57. 

Bags, Johnson Canyon, 316. 

Ball, Sydney H. (Mining of gems and 
ornamental stones by American In- 
dians), ix—77. 

Barbacoa language, reference to, 182. 

Barbacoas, an Imbabura tribe, men- 
tioned, 175. 

Barite, 54, 56. 

Cee Indians, absence of baskets, 

bark work compared with Algon- 
quin, 234. 

Barter. See Trade. 

Basket Maker, Johnson Canyon-Paria 
River region, lack of evidence, 352. 
Beer Maker-Pueblo, reference to, 281, 
Basket Maker (II), San Juan River, 

reference to, 281, 287, 321-322. 

Basket Maker (III), San Juan River, 
reference to, 287, 288, 317. 

Basket Maker slab-house culture, John- 
son Canyon, 353. 


357 


308 


INDEX 


Baskets, Algonquin, ‘ block” printing | Birchbark containers, Algonquin—Con- 


on, 270-271. 
splint, distribution, 241. 
undecorated, 260-261. 
Baskets, Johnson Canyon, 316. 
Bean Festival. See Green Bean Festi- 
val. 
Beliefs, concerning catlinite, 49. 
concerning frog on sun (Tona- 
wanda), 145. 
jade and jadeite, 35. 
malachite, 41. 
nephrite, 37, 38. 
obsidian, 52, 53. 
origin of stones, 7-9. 
pyrite, 42. 
rock erystal, 32. 
soapstone, 48. 
spirits in mines, 10-12. 
turquoise, 23. 
Beliefs, Iroquois, concerning life span, 
89-91. 
concerning souls of suicides, 131. 
waterhemlock, 86, 87, 88. 
Beothuk, bark sewing, 242. 
Berry Festival. See Strawberry Fes- 
tival. 
Berry Moon, reference to, 146. 
Beryl, 22. 
Birchbark bag, use in mining, 13. 
Birchbark baskets, Sahaptian Tribes, 
mentioned, 245. 
Birchbark containers, Algonquin. 
area of use, 233. 
art motives, 234-235. 
compared to Ojibwa and Monta- 
gnais, 241, 242, 244, 261. 
compared to other tribes, 234-235, 
242, 243. 
construction, 240, 262. 
Athabaskan divisions. 
Cree, 240, 242, 243, 245, 249, 250, 
255. 
decoration, summary, 262. 
designs, animal, 261, 263-268. 
art content, 263-268. 
bitten, 243, 250, 263, 269. 
chronology, 270-278. 
crude scriptural system, 273. 
cut-out, 2386, 248, 255-256, 
258-259, 263. 
floral or plant, 256-259, 263-— 
265, 268. 
food quest, 266. 
forest horizon, 266-268. 
individual taste, 259-260. 


See also 


landscapes and woodscapes, 
261-262. 

modern influences, 251, 253- 
255 

motivation, conscious elements, 
268-270. 


placing, 260. 

poreupine-quill, 249-250, 272. 

sewed-on cut-out figures, 247— 
249. 

sgraffito, 246, 248. 


tinued. 
designs—continued. 
single elements, 251, 253-255. 
Golden Lake Band, designs, 245, 262. 
location of specimens, 234, 262. 
invention, 272. 
Mattawa Band, designs, 247, 262. 
location of specimens, 234. 
Mistassini, 241. 
Nipissing, 262. 
reasons for decorating, 2385, 236. 
River Desert Band, constructive 
details, 242, 248, 245, 262. 
designs, animal, 267. 
bitten patterns, 250-251. 
chronology, 270. 
cut-out process, 2438-244, 
250. 
sewed-on cut-out orna- 
mentation, 248, 249. 
spruce-root rim, 249. 
stitch-designing, 249. 
industry in, 271-272. 
location of specimens, 2383-234. 
River du Liévre Band: 
design, 247, 262, 270. 
location of specimens, 234. 
Saulteaux, construction, 240. 
Tétes de Boule, 234, 241, 242, 243. 
Timagami, 262. 
Timiskaming Band, designs, 247, 
251, 262. 
location of specimens, 234, 262. 
types, 236-243. 
Wabanaki, 240, 246. 
Birchbark containers, Montagnais (Lake 
St. John): 
compared to Algonquin, 234, 241, 
242, 248, 244, 245, 246. 
construction, 240. 
design, European influence, 272- 
273. 
floral, 251. 
technique, 243, 250, 263. 
Birchbark containers, Ojibwa, construc- 
Hom 240, 241, 242, 244, 246, 250, 251, 
2. 
Birchbark ornamentation, vitality of 
art, 236. 
Birney, Hoffman, member of field trip, 
282. 

Bitten designs, inspiration of, 269. 
method of producing, 250-251. 
Blackchief, Charles, Tonawanda Seneca 

informant, 149. 
Bloodstone, 2, 30. 
Bowl Game, reference to, 147, 163. 
Box Elder Canyon, Utah, 283, 284. 
Bread Dance. See Harvest Festival. 
Brébeuf, J., quoted on Huron suicides 
and fate of souls, 111, 118-119, 138. 
Bressani’s Relation of 1653, quoted on 
fate of souls after death, 132. 
‘Bridge Creek’? Canyon, Utah, descrip- 
tion of ruins, 343. 


INDEX 


Brochantite, 42, 56. 
as pigment, 4. 
early knowledge of, 7. 
Brooks, Abbie, Tonawanda Seneca in- 
formant, 84, 94, 101. 
Brunet, Quebec botanist, cited by La- 
verdiére, 112. 
Buckshot, Mrs. Michele, a bark worker, 
235, 239, 248, 250, 257, 270. 


Buildings, embellishment, 4, 23. See 
also Houses. 
Bunting’s corral, James, 286, 319. 


Burials: 
tolas, description, 177. 
distribution, 182. 
mentioned, 175. 
period, 180. 
urn, 181. 
well-grave period, 179-180. 

Calamine, 46. 

Calcite, 2, 4, 39. 

Canada, National Museum of, bark- 
work specimens, 233-234, 242, 244— 
245, 262. 

Cafiar, alliance with the Cara, 176. 

ba an Imbabura tribe, mentioned, 
175. 

