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SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 167
ARCHEOLOGICAL INVESTIGATIONS
AT THE MOUTH OF THE AMAZON
By
BETTY J. MEGGERS and CLIFFORD EVANS
UNITED STATES
GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE
WASHINGTON : 1957
SS EE ee __ e ee e ee es ee ees
For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U. S. Government Printing Office
Washington 25, D. C.
LETTER OF TRANSMITTAL
SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION,
Bureau or American ETHNOLOGY,
Washington, D.C., June 20, 1956.
Sir: I have the honor to transmit herewith a manuscript entitled
“Archeological Investigations at the Mouth of the Amazon,” by
Betty J. Meggers and Clifford Evans, and to recommend that it be
published as a bulletin of the Bureau of American Ethnology.
Very respectfully yours,
M. W. Srieuine, Director.
Dr. Lronarp CARMICHAEL,
Secretary, Smithsonian Institution.
Tm
erro
May this report be one of many memorials to
WENDELL C,. BENNETT
by those like us whom he with friendly
guidance helped along the road to anthro-
pological careers
CONTENTS
PAGE
TRAE HDT GUO] 0) =v els eign al agi ete le cae epee vate eR Ee! aplasia XXV
TiNEDs? O DU GC RIO Niassa sea eee Ae ae Ber he eye ea ee ee es 1
Background of the Lower Amazon Archeological Expedition________ 1
RETEST i Rae ae es 3
Problems and compromises in field technique__-_-____________-____- 6
Oreanr7 Anon Of DUeWeDOls . noon ee a ee eo oes ee 12
PRO PICA PORUST’ CULTURE oe 0. ois ac ore ee ee on Ee eee oe eee 17
Ethnographic definition of Tropical Forest culture________________- Li
Culture traits discernible archeologically_________________________- 24
Environmental limitations on culture in the Tropical Forest________ 26
Sea em PERVIOTEN OM ARUN A oe ne oe aes Bae pee tes reg oe 33
CORT API CHICAS CHIDION = cra. Je 2 ne co peewee nee a ys Te 33
SLL PYS/ Wg 007 2 Sa ali Rt a A CURD I yy teh tl Sade a eh er ae 37
Deseription.of sites and excavations._.-... 2 a 37
BitevA— UC MIO male eae see oe eh ee nn eae 37
RSVR eM es ays 0 2 2 lel a lili per 38
Site A-23—IIlha da Fortaleza, Conceigfio_________-________ 40
Data from other investigawons. 2.500222. oe ee 41
1 ESSN a ec FOP AIAS cos 0) eter ok yy wl cma mp Si a aod cal
PG NOM Ort on ern, Se eee a RE eh gs At Lee 41
LOS Nl DOIG) eee ire eee eee ee eR Pag core eee 42
AVA SS C2 be 0 fect are pa lei lle Ah dee ny nadie ed ci hae iar 42
EES OMG EGE L515 ply ae tah aegis Se opt pa re PU 42
PUCURChE sete eee eae eas a ret ee eh Ge eee een 42
TURP OG OSU EAGOSS fo tome tet Ae ae ee doe a Oh ee se 42
CAChGomrinnee as ne ee see eae ees eee eee ey eS 42
BAS 0g 72 hab aaiaa tema ele PM NA Le EE ans DY "eva hy Gay SMa Sa: Ae 43
Aap y Sin sOR RAT ONIG e meee 2 ero we eee ac a ee ta RE 43
CRrAiLC RII L@Ry Ps 0 aetna les ae eee, Ps eee Sa, 44
Diagnostic features of the Arua Phase_______________________-_ 44
TUTE S 0 Ch (tra Se yl 2 eae Re il a age tele r sia lp Syeeds eller Hain ab en clete 44
Description of sites and excavations____-..-.._-.--.-...--___- 44
Site A-1—Picaca Occupation.___.. -._.=.-..----4s.---__ 45
Rel heii Geena LTV 0 eet img el sien fo i ceed esr Pop eae 45
Site A-3—Picacé Cemetery_______.________-___--_____-- 48
Burial AGrOUmel ates ces ea et ne ok eee 51
| Eu g TT Ta ty hon 5 aR ra facts Me tie abel dey Ws Teh pen aac 56
1 BUTT 12s 9 ae REN he Sap ee Pienb KiAi oh ie ES tc 56
] SATIS Fi, a eit epg ale ean Cage le hl ie 57
1 E221 (le ane eet ive hc ld ih POM Red iA am VAI fie 57
Siteraa st —VAlOmGMM oo ee ees gale ol ema SN 58
PES RARE he ae TW ck LE ee ng DA. os ee Se RI Ce 60
BUPA COU tk pO ie Ne 8 a nen Sg ts 60
5 SUFI acer i ee eR AR Te AMR 62
VI BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
Tue TrerRiToRY or AMAPpA—Continued
The Mazagaio Phase—Continued
Description of sites and excavations—Continued PAGE
Site A~b——Cafezalss ee oe 5. Sees ae ees ee 65
Site A-6—Ilha das Igacabas, Igarapé do Lago______-_____- 66
Data from) other investivations: = ee ses =) 2s ens an eee 67
Rio. Wwatapurd Sitese ==) =a s2c- Se ee ee 68
Rios VilanOviaiSitess =. Sees eee eee eee 69
NhavdosBars Site: 22.220) sto Se eee 70
Rio Mazveao Sitese fees se eee eee eee ae 73
Tgarapéido-Unibuassitesss°2 ete ae ae ee ee 75
RIG Mardcd SitOse sessee =2 a eee ee ee eee ee 75
Analysis of materials of the Mazagaéo Phase__________--------- 78
Pottery type descriptiOns. 2-2 42. ee ee 78
Anauerapucd incised a2 202 2 ee ee ao)
Camaipi, Plain: 52222 ee es ee eee 81
Jari: Seraped=. 22s ee ee eo 83
Mazae so’ Plains 22 £2 Se oe ates ee 85
Picacé Incised\:: ace a. ene See ee ae ee 87
Uy nvcisedt 22 SA ne Se 89
Vilanova, Plain 25 oe ee ee 92
Unclassified Decorated: 22") aa ee 94
Pottery artifacts: 2-2 2° ao 2 obese oa oes eee oe ee 94
Nonceramic*artifactss 2 2 ee oe ee 95
Coramic history 722 2 eee SE etn ae 95
Diagnostic features of the Mazagao Phase_________---_------- 102
The Aristé Phases oe oe ee re eee ee ee See ee 103
Description of sites and excavations_________-_--------_------ 103
Site A=7—Amapa Citys se 82 ae ee eee 104
SitetA=6>=—Auirora ice oo ee ee oe nee ees 106
Site A=9 >= Relémioss 25 sa tate oes eee ees eee ee 107
Site A=l0—=Montanharda Plumas 2. ee 2 ae 107
Site A=11——Montanhs dé Aristés 2250 2s aes ane eee 108
Site*A—12=“Cruzeirosue So 116
Site A=13-—Mataplor 22 ae eee 118
Site A=142Mscapai io -2 sro en > meee ee 118
Site-A=15—=Vils; Velha- tee 5a 26 See ee ee 119
Site A=16-—Mhagtdo Campos. 52220 nn en eee 120
Site "A=18—Maicas? stone tee eee eee 121
Site A=19=—Renovadont so ves 2S 8 eee ee 122
Site A=202=Vila*Cunanie- 2 = c2e 0 2c eee oe ee 122
Site,A=21=Pracnibace = 2 oe aos ee eee ee 122
Site A=22-"lon celedia mn tse ne mee ee 123
Data from other invectications.©-—-- 52 =—- eae. = eee eee 123
Rio ‘Oiapoque sites oto ee ee 123
Rio Wacd sites oro 222 22 30S Sa SAE ar ee ee ee 125
Rio *Aracaudsitesto 2. 27) 2 Sahee et Sree eee 125
Gunant sites =" os i oo ee ee 126
Monte Mayé sites? 27275252 5 ae eae eee 128
Tiha'do*@arae site s2 252720 one ee eee ss 130
Acahy zaltsite rss 27S SS ene eee ee a ee ee 131
Iearapé Lartarucalzinhoysitess ase see ees ee 131
ee ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON VII
Tue Territory or AMapA—Continued
The Aristé Phase—Continued PAGE
Analysis of materials of the Aristé Phase_-____..._------------ 132
Pourery tyme UescipulONe. sn eee ee = 132
Aristé@pelaiee sea ae oe eee meee ae i ee 132
ATIStOULAINGCOtss = ee ene ae ae eee eee ee eee 135
Davis CiseG ett ee tae ee eee ee ae Soe aerate ae 137
Mioxsit Scrape soSe soos. ooo ese cee em eo Le amcs 140
Serrapblain es 2 eres oat eee eee see eee see eS 143
Seren EIN tOUe ee soe Se a eae eee ee eee eS 145
Ween ineined== "92-6 ceo sana wee eee 148
Unelacsined Mecorahed = 19282 teeta seo ee 150
UT RLOast Sh eaeget bs 2 (G1 Bert pl een a spe ae ek es eS ee ee 150
Noniceramicrartifachs==<- eo tee ene ee eee aaa 150
CoraameMist Oye te eee ee ee es ee ne ae eee 151
Diagnostic features of the Aristé Phase______..-_-.----------- 156
Conelusions*and' imterpretations= —-—- 22-2 sesso - see sone 158
INGA ATORISUAND = 52 ea ee ner ee ena nae oem eee ee een ine ea 168
Geuptaphical CesenpumOle =. oa a=. ne ee 168
slcopicnleGoresu nanos =m ame Meee ane eee ee eee eee 174
Picea OM Mase es OMe ee ee ce ee ae ee 174
Description of sites and excavations_-______-_-.----------- 174
PS TE Suge) s/fee sw 010 ping a nara ate ple pan Oe an ne 174
Sie OVA RUd een eee ee ne eee eo ee dle
Site JO — AManatU ba se a oo eee ee ae eee eee Niaiel
iter) N= SOrOLOCOn ete ame ae rene te ee ee ee eee 178
Data trombother imvespleahlONSe ss sane ae eee ee 179
Site LO eee ee ee oe ee ee ee 179
rit i) DA ee he i on poe Sn Sy eg 179
Analysis of materials of the Ananatuba Phase_________---- 179
Povtery type Geectipmols: 6. - a eee noe 179
Atanas hd AINGeG st 0s toe oe nao eee 180
HACENeATY GUL Wey TIN mere een ne es rt ne ert 181
CarmomDrushed ee see eee nee eo See = 184
SipolNGisedans Sate oe eee eee se 185
SOrorocon ey sine eee eye ene nee es see 187
UniclassinedeDecoratedees-ss2 22 ese ree e ee oe 188
BGEGOEy Ar Ciba Ce nea er en ere eee eee a 189
IN@MGS AAO CHE HN Gia ee ee ee ae 189
CE SPAT O NERS CODY seo one Me te oe ee ee are ee ate ee 189
Diagnostic features of the Ananatuba Phase_____--------- 193
ite vVianoUemras PMACO. 20a. = soe en seme ee ee ae 194
Description of sites and excavations__-._.___._--_-_--_----- 194
Sites OLOATin nS. tt ae ee eee ee ee Sey a 194
Sito IDO eo eee oe tee ee ee a ee ee 198
Site Ilo DACUM ES = att Ree oe ae eos ae 199
Bike Ga CANT OUG: ae eee te ee a ree ee 200
Sitene-o—POrto neal see eee ee ee eee es ee 201
DEta from Oller investigations: "25" 5 222 2 2 le eee 203
Nite d= t7——PlGrdo Angas. sn one eee en 203
VIII BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
MaraJé6 Istanp—Continued
Tropical Forest Phases—Continued
The Mangueiras Phase—Continued PAGE
Analysis of materials of the Mangueiras Phase____________ 203
Pottery. type descriptions. — 222 4-- e ee ee 203
Anjos Plain sco. 52 2 ae eee ee we eee 203
Baeurt Brushed: 22/52 e se ee 207
Croart, Brushed 220.5. 5\e2- 2oh eee ee oe ae 207
Bsperangai Red 20s 2202 ae ee ee 208
Mangueiras Plain... 22) 425. ae ee 210
Pocoaté Scraped2:_.. 2-5 2 ee pew 213
Pseudo-Sipé6 Incised—Mangueiras Phase Variety__ 215
Unelassified Decorated. 22.548 ee 216
Pottery artiiacts: s2hoet ee ge PAW
Nonceramic artifacts 2-202. =4 3. 2a eee ee 217
Ceramic history: <2 i552 6 oe A ee ee 217
Diagnostic features of the Mangueiras Phase______________ 221
The Formiga: Phase: 2. 22224223 2-2 2 Soe eee 222
Description of sites and excavations_______.___.___-_____- 222
Site J =4——Mireajaes 28a ee ee 222
Site. J—6—Hormiga.-2 222 eae ee oe ee 224
Data, from other excayations 2. <--- 3) 5+ sy 2 eee 226
Site 018 —Coroes A222 ae aw ee te Se 226
Analysis of materials of the Formiga Phase_______________ 227
Pottery atypedescriptions=. 22 ase = ae ee eee 227
Catarina: Plain! 25-2 = 2 ee eae pit pm ee 227
Coroes ‘Pilati § =< =. 558 3 ee ee 228
Embatba Plains. 25-2222. 35. 8) eee 230
Formiga) Plain: 22.2. 22523 4a ee 232
Miurcais Corrugated.) 2s 322 2b) eee 234
Pseudo-Sipé Incised—Formiga Phase Variety _-_-__--- 237
anba brushed. 223 is font oe Pe ee 238
Unelassified Decorated 2.2. | 2 sss = 2S eee 238
Potteryartifacts 2... === 5s ae Sa a ee ee 239
Nonceramiciantiiacts $5259. = ee 239
Ceramic histopya2 20 226 see 2 ee 239
Diagnostic features of the Formiga Phase___-_-__---------- 241
The Arus Phase. cos 46 2.0 es ese se ee eee 242
Description of sites and excavations__-------------------- 242
Site J-2/3—-Chaves:Airport. = 225 oe eee 242
Site J=1l—_Carmmo: . 2-5 228 ae 244
Data from other investigations___-..'.-=--.+--- 22-2 sess 245
Analysis of material... 522 3 22ers 245
Ceramic history: 2.2 3-225. see a eee eee 245
Diagnostic features of the Arua Phase___-_---------------- 245
Comparison and interpretation of the Tropical Forest Phases,
with a method for computing village duration____------------ 245
Characterization of the Tropical Forest Phases__-.-..-_----_---- 257
The Marsajoara Phase. 2... 2s ee oe ee ee 259
Description of sites and excavations... — 2 2.-2- =. -__ {55s e= 259
Site J=14— Monte Carmelo.2 2 sso a=2 = - 5... See 259
Mound 1, Guajaré.= 2) ees os ee 259
Mound.2). Monte Carmelo..6- 222 =) _ 22 22 eee 278
Mound 3, Bacstale.o 222002225. 5-4 eee 279
ae ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON Ix
Marajé Istanp—Continued
The Marajoara Phase—Continued
Description of sites and excavations—Continued PAGE
Sited—lo—-Os Camutinge--- = =.= see eee oe 279
Mounei--Canniiuins?.>sss>>=sSse2ei* Sea == = 281
MGUn Ut =e oe eae es Ss Se ee eS ee ee a 286
MOUn doa ea = Oe See ee ee on eee eno SS 287
Mound Sacrarios.-> ti 25 )S-s Si set ENS oP oe eee aes 288
Mound os cacachowt) )S ssl et Pens a ee Bees o 288
Noun dG =a Ao ae ek OS WS SHES es = eee ee ese 288
Mound’ 7, Sno Gentor et foe ne eee en eee nes 289
IMOUN GS a= aS a hk oe OE ee oe eon eee 289
Mound Oi +s - = Paes Cea ee eee oie 289
MOU CSL O Resa s & = 3s SEE ER ee ec 289
WMoundshliwes =. 208 == Sirs Oren ante eer fee se 289
Mound aiCarnos 9 OR Se Seen ee 289
Mound Wligeea. «er an ee ee ee eee ea SK 290
Mound-?4. Inayasalan 0-2 ese se ee oe sae 290
MGUnGELD eas ss be > Ss > ee ee ee ae ae 292
Mound iG hesmino es eee ote See elena aan 293
Mound -Iv,-belem=>=> => eee eee seas oe 293
Mound tS A rhiiabss =A= @ 3 Ste oe anata 295
Moundsl9i noone aos Be oe nana eee a 295
Mound00:e asses a= oe = ae Sas POU AI a aS 295
Datatrom other Investigations. "= 222-222! 2 22 S22 eto. --=--=- 295
Bacur Altos --=> 2 aee Meera ess hee Se ae Soe 296
GauGites=-52-55555 595 50= sae Steen Ne Nn Se aes 296
Camiutinss-s.=>-25-4 eens Henn see e ne ae ie 2s oe 297
Gara tates ce ee Ee weet ee ee aes S 301
CUT CTT AS eee aw sw AED OD SRNR ON Fed UIE LY IE (MRE EN a 301
Guruxype-s-255222s52 Sete ss ete sess ess She ioe ie =- sss 301
iDesterroce = acre see ene ee DUSTER ES Sn HUE eas sic 302
DDIaManhinas soso se bere © ayn = heh Ye eee ees ere ka 302
Hortalera ms 5352 2-9 a nan ees Ss Ua ee eo ie 302
Guaierie 22-22 ahs kent SSE SSS SEE le oe 306
A aaostBiGhos a2 a ae ee bate rete ea ee a oo 306
hados Marcose- 2 sean + Hees sh PIR ee ee 307
uUVATIOIFAG foams sa es eer sonnets Re Ree ES Sse os 307
MiG CGACRO = ae re Noes A aeRO RRS SS SEN GIN A occas 308
Matinad osiae mene ec ee eee ee cie he e ores IE ET 308
Menin Oh D euges = san ooo are bn one ME eh te wie eS Se 308
Mionte.Carmeloss=— =a" = as = Sass aes o ah Sees UES 308
Nazareth sos sBeRe ’ BiBO LR Rae i) Se ee eee 309
Pacovaléessonso=s> esos sss .- SOON eee US eee 309
iPacovaldorcururd <2 = 2 eee Sot SE eee eae 315
Pacovalidos|Melloe- sess Se leh 5 Se ee eel BO ee ee 316
Panellisgeicest.45 5 sas ne sae SASR ere reese seen sees eee Ss 7/
Sanharags- 5 92 aaea = Ba Peds ene nes te Fa ee Sule
Santa Brisa. 2-52 sors lisse = es 9hs SSIES Sa 317
Gantatizabelerss lass sees RRS PEI Chr A ae ee 317
SantopAMmdreures= eth nae ste ae eee Me A ee 318
Serra. loan ou eae Sekt a 52527) RR ATO ee 318
xX BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
Maras6 IsLanp—Continued
The Marajoara Phase—Continued
Data from other investigations—Continued PAGE
Teso das Igacgabas=+ << <= 2. 2 a ee ee ee 318
Teso de‘Severinos >is. 2. 2 35 Ae eee ee 318
Teso. dos Ching. +4 2.5.32. 254 ee ee 319
Teso do Gentile... )-.0 ee 322
Teso dos Gentios:-0. 2262202. ce ode eee ee 323
Unnamedimounds=3) 4225252 22 eee eee ee ee 323
Conclisions:=.. ote Se oe ee ee ee See eee 324
Analysis of materials of the Marajoara Phase_______.-__-__----- 324
Pottenybypedescrip ions == aa ae ee ee ee 324
Anajas Double-slipped Incised_- 2. sp 2-452_ 5.222 ee 326
Anaias Plain incised? == = 5. 2 eee eee 328
Anajas. Red: Incised 230.5 525 ae ee eee eee 331
Anajass White Incised._-._....)}' =e Bae Se eee 332
Ararf Double-slipped Mixcised22_ = #2 k.-94. 22 2 ee 336
Arari Plain tixcised |< 22-4 et Ee ea ee 339
Arart Red: Excisedes 2 22222 = 250. ee eee ee 341
Arari Red Excised, White-retouched___._______------ 344
Arari White Pixeised.._..--.- ctor Se ee 2 ae 347
Camutins (Plaine. 2222-2 6e og ae ee oe ee 348
Carmelo Red 222 = «222202 5 252 ee ee ee 353
Goiapi Seraped 2-22 2.22) ee ee eee 355
Guajaré Incised.. ~~ -. ae ht et a ee ee 356
Inajaé -Plain_-y. 22.5. 2 52k 22 oe re 358
JoanesyPaintedes 8 22 be 359
Pacoval:incisedt:.. 8 ys. Se 2 ee eee 366
Unelassified Decorated: 255s = ee eee 370
@eramicyand monceramicrartifactse ===] a= eee 371
Axes 52. 5s 2288) wee. Se Je Xo eines 372
Beads. 2. gs. eo os Doe ee eee 374
Barplugs: 1-2 25a oee on sok 8 ae ee 374
Bigurines. < ow obe se er 375
Trabrete 2 on 5 oe Be 377
Spmdle:whorls..°- -.-222—- 2. .2 25 45 eee ae ee 378
SP0ODS 3.24. oe 22 2 eee eee ee 380
SLOOISS 2a ee ee ee Le eS ee 381
Tangas ss. eho fo i ee 382
Whistles. 2422422252. 00 2.) 22) ee See 384
Miscellaneous: 220 22. 2) = ee eee 384
Ceramic history=<.2.2 52. .22--22_ 25. -. pb ae eee 385
Diagnostic features of the Marajoara Phase____---_----------- 398
Conclusions and interpretations=— = =.) = 55) ee ee eee 404
Tr TSUANDS OR Min xXTAINA VAIN) CAV TAIN AS eo oes eee ee oe 425
Geographical descriptions... =... =. 202 2 See ee ee 425
Mesiarias. ~ 2455522508 2 22 22 Se ee ae 425
LE hats 5 a: eee en a Ome oy Mr Te dere iy Ae ee RS Oe 2 Bee, See 427
The Acauam -Phasens i222 See ee 8 a eee 429
Description of sites and excavations____..__-_-----=--=+-~---- 430
Site M—1—Jacaretiba. <<.) 25.22. = 8. | hk eee 430
Site M-3—Acauan.22 222202 ilk ke eee eee 430
Site J-12—Jurupuceti.. =. 3-2... 282-525 436
Patel. ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON
Tuer Isuanps of Mrex1IaANA AND CaviANA—Continued
The Acauan Phase—Continued
Data from other myestications==9 =e 5225-5 2 ss eee ee
Analysis of materials of the Acauan Phase-______--------------
Pottery. type Geseniptions= == 6 =e feta eK = - ==
MCAUaTMEXCIS@Us 22 let = ee ee ee ee ke
Carobaltincisea: 2 2S: SOU Wee eae ee Soe le
Rioripes Cormugated =... Ma ieee eee
Paciencin’ Seraped_ 224 4" E4993) Fp see Skee EE TE
PiryzeleP isin |. eet eos s aa ste SS
Verzal tndisadilu. i082) Bais SS iit See: OF
Unelassified! Decorated: Ses aan ae sa ee eee
Pottery antifacte: 2201 322 209. ie eP oot tet Ke bee
INOnceraniic-artifaets*:. | #22205. ese we Beas. 22 ee
Weramre HIStory: 2 22. 22 oes 8 a ee ee
Diagnostic features of the Acauan Phaseu-___----------------
ihe Arua Phase? oats 25086 2s 2 oe ee 2 eee oe ts
Description of sites and excavations_.__...-------------------
Habitation sites on Mexiana and Caviana__-_-------_----
Meéxiana- 22822 8 ee ee ee
IM=2-—Papa Cachorross 2252) 22 te
M7 —Abertas 28222 Eye a eee eee elect ee
@aviana=2. eee 2 ee aa ae Ree ee
©25= Morerataet. Se ese eee Se ee
@=6—Croatasal mite ae 22 Sete ks oe ee Se
C=7—Sio Domiige 22. 2 Ce See Se
©-6==Prcaa:- 22 sl OU Sec TSORe en 18 Sea ee Lae
C210==Sa0sBentowe ets see a eee oS eee
C=13=AltavPiratuba ee se ee ee
G14 SUimtoninhes 2 ee aes Ea, et
@415=-Patahta. = ts. sees A ees Sere
Cemetery sites: 22 0S8CR AG sapret SE. Ss aS ft Bee
INES SEV ahs Rk oe ic ea eS, Nem ae GY Weekes © eget ae en
M—4——Hundordassranellast: 23525= Se 42-2) Sas eee
Mab Mulatinioeese 2. 222+ ee ee eee
Cavianian tut Sobel 5 eh oe oe See Seen ee
C=1==Teso' das ‘leacabusteo 8 4 2 Soke ke
G=4—Tesordosindios: 22. 248 22a ee eee
@-6—Crodtasal! Section A_...--- 22 4. Aes essen
C-9== Frei JoaGt 2. Sets Fae ae ie a ee Se
C-11—-Vaquejador de Sio Sebaste&o____-_-------
CS12— Condino+. ¥ Buse G6 aoe fe cae ees
Daca trom Other IMVestiabions= =—- ===. seo co sos eee ee
INTexiaties se ERR SR RA ahs ea ee ee ee ea eo
M—6—Recreosite {Oo Sh as Dn BS aoe. See ae eos
M=8:—Limgo. da Norac2=:_25_ 4S. Seas ee ee lee
M-0"Chapéuuic. (routing s0 Suda ae Ss oe
@avianal& ojo. ee eo pee ee
Mania AReAGOGOs SS 16 tes Sea ges oes
Sao Domingo ea te. rie) | Seat er me Yea Ss
Mesordayv Sama humid sss este 3 ae ees ea eS
Baperaned si Cilio CL OPeein IU was he eae bok
‘Teso dos *indigs. Bu BUant 2ee 2. Sea SOS S
XII BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
Tur IsuANDS OF MEXIANA AND CaviAnA—Continued
The Aru& Phase—Continued
Data from other investigations—Continued
Caviana—Continued PAGE
BacabalvPiees+ 252 POUL aaa OLR eR 2. ee 523
Pesqueiross2s22 25552225 ee oe 524
Praimha 2/2 sehen ee a Ge Se 524
Rebordello= 222-5222. 22 ee ee 524
Analysis of materials of the Aru&é Phase______________________ 525
Pottery type:descriptions---.- = -.SUS 9 ayaa 525
A berta Uncisedtsse.s. sot = I es 525
Nazaré Brushed. 2222 bt ed Sd 525
PiratubatPlainsa4- ss 4h se el Oe ees oe 526
Unelassified Decorated jase EO fe ee 532
Pottery artifacts::322%2\s-.2gessos22-2— eee 534
Nonceramiciartifacts:+ 2a ie 20. Seek Shee re oie 534
Ceramic ‘history 2.22262 eee se ose 4 eee 534
Diagnostic features of the Arua Plage luis hal My POUR 538
Conclusionstand anterprevationse ss ee eee ee ee 539
Tar, HIstoRiIcan ArTRRMATH@225 452552525 5545-5-) Ue eee 556
Chronology -of Huropean-contact 2 shew Aiea ee es 556
Ethnohistoricalintornmratio ms see ee ee eee ee See 566
Territory of-Amapace- ios 2s 2e shanna ns RO ee 566
Tribestiist2s ebe oa bs ate PA ere ee ee 566
Populations. 229285 2422 a SESE Ae oe eee eee 569
Gulturéve se Se Soe CAE OL I ee ae ee 569
Subsisteneesesc22sesre cS So oer. eee 570
Settlementipattermm a2 Sees ees ee eee 571
(Eransportation==20 USC tk Guise me co ee ee 573
Manutacturest2 eid. : ORO iit Lr oe eo eee bia
Dressvandornament eee we ee ee eee 573
Socialiorganization===22 555.5 =s5 eee A LUMO Me ce ee 574
Recreations: cz2es-oosseecen seen Oe ee eee 576
hifeeycle:--202024 4.28 OOOl Aa ete. eee 576
Re gIOn: 2525.28 eee eb ee 578
Warlatéss:-cxssecccessttos= ae iO. Lee 578
hore:and tearing (28 + 200) OUP Sh oe 579
The Islands=s*=srcer2 220 SSE BOD Oa rw Pee eset eee 579
Tribestistac sear eth, OOM HOMe RE ne ee ee 579
Populationic=4e sa. se 25 -PR Ee Re eee ae 581
Cuilihtrre eR eR Es TS ES PO CS RY DT ee 2 ay 5 ny 581
Settlement patborth< --O OF tie Vw le ee 581
5 Watercraftucees 22 22 CA OU IY TOO IS 582
Manufactures. ¢ 28 Se sees tenes d= ee 582
Socialvorganization.< +2202 22-95 eee yes eee 582
Life eycloréir brea S108 Se) OOS ees eee 582
Wrarfaroniesscesec2casee oo eae ee eee 583
Ethnohistorical-archeological correlation______.__-_--------------- 583
IMPLICATIONS OF THE CULTURAL SEQUENCE AT THE MoutTH oF THEAMAZON_ 589
LireRrsrurnCrpmpetses>soxc2rccctehsceoe eee OS... Ls eee 608
waneess ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON XIII
ILLUSTRATIONS
PLATES
(All plates follow page 664)
1. Views of the Rio Araguarif above its junction with the Rio Amapari, Territory
of Amapa.
2. Arua Phase stone alinement at A—8—Aurora in the central part of the
Territory of Amapd.
3. Mazagado Phase sites in the southern part of the Territory of Amapé.
4. Aristé Phase habitation site of A-9—Relégio and its environment in the
central part of the Territory of Amap4.
5. Aristé Phase burial site of A-10—Montanha da Pluma in the northern
part of the Territory of Amapé.
6. Aristé Phase sites in the northern part of the Territory of Amap4.
7. Mazagido Phase vessels from A-—3—Picacdé Cemetery.
8. Camaipi Plain vessels collected by Lima Guedes from the Rio Vilanova
and now in the Museu Paraense Emilio Goeldi.
9. Mazagéo Phase vessels collected by Lima Guedes from the Rio Vilanova and
now in the Museu Paraense Emilio Goeldi.
10. Mazagdo Plain sherds showing coarse quartz temper and typical applique
decoration.
11. Type sherds of Anauerapucti Incised, Mazagado Phase.
12. Type sherds of Pigacd Incised, Mazagdéo Phase.
13. Type sherds of Uxy Incised with rectilinear motifs, Mazagao Phase.
14. Type sherds of Uxy Incised with curvilinear motifs, Mazagéo Phase.
15. Decorated pottery types of the Mazagio Phase.
16. Unclassified Decorated sherds from the Mazagido Phase.
17. Zoomorphic burial urns of the Marac4 Phase from Ilha do Para.
18. Anthropomorphic burial urns of the Maracé Phase, collected by Lima
Guedes from the Rio Marac4 and now in the Museu Paraense Emilio
Goeldi.
19. Lid heads of Maracé Phase anthropomorphic burial urns in the collection
of the Museu Paraense Emilio Goeldi.
20. Aristé Plain burial vessels from A—11—Montanha de Aristé.
21. Decorated pottery types of the Aristé Phase.
22. Fragmentary vessels of Flexal Scraped from the Aristé Phase cemetery of
A-11—Montanha de Aristé, Cave 2.
23. Type sherds and a complete vessel of Serra Plain from Aristé Phase sites.
24. Vessels of Serra Painted from cemetery sites of the Aristé Phase.
25. Serra Painted jar from A—15—Vila Velha and a sample of the glass trade
beads found inside.
26. Pottery types from the Aristé Phase.
27. Aerial views of Marajé Island (courtesy of the United States Army Air
Force).
28. Aerial views of Marajé Island (courtesy of the United States Army Air
Force).
29. Typical environment on northern Marajé.
30. Habitation sites of the Tropical Forest archeological Phases on Marajé
Island.
31. Formiga Phase sites in the campo of northern Maraj6.
32. Marajoara Phase habitation mounds on the Igarapé Camutins, central
Marajé.
JAN 1 0 1958
rake f
moe
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
. Marajoara Phase cemetery mounds on the Igarapé Camutins, central
Marajo6.
. Marajoara Phase cemetery mounds on the upper Rio Anajds, central
Marajé.
. Type sherds of Ananatuba Plain showing rim variation and handle con-
struction, Ananatuba Phase.
. Type sherds of Carmo Brushed, Ananatuba Phase.
. Type sherds of Sipé Incised, Design Type 1: row of scallops, Ananatuba
Phase.
. Type sherds of Sipé Incised, Design Type 2: zoned, fine cross-hatch, Anana-
tuba Phase.
. Type sherds of Sipé Incised, Ananatuba Phase.
. Type sherds of Sipé Incised, Design Type 5: zoned, parallel lines, Ananatuba
Phase.
. Type sherds of Sipé6 Incised, Ananatuba Phase, Design Types 6 and 7.
. Miscellaneous pottery from Ananatuba Phase sites.
. Type sherds of Bacuri Brushed, Mangueiras Phase.
. Type sherds and miniature vessel of Croarf Brushed, Mangueiras Phase.
. Rim sherds from vessels of Mangueiras Plain, showing rim form and occa-
sional notched or lobed decoration.
. Type sherds of Pocoaté Scraped, Mangueiras Phase.
. Decorated sherds from the Mangueiras Phase.
. Decorated pottery types of the Formiga Phase.
. Trade sherds of the Marajoara Phase excavated at the Formiga Phase site
of J-6—Formiga.
. Type sherds of Anajés Double-slipped Incised, Marajoara Phase. (American
Museum of Natural History.)
. Vessels of Anajds Plain Incised, Marajoara Phase.
. Vessels of Anajds Plain Incised, Marajoara Phase. (American Museum of
Natural History.)
. Type sherds and vessels of Anaj4s Red Incised, Marajoara Phase.
. Type sherds of Anajds White Incised, Marajoara Phase. (American
Museum of Natural History.)
. Anajds White Incised vessels, Marajoara Phase.
. Type sherds of Arar{ Double-slipped Excised, Marajoara Phase.
. Ararj Plain Excised vessels.
. Type sherds of Ararf Plain Excised, Marajoara Phase.
. Type sherds of Ararf Red Excised, Marajoara Phase.
. Ararf Red Excised vessels, Marajoara Phase.
. Ararf Red Excised vessels, Marajoara Phase.
. Ararf Red Excised vessels, Marajoara Phase.
. Type sherds of Ararf Red Excised, White-retouched, Marajoara Phase.
(American Museum of Natural History.)
. Rim sherds of Camutins Plain and Inaj4 Plain bowls and jars from Marajo-
ara Phase habitation mounds.
. Rim sherds of Camutins Plain and Inaj4 Plain bowls and jars from Marajoara
Phase cemetery mounds.
. Inaj4 and Camutins Plain vessels associated with Marajoara Phase burials.
. Vessels from Marajoara Phase cemeteries.
. Large rim adornos from Camutins Plain and Inaj4 Plain Vessel Shape 4,
Marajoara Phase.
. Rim adornos from Camutins Plain and Inaj4 Plain Vessel Shape 4, Mara-
joara Phase.
i 2.
MEGGERS AND ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON XV
EVANS ]
70.
ffi
72.
Type sherds of Goiapf Scraped, Marajoara Phase.
Sherds and vessels of Guajard Incised, Marajoara Phase.
Type sherds from Joanes Painted bowls with red-on-white designs, Mara-
joara Phase. (American Museum of Natural History.)
. Vessels of Joanes Painted, Marajoara Phase.
. Neck sherds from large Joanes Painted burial urns, Polychrome Type B—
red and black on white; J-15, Mound 1, surface.
. Vessels of Joanes Painted, Polychrome Type B; Marajoara Phase.
. Joanes Painted burial urn, Marajoara Phase. Two views of polychrome an-
thropomorphic jar L, J-14, Mound 1, cut 1; now in the Museu Paraense
Emilio Goeldi, Belém.
. Type sherds of Pacoval Incised, Marajoara Phase. (American Museum of
Natural History.)
. Pacoval Incised vessels, Marajoara Phase.
. Pottery figurines from Marajoara Phase cemetery sites.
. Miscellaneous pottery objects from Marajoara Phase cemetery sites.
. Pottery spoons from Marajoara Phase sites showing range in size and posi-
tion of “‘spout.”’
. Pottery tangas from Marajoara Phase burial urns.
. Pottery stools and stool fragments from Marajoara Phase sites.
. Painted pottery stools.
. Small pottery vessels with large, grotesque, ‘‘wing”’ adornos.
. Sherds with incised and excised designs from Arauquin, Venezuela. (Uni-
versity Museum, Philadelphia.)
. Vessels with incised and excised decoration from Colombia.
. Decorated sherds from the Lower Amazon.
. Acauan Phase site of M—3—Acauan.
. Type sherds of Acauan Excised with rectilinear motifs, Acauan Phase.
. Type sherds of Acauan Excised with curvilinear motifs, Acauan Phase.
. Acauan Phase pottery.
. Type sherds of Floripes Corrugated, coarse variety, Acauan Phase.
. Type sherds of Floripes Corrugated, fine variety, Acauan Phase.
. Ornamental rims of Piryzal Plain, Acauan Phase.
. Decorated pottery types of the Acauan Phase.
. Decorated sherds from the Acauan Phase site of J-12—Jurupuci.
. Aru& Phase habitation sites on Caviana Island.
. Arua Phase cemetery of M—4—Fundo das Panellas.
. Arua Phase cemeteries.
. Arua Phase sites.
. Type sherds of Aberta Incised, Aruaé Phase.
. Type sherds of Nazaré Brushed, Arua Phase.
. Rim sherds of Piratuba Plain, Arua Phase, showing typical thickening and
folded-over treatment.
. Small Piratuba Plain vessels associated with Arua Phase burial jars.
. Piratuba Plain vessels from M—5—Mulatinho, Mexiana, Arua Phase.
. Sherds from Piratuba Plain platters or griddles with punctate decoration
around the rim, Arua Phase.
. Piratuba Plain sherds with impressed ring decoration or applique ribs,
Arua Phase.
. Piratuba Plain sherds with impressed ring decoration from M—4—Fundo das
Panellas burial jars.
. Piratuba Plain sherds with applique decoration, Arua Phase.
. Fragmentary vessels of Piratuba Plain, Arua Phase.
. Miscellaneous sherds from Arua Phase habitation sites.
VI BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
FIGURES
PAGE
1. The Territory of Amapd4, showing geographical features and location
of archeological sites.22 2004 Sas oe ee Pe le 34
2. Ground plan of A-8—Aurora, a stone alinement of the Arua Phase__ 39
3. Ground plan of A-23—Ilha da Fortaleza, Conceicio, a stone alinement
of the Arua Phase..222. : t2-. 0 2S Ee See ee ee 40
4. Ground plan of A-~1—Picacé and A-3—Picacdé Cemetery, Mazagao
PRAS6. 2. nota ea OE yep POE cs a Steg ep mg 46
5. Ground plan of A-2—Lauro, a habitation site of the Mazagao Phase_ 47
6. Foot of a zoomorphic (turtle) urn from A-3—Picacd Cemetery,
Mazagao, PRase@ 2 5.5 45% Es ae ee a a ee eee eel eal: Eee 49
7. Glass trade beads from A-3—Picacd Cemetery, Mazagdo Phase_____ 50
8. Jar C (Mazagio Plain), Burial Group 1, A-3—Picac4 Cemetery,
Mazagao Phase... <3. ee 222 Ee oe ee 52
9. Vessel E (Uxy Incised), Burial Group 1, A-3—Pigacd Cemetery,
Mazagao PDOs6 48 op hs IR es En ee 54
10. Stone artifacts from A—3—Pigac4é Cemetery, Mazagio Phase__-_-____ 55
11. Glass trade beads from A-—4—Valentim, Mazagio Phase___________ 59
12. Reconstruction of jar A, Burial Group 2, A-4—Valentim, Mazagao
PHSS6 | oe oe ae See ae ee a ee eae 61
13. Pottery vessels from Burial 3, A-4—Valentim, Mazagao Phase____- 63
14. Anauerapuct Incised lid from Burial 3, A-4—Valentim, Mazagdo
Phase... |. 0 s2cick ooo ees See ee ae ee ee 65
15. Ground plan of Site A-6—TIlha das Igacabas, a habitation site of the
Mazapao Phase... \2 22. ~ es Ao oo et ee 66
16. Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Anauerapuct Incised, Mazagdo
Phase, (Appendix, table 2): 2:6 - hae he sees et 79
17. Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Camaipi Plain, Mazagao Phase
(Appendix, ‘table 3) a0 oe ee ee ee 82
18. Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Jari Scraped, Mazagao Phase (Ap-
pondix; tiable4)r oso 8 oe hy ee ee ee 84
19. Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Mazagdo Plain, Mazagao Phase
(Appendix; table 5) 22.5 fee ie oo re 86
20. Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Pigacé Incised, Mazagio Phase
(Appendix, table 6). 50. o5..5 55 08 oe eta oat Se ee 88
21. Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Uxy Incised, Mazagaéo Phase (Ap-
peridix, ‘table (iz. =- 2254 22 U2. 2 See 90
22. Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Vilanova Plain, Mazagaéo Phase
(Appendix, table.8)_..--.. oee ek See eee ee ee 93
23. Seriation of Mazag4o Phase sites on the basis of pottery type frequency
(Appendix. table J) 42-3 28 3 oo Re Ee ie 96
24. Trends in the popularity of common vessel shapes of the Mazagao
Phase (Appendix, table AQ). 2-24 coe eee ha et oe 102
25. Stone artifacts from A-7—Amapé, Aristé Phase_-.___------------- 105
26. Ground plan of A~9—Relégio, a habitation site of the Aristé Phase__ 106
27. Worked sherd scraper from the Aristé Phase cemetery of A-11—
Montanha de -Aristé, Cave 1. bo ee Se 109
28. Ground plan of A~11—Montanha de Aristé, Cave 2, Aristé Phase_-__ 110
29. Small stone chisel from A-11—Montanha de Aristé, Cave 2, Aristé
PHAS@. sae cee Pid ra oc ea Se es ee ee el At}
30. Pottery figurine (Aristé Plain paste) from A-11—Montanha de Aristé,
Cave 2,.Arist6é Phases 5) 242. 43028: = pee 9). 112
ce ara ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON
31.
32.
33.
34,
35.
36.
37.
38.
39.
40.
41.
42.
43.
44.
45.
46.
47.
48.
49.
50.
51.
52.
53.
54.
55.
56.
Di.
58.
59.
Flexal Scraped Bowl (vessel E) from A—11—Montanha de Aristé,
CawenwAriste PURSS 48) - 3 at ob okt ee ee
Flexal Scraped Jar (vessel G) from A-11—Montanha de Aristé, Cave
IIL HE ARES 2 ane int a 8
Serra Painted design on the shoulder of vessel P from A—11—Montanha
fewntiste. Cave2, AvistG DP RAee 6. o.oo oF oo ke
Reconstruction of Aristé Painted vessel with anthropomorphic face
from A-11—Montanha de Aristé, Cave 3, Aristé Phase________--
Detail of the anthropomorphic face on the Aristé Painted vessel
SHON MUN OUTC Rae = ee ee ee ee a fe ee
Burial urn and lid of the Aristé Phase found by Hamy (1897) on the
LECT MOVE T a fo(eh b (ome eee eee eae RU kt Oe Pee ee Se ERECT
Profile and top view of shaft-burial at the Cunani Site, Aristé Phase
(After Goeldin| 900i) 22+ 52.0. 34 =e he Se
Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Aristé Plain, Aristé Phase (Ap-
DENGIX Foal Eudes ak ee a eT ae
Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Aristé Painted, Aristé Phase
CAmpenmix. stanley ho) at es ee 8 a Ree
Aristé Painted sherds from A-11—Montanha de Aristé, Cave 2,
PRIS GEASS C6. 2 Wate! eke eee ok ae ee a
Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Davi Incised, Aristé Phase (Ap-
Mendixesthab ley WA) ee apc ee. cee sie ee ey ee ee
Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Flexal Scraped, Aristé Phase
(Aprendixs table 15) se. 24 ees sk Fee eee
Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Serra Plain, Aristé Phase (Appendix,
LS?) ee. eee ee ee ae eee ees Seen ee
Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Serra Painted, Aristé Phase (Ap-
mendixwtable (i.e o se im aN eee ne BN hee eS
Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Uacd Incised, Aristé Phase (Ap-
PenGixe Palo US) = ee ur fae a I a
Seriation of Aristé Phase sites on the basis of pottery type frequency
CAmpendix: tele, U1) eee hs ie ak
Marajé Island, showing major streams, vegetation pattern and the
location of archeological sites... ssa ote aS
North coast of Marajé Island, showing vegetation pattern and the
location, of sites J—6 through J-13_.2.-.. 2-424. --.s-44---2.-
Plan of J-7—Sipé, a habitation site of the Ananatuba Phase___-___-_
Partially drilled sherd from J—7—Sip6, Ananatuba Phase_____-___-
Cylindrical pottery objects from J-9—Ananatuba, Ananatuba Phase_
Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Ananatuba Painted, Ananatuba
PhaseutAppendix, table, 24) 4 pen ee eS ey ee
Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Ananatuba Plain and Sororoco
Plain, Ananatuba Phase (Appendix, tables 23 and 26)__________-
Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Carmo Brushed, Ananatuba Phase
(Arpad ts trate DA) se Nan ie ae ay eh ee eS
Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Sipé Incised, Ananatuba Phase
Gampendix tables?) ee: 2 ee Ga
Seriation of Ananatuba Phase sites on the basis of pottery type
frequency, (Appendix, tables;21, and) 22)... 9... 224 -.---5ice4
Plan of J-5—Croarf, a habitation site of the Mangueiras Phase_-_-__
Pottery tubular pipes from Mangueiras Phase sites.____________-_-
Figurine parts from J-5—Croari, Mangueiras Phase______-_____---
391329—57——2
XVIII BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
60.
61.
62.
63.
64.
65.
66.
67.
68.
69.
70.
“pile
72.
73.
74,
75.
76.
CALE
78.
79.
80.
81.
82.
83.
84.
85.
86.
87.
Labret (?) fragment from J—5—Croarf, Mangueiras Phase__________
Plan of J-13—Bacuri, a habitation site of the Mangueiras Phase___-_
Plan of J-16—Canivete, a habitation site of the Mangueiras Phase__
Labrets and biconical object of pottery from C-3—Porto Real,
Wangcueiras ‘Phases ss Sr oo ee ee ee ee eee eee
Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Anjos Plain, Mangueiras Phase
(Appendix; ‘table!29) eh 2 eee eee eee eee ois eee
Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Bacuri Brushed, Mangueiras Phase
(Appendix table 30) sete cee ee ee ee ee ee
Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Croarf Brushed, Mangueiras Phase
(Appendix, ttablevS0) 22S 2 Oe ees A ee ee ne
Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Esperanga Red, Mangueiras Phase
(Appendix, table 32) on: tee ee ee ee eee ee
Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Mangueiras Plain jars, Mangueiras
Phase (Appendix, table:3)) 22 2e see oe ne ee ee ee
Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Mangueiras Plain bowls, Mangueiras
‘Phase (Appendix; tableonn. 2 one he ee ee ee eee
Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Pocoaté Scraped, Mangueiras Phase
(Appendix;"table°o2)2 22 ean ee ae eee en ee ee
Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Pseudo-Sipé6 Incised, Mangueiras
Phase’ Variety (Appendix, table'32) > 2)" se 2 see sn ae
Seriation of Mangueiras Phase sites on the basis of pottery type
frequency “(A ppeudix” table’ 28)"= 223222.) ee ee
Stratigraphic evidence for the origin by acculturation of Mangueiras
Plain Vessel Shape 4 (Mangueiras Phase) from the Ananatuba
Phase (Appendix, ‘tables 2/-and’ 3a) 222 ese o eae nee eee
Stratigraphic evidence for the origin by acculturation of Man-
gueiras Plain Vessel Shape 3 (Mangueiras Phase) from the Anana-
tuba Phase’ (Appendix, ‘tables 27 and’ 33)_______ 02 2 Pa Se
Plan of J-4—Mucajd, a habitation site of the Formiga Phase_____-_
Plan of J-6—Formiga, a habitation site of the Formiga Phase_____-
Drilled sherds from J—6—Formiga, Formiga Phase______________--
Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Catarina Plain, Formiga Phase
(Appendix;*table-35)2 "= Soest 1 Pee ee eee
Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Coroca Plain, Formiga Phase
(Appendix™tablesb) wt oss tes sO Sees See nee een eee
Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Embatiba Plain, Formiga Phase
(Appendix, table 'S6) 2 ooo eee eee ee
Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Formiga Plain, Formiga Phase
(Appendix"table s/)eeeeo= ee ence eee ees Eee ae ee
Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Mucaj4 Corrugated, Formiga Phase
(Appendix: table: 38) ee Ce ee Leesan See oe
Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Pseudo-Sipé Incised, Formiga
Phase Variety (Appendix, table’38)— 2" 22 =) a. a ee eee
Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Saiba Brushed, Formiga Phase
(Appendix:"table:38) 20.2 ees int eee oe ee
Seriation of Formiga Phase sites on the basis of pottery type fre-
quency (Appendix: table'3s4)" © 23 ers See eee
North coast of Marajé Island in the vicinity of Chaves, showing the
locations of J—2/3—-Chaves Airport and J-4—Mucajé_______-----
Stone ax from J—2/3—Chaves Airport, a habitation site of the Arua
wae ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON
. Burial stratigraphy of J-14, Mound 1, cut 1, Marajoara Phase_____
. J-14, Mound 1, cut 1, vessels A, B, C, and D, Marajoara Phase____
. J-14, Mound 1, cut 1, jar E, Marajoara Phase___________________
. J-14, Mound 1, cut 1, jar F, Marajoara Phase___________________
. J-14, Mound 1, cut 1, jar H, Marajoara Phase___________________
. J-14, Mound 1, cut 1, jar I, Marajoara Phase_______________.___-
: J-14, Mound 1, cut.1,.jar J, Marajoara Phase..1+) 2228) 2S oso)
. J-14, Mound 1, cut 1, jar K, Marajoara Phase___________________
, J—14, Mound 1, cut 1, jar, Marajoara Phaseiil) oo). 22 leek
. J-14, Mound 1, cut 1, jar M, Marajoara Phase__________________-
) J14 Mound 1,.cut: 1, jar N, Marajoara, Phase...