Cannel coal, 43, 56. 

trade, 17. 
Cara, culture summarized briefly, 177. 
former inhabitants of Imbabura, 
175-176. 
houses, 182. 
invasion, archeological 
181-182. 
language, 182. 
Peruvian influence on culture, 179. 
political organization, 178. 
polygamy and divorce, 178. 
records, 178-179. 
religion, 177-178. 
Caranquis, fort erected by, 181-182. 
resistance to Incas, 179. 
use of rafts, 182. 
Caribs, influence in Imbabura, 181. 
Carnelian, 2, 17. 
artifacts, distribution, 29. 

Cataract Canyon, Colorado 
mentioned, 324. 

Catlinite, 2, 48-52, 56. 

mining laws, 15. 

origin, 8. 

religious ceremonies of miners, 11. 
trade, 17. 

Cayambe, Ecuador, conquered by the 
Cara, 176. 

possible origin of name, 181. 
resistance to Incas, 179. 

Cayuga, terms for mayapple and water- 

hemlock, 113. 
women poison themselves, 128. 

Celestite, mentioned, 54. 

Cesar, Madenine (Mrs. Clement), a 
bark worker, 235, 248, 249, 250, 256, 
268, 269. 


evidence, 


River, 


309 


Chalcedony, 33, 56. 
arrowheads, 10. 
distribution, 29, 34. 
trade, 17. 
used for Folsom points, 2. 
Champlain, described mayapple, 112. 
rat Fee for the Dead, Tonawanda, 161, 
Iroquois feast for departed souls 
referred to, 89, 106, 125. 
reference to spring ceremony, 146. 
Charms. See Fetishes and charms. 
Chaumonot, 1640, quoted on Huron 
suicide, 109-110. 
Chemistry, commercial, Indian knowl- 
edge of, 14-15. 
Cherokee, suicide among, 129-130. 
Chibcha languages, 182. 
Chickasaw, suicide among, 130. 
Chitimacha, poison springs 
enemies, 130. 
Chlorite, mentioned, 54. 
Chloromelanite, 2, 38. 
Cholenee, quoted on Iroquois hyper- 
sensitivity, 134. 
Chrysocolla, 42, 56. 
Chrysoprase, 33, 56. 
distribution, 30. 
Cicuta maculata L. See Waterhemlock. 
Cists, Glen Canyon, 348. 
Johnson Canyon, 288, 289, 293, 353. 
Citrine, distribution, 30. 
Clark Canyon, Utah, 285, 286, 287, 291. 
Clement, Anne, a bark worker, 268. 
Clement, Madenine, bark worker, 236. 
Clement, Mrs. Pierre. See Cesar, 
Madenine. 
Coal, as an ornament, 1. 
as black pigment, 4. 
Cochasqui, resistance to Incas, 179. 
Coconuco language, reference to, 182. 
noi an Imbabura tribe, mentioned, 
175. 
Coldspring longhouse, mentioned, 143, 
146, 149. 
Conquest, intertribal, effect of trading 
on, 18. 
Conquest of America, commercial, 
effect of Indian mining, 15. 
Connecticut, suicide among Indians, 
128. 
Copper. See Atacamite; Azurite; Bro- 
chantite; Chrysocolla; Malachite. 
Cordage, Johnson Canyon, data on, 
316-317. 

Cornplanter, Edward, preacher of Hand- 
some Lake Religion, 83, 89, 131. 
Cornplanter, Jesse J., Seneca informant, 

83, 86, 87, 89, 90, 91, 98. 
Corn Sprouting Rite (?), 159. 
Corundum (ruby and sapphire), 20. 
Cotopaxi, possible origin of name, 181. 
Counting devices, mentioned, 182. 
Cree, construction of bark containers, 
240, 242, 243, 245, 249, 250, 255. 


to kill 


360 


Crystal. See Rock crystal. 

Currency, 4-5. 

Customs, mining, 52. 

Dablon, quoted on Onondaga 
suicide, 109, 125. 

Dairy Canyon, Utah, 286, 287, 318. 

Dances, Tonawanda longhouse, 
164. 

Dead Feast of Huron, mentioned, 125. 

Death Song of Iroquois, referred to, 
114, 126. 

Debeau, Kate, Mohawk informant, 85, 
88, 93-94. 

Delaware suicide, reference to, 102, 104, 
106, 120, 124, 126, 128, 129, 132, 
134. 

Denmark, National Museum of, bark- 
work specimens, 233, 262. 

Denver Art Museum, bark-work speci- 
mens, 233, 262. 

Depot Harbor, bark-work specimens, 

2 


child 


163-— 


Designs in birchbark containers. See 
Birchbark containers. 
Developmental Pueblo (I and IT), San 
Juan River, reference to, 281. 
Diamond, 19-20. 
Diopside, mentioned, 54. 
Dippers, wooden, Johnson Canyon, 318. 
Disease, belief concerning, 12. 
diagnosis by rock crystal, 31. 
use of jade for, 38. 
Divination, stones and gems used, 5, 31. 
Divorce, Cara, mentioned, 178. 
Troquois, reference to, 126. 
Doctor, Rev. Peter, Seneca informant, 
83, 86, 91, 92, 95-97, 100, 149. 
Douglas, F. H., acknowledgement to, 
234. 
Dreams, guessing at Midwinter Festival, 
6 


Eeuador, Governor of, acknowledge- 
ment to, 172. 
languages, reference to, 182. 
succession of cultures, 180. 
Education, Indian, Morgan’s interest in, 
153. 
Eiseley, L. C. acknowledgement to, 234. 
Elmo’s Spring, Utah, reference to, 284. 
Emerald, 20-22, 56. 
Cara use of, 178. 
Indian knowledge of present mines, 


9. 
mentioned, 2, 15. 
religious ceremonies of miners, 11. 
trade, 17, 19. 
various uses, 3, 5, 6. 
Faithkeepers, councils, 161. 
mentioned, 144, 150. 
Parker on, 158. 
False-face Society, purpose, 145. 
visits, data on, 160. 
Feast of Fools, description, 145. 
Feast of the Dead, mentioned, 132. 
See also Dead Feast. 
Beater dance, reference to, 146, 147, 
163. 


INDEX 


Fenton, William N. (Iroquois suicide: 
A study in the stability of a culture 
pattern), 79-137. 

(Tonawanda Longhouse Cere- 
monies: Ninety years after Lewis 
Henry Morgan), 189-165. 

pees and charms, objects used, 5, 23, 

Finn Little Canyon, Utah, 284, 285, 
286; 287. 

Fire, from pyrite, 42, 48. 

origin belief, 32. 

use in mining, 12, 24, 25, 44. 

use in quarrying, 33. 

Fire, ceremonial, rock crystal used, 31. 

Hine Tues Canyon, Utah, mentioned, 
283. 

Flannery, Regina, quoted on Northern 
Algonquian suicide, 

reference to work, 122. 

Flint, distribution, 17, 33, 39, 41. 

Flood Canyon, Utah, 286. 

Fluorite, mines, 56. 

Fluorspar, 2, 46. 

Folsom points, materials used, 2. 

Four Rituals (Tonawanda), compared 
to other Seneca, 146-147. 

Foxes, mining methods, 13. 

Galena, 2, 40, 56. 

for black pigment, 4. 

idea of origin, 8. 

Garnet, 2, 27—28, 56. 

mines, spirits in, 11. 

Gem mining, Indian compared to Euro- 
pean, 10, 14. 

Gems and ornamental stones, beliefs 
concerning, 5, 7-9. See also Beliefs. 

distribution, table 1 (faces p. 55). 

sources, 6. 

trade, 16-19. 

tribes with widest knowledge, 6. 

uses by American Indians, 3-5. 

Gems, mined by American Indians, 
19-38. 

Geology, Indian knowledge of, 6. 

Gibson, Jemima, Onondaga-Cayuga in- 
formant, 88. 

Gibson, Simeon, Onondaga-Cayuga in- 
formant, 85, 87-88. 

Gidd’s Canyon, Utah, reference to, 284. 

Gidd’s corral, Utah, reference to, 284. 

Gil, Mrs. John, acknowledgement to, 
172. 

Gillin, John (The Quichua-speaking 
Indians of the Province of Imbabura 
(Ecuador) and their anthropometric 
relations with the living populations 
of the Andean area), 167—228. 

Glen Canyon, Colorado Canyon, de- 
scription, 323-325. 

exploration, 325. 

location, 282. 

sites visited, 328-349. 

Gold, alluvial mining, 19. 

as tribute, 16. 

bartered for emeralds, 20-21. 

mining, beliefs and customs, 11. 


INDEX 


eon Abbie Brooks. See Brooks, 
ie. 
Gordon, Charles, Seneca informant, 84, 
87, 94. 
Gordon, William, Seneca informant, 
83-84, 92. 
Grand Religious Dance, mentioned, 155. 
Parker’s reference to, 157. 
Great Pueblo (III), San Juan River, 
reference to, 281. 
Green Bean Festival, or String Bean 
Dance: 
analysis, 160. 
composition of ceremonies, 162. 
procedure at, 146. 
reference to, 145, 147, 148, 149, 
150, 151. 
Green Corn Festival, or Ingathering of 
Food: 
analysis, 160. 
composition of ceremonies, 162. 
dances, 147. 
mentioned, 155. 
Morgan’s questions on, 151-152. 
Parker on, 154. 
procedure, 146. 
reference to, 145, 149, 151. 
Guano, a town in Ecuador, 180. 
Gypsum, distribution, 54. 
for whitening, 14. 
mining methods, 13. 
Hall’s Creek, Glen Canyon, explora- 
tion, 337-338, 341. 
Hamblin, Neaf, pottery belonging to, 
305, 307. 
Hamblin’s ranch, Neaf, 286. 
Hammers. See Tools. 
Hammerstone, Johnson Canyon, 318. 
Hand-in-hand Dance, meaning, 146. 
Handsome Lake, a Seneca prophet, a 
teaching of, 157. 
mentioned, 88, 89, 90, 131, 148, 
147, 150, 152. 
Harvard Anthropometric Laboratory, 
mentioned, 172. 
Harvest Corn Worship, Morgan’s ques- 
tions on, 152. 
Parker on, 155. 
Harvest Festival, 
analysis, 160. 
composition of ceremonies, 162. 
Parker on, 155. 
procedure, 146. 
reference to, 145, 149. 
Harvest Moon, reference to, 146. 
ence felt, worn by Imbabura Indians, 
Heckewelder, Rev. John, quoted on 
Delaware suicide, 104—105. 
Hematite, 41, 57. 
various uses, 2, 3, 4, 5. 
He-no, the Thunder, mentioned, 152. 
a J. N. B., acknowledgement to, 


or Bread Dance, 


Hieroglyphics, in catlinite mines, 50. 
See also Petroglyphs; Pictographs. 


361 


“Hole in the Rock,”’ Glen Canyon, site 
11, 341. 
Sr Land Company, reference to, 
150. 
Hooton, Prof. E. A., acknowledgement 
to, 171-172. 
Hopps, Peter, Mohawk informant, 85. 
Bont crescents, Johnson Canyon, 317-— 
Horn rattle, mentioned, 147. 
eee R. F., member of field trip, 
Houses, Glen Canyon, description, 
329-332, 335, 3386, 337, 338, 339, 
341-342, 348-344, 349. 
Johnson Canyon, adobe-wall pit 
lodges, 291-292. 
masonry cliff, 298, 350-352. 
masonry house cluster, 350-352, 
353, 354. 
rectangular masonry, 292-298. 
slab structures, 288-290, 293, 295, 
296-297, 350-353. 
Howe, Maurice, member of field trip, 
282. 
Huayna Capac, reference to, 175, 179. 
eee B. O., member of field trips, 
82. 
Huron, cases of poisoning prior to 1650, 
109-111, 121. 
mentioned, 85, 106, 112, 113, 124, 
125, 128, 129, 184. 
Imbabura, Ecuador, heredity of popu- 
lation, 179, 182-183. 
Peruvian influence, 179. 
possible origin of name, 181. 