. J-14) Mound 1; cut t;jar O; Marajoara Phasels2y 228 poe 22
. Plan of mounds composing J—15—Camutins, a mound group of the
Marajoarai PD ase = as xchs ars oi dose Se LE, A © ST
. Plan of J—15, Mound 1, Marajoara Phase, showing the location of
QC VLOG ce rs ae yy yy a NEE ee ATES Be Jk
. Artifacts from J—15, Mound 1, cut 2, Marajoara Phase____________
. Detailed plans of J-15, Mounds 3, 4, 6, 15, 16, habitation mounds of
she. Marajoars Pase 2422.2 te SoS WIR RAT See
. Detailed plan of J—15, Mound 4—JInajasal, a habitation mound of
the Marajoara Phase, showing the location of cut 1_____________
. Profile of west face of cut 1, J-15, Mound 14, Marajoara Phase____-
. Detailed plan of J—15, Mound 17, a Marajoara Phase cemetery,
showing location of excavations. __-2__-.22) 2264 2ieeboleet
. Map of Marajé Island, showing the location of Marajoara Phase
Cemoeteryesites...~.L22 sos ee 2 bk OEE oe eel ie wT Se
. Plan of the Fortaleza Mound Group of the Marajoara Phase on the
RuotGomps. 20 Gs). 2a Bite) subs ed Biivel We very
. Detailed plan of Mound 7 of the Fortaleza Group showing the extent
of Farabee’s excavations in this Marajoara Phase cemetery site___
. Plan of the Marajoara Phase site of Pacoval made by Lange in 1913__
. Plan of the Marajoara Phase site of Pacoval made by Hilbert in 1951__
. Plan of Teso dos China mound group of the Marajoara Phase______
. Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Anajdés Double-slipped Incised of
the Marajoara) Phase 22.04 Vues ait See in ed nh nek lt
. Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Anajds Plain Incised, Marajoara
IPNasereen Fulls. 10 erry Ae gin tials | 3s | eee tots! m iloeeiebts
. Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Ararf Double-slipped Excised and
Ararf Red Excised, Marajoara Phase____.-_...i2_i--1.-_ 21L-
. Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Ararf Plain Excised, Marajoara
Phase ie Winifred aang Seri te NAP etter ane | hey lu Toe wai
. Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Ararf Red Excised, White-retouched,
Marajoara Phase
. Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Camutins Plain and Inajd Plain
bowls, Marajoara Phase (Appendix, tables 45 and 46)___________
152.
153.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
. Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Camutins Plain and Inajd Plain
jars, Marajoara Phase (Appendix, tables 45 and 46)__________---
. Less common rim profiles and vessel shapes of Camutins Plain and
Inaj4-Plain; (MarajoarasPhase___ £2. 2 eden eee ee Pe AE
. Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Carmelo Red, Marajoara Phase ___-
. Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Goiapi Scraped, Marajoara Phase__
. Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Guajar4 Incised, Marajoara Phase__
. Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Joanes Painted, Marajoara Phase
(Appendix, table:47)_ os nS! of) jelce a as a eee
. Joanes Painted, Polychrome Type A and B, Marajoara Phase__-___-
. Joanes Painted, Polychrome Type C, Marajoara Phase___________-
. Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Pacoval Incised bowls, Marajoara
: Marajoara. Phase miniature axes —--- = 2 2 e eeeeee
. Marajoara Phase stone ax from J—14, Mound 1, cut 1____________-
. Marajoara Phase pottery labrets from J—15, Mound 1, surface. Re-
construction is based on a complete stone specimen from Panellas_-
. Marajoara Phase pottery spindle whorls._-........--.-----------
. Standardized measurements on tangas of the Marajoara Phase_____-
. Marajoara Phase grooved polishing stone from;J—15, Mound 1,
SUTface 2s seek RS bee ee ee ke ee ae ee
. Ceramic stratigraphy of J—15, Mound 14, cut 1, showing trends in
the Marajoara Phase plain wares (Appendix, table 39)_-________-
. Ceramic seriation of the Marajoara Phase sites of J—15, Mounds 1
and 17, and J—-14, Mound 1 (Appendix, table 40)-_-_-__-_-------
. Seriation of Marajoara Phase cemetery sites based on relative fre-
quency of Inaj4 Plain and Camutins Plain (Appendix, table 41) --
. Seriation of J-15 habitation mounds based on the relative frequency
of Inaj4 Plain and Camutins Plain (Appendix, table 42)________-
. Trends in Marajoara Phase decorated types revealed by the seria-
tion of the 4 Marajoara Phase cemetery sites of Pacoval, Fortaleza,
Camutins, and Guajar4 (Appendix, table 43)__.________---------
. Trends in unusual pottery artifacts and adornos of the Marajoara
Phase shown by comparing the cemetery sites of Pacoval, Fortaleza,
Camutins, and Guajard (Appendix, table 44)______._____-------
. Distribution of the various archeological Phases on Marajé Island_-_
. Archeological distribution of distinctive traits of the Marajoara Phase_
. Tassels shown as ear ornaments on Marajoara Phase anthropomorphic
. Mexiana Island, showing major streams, vegetation pattern and loca-
tion of:archeological) sites. 32 a0 8 oe eee ts a) ae
. Caviana Island, showing major streams, vegetation pattern and loca-
tion of archeologiealtsites ii 2 2202 Js. se eee Soeees ee ee
Plan of M-3—Acauan, a habitation site of the Acauan Phase-_---_--
Acauan Phase anthropomorphic or zoomorphic rim adornos on Piryzal
Plain from M-3—Acauan 22/22 ee ee eee
PAGE
351
352
354
355
357
360
364
365
367
368
373
374.
375
ht ie sas ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON
154.
155.
156.
157.
158.
159.
160.
161.
162.
163.
164.
165.
166.
167.
168.
169.
170.
171.
172.
173.
174.
175.
176.
iT;
178.
179.
180.
181.
182.
183.
184.
185.
186.
187.
188.
189.
190.
Acauan Phase spindle whorl from M-—3—Acauan_________---_------
Acauan Phase figurine head from M-3—Acauan___________--_----
Acauan Phase stone flake from M-—3—Acauan--_________---------
Acauan Phase pottery stamp from M-3—Acauan___________------
Acauan Phase figurine from J—-12—Jurupucti__._________---------
Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Acauan Excised, Acauan Phase
(Appendix, table 49) .= a eee USE UE LIS Dee me
Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Carobal Incised, Acauan Phase
Cirnpendix taple 40st 2 ee ee to eee Sees Oe eee
Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Floripes Corrugated, Acauan Phase-__-
Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Paciencia Scraped, Acauan Phase
(Appendix, table 49). - «22-22-22 sssecscsee Ss Eh
Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Piryzal Plain, Acauan Phase
(Appendix table;50).2 =. 2~ac2 2s bose soca soe ce BOL hs
Plan of M—2—Papa Cachorro, a habitation site of the Arua Phase__
Ararf Excised vessel with adorno, a Marajoara Phase trade sherd
found at the Arua Phase site M—2—Papa Cachorro____________--
Location and environmental situation of C-5—Morera and C-6—
Croatasal, habitation sites of the Arua Phase______________-_---
Aru, Phase pottery animal feet.2o lS. 720 Igo fr soe Sa
Plan of C-8—Pacaj4, a habitation site of the Arua Phase__________
ATUaige NASe'StONe Axes. us eee eee a Tee ere PL Tuoi te
Plan of M-—4—Fundo das Panellas, an Arua Phase cemetery site,
showing the positions of the burial jars_____.___-_____----------
Reconstructed burial jars from the Arua Phase site M—4—Fundo das
Pari h ehcte pen meen > = SIE) SAME 2 The PO) OSS he SAL Ge Sse A
Painted decoration on Piratuba Plain sherds from Arua Phase sites__
Plan of M—5—Mulatinho, a cemetery site of the Arua Phase, showing
the position of the burial jars and other objects____._.____--_----
Arua Phase anthropomorphic vessel 4 from M—5—Mulatinho-__-__-__-
Arua Phase zoomorphic adorno from jar 24, M—5—Mulatinho__-_-__-_
Arua Phase nephrite pendants from M—5—Mulatinho___________--
Detail of modeling on jar 7 from the Arua Phase Site C-1—Teso das
Igagabas and a reconstruction of the vessel to which it belonged__-_-_
Plan of C-4—Teso dos Indios, a cemetery site of the Arua Phase,
showing the location of the burial jars__.._________»____-_=_--
Reconstructed jars from Arua Phase cemeteries___________________
Detailed plan of Section A, the burial area of C-6—Croatasal______
Base shapes of Piratuba Plain jars, Arua Phase__________________-
Arua Phase anthropomorphic burial jar from Section A of C-6—
Chriss ficial ty psp Ace a pa Ae Rie a Ph an a a sy he
iTS Phase MOniony MPUTINGS. 4226 een eee
Aru’ Phase stone axes from C—9—Frei Jofo_______-__.-_---_-----
Aru4, Phase decorated sherds from C—9—Frei Jofo____--_____-__-_-
Aru% Phase zoomorphic rim adorno in the form of a bird from C-9—
peu Re 2s 2s ct gtk spear pike, Feet pean Foe OS ap ee A A oe TB cece
Arua Phase nephrite pendants and beads from C—9—Frei Jofo___-_~
Plan of C-11—Vaquejador de Sao Sebastedo, an Arua Phase cemetery
Piratuba’ Plain bowl associated with Burial jar 4 from the Arua Phase
site C-11—Vaquejador de Sao Sebastefio__-___.__--------------
XXII BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
PAGE
191. Tiered jar of Piratuba Plain associated with Burial jar 12 from the
Arua Phase site of C-11—Vaquejador de Sao Sebastefio__________ 512
192. Arué Phase pottery beads associated with burial jar 4, C—11—
Vaquejador de Saa:Sebasteio_22 2.2 {22 ee 513
£93. Stone axes of the Arua Phases ho- 2 2 eee ae eee eater oe 514
194. Plan of C-12—Condino, a cemetery site of the Arug Phase, showing
the location of thejburialjars= == 2 252s ee ee eee eee ee 516
195. Piratuba Plain platter from the Arua Phase site, C-12—Condino____ 518
196. Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Piratuba Plain bowls, Arua Phase
(Appendix; stabledb 2). = 5.20. A QUk Sa ee fe de ee ee 528
197. Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Piratuba Plain jars, Arua Phase
(Appendix, ‘table 52) 2) 2 2340) So ee ik eee) eee eee 529
198. Piratuba Plain sherds with modeled decoration from various Arua
Phase sites= 0° 22 o 2 2 See ae eet 2 eee 530
199. Piratuba Plain sherds with modeled decoration from various Arua
Phase Sites Aye ek PReS Le a Nel eee ee en ee 531
200. Piratuba Plain sherds with modeled decoration from various Arua
PSS SILCs sees PRE OY See ape ahh sate ear kolo ate ey eee | Se 532
201. Seriation of Arua Phase sites on the basis of vessel shape frequency of
Piratuba Plain (Appendix, table b2)a-=0 (=a — :ye ene ee eee 536
202. Designs made by pottery, stampsss_2- 6 sey ee ee 547
203. European forts and other settlements at the mouth of the Amazon
prior to the middle of the 18th century _..2..2..-<-_=.5- 2-2-8 560
204. Early map of the tribes inhabiting the Guiana coast published by
William Delisletin AWO3222 s0 2k oe bn ee ee ee ee 568
205. The cultural sequence at the mouth of the Amazon_________________ 590
206. Routes of migration and diffusion in northern South America, recon-
structed from the evidence of the affiliations of the archeological
Phases at the mouth of the Amazon==: 9222-2 22.5. 2422-255 92- 600
TEXT TABLES
A. Glass beads from A-3—Picacé Cemetery__-_.._-_.---------------- 51
B:. Glass'beads from ‘A-—4—Valentim= 222 [22h 2_ el So Se ieee eee 58
C. Glass beads from A-15—Vila Velha____________------------------ 120
D. Relative frequency of Ananatuba Phase and Mangueiras Phase wares
at %—Sip6eewe steerer eS A Se IO COU RDU Sa One 192
E. Duration of Ananatuba Phase village sites__._.____._____---_----__- 253
F. Duration of Mangueiras Phase village sites___._._..__..------------- 253
G? Durationtof Arua Phase villagetsitessie: Joss 5 2 ae eee ee 254
He Duration of Hormiga, Phase willage’sites. == se ee eee 254
I. Differential results of two methods of calculating rate of village refuse
accumulations<22s2essssee sesso a SS ee ee 255
Js) Wai -Waicvillagevduration=°20. jose c22 7 SR Sag) Ue See eee 257
K. Frequency of Inaj4 and Camutins Plain wares at Teso dos China_____- 322
L. Temporal differences in Anaj4s White Incised decoration________-~-- 336
M. Temporal differences in Ararf Plain Excised decoration___-___------ 341
N. Temporal differences in Arari Red Excised decoration___-___------- 344
O. Temporal differences in Ararf White Excised decoration_.______----- 348
P. Differences in wear on tanga fragments__._--220.-202---_-~=-4-9522 382
Q. Standardized measurements on-tangas..-..=-+-----+-----+-----tt- 383
R. Duration of Acauan Phase village Site M-3—Acauan_______-_------- 456
S. Glass beads from M-—5—Mulatinho_________-.-.------------------ 492
senGarns aay ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON p.O.4 50)
ies
U.
PAGE
Base type and dimensions of burial jars from C—6—Croatasal, Section A. 501
Chronological sequence of European exploration and settlement-_--_-- 557
APPENDIX TABLES
. Frequency of pottery types in surface collections and stratigraphic excavations
at sites of the Mazagao Phase.
. Frequency of rim and vessel shapes of Anauerapuct Incised in sites of the
Mazagio Phase.
. Frequency of rim and vessel shapes of Camaipi Plain in sites of the Mazagéo
Phase.
. Frequency of rim and vessel shapes of Jari Scraped in sites of the Mazagao
Phase.
. Frequency of rim and vessel shapes of Mazagéo Plain in sites of the Mazagao
Phase.
. Frequency of rim and vessel shapes of Pigacd Incised in sites of the Mazagao
Phase.
. Frequency of rim and vessel shapes of Uxy Incised in sites of the Mazagao
Phase.
. Frequency of rim and vessel shapes of Vilanova Plain in sites of the Mazagao
Phase.
. Reduction of the individual rim and vessel shapes of Mazagéo Phase pottery
types to common vessel shapes.
. Frequency of common rim and vessel shapes irrespective of pottery type in
sites of the Mazagao Phase.
. Frequency of pottery types in sites of the Aristé Phase.
. Frequency of rim and vessel shapes of Aristé Plain in sites of the Aristé
Phase.
. Frequency of rim and vessel shapes of Aristé Painted in sites of the Aristé
Phase.
. Frequency of rim and vessel shapes of Davi Incised in sites of the Aristé
Phase.
. Frequency of rim and vessel shapes of Flexal Scraped in sites of the Aristé
Phase.
. Frequency of rim and vessel shapes of Serra Plain in sites of the Aristé Phase.
. Frequency of rim and vessel shapes of Serra Painted in sites of the Aristé
Phase.
. Frequency of rim and vessel shapes of Uacd Incised in sites of the Aristé
Phase.
. Reduction of the individual rim and vessel shapes of Aristé Phase pottery
types to common vessel shapes.
. Frequency of common rim and vessel shapes irrespective of pottery type in
sites of the Aristé Phase.
. Frequency of pottery types in stratigraphic excavations at site J-7 of the
Ananatuba Phase.
. Frequency of pottery types in stratigraphic excavations at sites J—8, J—9,
and J—10 of the Ananatuba Phase.
. Frequency of rim and vessel shapes of Ananatuba Plain in sites of the Ana-
natuba Phase.
. Frequency of rim and vessel shapes of Ananatuba Painted and Carmo Brushed
in sites of the Ananatuba Phase.
Frequency of rim and vessel shapes of Sipé Incised in sites of the Ananatuba
Phase.
XXIV BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
26.
27.
28.
29.
30.
31.
32.
Frequency of rim and vessel shapes of Sororoco Plain in sites of the Ananatuba
Phase.
Frequency of 3 jar shapes in Ananatuba Phase plain wares that influenced
the pottery of the Mangueiras Phase.
Frequency of pottery types in surface collections and stratigraphic excava-
tions at sites of the Mangueiras Phase.
Frequency of rim and vessel shapes of Anjos Plain in sites of the Mangueiras
Phase.
Frequency of rim and vessel shapes of Bacurf Brushed and Croari Brushed
in sites of the Mangueiras Phase.
Frequency of rim and vessel shapes of Mangueiras Plain in sites of the Man-
gueiras Phase.
Frequency of rim and vessel shapes of Esperancga Red, Pocoaté Scraped and
Pseudo-Sip6 Incised in sites of the Mangueiras Phase.
. Frequency of 3 jar shapes in Mangueiras Phase plain wares showing in-
fluence from the Ananatuba Phase.
. Frequency of pottery types in surface collections and stratigraphic excava-
tions at sites of the Formiga Phase.
. Frequency of rim and vessel shapes of Catarina Plain and Coroca Plain in
sites of the Formiga Phase.
. Frequency of rim and vessel shapes of Embatba Plain in sites of the Formiga
Phase.
. Frequency of rim and vessel shapes of Formiga Plain in sites of the Formiga
Phase.
. Frequency of rim and vessel shapes of Mucajé Corrugated, Pseudo-Sipé
Incised and Satba Brushed in sites of the Formiga Phase.
. Frequency of pottery types in J-15, Mound 14, Cut 1, a habitation site of
the Marajoara Phase.
. Frequency of pottery types in stratigraphic excavations at J-14, Mound 1,
J-15, Mound 1, and J—15, Mound 17, cemetery sites of the Marajoara
Phase.
. Adjusted frequency of plain pottery types from 17 Marajoara Phase cemetery
mounds.
. Frequency of the pottery types in surface collections from J—15 habitation
mounds, Marajoara Phase.
. Frequency of decorated pottery types at 4 Marajoara Phase cemetery mounds.
. Frequency of unusual pottery artifacts and adornos at 4 Marajoara Phase
cemetery sites.
. Frequency of rim and vessel shapes of Camutins Plain in sites of the Mara-
joara Phase.
. Frequency of rim and vessel shapes of Inaj4 Plain in sites of the Marajoara
Phase.
. Frequency of rim and vessel shapes of Joanes Painted in sites of the Mara-
joara Phase.
. Frequency of pottery types in surface collections and stratigraphic excava-
tions at site M—3 of the Acauan Phase.
. Frequency of rim and vessel shapes of Acauan Excised, Carobal Incised and
Paciencia Scraped of the Acauan Phase.
. Frequency of rim and vessel shapes of Piryzal Plain of the Acauan Phase.
. Frequency of pottery types at sites of the Arua Phase.
. Frequency of rim and vessel shapes of Piratuba Plain in sites of the Arua
Phase.
PREFACE
Any field project undertaken in the interior of a country away from
the settled metropolitan centers of the world depends so heavily on
personal contacts, friendliness, hospitality, and cooperation for its
successful completion that it is impossible to single out each individual
to whom special mention is due. However, there are a number of
people whose contributions were instrumental in making our work
possible, and we wish to take this opportunity to express our sincere
appreciation to them for their generous assistance and cooperation.
For his enthusiastic interest in, and active support of our proposal
to do archeological research at the mouth of the Amazon, we are
particularly indebted to Dr. William Duncan Strong, Loubat pro-
fessor of anthropology and at that time chairman of the Department
of Anthropology of Columbia University. It is no exaggeration to
say that without his aid, our plans would never have been realized.
Dr. Charles Wagley and Dr. Julian H. Steward, also of the Columbia
faculty, aided us in details of the planning and together with Dr.
Strong read and criticized the portions of this report that were sub-
mitted as doctoral dissertations to Columbia University. We are
indebted to Dr. Wendell C. Bennett for both encouragement and
advice when our plans were in a formative stage, and for friendly and
continuing interest in our work and its results. We deeply regret
that he never saw the completed monograph, but hope that in dedi-
cating it to him we are able to convey an impression of what his
friendly guidance meant to those of us who never had the privilege
of being his students. For showing an interest in supporting the first
intensive archeological field work in the Amazon Valley we wish to
record our gratitude to the Wenner-Gren Foundation for Anthropo-
logical Research, Inc. (at that time called The Viking Fund, Inc.)
and to the William Bayard Cutting Traveling Fellowship Fund_ of
Columbia University.
The successful launching of the expedition in Brazil was due to the
cooperation of Sra. Heloisa Alberto Torres, then director of the Museu
Nacional in Rio de Janeiro, who offered us permission to work under
the auspices of that museum. For her scientific and official assistance
as well as her friendly interest, aid, and advice from the beginning to
the end of the trip, we offer our warmest thanks. Sra. Maria Alberto
Torres was also extremely helpful in guiding us through the intricacies
of official details in a foreign country. Dr. and Mrs. Charles Wagley,
XXV
XXVI BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
who preceded us to Rio de Janeiro and Belém, did a great deal to pave
the way for our reception.
In Belém, we are particularly obligated to Sr. Machado Coelho, at
that time director of the Museu Paraense Emilio Goeldi, for his coop-
eration and for placing at our disposal a house on the museum grounds
in which we lived while classifying and analyzing our excavated
materials; to Sr. Frederico Barata, who not only allowed us to examine
his collection of archeological specimens but was ready to aid us in
any other way that was within his capacity; to Sr. Eurico de Melo
Cardoso Fernandes, whose interest in anthropology was primarily
responsible for our being invited to work in the Territory of Amap4;
to Sr. José Ambrosio de Miranda Pombo, who was instrumental in
obtaining permission for us to work on the Island of Mexiana and in
the Municipio of Chaves, Marajé Island; to José F. Cottim, who
volunteered his services as our interpreter in official situations before
our knowledge of Portuguese was adequate; to Benjamin Pinto y
Sousa, who patiently washed and numbered all our sherds and per-
formed numerous other indispensable services both on Caviana and in
Belém; to Dr. Gaspar Cesar de Andrade, director of the Servico
Especial de Satide Ptiblica in Belém, and his staff for certain medical
supplies and advice; to Dr. Acylino de Leao, delegate to the Conselho
de Fiscalizacgio de Expedigées Artisticas e Cientificas, for his under-
standing and cooperation in official matters regarding the archeological
collections; to Sr. Fritz Ackermann and Sr. Felisberto de Camargo for
permitting us to study their private archeological collections. At
various intervals while in Belém we spent many enjoyable hours in
the homes of Mr. and Mrs. George T. Colman, Mr. and Mrs. Gordon
Pickerell, Mr. and Mrs. M. L. Albuquerque, and Sr. and Sra. Philippe
Farah. Their hospitality did much to make our months in Belém
pleasant memories.
While in the Territory of Amap4 we became indebted foremost to
Governor Janary Gentil Nunes, who, because of his interest in the
Territory of Amap4 and his eagerness to develop all its potentialities,
gave us overwhelming cooperation and placed at our disposal every-
thing from motorboats to airplanes, maps, and workmen in order to
expedite our research before the rainy season reached its height.
Thanks to him, we were able to accomplish here in 1 month almost as
much as we had been able to do in 4 months on the islands. Sr. Newton
Wilson Cardoso, director of the newly formed Museu Territorial, ac-
companied us on all our trips here to learn the technique of archeologi-
cal field’survey and excavation. * He‘proved'so apt a pupil that we
were able to include in our archeological analysis of the region addi-
tional sites and materials he later collected by himself. We wish to
thank Sr. Fritz Ackermann, for making available to us the information
WheeTee? ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON XXVII
he had recorded about archeological sites during geological surveys.
For their friendliness, cooperation, and hospitality while we were in
the Territory of Amap4, we are also indebted to Sr. and Sra. Janary
Gentil Nunes, Sr. and Sra. José Ferreira Teixeira, Sr. Raul Montero
Valdez, Sr. Benedito José Carneiro de Amorim, Sr. Hermogenes da
Lima Filho, Sr. Atahualpa Maranh4o, and Prof. José Tostes.
The carrying out of extensive archeological survey in north Brazil
involves the granting of permission by land owners to trespass, ex-
cavate and in many cases also to use the ranch house for headquarters.
For granting their permission to work on their property, for placing
at our disposal the facilities of the fazendas, and for assistance in nu-
merous other ways, we wish to thank the following persons: On
Marajé Island—Sr. and Sra. Dionysio Bentes de Carvalho, Sr.
Rodolfo Chermont, Sr., Sr. Rodolfo Chermont, Jr., Sr. Armando
Teixeira, Sr. Lauro de Miranda Lobato, Sr. Raul Bittencourt, Capt.
Amfncio Antonio dos Santos, Sr. Raimundo Brito, Sr. Noe Xavier
de Andrade, Sr. Fernando Teixeira; on Mexiana Island—the members
of the Mexiana Cooperativa, especially Sr. Edgar Guamé whose
scientific interests permitted us to enjoy many evenings of pleasant
conversation and whose cooperation was absolutely overwhelming,
and Sra. Lelio Lobato for her friendly hospitality while at the main
fazenda house; on Caviana Island—Sr. Dionysio Bentes de Carvalho,
Coronel Lusignan Dias, Dr. Claudio Dias, Dr. Armando Morelli, Sr.
Mario Lobato, Sr. Angelino Lobato, Sr. Antero da Silva Melo Filho,
Sr. Benjamin Pinto e Sousa, Sr. and Sra. Tiburcio da Silva Melo, Sr.
Nadir Pinto e Sousa, Sr. and Sra. Manoel Alves da Silva.
The most extensive archeological investigations in the Amazon
area are those made by Nimuendajti during the 1920’s under the aus-
pices of the Ethnographical Museum, Géteborg, Sweden. The un-
published notes have been edited by Stig Rydén, supplemented with
detailed descriptions of the specimens in Géteborg Museum collections.
Rydén has generously made available to us this manuscript (Rydén,
MS.) and photographs of the plates, and has granted permission to
quote passages in this report. His cooperation has added considerable
comparative information to the sections on Marajé, Caviana, and the
Territory of Amapd. It is a pleasure to acknowledge our indebted-
ness to him,
In the technical analysis of certain specimens, we wish to thank
the following scientists for their cooperation, information, and expert
opinions: Marshall T. Newman, Division of Physical Anthropology,
United States National Museum, for the study of extremely fragmen-
tary human bone material; Doris M. Cochran, Division of Reptiles
and Amphibians, United States National Museum, for identification
of reptile bones; Junius B. Bird, Department of Anthropology,
XXVIII BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
American Museum of Natural History, for comments on clay frag-
ments with cord impressions; Arthur Woodward, Glenn A. Black,
and Kenneth Kidd for analysis of the glass trade beads.
There are two people whose exceptional contribution to the success
of our work requires special acknowledgement. Mr. George T. Col-
man, United States Consul at Belém, helped us immeasurably by
seeing our equipment through the customs and acting as intermediary
in similar official situations at no little saving to us in time and mental
anguish. The interest he and Mrs. Colman showed in us and our work
is typical of their enthusiasm for all things pertaining to the culture
and people of Brazil. Peter Paul Hilbert, ethnologist of the Museu
Paraense Emilio Goeldi in Belém, accompanied us on our second trip
to Marajé Island, took his indoctrination into field archeology with
aplomb, and has since returned to the Island and done further work.
His generosity in putting his data at our disposal is evident in the
frequency with which he has been quoted in the Marajo section of this
report, and it is difficult to express accurately the extent of our debt
to him for this contribution.
Finally, we would like to record our warm thanks to the caboclos who
were our guides, our workmen, our companions, and frequently our
hosts. They and their fellow Brazilians in all walks of life made our
stay in Brazil so pleasant, as well as scientifically rewarding, that we
are eager to return.
The third and fourth sections of this report formed the nuclei of
dissertations submitted to the Faculty of Political Science of Colum-
bia University in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the de-
gree of doctor of philosophy. Clifford Evans presented ‘‘The
Archeology of the Territory of Amap4, Brazil (Brazilian Guiana)”
in March 1950, and Betty J. Meggers presented ‘‘The Archeological
Sequence on Marajé Island, Brazil” in February 1952. Now, both
of these sections have been reorganized and partly rewritten for in-
clusion in the final monograph, and all statements, conclusions, and
interpretations included herein supersede any previously made which
may slightly differ.
B. J. M.
C. E.
Division of Archeology,
United States National Museum,
Smithsoman Institution,
Washington, D. C., May 21, 1954
ARCHEOLOGICAL INVESTIGATIONS AT THE
MOUTH OF THE AMAZON
By Berry J. Muacurs and Cuirrorp Evans
INTRODUCTION
BACKGROUND OF THE LOWER AMAZON ARCHEOLOGICAL
EXPEDITION
Prior to the introduction of extensive survey and stratigraphic
excavation by trained archeologists, the interpretation of the arche-
ology of an area must be based on the more elaborate and decorative
pieces of pottery that have found their way into museums and on
vague comments recorded by travelers in pursuit of adventure or by
scientists after other kinds of information. This situation applied to
the mouth of the Amazon prior to 1948. In the 19th century, Marajé
Island in particular exerted a great fascination on numerous scientists
as well as laymen. The Marajoara mounds were first recorded in the
18th century by an anonymous visitor who was impressed by the
well-made vessels they contained. When the Amazon was undergoing
exploration during the latter part of the 19th century by geologists,
botanists, general naturalists, and laymen, these sites were frequently
visited and examined. Among those who wrote detailed accounts of
their activities and impressions are José Vieira Couto de Magalhies,
Domingo Soares Ferreira Penna, Joseph B. Steere, Orville A. Derby,
Charles F. Hartt, and Ladislau Netto. In 1895 and 1896 Emilio
Goeldi and Aureliano Lima Guedes conducted survey and excavation
in the Territory of Amap4 and reported the now well-known sites at
Cunani and Marac4. Most of these men made collections of the more
elaborate types of pottery and these were sent to museums in North
America and Brazil.
In the early decades of the 20th century, the mounds of Marajé
continued to be visited and excavated. Those who conducted the
most extensive explorations represented two new categories of pro-
fessional allegiance: Journalists, like Algot Lange who dug in Pacoval
in 1913 and Desmond Holdridge who examined several mounds east
of Lago Arari in 1930; and anthropologists, including W. C. Farabee
who made extensive excavations in 1914 at Fortaleza and in 1916 at
1
2 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
the Camutins, Curt Nimuendajt who tested sites in the Cabo Maguari
area in 1922, Heloisa Alberto Torres who visited Pacoval do Cururt
in 1930, and Antonio Mordini who excavated at Teso dos Gentios in
1926 and Panellas in 1928. It is unfortunate that none of these
individuals has written a detailed account of his findings except Lange
(1914), whose excavation technique is unreliable. Farabee left
detailed field notes on some of his work, but they are largely rendered
useless by the loss of the pottery identifications. However, he de-
posited a large collection of complete vessels and a sample of sherds
at the University Museum in Philadelphia. Thus, in spite of a
long sequence of articles and numerous visits of inspection and even
excavation, the descriptions of Marajoara Phase remains are so incom-
plete and indefinite that they serve more to tantalize than to inform.
Our interest in the archeological situation at the mouth of the
Amazon dates from 19438, when Meggers began an analysis and inter-
pretation of a small collection from Marajé Island made in 1871 by
J. B. Steere, and deposited at the University Museums in Ann Arbor,
Mich. (Meggers, 1947). This study revealed the meagerness and
indefiniteness of the information on the Marajoara Phase sites and
their contents, in spite of the relatively voluminous literature, and
indicated that no reliable conclusions could be drawn without strati-
graphic excavation. This conclusion was strengthened after a de-
tailed examination was made of the larger and more representative
Lange collection from Pacoval at the American Museum of Natural
History in New York. A classification of the sherds by surface
treatment (plain, slipped, double slipped) and decoration (incision,
excision, painting) revealed a variety of types, some simple and others
complex. The probable selectivity of the collection, coupled with
Lange’s method of excavation (p. 312), indicated any efforts to
deduce temporal significance from the differences in decorative styles
would be purely speculative. The further the study of these museum
collections proceeded, the more obvious became the need for scientific
fieldwork as a basis for the interpretation of the archeological remains
at the mouth of the Amazon.
With all these factors in mind the authors, then graduate students
in the Department of Anthropology at Columbia University, drafted
a program for Lower Amazon archeological exploration. The research
problems were discussed in detail with Drs. Wm. Duncan Strong,
Julian H. Steward, Charles Wagley, Wendell C. Bennett, and Gordon
R. Willey, and the interest with which these individuals received the
project led to correspondence with officials in Brazil to investigate
the possibility of their cooperation. Although the details were not
fully completed by correspondence, sufficient encouragement was
received from Dr. Heloisa Alberto Torres, then director of the Museu
nasa ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 3
Nacional in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, to warrant proceeding with a
formal application for research funds and with preparations for the
expedition. Through the generosity of the Wenner-Gren Foundation
for Anthropological Research, Inc. (at that time known as The
Viking Fund, Inc.) of New York a joint research grant was obtained
for a year of “Archaeological Study in the Lower Amazon, Brazil”
from July 1, 1948 to July 1, 1949. Dr. Wm. Duncan Strong, then
Chairman of the Department of Anthropology of Columbia University
presented the research project to the authorities of the University
with the result that further financial assistance was received in the
form of a William Bayard Cutting Traveling Fellowship. Through
Dr. Strong’s cooperation we were permitted to work as representatives
of the Department of Anthropology of Columbia University, an ar-
rangement which aided our work immensely and facilitated our re-
lations with Brazilian authorities.
Beyond the procedures followed above to guarantee the financial
and scientific support of the project, a number of difficulties in planning
were encountered. In spite of the fact that we talked to several
people who had spent considerable time in the tropical forest regions
of South America, no one was able to offer any concrete advice on
such specific things as field equipment needs, or on the problems and
possibilities of labor, transportation, etc., beyond the limits of the
main course of the Amazon or its major tributaries. Relying on
Evans’ prior experience in Peru, we consequently sent down many
items that had seemed to be necessary field equipment, but which
later proved completely useless or impractical in the lowland tropics
and were shipped back to a central base at the first opportunity.
ITINERARY
We left Miami, Fla., on July 1, 1948, flying directly to Rio de
Janeiro to complete official negotiations with the Brazilian authorities.
Our arrival was preceded by that of Dr. and Mrs. Charles Wagley who
had come to Brazil under UNESCO auspices to conduct research for
the International Hylean Amazon Institute (Wagley, 1953). Not
only did the Wagleys pave our way in Rio de Janeiro, but they
preceded us to Belém, Par4, where their announcement of our arrival
made our reception more cordial than it otherwise would have been.
In Rio de Janeiro, Dr. Heloisa Alberto Torres, director of the Museu
Nacional, offered us her complete scientific cooperation and allowed
us to work under the auspices of the museum. In addition, her
friendly aid, hospitality, and assistance expedited the acquisition
of the necessary official papers with the result that on July 17 we
flew north to Belém, the capital of the State of Para and the gateway
to the Amazon. In spite of a handful of letters of introduction pro-
4 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
vided by Dr. Torres, the contacts the Wagleys had made for us,
and the cooperation of Dr. Machado Coelho, director of the Museu
Goeldi, we were delayed for 6 weeks in town by problems surrounding
the negotiation with officials and landowners for permission to under-
take archeological investigations on their property. Since Brazilian
federal law regarding antiquities or subsurface rights does not auto-
matically grant permission to trespass nor does it actually protect
the archeological sites, our itinerary was controlled by the willingness
of the owners to cooperate and their preference as to when we should
visit their property.
A workable schedule was finally achieved and we left Belém
August 20, 1948, by wood-burning steamer through the inland route
to Chaves on the north coast of the Island of Marajé. Chaves
served as our first base of operations, from which excavations were
conducted at Sites J-1 through J-5. On September 2, we moved
eastward to Fazenda Santa Catarina, where a new base was estab-
lished. From there and the various outstations of the Fazenda we
worked until September 23, covering Sites J-6 through J-12. Since
the owner-manager of Mexiana Island had requested that our visit
coincide with his presence on the Island, we left Marajé Island at
this time and established a new base of operations at Fazenda Nazaré
on Mexiana. Sites M—1 through M-7 were studied while on Mexiana
Island from September 24 to October 22 when we moved to Caviana
Island. A base of operations was established at Fazenda Sao Jodo da
Caridade and Sites C-1 through C-15 were excavated between
October 22 and December 14. During this period we returned on
November 19 to Chaves in order to examine further Site J-4. Before
going back to Caviana Island on November 23 we went along the north
coast of Marajé toward the east to examine Site J-13. Our baggage
had become of some considerable size by this time, even though the
Marajé sherds had been shipped back to Belém earlier, and since we
were unable to arrange successfully for direct transportation from
Caviana to Macapa in the Territory of Amap4, we hired a sailboat to
bring all the specimens into Belém by way of the coastal route while we
returned to Belém via the inland steamer which was to stop in Chaves
on December 18 on its monthly trip. Arriving in Belém on December
21, we made our headquarters in a house provided on the grounds of
the Museu Paraense Emilio Goeldi, which was to serve not only as our
living quarters but as an excellent laboratory space for storing and
studying the numerous archeological specimens. After the baggage
arrived from the islands, along with a general handyman and assistant,
Benjamin Pinto e Sousa, the work was laid out in the laboratory
so that he could wash and number all the specimens collected so far
=o 4 ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 5
while we returned to the field for another month before the rainy
season began.
On January 2, 1949, we flew from Belém to Macap4, the capital of
the Federal Territory of Amap4, where we had been invited to under-
take archeological investigations by the Governor, Janary Gentil
Nunes. Through his magnificent cooperation all the governmental
facilities, including: motor launches, trucks, airplanes, maps, archival
records, and obscure reference books were put at our disposal so that
our work in the Territory of Amap4 would be facilitated as much as
possible in the limited time available. We were accompanied on all
our trips by Sr. Newton Wilson Cardoso, director of the newly formed
Museu Territorial. Asaresult of some specimens brought back by a
geologist, Fritz Ackermann, from the Rio Picac4, we began with a
survey of the Rio Vilanova and its tributaries. This resulted in data
on Sites A-1 through A-6 and A-13. From January 15 to 21, we
explored the Rio Araguari-Amapari without finding any sites. On
January 22 we flew to Amap4 and worked at Sites A—7 through A-12
until January 30, when we returned to Macap4. The remaining few
days in Macap& were spent in getting data on Site A-14 and in
photographing and taking notes on the various specimens that Sr.
Cardoso had in his custody in the Museu Territorial. On February 4
we returned to Belém by air and immediately moved into our house-
Jaboratory on the Museu Goeldi grounds.
The rainy season was now at its height and many of the specimen
bags and labels showed such severe effects of mildew that some of
the identifications were almost illegible. We began to work immedi-
ately on the classification of the pottery while Sr. Benjamin Pinto e
Sousa continued to wash and number the rest of the sherds. In
addition to analyzing all our own sherd material and photographing
all the complete specimens and representative samples of the pottery
types, we also classified, described, and photographed all the speci-
mens in the Museu Goeldi which had any sort of provenience data,
as well as some specimens in the private collections of Sr. Frederico
Barata and Sr. Fritz Ackermann. This work continued until May 5,
when, although the rainy season lasted somewhat longer than was
normal, we left for a final trip to the interior of Marajé Island to
collect data on the elaborate Marajoara Phase burial mound complex.
On May 6, accompanied by Peter Paul Hilbert, the ethnologist of
the Museu Goeldi, we sailed from Belém to the center of Marajé
Island, making our headquarters at Fazenda Campo Limpo near the
upper Rio Anajds. Sites J-14, J-15 (with 17 artificial mounds), and
J—16 were excavated in the area and we returned to Belém on May 23.
The remaining time in Belém was spent in completing the analysis of
the previously excavated materials as well as the newly acquired
391329—57-—_3
6 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
specimens from the Marajoara mound cultures.’, On June 23 we flew
to Macap4 for the day to deliver a talk on the results of our work in
the Territory of Amap4. While there we found that Sr. Newton
Wilson Cardoso had visited several more sites since working with us
and had proved himself an apt pupil by taking accurate notes and
keeping materials by site, as well as making some stratigraphic ex-
cavations. He kindly allowed us to take this material back to Belém
for classification and study.
The last week or so in Belém was somewhat hectic. Not only did we
have to pack our equipment, but the final details of the study of all
the materials excavated had to be completed and a division had to be
made into type collections to be left at the Museu Goeldi in Belém,
the Museu Territorial in Macapé, the Museu Nacional in Rio de
Janeiro, and smaller samples to be exported for distribution to muse-
ums in the United States.1 On July 1, we flew from Belém to Belo
Horizonte, Minas Gerais, where for several days we visited the caves
of the Lagéa Santa region with Mr. H. V. Walter and Sr. Josephat
Paula Penna (Evans, 1950). On July 4 we continued to Rio de Ja-
neiro to close our official business with the Museu Nacional and to
report to Dr. Heloisa Alberto Torres the progress of our year’s field-
work in the Amazon. After paying respects to the many friends we
had made in both Rio de Janeiro and in the north, we left Brazil by
air arriving in New York on July 14, 1949.
PROBLEMS AND COMPROMISES IN FIELD TECHNIQUE
Archeology in the tropical forest of South America presents, in
addition to the usual problems, many difficulties that are not en-
countered in the more arid or more accessible parts of the New World.
Manuals of field procedure and precision methods of excavation
technique frequently cannot be followed, and the field situation must
be met with an understanding of what is pertinent and whatis unprofit-
able in order to gain the maximum of information in the shortest possi-
ble time. Otherwise, one could easily spend a full year in the field and
have very little to show for it. This we learned, however, only by
experience. For the benefit of those who may follow us, we will
outline briefly some of the major problems and compromises.
Evans, who had recently returned from 9 months of fieldwork on the
coast of Peru, superintended the assembling of the field equipment.
We included all those items that had been essential or helpful in that
work, and some of these proved to be even more important in the
tropical environment, particularly specimen bags of unbleached muslin,
1 These type collections have been deposited at the United States National Museum, the University
Museum in Philadelphia, the American Museum of Natural History, the Peabody Museum of Yale Uni-
versity, the Museum of Anthropology at the University of Michigan, and the Museum of Anthropology of
the University of California.
pet aa aaa ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON a
linen tags, and duplicate sets of field notes. In the hope that aerial
photographs might reveal the location of the Marajoara mounds as
they do ruins on the coast of Peru, we secured permission to examine
those taken of Marajé Island by the United States Air Force, going to
some difficulty since they were still classified as ‘‘confidential.’? The
results were highly disappointing because the forest growth obliterated
all but the most abrupt and extreme alterations in the terrain. Later,
after experience on the ground and in low elevation flights over the
savanna and jungle, we became fully convinced that aerial photog-
raphy has nothing to offer as a means of locating archeological sites
in the Amazon area. However, we derived one important benefit
from the aerial survey of the Amazon. As a result of this work, the
Aeronautical Chart Service of the United States Army Air Force has
been able to revise and correct its World Aeronautical Charts to such
a degree of accuracy that when on the ground we could follow each
bend and curve of all but the smallest streams. From the standpoint
of a more useful scale for groundwork, the Aeronautical Chart Service
made available the Preliminary Work Sheets, Scale 1:500,000, from
which the final copies of the World Aeronautical Charts, Scale
1:1,000,000, are made. Not only did these maps save us considerable
time and trouble, but they gave a degree of accuracy to the site loca-
tions and the geographical features of the area that otherwise could
not have been attained.
In addition to these excellent maps, we took along surveying equip-
ment, such as a plane table and tripod, alidade, and stadia rod, on the
assumption these materials would be useful in the mapping of each
archeological site. Two weeks in the field demonstrated that not only
it was impossible to carry around this equipment, but also it was com-
pletely nonfunctional for several reasons: (1) Generally, the sites were
not large enough or with enough surface features to warrant the use
of the alidade and plane table; (2) to sight a line through vegetation
required a cutting operation that was not economically feasible or
practical; (3) a sufficiently accurate map could be obtained with greater
ease and in less time with grid paper, a compass, a tape, and a hand
level. In other words, we made a compromise in technique here
because if we had not done so we would have had to sacrifice results in
terms of the number of sites we could examine and we are convinced
that a site map so derived would show no more pertinent information
than is now available on our various plans.
Field technique must be adaptable to the situation so that the most
scientific data can be obtained under the peculiar local circumstances.
To demonstrate the point, it is pertinent to mention why we used the
system of sinking several small strata cuts, generally 1.5 by 1.5 meters,
into various sections of the site instead of digging a long trench or a
8 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
larger, single strata cut. Again, the site situation is the determining
factor. In all the sites of the Tropical Forest level of culture the accu-
mulation of refuse is too shallow to make it essential to dig a large cut
to provide sufficient space to throw out the dirt as the cut increases
in depth. The nature of the refuse makes it more functional to place
several small cuts in various parts of a site in order to test more of
the occupation zone. Trenches are not feasible because of the quan-
tity of trees and their root systems that cover most sites. A series of
small cuts can be finished in a limited time going from the surface to
sterile, whereas a larger excavation might not reach completion in the
time available at certain sites. The question has been raised as to
why we did not trench the large Marajoara mounds in two directions.
Our answer is threefold: (1) Property owners were extremely hesitant
to allow any digging in their mounds because they offer the only high
ground for their cattle during the wet season and also because they
do not want their “treasure” disturbed. Permission to dig even small
test holes was difficult to obtain and permission to trench the mounds
would never have been granted. (2) Sufficient labor for extensive
trenching activities was not available at any cost. (3) Scientifically
speaking, it was far more important to test several sites than restrict
ourselves by extensive excavation on one site. This approach has per-
mitted us to evaluate and interpret more extensive digging conducted
earlier by Farabee (MS., 1914) and others.
For those who have not had the fortune or misfortune, depending on
one’s viewpoint, to work in Amazon archeology, the tremendous
problem created by roots cannot be overempbasized. Although the
cuts were laid out originally with square sides, the first layer of dig-
ging always produced roots that often caused a slight modification of
shape; however, the area covered in each cut was always well con-
trolled. Not only was it impossible to polish the walls of strata cuts,
but if they had been polished they would have shown no details. The
intense rainfall, high humidity, and easily leached soil take out any
materials that would make a clear-cut line of strata distinguishable on
the walls of cuts. In the artificial mounds of the Marajoara Phase,
soil conditions did vary and here it was possible to smooth the walls
of the cut sufficiently to plot the various features. In all the other
sites the excavation technique was careful and well controlled, but
not carried to the point of diminishing returns by trying to follow out
preconceived ideas that no strata cut is properly executed unless the
ritual of polishing and smoothing is faithfully carried out. In other
words, the entire excavation technique in Amazon archeology can
be summarized in a few words: not once was technique abandoned
because of a lack of interest, nor was it modified to the extent that
the data obtained would be unreliable; but it was necessary at all
via ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 9
times to be realistic about technique and to apply the method to the
peculiar local situation that would bring results, rather than blindly
become a slave to technique irrespective of the total results.
Rain and humidity create problems that can only be appreciated if
one has tried to work in a tropical forest situation in part of the
rainy season. Granted, we stayed in Belém classifying our materials
at the height of the rainy season, but some of the fieldwork had to be
conducted during this part of the year. Tarpaulins were used to
cover the excavations to keep them from filling with water during a
downpour, but even then we were digging in mud. Survey trips in
dugouts up streams and rivers, going from intense sun one hour to a
heavy shower the next, made it difficult to keep notes and photo-
graphic equipment dry. Cameras and film had to be kept in airtight
eans dehydrated with silica gel. The intense rainfall in the Amazon
not only creates physical hazards that restrict the work and actually
makes it impossible to undertake archeological fieldwork during
February, March, and April, but it reduces the archeological evidence
to objects of stone or pottery. Postholes, matting, thatching, and
other details of house construction are so quickly destroyed by decay
that unless the posts burned (apparently an extremely rare situation)
there is absolutely no evidence of such features. Proof of this factor
is easily obtained by digging on the site of a former caboclo house
where the exact position is known. If over 5 years have passed, the
area, has passed into secondary growth, posts and postholes have
disappeared, ali decayed vegetable matter has been leached out or
washed away and except for areas darkened with charcoal or ashes
there is no sign of the occupation other than occasional broken arti-
facts. Bone materials destroy rapidly even in secondary urn burials.
Except in those urns in which the water supply was constant (in other
words the jar broke and was filled by rain or by seepage and remained
moist throughout the dry season) or where the urn and its lid had kept
the contents constantly dry, bone has turned to dust, usually dis-
tinguishable only as fine, white flecks in light gray to black soil. The
few bone scraps we were able to salvage were in extremely poor
condition and had to be treated with a dehydrating agent mixed with
a stabilizing cement, such as acetone and duco or acetone and ambroid.
None of the problems and compromises mentioned so far have been
dictated by another situation inherent in the Amazon area, one that
has a decided effect on the method of carrying out the fieldwork—the
tack of modern transportation facilities and the sparse population.