Quichua-speaking Indians, 167- 
228. 

some aspects of the prehistory, 
175-183. 


succession of cultures, 179-180. 
Imbabura Indians, Angachagua group, 
186-187. 
anthropological work among, com- 
parison of results, 1838-192. 
anthropometric measurements, ta- 
bles, 193, 198, 203, 208-226. 
archeological evidence, 181-182. 
conclusions, 192-198. 
food, 172. 
morphological observations, table 
2, 194-198. 
Otavalo group, 186-187. 
present mode of life, 172-175. 
social and economic position, 172. 
tools used, 172. 
See also Cara. 
Implements. See Tools; Utensils. 
Incas, conquest of Imbabura, 179, 180. 
mentioned, 171, 175, 176, 178. 
Incense, temple, amber used, 5. 
Instruments, musical, minerals used, 6. 
surgical, minerals used, 3-4. 
Iris, 30, 33. 
Iron. See Hematite. 
Iron pyrite. See Pyrite. 


362 


Iroquois Pantheon, 143-144. 

Iroquois suicide: A study in the sta- 
bility of a culture pattern (Fenton), 
79-137. 

See also Suicide. 

Irrigation, Imbabura Indians’ 
edge of, 172. 

Jack, David, Cayuga informant to F. 
W. Waugh, 87. 

Jacobs, Ezra, Seneca informant, 94. 

Jacobs, Harvey, Seneca informant, 84, 
87, 94. 

Jacobs, John, Seneca informant, cited, 


knowl- 


89. 

Jade, distribution, 34-35. 
Eskimo name for, 37. 
mistaken for emeralds, 22. 
religion in mining, 11. 
worship of, 5. 
various uses, 38, 5. 

See also Jadeite; Nephrite. 

Jadeite, 35-37. 
mentioned, 2. 
of Aztecs and Mayas, 10. 
sources unknown, 9. 
trade, 17, 19. 

Jasper, 33, 57. 
mentioned, 29. 
method of ae 12. 
various uses, 2, 5, 10. 

Jemison, Mary, 103-103, 1eP7 SB) 

Jenny’s ‘Clay Hole, Utah, reference to, 

284, 285. 

Jet, 2, 43. 

Jij6n y Caamaifio, Jacinto: 
archeological evidence 

bura, 181-182. 
nonagreement with Velasco, 176. 
summary of cultures in Imbabura, 

179-180. 

Jimmerson, Dwight, Seneca informant, 

84, 87, 92, 98. 
Jimmerson, Josephine, Seneca inform- 
ant, 84, 87, 92. 
Joel’s Canyon, Utah, 286, 287. 
Johnny - John, Chauncey, (Cayuga) 
Seneca informant, 86-87. 
Johnson Canyon- Paria River region, 
Utah: 
architecture and villages, 288-298. 
cultural periods, evidence, 287, 

352-354. 
industries, 315-318. 
plants, domesticated, 310-311. 
sites, cultural contents, 350-352. 
sites visited, list and description, 


in Imba- 


282-288. 
subsistence, 310-315. 
Johnson, Jimmy, Handsome Lake’s 


successor, 147, 154. 
Johnson Lakes Canyon, Utah, 286, esi 
Jones, Earl, Onondaga informant, 
Judd, Alvin, ranch, 286. 
Kanab, Utah, reference to cultures, 
281-282. 
Kelly, Charles, member of field trip, 282. 


INDEX 


Kkik’*b ana‘'gan, ‘‘vessel.” description 
and use, 236-237. 

Kitchen cabin, Utah, mentioned, 282— 
283. 

Kitchen Canyon, Utah, 283, 284, 287, 
290. 


Kitchen Creek, Utah, reference to, 284. 

Kiva, reference to, 297-298, 330, 335. 

Klondike Bar, Utah, locality of site 21, 
344, 

Knives, drills, and scrapers, Johnson 
Canyon, 315-316. 

Labradorite, 7, 45, 57. 

Ladder, use in mining, 13. 

Lafitau, J. F., quoted on Iroquois 
suicide, 107-108. 

La France, Noah, Mohawk informant, 85. 

Lago de San Pablo, use of rafts on, 182. 

Lahontan, Baron de, quoted, 106, 114. 

thanksgiving speech published by, 
156. 


Lake Canyon, Utah, locality of sites 5—9, 
338-341. 
Lalement, i quoted, 109-110, 116, 117, 
118. 


Lamberville, quoted, 108, 115. 
Lapidaries, mentioned, 29. 
South American, 22, 178. 
Lapis lazuli, 2, 28. 
trade, 17. 
La _ Potherie, 
quoted, 108. 
Latacunga, Province of, conquered by 
the Cara, 176. 
Laws, Indian mining, 15-16. 
Lazulite, 29 
Lead mining, Sauk and Foxes, 18. 
Lead, Tri-State district, 40. 
See also Galena. 
LeJeune, Paul, quoted, 118, 119. 
Le Mercier, 1637, quoted, 110, 111, 133. 
Lignite, 43, 57. 
various uses, 2, 4. 
Limestone mines, 57. 
Little Water Medicine Society, 
monies, 145-146, 161, 163. 
Long Canyon, Utah, 286, 319. 
Long Lae, birchbark specimens, 262. 
Machachi, an Imbabura village, 176. 
Magnesite, 2, 39, 57. 
mining laws, 15. 
religious ceremonies in quarrying, 
ills 


M. de Bacqueville de, 


cere- 


uses, 4. 
Malachite, 2, 41, 57. 
uses, 4, 5 
Manabi, Ecuador, mentioned, 176. 
Manos, Glen Canyon, 339, 342, 345. 
Maple Dance. See Maple Festival. 
Maple Festival, analysis, 159. 
composition of ceremonies, 162. 
mentioned, 145, 146, 147, 148, 149. 
Morgan’s questions on, 151. 
Parker on, 153-154. 
Marble Canyon, Colorado River, men- 
tioned, 324. 


INDEX 


Marcasite, 2. 
face powder, 43. 
Marriage, Iroquois, reference to, 96, 
26. 


Match box, cylindrical, description, 239. 
Mayapple (Podophyllum peltatum): 
Iroquois terms compared with 
waterhemlock, 111-113. 
poisonings, 103-106, 134. 
See also Suicide, 
methods. 
Mayas, knowledge of opals, 29. 
possessors of emeralds (?) 22. 
Means, Philip A., quoted, 180-181. 
Medicinal herbs, identified by taste, 88. 
Medicine men, belief in stones, 3, 5, 7-8. 
ceremony before mining, 49. 
mentioned, 37. 
surgical instruments, 3-4. 
treatment, 10. 
use of agate, 32. 
use of gypsum, 4. 
use of quartz crystals, 5. 
use of rock crystals, 31, 32. 
Medicine, minerals used by Indians, 6, 
Medicine societies, cures and renewals, 
periodic, 160-161. 
rites and dances, 163. 
Merlo, Dr. Louis Alfonso, acknowledge- 
ment to, 172. 
Meskin Bar, Utah, site 24, 346. 
Metal mining, Indian, 1-2. 
gee. Glen Canyon, 339, 341, 344, 
Johnson Canyon, 312-313, 350- 
352, 353. 
Miami, mention of suicides, 114, 121, 128. 
Mica, 44-45, 57. 
locality, 9. 
mentioned, 2, 30. 
mining methods, 12. 
origin, 8. 
trade, 17. 
uses, 4. 
Micmac, mention of suicides, 128, 129. 
Midwinter, or New Year Festival, analy- 
sis, 158-159. 


Iroquois, 


composition of ceremonies, 161— 
162. 

Morgan’s questions on, 152. 

Parker on, 155-156. 

procedure, 146, 147. 

reference to, 145, 149, 151. 

White Dog sacrifice. See under 


White Dog. 

Mineralogy, Indian knowledge of, 6-7. 
Mineral products, sources of Indian, 10- 
Minerals mined by American Indians, 

38-45. 
Mines, Indian compared with Euro- 

pean, 10, 14. 

Indian, list, 56-59. 


363 


Mining, Indian, disasters, 14. 
effect on commercial conquest of 
America, 15. 
laws, 15-16. 
light used, 39. 
methods, 10-14. 
tribes outstanding in, 6. 
Mining of gems and ornamental stones 
by American Indians (Ball), ix—77. 
Mirrors, as means of divination, 5. 
materials used, 4, 42, 43, 53. 
Modified Basket Maker (III), San Juan 
River, reference to, 281. 
Mohawks, reference to, 85, 88, 93, 95, 
113, 120-121, 124, 128, 134. 
Molly’s Nipple Canyon, Utah, men- 
tioned, 282, 283, 292, 319. 
Money. See Currency. 
Montagnais, mentioned, 270. 
See also Birchbark containers. 
Montagnais-Naskapi, absence of splint 
baskets, 241. 
Moon, Cara temples, description, 178. 
Moon, Cara worship of, 177-178. 
Moonstone, 2, 45. 
Moravian mission in Ohio, mentioned, 
104. 
Morgan, Lewis Henry: 
account of Tonawanda ceremonies 
circa 1846, 147-151. 
acknowledgement to, 144. 
analysis of his field work among 
Seneca, 148-149. 
letter to E. S. Parker, 151-158. 
“New Confederacy” of, 148. 
Morphological observations (Imbabura 
Indians). 
tables, 194-207. 
Moss agate, distribution, 30. 
Folsom points, 2. 
mines, 57. 
See also Agate. 
Mullers, Glen Canyon, 341. 

Johnson Canyon, 313-314. 
Museum of the American Indian, bark- 
work specimens, 233, 234, 245, 262. 
Musical instruments. See Instruments. 

Naskapi, designs in birchbark, 255. 
Neaf Springs Canyon, 285. 
Nephi Canyon, Utah, mentioned, 283, 
284. 
Nephrite, 37-38, 57. 
distribution, 34-35. 
mentioned, 2. 
origin, 17. 
sources unknown, 9. 
trade, 17, 19. 
various uses, 5, 6. 
Newtown longhouse, mentioned, 146, 
149. 
New Year’s Festival. See Midwinter 
Festival. 
New York State Cabinet (Museum), 
mentioned, 148. 


364 


Nipissing, birchbark containers, 262. 
North wash, Glen Canyon, artifacts 
and houses, 328-329. 

Oak Canyon, Utah, 287, 319, 320. 

Oak Creek, Utah, 286. 

Obsidian, 52—54, 58. 
belief concerning disease, 10. 
mining laws, 15. 
mining methods, 12. 
musical quality, 6. 
origin, 8. 
possession of deposits, 16. 
spirits in, 11. 
trade, 17. 
types, 7. 
various uses, 2, 3, 4, 5. 

Offerings to the Sun (Cara), 178. 

Offerings, votive, before mining, 11, 15. 
calamine, 46. 
gems and stones, 5. 
pyrite, 43. 
turquoise, 22-23. 

Ojibwa, mention of art forms, 247. 
mention of suicides, 124, 126, 127, 

128. 
See also Birchbark containers. 

Olbrechts, Frans M., quoted on Chero- 

kee suicide, 130. 

Olivine, 28, 58. 

Oneida, mentioned, 95, 120. 

Onondaga, customs at White Dog 

sacrifice, 156. 
reference to, 95, 107, 109, 113, 
120-121, 124, 128, 129, 131, 134. 

Onyx, distribution, 30. 

Ooxrat, root resembling hellebore, 112. 

Opal, 2, 29. 
trade, 18. 

Ornamental stones. 

mental. 

Ornaments, Indian, 1, 3, 43. 

Johnson Canyon, 319. 
Oscar, root resembling hellebore, 112. 
Otavalo, Ecuador, a location of field 
work, 171. 
occupied by the Cara, 176. 
population in 1582, 176. 
resistance to Incas, 179. 

Otavalo group, conclusions, 192-193. 
foreign groups similar to, 192. 
Indians included in, 186-187. 

a mention of suicides, 124, 126, 

2 


See Stones, orna- 


Paint, copper used, 41. 

from Manzano Mountains, 12. 

hematite used, 41. 

limonite used, 14. 

mercury used, 1, 4. 

source of red, 13. 

See also Pigments. 
Spite (Surprise Valley), mentioned, 
Paniquita language, reference to, 182. 
Panzaleo, and Imbabura village, 176. 
Parent-child relations, Iroquois, indul- 

gence to children, 125. 


INDEX 


Parfleches (of the Plains), compared to 
bark folders, 239-240. 

Paria River region, Johnson Camnyon-. 
See Johnson Canyon-Paria River 


region. 