In spite of all the modern mechanical aids to mankind, one is reduced
to the necessity of utilizing the primitive, local means of transporta-
tion. More than once after a slow and difficult dugout trip we wished
for an outboard motor, but there were many other situations in
10 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
which paddling in a dugout was 100 percent more practical than travel-
ing by outboard motor. To use motors it is necessary to haul all the
gasoline from a main base and establish caches of fuel. To do this
would involve organization and planning of supplies that would be
more time consuming and frustrating in the long run than the use of
local transportation. By taking advantage of the larger sailboats,
sailboats with auxiliary motors, or launches to traverse some of the
longer distances, traveling light when going by dugout, and depositing
our collections and main equipment at various bases, we were able to
reach all areas fairly easily. ‘Those who have never traveled in the
interior of the Amazon, along the smaller streams where only a hunter,
wood cutter, or rubber cutter might live, sometimes find it difficult
to understand the importance of the dugout as a means of transporta-
tion. Not only is it a sturdy craft, capable of taking a lot of punish-
ment from submerged debris, but it is quite stable, easy to propel and
will hold a fairly large load. Nevertheless, in archeology more than
once we had to keep in mind the fact that, although we went ‘empty
handed”’ to a site except for a few digging tools, specimen bags, and
photographic equipment, we always returned laden down with sherds.
This is not to say that we now feel that our final results have suffered
as a result of the limitation of transportation (after completion of the
study, we have only one site that we feel could be better interpreted
with another day’s work), but several times we had to take into con-
sideration the fact that another bag of surface material or another
test excavation would be out of the question because of the lack of
hands to carry the resulting sherds back to the dugout, or because the
waterline of the dugout would be lowered below the margin of safety.
Archeology in the Amazon is not like that of areas of the world where
one can drive to the site, load the car down, and then drive back again
if necessary.
Fortunately, the cultures are simple, the sites are small, and a maxi-
mum of data can be secured with a minimum of digging. The prob-
lem of labor in the Amazon is much more severe than in many other
parts of the New World. Most of the people live by working on cattle
ranches, cutting wood, gathering rubber, or by hunting. Miles and
miles of rivers and streams can be traveled without seeing any human
habitation. Local labor is consequently not available in quantity.
If one had the financial resources to buy a boat large enough to house
a crew of men and to transport food for this crew, then labor could be
brought from Belém to the interior. However, this is not practical
for many reasons. ‘The expense of such a project would be prohibitive
on the budget of most New World archeological expeditions; the
laborers would not be familiar with the local situation and it would
still be necessary to hire local guides; permission from landowners to
oa ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON Ha
trespass with such a large crew would not be easy to obtain; transporta-
tion of such a large crew to more remote sites would overtax the
available facilities. As a result of this acute labor shortage and the
necessity of constantly changing guides as we moved from one area to
another, we found ourselves doing a larger part of the actual excava-
tion work than would normally be expected. Only during the first
month on Marajé did we have the same workmen long enough for us
to train them to work in a strata cut. Otherwise the guide went
hunting or dug in another part of the site for sherds to increase the
sample from the site. In the long run, however, such a system means
that one does not have to question the data when analysis might
suggest inadequate or careless excavation technique that can so often
be blamed on an inexperienced crew.
Looking back on the Amazon situation and having the benefit of a
second tropical forest expedition (Evans and Meggers, MS.) behind
us before writing this introduction, we believe we have found the
equipment best suited for South American tropical forest archeology,
as well as developed the ability to travel light with a minimum of
unessential equipment but with a maximum of protection for such
things as cameras, exposed film, notes, etc. In spite of this we still
have no general solution for the problems of transportation. Re-
gardless of how much planning is done beforehand or how much
money one has available, there is no way to avoid traveling by foot,
by horse, by bullock, by dugout, and by sailboat, even though oc-
casionally the airplane, jeep, truck, car, outboard motor or launch
may be thrown in for the sake of variety. In other words, the local
situation frequently cannot be predicted. One might carry an out-
board motor and gasoline for weeks and then discover that the local
conditions of a particular stream make use of the motor impossible;
and paddling a dugout the only resort.
There is one universal fact, however, and that is the contribution of
the local guide to the success of South American tropical forest arche-
ology. This guide is essential and invaluable not only because of
his knowledge of the location of sites along a specific stream and in
the adjoining area, because of his hospitality, his ability to obtain
extra fish and game to supplement the food supply, and the use of
his thatched shelter as a base, but also from the standpoint of his
intimate knowledge of the local custom, the local problems, the
local geographic features, and most of all for his ability to arrange
for an extra helper, a dugout, an extra set of paddles or whatever else
might be needed. A good guide can anticipate the archeologist’s
requirements and make archeology in the Amazon more than just
hard work.
12 BUREAU OF AMERICAN BTHNOLOGY [BULD. 167
ORGANIZATION OF THE REPORT
Archeologists attempting to organize the description of a variety
of cultures occupying a relatively large geographical area that is
broken into several well-defined units are faced with various prob-
lems in determining the best method of presentation. They must
find a logical order that will meet the needs of the rare student or
specialist who will read from cover to cover in the proper direction,
and they must also anticipate and attempt to provide for the larger
audience that will proceed in reverse order and frequently never
probe deeper than the general conclusions. The organization of this
report attempts to meet the requirements of both types of readers.
Analysis of the archeological remains brought out the fact that the
natural geographical divisions were correlated with clearly defined
cultural boundaries. A twofold separation into the mainland (Ter-
ritory of Amap4) and the islands (Marajé, Mexiana, and Caviana)
was therefore not simply an arbitrary convenience but rather an aid to
the understanding of the archeological sequences. Further subdivision
of the islands into Marajé on the one hand and Mexiana and Cavi-
ana on the other was warranted by the widely different roles played
in local prehistory. Within each of these areal divisions the geo-
graphical description is followed by the discussion of the archeological
cultures in chronological order. A uniform outline was employed to
assure equal coverage and to facilitate comparison. In addition to
the details of the sites and their excavation and the analysis and
description of the artifacts, this gives a summary of any information
from other investigations and concludes with a condensation of the
diagnostic features of the culture as represented by or deduced from
the archeological remains. Hach geographical unit closes with a
detailed analysis of the evidence for the chronological position of the
cultures in the sequence and of their probable affiliations.
One culture, the Arua, is found on all three of the islands and on
the mainland, and after considerable deliberation we decided to treat
it in the following manner. The details of site description and ex-
cavation, and the information from other investigations are given
separately in each of the areas; data on Arua sites in the Territory
of Amap4é are included in that section and similar information on
sites on Marajé are given under that island. Since the majority of
the sites of this culture are located on Mexiana and Caviana, and
since the Arua is the only pottery-making group to have dominated
those islands, the analysis of the pottery and other artifacts, the sum-
mary of diagnostic features, and the detailed interpretation of the
culture are given in this part of the report.
One of the disadvantages of archeology in the tropical forest is that
the climate soon disposes of all but the most durable remains, in
wiser ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 13
this case objects of pottery and stone. As a result, any attempt at
reconstruction of the cultural pattern must be based on knowledge of
living cultures. Since we have made the effort to secure the maxi-
mum amount of information from the archeological remains, and
have drawn heavily on ethnographic clues for this purpose, the re-
port begins with a summary of the Tropical Forest Pattern of culture,
emphasizing material traits and generalizing sociopolitical and re-
ligious aspects. This is followed by a notation as to which of these
traits might be discerned in the archeology. Finally, the significance
of the environment in the formation and stabilization of this type of
cultural adjustment is discussed. The evidence that environment
has played an important part in producing the Tropical Forest Pat-
tern justifies the rather detailed environmental descriptions that
introduce each geographical section.
The historical information, including location and description of the
tribes at the mouth of the Amazon in the early postcontact period,
has been placed after the archeological evidence for two reasons: (1) In
this position it follows the general chronological order of the report,
which is from early to late, and (2) it supplements the archeological
remains but in turn is subject to verification or evaluation in terms
of the archeological picture. This section includes the chronology
of conquest and settlement, the information recorded about the
aboriginal cultures, and an analysis of the amount of correspondence
between this and the evidence from archeology.
Since this is the first report of survey and excavation in the Tropical
Forest area of South America, it has been necessary to describe in
detail all of the sites and the cultural remains as a basis for future
work. We have tried to reduce repetition to a minimum and to keep
the detailed descriptions separate from the interpretations that are
derived from them. This makes it possible, we hope, for any reader
interested only in the major conclusions to satisfy himself with as
much or as little specific information as he desires. Such a person
can begin with the chapter on “Implications of the Cultural Sequence
at the Mouth of the Amazon” and if he desires documentation he can
turn to the conclusions and interpretations at the end of each of the
geographical sections. If his interest is sufficiently stimulated, he can
pursue the facts as far as he wishes. It must be emphasized, however,
that the critic cannot fairly attack any theories or interpretations
given in these chapters without delving deeper into the report and
examining the supporting data on which they are based.
The only term in the report that warrants some explanation is
our use of ‘Phase’ when referring to our various archeological com-
plexes. Phase has been used to designate distinct archeological
cultures with a definite geographical distribution and persistence
14 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
through time. Although this parallels, in a general way, the modified
terminology of the Midwestern Taxonomic System (Cole and Deuel,
1937), it is not an attempt to introduce this system to the Amazon
region, where the archeological situation is not sufficiently well known
as yet to warrant its use. The term “Phase” was selected instead
of tribe, group, culture, complex, etc., because it carries absolutely
no ethnological connotation. At present there is no way of deter-
mining whether each of the archeological Phases corresponds to one
tribe or several, or whether two Phases correspond to a single tribe.?
In addition to limiting the cultural reconstruction, the conditions
of preservation in the tropical forest place difficulties in the way of
arriving at temporal evaluations. Unfortunately, insufficient un-
contaminated charcoal was found to make Carbon 14 techniques
applicable. In an attempt to compensate for this, we have tried to
establish a time sequence by developing formulas for calculating the
rate of refuse accumulation in the archeological village sites (pp. 245 ff.).
The results are admittedly tentative and before the system can be
considered reliable there will have to be further check of the formulas
in other South American Tropical Forest situations and particularly
in ethnographic village sites.
A few words should be said about the pottery type descriptions.
We have not considered all the variations in the ceramic complex of a
Phase as independent. Instead, we have recognized the plain wares as
primary and the decorated types as the result of applying ornamenta-
tion to the surface of a minor proportion of one or more of the plain
wares. This approach is revealed in the pottery type descriptions
by the absence of complete details on paste, temper, texture, and
surface treatment under each of the decorated types; instead, the
reader is referred to the plain ware or wares on which the decoration
was placed for these details. For example, Anauerapucti Incised
designs always occur on Mazagao Plain paste. Since the details of
paste and surface are the same in both these types, they are given in
the plain type description only. This procedure was followed in the
interest of emphasizing the interrelationships between the pottery
types within a Phase. In the Marajoara Phase, a tabulation of the
decorated sherds according to the plain ware on which the decoration
was placed permitted the use of small, selected samples for seriation
and made it possible to secure a relative date on sites that would be
undatable otherwise (pp. 386-388).
In naming the pottery types, a consistent method was followed,
which deviates from that used in some other areas. The first term is
a proper noun, either the name of a major site of the Phase or of some
21In an article that appeared as this report was submitted for publication, Phillips and Willey (1953)
recommend the use of the term “ phase” in this manner:
Mncenns, Asp ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 15
geographical feature or landmark in the region of distribution of the
sites belonging to that Phase. The second word is descriptive and
distinguishes decorated from undecorated surfaces. An undecorated
surface is described as “plain,” rather than as “orange,” ‘‘white,”’
“brown,” or “gray” as is sometimes done. The use of a color term
signifies a slip or paint, as in the case of “Carmelo Red,” ‘‘Arari Red
Excised,” and “‘Anaj4s White Incised”’ of the Marajoara Phase.
Occasional applique, modeling, or punctation has not been singled
out for separate consideration as a decorated pottery type in any of the
archeological Phases at the mouth of the Amazon because the occur-
rence is too restricted or sporadic to be of temporal or cultural signifi-
cance. Applique reaches an appreciable frequency only in the Arua
Phase, but the fluctuation from site to site makes it of no value for
seriation (see fig. 201). Although change in frequency through time
was not the only criterion used in deciding whether or not a variant in
the ceramic complex should be emphasized by making it a pottery
type, this was an important consideration in doubtful cases. Whena
separate pottery type did not seem warranted, such specimens were
described either as ‘Unclassified Decorated” or as occasional orna-
mentation of the plain ware.
The observant reader of the pottery type descriptions will notice
a slight variation in the format of the vessel shape descriptions. This
is the result of a friendly disagreement between the authors as to the
most useful method of presenting the information and not of editorial
oversight. The same reader will note that the drawings of the rim
profiles have been rendered solid black for plain wares and in outline
for decorated types to make them distinguishable at a glance.
Each site is designated by a key letter and a number, in addition to
the local name. The letter indicates the geographical region in which
the site is located (A—Territory of Amap4; C—Caviana; J—Marajé,
formerly called Joanes; and M—Mexiana) and the number, the
particular site. This system, which permits the addition of future
sites in each area, has been followed in other parts of the New World.
It is especially convenient for designating sites in foreign countries
where the local names are often difficult for Americans to pronounce,
much less remember.
Throughout this report the authors have kept in mind that the ac-
quisition of archeological data has one main purpose: to reconstruct the
cultures of the past and their interrelations through history, For
this reason, we have attempted to revitalize the dead fragments of the
cultures we have found and to resurrect some semblance of their
former, living condition. Some of our more conservative colleagues
may,object to our efforts to reconstruct the social organization, the
evolutionary development or decline of certain cultures, or to see the
16 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
various archeological Phases as expressions of different cultures
adapting themselves in various ways to a tropical forest situation, but
it is our sincere hope that these interpretations will not only make the
report more useful to anthropologists as a whole, but will demonstrate
that archeologists can do more than just accumulate bushels of
potsherds.
TROPICAL FOREST CULTURE
ETHNOGRAPHIC DEFINITION OF TROPICAL FOREST CULTURE:
To be in a position to evaluate properly the interpretations and
conclusions reached about the archeological cultures of the mouth of
the Amazon, it is necessary for the reader to be familiar with the evi-
dence on which they are based. This includes not only the archeo-
logical material but also the ethnographical details that are character-
istic of the Tropical Forest Pattern, since these constitute one of the
bases for the recognition of the Marajoara Phase as something unusual
and distinct from the general uniformity of sequence from past to
present.
Since the Amazon forest has held similar potentialities and limita-
tions for human adaptation as long as man has been a resident of the
South American Continent, a basic general consistency of culture
through time might be expected. Another reason for this belief is the
uniformity in general features that is characteristic of cultures in the
Tropical Forest today. This similarity results from the necessity
for securing a living under similar conditions of food supply, natural
resources, and other aspects of the environment that encroach upon
men in their daily lives, and the ease with which useful inventions and
discoveries may be swept along the innumerable waterways to be in-
corporated into the cultures of distant tribes. Underlining the dom-
inant role of the environment in channeling the cultural adjustment is
the characteristically wide variation between Tropical Forest cultures
in traits of no survival significance, such as types of body adornment,
methods of disposal of the dead, and observances surrounding birth,
puberty, and death.
Tropical Forest culture, as distinguished in the Handbook of South
American Indians (Steward, editor, 1946-50), is both a cultural area
and a level of cultural development. In the former capacity, it is a
cultural complex based on “the cultivation of tropical root crops,
especially bitter manioc; effective river craft; the use of hammocks as
beds; and the manufacture of pottery’? (Lowie, 1948, p. 1), which
occupies the immense Amazon drainage bounded on the north by the
Orinoco and its tributary the Guaviare, on the west by the Andean
highlands, on the south by the Chaco and on the east by the Matto
? Throughout this section, unless otherwise noted, the data presented are taken from the various articles in
The Handbook of South American Indians, Volume 3: The Tropical Forest Tribes (Steward, editor, 1946-
50).
17
18 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
Grosso uplands and the Atlantic Ocean. A smaller concentration
occurs in a strip along the Atlantic coast, south to the present bound-
ary of Uruguay and inland as far as riverine and tropical forest condi-
tions exist (see Steward, 1946-50, vol. 3, map 1). .
As a level of cultural development, Tropical Forest culture is inter-
mediate between the Marginals, nomadic hunters and gatherers of
wild foods, and the class-divided, occupationally specialized Circum-
Caribbean and Andean peoples living by permanently productive
agriculture. Less efficient Tropical Forest agriculture makes possible
a semisedentary type of life, with concomitant possibilities for amassing
material possessions, but is not profitable enough to remove the neces-
sity for constant exploitation of the wild resources of the forest and
the streams, or to permit the concentration of population and the
occupational division of labor prerequisite to the development of a
more formalized system of social and political control. The result is
that, whereas the Tropical Forest Pattern verges toward the Circum-
Caribbean in its material cultural inventory, it more closely resembles
the Marginal Pattern in its social organization and religious develop-
ment.
Because archeological remains are slim, an understanding of the
present cultural pattern is helpful as a guide to achieving the fullest
interpretation of the clues from the past and to visualizing the range
of adjustment probably characteristic in prehistoric as well as in his-
toric times. In the brief description that follows, settlement pattern
will be given more emphasis than usual because it is one of the few
aspects of culture that can be described almost as fully for extinct as
for living cultures.
Agriculture —A variety of plants is cultivated by living tribes in
the Tropical Forest area, with some regional variation and other
recent modifications brought about by the introduction of Old World
crops like bananas and sugarcane. Of primary aboriginal significance
were the root crops, with bitter and sweet manioc as staples and the
sweetpotato, cara, and arrowroot also widely grown. Beans were
raised in the western part of the area, but seem not to have been
introduced into the Guianas until post-European times. Maize was
everywhere of secondary importance. Palms and fruit trees, some-
times planted but more often exploited in the wild, include papaya,
guava, ingd, genipapo, avocado, castanha (Brazil nut), cwpuasst, gua-
rand, manga, assat, and other palms. Tobacco, calabashes, and uruct
(for dye) were among the nonfood crops.
Fields were located in the vicinity of the settlement or scattered in
the surrounding forest where conditions of soil and drainage were
suitable. Size is variable: a Yuracare field was 10 by 500 meters
(Métraux, 1948 c, p. 487), an Amanayé field, 912 by 1,188 meters
cet pla ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 19
(Nimuendaji and Métraux, 1948, p. 200). The Tacanan clearings
average 50 by 20 meters (Métraux, 1948b, p. 381), and those in the
Guianas about 4,025 to 8,050 square meters (Gillin, 1948, p. 825).
Before the introduction of iron axes, trees were cut by alternately
charring the trunk with fire and cutting away the burned wood with
stone axes. The Mojo either waited for a strong wind to topple the
girdled trees or selected for felling those whose fall would carry ad-
jacent ones with them. After drying, the brush was burned and the
crops planted between the charred stumps and unconsumed trunks.
Clearing a new field was often a collective undertaking, in which the
owner rewarded his helpers with a feast on its completion.
Because of rapid soil exhaustion, new fields were constantly being
cut in the Guianas and were required everywhere each 2 to 3 years
at the most. Tapirapé fields were planted for 2 years, the second-
year crop confined to manioc (Wagley and Galv4o, 1948, p. 168). The
Cubeo situation is typical:
The periodic exhaustion of the soil by manioc produces a seminomadic tribal
life. But mobility is limited not only by tribal boundaries but by the necessity of
maintaining contact with the gardens nearing exhaustion. To avoid abrupt
transitions, the Indians select a new site not too far from the old one and begin
to plant it many months before moving. They continue to harvest the abandoned
gardens until the entire new crop has reached maturity 8 months to a year later.
Abandoned fields are reputedly not replanted, although their owners may con-
tinue to harvest the fruit trees for a considerable time. Presumably according
to its quality, the soil is exhausted in 3 to 5 years. [Goldman, 1948, p. 770.]
The yield of a typical garden may be judged by the fact that a Cubeo
field of about an acre produces approximately 5 tons of manioc a
year. This is harvested at an average rate of 25 pounds a day and
converted into flat cakes, one of which lasts an adult 2 days if supple-
mented with other food. Manioc gardening and the preparation of
the plant for eating consume 75 percent of a woman’s time (ibid.).
Hunting.—The variety of bird and animal life made hunting impor-
tant, but the paucity of large land mammals made it more time-con-
suming than in forested areas in other parts of the world. Blowguns
with poisoned darts, spears, and bows and arrows tipped with bamboo,
hardwood, bone, or sting ray barbs were the major weapons, but
traps, nets, and deception were also employed. The Indians of the
Guianas, a typical example,
manifest virtually all the tricks adaptable to their fauna. They imitate the call
of the tapir, deer, monkeys, and birds to allay their suspicions; stalk deer; fire
the savanna grass and encircle large game in communal drives; dig out armadillos
from their burrows; or lie in ambush, screened by a shelter built on the ground
orinatree. ([Lowie, 1948, p. 10.]
Fishing.—The Amazon network of rivers and streams provides a
constant and plentiful food supply that was thoroughly exploited by
the Tropical Forest peoples, as well as by the Marginals. Numerous
20 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
and varied techniques were used, of which drugging was perhaps the
most productive. For this purpose, over 100 species of narcotic
plants were used. Spearing, shooting with bow and arrow, and
capturing in traps and weirs were also common methods. Not only
fish, but turtles, caymans, frogs, manatees, and turtle and cayman
eges were utilized.
Forest products —The forest was a source not only of food, but of
most of the other adjuncts of life. Woods for stools and mortars;
fibers for baskets, hammocks, mats and lashings; reeds for arrow
shafts; materials for house manufacture, poisons, medicinal plants,
oils, and resins were only a few of the products gathered. Often one
plant yielded materials for many uses, like the buriti palm, which was
a kind of ‘‘country store” for the Warrau, providing
leaves for roofing houses, fibers for thread, and rope used to make hammocks,
edible pith, materials for sandals from the leaf sheath, conelike fruits regarded
as a confection when soaked in water, sap for the manufacture of an alcoholic
drink, and the edible larvae of a beetle. [Gillin, 1948, p. 826.]
Settlement pattern.—The riverine environment of the tropical forest
presents two basic choices for village location: away from the river or
along the shore. Considerations of defense, elevation, and proximity
to food sources contribute to the selection of the site. The Caraja,
for example, feel that it is preferable to be closer to fishing grounds than
to gardens, and build on a high bank overlooking the river. This
location is also chosen by the Mura, Apiac4, and tribes in the Uaupés
and Montafia regions. Jivaro settlements are on a steep hill at the
head of a stream.
Other tribes, who favor the depths of the forest, also do so for
reasons of a subsistence nature. Gillin observed this in the case of
the Barama River Caribs:
Successful hunting requires a wide range of virgin forest on all sides, a territory
in which the hunters are-not handicapped by competition from neighboring vil-
lagers or passersby on the river. Furthermore, it is the practice to locate cassava
fields on hills or slopes in order to facilitate drainage of the soil. Suitable facili-
ties for natural drainage are most often found at some distance from the river.
[Gillin, 1936, p. 31.]
Tribes who shun the river include the Encabello, whose villages are
4 to 9 km. away, the Awishira, 9 to 18 km. away, and tribes of the
Upper Xingt, 3 km. away. A nearby creek provides the domestic
water supply and a path gives access to the river. Land above flood
level is almost universally chosen, but the Omagua often settled on
islands, beaches, or lowlands likely to be inundated, and in this
respect they are more comparable to the pre-European inhabitants
of the Island of Marajé.
Houses were of two fundamental types, communal and single-family,
of which the communal type is predominant. It varies from the small
aa ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 21
structures (about 4 < 10 meters) housing 3 to 8 families, character-
istic of the Omagua and Tapirapé, through somewhat larger dwell-
ings of the Aroana (18.2 X 6.1 meters), the Witoto (10 X 20 meters),
the Parintintin (20 meters long), and the Jivaro (13 X 26 meters)
to the immense structures of the Tupinambé (up to 150 meters long),
the Awishira (22.5 X 90 meters), and the Apiacd, which sheltered sev-
eral hundred people. Details of construction also have a wide range,
including circular, rectangular, and elliptical floor plan; conical,
gabled or arched roof; thatched or open sides; the interior unparti-
tioned or divided by mats into family compartments. Individual
family houses were characteristic of the Tupi-Cawahib (3.5-5.5 meters
square), tribes of the Guianas and the Montafia, and the Encabello
(sometimes occupied by two families). Pile dwellings are built by
the Warrau and Tucuna when on inundated sites; otherwise the floor
is of packed earth.
Village composition is variable and not coordinated with the nature
of the house, except where a single communal house constitutes the
village, as is characteristic in the upper Amazon. Otherwise both
types may be arranged in a circle around a central plaza, in rows or
haphazardly scattered in the clearing. The dimensions of the clear-
ing are rarely recorded, but in one Barama River Carib village of
half a dozen houses it measured 206 by 136 feet and was roughly
elliptical in outline (Gillin, 1936, p. 101).
In population, the Tropical Forest villages run the gamut from two
or three families (Chimane) to more than a thousand individuals
(Tupinambé). The majority contain under 200 people, housed in
one or more communal houses. The average population for villages
with individual family houses is somewhat less.
Village permanency.—Information is scarce on the length of time
that villages continue to be occupied, but where this is mentioned
it is invariably short. The Tupinamb4é move when the soil in the
vicinity is exhausted or the thatch on the house begins to deteriorate,
that is every 4 to 5 years, and the new village is near the old one.
Montafia villages move every 2 to 3 years, the Jivaro at least every
6 years, the Cubeo every 3 to 5 years, the Tapirapé every 4 to 5
years. In addition to soil exhaustion, the decimation of game ani-
mals or the destruction of nearby palm trees makes a change desir-
able. Among some groups, abandonment is customary at the death
of a member of the household.
Furnishings.—Wherever they are mentioned, floors are described
as of packed earth and neatly swept at all times. Furnishings are
sparse, but usually include wooden stools, often carved in the shape
of an animal, mats and hammocks or platform beds. Personal
391329—57—-4
2D BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
belongings, weapons, gourd bottles, baskets, etc. are often stored in
the rafters.
Dress and ornament.—In aboriginal times the vast majority of the
women wore no clothing, and male covering was confined to a penis
sheath. Women of some of the Montafia tribes wore a pubic cover
of a shell (Zapa) or a leaf (Zéparo), and in the Upper Xingt of a
miniature straw triangle. On the Jurua-Purus a short, apronlike
fringe of cotton was substituted. Depilation of all or part of the
body hair was frequently produced with resin or latex. Body painting
is widespread, employed particularly on festive occasions. A great
variety of ornaments—beads, bracelets, anklets, earrings, labrets,
diadems, ligatures—are created from the brilliant and profuse selection
of materials made available by nature: wood, human and animal
teeth, feathers, bone, shell, stone, beetle wings, fruit shells, seeds,
jaguar claws, bird beaks, woven cloth, and bast fibers.
Transportation.—The effective exploitation of the Tropical Forest
environment requires dependable watercraft. The rivers are not only
the avenues of transportation and communication, but also barriers
to be crossed. Canoes are indispensable to many types of fishing.
As a result, watercraft is one of the diagnostic traits of Tropical
Forest culture. Their greater lightness makes bark canoes most
useful in the upper reaches of streams or where rapids make frequent
portages necessary. Elsewhere, dugouts are common. The Tupi-
namb&, who manufactured both types, had bark canoes 40 feet long,
holding 25 to 30 persons, and dugouts manned by 60 men. Sails
appear to have been aboriginally employed along the Guiana coast,
but the more usual propulsion was with paddles, supplemented by
poling in very shallow water.
Manufactures—Another diagnostic of Tropical Forest culture is
the manufacture of ceramics. These are simple in shape and orna-
mentation, in accord with their utilitarian function. Calabashes
were everywhere important as containers, and were put to many
uses elsewhere associated with pottery.
Twilled basketry was widespread and employed for a great many
articles in daily use. Among the Guiana Indians, where the art of
basketry reached a high degree of proficiency, the products included—
tubular manioc presses (tipitis), cassava and farinha sifters, fire fans, plated
rectangular boxes, wicker pot stands, sitting mats, carrying baskets, handbags,
rectangular telescoping two-piece containers for household goods, trays for
holding cotton. . ., rectangular and round hanging trays, deep bucket-shaped
utility baskets, bottle-necked farinha baskets, fish traps, conical landing baskets
for fish, hour-glass-shaped containers, rattles for babies, cover nets for the suspen-
sion of pots, knapsack covers, and hollow-woven belts. ([Gillin, 1948, p. 839.]
Hammocks and other articles were woven from palm (aeta, tucum
or buriti) or cotton fibers. The wooden spindle had a whorl of wood,
nae ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 23
turtle shell, a round wild seed, bone, calabash, clay or a sherd, and
was usually discoid, 2.5 to 5.0 cm. in diameter.
Among the typical musical instruments were hollow log drums,
gourd rattles, and bark and clay trumpets.
Social and political organization—A Tropical Forest village is
typically composed of one or more kin groups tracing their relationship
in the Guianas through the female line, elsewhere patrilineally.
When the village consists of a single extended family or sib, local
exogamy is observed. Marriage with cross-cousins is often preferred.
There is no social stratification and no well-defined leadership. Al-
though a headman is recognized, his main functions consist in organiz-
ing fishing and hunting expeditions, supervising on ceremonial
occasions, and arbitrating disputes. The advent of foreigners or of
war, requiring consolidated action on the part of the group against
the outside, however, could put greater authority in his hands (e. g.,
Apiac4). Polygyny was generally permitted, but common only
among chiefs. There was little occupational division of labor within
a tribe, except along sex lines, but certain tribes made products of
recognized superiority that were sought in trade. The only person
who possessed knowledge of an exclusive nature was the shaman,
who was not a full-time specialist. He treated the sick by blowing
and sucking the affected area, washing in herbal decoctions, and
sweat baths, and also foretold the future.
Infe cycle—Food taboos are often observed during pregnancy,
especially by the mother. After birth, which usually takes place in
seclusion, the couvade is widely practiced, though with various degrees
of duration and intensity. At puberty both sexes frequently undergo
ordeals in which flagellation, scarification, and exposure to biting ants
are common components. In the Guianas, this ordeal was a pre-
requisite for marriage.
In contrast to the relative uniformity of other aspects of Tropical
Forest culture, the methods of disposal of the dead are numerous,
widely variant, and with no apparent correlation to geographical or
linguistic and therefore presumably historical unity. The body is
often buried beneath the floor of the dwelling along with ornaments
and utensils, after which the building may be abandoned temporarily
or permanently or not at all. Among the Munduruct a male of high
status is exhumed after the flesh has decayed, cremated, and the ashes
are buried in a jar. The Tupinambé wrap the body in a hammock
and squeeze it into a large jar, which they bury in the house floor or
in the open, building a fire in the vicinity to keep evil spirits away. A
Mura was buried with his possessions wherever he happened to die.
The Omagua disinterred the body 3 months after burial, washed and
painted the skeleton, and set it adrift ina vase. The Caraj4 exhumed
24 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
the body the next season and placed the remains in an urn, which
was not reburied. Cremation was less common, but practiced by
Rucuyen and Atorai, the former keeping the ashes in a jar, the latter
burying them. The Guaharibo “burn the bodies of their dead, collect
the calcinated bones, and pound them in a mortar, and keep them in
their houses in globular baskets of closely woven mamuri. When they
move their residence or travel, they carry with them the bones of
their ancestors”? (Spruce, 1908, quoted by Métraux, 1948 e, p. 864).
Other groups, among them the Tapajé, cremated the corpse or the
exhumed bones and mixed the ashes with a beverage, which they
drank.
CULTURE TRAITS DISCERNIBLE ARCHEOLOGICALLY
One of the most striking features of the Tropical Forest Pattern of
culture is the extent to which the material culture is composed of
traits of a perishable nature. ‘This, coupled with the warm and
humid environment, makes it almost intangible from an archeological
point of view. Of the busy village, with its large, thatched houses, the
variety of household utensils, the array of manufactured items, and
the gaudy feather headdresses and other ornaments, all that remains
is a scattering of potsherds, a few chips from cassava board graters,
and perhaps a few stone axes. The cemeteries that provide informa-
tion in other parts of the world are often absent, meaning that burial
could have been by any of the varied methods practiced in the region
today,few of which would leave any trace even if the spot could be
found. <A few traits can be deduced, but of those listed as basic
diagnostics of the Tropical Forest Pattern—agriculture, watercraft,
hammocks, and pottery—pottery alone remains to the archeologist.
Pottery, then, is the key to more than the unraveling of the arche-
ological sequence. It is the only link that exists between the arche-
ological past and the ethnographic present. If we are to trace the
Tropical Forest Pattern of culture backward through time,it has to
be done through the medium of pottery. For this to be done ade-
quately and accurately, it is necessary to understand the functional
associations that pottery has, not only in terms of its method of
manufacture and its use, but also in the broader perspective of its sig-
nificance as indicative of the subsistence level and sociopolitical attain-
ments of the culture. Such an understanding can only be reached by
a study of the living cultures of the Tropical Forest Pattern. This
approach is, of course, not essential if the main goal is to reconstruct
the prehistoric sequence in a limited area. Archeologists should not
be content with this, however. For their data to be of any value to
others than themselves, they must make it possible to trace types of
culture and not just types of pottery backward through time. Since
wae ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 25
most fieldworkers do not publish all the details in their notes, they are
the only ones in a position to know and evaluate all the facts. It is
up to them therefore to make the cultural reconstructions that can
be used by others in the analysis and interpretation of cultural prob-
lems of wider significance. In this report, an effort is made to practice
what we are preaching and to deduce the absent from the present so
as to restore the dead cultures as much as possible to their living
condition.
The first step in making such a restoration is to establish a common
denominator between the ethnographic and archeological horizons.
The characterization of the extinct cultures begins with the material
evidence in the form of pottery and the extent and composition of the
site. These data can be compared with similar information from liv-
ing cultures, and when the correspondence is good it can be assumed
with considerable reliability that the sociopolitical, religious, and perish-
able material aspects of the culture will also be comparable in general
features. On the basis of this kind of analysis, all but one of the arche-
ological Phases found on the Islands of Marajé, Mexiana, and Caviana
and in the Territory of Amapé can be identified as belonging to the
Tropical Forest Pattern of culture. They represent semisedentary
agriculturalists living in small communities, possessing the major
technologies (except metallurgy) and a social organization character-
ized by lack of differentiation whether in occupation, wealth, or
social position. Only the Marajoara Phase exhibits more advanced
characteristics.
There are questions raised by the archeology that cannot be an-
swered by existing ethnographic data. In a functioning culture, the
small details of daily living that emerge as significant in archeological
sites escape notice in the multitude of subsistence, technological,
sociopolitical, religious, recreational, and psychological patterns that
the ethnographer must record. There is a distinction in density
and distribution of sherd refuse that suggests differences in house
type and village pattern, but little or no information on refuse accu-
mulation is available from living groups for comparison, and the
rapid decomposition prevents the formation of post molds that would
reveal size and shape of the houses. Knowing how many vessels are
made and broken by a family during a measured period of time
would aid in estimating the population of a village or the length of
time it was in use. Even an indication of how broken pottery is
disposed of might prove or refute what has been suggested as a pos- °
sible interpretation in this report (pp. 245 ff.). What is the area of a
village? How much refuse has accumulated in the period of its
habitation? Having no data with which to answer these and similar
questions, the archeologist is forced to resort to logic to make inter-
26 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
pretations from his meager data. Only the eventual help of the
ethnographers will place these postulations on a firmer scientific basis.
ENVIRONMENTAL LIMITATIONS ON CULTURE
IN THE TROPICAL FOREST
We are familiar with the pattern of culture characteristic of the
living tribes of the lowland tropical forest, and have noted some of
the ways in which this type of culture is an adaptation to the environ-
ment in which it exists. In the present report, it will be shown
that 7 of the 8 archeological Phases identified on Mexiana, Cavi-
ana, and Marajo Islands and in the Territory of Amapé fall within
the Tropical Forest Pattern. They differ from one another in details
of pottery type and decoration, in village size and composition, and
in burial customs, but all of these variations come within the range
exhibited among living Tropical Forest tribes.
The sites and ceramics of the eighth culture, the Marajoara Phase,
are so outstanding that they previously completely overshadowed the
less spectacular remains of the earlier archeological horizons on Maraj6
Island. Their exploitation is so obviously profitable, even in the
eyes of the caboelos, that it is only with difficulty and persistence that
one is able to secure information on Ananatuba, Mangueiras, and
Formiga Phase sites within the limits of the Marajoara Phase area of
distribution. The high degree of technical and artistic competence
attained by the Marajoara Phase ceramicists caused early writers to
suggest that the makers must have been descended from, or at least
have had contact with, Egyptian or Oriental civilizations (e. g., Lisle
du Dreneuc, 1889, p. 19). This evaluation cannot be given scientific
credence today, but the observation on which it is based, namely,
that Marajoara Phase culture is considerably more highly developed
than other living or extinct cultures in the area, receives the support of
modern archeological investigation. The quality and standardiza-
tion of the ceramics, the differential elaborateness of the burials, and
the large earthworks are material indications of a level of social and
political organization more comparable to that of Circum-Caribbean
and Andean cultures than to Tropical Forest tribal society.
The appearance of this advanced culture on Marajé Island in the
midst of a succession of simpler ones throws the contrast between the
two levels of development into high relief and raises questions that
otherwise might not come to the attention of the archeologist. Why,
for example, did none of the other archeological cultures attain, or
even begin to reach such a high level of development? Why,did the
Marajoara Phase undergo a cultural decline on Marajé Island?
Could it have originated elsewhere in the Tropical Forest Area?
eins) ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 27
Seeking answers to these questions requires a study of anthropo-
logical theory. Analysis of the forces contributing to the evolution
of culture elsewhere has shown that agriculture exercises a dominant
role (White, 1949; Childe, 1951). Wherever it has been introduced,
there is an almost immediate and revolutionary change in the culture;
where it has not penetrated, the culture never advances (except in
special situations) beyond a nomadic hunting and gathering level,
with undifferentiated social organization and simple technology.
Agriculture is not a simple “open sesame” to the unlimited vistas of
civilization, however. Its effectiveness as a subsistence base depends
on two factors: the potentiality of the environment and the agricul-
tural technology of the culture. The variant combinations of these
extant in the world explain and in some cases determine the differ-
ences in level of development that can be described (Meggers, 1954).
The principle behind this conclusion can be summarized briefly.
A food-gathering type of economy is undependable and time consum-
ing. The return per man-hour of labor expended is small and suffi-
cient only to satisfy immediate needs. The supply of roots, fruits,
and seeds is seasonal, and game is unconcentrated. In order to main-
tain an adequate food supply, constant activity is required by all the
able-bodied members of the community, which is limited to a small
group typically composed of kin. This type of cultural adjustment,
characterized by a minimum of material goods and a minimum of
sociopolitical organization, was universal over the world until the
commencement of the Neolithic, which is marked by the introduction
of domesticated plants and animals. It has survived until the present
in scattered environments where agriculture cannot be introduced.
The adoption of agriculture as the basic food source meant that
man was able for the first time to devote a good part of his time and
attention to other things than the securing of food. As a result, the
introduction of agriculture everywhere transformed the typically
nomadic life of hunters and gatherers with remarkable rapidity into
a new pattern characterized by settled villages and by the acquisition
of the ceramic and textile arts. This initial revolution brought little
alteration in the social organization—no strong chiefs, social classes,
occupational specialization—or in religious concepts or practices.
These advances came later and depended upon the increasing pro-
ductivity of agriculture; in other words, on the deflection of larger
amounts of time and effort from food production to be expended
instead on culture building.
Where the techniques are absent or the environment prohibits
their use and agriculture does not increase in productivity, the cul-
ture is arrested temporarily or permanently after the consummation
of the first stage of advance. In temperate regions like Europe and
a8 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
North America, the fertility of the soil can be permanently main-
tained and the yield often increased by scientific crop rotation, fer-
tilization, and similar means. In desert regions like Coastal Peru
or in fertile river valleys like that of the Nile, the soil is almost un-
limited in its ability to produce abundant crops year after year,
which selective plant breeding can augment. But there is no evidence
from geographers, soil experts, agronomists, or botanists that such
a thing is possible where tropical forest conditions require slash-and-
burn agricultural exploitation, and anthropological data add con-
firmation. No culture deriving its subsistence from slash-and-burn
agriculture is able to maintain any of the traits of advanced agri-
cultural societies, such as well-developed leadership, class distinction,
occupational specialization, priests, temples or high gods, large and
permanent cities and towns, and empires. There are only small,
scattered and semipermanent villages and a relatively simple develop-
ment of some of the basic technologies, like ceramics, textiles, wood-
working and basketry.*
Much speculation has surrounded the promising potentialities of the
American Tropics as the garden spot of the world. Observers of the
densely populated areas in equatorial Asia have been led to view the
Amazon drainage as equally capable of intense exploitation, lacking
only in sufficient advertising. Anthropologists, seeing that the Ama-
zon lagged behind tropical regions nearly everywhere else in the
world in the level of cultural development, have been inclined to
invoke the late start of the American Indians compared with cultures
in the Old World, the constant state of hostility and warfare between
the Amazon tribes, or simply to leave the question unanswered.
There is abundant evidence, both from geographers and ethnolo-
gists, however, that the limited productivity of slash-and-burn agri-
culture is the true cause. Robert Pendleton (1950, p. 115), a leading
authority on tropical land use, has recently put the situation in deci-
sive language:
In higher latitudes, and particularly in the United States, a widespread opinion
prevails that such humid regions as the enormous Amazon basin, now occupied
by luxuriant and apparently limitless tropical high forests, must certainly have
rich soils, and hence, great potentialities for the production of food, fiber, and
other agricultural crops. . . . It is true that certain regions such as those with
recently active volcanoes, and those recent alluvial soils in humid equatorial low-
lands which are not deeply flooded, do have great crop growing potentialities;
they are producing and can continue to produce much from the soil. Never-
theless, on the whole, the soils of the humid equatorial regions have distressingly
limited possibilities for plant production. . . . This pessimistic attitude is no
longer the result of mere opinion, for in a number of widely scattered regions in
4 Maya culture, which superficially looks like an exception, exhibits a history of decline very similar to
that undergone by the Marajoara Phase (Meggers, 1954).
MUGGHRS AND ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 29
HVANS]
the humid low latitudes agricultural scientists have been and still are seriously
at work.
The reason for this seeming contradiction in plant productivity is in
the differential ability of the crops to utilize the resources of the soil:
The reason for the rapid decline in productivity is that practically all of the
plant nutrients within reach of the roots of the forest trees have been taken up and
are in the growing trees. Almost all the plant offal (dead leaves, twigs, fruit,
fallen trees, etc.) which falls to the ground is quickly attacked by termites and
decay organisms; as a consequence it rapidly disappears. Organic matter cannot
persist long on the soil; leaf mold as it is known in the north temperate U. 8. does
not develop. However, the heartwood logs of certain very durable sorts of trees
will last a couple of years or more. The nutrients thus released and washed into
the soil by the frequent drenching rains are quickly taken up by the tree roots
lying in wait just under the soil surface. All the nutrients within reach of the
tree roots are in the vegetation, and are being cycled. When the forest is cut and
burned the cycle is broken, the plant nutrients being released in soluble form in
the ash. The soil itself is extremely acid, often being pHs. The burning slightly
reduces the acidity and supplies available nutrients for the crop plants which may
be planted in the clearing. But before the annual or biennial crop plants can
develop extensive root systems sufficient to absorb any considerable proportion of
these liberated nutrients, most of the soluble materials will have been washed
down deep into the subsoil by the almost daily rains—thus quite out of reach of
the roots. [op. cit., p. 116.] 5
The effects of this leaching process are dramatically reflected in
differences in yield from the same field in successive years. Wagley
(1953, p. 67) reports that the second planting is only about half as
productive as that of the first year after clearing. Re-use of the
area before it has had sufficient time to return to tall secondary
erowth results in a less productive harvest than is achieved if the
vegetation is allowed to reach this stage before another attempt at
cultivation (op. cit., p. 68). Wasteful as it appears to be, slash-and-
burn agriculture is the only method of exploitation that is adapted
to the major portion of the Amazon area. The adverse conditions of
high temperature and humidity, heavy rainfall, and low initial fer-
tility of the soil make short intervals of cultivation separated by long
periods of fallow and reforestation the only circumstance under
which the long range pursuit of agricultural return is feasible, given
the plants available aboriginally.
In addition to the general! poverty of the soil for agricultural pur-
poses, there is a further factor that serves to reduce the utility of the
land. This is its topography and elevation. Estimates of the possi-
bilities of tropical agriculture often leave this out of consideration and
as a result make the picture appear considerably brighter than it ac-
tually is. Higbee (1948), for instance, has estimated that the land in a
5 Similar conclusions on the poverty of tropical forest agricultural resources have been reached by Stamp
(1952, pp. 61-63) and Richards (1952, pp. 401-403).
30 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
60-mile radius around the Maya site of Tikal could feed 500,000 people.
This calculation is based on the observation that the production from
1 acre of land will feed 1 person for 2 years. After clearing, 30 years of
fallow are required for the return of fertility, before reclearing is
profitable. Under these conditions, an allotment of 15 acres per person
would insure a permanent food supply. Division of the area within
a, 60-mile radius of Tikal into 15-acre plots gives Higbee his estimated
population of 500,000. However, this method of calculating sub-
sistence potential fails to make allowances for irregularities in the
terrain. To be usable for agriculture, the land must be above flood
level and have a minimum of slope. In a region where rivers rise from
10 to 20 or more feet in the rainy season, a substantial part of the
land is submerged for several months each year. Hills often have
steep banks and summits too small for a field. Our own estimate of
agriculturally usable land in British Guiana, Brazilian Guiana (Ter-
ritory of Amap4), and on the Islands of Mexiana, Caviana, and
Marajé, is that it constitutes about one twenty-fifth of the total dry
season extent. Since this is based on traveling over the countryside
and along the rivers rather than on a specific survey, and in order to
avoid an error on the conservative side, we increased this figure 2%
times, bringing it to 10 percent of the total land area.
Tropical areas with more favorable conditions for agriculture exist,
but Marajé Island is not one of them. On the contrary, its poten-
tiality is rather lower than average. The forested western part,
poorly drained even during the dry months, is inundated during the
rainy season. The campo dominating the eastern half is also hostile to
agriculture. Unlike the fertile plains of temperate regions, the
tropical grasslands are even lower in agricultural potential than the
forests. It is only with extensive preparation of the soil with fertilizer
and by careful nurturing that the modern ranchers succeed in bringing
a rare fruit tree to maturity (Lage, 1944, pp. 244-245; Pendleton,
1950, pp. 119-120). Only in the limited area along the southeastern
coast can the conditions be said to be at all favorable to cultivation
(pl. 27, 6.) Productivity can be judged on the basis of efforts to es-
tablish agricultural colonies on the opposite side of the Baia de
Marajé, where the land is part of the same formation as on the Island:
The peasants who pioneered here soon found that while they could get a good
crop of food the first year after cutting and burning the primeval forest and could
get a following crop or two of mandioca, no further cropping was worthwhile for
them, even though very little labor was needed to cut down and clear the second
growth that came in after they abandoned their 2 or 3 years’ cultivation of crops
in the new clearing. [Pendleton, 1950, p. 116.]
The inescapable effects of reliance on slash-and-burn agriculture
have been recorded repeatedly by ethnographers: ‘“The periodic ex-
haustion of the soil by manioc produces a seminomadic tribal life”
MESEREE, AND ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 31
among the Cubeo (Goldman, 1948, p. 770); “The Jivaro community
is . . . moved at least every 6 years as new farm land is needed”
(Steward and Métraux, 1948, p. 621), etc. The pattern of “shifting
cultivation” requires that the rest of the culture remain simple enough
to retain its mobility, to be capable of ready transferral from place to
place, or become extinct as local food resources give out.®
Examples of the degeneration or extinction of cultures that had
become adjusted to permanently productive agriculture and were
attracted or pushed into the tropical forest are also abundant. John-
son (1948 b, p. 196) summarizes the Central American situation:
The few colonies which the Meso-Americans sent into the Tropical Forest were
mere outposts, some of which succumbed to the environment, while others,
probably under environmental influence, adopted the indigenous culture. The
colonies which retained their Meso-American features were evidently not estab-
lished long enough before the Conquest for local environmental and cultural
influences to have changed them. [Cf. Steward, 1949 c, pp. 759-760.]
Students of the Andean cultures have commented that even the
remarkably organized Inca system was unable to surmount the limi-
tations of the lowland tropics. Stirling notes that “archeological
sites . . . in the valleys of the Upano and Namangosa Rivers dem-
onstrate that the material culture of the Jivaros in pre-Columbian
times resembled that of the ancient cultures of the highlands much
more closely than do present-day survivals” (1988, p. xi; also Steward,
1948 a, pp. 13-14).
This process of deculturation can be observed in progress in the
changes that occurred in the culture of the Marajoara Phase during
its habitation of Marajé Island. In this instance we have as complete
possession of the facts as we are likely to have for the assessment of
the causes of this decline. We have comparative material in the
form of four other cultures of the Tropical Forest Pattern that occu-
pied the same area at different times. These form a sharp contrast
to the Marajoara Phase and emphasize its more advanced character,
which can be paralleled only by cultures of the Circum-Caribbean
and Sub-Andean levels of development. We have a detailed knowl-
edge of the environment today, and the high probability that in the
short time represented by the archeological sequence there was no
notable ecological alteration. All of this evidence makes as clear a
case as possible for the conclusion that this environment cannot
support a culture more advanced than the Tropical Forest Pattern.
If this is true, then the Tropical Forest Pattern represents the
maximum development of culture that could have been attained in
the area where agricultural exploitation is limited to slash-and-burn.