Parker, Arthur C., quoted, 89. 

Parker, Ely S., collaborator with 
Morgan, 150. 


letter from L. H. Morgan, 151-153. 
letter to L. H. Morgan, 153-158. 
mentioned, 147, 148, 149. 
Parker, Nicholson, mentioned, 148. 
rere Tucano-speaking, mentioned, 


Pattern concept, as applied to cere- 
monies (Tonawanda), 1438, 146, 151. 
as cultural continuant, 83, 85, 124, 
134-135. 
conflict between ideal and practical, 
131-1382, 135. 
relations between statuses, 123, 125. 
Peabody Museum of Harvard Univer- 
sity, acknowledgement to, 171-172. 
Pectolite, 38. 
early knowledge of, 7. 
trade, 19. 
Pennsylvania. University Museum, 
bark-work specimens, 233, 262. 
Pequots, reference to suicide, 127, 128. 
Personal Chant, reference to, 147, 163. 
Petroglyphs, Glen Canyon, 346, 349. 
Aztec Canyon, 343. 
Trachyte Creek, 336. 
White Canyon, 332-334. 
Petroglyphs, Johnson Canyon, 282, 284, 
286, 287, 288, 314, 319-323, 331. 
Petroleum, use as a liniment, 1. 
Physical observations. See Morpho- 
logical observations. 
Pe oule, Glen Canyon, 329, 332- 
34 


Johnson Canyon, 282, 283, 284, 


286, 288, 319. 
Pierce, Windsor, Seneca informant, 84- 
85, 87, 94. 


Pifo, resistance to Incas, 179. 
Pigments, sources, 4. 
See also Paint. 
Pipes, black marble, 16. 
catlinite, 7, 49, 50, 51. 
soapstone, 47, 48. 
Pipestone, sources, 16. 
Planting Festival, or Seed Dance, anal- 
ysis, 159. 
composition of ceremonies, 162. 
Morgan’s questions on, 151. 
Parker on, 154. 
procedure at, 146. 
reference to, 145, 149. 
Plasma, distribution, 30. 
Platinum, Indian knowledge of, 2. 
Podophyllum peltatum. See Mayapple. 
Polygamy, mentioned, 178. 
Population, Johnson Canyon, 294. 
Potsherds, objects made from, Johnson 
Canyon, 309. 


INDEX 


Pottawatomie, reference to suicides, 126, 
127, 128. 
Potter’s ranch, Utah, 282, 283. 
Pottery, Glen Canyon, 338-339, 341, 
342-3438, 344-345, 346-349. 
Aztec Canyon, 343. 
Kayenta style, 335, 337, 342, 343. 
Mesa Verde style, 334-335. 
Redd Canyon, description, 337. 
Trachyte Creek, 335-336. 
eee Canyon, description, 334- 
35. 
Pottery, Johnson Canyon-Paria River 
region: 
Basket Maker black-on-gray, 283, 
287, 292, 299, 353. 
black-on-gray, 288. 
black-on-red, 307-309, 350. 
black-on-white, 282, 285, 286, 287, 


307-309. 

black-on-white corrugated, 307- 
309. 

corrugated, 282, 283, 286, 287, 288, 
307-309, 350. 


“early” wares, 299, 350-352, 353. 

fugitive red, 307-309. 

incised ware, 305, 307. 

Johnson corrugated, 288, 299, 350, 
353 


description, 305. 
Johnson gray-tan, 288, 299, 350, 
353 


description, 304-305. 
“late” types, 299, 350-352, 353. 
North Creek black-on-gray, 299, 
300. 
black-on-white, 


353. 
Paria gray, 283, 287, 288, 292, 299, 
353 


description, 302, 304. 
plain, 282, 283, 284, 285, 286, 287, 
307-309. 
polychrome, 307-309. 
Pueblo III, lack of evidence, 353. 
red, 307-309. 
red-on-tan, description, 305. 
Sevier black-on-gray, 299, 353. 
“transitional” wares, 299, 350-352. 
Tusayan black-on-red, 288, 292, 
299, 300-301, 353. 
a ea black-on-white, 288, 299, 
Tusayan (Virgin) black-on-white, 
00, 353. 


intrusion of, 


, 
Tusayan polychrome, 288, 299, 302. 
Tusayan red, 288, 299, 302. 
unbaked clay, 282, 299. 
Prase, distribution, 30. 
Projectile points, Glen Canyon, 342. 
Johnson Canyon, 314-315, 350-352. 
See also Arrowheads. 
Prospecting, Indian, 9-10, 44. 
P‘ski-tana’gan “folded double,” 
scription and use, 237-238. 


Pski-tonage, “folded,” description and 
use, 239 


de- 


365 


ee culture, Johnson Canyon, 353- 
54, 
Pueblo I, San Juan, reference to, 287. 
Pueblo IT, San Juan, elements, 281, 292. 
reference to, 287, 293, 294. 
Pueblos, value of turquoise, 22-23. 
Pumice, as an abrasive, 4. 
Pursh, Frederick, botanist, quoted, 103. 
Puruha, alliance with the Cara, 176. 
Pyrite, 42-438, 57. 
mentioned, 2. 
origin belief, 8. 
various uses, 3, 4, 5. 
Quartz gems, distribution, 29-30, 33, 34. 
various uses, 2, 3, 4, 5. 
Quartz mines, disappearance, 6. 
Quichua-speaking Indians of the Prov- 
ince of Imbabura (Ecuador) and 
their anthropometric relations with 
the living populations of the Andean 
area (Gillin), 167—228. 
domestic animals, 172-173. 
dress, 174. 
houses, 173-174. 
language, 174-175. 
ornaments, 174. 
religion, 174. 
See also Imbabura Indians. 
Suis, an Imbabura tribe, mentioned, 
175. 


Quitu, Kingdom of, 176. 
Quitus, early inhabitants of Imbabura, 
179 


Raffeix, Jesuit, referred to, 108. 
Rafinesque, C. 8., botanist, quoted, 102. 
Raguenau, Paul, quoted, 116, 117. 
Rainbow Bridge, Glen Canyon, locality 
of site 20, 3438. 
Redd Canyon (“Red Canyon’’), Utah, 
description of ruins, 336-337. 
Redeye, Henry (Onondaga), Seneca in- 
formant, 89. 
Religion, Tonawanda, Parker on, 157. 
Religious ceremonies, in emerald min- 
ing, 21. 
rock erystal used, 31. 
pen festivals (Tonawanda Sene- 
cas): 
calendric cycle, 144. 
ceremonial cycle, analysis, 158-164. 
Religious mysticism, regarding mineral 
deposits, 10-12. 
Riggs, Delbert, member of field trip, 
282 


Riggs’ ranch, Utah, mentioned, 283. 
River Desert Band, Algonquin, increase 
in population, 236. 

See also Birchbark containers. 
River du Liévre Band (Algonquin), 
baskets, ‘‘block”’ printing, 270-271. 
See also Birchbark containers. 

Rock Crystal, 30-32, 58. 
luminescence, 7. 

mentioned, 29, 44. 
origin, 8. 
trade, 17. 
various uses, 3, 4, 5. 


366 


Ruby. See Corundum. 

Rush Rhees Library, mentioned, 148. 

Sahaptian Tribes. See Birchbark bas- 
kets. 

Salt mining, beliefs and customs, 11-12. 

light used, 13-14. 
methods, 12-138, 14-15. 

Sand Hill longhouse, mentioned, 144, 
147. 

San Roqué, Ecuador, a location of field 
work, 171. 

San Sabastian, stratified site of, 180. 

Sap Dance. See Maple Festival. 

Sapphire, used for gun flints, 20. 

See also Corundum. 

Satin spar, a source of, 39. 

mentioned, 2. 

Sauk, mention of suicide among, 124, 
128. 

See also Foxes. 

Saulteaux, reference to suicide among, 
126; 127,/128: 

See also Birchbark containers. 

Saussurite, mentioned, 54. 

Seapolite, 54. 

Schaeffer, C. E., acknowledgement to, 
234. 

Seott, Donald, 

172. 

Seaman Canyon, Utah, 285. 

Seed Dance. See Planting Festival. 

Selenite, distribution, 58. 

light used for mining, 14. 
mentioned, 2. 
uses, 4. 

Seneca, reference to, 83-94 passim, 99, 
104, 108, 109, 113, 120-121, 124, 125, 
128, 130, 182, 133. 

Senecas, Tonawanda Band. See Tona- 
wanda Longhouse Ceremonies. 

Serpentine, 2, 7, 39, 58. 

Sex relationship, taboo on, 12. 

Shamanistic medicine societies, refer- 
ence to, 145. 

Shawnee, mention of suicide among, 128. 

Sherds ground to circles, Johnson Can- 
yon, 309-310. 

See also Pottery. 

Shoemaker, John, member of field trip, 
282. 

Silicosis, possible existence among In- 
dians, 10. 

Sillimanite, mentioned, 54. 

Silverheels, Old (Seneca), reference to, 
150-151. 

Sioui, Prudent, 
informants, 85. 

Sioux, mention of art, 260. 

mention of suicide, 127, 130. 

Skeletal materia], Johnson Canyon, 319. 

Skye, Simeon, Tonawanda _ Seneca, 
quoted, 149. 

Slate, 45, 58. 

Smelting of metals, Indian, 2, 14, 40. 

Smith, Mrs. Elna N., acknowledgement 
to, 83 


acknowledgement to, 


daughters of Huron 


INDEX 


Smithsonite, 42. 

Snow, Josephine, Seneca informant, 87, 
92-93. 

Snow, Sarah, Seneca informant, 84, 87, 
92-93. 

Snuff, from hellebore, 112. 

Soapstone (steatite), 2, 47-48, 58-59. 

localities, 9. 

religion in mining, 11. 

trade, 16, 17, 19. 

various uses, 3, 6, 7. 

Social disorganization, concept, 122. 
Society of the Chanters for the Dead, 
reference to, 126. 
See also Chanters for the Dead. 
Sodalite, 2, 7, 28, 59. 
Soursprings longhouse, mentioned, 148. 
Speck, Dr. Frank G., acknowledgement 
to, 148, 151. 

(Art processes in birchbark of the 
River Desert Algonquin, a cir- 
cumboreal trait), 229-274. 

Spirits: 

Evil Spirit, attributes, 157. 

Great Spirit, attributes, 157. 

in gems and decorative stones, 5. 

in mines, 15. 

relation to mineral deposits, 10-12. 

spirits of the corn, beans, and 
squash, dances to, 146-147. 

Stalactitic calcite. See Calcite. 
Standing Quiver Dance. See Trotting 


Dance. 
Staurolite, 39. 
Steatite. See Soapstone. 


Steward, Julian H. (Archeological re- 
connaissance of Southern Utah), 275- 
356. 

Stirling, Matthew W., acknowledgement 
too 2. a 

Stone objects, Johnson Canyon, 318- 
319. 

Stones, precious and decorative: 

Apache directional symbolism, 26. 
distribution, table I (faces 55). 
ideas of origin, 7—9. 

mined by American Indians, 45—59. 
uses by American Indians, 3-5. 

Strawberry Festival, or Strawberry 

Dance: 
analysis, 159. 
composition of ceremonies, 162. 
mentioned, 145, 146, 149. 
Morgan’s questions on, 151. 
Parker on, 154. 

String-bean Festival, or String-bean 
Dance. See Green Bean Festival. 

Suarez, Gonzalez, cited, 181. 

Suicide, Iroquois, analysis, distributions, 
and conclusions, 120-135. 

attitude toward, 86-91, 107, 114, 
120-121, 130-134. 

causes or motives, 90, 107, 114, 
120-121, 124-128. 

frequency, 86, 88, 90, 94, 120-123. 


INDEX 


Suicide, Iroquois—Continued. 
fundamental patterns, stability of, 
134-135. 
Eaeence of European civilization, 
122. 
informants on, 838-85. 
individual names. 
linguistic evidence, 85-86. 
methods, 86-88, 90-121, 129-130. 
miscellaneous modern, 99-101. 
poisonings, 91-95, 102-111, 
120-121. See also May- 
apple; Waterhemlock. 
potent 95-99, 114-119, 120— 
121. 
sources of case material, 120-121. 
Sun, Cara worship of, 177-178. 
cult, origin, 178. 
dance, mentioned, 151. 
sun-shooting ceremony, 
145, 159. 
ae of (Quito), description, 177— 
178. 