This limitation is first and foremost an environmental one, which
6 For another discussion of the interrelationship between culture and agricultural potential, see Linton,
1940,
32 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
operates in terms of restricting the subsistence resources, both in
quantity and permanence. Some variation exists within the region,
and this is correlated with larger or smaller communities, ranging
from two or three families to a thousand or more individuals (Tupi-
namb4). The upper limits of this range, however, resemble culturally
the lower limits more closely than they do members of the more
advanced Circum-Caribbean and Andean Areas. The cultural de-
velopment of the Tropical Forest Area cannot be said to have been
“arrested” by the advent of the Europeans as it might have been in
other parts of the New World; it had already been arrested by the
agricultural deficiencies of the environment in which it existed.
An understanding of this situation permits a more realistic inter-
pretation and evaluation of the past and present cultures at the mouth
of the Amazon than would otherwise be possible. ‘The similarities
between the archeological Phases and their comparability to living
Tropical Forest cultures become the expected components of a total
pattern of adaptation to and limitation by a particular type of en-
vironment. The deculturation suffered by the Marajoara Phase and
its lack of influence on tribes in the nearby area become understand-
able and explainable. Knowing the limitations of the tropical forest
for the development of culture makes it possible to conclude that
some other part of the South American continent with greater sub-
sistence potential must hold the key to the origin of the Marajoara
Phase, and this clue can be pursued and verified by use of the com-
parative method (pp. 412-418).
That the ecological situation in the Tropical Forest Area can be
so sharply defined is a fortunate and unusual circumstance. In most
other types of environment, the limitations and possibilities for
cultural development are less readily delimited, and differences in
technological achievement, especially in the realm of agriculture,
can play an important role in determining the productivity of the
subsistence and through it the level to which the culture can attain.
Hence the approach employed here may not turn out to be particularly
useful to archeologists working in other parts of the New World.
This does not argue against making fullest use of it in the tropical
forest, where the data recovered by archeology are so meager that
all conceivable methods of analysis and interpretation must be
explored.
THE TERRITORY OF AMAPA
GEOGRAPHICAL DESCRIPTION
The Federal Territory of Amap4 was created in May 1944 in the
area commonly known as Brazilian Guiana (fig. 1). The Rio Oia-
poque separates it from French Guiana on the north and the Tumuc-
Humac Range, extending westward from the headwaters of the Rio
Oiapoque, is on the boundary with Dutch Guiana. ‘The western and
southern limits follow the meandering Rio Jari from its headwaters
near the Serra Tumuc-Humac to its mouth, which opens into the
lower Amazon just opposite the Ilha Grande de Gurupa&. The
mouth of the north channel of the Amazon (Rich, 1942, pl. 25) and
the Atlantic Ocean combine to form the eastern boundary. This
vast equatorial region extends from 49°52’ to 54°50’ West Longitude
and from 4°25’ North Latitude at the mouth of the Rio Oiapoque to
1°20’ South Latitude at the mouth of the Rio Jari. The area of
137,419 km.? given in the most recent Territorial report, is an approxi-
mation based upon aerial photographs and incomplete ground surveys
(Moreira, 1948, p. 1; Reis, 1949, pp. 7-11; World Aeronautical Charts,
895, 946).
The muddy waters of the Amazon discolor the Atlantic Ocean for a
distance of 200 miles out from land and, in spite of the strong tide
effects and ocean currents, none of the water along the southeastern
shore of the Territory of Amap4 is contaminated with salt. The
coastline is constantly shifting, especially between the Cabo do Norte
and the mouth of the Rio Oiapoque. Sand and mud bars running
parallel to the coast are backed by a belt of marshy lagoons into
which the water penetrates at high tides, and across which the rivers
meander to empty into the sea through openings or channels in the
bars. This section of the coast is frequently subject to heavy seas,
high winds, and strong tides, presenting grave hazards to navigation.
The topographical features of the Territory of Amap4 are controlled
in part by the fact that the north is composed of the same geological
structure of crystalline hilly uplands found in Dutch, British, and
French Guiana. This culminates on the western extreme in the
Tumuc-Humac Range, which runs for 250 km. in an east-west direc-
tion and attains an elevation of 916 meters. This continuous high
range of igneous rock forms a line of division between the streams that
flow north into the Atlantic (e. g. Rios Oiapoque, Cassiporé) and those
33
34 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
that drain south into the Amazon (e. g. Rios Jari, Maraca). Several
lesser mountains outcrop in the northern part of the Territory. The
Serra Lombarda is the largest with its highest peak reaching an ele-
vation of 500 meters. Numerous rock shelters and caves are found
in the large, eroded, igneous outcrops scattered throughout the
Territory, especially in the north.
Geographically, the Territory of Amap4 presents a mixture of low-
lands flooded during the rainy season, dry grasslands (savanna) with
scattered trees, dense rain-forest vegetation, undulating uplands,
and small mountains. All the topographical and vegetational fea-
tures resemble those of the other Guianas. The association of up-
lands, ranging from between 15 and 100 meters in altitude, and low
mountain ranges with flooded lowlands gives the whole area an unusual
combination of topographical and vegetational features. Flooded
lowlands occur along the coast from the mouth of the Rio Oiapoque
to within a few kilometers of the city of Macap4, extending inland in
a zone ranging from 10 to 100 km. in width. The most extensive
unbroken lowland is the lake region between the mouth of the Rio
Araguari and the city of Amap&. Marshes and hundreds of deep
lakes ranging in size from small ponds (pl. 4, 6) to Lago Novo, which
is 40 km. long and 20 km. wide at the lowest water of the dry season,
cover more area than the woodlands and rolling grassy meadows.
During the rainy season, it is possible to travel by boat from one lake
to another across the flooded campo; even during the dry season most
of the lakes are interconnected by small igarapés or streams. The
Rio Flexal drains part of the lake region, offering an exit to the coast.
Throughout the year these deep lakes are bountiful in fish and harbor
a large number of waterfowl.
Such a topography makes the Territory of Amap4 relatively in-
accessible by land and, now as in the past, the waterways are the
main routes of transportation and communication. Although an
abundance of rapids (pl. 1, 6) makes most of the rivers unsuitable for
steamers or motorboats, they are navigable in small canoes. The
Rio Oiapoque, one of the largest, is unobstructed only as far as the
modern town of Clevelandia, 85 km. above the mouth. Passing
from here to the headwaters, 270 km. farther in a southwesterly direc-
tion, requires portage around or paddling up and over 35 major rapids.
The Oiapoque empties into a bay 20 km. wide and 45 km. long, formed
by two peninsulas, one on the French Guiana side and the other, Cabo
do Orange, on the Brazilian side. The Rio Uac4, whose headwaters
lie in the foothills of the Serra Lombarda, flows from the south into
the same bay.
Going from the Rio Oiapoque south to the Cabo do Norte and the
Ilha Marac4, four principal rivers—Rios Cassiporé, Cunani, Calgoene,
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and Amap4 Grande—flow into the Atlantic Ocean. The longest and
largest of these, the Rio Cassiporé, stretches northward for 300 km.
from its source in the Serra Lombarda to the sea. It is obstructed
by rapids and falls to such an extent that in early colonial times its
headwaters were often reached by ascending the Rio Calgoene and
crossing over by a small igarapé joining the two rivers to avoid the
hardships of portage.
One of the major rivers of the Territory of Amap4, the Rio Araguari,
empties into the Atlantic Ocean just south of the Cabo do Norte and
divides the Territory into a northern and southern sector. It has
two main forks, the Araguari proper, which flows due south from the
foothills of the Serra Lombarda, and the Amapari draining from the
eastern extreme of the Serra Tumuc-Humac. Although this river is
1 to 3 km. in width along much of its lower course and has a deep
channel and swift current, a stretch of rapids and falls between the
towns of Ferreira Gomes and Porto Grande and a silted-up mouth
has made the lower 150 km. of the river of only secondary importance
from the standpoint of modern navigation. The land along the river
is subject to flooding during the rainy season, except for occasional
high bluffs and rounded hills, but the region is not geographically
distinct from or more hostile than other parts of the Territory (pl. 1).
However, the low banks may account for its position as an important
cultural boundary in aboriginal times.
South of the Rio Araguari-Amapari all the rivers and igarapés drain
into the north channel of the Lower Amazon instead of the Atlantic
Ocean. There are no unusual features along the Rios Matapi, Vila-
nova (formerly Anauerapuct), and Maracé; these drainages are similar
to all others in the region with meandering courses, deep channels,
greatly affected by tide action toward the mouth, broken by rapids
toward the headwaters, crossing lowlands along the coastal fringe and
lower reaches and cutting through uplands, higher hills, and moun-
tains in the headwaters. <A large number of tributary igarapés and
rivers form a network of inland waterways for each river drainage.
The longest and most sinuous river of the entire Territory of Amap4
is the Rio Jari, which forms the southwestern boundary. Its course is
roughly 800 km. long, with its headwaters and upper branches draining
the south side of the Serra Tumuc-Humac, but only the lower 150 km.
are free of rapids and falls. This river penetrates the thickest forest
of the entire Territory, unbroken by savannas and uplands. The
southern part of the Territory consists of undulating uplands with a
heavy, equatorial rain-forest vegetation interspersed with occasional
grassy savannas dotted with trees (pl. 3, a). The coastal fringe along
the north bank of the Amazon is higher land, ranging from 5 to 20
36 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
meters in elevation and covered with thick, high forest and dense
underbrush.
The climatic features must be mentioned briefly. Although the
equator passes through the southern part of the Territory, the climate
can in no way be called disagreeable. The average monthly tempera-
ture ranges from 24° to 28° C. (75.2° to 82.4° F.), giving a mean
annual temperature of 26° C. (78.8° F.). The daily range is from a
minimum of 20.5° C. (69° F.) at 5:30 a. m. to a maximum of 32.6° C.
(91° F.) at 3 p.m. The nights are always cool and agreeable; con-
tinuous and strong offshore breezes cool the coastal regions. The
relative humidity of the free air during the dry season ranges from
99 percent at the period of minimum temperature to 50 to 60 percent
at the time of maximum temperature, rising to 70 to 99 percent during
any time of the day during the wet season. Rainfall varies slightly
by region but usually fluctuates in 13 to 15 year cycles from an annual
rainfall of 203.2 em. (80 inches) to 342.9 em. (135 inches), usually with
light, scattered daily showers during the dry season from late July to
November (Pinto, 1930, pp. 30-42; Le Cointe, 1945, pp. 79-93;
U. S. Air Force Meteorological Observations, personal communi-
cation).
The popular conception of the Amazonian equatorial ‘jungle’ as
dense, monotonous, and impenetrable is not applicable here. The
plant growth of the Territory of Amapé varies considerably from high,
thick, virgin, equatorial rain-forest vegetation of large broadleafed
trees with limited undergrowth, to dense thickets of heavy under-
growth and tangled vines along the banks of all waterways, to sprin-
kled palms and other trees on the undulating grassy uplands, to the
typical marsh and lowland growth of reeds, water lilies, and hyacinths.
The variety of trees and shrubs is enormous. Some measured forest
areas record up to 3,000 different species per square kilometer. Animal
life is less bountiful but includes the paca, agouti, peccary, coati, deer,
tapir, jaguar, ocelot, many species of monkeys, etc., in addition to
reptiles. Bird life is profuse, but often withdrawn to the high fringes
of the tall forest, making it difficult to observe. Without any doubt,
the excellent fish found in abundance and in great variety in all
streams, rivers, and lakes provided a major source of food in the past,
as it does today. In relation to the potential food supply, it is perti-
nent to mention the inherent sterility of the soil for the support of
intensive cultivation. Heavy rains constantly percolating through
the upper layers of the soil and dissolving the soluble minerals, plus
the vigorous bacterial action under conditions of high temperature
and humidity which quickly destroys any organic matter that falls to
the ground, rid the soil of vital plant foods and humus.
i al ll ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON oY
The natural mineral wealth of the region is today of great economic
significance (Ackermann, 1948), but only nugget gold, hematitic iron
in a relatively pure state, white chalk, and yellow and red ochre are
found in a free or accessible state. With the exception of the ochres
and the chalk, none of these minerals appears to have been utilized
by the Indians of the region.
The Territory of Amapé is one of the regions of greatest variation of
topographical and vegetational features in the Amazon drainage.
This combination of flooded lowlands and lakes, undulating uplands,
low mountain ranges, savanna and dense forest with a multitude of
igarapés and rivers in part affected the living habits of the indigenous
population but, in all probability, its influence on the first European
explorers, who bent their efforts to the control and colonization of the
region, was even greater.
THE ARUA PHASE
DESCRIPTION OF SITES AND EXCAVATIONS
The only prehistoric cultural Phase in the Territory of Amap4 with
a distribution on both sides of the Rio Araguari-Amapari is the Arud.
Its history on the islands of Marajé, Mexiana, and Caviana pro-
vides the sequel to its occupation of this part of the mainland,
from which it was apparently expelled by the peoples of the Mazagao
and Aristé Phases. The Arua& Phase is of further significance be-
cause it is the earliest ceramic-producing cultural Phase in the Terri-
tory. Although it is represented by a limited number of excavated
sites, these add important information to the Arua Phase as it is
known from the islands. Reference to the sites, designated by their
numbers, on the map (fig. 1) while reading the following descriptions
will aid considerably in establishing a picture of the geographical
distribution of each Phase.
SITE A—5—CAFEZAL
The only habitation site in the Territory of Amap4 showing occupa-
tion by two distinct cultural Phases is Cafezal, located on the north-
east side of the Rio Vilanova about 5 km. above the junction of the
Rio Pigaca. The steep-sided, conical hill on which it is located is 25
meters high and separated from the river bank by about 2 km. of
low, poorly drained land. The entire region is covered with a dense
forest containing an unusually large number of palm trees amid
thick underbrush. A small rivulet drains along the foot of the hill
and into the Rio Vilanova. ‘The site itself is on the northwest side of
the hill 15 meters from the top. Tests in many spots showed that the
deposit covered an almost circular area 10 meters in diameter and did
391329575
38 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
not exceed 10cm.indepth. The potsherds were scattered thickly over
the surface and the body of a huge jar was buried in their midst. A
trench 2 by 1 meters was excavated near the center of the site to the
depth of sterile soil and all specimens were cataloged as a unit. Pot-
tery types belonging to both the Mazag4o and the Arua Phases were
found, but there was no stratigraphic separation because (1) the
deposit was so shallow that there was natural intermixture and migra-
tion of sherd material and (2) the area had been used, recently, as a
manioc garden and hence had undergone extreme artificial mixture
from cultivation activities.
The large jar in the center of the site was uncovered and found to be
decorated with a rib running around the shoulder bearing an irregular
row of impressed rings (pl. 101, 6). The rim was broken off 22 cm.
below the present ground surface and just above the ring-impressed
design. The vessel measured 78 cm. at its widest diameter, 61 cm.
at the broken neck, with the existing fragment 61 cm. high. The
flat base was 29 cm. in diameter. Large fragments of the heavy, ex-
teriorly thickened rim found nearby establish the mouth diameter as
36cm. The body wall was from 1.5 to 2.0 cm. thick and was unevenly
smoothed, pitted, and crackled. The decorative rings average 1.1
cm. in diameter and were punched to a depth of 3 to 5 mm. with the
end of a hollow cane. Since the contents of the jar had been removed
by curious caboclos, its function was not ascertainable. In the Arua
Phase on the islands this type of jar was used for secondary burial.
Of the 839 sherds cataloged from Cafezal, 230 or 27.5 percent represent
the Arua Phase and the remainder are from the Mazagao Phase.
These Arua sherds classify as 230 (100 percent) Piratuba Plain, 2 of
which have punctate decoration.
SITE A-—8—AURORA
Site A-8 is a stone alinement on the east shore of the Rio Flexal,
which drains part of the lake region north of the Rio Araguari-
Amapari and south of the city of Amap&. Unfortunately, caboclos in
search of buried treasure had disarranged the stones so that no idea
could be gained of their original positions (fig. 2). They are situated
on a rise in the savanna one-quarter kilometer from the river bank
between two small lakes, one to the east and another to the northeast.
This ground, rising 3.5 meters above the high-water level, is the
highest land in the area and commands a magnificent view in all direc-
tions over the surrounding high-grass savanna dotted with groves of
trees, the winding course of the Rio Flexal, and the lakes. All the
stones are biotitic granite with a high percentage of quartz, of which
the closest natural outcrop is about 5 km. downstream. At the time
of our visit only two stones remained standing and these were leaning
wearer ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 39
badly (pl. 2). One extended 3 meters above ground and was roughly
triangular in cross section, with the greatest width 30 cm.; it leaned
45 degrees to the southeast. The other, 6 meters southwest of the
first and leaning at an angle of 45 degrees to the northeast, measured
2.10 meters above ground and was roughly triangular with 20 cm.
to aside. Eighteen other granite stones, ranging in size from 75 by
30 by 13 em. to 3.00 by 0.30 by 0.14 meters, were scattered on the
surface over an area 11 by 9 meters. All but six were under a meter
long, but those six ranged from 1.75 to 3.00 meters in length. All of
the rocks were roughly hewn, with no evidence of redressing.
THICKNESS 16M TOs
THICKNESS .i6M
com ASM
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es S 5S =
amt
<——THICKNESS .14u
—— »*
LEANING TO W.E.,
ue HEIGHT 2.10
g
Ficgure 2.—Ground plan of A~8—Aurora, a stone alinement of the Arué Phase.
The caboclos said that no whole vessels had ever been found in their
treasure digging and our tests in the area revealed no traces of bone
material from burials and no concentration of potsherds or vessels. A
few sherds were scattered in the native clay (tan to dark-brown
flecked with orange) from the surface to a depth of 5 cm. near one of
the standing stones. Only 78 sherds were collected, of which 36 were
excellent representatives of the early variety of Piratuba Plain with
occasional punctate decoration and 30 were Aberta Incised (pl. 102,
g-k). The majority of these sherds appear to be from only 2 or 3
vessels. The remaining 12 sherds are ceramic types of the Aristé
Phase and also seem to represent only a few vessels (see pp. 106-107).
This stone alinement resembles those found by Nimuendajt (see pp.
40 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
41-43) in the northern part of the Territory of Amap4 in its general
characteristics and in the fact that no burials and only a few scattered
sherds are associated with it. Its location on a high point in the area
with an unobstructed view of both sunrise and sunset, the laborious
transportation of stones from a distance of at least 5 km., and their
placement in some sort of definite pattern, seem to warrant the con-
clusion that this site was used as a place of worship or ceremonial
gathering.
SITE A-23—ILHA DA FORTALEZA, CONCEIGAO
Information on this stone alinement comes from Sr. Newton W.
Cardoso, who visited it in March 1949. It is on a point of land between
the lower Rio Flexal and the Canal de Carapaporis, which passes be-
tween the mainland and the Ilha de Maracé. One and a half kilom-
eters from the coastline are two small hills, one measuring 50 meters
long by 25 meters wide and the other, 60 meters west of the first and
roughly circular, measuring 35 by 45 meters and 5 meters high. Dur-
ing the rainy season only these two small rises escape flooding. Pot-
sherds and remnants of a stone alinement are found on the second hill
only. The caboclos could remember when there were a large number
of standing stones and many fallen ones arranged roughly in a large
circle. Only 6 of these (largest 1.00 X 0.25 X 0.25 meters) remained
at the time of Sr. Cardoso’s visit (fig. 3), the others having been car-
ried off for modern building purposes. The nearest source of rock
that he could ascertain is 10 km. away by dugout. Once again the
small elevation commands a perfect view of the surrounding region.
| ot rea ue
AFTER N.W. CARDOSO, FIELD
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=
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RAINY SEASON
AREA PRODUCING
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Ficure 3.—Ground plan of A-23—Ilha da Fortaleza, Conceigdo, a stone aline-
ment of the Arua Phase.
rs ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 41
Potsherds were distributed sparsely from the surface to a depth of
10 cm. or less in a roughly circular area with no concentration near
the stones. Seventy-six sherds were collected from the surface and 288
from subsurface testing. All of the sherds were good, typical, early
style Piratuba Plain resembling the type from Cafezal (A—5) and Site
M-2 on Mexiana. No bone fragments or whole vessels were found.
The fact that the site has a more extensive refuse deposit than is gen-
erally associated with these stone structures makes it possible that a
small Arud village was located here prior to the erection of the stone
alinement.
DATA FROM OTHER INVESTIGATIONS
Arua Phase habitation sites, typically small and shallow, appear to
have escaped notice by the previous investigators in the Territory of
Amap4. In any event, no one thought the pottery types sufficiently
interesting to warrant transportation to a museum, even one so
accessible as the Museu Goeldi in Belém.
During his archeological explorations in the Territory of Amapaé
during parts of 1923 and 1925, Nimuendajii encountered numerous
stone alinements similar to our Site A-S—Aurora. The brief sum-
mary that follows is taken in part from Linné’s published accounts
(1928 a, 1928 b) but principally from Rydén’s (MS.) translation and
study of the notes and materials collected by Nimuendaji and depos-
ited at the Ethnographical Museum in Goteborg. Where it was possible
to identify the cultural affiliation from a study of the photographs,
drawings, or Rydén’s descriptions of the artifacts, we have done so.
IGARAPE DOS MACACOS
Several granite slabs were on a slight rise of land near the zgarapé
One slab, 1 meter tall and 10 cm. thick ,was vertical with fragments of
another scattered nearby. Fragments of a few vessels and several
stone axes came from the site.
RIO NOVO
On a small hill about 6 meters from the river bank, there is a stone
alinement consisting of three parts: (1) The eastern part composed of a
vertical, granite slab 2.45 meters high, 1.15 meters wide and 10 cm.
thick, with a smaller pillar leaning against it as support and several
fragments scattered over the ground; (2) the central part with a ver-
tical, granite slab and a looted “grave-shaft” nearby, which was coy-
ered with a large flat stone; and (3) the western part 20 meters from
the central group where five granite slabs (largest one 1.60 meters tall)
were placed irregularly over an area of 5 square meters. Except for
a large stone ax, no artifacts were found.
42 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
Although Nimuendaji did not visit them, he received information
that further up the Rio Novo there were several other similar stone
alinements.
JOSE ANTONIO
One of the largest stone alinements in the Territory of Amapé
extends about 100 meters along the Rio Calgoene. (A ground plan
and photograph are given in Linné, 1928 b, fig. 4 and pl. I-1.) Large
portions have been demolished by treasure hunters and people seeking
stones for road paving, house foundations, and anchors, but about
150 stones are still available on the surface. Nimuendajt divides the
alinement into three parts, A, B, and C, each apparently distinct from
the other. The granite slabs appear originally to have been vertical
with smaller stones propping up the bases. Although a few scattered
sherds were found around some of the stones there was no concentra-
tion; a few complete axes came from the area. Traces of charcoal to
a depth of 1 meter were perhaps produced by the original slash-burn
clearing of the land. Nimuendajii was impressed by the fact that
although this group of stones represented a tremendous amount of
work including transporting them from some distance, pottery was
exceedingly sparse. The descriptions suggest the pottery is typical
Piratuba Plain.
VILLA CALGOENE
Three vertical stone slabs erected in a triangle are said to have once
been standing a short distance from the old Villa Calcoene.
TESO DA MINA
A large stone alinement consisting of a larger and a smaller group
was near the Amapé Grande, but an organized party of treasure
hunters had so disarranged the numerous granite slabs that their
original position was indeterminable. No pottery was found by
Nimuendajt.
sucURIIU
Two small alinements on the Rio Sucurijt, a source of the Rio
Mayacaré, had been totally destroyed by treasure seekers.
LAGO DOS PATOS
On the Lago dos Patos of the Rio Sucurijti was a recently disturbed
alinement of 12 stones. No artifacts were found.
CACHOEIRINHA
South of the town of Amapd on the Igarapé da Serra there is a large
stone alinement arranged in four separate groups with some stones
still erect but with most of them scattered. Nimuendajt reports that
et aa ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 43
one large granite slab was 4.38 meters long. A few sherds were
found at the base of some of the stones. Rydén’s descriptive com-
ments suggest they belong to the pottery type, Piratuba Plain.
ACGAHYZAL
Along the Rio Frechal (today sometimes spelled Flexal) there is a
large group of stones, only a few of which still stand because of
disturbance. Contrary to the situation at other stone alinements, a
great number of plain or incised sherds were found, which had a
sandy paste different from the few sherds found at the other aline-
ments. In his description, Rydén (MS.) comments that a red-brown
paint was on the exterior surface of several sherds but the majority
were incised. Our identification of these sherds from Rydén’s plate
26 places the majority of them in the pottery types known as Uacié
Incised and Davi Incised. From these observations and our own
investigations at Site A-8—Aurora, it is clear that both the quantity
and quality of most of these sherds are not the same as usually found
by the alinements. They are pottery types representative of the
Aristé Phase and must have been deposited some time posterior to
the construction and use of the alinement by the Arua.
ANALYSIS OF MATERIALS
Since the Aruaé made only one kind of undecorated pottery, Piratuba
Plain, a light-tan to orange-surfaced, sherd-tempered ware, and only a
fraction of a percent of the sherds are decorated, the seriation of the
sites cannot be based on percentage analysis of pottery types alone.
Careful study and comparison of the sherds from 7 cemeteries and 15
habitation sites belonging to the Arua Phase on the Islands of Marajé,
Mexiana, and Caviana revealed certain pronounced differences in
vessel shape, decorative style and general quality of ceramic that
seemed indicative of time lapse. Glass beads found at two sites
establish them as late and provide a terminal point along with his-
torical records of Aru& occupation. The seriation based on vessel
shape is characterized by the disappearance of ring-impressed decora-
tion and by improved control of the ceramic medium, shown in thinner
walls and more regular surfaces, and more ingenious vessel shapes.
The Piratuba Plain and the few decorated substyles of this type from
Sites A-5, A-8, and A-23 are of the cruder variety of Arua pottery.
The jar from Site A—5 is ornamented with a ring-impressed, applique
band, and a few sherds with irregular incised lines (Aberta Incised)
were found at Site A-8. These characteristics place the Arua Phase
sites in the Territory of Amap4 at the beginning of the Arua sequence,
and the absence of contact materials adds confirmation to this seriation.
44 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
CERAMIC HISTORY
The development of the various styles and substyles of pottery from
the Aru& Phase of the Territory of Amap4 can only be discussed
intelligently when the Arua materials from Mexiana, Caviana, and
Marajé have been studied. The analysis is therefore postponed
until a later section of the report (see pp. 245, 525-537 for details).
DIAGNOSTIC FEATURES OF THE ARUA PHASE
The evidence from the habitation sites indicates that the pattern of
small villages occupied for a short time, characteristic of the Arua
Phase on the islands, was the same on the mainland. The crudely
made and predominantly undecorated pottery, Piratuba Plain, fits into
the interpretation of a relatively low cultural level. Although
secondary burial in large jars placed on the surface in remote parts of
the forest is characteristic of the Arua Phase on the islands, no such
sites have, as yet, been reported in the Territory of Amapé. Stone
alinements are associated with the Arué Phase in the Territory of
Amapé and the lack of similar structures on the islands can be explained
by the fact that no stone was available. Although their function is
problematical, they were always constructed on a high place com-
manding the best unobstructed view of the surrounding area, even
if such construction meant the transportation of the stones by dugout
from as far as 10 km. away. Large-scale disturbance by treasure
seekers makes it impossible to reconstruct the original position of the
stones in many cases, but in others the arrangement varies from a
single row of stones to crude circles and triangles. The presence of a
burial shaft at Rio Novo and sherds of Aristé Phase pottery types
at Aurora and Agahyzal reflect an occasional usage of the high
areas with peculiar stone alinements by the later peoples of the
Aristé Phase. Arua burials have not been found in the vicinity of
the structures. The scattered sherds from occasional vessels do not
suggest any extensive offertory practice utilizing pottery vessels;
nevertheless, it seems most likely that these structures had some
ceremonial function in the Arua culture.
THE MAZAGAO PHASE
DESCRIPTION OF SITES AND EXCAVATIONS
The geographical description of the Territory of Amap4 indicated
that the Rio Araguari-Amaparf divides the area into northern and
southern regions (fig. 1). This geographical barrier seems to have
been significant as a cultural boundary between two contemporaneous
cultural groups, the Aristé Phase to the north and the Mazagao Phase
to the south. The following description of the sites, excavations, and
raat ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 45
materials of the Mazagéo Phase will demonstrate the geographical
limitation of this cultural group.
SITE A-1—PIcAch OCCUPATION
Fifteen kilometers up the Rio Pigacé from its confluence with the
Rio Vilanova, a large area had been cleared on the northeast bank for
a@ manioc garden. A cemetery (Site A-3) was in the midst of the
garden. Our exploration of the vicinity revealed a large habitation
site (fig. 4) on a slight hill 25 meters to the south of the cemetery site.
The occupation site, A-1, covers a large part of this hill, with the
forest growth of the area very dense, undoubtedly enriched from the
large amount of ash in the refuse; however, all the trees are secondary
growth. In the area of the site the steep bank rises 16 meters above
the Rio Pigac4 and 4 meters above the level of the bank just to the
north in the region of the cemetery (A-3). The hill would have
provided a complete command of movements up or down the stream,
as well as an excellent defense position. Sherds were scattered over
an area roughly conforming to the hilltop, measuring 110 meters in a
north-south direction, and 60 meters in an east-west direction. The
area was tested intermittently with 10 small test pits to determine the
extent and depth of the deposits. The black, sandy-loam refuse layer
with scattered sherds varied in thickness from the surface only, to a
depth of 20 cm., averaging 10 to15cm. Beneath the refuse, the light-
orange, sterile clay was tested to a depth of 1.15 meters. Owing to the
extreme unevenness and shallowness of the refuse, stratigraphic work
was not feasible. Instead, a test pit 2 by 2 meters was dug in the
northern part of the site, in what appeared to be the region with the
thickest concentration of sherds, and the materials cataloged as a
unit. In this deposit, sterile clay was encountered at a depth of 12 to
15 cm. below the surface.
Besides 518 sherds, the following nonceramic objects were found:
1 large piece of yellow ochre (5.0X5.5X1.5 cm.) with one surface
flattened from polishing, another slightly depressed from use scratches,
with the remaining surfaces irregular; 2 scraps of Jutahi resin (one
5.03.5 cm.; the other 4X2 cm.); 1 coarse-grained, granite ham-
merstone fragment roughly rectangular in cross section (3.5-4.5 cm.
wide, 2.0 cm. thick, 7.0 cm. long) with the edges slightly rounded but
very little reshaping, one end slightly battered; 3 fragments of fire-
burnt clay, and 21 fragments of quartz, granite, and indurated sand-
stone conglomerate of which 11 were fire burnt.
SITE A-2—LAURO
Two kilometers downstream from Site A—1, on the opposite (north-
west) side of the river (fig. 5), the flood plain extends about 30 meters
back from the edge of the clear, fast-running Rio Pigac4. The bank
[BULL. 167
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
46
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RIO PIGACA
Figure 5.—Ground plan of A-2—Lauro, a habitation site of the Mazagao Phase,
rises sharply for about 7 meters, levels off a little, and then rises more
gradually to a flattened summit 14 meters above the flood plain. The
dense forest and heavy undergrowth had been cleared from the slope
as well as the adjacent summit for the planting of a manioc garden.
After the brush burning, the owner noticed sherds scattered on the
ground in the northwest corner of his garden. Our sampling showed
that this area had been a large habitation site, 83 meters in length,
parallel with the river, and 52 meters in width. Throughout this
extent the soil was gray-black, sandy loam and the undergrowth thick
in the uncleared areas; beyond the site the soil was light brown with
sparse undergrowth. Site A-2—Lauro was visited during the rainy
season when, in spite of good drainage, the ground was extremely wet.
Stratigraphic excavation was attempted first, in the hope that the
refuse might be deep enough to provide evidence of a ceramic change
through time. Two cuts were made, the first outside and the second
inside the zone of cultivation (fig. 5). The sherd sample was then
increased by a surface collection and two test excavations, which were
2 by 2 meters upon completion.
Strata cut 1, 1.5 by 1.5 meters, controlled in 15 cm. levels, was
excavated in the center of the east quarter of the site inside the
undisturbed limits of the forest. The black, sandy loam of the refuse
layers contained many small quartz and granite pebbles intermixed
sparsely with small sherds. Many of the stones were fire burnt, but
most of them were rock fragments natural to the soils of this part of
the Territory of Amapd. Strata lines are not visible in this type of
48 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
soil or refuse deposit due to the leaching effect of high rainfall in a
tropical climate. At a depth of 35 to 38 cm. the soil changed to
reddish-brown or light-brown clay without any mixture of sherds.
There was no soil change in the native sterile clay, tested to a depth
of 1.00 to 1.50 meters. The juncture of the refuse strata with the
natural soil was irregular, conforming to the unevenness of the original
ground surface. Level 0 to 15 cm. produced 216 sherds, 1 burnt-clay
fragment, and 18 rocks; level 15 to 30 cm., 86 sherds, 2 burnt-clay
fragments, 1 waterworn, oval pebble probably used as a pottery
smoother (2.7 X1.81.4 cm.); 1 grooved fragment of sandstone, proba-
bly a “shaft smoother” (groove depth 5 mm.; groove width 5-8 mm.;
fragment 5.04.0 2.2 cm.); and 7 rock fragments, none fire burnt.
Level 30 to 38 cm. had 29 sherds, 1 yellow ochre fragment with use
scratches on one surface and the other surface areas irregular (size,
4.0X2.80.5 cm.), and 3 small rocks.
Strata cut 2 was dug in the unplanted corner of the garden 20 meters
south of the center of the site area, using the same dimensions and
levels as in strata cut 1. The refuse features were identical to those
of cut 1, with the sherds giving out at a depth of 25 to 28 cm. upon
an irregular and uneven surface. Level 0 to 15 cm. contained 221
sherds, 1 broken, natural, waterworn pebble of fine-grained diorite
with one end showing extensive battering and use as a hammerstone
(fragment length 5.0 cm., width 6.5 cm., thickness 2.0 cm.), 1 unworked
quartz flake, 1 burnt-clay fragment, and 13 rocks. Level 15 to 30 cm.
had 77 sherds and 4 burnt-clay fragments.
The two test excavations and surface collections added 873 sherds
and the following nonceramic objects to the materials from Lauro:
1 ax fragment of fine-grained diorite with the bit missing, butt-
end flat with the surfaces well-polished (fragment length 8.5 cm.,
width 5.0 cm., thickness 3.5 cm. at the butt end tapering to 2.0 cm.,
with an oval cross section); 1 percussion flake of fine-grained diorite
that could have been used as a scraper but shows no evidence of
intentional or use retouch (roughly triangular, 5 cm. long, 4 cm. wide
at the bulb of percussion, 8 mm. thick and 8 mm. wide at the point);
4 burnt-clay fragments; and 43 rock fragments of which half are fire
burnt and the others are a miscellaneous collection of quartz, iron
concretions, granite, and indurated sandstone fragments, probably
all natural inclusions in the soil.
All the sherds were relatively small, due to the brittleness of the
cariapé and sand-tempered paste, with their surfaces badly eroded.
SITE A-3—PICACA CEMETERY
Pigacd cemetery is 25 meters north of the occupation site, A-1, on
a flat area at the edge of the steep river bank, 4 meters lower than the
Maaenns AMD ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 49
hill (fig. 4). A manioc garden covers the entire cemetery and much of
the surrounding area; as a result, the majority of the vessels were
badly broken from cultivation activities. However, since these
vessels originally had been partially buried in the ground, a number
of them were still intact. The amount of excavation that could be
undertaken was restricted by the planted crop. Fortunately, there
was a good-sized area near the bank not under cultivation and surface
sherds indicated this to be the center of the site, which extended over
an area roughly 30 meters in diameter.
The light-brown sandy loam of the cemetery is not distinguishable
from the soil of the surrounding area, indicating no use except as a
depository for the burial jars. In addition to 12 complete or partially
broken jars or bowls, 1,281 sherds were collected from the site. Most
of these large fragments belong to only a few vessels. One of the
most unusual pottery fragments was a large hollow foot (Mazagao
Plain) with five toes probably representing a turtle, measuring 8 cm.
high, with the diameter of the sole 14 cm. and of the leg 10 cm. (fig. 6).
No other fragments of this urn were found nearby. It is undoubtedly
Fiaure 6.—Foot of a zoomorphic (turtle) urn from A-3—Picacd Cemetery,
Mazagao Phase.
[BULL. 167
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
3—Picacdé Cemetery, Mazagao Phase.
Glass trade beads from A-
Figure 7.—
MEGGERS AND
EVANS] ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON
51
from a zoomorphic jaboty urn of the type found by Lima Guedes and
Farabee on Ilha do Para (see pp. 71-73 and pl. 17).
A few years previously Fritz Ackermann, a geologist of the Territory
of Amap4, had excavated a jar in the same cemetery 7 meters north-
west of our Burial Group 1 in which he discovered a large number of
European glass trade beads. These specimens are now in the Museum
in Macapd. Since the beads from the burial have not been kept as
a unit, an exact count of each type is not possible; the following
varieties are included:
TaBLE A.—Glass beads from A-3—Picacdéd Cemetery
Color
Clear glass with white
stripes.
Blue with white, red
and blue overlay.
Azurite blue with white
stripes.
Azurite blue__-= 22 =. -
Porcelain white____------
White, red, and green---
Description
Round with white lines inside running lengthwise;
sometimes called ‘‘Gooseberry”’ (fig. 7, @
Round, 6 mm. diameter, with a colored, barber-pole
overlay on the exterior (fig. 7, 5).
Round with inlaid narrow white stripes running al-
most from hole to hole (fig. 7, c).
Round, 5-8 mm. diameter (fig. CA) pe ee ae
Round: 5mm: diameter: (Giz-17,'6)=- 3 =e nnn ee
Layered glass with star-shaped cross section revealing
Count
(?)
(?)
(?)
Most common variety
in senple examined.
(2)
an inner white layer, a red middle layer, and an
outer layer of light green upon which there are darker
green stripes. No terminal grinding. Sometimes
called ‘‘Chevron or 12 Apostle beads’’ by bead ex-
perts (fig. 7, f).
Variety of ‘“‘Ghevron bead” with a red core, blue in-
terior layer, and a solid blue exterior. Ends ground
to expose the star-shaped red layer in contrast to the
blue; barrel-shaped (fig. 7, g).
Small, ‘‘Seed beads’’ varying in shape from round to
barrel to disk-shaped, ranging from 1-2 mm. in di-
ameter (fig. 7, h).
Red and blue___--.------ (?)
Porcelain white, azurite (2)
blue or dark, opaque
blue.
Burial Group 1.—Five burial jars were found together slightly
west of the center of the cemetery area (fig. 4). The base of jar A
was 45 cm. below the present surface. This burial jar had been
broken by the later burial of jar C and further disturbed by a large
root growing through it. The existing fragment of jar A, a small,
flat, pedestal base 12 cm. across, with curved sides rising 20 cm. to
a maximum existing diameter of 32 cm., contained no bone frag-
ments. ‘The vessel was a good example of Mazagao Plain.
The base of jar C was 42 cm. below the surface next to jar A. It
had a cylindrical body 40 cm. tall with two applique nubbins sug-
gesting breasts. The jar was 21 cm. in diameter at the mouth, 25
cm. in the widest body diameter and had a short, pedestal base 18 em.
in diameter (fig. 8). It was plain except for 4 small holes 1 cm.
below the rim edge, matching in spacing 4 corresponding holes at the
lower edge of the lid. The face-lid (fig. 8), almost completely restored
from fragments found inside and around the jar, was similar in gen-
eral shape to the truncated-cone type used in the Rio Maraca area.
It was 10.5 cm. high, 21.5 cm. in diameter at the rim that joined the
52 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
em ee
O 3 6 CM
Figure 8.—Jar C (Mazagio Plain), Burial Group 1, A-3—Pigacé Cemetery
Mazagao Phase.
bes a ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 53
jar, and 13 cm. in diameter at the flat top. The face was asymmetri-
cally applied by incising eyes and eyebrows and adding appliques for
nose and mouth. The surfaces of both the lid and jar were slightly
uneven, but not rough, and both were good examples of Mazagao
Plain.
A mixture of sand, a few miscellaneous, scattered sherds and bone
scraps filled jar C. Traces of bone appeared at a depth of 18 cm.
from the rim of the jar, all in extremely poor condition due to the
moisture that had collected in the jar after the lid had fallen in.
Apparently this jar had been only partially filled with bones and
sand, filling up completely when the lid broke and fell inward. At
a depth of 20 cm. inside the jar, a small shallow bowl (pl. 7, c) was
inverted over several scraps of the occiput. Just below it, right-
side-up at a depth of 25 cm., was a miniature jar (pl. 7, e) containing
three molar fragments and pure white sand. The bone fragments of
tbe urn represent the secondary burial of a young adult, but no
anthropometric details can be given because of the poor condition
of the bone. Both small vessels are excellent examples of Mazagao
Plain. The small, open bowl measures 11.6 cm. in diameter and
4.5 cm. in height, with a flat base 5.0 cm. in diameter. The lip is
uneven and modeled with two pairs of small, triangular, rim-adornos
opposite each other. The miniature jar is much cruder and more
asymmetrical, with a globular body 9 cm. in diameter, a flat base
5 cm. in diameter, a short neck 5.5 cm. in diameter with a slanting
rim. The total height varies from a maximum of 5.5 cm. on one
side to a minimum of 4.5 cm. on the side opposite.
Another tall, cylindrical vessel, jar B, was 19 cm. north of jar C
with its base 31 cm. below the surface. Since the existing Jar fragment
is 33 cm. tall and the fragments of a possible plain, inverted bowl-lid
were inside, a portion of the jar and lid must have originally projected
aboveground. The interior was filled with sandy loam; 15 cm. below
the rim, bone scraps were mixed with sand. No teeth were found nor
were any bone fragments large enough for identification. The jar was
21 cm. at widest body diameter, with a mouth diameter of 18. cm. and
with a short, pedestal base 1 cm. high and 12 cm. in diameter. On the
back of the jar a dorsal ridge 5 mm. high extended vertically from the
rim halfway down the body. One small nubbin on the opposite side
just below the broken top probably represented a breast. The vessel
was Mazag4o Plain with a large amount of crushed white quartz and
mica temper visible on the surface. The exterior surfaces were
smoothed but irregular, with the body wall 1 cm. thick. Several
fragments from inside the jar appear to be rims of both the jar and
lid; they have small holes near the lips, similar to those of jar C.
391329—57——6
54 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
A large, depressed globular jar, vessel D (Mazag4o Plain), was 48
cm. from jar C and 22 cm. to the east of jar B, with its base 39 cm.
below the surface. The rim was missing, but the body measured 31
cm. high, 43 cm. in maximum diameter, 24 cm. in mouth diameter,
and had a flat, pedestal base 11 cm. in diameter. The interior of the
jar was filled with very wet, sandy loam and traces of bone fragments.
A small, broken bowl (vessel E) was inverted over skull fragments
inside the jar, near its center and 20 cm. below the rim. Beneath
these, a few scattered fragments of long bones were arranged parallel
to each other alongside a scrap of the left side of the mandible, which
contained several badly worn molars. The bones of this secondary
burial were too fragmentary to permit a detailed analysis beyond the
Figure 9.—Vessel E (Uxy Incised), Burial Group 1, A-3—Picacé Cemetery,
Mazagao Phase.
fact that they were of an adult human with complete tooth eruption
and badly worn molars with caries.
Vessel E was reconstructed (fig. 9). It is a poor, late example of
Uxy Incised with crudely applied, light incisions, a triple nubbin
applique around the waist and a thickened, slightly everted rim. The
surfaces are light tan to dark gray, and the shape is very irregular and
asymmetrical, measuring 22 cm. in mouth diameter, 12.4 cm. in height
and 9 cm. in diameter of the flat, slight pedestal base.
The fragments of jar Z, a cylindrical, anthropomorphic burial urn
seated on a clay bench, were 42 cm. west of jar C and only 20 cm. below
the surface. A small ax (fig. 10, a) of indurated sandstone, 6.2 cm.
long, 4.9 cm. wide, and 2.7 cm. thick, was next to the left leg of the
bench. This ax was only partially shaped beyond the natural form
of the rock, with the upper end rounded and used as a hammerstone
and the bit well polished. A small, granite polishing stone (fig. 10,
b), rounded on all surfaces and probably used in ceramic polishing,
ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON
Ny
‘i ‘C ‘
KY
\Wy
WN
MBEGGHRS AND
!
‘
\ i
| NM Ae
ee A
a t
——— | ees
— 1CM
Figure 10.—Stone artifacts associated with Jar Z from A-3—Picacd Cemetery,
Mazagao Phase. a, Small ax. 6, Polishing stone.
56 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
was among the sherd fragments of the vessel. It was oval, measuring
4.8 em. long, 2.3 to 2.7 em. wide and 1.2 cm. thick.
Although a complete reconstruction of jar Z was not possible owing
to the eroded condition of this soft and unusually sandy variety of
Mazagao Plain, sufficient fragments were recovered to establish the
form as a local copy of the well-known Maraca seated anthropo-
morphic urns. The reconstructed bench was 31.0 cm. long, 14.5 cm.
wide and stood 4.5 cm. high. It had the tail (5.5 cm. long) of a cutia
(agouti) at one end and a well-modeled cutia head at the other end
(pl. 7, a). The head rose 8 cm. above the bench and was 4 cm. wide
and 6 cm. long. A small, raised, punctate rib ornamented the bench
top at each end. The oval, tubular body of the man seated upon the
bench was 21 by 13 cm. in diameter, with the height unreconstructable
from the fragmentary condition of the sherds. The legs with swollen
calves, indicating use of ligatures, were attached to the body so that
the feet were suspended in midair. The legs are fairly well modeled
with prominent ankle bones, but each foot has 8 toes. Both arms are
circular in cross section and the seven-fingered hands have cup-
shaped palms to rest upon the knees. The head of the body is the lid
of the burial urn but, although all the facial features of mouth, nose,
eyebrows, and one ear were recovered, insufficient pieces prevent a
complete reconstruction. The mouth was 6.2 cm. long and 1.0 cm.
wide, with the teeth represented by a long, horizontally incised line
intersected by numerous vertical lines. The eyes were made by
appliques 3.8 cm. long, 1.8 cm. wide, and 4 mm. high with a long, deep,
lengthwise incision. The eyebrow was formed by a slight rib. An
applique 5.2 cm. long and 1.4 cm. wide formed the nose, which had
two small holes at the base to represent the nares.
From the fill 1 meter to the southeast of this jar and a few centi-
meters below the surface came a piece of red ochre with facets worn
by rubbing.
Burial 2—The broken upper edge of another vessel was level with
the surface of the ground 1.60 meters south of jar D of Burial Group 1.
Excavation revealed a tall Mazagao Plain jar having a cylindrical
body 22 cm. in diameter with a bulbous expansion at the bottom 31 cm.
in diameter and with a slightly concave base. The existing height was
35 cm. Inside the jar, bone scraps were mixed with sandy loam from
a depth of 15 cm. to the jar bottom, but the condition was too poor
to permit any identification. No teeth were found.
Burial 3.—A large, broken, globular-bodied jar was 1 meter south of
jar D of Burial Group 1 and 50 cm. from Burial 2, with its base 50 cm.
below the surface. A large root passed directly through the body and
no bones remained inside. The vessel was typical Mazagéo Plain
with a very sandy paste and a brownish-red surface. The flat rim
ye ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 57
was slightly thickened on the exterior, giving an exterior mouth
diameter of 32 cm. The body diameter was 50 cm., diameter of the
slight, pedestal base 20 cm., and the estimated body height 60 cm.
Burial 4.—This tall, cylindrical jar of Mazagéo Plain was 1.25
meters north of jar D of Burial Group 1. The rim was broken off
approximately 5 cm. below the surface and the base was 41 cm. in
the ground. The burial urn had the same general shape as jar C of
Burial Group 1, measuring 22 cm. in diameter at the broken upper
edge, 28 cm. in maximum body diameter, and 36 cm. in existing height.
The small, flat, pedestal base was 15 cm. indiameter. No lid fragment
was recovered. ‘The vessel was completely filled with moist dirt,
with the lower third of the contents including coarse sand mixed with
decomposed bone scraps. Two small vessels rested side by side in
the bottom of the burial urn. One, an Anauerapuct Incised bowl
(pl. 7, d) with an incised, in-sloping shoulder and a single, short, strap
handle, contained pure, coarse sand, small bone fragments and a
little dirt. It is an excellent example of the typical Anauerapuct
Incised rectilinear, squared-spiral, incised design filled with white chalk.
The bowl has a gray, fire-clouded, well-smoothed surface and good
symmetry, and is by far the best-made vessel from the cemetery.
The mouth diameter is 9.0 cm., body diameter 13.5 cm., and height
5.6cm. The small, strap, looped handle has a slight groove down the
center and is 1.5 cm. wide. The base is slightly flattened. Its com-
panion, a small Vilanova Plain jar (pl. 7, 6) with two broken-off
protrusions leaving holes low on one side, was filled with coarse sand,
3 molars, and a few bone scraps. The neck is slightly constricted and
the rim thickened on the exterior. The mouth diameter is 5.3 cm.,
body diameter 7.0 cm., diameter of the small, flat base 2.5 cm., and
total height 6 cm. Although well smoothed, the exterior is irregular
in places.
Burial 5.—A large, globular Mazagao Plain jar with a vertical neck
was found intact 25 cm. west of the tall jar of Burial 4, with its base 50
em. below the surface. The diameter of the small, flat pedestal base
is 13 cm., of the body 43 cm., and of the mouth 31.5 cm. The total
height is 34 cm., and the neck height 10 cm. Two human faces,
modeled on opposite sides of the neck, are set off by paired vertical
bars in the same style as the jar from Site A-4, Burial 3 (fig. 13, 6).
The eyes and mouth are represented by small, relief buttons 5 mm.
above the surface, with depressions in their centers. Flanking the
face are two parallel, applique bars 8.0 cm. long, 1.0 em. high, and 1.2
em. wide with horizontally incised, parallel lines. The four sets of
these vertical bars seem to mark the limits of each face. The surface
of the vessel is badly eroded but originally was well smoothed in spite
of being slightly irregular.
58 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
Miscellaneous sherds, sandy loam, fragmentary scraps of long
bones, and “bone dust’? were intermixed inside the jar. Unfor-
tunately, the poor preservation of the bones did not permit any phy-
sical anthropological observations. Several fragments of an Anauera-
pucti Incised lid, with incisions on the exterior and interior, were
found upon the rim and shoulder of the jar. This pedestal-basin lid,
identical in shape and design to one from Site A-4 (figs. 13, a; 14, b),
has a high, cylindrical, pedestal base supporting a shallow, wide basin,
which was inverted over the jar mouth.
SITE A—4—VALENTIM
Valentim cemetery is on a high hilltop about 2 km. from the north-
east bank of the Rio Picacd and 4 km. above its confluence with the
Rio Vilanova. The top of the hill levels off for an area of about 25
meters in diameter, but the vessel fragments were all on the north edge
of the hilltop, spread over a 5- by 4-meter area on the surface or buried
in light orange clay. Our guide asserted that he could remember
when the vessels had been intact and said that they had been broken
by the children from a house formerly nearby. At our arrival only a
few scattered sherds were visible on the surface and the area was cov-
ered with a dense, secondary forest growth and underbrush. Many
trees were growing through the vessels, making the problem of exca-
vation extremely difficult (pl. 3, b). Most of the vessels were so
badly broken, decomposed, or disturbed by root action that all meas-
urements had to be obtained in situ with a re-check made in the
laboratory from a partial reconstruction of the fragments.
In addition to the excavation of several burial groups where some of
the vessels were still partially intact,a concentration of badly broken
fragments of numerous vessels was recovered from the center of the site
in association with 42 European glass trade beads. The beads in-
cluded the following varieties:
Taste B.—Glass Beads from A-4—Valentim
Color Description Count
Opaque, sky blue--_--.------ Long, tubular, square in cross section (6 mm.), 7.5 cm. long with 1
rounded edges, hole 1.5 mm. in diameter. Middle layer of
white surrounded on both sides by opaque, sky blue. Desig-
aay by one bead authority as a variety of ‘‘Bugle Bead”’ (fig.
ll, a).
Porcelain white with red | Round, to egg shaped, 6.5 mm. diameter with 3 vertical, red 1
stripes. stripes, 1 mm. wide (fig. 11, 6). ;
Porcelain white with red | Spherical, 8mm. in diameter, with three red spots, 2-4 mm. diam- 2
spots, bordered with blue. eter, bordered with blue; hole diameter 1.5 mm. (fig. 11, c).
Porcelain white withredlines_| Small, tubular, round cross section, 3 mm. diameter, 6 mm. long 2
with thin (0.5 mm.), straight red lines running lengthwise.
Cente by one bead authority as a “short Bugle Bead”
g.11,d).
Porcelain white.-.-...-..---- SA egg shaped; diameter 5-8 mm., length 6-8 mm. 5
g.1l,e).
Opaque:bluei£: 2... Round, diameter5mm. Broken fragments only-_.--------------- 3
Porcelain white_---..---.---- Small, ‘Seed Beads” round, discoidal or barrel shaped with diam- 28
eter from 2.5-4.5 mm, length 2.0-3.0 mm. (fig. 11, f).
Total cco sooo we Meee ee oe ee cere See ee Oe ee eee eee eee 42
5 ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON
fe)
Figure 11.—Glass trade beads from A-4—Valentim, Mazagao Phase.
60 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
A total of 434 sherds, mostly rims, bases or diagnostic body sherds
was taken into the laboratory for analysis and found to represent at
least 34 separate vessels. Twenty-two percent of the sherds are
Mazagao Plain, 39.0 percent Vilanova Plain, 27.0 percent Camaipi
Plain, 5.1 percent Anauerapuct Incised, 6.4 percent Picacd Incised, and
0.4 percent Unclassified (pl. 16, c).
Burial 1.—A Vilanova Plain jar was at the western edge of the site,
with its base 28 cm. below the present surface. It had a round base,
a globular body 42 cm. in diameter, curving up to join a gently sloping
narrow neck 8 cm. tall and 24 cm. in diameter at the rim, with the total
height of the jar 28 cm. The jar lip was rounded and slightly thick-
ened on the exterior. The surface, now badly eroded, was originally
smoothed and fairly even. <A deep (13 cm.), thin-walled basin was
inverted over the mouth, with its rim resting on the shoulder of the
jar. This lid, also Vilanova Plain, had a rim diameter of 32 cm.,
with the side walls slanting inward to a convex base, 24 cm. in diameter.
The rim of the jar was slightly thickened on the exterior.
Burial Group 2—A badly broken, anthropomorphic, cylindrical
burial urn, seated on a clay bench, jar A (fig. 12), was located 5 meters
southeast of Burial 1. During the excavation of jar A, jar C, a vessel
like the one from Burial 1 and with a similar lid, was found adjacent to
the back of the anthropomorphic figure at a depth of 35cm. Twenty-
two centimeters to the southeast of jar A, a second large globular
vessel, jar B, with a body diameter of 58 cm.,was buried 30 cm. be-
neath the surface. Both vessels B and C were badly damaged by
root action from a small tree growing out of the center of jar C (pl.
3, 6). The earth inside the two vessels contained more humus and
was slightly grayer and darker than the surrounding light-brown,
natural clay, probably indicating decomposition of bone from the
secondary burials. Near the right side of the anthropomorphic figure,
at the same depth as the bench, was a small jar with a strap handle,
designated as jar D.
Jar A, a Vilanova Plain male anthropomorphic figure, contained
bone-flecked dirt considerably grayer than the surrounding soil.
It was broken off just above the knees where it protruded from the
ground, and the pieces were scattered in the surrounding area. The
situation of this jar corresponds to that of the anthropomorphic jar
excavated at Site A-3, in that both were incompletely buried so that
from the waist up they projected above the ground and both were
associated with a group of nonanthropomorphic funerary jars buried
at substantially greater depth.
In execution, jar A represents a pronounced divergence from the
Maraca style, although the generalized features show close affiliation
(cf. fig. 12 and pl. 18). The cylindrical body is 19 cm. in diameter
MEGGERS AND ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 61
EVANS]
aes
SSSSSssss
~
SSCS sS
———
a
DD
if =\\
MT.
aM.
Figure 12.—Reconstruction of jar A, Burial Group 2, A-4—Valentim, Mazagao
Phase.
and 48 cm. in height from the top of the bench to the rim. Six cm.
below the rim, the walls curve sharply inward for 3 cm. to join a
short (3 cm.) vertical collar ending in a direct rim with a mouth
diameter of 13 cm. The head, which forms the lid, fits over the
short neck to rest on the shoulders. The long arms (upper arm
length 18 cm., lower arm length 12 cm., hand length 4.5 cm.) made
from solid clay rolls 3 cm. in diameter, are attached forward from
each side just below the shoulder. Elbows jut out toward the sides
62 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
and hands with concave palms rest on the knees. A small clay cyl-
inder, 3 cm. in diameter and 3 cm. long, braced the left arm against
the vessel wall. The legs rise against the body to the knee; the lower
leg hangs free with the five-toed feet unsupported. Anatomic details
include elbow, wrist, and ankle bones, swollen calf, vertebral column,
male genitalia, and six fingers on each hand. An applique band 5
em. high and 1 cm. thick fits around the base of the body at its
junction with the bench.
The bench, 32 em. long, 15.5 cm. wide, and 7 cm. high, was supported
by two legs running lengthwise with the center of each cut out. The
bench was unadorned except for a low rib along the upper edge (cf.
bench of Barama River Carib, Gillin, 1936, pl. 18, a).
The lid, which forms the head, is approximately dome-shaped,
with the sides curving inward to give a basal diameter slightly less
than the maximum diameter of 21 cm. The reconstructed height is
11 cm. The interior edge of the front has a shelflike projection,
widest at the center and fading into the rounded rim at each side in
front of the ear, possibly made to assure a firm, rigid mounting of the
lid upon the neck of the body. The mouth, 7 cm. long and 2 cm. wide,
was made by a continuous applique 5 mm. thick around a depressed
center. The eyes, depressions cut evenly 2 mm. into the surface
and smoothed, measure 4.0 cm. long and 1.5 cm. wide, with the
corners slightly rounded. Eyebrows, represented by long, slender
appliques 3 mm. high, curve downward to join the top of the ear,
which is a curved appendage 5.5 cm. long, projecting 1.4 to 2.0 cm.,
with a small hole punched in the lobe.
The surfaces of both lid and jar are light tan, even and well smoothed
leaving faint polishing tracks. Wall thickness of the lid is 5 mm. and
of the body 7 mm.
Burial 3.—Three meters north of the anthropomorphic urn was a
large, globular Mazagao Plain jar covered with an Anauerapuct Incised
pedestal-basin lid. Both the burial jar and the lid were badly broken,
further complications being added by a tree growing through the
center of the jar. Apparently, the burial jar had originally been
only partially interred, for the base was only 23 cm. below the surface.
The waist and neck were broken off and sloughed 30 cm. to the side
with part of the lid still in position. The dirt inside the vessel had
been too badly disturbed by root action to leave any traces of bone
fragments.
The burial jar was similar in size and features to the large Mazagao
Plain jar of Burial 5, Site A-3, although the relief modeling was more
prominent (fig. 13, 6). The globular body was 50 cm. in diameter,
with a flat base 15 cm. in diameter, and a mouth diameter of 38 cm.
The vertical neck was 10 em. high; the total jar height was 43 cm.
mrcerse t=? ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 63
b 31 -
Figure 13.—Pottery vessels from Burial 3, A-4—Valentim, Mazagio Phase.
a, Pedestal basin lid (Anauerapuct Incised). 6, Burial jar (Mazagio Plain)
upon which the lid had been placed.
64 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
The face was constructed of appliques. The nose and mouth were
fillets of equal size and prominence, 3.5 cm. long and 7 mm. wide.
Each eye was a flat nubbin 1.8 cm. in diameter with a small depression
in the center 5 mm. in diameter and 3 mm. deep. The nearest vertical
bar on each side of the face was 4 cm. from the eye. These two parallel
bars with two deep notches across them were 7.5 cm. long, 1.3 cm.
high, 1.2 cm. wide, and 2.5 to 3.0 cm. apart. The faces, on opposite
sides of the neck, were separated by pairs of vertical bars. The
flat rim of the vessel was rectangular in cross section with exterior
thickening, giving a thickness of 1.5 cm. as compared to the 1 em.
at the body wall.
If the lid had not been found in situ on the jar mouth and neck,
one might reconstruct quite differently the position and usage of this
inverted basinlike lid (fig. 13, a, b). It appears as if these elaborately
incised basins on a high pedestal might have been made for some other
use than as lids because the applique and incising along the inner
edge of the bowl were completely hidden by inversion over a burial
jar. The large, open basin measured 40 cm. in diameter and 11 cm.
in depth (fig. 14, 6). This basin was raised on a cylindrical pedestal
10.5 cm. tall, the sides of which flared outward from a diameter of 18.5
cm. at the point of attachment to the basin to 22 cm. at the base.
A peculiar feature of the basin bowl was a series of 4 equally spaced
holes, 8 mm. in diameter, pierced through the wall just above the
juncture with the pedestal. They were all made when the clay was
wet. The holes do not seem to have been functional in holding the
lid in place, as no corresponding holes are found in the jar. The
position and angle of the holes would have permitted suspension by
means of thongs or fiber rope with the basin upright and the pedestal
down, which, as already stated, would seem to be more in accordance
with the positions of the decorations. However, sherd fragments of
several of these pedestal basins were recovered from this cemetery as
well as cemetery A-3, indicating their repeated usage as lids for burial
jars.
The decorated motifs were the angular spirals and straight, parallel
lines typical of Anauerapuct Incised. All the incisions were originally
filled with white chalk, traces of which remain in over 50 percent of
the lines. The pedestal had a 4.5 cm.-wide band of incised decoration
beginning just above the externally thickened edge of the base. The
rim of the bowl originally had four adorno lobes: two faces 12 to 14
cm. long and extending 1.0 to 1.2 cm. beyond the rim edge opposite
each other, and two smaller, plain lobes 4.5 to 5.0 cm. long extending
1.0 to 1.2 em. beyond the rim, opposite each other and equally spaced
between the face lobes (fig. 14, a). The two faces were made with
applique, ranging from 3 to 5 mm. high. The mouth was made more
eanarel ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 65
realistic by the addition of a long, horizontal incision crossed by two
short, vertical ones. Each face covered the entire lobe, thus breaking
the incised border in two places. The incision was on the flat, slightly
raised border formed by the beveled surface of the interior rim
thickening. The bowl exterior and the pedestal interior were un-
decorated.
Figure 14.—Anauerapucti Incised lid from Burial 3, A-4—Valentim, Mazagao
Phase. a, Detail of the modeling and incision of the inner lip of the pedestal
basin lid shown in figure 13, a. 6, Exterior and cross section view of the same
lid. (The rim is inaccurately drawn; for correct profile, see fig. 16-1.)
SITE A—5—CAFEZAL
This site and its excavations have already been described under the
Arua Phase (see pp. 37-38). It was also occupied by the peoples of the
Mazagao Phase, their ceramics accounting for 609 or 72.9 percent of
the 839 sherds recovered from the site. Of these 50.4 percent were
Mazagao Plain, 30.5 percent Vilanova Plain, 15.9 percent Camaipi
Plain, 0.4 percent Anauerapuct Incised, 2.6 percent Pigacé Incised.
and 0.2 percent Uxy Incised.
66 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
SITE A-6—ILHA DAS IGAGABAS, IGARAPE DO LAGO
Halfway between the mouth of the Rio Vilanova and the entrance
of its tributary the Rio Pigacdé, a second tributary, the Igarapé do
Lago, branches off on the north side (fig. 1). Although the mouth is
shallow and somewhat hidden by foliage, this stream is the largest and
longest that flows into the central part of the Rio Vilanova. In the
wintertime the meadows along the stream flood, forming a large
lago (lake) from which the name derives. The region is well known
for sites, having been surveyed in 1896 by Lima Guedes for the
Museu Goeldi, and in 1913-16 by Farabee for the University Museum,
Philadelphia, Pa. Owing to the illness of the oldest and best guide
in the area, we were able to locate only one site in our limited time.
Fortunately, this was an occupation site rather than a cemetery, and
added considerably to our knowledge of the Mazagdo Phase.
About 10 km. northwest of the Fazenda Santa Maria (which is 8
km. upstream from the mouth of the Igarapé do Lago) and 5 km.
due west of the igarapé, the land rises 25 to 30 meters above the low,
flooded meadowland into rolling hills with scattered patches of forest
and grassland. The heavy, red soil of the region is highly mineralized,
containing large quantities of small iron concretions. A large
grove of forest with thick underbrush covers the summit of one of
the highest hills in the region (pl. 3, a), 30 meters above the river level
and 10 meters above the bottom of the nearest ravine. The habitation
site was located near the north end of this forest, beginning 20 meters
in from the edge, with the sherds extending over an area 75 by 83
meters (fig. 15). All the nearby ravines, 0.5 to 1.0 km. away, con-
tained small springs which flowed the entire year; therefore, the
Figure 15,—Ground plan of Site A-~6—IItha das Igacabas, a habitation site of
the Mazagao Phase.
aan ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 67
occupants of this site were not dependent upon the Igarapé do Lago,
5 km. away, as a source of water. The location of this occupa-
tion site, typical of the Mazagaéo Phase, on top of a high hill would
indicate a definite choice of an area easily defended, dry in the flood
season, and yet conveniently near the igarapés and river for trans-
portation and food. Ilha das Igacgabas was undoubtedly one of the
habitation sites associated with the many cemeteries in the region
represented by the specimens in the Museu Goeldi in Belém and in
the University Museum, Philadelphia.
Although it was named “Ilha das Igagabas” (Island of the Jars)
nothing but sherds had ever been found there by the local caboclos
who had dug, looking for jars filled with treasure. The sherds were
small and sparse, with only a few visible on the surface. The area
was widely tested to determine the extent and depth of the deposit.
The sherds extended from the surface to a depth of only 10 cm. in a
black, clayey, loose soil containing abundant iron-concretion gravel.
Below this refuse there was a 5-cm. layer of brown humus and then
a sterile orange-red, heavy clay. Because of the shallowness of the
refuse deposit and the sparsity of the sherds, a 2 by 2 meter test
excavation was made to obtain the largest possible sherd sample.
Of the 782 sherds collected 35.8 percent were Mazagaéo Plain, 27.9
percent Vilanova Plain, 32.4 percent Camaipi Plain, 3.8 percent
Uxy Incised, and 0.1 percent Unclassified (pl. 16, 2).
Nonceramic specimens from the habitation site included: 1 small,
rectangular piece of red ochre with one surface polished and slightly
convex from use and with the other surfaces irregular (4.0 X 2.5 & 1.9
cm.); 1 lump of white chalk native to the area, with one surface
fairly flat and covered with fine use scratches (3.0 X 2.2 X 1.3 cm.);
1 piece of yellow ochre with use scratches and one polished surface,
with the rest of the surface area irregular (38.0 X 4.0 X 1.6 cm.);
1 granite hammerstone fragment with the edges roughly rounded
by gross percussion chipping, original shape indeterminate but present
fragment flattened with a slightly tapered, blunt end showing extensive
battering (fragment length 6.5 cm., width 7 cm., thickness 2 to 3
cm.); 1 burnt-clay fragment, and 14 fire-burnt fragments of quartz
and iron concretions.
DATA FROM OTHER INVESTIGATIONS
The greater amount of material from the southern part of the
Territory of Amap4 recorded in the literature, as well as found in
museum collections, permits a more detailed comparative study of
the Mazagdo Phase than of the other Phases. Most of these collections
were made in the late 1890’s and early 1900’s by explorers, travelers,
and ethnologists, with the result that much of the information valuable
68 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
for detailed archeological analyses is lacking. It was possible to
supply ceramic details, however, by our extensive examination of the
collections of the Museu Goeldi in Belém.
RIO IRATAPURU SITES
Evidence from the Rio Jari drainage is provided by Nimuendajii
in his published account (Nimuendaji, 1927, pp. 356-358 and map)
and in the collection of 248 sherds that he deposited at the Museu
Goeldi. He recorded 5 sites, Novo Anno, Alto Alegre, Bom Destino,
Séo Joéo de Iratapurd, and one unnamed, along the Rio Iratapurti
(fig. 1), the first large tributary entering the Rio Jari from the north.
The sites begin about 25 km. from the mouth and extend 10 km.
farther upstream in a region of high (230 meters) uplands. Two
additional sites, Uxy and Campoeira do Mestre Aprigio, are located
on the Igarapé Amazonas (fig. 1), which branches off the Rio Iratapurt
just north of the site of Alto Alegre, and whose headwaters join the
Rio Maracé drainage. Of the sites themselves, we know nothing
beyond Nimuendajii’s statement that they consisted of areas of black
soil. His brief published description of the ceramics is misleading
and would, in the absence of analysis of the sherds, lead to the affi-
liation of the incised style with Anauerapucti Incised rather than
with Uxy Incised.’
Analysis of the samples from Alto Alegre, Bom Destino, Sao Jodo,
and Uxy revealed sherds of Uxy Incised, Jari Scraped, and Mazag4o
Plain (Appendix, table 1). The frequency of decorated sherds is
45.5 percent or higher, which is far in excess of the proportions derived
from our excavations in Mazagao Phase sites. A conscious selection
of decorated sherds undoubtedly accounts for this unusually high
percentage of decorated sherds and low frequency of plain sherds.
Among the unclassified decorated are two sherds, 1 from Uxy
(pl. 16, f) and 1 from Bom Destino, representing parts of small faces
with applique nubbins and fillets forming the eyes, nose, mouth, and
eyebrows. A small human foot (pl. 16, d), 7.5 cm. long and 3.6 cm.
wide just behind the toes, broken off where it joined the leg, is from
Sio Joao. One flat sherd (Sao Joao) 1 cm. thick is punctured with
numerous holes 3 mm. in diameter, arranged 4 to 6 mm. apart in
rows (pl. 16, e). A rim sherd (Sa Jodo) is ornamented by thumb-
made depressions along the rim edge, applique and a band of incision
7 This statement, based on a study of the actual sherd material, is in no way intended to condemn Nimu-
endaji’s work or to belittle his aid to an archeological understanding ofthe Amazon. It is presented merely
as a correction of published data. More than once Nimuendajé stated his lack of training in archeological
methods and his desire to leave excavation of sites to specialists and for the future when archeological tech-
niques would be improved and perfected. Actually, he is to be commended for his collection of sherds
from various parts of the Amazon together with the accurate recording of their provenience—an invaluable
aid to the archeological interpretation of this vast unknown area and a service in which too few present-day
ethnologists are willing to cooperate.
mua ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 69
on the exterior (pl. 16, @). A solid, cylindrical object (Bom Destino),
6.5 cm. long and 3.5 cm. in diameter, broken at one end and decorated
with crudely incised lines and two small asymmetrically placed
bumps, may be a fragment of a figurine. A disk (Bom Destino),
unevenly concave on one face and convex on the other, 6.3 cm. in
diameter, with a perforation through the center, possibly represents
a spindle whorl (pl. 16, g).
RIO VILANOVA SITES
The Rio Vilanova (then called the Rio Anauer4-pucti) area was
the scene of an expedition from July to September 1896 under the
direction of Emilio Goeldi and the field leadership of Aureliano Lima
Guedes. The specimens collected, now in the Museu Goeldi in
Belém, were carefully studied on the basis of our analysis and classi-
fication of the Territory of Amap4 ceramic types. Although no
field notes exist other than what is contained in Lima Guedes’ brief
published account with his accompanying map (Guedes, 1897,
pp. 55-59), the collection remains one of the best documented from
the region. However, either because this map is not as accurate as
the ones used today based on aerial photography, or because the
local names in the interior frequently change, or because the guides
who knew of them had died, many of the sites could not be relocated
in 1949. On February 1, 1916, Farabee visited the same region and
collected several specimens for the University Museum, Philadelphia.
Although his field notes are quite sketchy, the University Museum
catalog identifies several specimens as coming from the same large
cemetery, Ilha da Canéa, on the Igarapé do Lago do Rio Vilanova,
that was excavated by Lima Guedes in 1896. Farabee’s (1916 a)
description of the site is extremely limited, for his field journal at
this point contains more general description of the country than
archeology, but a few passages are pertinent:
Work: Igarapé do Lago, Feb. 1, 1916: The place was out in campo in midst of
ant hills and some of pots were buried in these hills which are about 4 feet high
and 8 feet across. Many pots have been buried apparently even with the ground.
Now their tops extend 3’’ to 6’’ out of ground and all broken. One was in sight
in edge of ant hill. This one had evidently been set in the ground halfway and
the ant hill built over it . . . No evidence that hole had been dug into side of
ant hill. Atanother place near there were several bottoms of pots set in ground—
tops nearly all gone . . . but no burial in it.
These and others . . . appear to have been set in ground just enough to keep
upright. Some evidently had plates over them. . . . The same are reported from
Region of Igarapé do Lago and north on east bank of Rio Vilanova for 100 miles.
That is in the campo region between Vilanova and Matapy rios.
A study of Farabee’s collection from this site supplements our detailed
classification made on Lima Guedes’ material.
391329—57——7
70 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
Along the Igarapé do Lago, Lima Guedes found 5 sites, one of which
he excavated in search of complete vessels. This site, Ilha da Canéa,
was located in an island of forest in the savanna. Although there
were many large sherds and broken urns visible on the surface, he
excavated three days without obtaining any vessels in an unbroken
condition because of the hardness of the ground. Most of the jar
fragments still in situ had traces of bone inside and one contained a
piece of odoriferous resin, about the size of a hen’s egg and commonly
called ‘‘cuanuari,’”’ with the bones (Guedes, 1897, pp. 55-56).
Lima Guedes mentions visiting additional sites on this igarapé,
called ‘Ilha das Igagabas’”’ (our Site A-6), “Ilha das Pombas,’’ and
“‘Tabeleiro do Gentio,” but he comments that the material was very
decomposed or broken by trees and roots and not worthy of bringing
ip (op. cit., pp. 48-49). Throughout his report, when he makes this
kind of observation, he is undoubtedly dealing with habitation sites
(although he calls all sites ‘‘necretorios’”’ or cemeteries), which produce
only scattered, badly broken sherd fragments ia comparison to the
cemeteries with large numbers of complete or partially complete
vessels.
After spending 15 days on the Igarapé do Lago, Lima Guedes
explored the upper branches of the Rio Vilanova, especially two sites
called, ‘Vila Nova da Rainha”’ and ‘‘Campos da Rainha.” He
describes the second site as a “cemetery whose disposition of urns is
exactly the same as Marajé” and mentions excavating some of the
vessels with great difficulty and carrying them over land back to the
river in a sling across a pole (op. cit., p. 58).
In the Museu Goeldi there are 11 complete vessels and miscellaneous
fragments labeled as coming from the ‘“Igarapé do Lago do Rio Vila
Nova” and from the “Rio Anaueré-pucti” (Vilanova). Unfortunately
there is no catalog or other means of identifying which vessels come
from which of the two excavated sites, Ilha da Candéa of the Igarapé
do Lago, or Campos da Rainha of the Rio Vilanova. Of the speci-
mens preserved in the Museu Goeldi, 4 are Mazaga4o Plain, 1 Vila-
nova Plain, 5 Camaipi Plain, and 1 Anauerapuct Incised. A brief
description is offered to elaborate the characteristics of the types.
MazagGo Plain Vessels: The surface color is dull, orange-red to orange-brown,
smoothed but gritty due to the quartz particles and white mica temper; oxidized
firing. One globular-bodied vessel (pl. 9, 6), 32 cm. in diameter, with a slight,
flat pedestal base, and al4em. high neck with an applique of a human face and ver-
tical, notched bars is identical in decorative motif to the large, globular vessel of
Burial 5, from Site A~3. Another fragment from a vessel measuring 36 em. in
mouth diameter, body diameter estimated around 50 cm., is a variant of this
style, having a face surrounded by an arched applique ornamented with fine
punctates. The other two vessels are high-waisted, globular jars with flat bases.
Small birds are modeled upon a wide, bulging collar around the neck. On one
a single bird with a modeled head is represented (pl. 9, c); while the other vessel
paar ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON TL
has two birds with outspread wings produced by low appliques on opposite sides
of the neck (pl. 9, a).
Vilanova Plain: The only specimen of this ware is a jar with a flat base 12 cm.
in diameter, globular body 25 cm. in diameter, with the walls curving inward to
a short neck 11 cm. high and a mouth 19 cm. in diameter with a flattened rim
thickened externally with a wide coil (pl. 9, d). The total height of the vessel is
31 ecm. It is typical of Vilanova Plain with light-tan surface color and cariapé
temper.
Camaipi Plain: The surfaces are well smoothed, with the color ranging from
light orange to brownish orange. Temper is a mixture of white quartz particles
and cariapé. Three vessels have depressed-globular bodies, flat bases, and long,
inward-slanting, straight-sided necks ending in flat-topped, externally thickened
rims (pl. 8, a, b). The body diameters are 29, 32, and 43 cm, with the total
heights 27, 32, and 44 cm. One tall, badly broken, anthropomorphic vessel with
the body oval in cross section is crudely modeled in the form of a seated man
(pl. 8, c). The face is on the short, straight-sided neck, which ends in a thickened
rim with punctates along the exterior surface just below the lip. Several frag-
ments of a large, globular jar with a body diameter of 63 cm., a mouth diameter
of 45 em., and a neck height of 20 cm. indicate that two faces were modeled on
opposite sides of the neck. One face is much larger than the other but they are
alike in style (pl. 8, d). The eyes are formed by applique rings 6 cm. in diameter;
the mouth, a narrow, oval applique, is 9 em. long and 3.2 em. wide with teeth
indicated by vertical incisions; eyebrows, nose, and ears are long, applique fillets,
and holes are punched in the ear lobes. The face measures 20 cm. wide and 13
em. high.
Anauerapuct Incised: There is only one fragment from a large bowl with typical
incisions of parallel lines, frets and rectilinear spirals with traces of chalk in the
incisions; the typical brick-red color, quartz temper, and sandy paste is repre-
sentative of the type.
ILHA DO PARA SITE
When traveling from the Rio Marac& to the Rio Anauerapuct
(Vilanova), Lima Guedes stopped off on the Ilha do Para, a large
island just off the coast between the mouths of the two aforementioned
rivers (fig. 1). His description locates the site in the forest on the
south-central part of the island where the sherds were scattered over
an area 300 meters in diameter, all badly broken and disturbed from
the excavations of ‘‘treasure”’ seekers. Although none of the vessels
had originally been buried, the mass of sherds was partially covered
by debris and trash. He found only one fragment of a ceramic human
leg with ligatures and swollen calf, similar to the anthropomorphic
urns from the Rio Maracé. All the other vessels and fragments were
from the large burial urns shaped like a jaboty or land turtle. Frag-
ments of bones were inside some of the unbroken vessels.
From the Lima Guedes expedition there are three complete zoomor-
phic urns and several zoomorphic head and feet fragments in the Museu
Goeldi today. Unfortunately, a few have been mislabeled since they
were deposited in 1896 and studied a few years later by Goeldi, so
that today two urns carry no information other than “Ilha dos Por-
cos.” This is a recent cataloging error because the finds are clearly
¥2 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
identified in Lima Guedes’ report (1897, p. 54) as coming from Ilha
do Par4,as well as being illustrated with this provenience on the litho-
graphed plates from an unpublished manuscript of Goeldi (MS.,
Estampa 7). Also, Lima Guedes did not undertake archeology on
any island in this area except the Ilha do Paré. A comment by
Farabee confirms that the correct provenience of these zoomorphic
burial urns is the Ilha do Para. He visited very briefly both the Ilha
do Para and the Ilha dos Puercos on February 14, 1916, and made
the following comment:
On the Ilha dos Puercos, Island of the Pigs, there are numerous village sites;
but apparently, the people removed their dead to a small island nearby called
Ilha do Para. On this small island we were unable to find evidence of occupation
or village sites ... [Farabee, 1921, p. 154.]
Farabee’s field journal gives a vivid description of the condition of
the cemetery:
The place is 2 or 3 acres in extent and possibly 2 feet higher® than the general
level of the island and does not flood in rainy season. Now even we waded half
knee deep much of the way—only a few hundred yards from the river. Where
the pots were found there were [was] no evidence of a village site. I dug in many
places but found nothing, not even black earth. The pots had been placed on the
top of the ground—now they are sunken to the bodies of the pots. Many not
requiring more than to be lifted out without digging—others needed a little
digging to free the legs. They had been set two or more side by side—one place
I found six in a group, several places two—others where they had been so dis-
turbed it was impossible to tell how many there had been but more than six and
less than 12. All of the pots were in the form of some animal with large short
legs with from 3-5 toes—head at one end and tail at the other. Many heads
appear to have been meant for men’s heads but even these have short tails—
many may have been tigers. All had fragments of bones inside except when too
badly broken to hold them. None had ashes. None had anything else inside.
All have had covers over the mouth—These were not plates which had been used
for other purposes but apparently were made for pot covers. All pots were near
same size, all plain and unpainted.
They are all too small to admit a body entire even if small and demaciated. If
bodies had been cut up to enter the pots, the animals and insects would have
destroyed the pots to get the remains. The people who would put their dead
in urns would not suffer their bodies to be destroyed so I think the bones—dry
only—were placed in these pots ... [Farabee, 1916 a.]
Unfortunately no sherd collections or ceramic observations are
available from the [ha dos Puercos—none were made by Farabee
and none exist in the Museu Goeldi. Therefore, it is impossible at
this time to verify Farabee’s conclusion that the Ilha dos Puercos
was the habitation site for the cemetery on Ilha do Pardé. The Ilha
do Paré zoomorphic vessels have a boxlike, rounded body on four
short, stout legs, with the head projected forward on a thick, cylin-
drical neck (pl. 17). Some also have a short, curved tail. In the
middle of the back there is an elliptical opening, 16 by 24 cm., to the
§In the published report, however, he says, ‘‘to about 3 feet’’ (Farabee, 1921, p. 154.)
MEGEERE) AND ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 73
hollow interior, over which a flat, oval, disk lid fits. The average
body measures 45 cm. in length by 30 cm. in width and 11 to 15 cm.
in height. The legs are hollow, 8 to 12 cm. high and 10 to 15 em. in
diameter, and have 4 applique toes along the front of each foot.
The face diameter is slightly greater than the hollow neck, 7 to 8 cm.
in diameter and 8 cm. long, on which it is supported.
Although the bodies are similar in shape and proportions, the faces
vary considerably in expression. The face on the end of the neck is
flattened or slightly convex, and has eyes, nose, mouth, and eyebrows
made from applique nubbins and fillets. Along the top or the head,
a row of applique knobs form a kind of headdress. Two faces have
appendages on the chin similar to the beards found on some of the
Rio Maracé anthropomorphic urns. The ceramic type is Vilanova
Plain with cariapé temper and a light gray-brown to tan surface color.
The surfaces are smoothed but uneven and slightly irregular.
These vessels collected by Guedes and Farabee provide the explana-
tion for the large, stumpy, hollow foot found at Site A-3 (fig. 6).
Although it is Mazag4o Plain and shows slight deviation in the manner
of construction of the toes, there can be no doubt that it belonged to
one of these zoomorphic urns. Although the emphasis of modeling
in this cemetery appears to be centered on the zoomorphic form of the
turtle rather than anthropomorphic figures, a few fragments of
anthropomorphic, tubular burial urns of the Maraca style were found
with these zoomorphic vessels on the Ilha do Paré (Guedes, 1897,
p. 54).
RIO MAZAGAO SITES
Our only information on the drainage of the Rio Mazag4o, the short
river that flows south to empty into the Amazon slightly north of the
halfway point between the Rios Vilanova and ,Maraca, is also fur-
nished by Lima Guedes and Farabee. In the headwaters of one of its
northern tributaries, the Igarapé Frechal, in a region of higher land,
Lima Guedes encountered a large cemetery with the jars buried in the
ground. He worked there 2 days in order to obtain a few specimens
not completely damaged by the roots of the large trees growing on the
site. Lima Guedes reports finding a few fragments of tubular anthro-
pomorphic urns and zoomorphic specimens of the Maraca type, but
states that the majority were of forms similar to those on Marajé
although extremely poor in ornamentation (op. cit., p. 55). Since he
makes no reference to painted decoration, it is likely that what he
looked upon as Marajé similarities are in reality similarities to vessels
of the Mazagaéo Phase, which are plain or crudely ornamented and
often vaguely similar in shape to Marajoara Phase examples. The
relative scarcity of anthropomorphic and zoomorphic jars gives the
impression that this site, like A-3 and A-4, is basically of the Mazagao
74 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
Phase with some Maraca influence. It is unfortunate that the inac-
cessibility of the site prevented the salvaging of sufficient ceramic
material to permit a more definite statement.
In the Rio Mazag4o drainage, Farabee visited a different site from
the one explored by Lima Guedes. Our efforts to locate any specimens
from this area in the University Museum of Philadelphia failed;
therefore, quoting directly from Farabee’s field journal (MS., 1916 a)
gives the full extent of our information:
Sat. 19th Feb, 1916—Punto das Panellas. Got up at 2:30 for tide and started
by canoe with 3 men to Punto das Panellas in Lago do Rio Ajudante an eastern
branch of the Rio Mazagao, an hour below the city. Arrived at 8 and went to
work.
This P. das P. is a peninsula reaching out a long way into the lake, which is a
lake only in the wet season when it is very large, but even then it is so full of grass,
rushes and piri that it is difficult to get through with a canoe—must pole with fork.
There are islands of high land and other points jutting out into the lake. The
burial place is not more than an acre in extent and a foot or two only above high
water.
The place has been known for a long time and the neighbors, rubber gatherers,
have been going there to dig up water jars and flower pots. The larger pots were
originally about level with surface and not difficult to find because if not in sight
as many were, they all were covered with other inverted pots and if not broken
before they would break with the weight of man walking over and leave hole into
the pot.
They in a rude way would attempt to dig them up and if they broke them they
left them on surface so now dozens are to be seen on the ground covered with
moss among the trees . . . [Here, Farabee diverts into a discussion of ‘‘treasure’’
and a snake guarding a pot full of “‘treasure”’ as told by the caboclos.]
Instead of money there were a lot of bones and shell teeth beads. Pots 1
and 2.° J found an interesting looking fragment half buried with top broken and
gone. It had been a man seated on a stool. Inside was smallest pot and a lot
of glass beads—some plain round blue, some oblong blue and white and red and
white. Pots 3 and 4.° By the side of this seated man was Pot 5 with four legs,
tail and human face—like ones found on Ilha do Para. This had bones diseased ?;
pieces saved. These (Pots) 3-5 belonged together no doubt. We spent 3 days
digging with four men and found a number of small pots and fragments. One in
form of jaboty [tortoise}—head and tail—a number of faces and heads of men and
animals. These had no important relation the one to the other because of
former digging. .. .
In only one of many we dug up were glass beads and these in the most important
burial of all. These rubber men were looking for gold so took everything out of
scores of pots but they never found glass beads—they might easily have missed
seeing bone and shell and teeth beads but glass ones are so noticeable they must
have seen them if there were any.
Farabee’s description of the ceramics leads one to the conclusion
that the Punto das Panellas site is related to the pottery from the
Ilha do Para and probably represents the same cultural fusion of the
Mazagao Phase with the Maracé tradition.
® No map or sketch accompanies the text or notes.
waa ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 75
IGARAPE DO URUBUT SITES
On the Igarapé do Urubd, which flows southeast to empty into the
same mouth as the Rio Maracdé, Lima Guedes (1897, pp. 54-55)
heard of a site. Being unable to go himself, he sent four of his men
to investigate it. They reported that they made various tests in the
ground but found only sherds of vessels without any decoration.
Since no anthropomorphic or zoomorphic urns were reported, in all
likelihood this was a habitation site.
RIO MARACA SITES
The area best known from an archeological standpoint in the Terri-
tory of Amapé prior to 1949 was the Rio Maracdé. It was visited and
excavated by Ferreira Penna in 1871, Lima Guedes in 1896, Farabee
in 1916, and Nimuendajii in 1927. Specimens occur in many museums
throughout the world, but the largest and best documented collection,
the one made by Lima Guedes, has remained in the Museu Goeldi.
His field observations (op. cit. pp. 43-47; 49-53) supplemented by our
detailed examination of the specimens show the tradition to be deviant
from the Mazagaéo Phase otherwise characteristic of the southern
part of the Territory of Amapé.
The cemeteries excavated by Lima Guedes are on branches of the
upper Igarapé do Lago, a large tributary entering the right bank of
the Rio Marac4é some distance above its mouth. This is a region of
many hills and rocky outcrops, providing numerous small caves and
niches, which were used for burial. The Ilha do Cunhahy, located
on an igarapé of the same name 20 km. north of its junction with
the Igarapé do Lago do Marac4, is one such spot. At various heights
in a vertical outcrop 300 meters long and about 8 meters high along
the southwest edge of the island were four small niches, all of which
had been used for burial. Lima Guedes found a quantity of frag-
ments of tubular, anthropomorphic urns in the form of a human
being seated on a bench and one zoomorpbic urn in the form of a
turtle. It was in this same cave that he found fragments of bone
in at least one of the jars and an almost complete skull on the floor.
Since the skull is in rather good condition and the painted jar does
not conform to the typical pattern of any archeological pottery in the
Territory of Amap4, these were probably placed in the cave at a more
recent date than the anthropomorphic urn burials.
On the left bank of the Igarapé Rio Branco, which flows into the
Igarapé do Lago do Maracé from the south, at a spot called “Ilha da
Terrapreta,’’ Lima Guedes found three more caves, two on the south
and one on the east side of the hill. Falling rocks and prowling
animals had broken many of the vessels and buried others up to the
rim. They were in the cylindrical, anthropomorphic style like those
76 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
at the preceding site, and each cave had several of the zoomorphic
(mostly turtle) style of urn. A significant find, indicating a post-
Columbian date, was one tubular, anthropomorphic burial urn with
glass beads ornamenting its arms and spine (pl. 18, 6).
A third site was on a steep-sided hill rising some 18 meters on the
right bank of the Igarapé do Lago do Maraca& about a mile above its
juncture with the Igarapé Rio Branco. This hill was called ‘‘Ilha da
Fortaleza’”’ because of a trench along the edge of the flat summit.
Although the local inhabitants attributed its construction to the
Dutch, Lima Guedes thought this out-of-the-way location and the
fact that the adjoining cemetery was undisturbed until recently,
argued for Indian origin. The cemetery occupied the summit of the
hill and was extensive, but all the jars had been recently broken by a
disgruntled treasure seeker. His examination showed the vessels to
be identical to the zoomorphic and tubular anthropomorphic burial
urns he found at the Ilha do Cunhahy. Here, he also found five stone
axes.
Farabee’s account (MS., 1916 a) of his visit to the Igarapé do Lago
of the Rio Marac4 on February 29, 1916, is not explicit, but the
presence of several complete jars indicates that this is not one of the
sites visited by Lima Guedes:
This cave under a shelving sand rock was at head of a now dry stream but
later water runs from under the rock. The cave is 3’ high in front, in center
sloping back to nearly nothing at 10’ deep and 60’ long. Originally there had
been many burial jars in shape of seated men sitting together under the rock but
no doubt animals knocked down many of them and also men looking for treasure
had broken all the large ones. Fragments only were left scattered but we collected
five heads, 3 figures and some pieces. Also got one skull but no long bones had
been preserved.
At the back of the cave there were a number of rudely outlined heads in red
and white paint. Some were all red, others outline red with eyes, mouth and nose
in white. Some were small, 6’’ across, others double that size. All were meant
to be round heads but the surface was irregular so many have corners on one
side or other—Some had red lines but white eyes inside the red circles. Nothing
but heads can now be made out and these are so covered by the ants [termite
tunnels] that no entire figures can be seen.
Our analysis of the Museu Goeldi collection, numbering 29 anthropo-
morphic lids (heads) and 17 bodies seated upon benches, produced
detailed information on the ceramic types. The poorly mixed paste
contains a variety of tempering materials, ranging from small black
ash particles in a clayey paste to a moderately sandy paste with fine
sand particles (not ground quartz) and occasional specks of black
ash intermixed. Only one vessel shows traces of mica. Although
Hartt (1885, p. 40) states that cariapé does not appear to have been
used, a hand-lens examination shows some fine, black ash and cariapé
present in the majority of the vessels. Since one or two vessels lack
a ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 77
these black ash particles, an analysis based on a limited number of
specimens might lead to a different description of the temper. Surface
color is an even tan to orange brown, produced in an oxidizing atmos-
phere, with only occasional fire clouding. Firing was sufficiently
complete to penetrate the walls in only 25 percent of the vessels; in
the remaining 75 percent a gray core remains. ‘These features set the
pottery apart from that of the Mazagéo Phase and require its classifi-
cation as distinct from the described pottery types of the Territory of
Amap4. Since the Marac4 style collections were restricted to a
limited number of burial urns without the benefit of a large sherd
sample from habitation sites, a new pottery type has not been
established at this time.
In form and decoration the contrast with the Mazagao Phase is
sharper still. The most abundant and characteristic vessel is the
cylindrical-bodied, anthropomorphic figure seated on a bench, forming
the jar body, with a removable head forming the lid (pl. 18). Except
for variation in size and proportion, the bodies show a uniformity in
execution. The cylindrical torso is fixed to the top of the low bench,
which has two legs running from end to end. Occasionally, a zoomor-
phic head and tail are added to opposite ends of the bench. The legs,
attached to the torso several centimeters above its base, slant down-
ward at an angle of 30 to 40 degrees to join the short lower leg with its
bulbous calf. The flattened feet rest upon the ground. The arms join
the torso a little below the upper edge or rim and are spaced the same
distance apart as the legs. The upper arm slants downward at the
same angle as the upper leg and the lower arm rises vertically to
join it, making the elbow bend upward. The two arm segments are
approximately equal in length and the hands rest upon the knees.
The genitalia of both female and male are realistically modeled, and,
in the case of the male, several indicate the practice of circumcision.
Small nubbins represent the breasts and a small pit, the navel. Some
of the figures also have nubbins at the elbows, wrists, and ankles,
which appear to be attempts to show the prominent bones at those
places. Most of the figures wear one or a pair of bracelets on the
wrist and on the upper arm. Many have a curved applique fillet
between, or just above, the arm attachment similar to the curve
assumed by a necklace.
The heads fall into three basic styles (pl. 19): (1) A straight-sided,
truncated cone with a flat disk top; (2) a domelike shape with a
rounded top and curving sides; and (3) a small rounded head with
a flat top, constricted neck, and shoulders which widen out to the
diameter of the jar mouth. The first group is the largest and most
conventionalized; the third, the rarest and the most naturalistic.
In all three, the features are formed by appliques, sometimes supple-
78 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
mented with incising on the eyes and mouth. A long fillet runs
across the forehead down both sides and ends in a short curve or
lateral extension. The long vertical nose is often joined to this
at itsroot. About half of the heads with flattened tops (forms 1 and 3)
have this area covered with short, conical nubbins arranged haphaz-
ardly or in rows. The tops of two heads are decorated with
incised lines. A typical feature of form 2 is a bunlike projection from
the upper part of the back of the head, although this is sometimes
also found on form 1. Form 3 is set apart not only by its naturalism
but by the fact that each of the five examples in the Museu Goeldi
collection and the one specimen in the University Museum collection
(Farabee, 1921, fig. 44) have a slight protrusion running along the
chin that suggests a beard. The fact that glass beads have been found
associated with the Marac4 urns makes it seem probable that the
beards were fashioned after European models and provides a lead for
a possible time distinction in the three head styles.
About half of the jars are painted a solid black, yellow, or red
over which parallel-line and spiral designs in white or black were
sometimes added.
Many of the vessels were so badly broken that the contents had
been lost; however, several of the specimens in the Museu Goeldi were
still filled with cremated bones. Ferreira Penna (1879 b, pp. 50-51)
states that the urns contained complete skeletons, disarticulated, with
the pelvis at the bottom, the other bones along the sides, and the
skull on top. Although the evidence is in part contradictory, it
appears that both cremation and secondary burial were associated
with tubular, anthropomorphic urns.
Although our assessment of this Marac4 tradition cannot be
complete until something is known of the habitation sites belonging
to it, the ceramic type and the burial pattern are distinct from those
of the Mazagaéo Phase. It appears to be concentrated geographically
in the Igarapé do Lago region of the Rio Marac4 with a limited
spill-over on the Ilha do Par& and to have been contemporary with
the latter part of the Mazagao Phase, upon which the Maracé tradition
exerted a minor influence as evidenced from certain burial-urn styles
found at Sites A-3 and A-4, on the Rio Pigaca.
ANALYSIS OF MATERIALS OF THE MAZAGAO PHASE
Pottery Typr D£EscRIPTIONS
All the sherds and vessels obtained in our excavations (5,126 sherds
and 16 vessels), plus those specimens examined in various museum
collections, were classified into pottery types using the currently
accepted, binomial system of nomenclature, in which the first word
MAGEEES! AND ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 79
refers to a local geographical name and the second is descriptive. The
detailed pottery type descriptions, arranged in alphabetical order,
follow:
ANAUERAPUCU INCISED
Paste AND suRFACES: This decorated type is on Mazagéo Plain material; see
that type description for details of temper, surface, firing, and color.
Forms:
Common vessel shapes:
1. Pedestal basin used as a lid on burial urns (fig. 16-1).
Rims: Rim of the basin is generally thickened on the interior with
a wide flange, 2.5-3.0 cm., upon which the incisions are placed.
The rims of many have small adornos or lobes varying in length
from 4-12 em. and extending 1.0-1.2 cm. beyond the rim edge,
which is rounded. Rim of the pedestal base is flat topped or
rounded with a slight external thickening, measuring 1.0-1.3 cm.
Body wall thickness: Basin, 8 mm.; pedestal, 9 mm.
Body dimensions: Basin mouth diameter, 36-40 cm.; with the bowl
depth 10-12 cm. Total height of the vessel 20-22 cm.
Base: Tall, cylindrical pedestal with a slight outflare, open at the
bottom, Base diameter 20-22 cm. and 18 em. at the point of
attachment with a height of 12 cm.
Decoration: Basin—Panels of incised horizontal lines with diagonal
and squared spirals along the inner lip of the rim, separated on
some by human faces modeled in applique. Many basins have
WMS
[tan Eee
1 2 36M
Rim Scale
sh
Vessel Scale
Ficurt 16.—Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Anauerapucti Incised, Mazagao
Phase (Appendix, table 2).
80
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
no decoration of the exterior, but a few have parallel, incised lines
without diagonals, rectilinear spirals, etc.
Pedestal—Exterior is incised in a paneled band, 4-6 cm. wide,
beginning just below the thickened lower rim, with the typical
motifs.
2. Bowls with everted, exteriorly thickened or direct rims (fig. 16-2).
Rims: Everted with a wide, flat surface and a round lip; externally
thickened, ranging from 1.0-1.5 cm. in thickness; sometimes
direct.
Body wall thickness: 8-10 mm.
Body dimensions: Height 6-15 cm.; mouth diameter 20-26 ecm.
Base: Rounded.