See also 


analysis, 


Sunstone, 45, 59. 
oe religious, question of, 269- 
270. 
yellow water lily 
design, 256-257. 
Taboo, against war, 49, 52. 
concerning turquoise, 14. 
possibility of, 35. 
sex relationship, 12. 
Tantaquidgeon, Miss Gladys, reference 
to work, 271. 

Tétes de Boule, absence of baskets, 241. 
See also Birchbark containers. 
Textiles, Johnson Canyon-Paria River 

region, 317. 
Thanksgiving Dance, mentioned, 147, 


in Algonquin 


Parker’s reference to, 157. 

Thanks-to-the-maple (Sap Dance). See 

Maple Festival. 
Thunder Ceremony or Rain Dance, 145, 
155, 160. 

Thunderers, Parker on, 157. 
reference to, 150, 151, 155. 

Timagami. See Birchbark containers. 

Timiskaming Band (Algonquin). See 

Birchbark containers. 

Toltecs, beliefs concerning jade, 35. 
knowledge of precious stones, 9. 
trade with Southwest, 26. 
use of turquoise, 27. 

Tonawanda Longhouse Ceremonies: 

Ninety years after Lewis Henry 

Morgan (Fenton), 139-165. 

conclusion concerning, 151. 

cycle of, 144, 158-164. 

festivals analyzed, 158-160, 161-— 
162. (See also names of festivals.) 

medicine society cures and renew- 
als, periodic, 160-161. 

specific rites and dances, 163-164. 


367 


Tonawanda Longhouse, location, 144. 
Tonawanda pattern (of ceremonies), 
compared with other tribes, 146-147. 
Tools: 
Cara, 177. 
eraving, 4. 
Imbabura, 172. 
Johnson Canyon, 311-312, 315-318. 
materials used, 38, 47. 
mining, 12, 13, 24, 25, 33, 39, 40, 
44, 50, 54. 
Tourmaline, 22, 59. 
Trachyte Creek, Glen Canyon, speci- 
mens from, 335-336. 
village ruins, 335. 
Trade, agatized wood, 33-34. 
amber, 46, 47. 
catlinite, 48-49, 51. 
gems and precious stones, 16-19, 
jade and jadeite, 35. 
jasper, 33. 
magnesite, 39. 
mica, 44. 
nephrite and jade, 37-38. 
obsidian, 52, 54. 
pyrite, 42. 
turquoise, 25-27. 
weight-and-measure inspectors, 19. 
Trotting, or Standing Quiver Dance, 
reference to, 146, 147. 
eee Yupanqui, an Inca conquerer, 


Turquoise, 22—27, 59. 
another term for 23, 35. 
Indian knowledge of 

mines, 9. 
mentioned, 2, 15, 31, 50. 
mining disasters, 14. 
mining methods, 12, 138. 
trade, 17, 19. 
value compared to emerald, 20. 
various uses, 3, 4, 5. 
Turtle rattles, mentioned, 147. 
Tusa (modern San Gabriel), Ecuador, 
mentioned, 176. 
Tusayan culture, 292. 
See also Pottery. 
Tuscarora, reference to suicide, 99, 113, 
120, 124, 128. 

Tutelo, case of suicide, 128, 129. 

Utah, comparison of cultures, 354-356. 
University, acknowledgment to, 281. 

Museum of Anthropology, spec- 
imens, Steward expedition, 
282. 

Utensils, hewn at quarry, 47, 48. 
household, minerals used, 3. 
Johnson Canyon, from potsherds, 

309. 
mining, 13. 
soapstone, 7. 
See also Metates; Mullers; Dippers. 

Variscite, 2, 45. 

early knowledge of, 7. 


present 


reference to, 


368 


Velasco, Juan de: 
account of the Cara, 
183. 
archeological evidence, 
182 


176-179, 
181- 


Verneau and Rivet, quoted, 178, 182. 
Vimont, quoted, 117-118. 
Votive offerings. See Offerings, votive. 
Wabanaki. See Birchbark containers. 
Water drum, mentioned, 147. 
Waterhemlock (Cicuta maculata L.), 
86-88. 
cure for poisoning by, 94, 103. 
length of use as poison, 130-131, 
134. 
medicinal use, 92. 
poisonings 1720-1672, 106-109. 
proof of identity, 111-113. 
use at Onondaga, 103. 
various tribal names for, 87, 88, 94, 
95, 118. 
See also Suicide, Iroquois, methods, 
poisonings. 
Waterhemlock (Cicuta ramis bulbiferus), 
mentioned, 103. 
Waugh, F. W., reference to, 84, 85, 88. 
Wayne, H. A., reference to, 98-99. 
Weapons, materials used, 3. 
Webster, Captain (Onondaga), men- 
tioned, 108. 
West Canyon Creek, Utah, site 23, 346. 
White Canyon, Utah, description of 
house ruins, 329-332. 
specimens, 334-335. 


INDEX 


White Dog sacrifice, mentioned, 145, 
150, 163. 

Morgan’s questions on, 152. 

Parker on, 155-156. 

Whortleberry Festival, analysis, 160. 

mentioned, 149. 

Wigwasanagen, “birchbark dish,” de- 
scription and use, 239. 
Wi'gwémat’ “birchbark 
description, 236. 
Wildcat Canyon, 
283, 284, 287. 
Wildcat Spring, Utah, mentioned, 283. 
Windows, materials used, 4. 
Winnebago, mention of suicide, 128. 
Wie J., reference to work on suicide, 
Witches, doctrine of, reference to, 152. 

Parker on, 157-158. 

Women, Iroquois, superior position of, 
124, 126. 

irae dance, reference to, 146, 147, 
164. 

Worship, objects of, 5. 

See also Religious ceremonies, ete. 
Roo (Oklahoma), mentioned, 85, 
Yaguarcocha, defense of, 181-182. 

use of rafts on, 182. 

Zambiza, Ecuador, nationality of popu- 
lation, 179. 
Zeisberger, Rev. David, quoted, 104. 


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Utah, mentioned, 


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