Decoration: Horizontal, parallel lines limited to the flat, upper
surface of the flanged rim; an occasional incised line on the ex-
terior below the rim.
3. Small, open, sometimes carinated, bowls with direct rims (fig. 16-3).
Rims: Direct rim with either rounded or flattened lip, mouth
diameters ranging from 14—26 em.
Body wall thickness: 5 mm.
Body dimensions: Height 10-15 em.
Base: Rounded.
Decoration: Incisions limited to the upper portion of the exterior
walls of bowl, just below the lip in a panel averaging 2 cm. wide.
Less common shape:
1. Small carinated bow! with inslanted rim and a strap handle (pl. 7, d).
Rim: Inslanted, rounded lip; mouth diameter 9 em.
Body wall thickness: 5-6 mm.
Body dimensions: Diameter 13.5 cm.; height 5.6 em.
Base: Slightly flattened.
Appendage: A single, strap handle with a slight groove down the
center, 1.5 em. wide, and attached from the lip edge to the
shoulder.
Decoration: Rectilinear, squared spirals between pairs of straight
lines on the insloping wall of the bowl.
DeEcoRATION (pl. 11):
Technique: Fine-line, sharp, moderately deep incisions on inner lips of bowls
or on the exterior walls of the pedestal bases or on small bowls ranging in
technique from carefully executed incisions to a few crude specimens, but
always done with greater care than Uxy Incised. Many lines are so
straight and accurately drawn that they appear as if drawn with a straight
edge. Seventy-five percent of the precise, well-executed incisions are
filled with white chalk (a type found in natural outcrops in the region),
with faint traces often suggesting a more widespread usage than the badly
eroded sherd material indicates. The depth of the incisions before filling
with chalk ranges from 1-2 mm. with the width from 0.5-1.0 mm.
Motif: Typieally horizontal, parallel and diagonal lines, evenly spaced in
combination with frets, rectilinear and squared spirals. Curved lines are
rare. The designs are all well spaced and regular and commonly arranged
in panels (fig. 14, b, and pl. 11). A few forms combine a crude applique
modeling of human faces on rim lobes with panels of elaborate incision in
between (fig. 14, a).
TEMPORAL DIFFERENCES WITHIN THE TYPE: The rim and vessel form analysis
(Appendix, table 2) suggests a decline in popularity of the pedestal basins
aa ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 81
(form 1) in the cemeteries in favor of an increase of smaller open bowls without
a pedestal (form 2). The pedestal basin form 1 does not appear until the middle
of the Mazagaio Phase sequence.
CHRONOLOGICAL POSITION OF THE TyPE: Appears only in the upper (late) part
of the Mazagéo Phase sequence.
CAMAIP{L PLAIN
PASTE:
Method of manufacture: Coiling.
Temper: Cariapé (ash of siliceous bark) and finely ground quartz particles.
An explanation of cariapé temper is best given by a.direct quotation:
“Usually it is said that the bark is taken from the cariapé tree. This name
seems to me to be a common designation for various plants, such as, for
example, Bignoniacea, the genera Moquilea and Licania utilis, Turiuva, ete.
Unfortunately, our sources are not explicit concerning the species of the tree
in question... .” (Linné, 1931, pp. 206-207). ‘““The bark is burnt,
whereupon it is ground and mixed with the clay. The burning is done for
the purpose of removing the organic components which otherwise would
lessen the durability of the vessels in the firing’? (Linné, 1925, p. 38).
The quartz is less than 5 percent of the mixture, but is definitely a conscious
mixture and not merely due to a naturally sandy clay. All the quartz
particles are quite granular and sharp, indicating the deliberate crushing
and intermixing, rather than waterworn sand. Cariapé and quartz make
the paste gritty. It is also very porous and has numerous black spots from
the burnt ash; the siliceous particles from cariapé are white, columnar, and
cellular as viewed under the microscope.
Texture: Fine, sandy, gritty. Halfway between Vilanova and Mazagao Plain
in paste and texture.
Color: Majority of all sherds have a gray core flecked with black and white
particles of cariapé and are bordered on the exterior and interior with a thin
band of gray tan or orange tan. Rest have a solid gray-orange color.
Firing: Oxidizing fire with 75 percent of the sherds incompletely fired; fire
clouds rare.
SURFACES:
Color: Exterior and interior—Generally, both surfaces are the same, ranging
from a dull gray brown to a light gray to a tile orange. The majority
are gray orange or tile orange. Less than 1 percent are gray brown on the
interior with a bright-orange exterior,
Treatment:
Exterior—Well-smoothed, even, with smoothing striations visible in
most cases. Thirty-five percent with a very slick, even surface but
not highly polished with a luster. All coils erased.
Interior—Typically, the same treatment as the exterior; however, 25
percent are slightly rougher and less well smoothed. One percent
have a slick, gray-brown interior.
Hardness: 2-2.5.
Form:
Common vessel shapes:
1. Globular jars with short neck and vertical or everted rim (fig. 17-1;
DLS, @.'b, ay:
Rim: Vertical or everted, unthickened or externally thickened
usually with a flat or sloping flange, and rounded lip.
Body wall thickness: 6-11 mm.; majority 8 mm.
82 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
fe
a ee
OF 11? (27 73'CM
Rim Scale
Litij iy
Oo 4 8 I12CM
Vessel Scole
Fieure 17.—Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Camaipf Plain, Mazagaéo Phase
(Appendix, table 3).
Body dimensions: Diameters 32—40 cm.; majority 32-36 cm.
Base: Slightly flattened; a few rounded.
Appendages: Occasionally, a small, irregular loop handle from the
lip downward to the neck of the jar; cross section is oval to round,
measuring 8-10 mm. Diameter of loop handle ranges from 2-4
cm.
he aml ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 83
2. Cylindrical jars (fig. 17-2; pl. 8, c).
Rim: Direct rim; lip is rounded or squared with rounded corners.
Body wall thickness: 6-10 mm.
Body diameters: Usually 18-25 cm.
Base: Flattened; usually a slight pedestal 0.5-1.0 cm. tall, diameter
8-14 cm.
3. Open bowls with outcurving or slightly incurving sides (fig. 17-3).
Rim: Rounded or square with rounded edges; occasionally exteriorly
thickened. Mouth diameters 20-40 cm.; majority 24-32 cm.
Body wall thickness: 4-10 mm.; majority 6-8 mm.
Base: Rounded or flat.
TEMPORAL DIFFERENCES WITHIN THE TYPE: In habitation sites the globular jar
with a short to medium neck (form 1) tends to decrease in popularity while
open bowls with outcurved sidewalls (form 3) increase (see Appendix, table 3).
At the point of time in the sequence where Camaipi Plain appears in highest
percentage (i. e., Site A-6) form 1 is as high as 71.5 percent of all vessel forms.
The tall, cylindrical jars (form 2) do not appear until the middle-upper part
of the Mazagao Phase sequence.
CHRONOLOGICAL POSITION OF THE TYPE: The type was introduced in the early
part of the Mazagaéo Phase when the differentiation of paste between sand
and cariapé-tempered pottery was not too clear and the firing was not too well-
controlled; then as the pottery tends to crystalize into Mazagao Plain and
Vilanova Plain, Camaipi Plain decreases in popularity.
JAR{ SCRAPED
PASTE:
Method of manufacture: Coiling.
Temper: Crushed quartz particles, generally finely ground.
Texture: Coarse, gritty, friable, irregular fracture. Very uneven mixture of
temper throughout the paste.
Color: Dull orange to rusty brown.
Firing: Oxidizing fire; generally complete; no fire clouds.
SURFACES:
Color: Dull, gray tan to dusty brown.
Treatment: Exterior and interior—All coiling lines erased, smoothed, but
slightly irregular and uneven. A few show the smoothing striations on
the surfaces.
Hardness: Sand temper gives an abnormal hardness, for the sand particles
protrude; actually the paste is fairly soft (2.5).
Forms:
Common vessel shapes:
1. Small bowls (fig. 18-1).
Rims: Rounded lip with slightly everted rim or rounded direct
rim, both with incurved sidewalls.
Body wall thickness: 5 mm.
Base: No sherds found; probably same as Mazagfio Plain form
4, i. e., round or flat.
Body dimensions: Maximum bow] diameter is 2-4 cm. greater than
the mouth, which is 12-15 cm.
Decoration: Scraped in a series of parallel lines, diagonal units or
curvilinear elements on the exterior.
84 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
MMS aie ld bey BE CO
Oo 4 8 12CM
Vessel Scale
aes feats [oi
On edlt oantecbt GHC
Rim Scale
Figure 18.—Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Jari Scraped, Mazagéo Phase
(Appendix, table 4).
2. Small jar with everted rim (fig. 18-2).
Rim: Slightly thickened on the interior, everted; thin, tapered and
rounded lip. Mouth diameter 8 cm.
Body wall thickness: 6 mm.
Body diameter: 12-14 em.
Base: No sherds found.
Decoration: Exterior scraped in a series of parallel lines, diagonal
units or curvilinear elements, sometimes with applique nubbins
on jar shoulder.
DeEcoRATION (pl. 15, b-g):
Technique: Exterior is lightly scraped with a narrow (3 mm.), flat, blunt
tool, with the scrapings spaced 3-5 mm. apart, each line separately applied,
but sometimes overlapping.
Motif: A series of parallel lines, diagonal units or curvilinear elements.
TEMPORAL DIFFERENCES WITHIN THE TYPE: None observable in the small sample
(Appendix, table 4).
CHRONOLOGICAL POSITION OF THE TYPE: An early pottery type, limited to the
lower part of the Mazagéo Phase sequence.
nar ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 85
MAZAGAO PLAIN
PASTE:
Method of manufacture: Coiling.
Temper: White mica particles (muscovite) and ground quartz, ranging from
fine particles to large angular chunks, sometimes 1.5 cm. long (pl. 10).
Texture: The naturally gritty clay, coupled with the quartz, mica temper
makes a very coarse, friable and irregularly fractured paste. All the
sherds have a hollow, bigh-pitched ring, like bricks. The poor mixture
of quartz hunks often makes weak zones which fracture easily.
Color: Ranges from a light, tile orange to a light, brick red; 25 percent of
the sherds have a thin gray core bordered with bands 2-3 mm. wide of
orange or light brown.
Firing: Oxidized fire, generally complete; few fire clouds.
SURFACES:
Color:
Exterior—Ranges from brick red to an orange red, to a brown or a
light orange tan to a rusty brown; the majority are a dull, brick red.
Interior—Identical in range to the exterior, except that 1 percent of the
sherds are a gray black and slick as if rubbed with jutahy resin before
firing.
Treatment:
Exterior—Well-smoothed, even and fairly regular surfaces with all
the coiling lines erased. Fifty percent of the sherds show distinct
smoothing striations. A few have a filmy surface finish developed
from smoothing by hand when the clay is very wet. A small percent
of the sherds have a slick exterior as if polished when leather hard.
Interior—Identical treatment to that of the exterior is typical. Occa-
sionally the interior is slightly more irregular and rough compared to
the exterior. One percent of the sherds are well polished and slick.
Hardness: Sand and quartz particles make it seem harder; actually 2.5.
Form:
Common vessel shapes:
1. Round-bodied jar with thickened and everted rim and a short inslop-
ing to outsloping neck (fig. 19-1; pl. 9, a—c).
Rim: Exterior rim thickening in the form of an added strip or coil
varies the profile from a rounded to a flat top with squared edges.
Mouth diameter, 15-36 cm.
Body wall thickness: 4-11 mm. with 25 percent of all sherds a heavy,
coarse variety ranging from 1.2-2.2 em. Majority 7-8 mm.
Body diameters: 25-50 cm.; neck height 3-12 cm.; total height 20-
45 cm.
Base: Slightly thickened; round or flattened. Flat the most
typical. 14-16 cm. in diameter.
Appendages: Handles not typical but sometimes a short, strap
handle extends from the lip to the jar neck.
Occasional decoration: Applique fillets, nubbins, vertical and hori-
zontal bars with occasional light incision on the appliques form
human faces on the lids or necks of jars; sometimes bird o1
animal head adornos on jar collars; 10 percent of the large jars
have such ornamentation.
391329—57——8
86 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
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Ficure 19.—Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Mazagao Plain, Mazagao Phase
(Appendix, table 5).
2. Tall, cylindrical jars with short pedestal bases and direct rims
(fig. 19-2).
Rim: Direct, flat-topped and square with slightly rounded edges;
mouth diameter 16—22 cm.
Body wall thickness: 4-11 mm.; majority 7-8 mm.
Body dimensions: 18-26 em.; height 35-40 cm.
Base: Flat, short pedestal; 0.5-1.5 cm. high, 10-15 cm. in diameter.
3. Round-bodied jar with unthickened rim and vertical or outsloping
neck (fig. 19-3).
Rim: Direct; lip rounded or square with rounded edges; mouth
diameter 16-30 cm.; neck 3-12 cm.
Body wall thickness: 4-11 mm.; majority 7-8 mm.
Body diameters: 25-50 em.
Base: Slightly thickened, rounded or flattened; flat base usually
14-16 cm. in diameter.
Appendages: Rarely, a short strap handle extends from the lip to a
few centimeters on the jar neck.
4. Small, open bowl with gently curved sidewalls (fig. 19-4; pl. 7, ¢).
Rim: Rounded, sometimes squared with rounded edges, or tapered
or with a slight thickening on the interior; mouth diameters 18-
36 cm.
Body wall thickness: 4-11 mm.; majority 7-8 mm.
Base: Rounded or flat.
akeed) ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON Sz:
Rare vessel shapes:
1. Anthropomorphic figure seated on a clay bench (after the Maracd4
urn style).
2. Flat-topped lid with a short annular neck. Found only at sites
along the Igarapé Muriaca on the Rio Iratapuri. See Uxy
Incised—form 2 for details.
TEMPORAL DIFFERENCES WITHIN THE TYPE: A steady decline in popularity of the
large globular to round-bodied jars with short to medium necks and thickened
rims (form 1) from 80 percent to 20 percent in the habitation sites (see Appendix,
table 5) with a slight increase in small to medium round-bodied jars with ver-
tical to outsloping necks and unthickened rims (form 3) from the lower (earliest)
to upper (late) part of the Mazagfio Phase sequence. The early varieties of
Mazagao Plain tend to be a grayish brown (cf. Site A-6) while the late varieties
of Mazagio Plain (cf. Sites A-2 and A-1) are a bright red to brown red. An-
thropomorphic and applique features on the neck are more common in the later
part of the Phase. The tall, cylindrical jars (form 2) do not appear until the
middle to upper part of the Mazagéo Phase sequence.
CHRONOLOGICAL POSITION OF THE TYPE: Decreases in popularity during the
Mazagao Phase, but is present throughout the entire time span of the Phase.
PIGACA INCISED
PasTE AND SURFACE: This incised variety occurs typically on Vilanova Plain
paste, occasionally a few decorated sherds are on Camaipi Plain; see those
pottery type descriptions for details of paste, temper, color, etc.
FormMs:
Common vessel shapes:
1. Open bowls with direct rims and outcurving sides, sometimes carinated
(fig. 20-1).
Rims: Direct, slightly rounded or tapered; rarely thickened.
Body wall thickness: 6-10 mm.; majority 8 mm.
Body dimensions: Mouth diameters 18-34 cm.; height 12-20 cm.
Base: Usually rounded.
Decoration: Incision is usually limited to a band, 1-2 em. wide, of
horizontal, parallel lines extending from 1 cm. below the rim and
found only on the exterior. Motifs limited to wide panels of
diagonal lines or rectilinear meander and parallel bands bordered
by a row of punctates. A combination of punctates bordering
or interspersed with parallel lines often appears on the inner lip,
especially with the punctates around the lip edge.
2. Pedestal-basin lids (fig. 20-2).
Rims: Beveled with an outflaring, rounded lip on the basins. The
pedestal base is rounded with the exterior thickened with a
smoothed-over coil.
Body wall thickness: Basin 8 mm; pedestal 10 mm.
Body dimensions: Basin mouth diameter 32-38 cm.; basin height
10-12 cm.; base diameter 25 cm. with a height of 9-10 cm.
Base: Pedestal type, which is a tall, cylindrical collar attached to
the bottom of the bowl.
Decoration: Basin—Interior and exterior of the beveled rim is
incised with horizontal, parallel lines as on the smaller bowls.
Pedestal base—Usually the pedestal is incised with 8 parallel
lines in a band 2 cm. wide bordered with deep, sharp, circular
88 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULD. 167
JIZZ.
Oo ! 2 3CM
Rim Scale
Pe SE
Oo 4 8 i2CM
Vessel Scale
Figure 20.—Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Picacd Incised, Mazagaéo Phase
(Appendix, table 6).
punctations (2 mm. in diameter) in a slightly wavy line around
the upper edge of the incisions.
3. Open, carinated bowls (fig. 20-3).
Rims: Exteriorly thickened, outcurving, rounded lip; mouth
diameter 36 cm.
uae ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 89
Body wall thickness: 8 mm.
Body dimensions: Body diameter 30 cm.; estimated height 14 cm,
Base: Rounded.
Decoration: Parallel lines and rectangular units in a band on the
carinated exterior sidewall.
4, Small jars with short neck and slightly outcurved rim (fig. 20-4).
Rims: Outcurved, slightly thickened on the exterior, lip rounded or
squared with rounded edges; mouth diameter 12-18 cm.
Body wall thickness: 6-10 mm.; majority 7 mm.
Body dimensions: Body diameter 16-26 cm.; height 14-20 cm.
Base: Rounded.
Decoration: Parallel lines around the neck, sometimes with punctates
on the lip.
DeEcorRaTION (pl. 12):
Technique: Sharp incised lines, very straight and well executed, evenly spaced
and 0.5-1.0 mm. wide with an average depth of 1 mm. Chalk-filled in-
cisions like those of Anauerapuct Incised are very rare.
Motif: Parallel lines, rectilinear meander and horizontal lines with an occa-
sional use of diagonal lines. No use of the squared spiral so typical of
Anauerapucti Incised. A limited use of light circular punctates bordering
the incised units. Three to five parallel lines are the most common
combination.
TEMPORAL DIFFERENCE WITHIN THE TYPE: The pedestal-basin lid (form 2) appears
in the middle-late part of the Mazagio Phase sequence; no other form trends
are evident (see Appendix, table 6).
CHRONOLOGICAL POSITION OF THE TYPE: It is contemporaneous with Anauerapuct
Incised, that is, the upper (late) part of the Mazagaéo Phase sequence, increasing
slightly in popularity throughout time.
UXY INCISED
PASTE:
Method of manufacture: Coiling.
Temper: Quartz and mica the most typical with about 25 percent of the
sherds with only quartz particles; temper fairly well mixed in the paste.
Texture: Sandy, gritty, friable with an irregular fracture.
Color: Dull gray orange to rusty brown with a few sherds showing a thin
gray core bordered by light orange.
Firing: Incompletely oxidized.
SURFACES:
Color: Exterior and interior—Dull gray tan to dusty brown or rusty orange.
Treatment: Smoothed but irregular and uneven, very porous and rough and
gritty.
Hardness: 3.
Form:
Common vessel shapes:
1. Carinated or slightly carinated bowl (fig. 21-1).
Rims: The most common form is slightly everted, thickened on the
interior and gently curving outward with a rounded or tapered
lip. This rim is 1-3 cm. long and forms a rather pronounced
angle at the shoulder where it joins the bowl. Less commonly
the rim is either rounded, unthickened and outcurving or everted
and thickened externally with a flat top (flange) measuring 1.0-
1.8 cm. wide.
90 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
aii
2 30M
Wa YES YS ie a
Oo 4 8&8 !2CM Ovi
Rim Scale
Vessei Scale
Ficure 21.—Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Uxy Incised, Mazagaéo Phase
(Appendix, table 7).
Body wall thickness: 6-9 mm.
Body dimensions: Mouth diameters range from 18-38 cm.; majority
22-26 cm.; bow! depths 5-15 cm.
sescgnee ANP ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 91
Base: Rounded.
Decoration: A few specimens have a series of wavy lines on the
inner lip; however, the typical design is limited to the exterior
surface from the shoulder to the rim in a band from 2-5 cm. wide.
2. Shallow bowl with flat-topped, everted rim (fig. 21-2).
Rims: Flat top (flange) 1.0-1.5 cm. wide, everted rim with rounded
lip, sometimes slightly tapered. Mouth diameter 22-26 cm.
Body wall thickness: 6—9 mm.
Base: Rounded.
Decoration: Same as for form 1 with incisions sometimes on the flat
top (flange) of the rim.
3. Flat lid with short, annular base (fig. 21-3).
Rims: Rim of the lid is rounded with no thickening; edge of base is
rounded and thickened.
Body wall thickness: 8 mm.
Body dimensions: Lid top diameter 12-18 cm.; base diameter 12-14
em.; height of annular base 3-6 cm., with upper edge inset 1 cm.
from edge of top; overall height 4—7 cm. ;
Decoration: Typical motifs of the type, limited to the flat top of lid.
4. Short, vertical-necked jar with rounded body (fig. 21—4).
Rim: Externally thickened as if by the addition of a coil. Vertical
or slightly outslanting. Lip squared with rounded corners.
Mouth diameter 18-26 cm.
Body wall thickness: 7-10 mm.
Body dimensions: Body diameters 20-30 cm.; height 18-30 cm.
Base: Rounded.
Decoration: Design limited to the neck in a band 2-5 cm. wide.
Rare vessel shapes:
1. Shallow, open bowl.
Rim: Interior thickened, producing a broad band 1.5-3.0 cm. wide;
rounded lip. Mouth diameter 22 cm.
Body wall thickness: 7 mm.
Base: Rounded.
Decoration: Incised lines around the exterior in a band in the form
of incised concentric circles, with lines in between which form
crosses.
DEcoRATION (pls. 13, 14, 15, a):
Technique: Deep, sharp incisions applied with a sharp instrument when
the clay is extremely wet. A characteristic trait of the incisions is the
very irregular, jagged, uneven lines, giving the impression of their having
been done in haste. Depth of incisions varies from 1-3 mm. with the
width typically 1.0-1.5 mm.; a few are 2.5 mm. wide. Occasionally,
applique adornos or rim nubbins are found.
Motif: Semirectilinear and/or curvilinear motifs, ranging from simple
curved or wavy lines to interlocking frets, spirals, diagonals, parallel lines
and triangular units.
TEMPORAL DIFFERENCES WITHIN THE TYPE: The various forms show little trend
of change through time (Appendix, table 7). All the forms carry on in later
pottery types except form 3, the flat lid, which is limited to Uxy Incised and the
lower (early) part of the Mazagiéio Phase sequence.
CHRONOLOGICAL POSITION OF THE TYPE: Uxy Incised is the principal decorated
type in the early part of the Mazagfio Phase, declining through time as it is
replaced by Anauerapuct and Pigac4 Incised.
92 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
VILANOVA PLAIN
PASTE:
Method of manufacture: Coiling.
Temper: Black and white flecks of burnt cariapé (see Camaipi Plain for
detailed discussion of this temper) which varies from 10—25 percent of the
mixture with the largest particles 5 mm., the average speck only 1 mm.
and the white cellular siliceous particles only visible under magnification.
Texture: Fine, siliceous cariapé temper gives a pumicelike feel. Light
weight of the sherds is due to the temper. Broken edges rub off easily
into a white, chalky powder. Tensile strength weak, but not friable.
Dull, flat ring like a poorly cast bell. Fine air pockets are visible in
cross section.
Color: Ninety percent of all sherds have a gray core flecked with black
cariapé and bordered on the exterior and interior with a thin band of
gray tan or orange tan. Ten percent are a solid gray orange.
Firing: Oxidizing fire with 75 percent of the sherds incompletely fired; fire
clouds relatively rare.
SURFACES:
Color: Exterior and interior—Generally, both surfaces are the same, ranging
from a dull gray brown to a light gray to a tile orange. Most are gray
orange or tile orange. Less than 1 percent are gray brown on the interior
with the exterior a bright orange.
Treatment:
Exterior—Well-smoothed, even with smoothing striations visible in most
eases. Thirty-five percent with a very slick, even surface but not
highly polished with a luster. All coils erased.
Interior—The same treatment as the exterior is typical; however, 25
percent are slightly rougher and less well smoothed. One percent
have a slick, gray brown interior.
Hardness: Very soft, 2.
Forms:
Common vessel shapes:
1. Globular jars with short neck and vertical or everted rim (fig. 22-1;
pl. 9, d).
Rim: Vertical or everted, unthickened or externally thickened usu-
ally with a flat or sloping flange and a rounded lip.
Body wall thickness: 6-11 mm.; majority 8 mm.
Body diameters: 32-40 em.; majority around 32-36 cm.
Base: Slightly flattened, a few rounded.
Appendages: Occasionally, a small, irregular loop handle from the
lip downward 2-4 em. on the jar neck with an oval or round
cross section, 0.9-1.8 cm. in diameter.
Occasional decoration: Not typical, but on a few globular jars an-
thropomorphic faces and body features are modeled with applique
and light incisions on the neck and collars and jar bodies. One
vessel was modeled in the form of an anthropomorphic figure
seated on a clay bench.
2. Cylindrical jars (fig. 22-2).
Rims: Direct rim; rounded lip or squared with rounded corners.
Body wall thickness: 6-10 mm.
Body diameters: 18-25 cm.; mouth diameter 12-20 cm.; height
30-40 cm.
ppsaune, AND ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 93
« rere
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Oo -1 2 3CM
Rim Scale
MIT
Wf\))
Figure 22,—Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Vilanova Plain, Mazagéo Phase
(Appendix, table 8).
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Base: Flattened, usually with a slight pedestal 5-10 mm. high;
base diameter 8-14 cm.
3. Open bowls with outcurving or slightly incurving sides (fig. 22-3).
Rims: Rounded or square with rounded edges, occasionally exte-
riorly thickened.
Body wall thickness: 4-10 mm.; majority 6-8 mm.
Body dimensions; 20-40 cm.; majority 24-32 cm.
Base: Rounded or flat.
94 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
Less common vessel shapes:
1. Modeled anthropomorphic figure seated on a clay bench in the
Maraca urn style (see fig. 12 and pl. 3, b).
2. Zoomorphic urns in the form of a jaboty (land turtle) with a flat lid
(pl. 17).
TEMPORAL DIFFERENCES WITHIN THE TYPE: Large, round or globular jars with
short to medium necks and thickened rims (form 1) increase in popularity
throughout time while open bowls (form 3) decrease. Note that this is just
opposite the rim and vessel form trend in Mazagfo Plain, suggesting that as
Mazagao Plain loses in popularity to Vilanova Plain there is a comparable shift
in vessel and rim forms. The tall, cylindrical jars (form 2) do not appear until
the middle-upper part of the Mazagaéo Phase sequence (Appendix, table 8).
CHRONOLOGICAL POSITION OF THE TYPE: Vilanova Plain appears in the lower-
middle part of the Mazagaio Phase, at the same time as Camaipi Plain is in-
troduced, and continues to increase in popularity until it is the dominant
plain pottery type in the upper (late) part of the sequence.
UNCLASSIFIED DECORATED
A few sherds from Mazagéio Phase sites show untypical types of decoration,
which were too rare to warrant the establishment of a separate pottery type.
The techniques represented are scraping, red painting, and punctate.
UNCLASSIFIED SCRAPED:
1. Small, short-necked jars with an everted, externally thickened rim and
rounded lip. Mouth diameter 12 cm.; strap handle from lip to upper
shoulder. Vertical or slightly diagonal scrapings on shoulder and neck;
evenly spaced, 7-8 mm. apart, 1 mm. wide and 0.5-1.0 mm. deep.
One sherd from Site A-2—Lauro and 1 sherd from Site A-5—Cafezal.
2. Body sherds with markings similar to those described above but less
regular and less evenly spaced. Two sherds from A-—3—Pigaca
Cemetery.
UNCLASSIFIED PAINTED:
1. Shallow bowl with a flat base, outcurved sides and a double, scalloped rim
(2 rows of scallops) formed by gently curved lobes 1 cm. wide and 3—4
cm. long (pl. 16, h). Base diameter 15 cm.; lip diameter 20 cm.; height
3.5 cm.; flat base slightly thickened to 9 mm. from a body wall thickness
of 5-7 mm. Red ochre rubbed on the inner lip of the scallops. From
Site A-2—Lauro.
2. One sherd from a globular jar with a medium-length, outcurved to vertical
neck and a thickened to everted rim. Mouth diameter 18 cm.; body
diameter 27 cm.; neck height 4 cm. Bright red ochre rubbed on the
neck and upper shoulder in a band 6 cm. wide. Below this are low
applique ribs. From Site A-4—Valentim.
UNCLASSIFIED PUNCTATE:
1. One sherd from a shallow bowl with small rim lobes and a single row of
small punctates along the interior edge (pl. 16, c). From Site A-4—
Valentim.
Porrery ARTIFACTS
No pottery artifacts were found in the 1949 excavations. However,
the collections in the Museu Goeldi made by Nimuendajt from sites
on the Rio Iratapurt, which seriate in the early part of the Mazagao
wanet ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 95
Phase, produced a possible spindle whorl (pl. 16, g) and fragments that
may have belonged to figurines (e. g. pl. 16, 6). A small modeled foot
that may have had a similar function came from Site A-6—Ilha das
Igacabas (pl. 16, d).
NoncERAMIC ARTIFACTS
Unfortunately, the number of nonceramic artifacts is so few that no
significant classification is possible. Although available in this part
of the Amazon, stone was not a primary source of materials for tools,
and the wealth of objects that must have existed of wood and other
plant fibers did not survive for the archeologist in a tropical climate.
Tabulating the nonceramic materials from the Mazagaéo Phase sites
presents the following: 3 pieces of yellow ochre with smoothed surfaces
and scratches suggesting use as rubbing stones; 1 red ochre fragment
with the same features and use; 2 pieces of jutahy resin, use unknown;
1 piece of white chalk, probably the material used to fill the incisions of
Anauerapuct Incised; 16 burnt-clay fragments, probably from clay
used in a hearth on the floor of pile dwellings or upon a pedestal stand
as is the custom today among the Indians and caboclos of the Amazon;
105 natural rock fragments of which 47 were fire burnt; 4 hand-ax
fragments roughly shaped from natural, waterworn rocks which also
might have been used as hammerstones; 1 well-polished, ungrooved ax
fragment; 2 pebble pottery smoothers; 1 grooved, sandstone ‘“‘shaft-
smoother”; and 2 unworked percussion flakes which could have been
used as scrapers. The fairly rich pottery traits of the Mazagao
Phase make the sparsity of the other artifacts all the more noticeable.
Glass trade beads were listed in detail at each site from which they
were found; hence no repetition is required here. The reader is re-
ferred to table A (p. 51) and table B (p. 58) for details.
CERAMIC HISTORY
The region bounded on the north by the Rio Araguari-Amapari
and on the south by the Rio Jari (omitting the Rio Maracé tradition
for the moment) produced archeological material belonging to a single
complex, designated as the Mazagdo Phase. The refuse deposits of
the village sites were too shallow for stratigraphy except at Site
A-2—Lauro, where the refuse 45 cm. thick provided a partial basis
for seriation of the ceramic types from the other sites. This shallow-
ness would suggest that a short period of time is involved; never-
theless, the changes in popularity of various wares are evident (fig.
23; Appendix, table 1). Since there was apparently a conscious selec-
tion of certain decorated pottery types for burial purposes, such as
Anauerapuct Incised, it would have created false impressions and
trends to interdigitate the cemeteries directly into the habitation
167
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sites. However, an examination of the general popularity trends of
the various pottery types, as well as a comparison of the decorative
style and technique of certain wares, correlates cemetery Site A-3—
Picac&é Cemetery with the upper level of both cut 1 and cut 2 of
occupation Site A-2—Lauro and cemetery A—4—Valentim with habi-
tation Site A-1—Pigaca.
European glass trade beads, found in cemeteries A-3 and A-4, give
a post-Columbian terminal date to the seriated time sequence of the
Mazagao Phase. Unfortunately, in spite of the fact that the beads
include distinctive types, no more precise date can be attributed to
them. Extended consultations with bead experts and exhaustive
efforts to use these beads in a more specific way has produced no
evidence to indicate what type of beads were traded first and by
which Europeans in South America, information that would make
it possible to assign an absolute date to the terminal sites of the
Mazagaio Phase sequence. Although in North America bead ex-
perts have assigned specific dates to certain of the trade beads
which also appear in the Amazon, all these dates are too late and do
not shed further light on facts already known from historical records
(see The Historical Aftermath, pp. 556 ff.). Europeans were trading in
the area from A. D. 1500 onward, almost 150 to 200 years earlier than
the dates assigned to the same types of trade beads in the North
American area.
The ceramic sequence in the Mazagéo Phase is characterized by a
general, consistent decrease in popularity of the sandy, crushed-
quartz-tempered Mazag4o Plain and a concomitant increase in abund-
ance of the smooth, soft, cariapé-tempered Vilanova Plain, and by
a shift in the decorated wares from the unstylized, and sometimes
carelessly executed, Uxy Incised to the consistent and precise Anauera-
pucti and Picaca Incised styles (fig. 23).
In the earliest site excavated in the Rio Vilanova region (Site A-6),
Vilanova and Camaipi Plain are both present in addition to Mazagao
Plain. The collections made by Nimuendajii from the Rio Iratapuri
of the Rio Jari drainage, however, completely lack both Vilanova
and Camaipi Plain but contain the best and most varied examples
of Uxy Incised. Although these undoubtedly represent selected
samples due to a conscious choice of decorated rather than plain
wares, the fact that the collection numbers 248 sherds, nearly half
of which are plain ware, makes it seem unlikely that Vilanova and
Camaipi Plain would be totally missing in the collection had they
been present at the sites. If we may seriate these sites at the bottom
of the sequence (the only possible position when the decorated types
of Uxy Incised and Anauerapuct Incised are considered), the position
of Site A-6—Ilha das Igacabas becomes easier to explain. The
98 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
pottery from this site differs from that of later ones both in its high
percentage of Camaipi Plain and in the relative lack of differentiation
in surface color between the three plain wares. Although more
cream-colored in Vilanova and Camaipi Plain, the grayish surfaces
approach the Mazag4o Plain represented at the Iratapurt sites more
closely than the brick-red and light-cream wares of the other Rio
Vilanova and Rio Picgac& drainage sites. The high percentage of
Camaipi Plain (32.4 percent) from Site A-6 may be related to the
introduction of the new sandless plain ware and its, as yet, incomplete
differentiation, Camaipi Plain being in reality a hybrid or transi-
tional form with the temper of Mazagdo Plain and the texture and
color of Vilanova Plain.
If more sites in the southern part of the Territory of Amap4 had
been available for the seriation, the abrupt changes in several places
in the Mazagao Phase sequence would be erased. A gap now exists
in the lower part of the sequence but there is no evidence as to its
length. Although the seriation of Site A-6 near the bottom of the
sequence instead of near the top may appear questionable on the basis
of the plain-ware percentages, the correctness of this position is con-
firmed by the analysis of vessel shape (fig. 24).
By the time of the lowest levels at Site A-2—Lauro, the distinction
between Vilanova and Mazag4o Plain has become pronounced and the
transitional Camaipi Plain has been reduced to an insignificant 3
percent of the total ceramics. Mazagdo Plain has become an orange-
red, oxidized-fired ware in contrast to the light-tan surfaced Vilanova
Plain. Their subsequent history lies in the reduction of Mazagao
Plain from 76 percent in the lowest level of cut 2 or 79 percent in the
lowest level of cut 1 at Site A-2, to 32 percent at Site A-1, correlated
with the increase in percentage of Vilanova Plain from 17 percent or
12 percent to 50 percent in the same sites and levels. Seriation of
our habitation sites on the basis of plain wares gives the following
order of antiquity, beginning with the earliest: Site A-6—Ilha das
Igacabas, Site A-2—Lauro, Site A-5—Cafezal, Site A-—1—Pigaca
(fig. 23).
Of the decorated wares, Uxy Incised has the longest history with
the greatest change in popularity. From 3.8 percent at the earliest
site, A-6 (omitting at this time a consideration of the Rio Iratapurt
sites because of their undoubted selectivity of decorated sherds), it
drops to 0.3 percent at Site A-1. Part of this decline has its explana-
tion in the sudden appearance in the top level at Site A~2 of Anauera-
puct and Pigaca Incised, both of which are characteristic of the latter
part of the Mazagado Phase. Their occurrence in the habitation sites
runs less than 3.0 percent with the exception of the 7.5 percent
occurrence of Picac& Incised at Site A-1. No distinction can be
oe ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 99
drawn between the percentages of Pigac4 Incised in the cemeteries as
opposed to the habitation sites, but the generally higher percentage of
Anauerapuct Incised in the cemeteries indicates it to be primarily a
burial ware.
In the Mazag4o Phase incision was not only the primary, but almost
the exclusive decorative technique. Two major types of incised
designs are distinguishable, with the crudely applied, curvilinear
designs of uneven and irregular lines (Uxy Incised) common in the
early part of the Phase in sharp contrast to the late, carefully exe-
cuted, rectilinear motifs of both Picgac& and Anauerapuct Incised.
Not only does this latter style show greater care in the workmanship
but it also demonstrates a more advanced ceramic design technique
in the filling of the incised lines with white chalk. There is little
correlation on stylistic and technical grounds to suggest that Anauera-
puci or Pigaca Incised evolved out of Uxy Incised. Rather, the
abruptness of their appearance in fully developed form indicates that
they were intrusive.
The other decorative techniques of Mazagaéo Phase pottery are
minor in importance. Scraping occurs on only a few sherds from the
Rio Iratapurt sites. Only one sherd (a bifurcated-scalloped rim of
Mazagao Plain paste) from A-—2 and one from A-—4 have any traces
of paint; this appears to be the result of rubbing the surface with red
ochre. Modeled or applique ornament was employed principally
in connection with burial jars, where it was used to produce faces
and parts of either zoomorphic or anthropomorphic body anatomy,
such as genitalia, backbone, nipples, navel, toes, and fingers. The
most common anthropomorphic style is that typical of Mazagao
Plain and Vilanova Plain (figs. 13, 6; 19-1), where the face was
made on the vessel neck with applique and light incision or slight
depressions, with the vessel body modified only slightly to suggest
male or female sex by the addition of a thin, appliqued strip as a back-
bone, nubbins as small breasts or genitals, and a slight depression for
the navel. Examples of this technique include a vessel found by
Lima Guedes at Igarapé do Lago (pl. 9, 6); jars B and C (fig. 8) of
Burial Group 1, Site A-3; the large urn of Burial 5, Site A-3; and the
burial urn (fig. 13, 6) of Burial 3, Site A-4. The only Mazagao
Phase examples of true anthropomorphic modeling are vessel Z,
Burial Group 1 from Site A—3, and vessel A, Burial Group 2, from
Site A-4 (fig. 12). Presumably these are copies of the Rio Maracé
style and were not an indigenous development of the Mazagao Phase.
Zoomorphic figures are not common except on the Ilha do Para., where
burial urns in the form of the turtle predominate (pl. 17). With the
exception of a large foot of a turtle (fig. 6) and the head and tail of a
cutia from the pottery bench of the anthropomorphic vessel found at
100 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
Site A-3 (pl. 7, a), no other animals were represented on the ceramics
of the Mazagaio Phase. A few bird heads were affixed to the necks
of some of the vessels found by Lima Guedes at Igarapé do Lago sites
(pl. 9, a, c).
In addition to the seriation and study of the change in the popularity
of various pottery types through time, the rim and vessel shapes of
each pottery type were analyzed in the temporal framework provided
by the pottery type seriation. The most distinctive trends in vessel
and rim shapes occur in the three major plain wares—Camaipi, Maza-
géo, and Vilanova Plain. Form 1 of Mazagao Plain, a round-bodied
jar with thickened, everted rim and short, insloping to outsloping neck
(fig. 19-1), decreases steadily from a high of 80 percent at the earliest
sites to 20 percent in the latter part of the sequence (Appendix, table 5).
While form 1 is declining, Mazag4o Plain form 3, a round-bodied jar
with an unthickened rim and short vertical neck, is increasing slightly.
The most distinctive time marker within Mazag4o Plain is the late
appearance of form 2, tall, cylindrical jars with slight pedestal bases.
Concomitant with these developments in Mazagao Plain, the opposite
trend is taking place in Vilanova Plain. Form 1, the round-bodied
jar with thickened, everted rim and short, vertical to outsloping neck,
increases in popularity (Appendix, table 8) while form 3, a large, open
bowl, decreases. This bowl shape was also found in Mazagéo Plain,
but had an erratic history, generally ranging from 14 to 20 percent, but
reaching 28 to 30 percent at a few sites where the small sample might
account for the larger percentage. Camaipi Plain form 1, the round-
bodied jar with thickened, everted rim and short vertical to outsloping
neck showed the same decrease as that demonstrated for a similar form
in Mazagao Plain (Appendix, table 3). These rim and vessel-shape
trends reflect the history of the plain pottery types of the Mazagao
Phase: while Mazagao Plain decreases, Vilanova Plain increases. The
decrease in popularity of Mazagdo Plain form 1 while a similar shape
in Vilanova Plain is increasing suggests a retention of the popular plain
ware shape on whatever plain pottery type was most common through-
out the history of the Phase.
The shape trends within each decorated pottery type are not as
pronounced as in the plain wares; however, some shapes restricted to
certain pottery types show a distinctive distribution through time.
Uxy Incised form 3, flat lids (fig. 21-3), is absent in all the other deco-
rated types except in Picacaé Incised where it constitutes rare form 2.
Pedestal-basin lids, a popular shape of Anauerapuct Incised (form 1)
and Picacé Incised (form 2) are not found on any other decorated
pottery type. This point is highly significant for it further demon-
strates that the development of Anauerapucti and Pigacdé Incised is
ecaeernne ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 101
the result of some outside influence and is not the direct outgrowth of
the earlier Uxy Incised.
Since the vessel and rim shapes were designated by form numbers
for each pottery type, arranged generally in the order of their popu-
larity within the type, considering the jars first and the bowls second,
a common ground of comparison was needed to study the shape trends
throughout the Mazagdo Phase as a whole. Consequently, all the
shapes of each pottery type were analyzed and lumped into seven
common forms. These were given an alphabetical designation and
descriptive term (e. g., form A—carinated bowl; form B—jar, thick-
ened rim, usually vertical neck; form C—tall, cylindrical jar, etc.; see
fig. 24 for drawings). The various shapes of each pottery type were
plotted with their respective form numbers to give a common unit of
reference. The results are shown in Appendix, tables 9 and 10, andona
chart (fig. 24) where, for example, form A—carinated bowls contains
form 2 of Anauerapuct Incised, form 3 of Pigacd Incised, and forms
1 and 2 of Uxy Incised. Using these common shapes, the count from
the individual tabulations of vessel and rim shape of each pottery type
was plotted on a graph in which the vertical factor consisted of the
various sites arranged according to their seriated sequence based on
trends of pottery types, and the horizontal factor was the common
vessels shapes ranging from form A through form G.
The completed chart (fig. 24) presents a clear and graphic picture of
the shifts in popularity of the various shapes during the Mazagao
Phase. In fact, the shape trends are so distinctive and limited in
their distribution to a specific point in the time sequence that the
position of certain sherds in the Mazag&o Phase sequence could be
ascertained by shape alone. It is important to note then that the
sequence established on the seriation of pottery types from the various
sites is confirmed by this independent shape analysis. Site A-6 did
not fit neatly into the lower part of the sequence because of its high
percentage of Camaipi Plain, but its location was defended mainly on
the absence of the late decorated types, Anauerapuct and Pigacé In-
cised, and the presence of the early type, Uxy Incised, as well as the
consideration of certain color distinctions and variations in the plain
wares. The plotting of the common vessel shapes for the Mazagao
Phase into the order of the seriated sequence based on pottery types
verifies, without any question, the position of the sites in the sequence,
especially Site A-6—Ilha das Igagabas. To be specific: form G, flat
lids, is found only in the lowest part of the sequence where it ranges in
popularity from 4 to 20 percent; form D, pedestal-basin lids, is not
found in the lowest part of the sequence, but is restricted to the middle
and upper sectors; form C, tall, cylindrical jars, is found solely in the
391329—57——-9
102 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
upper (late) sections, where it has a 6.3 to 9.0 percent popularity.
On percentage of plain wares alone Site A-6 might have been con-
sidered for seriation near the top of the sequence instead of near the
bottom; however, this position would be impossible according to the
vessel and rim form analysis. The placing of Site A’-6 at the top would
produce an isolated late appearance of vessel form G and an absence
of vessel form C, which otherwise occurs consistently in the latter part
of the Phase.
The trends of the other vessel and rim shapes are also marked. For
example, form A, carinated bowls, declines from as high as 57.0 percent
to 12.4 percent, while form E, open bowls, increases from a low of
between 4.0 percent and 7.2 percent at the bottom to 20.3 percent and
25.0 percent at the top of the sequence. With the exception of form C,
tall cylindrical jars, whose distinctive history has already been dis-
cussed, the trend of the jar shapes is not as clear cut as that of the
other vessel forms. Disregarding the sites with small samples, which
unfortunately warp the percentages, the trend of form F, round-bodied
jar with an outcurved, direct rim, is irregular, but form B, the round-
bodied jar with a thickened, vertical or outslanting rim, increases to a
peak at the middle of the sequence and then begins to decline again
(fig. 24).
As the discussion in the preceding section on nonceramic artifacts
indicated, nonpottery artifacts are too rare and undifferentiated to
permit any statement about change in technique of manufacture or
style during the Mazagao Phase that would supplement the sequence
based on pottery.
DIAGNOSTIC FEATURES OF THE MAZAGAO PHASE
Sites of the Mazagao Phase are found throughout the region between
the Rio Araguari-Amapari and the Rio Jari, with some indication of a
late concentration in the Rio Vilanova at the time that the Rio Maracé
was developing its own local tradition. The habitation sites are all
located on naturally high land near a constant water supply, above
the flooded lowlands, offering advantages from a defense standpoint.
The refuse varies in thickness from the surface only to 45 cm. at the
deepest site and is scattered over areas ranging from a small site
10 meters in diameter to the largest, 75 by 83 meters. The nature
of the sites and their associated cemeteries suggests that at no time
was the total population large.
The burial pattern is consistent: secondary burial with offerings in
small bowls and occasionally with glass beads or a stone ax placed
inside the urns. The cemetery occupies a high spot and the vessels
were partially buried and were typically covered with a lid. The
arrangement of the urns in the cemetery appears to have been hap-
391329 O -57 (Face p. 102)
NUMBER
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391329 O -57 (Face p. 102)
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Figure 24.—Trends in the popularity of common vessel shapes of the Mazagéo Phase (Appendix, table 10).
FORM
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NUMBER
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16
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pape as ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 103
hazard, often with no consideration of the location of a previous
burial urn.
Nonpottery artifacts are rare, limited to a few axes, hammerstones,
pebble smoothers, a shaft straightener, ochre and chalk.
Seriation of the ceramic styles shows a distinct shift in emphasis
through time. The earliest excavated sites are characterized by the
equal popularity of Mazagéo Plain, a sandy, quartz-and-mica-
tempered ware, Vilanova Plain, a cariapé-tempered, smooth, soft pot-
tery, and Camaipi Plain, a ware possessing both cariapé and sand tem-
per. Mazagfo Plain shows an immediate sharp rise in popularity, but
then begins gradually to give way to Vilanova Plain.° The earlier
periods emphasize curvilinear, deep, crudely incised designs (Uxy In-
cised) which tend to decrease in frequency as the well-developed, recti-
linear incised varieties, Anauerapucti and Pigac4 Incised, are intro-
duced and increase in popularity. The decorated wares have a much
higher percentage of occurrence in the cemeteries than in the occupa-
tion sites, giving some indication of a conscious manufacture or use of
certain wares for burial and others for domestic use.
The effect of a strong outside influence is manifested in the sudden
appearance of complex vessel shapes and in the introduction of the
precisely executed design motifs of Pigac& and Anauerapucti Incised,
which are carried to an acme of perfection in the latter type. Some
contact or borrowing without amalgamation or assimilation of either
culture occurred between the Mazagao Phase and the tradition occupy-
ing the Rio Maraca4, as is evidenced by the copies of anthropomorphic
urns in the cemeteries of the Mazagao Phase.
Although the actual duration of the Mazag&éo Phase cannot be de-
termined from the time sequence derived from the seriated ceramic
styles and stratigraphy, evidence suggests that a long period of occupa-
tion of this region is not probable. The terminal date of the Mazagao
Phase cannot be given absolutely, although glass trade beads are
found in limited numbers in some of the cemeteries, indicating a post-
European contact date for at least a part of the inhabitants of the
Mazagao Phase and the local tradition on the Rio Maraca.
THE ARISTE PHASE
DESCRIPTION OF SITES AND EXCAVATIONS
With the exception of one cemetery, Site A—-14, located in the present
city of Macap4, and a small camp site, Site A-13, in the headwaters of
the Rio Matapi, the known archeological sites of the Aristé Phase are
restricted to the region north of the Rio Araguari-Amapari. These
10 This transition from a sandy, gritty ware to a soft, smoother ware tempered with another material is
repeated in the Aristé Phase,
104 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
two exceptions present certain peculiarities (which will be explained
later) and are not important enough to interfere with the general con-
clusion that this river must have served as a boundary or frontier
between two distinct and generally contemporaneous cultures. Not
only the ceramic traditions but also the burial patterns indicate that
we are dealing with separate groups. Data on the Aristé Phase comes
from 7 habitation and 7 cemetery sites in addition to the famous
Cunanf burials dug by Goeldi in 1896, and sites described by Coudreau
and Nimuendaji.
SITE A~7—AMAPA CITY
The present town of Amap4 covers an Indian village and cemetery
site. This superposition is more than coincidental, for the only con-
tinuously dry land in the region, regardless of season, is a long narrow
finger rising 4 meters above high-water level along the south side of
the Rio Amap4& Pequeno. At the time of his visit in 1895, Goeldi
noticed the presence of Indian remains, but dismissed them as un-
important because he saw no decorated ware (Goeldi, 1900, pp. 7-8).
The ridge of high land ranges in width from 100 to 250 meters and a
fragment of a stone tool was picked up as far as a kilometer south of
the riverbank. Throughout the high area residents have uncovered
pottery and stone fragments while cultivating their gardens or con-
structing new houses. The continuous row of buildings along both
sides of the main street, Rua Senador Lemos, which now occupies
the center of the ridge, made extended excavations out of the ques-
tion. Tests in various parts of the street produced sherds (Evans,
1951, fig. 3) that had been ground almost to powder by the impact of
feet over several centuries and showed the black refuse layer to be
10 to 15 cm. deep, resting on sterile, orange to brown clay. Some 300
meters from the riverbank, the ridge is cut by a ravine, now crossed by
a concrete bridge and culvert. At the time this was built, some 5
years previous to our visit, the north bank was cut off 0.75 to 1.00
meter, removing the tops of several large jars and leaving a broken
edge to show where the bases were still buried in the street. One of
these, excavated with great difficulty because of the hard-packed
clay in and around it, was 50 cm. in maximum existing diameter, 15
cm. in existing height, and 13 cm. in diameter at its flat base. It was
identified as Serra Plain. Associated with it were a few small sherds
of a well-polished, red variety of Serra Painted. Subsequent to our
visit a globular jar of Serra Plain with a 2-cm.-wide red band on the
neck and additional sherds were collected in the main street some 15
meters north of our excavation.
The 421 sherds collected from the site of Amap4 are Serra Plain
(96.4 percent) except for 14 sherds of Serra Painted (3.3 percent),
act aa ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 105
and 1 sherd of Aristé Plain (0.3 percent). Nonceramic artifacts
from Site A—7 include an ax, hammerstones, and a grinding stone:
Stone ax.—A large, flat ax was made from a fine-grained, gray-black diabase by
pecking and abrading. The sides of the poll are rounded with a tapered butt,
pecked on all surfaces, and with a convex bit polished on both surfaces for a dis-
tance of 1 cm. back from the blade edge; length 21.7 cm., bit width 6.8 cm., poll
width 7.6 cm., poll thickness 3.5 em., width of butt end 4.5 cm.
Stone tool.—The fragment of a stone tool of fine-grained granite made from a
naturally shaped, waterworn rock which was rounded off to form a blunt end but
with very little pecking or polishing to give it shape. This worked end shows
slight usage as a hammerstone with several flakes removed; the other end is
broken off. By its shape, the artifact could be a fragment of an ax or a hammer-
stone. Present fragment measures 5.0 cm. long, 5.0-5.6 cm. wide, 3.5 cm.
thick with a half-round cross section.
Small hammerstone.—Of fine-grained, grayish-white diabase, shaped by abrasion
with no pecking marks visible and with the larger end showing signs of use as a
hammerstone. Although the corner of one edge is chipped off, the object measures
9.3 cm. long, 4.0 cm. wide at base, 2.4 cm. wide at center of poll, and uniformly
2.1 em. thick (fig. 25, a).
Grinding stone (mano).—This fragment is so badly eroded that most of the surface
is pitted giving it an unnatural roughness due to the differential weathering of
Figure 25.—Stone artifacts from A-7—-Amap4, Aristé Phase. a, Small hammer-
stone. b, Grinding stone fragment, also used as a hammerstone.
106 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
the large, quartz particles in the coarse granite. One surface is well polished
and smoothed from usage as some sort of grinding stone. Only half of the
specimen exists with the rounded end slightly battered from use as a hammerstone;
perhaps this latter usage occurred only after it had broken and become useless
as a grinding stone. The present fragment measures 7.8 cm. long, 8.5 cm. wide,
and 2.4 em. thick, tapering slightly to 1 cm. thick at the end (fig. 25,6).
SITE A—8——-AURORA
Although the site was constructed by peoples of the Arua Phase
and probably used as a place of ceremonial significance in their
transitory occupation of the Territory of Amap4 before going to the
islands of Mexiana, Caviana, and Marajé, the later peoples of the
Aristé Phase apparently placed a vessel or two around the standing
stones (pl. 2). There is no need to redescribe the site for the details
have been given in the Arua& Phase (pp. 38-40). Twelve of the fifty
sherds found at Aurora belong to Aristé Phase pottery types. These
fragments were scattered just beneath the surface and represent
only a few vessels. They classify as 2 sherds of Serra Plain and 10
LAGO
PRACUUBA
AON Nat oR AL
7 2S CEVA ONG
Figure 26.—Ground plan of A-9—Relégio, a habitation site of the Aristé Phase.
a ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 107
sherds of Aristé Plain. Since there is no evidence of extensive use
of this site or any of the other stone alinements by the Aristé Phase,
it deserves no further comment in this section.
SITE A-9—RELOGIO
The region immediately south of the town of Amap4 is dotted
with hundreds of lakes, large and small, with rolling meadows or
thick forest along their shores. The habitation site, A-9, begins
about 10 meters back from the edge of the Rego do Cajti, a channel
joining the east end of Lago Pracufiba with the west end of Lago
Socaiozabinho (fig. 26; pl. 4). It occupies an area about 100 meters
in diameter, now indistinguishable in the dense secondary forest
growth and underbrush from the surrounding region. The land re-
mains 1.50 meters above the water at its highest level. Although
the caboclo who was our guide said he had found two small jars near
a house he at one time built on the site, we found only sherds. A
2- by 2-meter test excavation in the north end of the site, where the
sherds seemed most abundant, showed the deposit to extend from the
surface to a depth of 10 cm. Beneath the sherd-bearing black loam,
the sterile soil was light brown. This test produced 439 sherds, of
which 387 or 88.2 percent were Serra Plain, 49 or 11.2 percent were
Aristé Plain and 3 or 0.6 percent were Davi Incised. In addition,
there were 27 burnt-clay fragments and 15 granite and quartz natural
rock fragments, only a few of which showed traces of having been
subjected to fire.
SITE A—10—MONTANHA DA PLUMA
The Igarapé da Serra drains out of rocky, rugged hills with numerous
granite outcrops into the northwest side of the Rio Flexal. Halfway
upstream from the mouth of the Igarapé da Serra and 2 km. inland
from the north bank is a granite outcrop (pl. 5) covering an area
about a kilometer in length and half a kilometer in width and rising,
at its highest point, 50 meters above the surrounding tree-dotted
savanna. Among the boulders scattered on the south flank of this
hill, 8 meters above the level plain below, is a granite block 5 meters
high and 4 meters wide. Beneath it runs a tunnellike cave 4 meters
long. The south mouth, 2.45 meters wide by 70 cm. high, opens
upon a natural shelf, 4 meters wide and 8 meters long, while the north
mouth, 2 meters wide and 55 cm. high, was blocked on the east and
north by two large boulders, leaving only a small entrance way
from the west.
Large sherd fragments from burial urns were scattered for a distance
of 1 meter outward from the cave at the north mouth and on the south
side covered an area 3 meters out from the cave and 4 meters along
the base of the rock (pl. 5, 6). The interior of the cave was littered
108 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
with broken burial urns, and many fragments were covered with a
thin (5 cm.) layer of bat dung and dry, fine, powdery dust. The
cave floor was irregular, with a narrow rock shelf on each side slightly
higher than the center aisle, which was filled with sterile talus wash.
The guide stated that he had seen the cave at a time when the burial
urns were intact, but that years ago caboclo children, vying to see who
could break the most, had reduced them to their present condition.
As a result of this destruction, the only possible excavation procedure
was to make a collection of material. Since there appeared to have
been no gross disturbance of the position of the vessels during the
breakage, the sherds from within the cave were kept in separate bags
and given different catalog numbers from those on the outside on the
assumption that the latter vessels represented later burials after the
cave had been filled. During excavation, 12 small, European glass
trade beads were found at the south mouth intermixed with sherds
and dirt. All the beads were the small, ‘‘seed’”’ variety of porcelain
white color, discoidal in shape, 2 to 3 mm. in diameter and 2.0 to 2.5
mm. long with the perforation 0.5 mm. or less in diameter. Fine bone
scraps were scattered throughout; some showed evidence of cremation;
all were too fragmentary to classify. All the sherds from inside the
cave had a black patina, an unnatural hardness and a high, metallic
ring resulting from the continuous percolating of mineral-laden
waters into the porous ceramic until the pottery became mineralized.
Since it was clear that the cave had been used solely as a depository
for burial urns and since it was not possible to preserve or transport
all the sherds from Montanha da Pluma, a selection was made of all
rims, bases, and diagnostic body sherds. An analysis of these
showed a total of 24 different burial vessels from outside the cave, of
which 11 or 46 percent were Serra Plain, 3 or 12.4 percent Serra Painted,
5 or 20.8 percent Aristé Plain, and 5 or 20.8 percent Aristé Painted,
and 61 vessels from inside the cave, representing 16 or 26.2 percent
Serra Plain, 3 or 4.9 percent Serra Painted; 30 or 49.2 percent Aristé
Plain, 9 or 14.8 percent Aristé Painted, 2 or 3.3 percent Flexal Scraped,
and 1 or 1.6 percent Unclassified.
Careful examination of the area both inside and outside the cave
revealed no artifacts besides pottery vessels and the aforementioned
glass beads.
SITE A~11—MONTANHA DE ARISTE
On the Igarapé da Serra, about 8 km. upstream from Site A-10
and some 2 km. inland from the north bank, is the Montanha de
Aristé (fig. 1). The entire region is broken into steep-sided hills whose
granitic substructure is revealed in sheer rock walls and innumerable
shelters and small caves. Tall virgin forests with little or no under-
sah aia ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 109
growth cover the rocky slopes and summits, which rise 75 to 100
meters above the riverbed.
Cave 1, perhaps more correctly called a slight rock shelter, was on
the east side of the mountain at the base of a large, sheer granite
outcrop 100 meters long, with its flat face rising almost vertically for
15 meters. Burial urns had been placed along the base of this outcrop
for a distance of 15 meters, and spalling rocks had broken all of them
badly (pl. 6, a). Sherds of the broken burial vessels, scattered in the
rock chips and talus dirt, were most highly concentrated toward the
center, thinning out toward both limits of the cemetery area. Of the
31 vessels represented by the sherds collected, 3 or 9.6 percent were
Serra Plain, 23 or 74.4 percent Aristé Plain, 4 or 12.8 percent Aristé
Painted, and 1 or 3.2 percent Flexal Scraped. A small Serra Plain
sherd, 4.0 em. long, 1.9 cm. wide and 8 mm. thick, had the edges
curved and well-rounded from extended use, probably as a pottery
scraper (fig. 27).
Cave 2, some 10 meters above and southwest of Cave 1 on the
opposite side of the mountain, was formed by the undercut base of an
enormous granite boulderlike outcrop. The ceiling sloped from a
height of 81 cm. at the front to 40 cm. at the back toward the middle
of the cave and then dropped sharply to only 15 cm. at the rear in the
west end, forming a completely protected shelter 5 meters from side
to side and 1.80 to 3.00 meters deep. The ground in front of Cave 2
sloped gently for about 4 meters and then dropped vertically to the
TIgarapé da Serra 35 meters below. A number of the vessels that stood
upon the dirt floor had been broken by large rocks falling from the
ceiling (Evans, 1951, fig. 5) and by the spreading roots of a large
sumamera tree growing against the east side (fig. 28). Others were
damaged and almost buried in the dirt thrown back by the burrowing
| GM
Figure 27.—Worked sherd scraper from the Aristé Phase cemetery of A-11—
Montanha de Aristé, Cave 1.
[BULL. 167
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
110
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EGGERS AND ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON Tt
of an animal. In spite of these disturbances about a dozen remained
intact or nearly complete.
Cremation was the common practice and the vessels with
undisturbed contents were filled to within a few centimeters of the
rim with a mixture of light-tan, sandy loam, and burned bone frag-
ments. Two uncremated secondary burials, both adults, were
found; one of them was in a jar that also contained remains from a
cremated body. None of the jars had lids in place and, except for
one stopperlike fragment near vessel B, no lids or covers were
identifiable.
Of the total of 56 vessels represented by the sherd material and the
complete specimens, 16 or 28.6 percent were Aristé Plain, 21 or 37.5
percent were Aristé Painted, 6 or 10.7 percent were Serra Plain, 3 or
5.4 percent were Serra Painted, 9 or 16.1 percent were Flexal Scraped,
and 1 or 1.7 percent Davi Incised.
A pottery figurine and a fragment of a stone chisel, possibly burial
offerings, came from the eastern part of Cave 2:
Stone chisel—The stone chisel (fig. 29, a, b) consists of about one-half of a small,
highly polished, slate chisel with a groove 1-3 mm. deep along one edge. The
function of the groove is unknown. The chisel is well made, very sharp, 2 cm.
wide at the bit, enlarging to 2.7 cm. wide and 1.8 cm. thick at the center, with
the existing fragment 4.7 cm. long.
!
|
|
{
|
|
|
|
1
!
|
|
|
1
!
1
|
1
|
'
{
Figure 29.—Small stone chisel from A-11—Montanha de Aristé, Cave 2, Aristé
Phase,
112 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
it
ig RSE et
b
Ficure 30.—Pottery figurine (Aristé Plain paste) from A-11—Montanha de
Aristé, Cave 2, Aristé Phase.
Figurine-—The crude Aristé Plain human figurine (fig. 30, a, 6) is a rusty
brown except the diadem hairdo and face, which are painted black. A band
was left unpainted on the face in the area corresponding to the forehead. No
anatomical features are indicated except the head with the eyes, nose, and mouth
gouged out on a very grossly modeled face. The workmanship is extremely
crude and the result asymmetrical. The lower part flares outward slightly to a
flat base with an oval cross section measuring 3.4 em. from front to back and
5.0 from side to side. The narrowest portion of the body is 2.5 by 4.0 cm. with
the full figurine 8.0 cm. long.
No small jars or bowls were found associated with the burial
vessels, nor did any of the sherd fragments represent miniature
vessels. No European glass trade beads were found either inside any
of the vessels or scattered in the cave.
The location of the whole or partially complete vessels in the fol-
lowing descriptions is shown on the ground plan (fig. 28):
Vessel A, a small, globular body of a flat-bottomed Serra Plain jar with the rim
broken off, was found lying on its side with the mouth toward the rear of the east
end of the cave. The body of the vessel with smoothed, light-tan surfaces is
20 cm. in diameter and 17 cm. high. The base diameter is 10 cm. and the neck
diameter 9 cm. No bones were found inside, but many cremated bone scraps
were scattered in the vicinity.
Vessel Bis a large Aristé Plain jar with a flat base, an egg-shaped body (broken
out on one side) and a short, vertical neck ending in an irregular, collared rim,
averaging 4.7 cm. wide (pl. 20, b). One side of the body had been broken by
falling rocks. The dimensions of the jar are: body diameter, 30 cm.; base dia-
meter, 18 cm.; rim diameter, 21 cm.; body height, 21 cm.; neck height, 10.5 cm.
The surface is well smoothed, with temper particles of quartz sand protruding.
CS aaa ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 113
A heavy, flat Aristé Plain disk, with a short, nubbin handle in the center of one
face, lay near the mouth of vessel B, but its diameter of only 16 cm. makes it too
small to have served as a lid to this particular vessel.
Vessel C, a small Aristé Plain jar, has a slightly concave base 9 cm. in diameter,
an asymmetrical, globular body of 20 cm. in diameter, a slightly constricted neck
with a diameter of 11 cm., and a cambered collar 14 cm. in diameter narrowing
to a diameter of 12 cm. at the mouth. The wail thicknessis4mm. Most of the
rim was broken off, probably before burial. The vessel was found lying on its
side, but remained partly filled with large gravel mixed with traces of cremated
bones.
Vessel Dis around Aristé Plain bow] with a flattened bottom 12 cm. in diameter
and walls curving out to a maximum body diameter of 28 cm., and inward again
to a constricted mouth diameter of 17 cm. (pl. 20, d). The total height is 18 em.
The rim is of a form typically found on Aristé Phase bowls, a kind of collar pro-
duced by the exterior beveling of the rim edge. The exterior surface is well-
smoothed. The interior was filled with fine, dry, sandy-loam containing
cremated bones,
Vessel EH, a Flexal Scraped bowl, is 15 cm. tall and 24 cm. in maximum diameter
(fig. 31). Above the maximum diameter the walls slant inward slightly forming
a, beveled rim with a slightly constricted mouth 20 cm. in diameter, similar to that
of vessel D. Below the waist, the walls extend inward at a much greater angle to
join the base. Seen from above, the mouth is not circular and the jar is generally
asymmetrical. In addition to the scraped decoration above the shoulder and
along the rim exterior, paired applique buttons are placed at three equally-spaced
intervals along the rim. The contents were missing because the bowl had been
turned over.
Vessel F had been knocked over, broken and partially buried by spalled rock.
It is a small asymmetrical, globular-bodied, Serra Plain jar with a flattened bottom
15 em. in diameter and a short neck measuring 10 cm. in diameter. The rim
had been broken off. The existing height is 22 em. and the maximum body
Figure 31.—Flexal Scraped bowl (vessel E) from A-11—Montanha de Aristé,
Cave 2, Aristé Phase.
114 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
Figure 32.—Flexal Scraped jar (vessel G) from A-—11—Montanha de Aristé,
ave 2, Aristé Phase.
diameter 20 cm. The wall thickness varies from 3-5 mm. A few scraps of
cremated bones remained inside.
Vessel G, an excellent example of Flexal Scraped (fig. 32), rested on one side
against the back of the cave. It has a slightly depressed, globular body 25 cm.
in diameter, a flat base 10 cm. in diameter, a short (2 cm.) neck 14 cm. in diam-
eter, and a cambered rim measuring 18 cm. in diameter. The overall height is
21 cm. Two strap handles, one of which remains in place, joined the rim with
the shoulder. The upper body wall and the rim exterior are decorated with spirals
and parallel lines in triangular fields made with a blunt, brushlike tool 5 mm.
wide, leaving fine, parallel marks. The interior was filled with fine, tan soil,
and small scraps of cremated bones.
Vessel H is a small and badly smashed Aristé Painted (red) jar. Fragments
of cremated bones were mixed with the dirt surrounding it.
Vessel I, Aristé Painted, is similar in shape to vessel G, but lacks the strap
handles (pl. 21, a). Base diameter is 8 ecm., maximum body diameter 24 cm.,
neck diameter 11 em., and rim diameter 13.5 cm. with the body wall thickness
5 mm. and the total height 22 em. The exterior surface is badly eroded except
on one side of the neck, just below the rim, where traces of red paint are visible.
The vessel was partly filled with cremated bones and dirt.
Vessel J, part of a large, flaring rim, carinated Aristé Painted bowl lay partially
buried beside a large rock in the dirt excavated by an animal in the east end
of the cave. The surfaces are poorly preserved but traces of a black-on-white
design remain on the inner side of the flaring rim. The reconstructed body
diameter at the rim attachment is 26 cm., the rim diameter 36 cm., and the total
height 14 cm. The small, slightly-concave base is 9 cm. in diameter.
a an ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 115
Vessel K, Serra Painted, was the largest jar in the cave. It had remained
upright but was buried up to the rim in dirt thrown out from the animal burrow.
The long, straight-sided, insloping neck and flaring rim was joined to rounded
shoulders (pl. 24, 6). The total height was 40 cm., neck height 12 em., mouth
diameter 23 cm., diameter at the base of the neck 24 em., body diameter 40 cm.
and the flat base 20 em. in diameter. The entire exterior is painted red.
Vessel L, a small Aristé Painted bowl was slightly incurved on the sides, ter-
minating in a beveled rim (p. 21, 6), which is painted red. It was the smallest
vessel removed from Cave 2. The bowl measured only 9 em. high, 15 cm. in body
diameter, 10.5 em. in mouth diameter, and 7 em. in diameter at the slightly
concave base. Fine white ash, particles of burnt bone, and one or two small
burnt fragments of the cranium of a child were upon the bowl bottom with a
mixture of black loam and gravel on top of them.
Vessel M, a large, tall Aristé Plain jar, was broken into two large pieces and
almost completely buried against the rear wall. It is similar in shape to vessel B
except for a short, outflaring rim. The total height is 35 em., body diameter
28 cm., neck diameter 18 cm., and mouth diameter 23 cm. The surfaces were
eroded, revealing abundant quartz-sand temper.
Vessel N was partly covered by the talus wash that had come around the edge
of the cliff into the west end of the cave. It is an Aristé Plain bowl 19 cm. tall,
with a slight, flat pedestal base 5 mm. high and 11 em. in diameter. The sides
curve outward to the maximum body diameter of 28 em. and then rise almost
vertically to a slightly flaring rim 30 cm. in diameter (pl. 20, a). The bowl had
been filled with cremated bones, fine gravel, and light-tan, sandy soil.
Vessel O, a carinated bowl, represents Flexal Scraped. It has a simple scraped
design around the rim and is similar in shape to vessel E except that the rim
is cambered instead of beveled. A much larger bowl than any so far described,
it had been broken into two large fragments and many smaller ones by spalled-
off rocks. The reconstruction measured 56 cm. in diameter on the body, 15 cm.
at the base, and 48 cm. at the mouth, with the total height 36 cm.
Vessel P was broken and completely buried by dirt from the animal’s burrow.
The globular Serra Painted jar, measuring 45 cm. in diameter and 50 cm. in
body height, did not have the neck or rim intact and no fragments were found.
Around the shoulder is a band 8 em. wide occupied by a curvilinear, meandering
scroll (fig. 33) painted in red on the natural, light-tan surface. The limits of
this design area are marked by broad (3-4 mm.), shallow, incised lines. The
exterior surface is smooth and even, with smoothing tracks visible except in
the region of the painting.
Cave 3, located 300 meters north of Cave 1 and a little northeast
of Cave 2, was formed by a large boulder supported on two granitic
outcrops. The mouth, which opened to the south, measured 2 meters
wide and 3 meters high, with the cave itself 6 meters wide and 4
meters deep. Animals had used it as a lair and the floor was thickly
covered with bat dung. ‘The sherds of 7 vessels were found, all
located in a cluster 1 meter inside the cave mouth. The jars and
bowls were so badly broken that partial reconstruction could be
made of only two. Four were Aristé Plain and 3 Aristé Painted.
One of the large Aristé Painted jars with red paint had an elaborate,
insloping, cambered rim 5 cm. wide with two human faces modeled
on it (figs. 34, 35). Mouth diameter was 12.5 cm., combined neck
116 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
Se coat
Fieure 33.—Serra Painted design on the shoulder of vessel P from A-J1i—
Montanha de Aristé, Cave 2, Aristé Phase. Stippled area denotes red paint
upon the natural tan surface of the vessel.
and rim height was 7.0 cm. and the estimated body diameter, 36.0
cm. Scattered flecks of cremated bones were noted on the cave floor
near the broken vessels.
SITE A—12—CRUZEIRO
The habitation site of Cruzeiro is almost 10 km. due north of Site
A-10, on a bank 5 meters high along the west side of the narrow and
deep Igarapé da Rasa (fig. 1; pl. 6, 6). On the opposite side of the
igarapé the Campos do Cruzeiro, an open rolling plain with scattered
groves of trees, stretch to the north, east, and south. The Amapaé
Air Base is about 15 km. to the northeast. When this area was cut
and burned for a garden of the Fomento de Agricola, sherds were
observed on the surface. They were sparsely scattered to a depth of
5 cm. in an area roughly 100 meters square in a portion of the forest
where the trees had been much smaller than the surrounding virgin
growth. Many of the sherds were refired in the intense heat generated
during the burning of the slash, a factor which had to be taken into
consideration in making the ceramic classification. Of the 529 sherds,
339 or 64.0 percent were Serra Plain, 176 or 33.1 percent Aristé Plain,
lee aaa ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON EL.
Figure 34.—Reconstruction of Aristé Painted vessel with anthropomorphic face
from A-11—Montanha de Aristé, Cave 3, Aristé Phase. The stippled area
denotes red paint.
Ficure 35.—Detail of the anthropomorphic face on the Aristé Painted vessel
shown in figure 34.
391329—57——10
118 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
11 or 2.3 percent Davi Incised, 2 or 0.4 percent Flexal Scraped, and
1 or 0.2 percent Unclassified. In addition to the pottery, the follow-
ing objects came from Site A-12: 2 natural iron concretions, a frag-
mentary hammerstone, and 2 granite fragments, probably also from
hammerstones. The broken hammerstone fragment (4.3 X 3.0 cm.)
is rounded, of granite and suggests deliberate shaping by pecking.
The larger fragmentary pieces of granite without definite shape have
slightly battered edges suggesting use as hammerstones.
SITE A—13—MATAPf
One of the two appearances of the Aristé Phase south of the Rio
Araguari-Amapari is this campsite in the headwaters of the Igarapé
Inglés, a branch of the upper Rio Matapi (fig. 1). The site was found
in the garden of the Minas de Ferro, which is located in a rocky, hilly,
heavily forested area surrounded by upland savanna about 15 km.
south of Porto Grande. In spite of extensive excavations for the
preparation of gardens, sherds were found in only one spot approx-
imately 2 by 2 meters on a slope 5 km. above the igarapé. These 81
sherds belong to 3 vessels, 2 Aristé Plain, and 1 Davi Incised. The
absence of soil discoloration together with the sparsity of sherds and
their concentration in one spot suggests that this was a temporary
campsite rather than a village.
SITE A—14—MACAPA
During the 1945 excavations for water mains in the Praga Bardo
do Rio Branco of the city of Macap4, a row of burial urns had been
found with their rims just a few centimeters below the surface. One
complete specimen and the sherds were deposited in the Museu Terri-
torial in Macap4. During similar excavations in December 1948, on
the east side of the same Praca, three similar burial urns were en-
countered about 100 meters east of the original find. The bases of
two of these were some 50 cm. below the surface, that of the third was
1.05 meters down. Fragments of unburned bone were said to have
been found in the jars mixed with dirt. The deepest vessel contained
a necklace of 10 drilled shells. Each individual shell bead is 4.8 to 6.0
cm. long and tapers toward each end from a diameter in the middle
between 1.1 and 1.5 cm. The smallest end of each is biconically
drilled 1 cm. from the tip with the hole narrowing from 4 mm. at the
surface to 2 mm. in the center.
wavotl ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 119
The fragments of the jars, as well as the complete one, were studied
and analyzed in the light of the ceramic types of the Territory of
Amapa. Eight vessels were Serra Plain and 3 Serra Painted with
bands of red 9 to 10 cm. wide from the rim to the shoulders. The com-
plete jar has high shoulders, a short neck, an outflaring, thickened,
folded-over rim, 2.0 cm. wide and 1.4 cm. thick. The jar is 35 cm.
high with a waist diameter of 31 cm., a mouth diameter of 30 cm. and
a slightly rounded base 19 cm. in diameter. The sherds contain
fragments from two flat-based, open bowls, measuring 22 and 25 cm.
in mouth diameter with an estimated height of 12 cm.
In spite of these extensive excavations, which have involved the
digging of deep trenches along nearly every street in the entire city
of Macap4, the finds just described are the only ones that have been
made. No loose sherd material or refuse trash has ever appeared.
SITE A—15—VILA VELHA 1!
An Indian cemetery has been known for some time to exist on a
slight rise of land within the present limits of Vila Velha on the north
margin of the Rio Cassiporé (fig. 1). Sr. Eurico Fernandes examined
the site before it was destroyed by the expansion of the village. He
excavated one complete burial urn, taking photographs and notes. <A
dark humus layer extended from the surface to a depth of 12 cm. with
brown clay beneath, indicating a cemetery rather than habitation
refuse.
The mouth of the jar was covered with an inverted, open, plain-ware
bowl. Inside were cremated bones mixed with sand, 373 European
glass trade beads, a small (6.2 X 3.5 X 0.8 cm.), notched, semi-
polished ax of diabase with a well-ground bit and a 1-mm. notch 1.2
cm. from the butt end, and 7 murakitéos or pendants of nephrite. Of
these pendants 5 were cylindrical, perforated beads and 2 were sty-
lized pendants, one in the form of an insect. Unfortunately, these
objects have been scattered among various individual collectors;
therefore a more detailed description was not available.
Some of the glass trade beads were fused into a mass as if they had
been subjected to the same cremation as the bones; these were not
1 The following seven sites were not excavated by us; but their relatively good documentation, plus the
fact that we were able to study firsthand the ceramic material from each, warrants their inclusion here to give
@ more complete picture of the Aristé Phase.
120 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
included in the analysis or the tabulation of 373 beads representing
the following varieties (pl. 25):
TaBLe C.—Glass beads from A-15—Vila Velha
Color Description Count
Dark blue, almost black___--_- Oblong: to spherical, diameter 8-10 mm., length 12-15 mm., 8
ole 2mm.
Clear glass or dark blue_______- Large, hand-molded, 8-faceted beads ranging in length from 45
11-20 mm. with approximately the same diameter. Hole 3-5
mm,
Dark, serpentine green _-_____-_- Small, hand-molded, and 8-faceted, but only 8-11 mm. in 8
length and diameter.
Milky, opalescent, bluish | Elongated to spherical but irregular. Called “‘wire-wound”’ 5
i by bead experts. Hole 3-4 mm.; bead diameter 3-15 mm.,
length 10-15 mm.
Clear glass, or dark blue, or | ‘‘Bunch of grapes” or “raspberry”’ according to bead experts. 26
amber. Very irregular in both length and diameter, ranging from 7-
10mm. Hole2-4mm. Most of this sample clear glass color.
Clear glass with white | ‘‘Gooseberry”’ according to bead experts. Spherical of irregular 274
stripes. lengths with widely to closely spaced, milky-white stripes
inside. The ends are usually square but some are irregular.
Length ranges from 4-13 mm. and diameter 5-10 mm.
Dark blue: ee eee Smallsphenicalsidigmetensjm masse ees Soke ee eee eee 2
Clear/class¥4. 35-8 ee eee Spherical to oval, small; diameter 3-4 mm____________________- 5
Motalkestess_ £2 2-2 Pesay 5S aes PEE 2 a ee Pa ee Sees See eres: Perea 373
The jar, an excellent specimen of Serra Painted (red and black on
white) both in form and ornamentation, has a symmetrical, double-
recurved body profile, a flat base and a short, vertical neck (pl. 25).
It is 43.5 em. high with a mouth diameter of 20 cm., a base diameter of
10 cm. and a maximum body diameter of 42 cm. with the recurved
collar measuring 28 cm. in diameter at the largest bulge. The exterior
surface is smoothed and, in the area where painting occurs, white
slipped. The designs are executed in red and black and consist of
square and curved spirals composed of paired or triple, parallel lines,
typical motifs of Serra Painted. The specimen and most of the beads
are deposited with the Comissao Brasileira Demarcadora de Limites in
Belém.
SITE A—16—ILHAS DO CAMPO
The Rio Uaga flows into the Atlantic Ocean a few kilometers east of
the mouth of the Rio Oiapoque, forming a narrow peninsula (fig. 1).
This finger of land is covered with grass except for the small, scattered
groves of forest that mark slight increases in elevation. A habitation
site, measuring about 30 meters in diameter, is reported by Fernandes
(personal communication) to be located in one of these patches of
forest near the eastern tip of the peninsula, only a few kilometers from
the Rio Oiapoque. A piece of fire-burnt quartz, 104 sherds, and a
small, stone, hand ax were collected from the surface; no excavations
were undertaken. The ax was made of a waterworn, basalt pebble,
well polished, with a sharp, beveled bit and a butt end that had been
used as a hammerstone; measurements: 8.0 cm. long, 2.2 em. thick,
bit 4.0 cm. wide, poll 5.0 cm. wide, butt 1.6 cm. wide. The sherds,
a ale ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 121
now in the private collections of Srs. Eurico Fernandes and Frederico
Barata in Belém, represent the following types: 56 sherds or 54.0
percent Serra Plain, 2 or 1.9 percent Serra Painted, 29 or 27.9 percent
Aristé Plain, 1 or 0.9 percent Aristé Painted, 1 or 0.9 percent Davi
Incised, 13 or 12.6 percent Uaga Incised, and 1 or 0.9 percent Un-
classified. A few fragments of Serra Plain are from unusually deeply
grooved graters.
Three face adornos or figurines are included, 2 Serra Painted and 1
Serra Plain. The latter is modeled in the form of a head, probably
monkey rather than human, with the eyes, mouth, and nose formed by
low relief, incisions, and punctates; the head measures 4.7 cm. wide, 1.6
cm. through the thickest part, and extends 2.2 cm. from the slightly
constricted neck. Although it is impossible to determine with certainty
whether the face is a fragment of a figurine or a rim adorno, in this case
the latter possibility is suggested by the curvature of the lower edge
(pl. 26, c). The other two examples appear to represent human faces.
The largest (pl. 26, 6) has an elongated body topped by a realistically
modeled face with a complicated hairdo; the features are made by low
applique, punctate, and light incision. Total height is 9 cm., maximum
head width 5.5 cm., thickness 2.6 em. The entire surface is smooth,
showing traces of white slip upon which red paint had been applied.
The lower edge has a smooth break resulting from application when
too dry, thus making a poor bond. Nevertheless, it was attached to
something else; whether a rim or the basal part of a figurine cannot be
determined. The features of the third face (pl. 26 a) are more gross
than the other two. Again the eyes, nose, mouth and hair are shown
by a combination of low modeling, incision, and punctates. The front
of the head is white slipped with fine crackle lines, while the back is
unslipped. Width of the face at the ears is 8.5 cm., thickness at the
nose 2.5 cm. Although the tips of the base are broken off, the lower
edge is smoothed over and finished. This clue suggests that some of
these faces may be small figurines of the style from Site A-11 (fig. 30,
a, b) rather than rim adornos.
SITE A—18—MAICA
On the north side of the Rio Cunanf, about 8 km. upstream from the
present city of Cunani, rise a series of low, rolling, forested hills sur-
rounded by savanna. On one of these, called Maica, a site was located.
This hill is 200 meters in a north-south length and 90 meters in an
east-west width and rises 30 meters above the plain, with its flanks
forming the bank of the Rio Cunani. After a caboclo had cleared the
summit for a garden, sherds were noticed scattered sparsely over an
area conforming to the general contour of the top of the hill, 75 meters
long and 10 meters wide, with the deepest sherd 5 cm. below the sur-
122 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
face. Both topography and ceramic features closely duplicate those
at Site A-12—Cruzeiro. Of the 222 sherds collected in March 1949
by Sr. Newton Cardoso of the Museu Territorial, Macap4, and later
analyzed by us, 124 or 56.0 percent are Serra Plain, 72 or 32.4 percent
Aristé Plain, 2 or 0.8 percent Davi Incised, 22 or 10.0 percent Uaga
Incised, and 2 or 0.8 percent Unclassified. Nonceramic objects
included 6 quartz and 4 miscellaneous natural rock fragments and 1
fragment of a roughly shaped granite hammerstone (6.5 X 5.0 X 3.0
cm.).
SITE A—19—RENOVADO
A few kilometers below the village of Cunani, Sr. Cardoso visited
another site on a hilltop along the Igarapé Holandia near its junction
with the Rio Cunani. At the time of this survey work he was not
aware of the fact that he was working in the same site excavated by
Goeldi in 1895, for, today, the hill is called Renovado instead of Monte
Curt.” He found one shaft grave empty, while another had 56
sherds representing 4 vessels (2 Serra Painted and 2 Serra Plain)
scattered among cremated bones, suggesting previous excavation.
The sherds, including a flat base sherd with several pierced holes,
conform to the style reported by Goeldi. The tabulation of the
number of vessels in each pottery type from Site A-19 (Appendix,
table 11) includes Goeldi’s specimens and Cardoso’s, both of which
were analyzed by us.
SITE A-20—V1LA CUNANI
A few artifacts were recovered from a small excavation in the
center of the city of Cunani on the Rio Cunani. The sample collected
by Sr. Cardoso represented a mixture of colonial clay brick, porcelain
ware, hunks of coal, modern caboclo pottery and Aristé Phase ceramics.
There were 15 sherds of Serra Plain, of which 2 were from graters, and
1 sherd of Serra Painted. The ceramics resemble the material from
Maica, Site A-18. Owing to the present location of buildings upon
the aboriginal habitation site, extensive excavations were not feasible.
SITE A—21—PRACUUBA
Habitation Site A-21, on the north shore of Lago Pracufba, about
2 km. northwest of Site A-I—Reldégio, was excavated by Sr. Cardoso.
Although he attempted the stratigraphic method, the discovery of an
airplane latch in the second level confirmed the suspicion that the site
was too much disturbed from modern manioc gardening to give reliable
stratigraphic information. The refuse layer was a black loam in con-
trast to the light-brown, sterile clay. Of the 241 sherds recovered
from the 1.5- by 1.5-meter test, 208 or 86.5 percent were Serra Plain,
12 The descriptive details of the site, burials, etc. are in Goeldi, 1900, pp. 22-24, and are discussed in the
comparative section of this Phase, pp. 126-128,
a ae ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 123
5 or 2.0 percent Serra Painted, 27 or 11.1 percent Aristé Plain, and 1
or 0.4 percent Davi Incised. Six of the Serra Plain sherds are from
graters. <A partially restorable Serra Painted bowl is similar in shape
and design motif to the carinated bowls from Cunani found by Goeldi
(1900, est. IIT 2a, 4, 8).
SITE A—22—CONCEICAO
Sr. Newton Cardoso visited this site on Fazenda Santa Maria da
Prainha on the north bank of the lower Rio Amap& Pequeno during
the rainy season. The slight, forested elevation surrounded by
savanna on which the site was located is known by the name of Ilha
das Igacgabas, and is reputed to contain whole vessels. However, it
is one of the few areas to remain above water during the rainy season,
and the weight and tramping of thousands of cattle that seek refuge
on it have reduced the ceramics, which are 5 cm. or less below the
surface, to gravel. Only 91 sherds could be collected in spite of exten-
sive digging. These resemble the ones from Site A—7—Amapé.
Seventy-nine or 87.0 percent were classified as Serra Plain, 3 or 3.3
percent Serra Painted, and 9 or 9.7 percent Aristé Plain. Non-
ceramic objects included 1 small fragment of a hammerstone and 3
hunks of burnt clay.
DATA FROM OTHER INVESTIGATIONS
Less previous work has been done in the region between the Rio
Oiapoque and the Rio Araguari-Amapari than in the southern part
of the Territory of Amap4. Beyond the information from Nimuen-
daji’s work and Goeldi’s excavations and collections of Cunani
materials, there are only occasional references by early explorers and
travelers to an “Indian site’ or a “pot believed to be of Indian
origin” without details that would permit their use in a specific com-
parative study. The following information is arranged geographically
beginning with the Rio Oiapoque and moving south to the Rio
Araguari-Amapari.
RIO OIAPOQUE SITE
Hamy describes an aboriginal burial urn found by Mgr. Emonet
during one of his trips on the Rio Oiapoque (Hamy, 1897, pl. 57).
The jar is plain ware with a reddish color, which could be Serra Plain,
and has a lid “in the form of a hat’’ with a reddish, well-smoothed
surface (fig. 36). The jar measures 40.0 cm. in height and 36.6 cm.
in diameter, with a flattened base and a high bulbous waist. The
lid, inverted over the jar mouth, is 17 cm. deep with a mouth diameter
of 35cm. Both the shape and the comments about the surface of the
lid suggest that it represents the red variety of Aristé Painted.
Experience in dealing with these early accounts suggests that there is
124 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
OPEL ANE LTR ION 0 EIT LONER FBS NNN NESE NIN SIMEON ICE OSE
(Pagr SES Se Scere RP ee .
Bi yeoman PIES FS Sea a Te ee EINE
2 Sees Ee See SU SGS pa
RITES S PES AE TOS SES DE epee
Fiavre 36.—Burial urn and lid of the Aristé Phase found by Hamy (1897) on
the Rio Oiapoque. The urn is probably Serra Plain and the lid Aristé Painted.
little reason to take much stock in the author’s caption, ‘Urne
funeraire des Oyampis de l’Oyapok”’ (ibid.). The tendency is to
attribute all such finds as belonging to the Indians living in the area
at the time the jar was found and there is no evidence to indicate that
this is an ethnographical specimen. All of its characteristics associate
it with archeological examples of the Aristé Phase.
mncaang, AND ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 125
RIO UAGA SITES
In his discussion of the archeology of the Lower Amazon, based on
Nimuendajt’s notes and specimens in the Géteborg Museum, Linné
reproduces a map showing the location of 4 cemetery and 2 habitation
sites on the middle to upper drainage of the Rio Uaca (1928 a, p. 584).
His information is unfortunately very sketchy, but Rydén’s study of
Nimuendajti’s notes and collection (Rydén, MS.) adds a few more
details.
At the burial site of Courbaril, Nimuendajui found a large, flat
platter with a white-slipped interior painted with black lines; this
vessel is undoubtedly Serra Painted. Other fragments comprise
graters with deep grooves on the interior, comparable to the ones
from Sites A-12 and A-16.
Another burial site, Coumarouman, had most of the vessels broken
by roots. From Rydén’s (MS.) description of traces of white slip with
black painting or red-brown to black surfaces, of elongated flanges
opposite each other on the rim, and of carinated vessel shape with
flat bases, there seems little doubt that this pottery is typical of
the Aristé Phase.
RIO ARACAUVA SITES
Kaupi.—Nimuendajti (1926, pp. 85-86; Rydén, MS.) mentions that
the modern Palicur Indians when digging a grave often encounter an
old burial site of their ancestors; they show no reverence for the site,
dig up the urns, break them, and take any offerings such as beads.
While exploring the Rio Aracaudé, Nimuendajti went to a burial site
known as Kaupi. Here a local Palicur magician dug up about 12
burial urns, cleaned them out, washed them, and when told that they
should have been left in the ground, he broke them and threw the
fragments away. Nimuendajt rescued some of the fragments which
Rydén illustrates and describes (Rydén, MS., figs. 30 A-E, 28 A-B).
One vessel of this group was illustrated in an annual report of the
Géteborg Museum (1927, p. 77). From these data it is evident that
the pottery is representative of the Aristé Phase. The flat perforated
base is typical of the vessels and sherds from the Cunani burial urns
(cf. p. 128); the polychrome or bichrome painting in black, brown,
red brown or orange brown on a white slip featuring parallel lines
and interlocking units is typical of Serra Painted; the sherds grooved
on the interiors are identical to the graters found from Sites A-12
and A-16. Nimuendaji (Rydén, MS.) undertakes an extensive
discussion on the subject of these ‘‘grinding-bowls,” as he calls them,
and indicates that old Palicur Indians in the Kaupi region mention the
fact that their ancestors used pottery ‘grinding bowls’ for manioc
whereas today they use wooden boards with inserted fragments of iron.
126 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
Ulakté-Uni.—Near Ulakté-Uni on Mont Ukupi along the Aracauaé
River is a small cave which had fragments of burial urns scattered
on the floor. The pottery was white slipped and painted in red
curvilinear designs, with one sherd modeled in the style of the anthro-
pomorphic faces on the necks of Cunani vessels. Comparison of the
Cunani vessels with illustrations (Nordenskiéld, 1930, pl. 23; Linné,
1928 a, fig. 2, p. 585) and descriptions (Rydén, MS.) of these sherds
show them to be identical to the Serra Painted pottery found by
Goeldi at Cunanf and by us at Sites A-11 and A-21. Nimuendaji
made special effort to look for trade materials and the previous
contents of the vessels or bone scraps on the cave floor, but none
could be found.
Mawir-Mini.—At this burial site Nimuendaji (Rydén, MS.) found
a vessel that was related in shape to those he had found at Monte
Mayé. No traces of paint or slip remained on the exterior, but it was
so badly weathered that it is impossible to determine if the vessel
originally had been plain or painted. Since its shape is similar to
Monte Mayé vessels, this burial site undoubtedly belongs to the
Aristé Phase.
CUNAN{ SITES
The best known collection from the Territory of Amapé is the one
made by Goeldi in 1895 from the Rio Cunani (1900, pp. 1-48). It
includes a large number of jars and bowls recovered from the bottoms
of two shaft graves sunk vertically into the ground with enlarged
alcoves at the base (fig. 37). All the urns contained traces of human
bones mixed with dirt, and although he mentions some being cre-
mated, Goeldi is not always explicit on this point. The existence of
secondary burials, as well as cremated remains, would place this
cemetery in the Aristé Phase pattern, such a combination having
occurred at Site A-11, Cave 2. No glass trade beads were associated
with any of the vessels. However, the fact that the faces of three of
the five anthropomorphic jars have well-modeled beards along the chins
(cf. Rio Marac4é anthropomorphic urns, p. 78) might be evidence
of their post-Columbian manufacture in attempting to copy the
full beards of the European conquerors onto ceramics.
Our pottery analysis of these vessels collected by Goeldi, now
deposited in the Museu Goeldi in Belém, and the sherds taken by
Sr. Cardoso from the same spot, Site A-19, showed 17.4 percent to
be Serra Plain and 82.6 percent Serra Painted. The flat-bottomed,
angular-sided, cambered-necked jars and wide-mouthed, carinated
bowls are typical Aristé Phase forms. The interlocking, curvilinear,
meandering scroll motifs of vessels 1, 3, 5, and 8 in Goeldi’s report of
the site (1900, est. I, II, III) are duplicated in style, color, and method
of execution on several sherds from Sites A-11 and A-21 (fig. 33).
exec ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 127
Figure 37.—Profile and top view of shaft-burial at the Cunani Site, Aristé
Phase (After Goeldi, 1900.)
128 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
The perforations through the base of the majority of the bowls and
jars occur also at Kaupi on the Rio Aracaud. Since all these vessels
were used for burial, the only plausible explanation of the holes would
be to allow drainage, since no lids covered the vessels in the shaft
graves.
The unusually constructed shaft grave with a widened-out recess
and alcove 2.10 meters in diameter, reached by a vertical shaft, 1.20
meters in diameter and 2.50 meters deep, and covered with a large
rock-slab lid (fig. 37) does not recur at any other known site in the
Territory of Amapd except one visited by Nimuendajii (Rydén, MS.)
at Rio Novo (pp. 41-42). With the exception of two small cemeteries
in which the jars were buried, Sites A-14 and A-15, burial urns were
always set on the floor of small rock shelters, caves, or along the faces
of large rock outcrops.
Although the habitation Site A-18, Maica, is upstream on the same
river, the difference in ceramic styles and percentage occurrence of
pottery types (Appendix, table 11; fig. 46) between it and the Cunani
shaft cemetery, Site A-19, argues against a close relationship. A
better correlation on ceramic type can be made with Site A-20, situated
underneath the modern village of Cunanf; its proximity also makes this
the more likely associated site.
Coudreau (1887) describes his excavation of funerary urns from an
Indian cemetery on the upper Rio Cunan{ about 15 km. from our Site
A-18 (fig. 1) and the existence of other sites along the river with esti-
mates of their age:
® I found seven funerary urns in a burial shaft in the village, and I compared them
with the burial urns I had visited at the mountain of Counani. These urns, added
to those of the large encampment located on an island in the river three days
distant by canoe, the remnants of which I have been able to study, permit me to
infer a general history of the Indian civilization on the river. .. .
Fleeing the European, the Indians moved successively upriver until the site of
the present town of Counani. Even today, the remnants of four or five ancient
encampments, together with the cemeteries . . . can be distinguished between
the town and the mouth .. .
When the Jesuits, in the 18th Century, founded a mission on the river, they had
a reason for establishing it not far from the location of the modern town, and this
reason was probably that of the contemporary existence of the principal village on
this site. The urns I found in the burial shafts are doubtless of that epoch, to
judge by the remarkable perfection of the designs. . . . The three-quarter cre-
mated bones, rotted by humidity and filled with dirt, that I found in the urns,
did not seem to me to be of any use for the chemical determination of their antiq-
uity. [Coudreau, 1887, pp. xx—xxi.]
MONTE MAYE SITE
The site of Monte Mayé, on a small mountain 100 meters high on
the coast along the south side of the mouth of the Rio Cunani, has
been known for a long time by explorers of the region (Goeldi, 1900,
moa ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 129
footnote, p.17). Both Goeldi and Nimuendaji (Rydén, MS.) develop
in some detail the historical data about the Indians of the area gath-
ered by the missionaries and explorers in the 17th and 18th centuries.
However, the mostspecific information from an archeological standpoint
comes from the explorations of Nimuendaji in 1923, part of which
have been published (Linné, 1928 a, pp. 587-588) and the rest com-
piled and annotated in manuscript form by Rydén (MS.).
There were two surface burial sites on the ridge of Monte Mayé,
both of which had been so badly plundered that sherds, bones, and
miscellaneous objects were partially buried and mixed with earth and
leaves. Local inhabitants had carried away pendants and beads and
even burial urns, which they used as water or cooking jars.
At the first burial site (called Urn Site A) Nimuendajté found frag-
ments of 12 jars scattered haphazardly over the surface with two
complete vessels in front of a small rock shelter. From the surface
near several broken jars came bone fragments, human teeth, a
tooth necklace, beads, rusty iron nails, a mirror, murakitéos (pend-
ants) of greenstone, and pierced thimbles. Caboclos stated that they
had also found lockets with pictures of Catholic saints in them. From
Rydén’s descriptions of the vessels and sherds Nimuendajii sent to the
Géteborg Museum, plus our examination of some of the photographs
and drawings, there is no doubt that the first burial site of Monte
Mayé is representative of the late Aristé Phase material as typified
by the polychrome or bichrome painting and vessel shapes so
characteristic of Serra Painted.
The second burial urn site (Nimuendaji’s Urn Site B) is located on
the same ridge, 100 meters away, in a place without natural stone out-
crops. The fragments of 7 different urns were on the surface along
with scattered bones, a broken iron knife, glass beads, a mirror, brass
bells, and a greenstone murakitéo.
Nimuendajii mentions several upturned lids at the foot of the hill,
which he designated as Urn Site C, but he concludes that since these
were the only fragments, they were probably left there by a traveler
who started to carry things away from Monte Mayé but changed his
mind (Rydén, MS.).
From Rydén’s descriptions of the vessels and sherds (ibid.), Linné’s
comments (1928 a), Nordenskidld’s illustrations (1930, fig. 2a), plus
our examination of some of the photographs and drawings, there is no
doubt that these burial urn sites of Monte Mayé contain late Aristé
Phase material."* From the presence of glass beads, mirrors, and
metal objects it is obvious that the cemeteries date from post-Colum-
bian times. The brass shells and thimble were sent to a specialist in
13 For full descriptive and illustrative details see Ryden’s compilations and annotated study of Nim-
uendaja’s archeological investigations in the Territory of Amap4 (Rydén, MS.).
130 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
European cultural history, Prof. Nils Lithborg of the Nordic Museum
in Stockholm, who “without the least knowledge of where or when they
had been found, placed the period of manufacture between 1450 and
1530 AD” (Linné, 1928 a, pp. 587-588). Nimuendaji (Rydén, MS.)
gives several pages of discussions about the age of these sites based
on the glass beads as suggesting 17th century, but Rydén feels they
could be as late as 18th century.
Some of the burial urns were perforated along the upper rim with
corresponding holes along the edge of the lid. Fragments of small
animals modeled on top of the lids came from this site. Several schol-
ars have noted that these zoomorphic figures on perforated lids show
similarity to those from the Atures on the Rio Orinoco (Linné, 1928 a,
p. 589, fig. 4; Nordenskidld, 1930, fig. 2, a-b, p.18). Although nothing
like them came from other Aristé Phase cemeteries, small modeled
animals are found on the outer rim of certain of the large bowls from
Goeldi’s excavations at Cunan{ (1900, est. I 7a, b; and III 1a, b, ¢;
2a; 22).
ILHA DO CARAO SITE
Nimuendajti reports briefly on his excavations of Ilha do Caro in a
swamp at the mouth of the Igarapé Mayacaré, south of the Rio Calgoene.
Unfortunately, the descriptive data are confusing, contradictory, and
inadequate (Linné, 1928 b, p. 75-76; Meggers, 1948, p. 162; Rydén,
MS.). Nimuendajti speaks of a mound 2.20 meters high with three
stratified layers, but says these layers do not appear to correspond with
those of distinct cultures. Unfortunately, the catalog of the specimens
does not list them by level, but Rydén felt that he was able to separate
some of the materials. However, this is not as fruitful as it might
seem, for the illustrations and descriptions of the incised designs and
traces of red and white paint on the pottery suggest that all the sherds
represent the Aristé Phase pottery types of Uac& and Davi Incised
and Serra and/or Aristé Painted. Since there is such a high percent-
age of incised pottery, this site is probably related to that part of the
Aristé Phase represented by Site A-16—Ilhas do Campo. Even
though Linné publishes Nimuendajti’s map of the site and profile of
the mound with the numbered artifacts in place (1928 b, fig. 3), the
details of stratigraphy and the meaning of the numbered artifacts
are not given. Although Nimuendajti mentions a dozen stone markers
scattered irregularly on the mound (op. cit., pp. 75-76; Rydén, MS.),
the profile shows stones throughout the mound arranged in such a
way that the site suggests a burial place in which the urns were in-
terred and then covered with dirt and stones. From the scanty data
the stones at this site do not suggest alinements similar to those of
oie al ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 131
the Arua sites even if the stones were as large as some from the Rio
Novo or José Antonio sites described by Nimuendaji. Although much
is wanting in the way of more concrete information, without any
doubt this site belongs to that part of the Aristé Phase characterized
by a high percentage of incised pottery types. The stone axes are not
distinctive enough to be assigned to a cultural horizon.
ACAHYZAL SITE
This stone alinement on the Rio Flexal (Frechal) has been de-
scribed in detail in the Arua section (p. 48). Nimuendaji mentioned
that “contrary to all other stone alinements a great number of vessel
fragments were found. . . . The majority of these were coarse and
undecorated; no painting; and some had coarsely incised decora-
tions . . .” (Rydén, MS.). An examination of Rydén’s illustrations
of these sherds (op. cit., fig. 26) establishes the incised ones as typical
examples of Uagd Incised and Davi Incised. Since no complete vessels
were found, the description of Acahyzal site suggests an old habitation
site of the Aristé Phase, a portion of which had previously been used
by the Arua for the construction of stone alinements.
1GARAPH TARTARUGALZINHO SITES
Coudreau, in the description of his voyages to the Guianas (1887,
pp. 49-50), mentions an Indian cemetery on the right bank of the
Igarapé Tartarugalzinho:
The burials were situated in a line, running exactly east-west and perpendicular
to the direction of the river, which was about 20 meters away. They were about
a meter apart and level with the ground in the middle of an area slightly wooded,
indicating a relatively recent exploitation.
These urns are of crude workmanship, without ornament, of poor clay... .
Each had a little cover provided with holes for attachment. When discovered
(about a decade ago, at the time when Magalhens excavated), they contained
bones, which have since been dispersed. Above the small cover was a large cover
of coarse pottery; this cover was hidden under a miniature mound. The eastern
urn, probably the most beautiful, was the one taken by the apostolic prefect
[to Cayenne, French Guiana].
In the urn at the extreme west, a small urn more elegant than the others and prob-
ably that of an infant, I found some blue and white beads, the size of grains of
wheat, which must have come from the necklace of the little Indian. . . . The
second urn, going toward the east, contained large red and blue beads, a necklace
of aman perhaps. The third contained only dirt . . .
Although his comments are not specific enough to classify the
pottery with certainty, it is very likely that the vessels represent
either Aristé Plain or Serra Plain. Sites of the Aristé Phase are
common in the vicinity and the burial pattern suggests that of Sites
A-10, A-11, and A-19.
132 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
ANALYSIS OF MATERIALS OF THE ARISTE PHASE
PortrERY Tyre DESCRIPTIONS
The ceramic study of the Aristé Phase is based upon an examination
and classification of 2,156 sherds from habitation sites and 215 com-
plete or restorable vessels from cemeteries. Utilizing the binomial
classificatory system the following pottery types, arranged in alpha-
betical order, were established for the Aristé Phase.
ARISTE PLAIN
PASTE:
Method of manufacture: Coiling.
Temper: Sand and crushed quartz particles ranging from 1-9 mm.
Texture: Clayey paste, very gritty with angular cleavage due to the large
sand particles and hunks of crushed quartz. Paste mixture poor, weak,
and friable. Sherd rings like a hollow tile or brick.
Color: Ranges from light, rusty orange to reddish orange; about 10 percent
of all sherds have a gray paste with orange bands on either side of the core.
Firing: Oxidized, generally complete; fire clouds rare.
SURFACES:
Color: Light orange to dark rusty brown to a light tan on both surfaces;
no constant correlation between exterior and interior color. White
quartz particles of temper on the surfaces often give the sherds a speckled
appearance.
Treatment:
Exterior—Well smoothed, fairly even and regular but not polished.
Smoothing striations visible on only a few sherds. Large temper
particles on the surface often give it a rough feel with crackle lines
formed around these exposed particles. Coiling lines completely
erased.
Interior—Not as well smoothed as surfaces just mentioned, but scraping
tracks visible on 10 percent of the sherds.
2
Hardness: 3.
Form:
Comimon vessel shapes:
1. Small to medium low-waisted or round-bodied jar with narrow,
short neck and cambered collar (fig. 38-1; pl. 20, b-c).
Rim: Cambered collar with a short rim vertical or extending
outward 1-3 em. from the neck. The lip is tapered, rounded or
square with rounded edges. Mouth diameter 18-32 cm.; con-
stricted neck diameter 10-26 cm.
Body wall thickness: 7-12 mm.; majority 7-8 mm.
Body dimensions: Neck and rim height 5-15 cm.; maximum body
diameters 26-38 cm.; overall height 22-47 em.; majority 30-35 em.
Base: Thickened, flattened, usually slightly concave with a promi-
nent angular junction with the side walls. Depth of the con-
cavity is 2-5 mm. with the base diameter 8-18 cm.
Appendages: Rarely, a small strap handle from the collar to the
jar neck or applique nubbins or ribs.
mn eapa END ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 133
«
ere ee
Cee) Si CM
Rim Scale
iid
Vessel Scale
WW
Figure 38.—Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Aristé Plain, Aristé Phase (Ap-
pendix, table 12).
391329—57——-11
134 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
2. Short to medium-necked round or low-waisted jar with exteriorly
thickened everted or outcurving rim (fig. 38-2).
Rim: Everted, thickened exteriorly with a coil or strip, lip rounded
or squared with rounded edges; rarely a direct lip. Mouth
diameters 26-38 cm.
Body wall thickness: 7-11 mm.; majority 7-8 mm.
Body dimensions: Neck diameter 20-32 em., neck height 3-10 cm.,
overall height 25-48 em.; body diameters 36—40 cm.
Base: Thickened, flattened, usually slightly concave with a promi-
nent angular junction with the side walls. Depth of the con-
cavity is 2-5 mm. with the base diameter 8-18 cm.
3. Open bowls, shallow or deep, with gently outcurving sides (fig. 38-3).
Rims: Rounded lip, sometimes slightly thicker than the body
wall; mouth diameters 14-25 cm.
Body wall thickness: 7-10 mm.
Body dimensions: Body diameters 12-27 cm.; depth 5-15 em.
Base: Slightly thickened, flattened and usually concave with promi-
nent angular junction with the sidewalls. Thickness 1.5 cm.;
diameter 4-12 cm.
4. Bowl with incurving sides and constricted opening (fig. 38-4; pl.
20, a, d).
Rims: Incurving rim with squared lip with rounded edges, often
slightly thickened on the exterior; mouth diameter 8-14 cm.
Body wall thickness: 7-10 mm.
Body dimensions: Maximum body diameter 12-24 cm.; depth
8-15 cm.
Base: Slightly thickened, flattened and usually concave with
prominent angular junction with the side walls. Thickness
1.5 em.; diameters 5-12 cm.
Less common vessel shapes:
1. ‘‘Graters’’—Open, carinated bowl with outcurving rim with parallel
grooves on bow! interior (pl. 23, d).
Rims: Outcurved, unthickened, with rounded lip; mouth diameters
38-40 cm.
Body wall thickness: 12-14 mm.
Base: No complete vessel found, probably flattened.
Grater groovings: Parallel grooves, 2-4 mm. wide, 3 mm. deep
and 4-7 mm. apart, cut into the interior of the bowls but not
upon the short, vertical or slightly outslanting side wall. In
cross section the grooves are V-shaped with a rounded base to the
V. Since no base sherds were found with these incisions on
Aristé Plain, it is assumed that the parallel grooves are limited to
the lower part of the curved bowl interior.
2. Flat lid with a central nubbin handle. Crude and irregular, 16 cm.
in diameter, 1.6—2.4 em. thick; nubbin handle 3 em. high, 1.5 cm.
in diameter at the top and 5 cm. at the base.
TEMPORAL DIFFERENCE WITHIN THE TYPE: Cambered collared jar (form 1)
increases in popularity through the sequence (See Appendix, table 12).
CHRONOLOGICAL POSITION OF THE TYPE: Most popular in the lower part of the
Aristé Phase sequence in both the cemetery and habitation sites, fading out in
the middle part in the cemetery sites with only a trace in the habitation sites of
the upper (late) part of the sequence.
MAB GE RBG ND ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 135
ARISTE PAINTED
PASTE AND UNPAINTED SURFACE: The painted pottery is on Aristé Plain; see that
type for details of paste, temper, firing, and treatment of the unpainted surface.
Form:
Common vessel shapes:
1. Small to medium low-waisted or round-bodied jar with narrow, short
neck and cambered collar (fig. 39-1; pl. 21, a).
Rim: Cambered collar with a short rim wall, usually vertical, ex-
tending 1-3 cm. out from neck. Lip tapered, rounded or square
with rounded edges. Mouth diameter 18-32 cm.; constricted
neck diameter 10—26 cm.
Body wall thickness: Range 7-12 mm.; majority 7-8 mm.
Body dimensions: Neck and rim height 5-15 cm., maximum body
diameter 26-38 cm., overall height 22-47 cm. with the majority
30-35 em.
Base: Thickened, 1-2 cm., flattened and usually slightly concave
(depth of concavity 2-5 mm.), prominent angular junction with
side walls. Base diameter 8-18 cm.
Appendages: Rarely a small strap handle from collar to jar neck or
applique ribs or nubbins on collar or upper part of jar body.
Decoration: Commonly a red band on neck or collar or on both and
extending to the upper shoulders of the jar body. Polychrome
design on neck and upper part of body on a few sherds.
2. Low-waisted jar with a long, outeurving neck (fig. 39-2).
Rim: Usually curves gracefully outward with a direct or slightly
exteriorly thickened rim; lip rounded or square with rounded
edges. Mouth diameter 26-38 cm.
Body wall thickness: 7-11 mm.; majority 7-8 mm.
Body dimensions: Neck diameter 20-32 cm., neck height 3-10 cm.,
overall height 25-48 cm., body dimensions 36-40 cm.
Base: Same as form 1.
Decoration: Same as form 1, plus the common occurrence of red on
the inner lip, rim exterior, and upper part of the jar.
3. Shallow, open bowl with outcurving sides, sometimes slightly cam-
bered, and usually an everted rim (fig. 39-3).
Rim: Everted, unthickened with lip tapered, rounded or square
with rounded edges. Mouth diameters 14-26 cm.
Body wall thickness: 7-10 mm.
Body dimensions: Depth 5-12 em.
Base: Slightly thickened, flattened and usually concave with promi-
nent angular junction with the side walls. Thickness 10-15 mm.
Diameter 4-12 cm.
Decoration: Red paint on inner lip, exterior of rim, and in a band
extending for a few centimeters down on the side wall.
4, Bowl with incurving sides and constricted mouth (fig. 39-4; pl.
21, 5).
Rim: Incurving, sometimes slightly thickened on the exterior,
beveled and tapered to rounded lip. Mouth diameter 10-28 cm.
Body wall thickness: 4-10 mm.
Body dimensions: 14-32 cm.; depth 8-16 cm.
Base: Same as form 3.
Decoration: Red band around exterior of rim, especially on the
upper suface of the beveled type.
136 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
nen
(Gs
WINS
ee bet
o 4 8 !12C6M ONS SCM
Vessel Scale Rim & Adorno
Scale
Figure 39.—Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Aristé Painted, Aristé Phase
(Appendix, table 13).
geet ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 137
5. Large, open, carinated bowl with wide, flaring, flange rim (fig. 39-5).
Rim: Strongly everted with a wide (6-10 cm.), outcurving flange,
sometimes slightly thickened on the interior. Lip either rounded
or squared with rounded edges. In about half the sherds the rim
is lobed. These lobes or protrusions with rounded edges range
from 1.5-4.0 em. in width and 8-10 cm. in length. Mouth
diameters 28-38 cm.
Body wall thickness: 5-9 mm; majority 7 mm.
Body dimensions: Body diameter at carination 20-32 cm.; height
12-16 cm.
Base: Same as form 3.
Decoration: Usually polychrome (red, yellow, black on white slip
or tan surface) or bichrome (red on tan) complicated designs of
meanders, frets, interlocking spirals, lines and dots on bowl
interiors, especially on the wide flange (fig. 40, a—-b). Sometimes
the interior is white slipped with a painted design on the interior
of the flange surface with pattern outlined by a black line.
Rarely, this shape is painted only red on the unslipped surface.
Rare vessel shape:
1. Jar with anthropomorphic face modeled on the neck and cambered
collar. Shape usually the same as common form 1, with the face
modeled in low relief with applique eyes, nose, and ears. The
entire face is painted red (fig. 35).
DECORATION:
Technique: Most commonly a dull-red ochre thickly applied, sometimes
almost thick enough to be a slip. A few are bichrome or polychrome with
red or red and black fine to medium lines upon a thick white slip. Painting
is usually on the interiors of bowls, exterior of jar necks and bodies, bowl
or jar lips or in a band around the cambered rim of jars.
Motif: Ninety percent of all sherds are a red painted monochrome in parallel,
wide bands or a thick red band around the neck, exterior of the rim or
from the rim to the base of the neck. In a few cases the band extends 1-2
em. onto the shoulder of the jar. Ten percent of the painted forms are
polychrome or bichrome in complicated designs of meanders, frets, inter-
locking spirals and lines with an occasional use of dots (fig. 40, a, b).
TEMPORAL DIFFERENCE WITHIN THE TYPE: Collared, cambered jars (form 1)
increase as the jar with thickened rim and outcurved neck (form 2) decreases.
The cambered bowl with the flangelike rim is limited to this type and is most
popular in the early part of the Phase sequence (Appendix, table 13).
CHRONOLOGICAL POSITION OF THE TYPE: Aristé Painted seems to be principally a
cemetery ware and is not found later than the middle of the Aristé Phase
sequence, after which time it is replaced by Serra Painted.
DAV{ INCISED
PASTE:
Method of manufacture: Coiling.
Temper: Quartz sand particles.
Texture: Gritty, sandy paste, friable and fairly weak with irregular cleavage
planes.
Colar: Light orange to reddish orange; only a few have a gray core.
Firing: Oxidized, generally complete.
138 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
ee
Chel 2's “4 (S°CM
Ficure 40.—Aristé Painted sherds from A-—i1—Montanha de Aristé, eave 2,
Aristé Phase: a, Black (solid lines) and yellow (hachured lines) on a thick
white slip. 6, Black (wide lines) and red (narrow lines) on white slip.
SURFACES:
Color: Exterior and interior, light orange to a dull, tile orange.
Treatment: Smoothed, but gritty and rough due to sandy paste.
Hardness: 3.
Form:
Common vessel shapes:
1. Low-waisted jar with a short neck and wide, cambered collar (fig.
41-1).
Rim: Slightly incurved, ecambered collar (4-5 em. wide) with squared
lip. Mouth diameter 16 cm.
Body wall thickness: 5-11 mm.
Body dimensions: Body diameter 30 cm.; height 24-26 cm.
Base: Flat with slightly concave center.
Decoration: Vertical and slightly diagonal incisions on the collar
exterior; diagonal lines arranged in crude triangular zones on the
upper body wall.
es aaa ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 139
2. Round-bodied jar with flat base and short neck with thickened,
everted rim (fig. 41-2).
Rim: Exteriorly thickened with a wide coil, slightly everted rim
with rounded lip. Mouth diameter 30 cm.
Body wall thickness: 11-13 cm.
Base: Flattened, slightly thickened.
Decoration: Vertical and diagonal incised lines on rim exterior
haphazardly spaced, ranging from 8-15 mm. apart.
3. Carinated bowl (fig. 41-3).
Rim: Carinated with outcurving flange ending in a thinly tapered,
rounded lip. Mouth diameter 24 em.
Body wall thickness: 9 mm.
Body dimensions: Sherds too fragmentary to reconstruct.
Base: Flat, slightly thickened.
(test baie ey)
O 4¢ 8 12CM
Vessel Scale
ee ej
OQ), ‘h2)7 3,6M
Rim Scale
Figure 41.—Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Davi Incised, Aristé Phase (Ap-
pendix, table 14.)
140 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
Decoration: Diagonal lines crudely arranged in triangular zones
on the exterior.
4. Open bow] with outslanting walls (fig. 41—4).
Rim: Slightly everted or direct; rounded lip. Mouth diameter
12-26 cm.
Body wall thickness: 11 mm.
Body dimensions: Sherds too fragmentary to reconstruct.
Base: Flat.
Decoration: Incised lines vertical or diagonal on the upper part
of the side walls.
DeEcorRATION (pl. 21, c-f):
Technique: Deep, sharp, uneven lines crudely and irregularly incised when
the clay is extremely wet leaving very jagged and rough incisions 1-2 mm.
wide and 2-4 mm. deep. Some lines are V-shaped in cross section.
Motif: A series of irregular, short lines arranged diagonally or vertically on
the rim and upper surface of the body walls. Irregularity suggests hasty
application. Roughly arranged in triangular blocks; a few sherds suggest
curvilinear meanders but these are executed by means of connecting short
lines.
TEMPORAL DIFFERENCE WITHIN THE TYPE: None evident from the limited sample
(Appendix, table 14).
CHRONOLOGICAL POSITION OF THE TYPE: Limited to the middle to lower (early)
part of the Aristé Phase sequence.
FLEXAL SCRAPED
PASTE AND SURFACES: On Aristé Plain, see that type description for details of
temper, firing, color, and surface treatment.
Form:
Common vessel shapes:
1. Low-waisted jar with short neck and wide, cambered collar (fig. 32,
42-1).
Rim: Wide (4.5-5.0 em.), cambered collar, slightly inecurved or
straight, with a rounded or squared lip with rounded edges.
Mouth diameter 16—26 cm.
Body wall thickness: 6-8 mm.
Body dimensions: Body diameters 28-32 em; height 22-26 cm.
Base: Thickened in center to 1.2-1.5 cm., flat, 12 cm. in diameter
Appendages: Sometimes two strap handles on opposite sides con-
necting the collar with upper shoulder of body; oval cross section
1 cm. in diameter. Small nubbin appliques (1 cm. in diameter
and height) sometimes on the shoulder.
Decoration: Scraped decoration of triangles and spirals from neck
to the jar waist and on the wide, cambered rim.
2. Round-bodied jar with long, everted, direct rim (fig. 42-2; pl. 22, c).
Rim: Strongly everted, long (3.0—-4.5 em.) direct rim with rounded
lip. Mouth diameter, 24-34 cm.
Body wall thickness: 6 mm.
Body dimensions: Body diameter 26-36 cm.; height 16-18 cm.
Base: Same as form 1.
Appendages: Small nubbin and fillet appliques, 5-10 mm. high,
8-10 mm. wide, and 1-6 cm. long.
of al ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 141
[La Lc et ES wa
Oo 4 8 12 CM
Vessel Scale
tert ee
Oo 1! 2 36M
Rim Scale
Figure 42.—Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Flexal Scraped, Aristé Phase
(Appendix, table 15).
142 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
Decoration: A complex mixture of wavy lines and meanders
separated by almost parallel straight lines and enclosed in a
rectangular zone formed by scraped lines.
3. Deep bowl with constricted orifice and pronounced angular waist
(fig. 42-3).
Rim: Exteriorly thickened, squared lip, uneven and wavy.
Body wall thickness: Uneven, 5-7 mm.
Body dimensions: Maximum body diameter 28 cm.; height 17 cm.
Base: Flattened, juncture with side walls rounded, interior thickened,
diameter 8 cm.
Appendages: Three pairs of small, round, “button” appliques (1.2-
1.5 cm. in diameter) on the exterior rim band; pairs equally
spaced around the rim.
Decoration: Squared meander on the rim between the paired ‘‘but-
tons’’; vertical and slanting lines haphazardly arranged and over-
lapping to cover the area from the waist to the rim.
4. Carinated bowl with outcurved side walls and direct rim (fig. 42-4;
pl. 22, a).
Rim: Direct, slightly everted, joining the outcurved body walls
with a prominent angle; lip squared. Mouth diameter 38 cm.
Body wall thickness: 5—6 mm.
Body dimensions: Diameter at carination 34 cm.; height 16-18 cm.
Base: Flattened.
Decoration: Body wall covered with lines diagonally crossed to
form diamond and triangular-shaped areas which are filled with
squared spirals or parallel lines. Exterior of rim covered with a
series of intertwined meanders.
5. Large, open, slightly carinated bowl with vertical side walls and
thickened, everted 1im (fig. 42-5; pl. 22, e).
Rim: Externally thickened, strongly everted with a rounded lip,
mouth diameter 40 cm.
Body wall thickness: 10 mm.
Body dimensions: Maximum body diameter 37 cm.
Base: No fragments found; probably flattened.
Decoration: Diagonally scraped lines on the 4 cm. wide vertical
wall. Lower edge of lines bordered by an incised line.
DeEcoRATION (pl. 22):
Technique: Surfaces scraped with a blunt, flat tool. Scraped lines range
from 3-5 mm. in width and up to 1 mm. in depth. Most of the scrapings
are flat troughed, but in some cases the tool was held at an angle cutting
the line deeper at one side than the other. Designs are made with sepa-
rate, individual stokes, not with a comb.
Motif: A few of the designs are carefully executed with each line distinct
from the other in a series of roughly parallel scrapings on the vessel exterior.
Most, however, are haphazardly done with the lines overlapping each
other in a series of diagonal, horizontal, and vertical lines without any
particular design motif except to cover the entire surface with scrapings.
Motifs range from a double spiral or “‘S’’ separated from the next unit
by a series of parallel, vertical or slightly diagonal lines to a series of
triangles arranged vertically around the shoulder of carinated bowls with
the spaces filled with individual scrapings. A few cambered, collared jars
have a series of rectilinear meanders or vertical scrapings with “‘S” spirals
on the waists of the jars.
Ce eh ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 143
TEMPORAL DIFFERENCE WITHIN THE TYPE: Sample too limited to note any
changes. (Appendix, table 15).
CHRONOLOGICAL POSITION OF THE TYPE: Restricted to the lower (early) part of
the Aristé Phase sequence.
SERRA PLAIN
PASTE:
Method of manufacture: Coiling.
Temper: Medium-coarse, ground sherd intermixed in the paste in moderate
amounts; a few sherds have some rounded, quartz particles suggesting
accidental mixture.
Texture: Coarse, granular, poor mixture of clay and temper makes a very
irregular fracture plane. Sherds are easy to break but not soft or friable
and all have a dull thud.
Color: The majority have a fine, thin gray core banded on either side with
a light tan to orange; few have a full core of light orange to tan color.
Firing: Oxidized, generally incomplete; very few fire clouds.
SURFACES:
Color: Interior and exterior of majority are a light, orange tan to a light,
grayish brown; a few have a grayish tan to orange-tan exterior and a
grayish black to gray-brown interior.
Treatment: Most well smoothed on exterior and interior with a very even
surface and only a few smoothing tracks visible. Fine pores from water
bubbles are quite prominent on the surfaces, suggesting smoothing when
the clay was extremely wet. About one-quarter of the sherds have a
well-smoothed exterior with a less regular and uneven interior. A few
sherds have both surfaces smoothed to a high polish.
Hardness: 2.5-3.
Forms:
Common vessel shapes:
1. Round, high- to low-waisted jar with short to medium neck, externally
thickened, everted rim (fig. 43-1; pl. 23, B, c, e, f).
Rim: Ranges from a very pronounced to a moderately everted rim,
thickened with a coil added to the exterior surface. The short to
medium length neck ranges from an insloping neck with a pro-
nounced, everted rim to an almost vertical neck with a slightly
everted rim. Lip is most commonly rounded but sometimes
squared with rounded corners. Mouth diameters 18-38 cm.
Body wall thickness: 8-14 mm., most 10-11 mm,
Body dimensions: Body diameters 28-50 cm., most 36-40 cm.; re-
constructed height 36-50 cm.
Base: Flattened, slightly thickened (1.2—2.0 em.) sometimes with a
slight pedestal 5-8 mm. high. Diameter 10-18 cm., majority
16 cm.
Appendages: Rarely nubbins or small riblike appliques are on the
upper part of the jar body.
2. Large, low-waisted jar with long vertical or slightly incurving neck
and an unthickened rim (fig. 43-2; pl. 23, a).
Rim: Gently incurved to a vertical, direct rim with a rounded lip.
Mouth diameters 36-52 cm.; majority 44-50 cm.
Body wall thickness: 7-9 mm.
Body dimensions: Diameters 36-60 cm.; reconstructed height 30-50
cm.
Base: Same as form 1,
144 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
Lijit)
Oo 4 8 12 CM
Vessel Scole
oo)
OF Aer? Soe
Rim Scale
VON
Figure 43.—Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Serra Plain, Aristé Phase (Ap-
pendix, table 16).
3. Slightly carinated open bow! with everted lip (fig. 43-3).
Rims: Everted, usually exteriorly thickened but sometimes direct
with a rounded, tapered or squared lip with rounded edges.
Mouth diameter 18-32 cm.; most 22—26 cm.
Body wall thickness: 7-10 mm.; most 7-8 mm.
Body dimensions: Diameters 14-28 cm.; depth 6—16 cm.
Base: Same as form 1.
Appendages: Occasionally an adorno or lobe on the lip of the
Serra Plain sherds from the Ilhas do Campo Site.
oye eal mal ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 145
4, Small to medium open bowl with outcurving sides (fig. 43-4).
Rim: Outcurving and upeurving with rounded lip; mouth diameters
16—28 cm.
Body wall thickness: 5-10 mm.
Body dimensions: Depth 10-18 cm.
Base: Same as form 1, but rarely a rounded base occurs.
5. Bowl with incurved sides and constricted mouth (fig. 43-5).
Rim: Incurved with lip which is usually rounded but sometimes
squared with rounded edges. Mouth diameters 24-28 cm.
Body wall thickness: 8 mm.
Body dimensions: Diameters 26-30 cm.; depth 12-18 cm.
Base: Flattened, 8-13 cm. in diameter.
Less common vessel shapes:
1. “Graters”—Open, carinated bowl with outcurving rim with parallel
grooves on the interior.
Rim: Outcurved, unthickened, carinated, with a rounded lip.
Mouth diameter, 38-40 cm.
Body wall thickness: 12-14 mm,
Base: No complete vessel found but fragments suggest probably
flattened.
Groovings on the bowl interior: Parallel grooves 2-4 mm. wide, 3
mm. deep and 4-7 mm. apart, incised on the upper interior of the
bowls but not upon the short, vertical or slightly outcurving side-
wall (pl. 23, d). “V” with a rounded base in cross section. Since
no base sherds of Serra Plain were found with groovings on them,
it can probably be assumed that the groovings are limited to the
lower bowl interiors and do not extend to the base.
TEMPORAL DIFFERENCE WITHIN THE TYPE: Jars with short to medium neck, thick-
ened, everted rim (form 1) decline in popularity while bowl forms 3 and 4
increase. Bowls with constricted mouths (form 5) are limited to the middle to
early part of the sequence (Appendix, table 16).
CHRONOLOGICAL POSITION OF THE TYPE: Increases in popularity throughout the
Aristé Phase sequence.
SERRA PAINTED
PASTE:
Same as Serra Plain; see that type description for details.
SURFACES:
Unpainted surfaces: Same as Serra Plain.
Slipped surfaces: In about % of the painted sherds, the painting is applied on
a thickly white-slipped surface. This occurs on the exterior of jars and
bowls and on the interior of a few carinated bowls.
Form:
Common vessel shapes:
1. Round or low to high-waisted jar with a short to medium length
neck, externally thickened lip and constricted mouth (fig. 44-1;
pl. 24, a—b)
Rim: Exteriorly thickened with a coil, usually everted, short to
medium neck either slightly insloping or vertical; lip rounded or
squared with round edges. Mouth diameter 22-24 cm.
Body wall thickness: 8-10 mm.
Body dimensions: Maximum body diameter 28-50 cm.; estimated
height 30-50 cm.
146 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
(ae be eee)
Oo VY 2 3:cm
Rim Scole
«
shies alti es!
Oo 4 8 I2CM
Vessel Scale
Figure 44.—Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Serra Painted, Aristé Phase
(Appendix, table 17).
Base: Flattened, slightly thickened; diameter 10-18 cm.; sometimes
a slight pedestal (5-8 mm. high). Some jars have holes, usually
5, punched in the base while the clay was wet, tapering from 7-8
mm. in diameter on the interior to 3-4 mm. on the exterior.
Decoration: Red slip or paint on the lip and exterior of the thickened
rim, and/or a band on the neck, but rarely extending onto the
body walls.
a ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 147
2. Tall jar with vertical to outcurving cambered rim and carinated or
double-carinated body (fig. 44-2; pl. 24, c-d; pl. 25, b).
Rim: Outcurved, cambered collar developed out of a short to long
neck. Either direct or externally thickened with a coil. Lip
rounded or squared with rounded edges. Mouth diameters 20-36
em.; majority 28-32 em. Occasionally, especially on the Cunani
materials, an anthropomorphic face is modeled on the rim and
neck with low appliques to form the eyes, ears, nose, mouth and
eyebrows (see pl. 24, c, and Goeldi, 1900).
Body wall thickness: 8-13 mm.; majority 11 mm.
Body dimensions: Diameter 28-40 cm.; total height 30-50 cm.;
neck height 10-20 cm.
Base: Flattened, thickened on interior, diameter 10-16 cm.
Appendages: Applique modeling of anthropomorphic faces on
neck and rim, and arms, breast and navel on the jar body; some-
times an adorno of an anthropomorphic face or an animal is ap-
plied to the shoulder of the body.
Decoration: Predominantly a red paint on white slip, or less com-
monly on the natural, tan surface, in combinations of inter-
locking curvilinear spirals, meanders, frets and steps. The
curvilinear interlocking spirals are the most common motif.
Rarely the polychrome technique is found on this form.
3. Carinated bowl (fig. 44-3; pl. 24, e).
Rim: Carination ranges from a vertical to a strongly outcurving
side wall with an exteriorly thickened, everted, direct or tapered
rim and a lip which is rounded or squared with rounded edges.
Mouth diameters 22-44 cm.; majority 32-36 cm.
Body wall thickness: 6-13 mm.; majority 8-10 mm.
Body dimensions: Body diameters 26-34 cm.; height 10-24 cm.
Base: Flattened, internally thickened; diameters 8-14 cm. Some
have holes in the base; see form 1, ‘‘base”’ for details.
Decoration: Most commonly, red curvilinear interlocking spirals
on natural tan-orange surfaces or on white-slipped surface on the
exterior of the vertical or outcurving side wall. Sometimes simpler
curved lines or more complicated frets, meanders, and simple
spirals are on same area. Rarely the designs are in true poly-
chrome of red and black, sometimes yellow, on a white slip or
natural surface.
4. Open bowl with outcurving to nearly vertical side walls (fig. 44-4).
Rim: Direct, outcurving to nearly vertical rim with rounded lip.
Mouth diameter 20-26 cm.
Body wall thickness: 7-12 mm.; majority 8 mm.
Body dimensions: Height 10-14 cm.
Base: Flattened, slightly thickened, 8-12 cm. in diameter.
Decoration: A combination of curvilinear spirals, frets, interlocking
meanders, etc. on the interior surface. Most commonly in poly-
chrome of red, black and yellow on white slipped surface but
sometimes only red on a white slip or red on the natural colored
surface.
5. Bowl with incurved sides and constricted mouth (fig. 44-5).
Rim: Direct, incurved, with the lip either rounded or square with
rounded edges. Mouth diameter 24-28 cm.
Body wall thickness: 8 mm.
148 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
Body dimensions: Diameters 26-30 cm.; height 12-18 em.
Base: Flattened, 8-12 cm. in diameter.
Decoration: Band on exterior 6-10 cm. wide with the typical com-
bination of curvilinear spirals, frets, etc. usually in red on white
slip or red on the natural buff-tan surface. Occasionally the
designs are in polychrome.
DEcORATION (pl. 24, 25):
Technique:
1. Monochrome: Red paint or a thick red slip in bands around the
collar, rim or upper part of the body; polishing striations visible
on the red-slipped surface. Red paint in fine (1-2 mm.) to broad
(10-20 mm.) lines on the natural tan to buff surfaces.
2. Bichrome: Red designs of fine to broad lines on white-slipped sur-
faces.
3. Polychrome: Red, black and/or yellow designs on natural buff sur-
faces or on a white slip.
Regardless of the color technique only about one-half of the designs
are well executed, with the others appearing as if they were done in
great haste with the lines and units very irregular and uneven.
Motif: Simple bands or complicated designs of a mixture of curvilinear
and rectilinear interlocking units, spirals, lines, rectangles, meanders,
undulating lines and waves (fig. 33). Sometimes these are combined
with anthropomorphic motifs, i. e. faces, arms, breasts, and navel shown
by applique with the painted design curving around and accentuating these
features (pl. 24, c).
TEMPORAL DIFFERENCES WITHIN THE TYPE: Tall jars with vertical to outcurving
rims, cambered and carinated or double carinated, low-waisted bodies (form 2)
appear only in the late part of the sequence (Appendix, table 17).
CHRONOLOGICAL POSITION OF THE TYPE: Increase in popularity throughout the
Aristé Phase sequence; especially common in the cemeteries.
UAGA INCISED
PASTE AND SURFACES: On Aristé Plain, see that type description for details of
paste, color, temper and surfaces.
Form:
Common vessel shapes:
1. Bowl with incurved rim, slightly constricted mouth (fig. 45-1).
Rim: Incurved, either slightly thickened on interior or tapered,
lip rounded. Mouth diameters, 26-40 cm.; majority 36 cm.
Body wall thickness: 7-10 mm.; majority 8 mm.
Body dimensions: Maximum diameters 28-46 cm; reconstructed
height 12—20 cm.
Base: Flattened, slightly thickened on the interior and slightly
concave on the exterior; diameters 8-14 cm.
Decoration: Usually a deep (1-2 mm.) groove around the rim and
1-3 cm. below the lip. This marks the upper margin of a band of
decoration limited to the upper shoulder of the bowl which
consists of diamonds, triangles, squares and parallel lines. These
motifs are usually in lighter, finer lines than the grooved incisions
which form the border.
2. Large, slightly carinated, open, basinlike bowl (fig. 45-2).
Rim: Slightly carinated, vertical to slightly outslanted side walls,
exteriorly thickened rim with a rounded lip; mouth diameters
36-38 cm.
MEGGERS AND ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 149
EVANS]
Peele
o 4 8 I2CM )
Vessel Scale
(ath pian) see |
OF 2 36M
Rim Scale
Figure 45.—Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Uacd Incised, Aristé Phase
(Appendix, table 18).
391329—57——_12
150 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
Body wall thickness: 10-13 mm.
Body dimensions: Diameter 34-36 em., vertical side wall height
6-8 cm., total height 12-14 cm.
Base: Flat, same as form 1.
Decoration: Band of incisions (3-6 cm. wide band) around the
exterior of vertical to slightly outslanted side walls, just below
the rim. Band bordered by deep (1-2 mm.) and wide grooved
incisions. Motif in the form of triangles and diamonds or curvi-
linear spiral and waves in this band.
3. Short-necked jar with cambered collar and everted rim (fig. 45-3;
pl. 26, f-9).
Rim: Vertical, cambered collar, slightly thickened, 4 cm. wide;
unthickened, everted rim with a squared lip with rounded edges.
Mouth diameter 24 cm.
Body dimensions: Neck and collar height 7 cm.; globular body
reconstructed to about 32 cm. in diameter.
Base: No fragments found; probably flattened.
Decoration: Series of almost parallel horizontal lines on cambered
collar and neck, 1 mm. wide and 1 mm. deep averaging 8 mm.
apart, bordering a curvilinear pattern.
DEcoRATION (pl. 26, d-g):
Technique: The incisions, varying from 0.5—1.5 mm. in depth, are all U-shaped
and made with a blunt tool, ranging from 1-8 mm. in width. All are
carefully executed with the incised lines and grooves very regular.
Motif: Most typically a series of short, parallel lines, intertwining wavy
lines, short serpentine undulations, adjoining diamonds and triangles.
There is only one example of curvilinear spirals. The designs are limited
to the shoulders of bowls and neck, collar and shoulders of jars. Occasion-
ally incisions occur on the exterior face of lips. Most of the light incisions
are bordered by a deeper, broader incised groove.
TEMPORAL DIFFERENCES WITHIN THE TYPE: None observable due to the small
sample (Appendix, table 18).
CHRONOLOGICAL POSITION OF THE TYPE: Limited to the early (lower) part of the
Aristé Phase sequence.
UNCLASSIFIED DECORATED
BRUSHED SHERDS: On a few body sherds, the exterior surface is lightly brushed in
vertical to diagonal lines. Some overlap of the lines suggests application with
a bunch of pointed sticks, which is further attested by the irregularity of the
spacing between the lines.
Porrery ARTIFACTS
The only pottery artifacts from the Aristé Phase are small figurines
(fig. 30; pl. 26, a-c).
NoncrERAMIC ARTIFACTS
The number of nonpottery artifacts from the Aristé Phase is so
limited that characteristic types cannot be defined. A tabulation of
the total materials from all the sites of this Phase gives: 2 well-
polished celts; 1 small, notched, well-polished ax; 1 small stone chisel ;
6 roughly dressed hammerstone fragments, a few of which may have
bee ail ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 151
been originally the poll or butt end of hand axes; 1 grinding stone
fragment also used as a hammerstone; 7 nephrite objects, of which 5
are cylindrical beads and 2 stylized pendants; 27 burnt clay lumps;
25 natural rock fragments, of which only 5 are fire burnt; and 10 drilled
shell pendants. In the Aristé Phase the role of stone artifacts was
obviously secondary to that of pottery and probably also to perishable
objects made of wood and plant fibers, which have all disappeared
because of climatic conditions.
Glass trade beads were described in detail with the site discussions,
hence no repetition is required here. These were found at Sites A-10
and A-15 (pl. 25).
CERAMIC HISTORY
In spite of the wide region, extending from the Rio Oiapoque south-
ward to the Rio Araguari-Amapari, over which the principal ceramic
types of the Aristé Phase are found, the pottery exhibits only minor
local differences. This consistency suggests a stable and well-
integrated culture, undisturbed after the initial period of adjustment.
The shallowness of the habitation sites, never more than 10 cm.
deep, made a stratigraphic approach impossible and required that
other factors be made the basis for seriation. The presence of
European glass trade beads in several of the cemeteries provides a
rough terminal point. The absence of several decorative styles (e. g.
Flexal Scraped, Davi Incised, and Uaca Incised) at the sites with the
trade material suggests that sites producing these pottery types are
earlier than the others and belong at the beginning of the time sequence
for the Phase. A further clue comes from the percentage analysis of
the ceramic types from Site A-10—Montanha da Pluma. Since the
vessels stacked around the two entrances to the cave may be taken to
represent the overflow after the interior was filled, the percentage
difference between the inside and outside should be representative of
the trend in pottery change. This interpretation is affirmed by the
fact that glass trade beads were found with vessels at the entrance to
the cave and none came from inside. As in the Mazagao Phase the
cemetery wares show selection for the decorated types, making it
impossible to interdigitate them in the sequence of occupation sites.
The latter were seriated separately on the basis of trends revealed in
the cemeteries, from which they mainly differ only in the relative
amount of decorated ware (fig. 46).
The major trend in the plainware is similar to that in the Mazagéo
Phase. Gritty, quartz and sand tempered Aristé Plain begins as the
dominant ware and gives way steadily, with a few minor fluctuations,
to the increasingly popular, smooth, sherd-tempered Serra Plain.
Aristé Plain decreases from 74.4 percent to 20.8 percent in the ceme-
152 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
teries and from 98.7 percent to 0.3 percent in the habitation sites,
with the concomitant increase of Serra Plain from 9.6 percent to 72.5
percent in the cemeteries and from 0 percent to 93.8 percent in the
habitation sites (Appendix, table 11). The relative position of the
sites in the Aristé Phase sequence is shown on the accompanying
chart (fig. 46).
As was the case in the Mazagi&o Phase, the Aristé Phase can be di-
vided into an early and late period on the basis of changes in the
decorated ware. Sherds decorated in the incised or scraped tradition
(Flexal Scraped, Uagad Incised, Davi Incised) are diagnostic of the
earlier sites in the sequence. ‘They are associated with painted styles
in the cemeteries, but, except for the 1 percent occurrence of Serra
Painted at Site A-16, these plastic traditions are the exclusive deco-
rative style at the four earliest habitation sites.
Flexal Scraped, the most popular of the three nonpainted decorated
pottery types, may be likened to Jari Scraped of the Mazagao Phase.
The technique of execution with a flat, blunt tool is identical in both
Phases but the motif is slightly more elaborated in the Aristé Phase
material. Whereas Jari Scraped of the Mazagéo Phase was usually
a series of parallel lines or rectilinear units, sometimes with a limited
number of curvilinear lines, Flexal Scraped of the Aristé Phase has
at least 25 percent of the examples executed in a carefully laid out
design of double spirals and S motifs in units separated by parallel
or vertical lines, triangles, and rectilinear meanders (fig. 32; pl. 22).
The rest of the examples of the type, however, consist of separate,
individual strokes or scrapings applied rather haphazardly over the
whole vessel or sherd surface.
Distinctive Uagd Incised ( pl. 26, d—g) seems to be limited to the
extreme northern part of the region occupied by the Aristé Phase.
The combination of decorative elements common to this type—short,
parallel lines, intertwining wavy lines, short serpentine undulations,
adjoining diamonds and triangles, and an occasional spiral—have no
counterpart outside the Aristé Phase. Although Uaga Incised has a
short history, limited to the early part of the sequence, the decorative
motifs appear to have been transferred in part to the painted pottery,
with many of the combinations of decorative elements showing up
in the elaborate designs of Serra Painted.
Davi Incised, the crudest of the three decorated pottery types
utilizing plastic traditions, was rarely used as a burial ware, but shows
great persistence in the habitation sites. It is found in small percent-
ages at all but the latest occupation sites, A-20, A—7, and A—22 (where
the unusually small sherd sample might account for the absence).
The simple decorative motifs of crudely applied, irregular lines ar-
ranged diagonally or vertically on the rim, neck or upper body wall
391329 O -57 (Face p, 152)
CEMETERIES
HABITATIONS
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391329 O -57 (Face p. 152)
CEMETERIES
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ARISTE SERRA ARISTE SERRA FLEXAL
PLAIN PLAIN PAINTED PAINTED SCRAPED
Figure 46.—Seriation of Aristé Phase sites on the basis of pottery type frequency (Appendix, table 11).
4
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oie ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 153
surfaces (pl. 21, cf) do not appear to be directly related to any of
the other decorated pottery types of the Aristé Phase. The trace
occurrence of the type throughout the entire Phase offers little in
the way of diagnostic features that might be useful as time-markers.
The late part of the Aristé Phase is characterized by the flowering
of painting as the mode of decoration. This is most clearly demon-
strated in the habitation sites, where the percentage of Serra Painted
increases from 1 to 6 percent as the incised and scraped techniques
die out. In the cemeteries belonging to the late part of the Phase,
decoration in the plastic medium is absent and Aristé Painted, which
had dominated the early period, is succeeded by Serra Painted as the
major decorated ware. Since no conscious preference seems to have
been shown in the plain ware types chosen for decoration, the increase
in frequency of Serra Painted from 0 percent at Cave 1 and Cave 3
of Site A-11 to 82.6 percent in Goeldi’s Cunani material (the 100
percent occurrence shown at Site A-15 on the chart, fig. 46, is based
on a single vessel) is apparently a reflection of the growing predomi-
nance of sherd-tempered pottery in its undecorated form. Aristé
Painted shows a less clearcut, but still definite decrease in the ceme-
tery sites from a high of 42.8 percent at the bottom of the sequence
to a low of 20.8 percent at the top of the sequence. Of the painted
types only Serra Painted occurs at the habitation sites. Ornamen-
tation is executed in red or black paint alone, or in combination,
either directly upon the natural surface or upon a white slip. It
is applied in bands on the neck or body of the vessel or in complex
patterns including spirals, dots, waves, meanders, curvilinear mean-
ders, squares, and paired and tripled parallel lines in curvilinear and
rectilinear motifs (fig. 40, a, b; pls. 24, 25).
The study of these motifs according to the seriated position of the
sites on the time-sequence chart reveals a shift from simple, painted
bands to highly complex and intricate designs. Of the 28 Aristé
Painted vessels represented at Site A-11, Caves 1, 2, and 3 (the earliest
site in the sequence), only 3 have a complicated design; the other 25
have a plain, single-colored (usually red) band around the neck or rim.
Of the 3 Serra Painted vessels from the same site, 1 has a complicated
design and 2 have plain red bands. At site A-10, of the 14 Aristé
Painted vessels, 13 have plain red bands and only 1 the complicated
design; of the 6 Serra Painted vessels 3 are of the plain-red-band
type and 3 of a complicated motif. At Site A-11 all but one of the
complexly painted vessels were found outside the cave and are of
more recent deposition than the material inside the cave. This
transition from simple band motifs to complicated designs reaches a
culmination in Site A-19, which in decorated pottery types includes
only elaborately executed Serra Painted.
154 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
In addition to the seriation study of the popularity change of various
pottery types throughout time, a detailed analysis was made of the
rim and vessel shapes. Several distinctive shapes occur in the two
plain wares of this Phase. The collared, cambered, round-bodied,
or low-waisted jar, form 1 of the Aristé Plain (fig. 38-1) does not
occur in Serra Plain; while Serra Plain, form 2, a large jar with direct
rim and long neck (fig. 43-2) does not appear in Aristé Plain. Al-
though minor popularity trends occur in the various shapes for
each plain ware, the time span is too short and the rim sample
too small to produce any significant trends from a quantitative analy-
sis; for this reason the data was left in tabular form (Appendix, tables
12 and 16) and not converted into a graphic presentation.
A study of the rim and vessel shapes of the painted pottery types
offers similar data—within the type the shapes are helpful in a desig-
nation of its ceramic features, but the rim sample is not large enough
to extract meaningful percentage trends in the various shapes al-
though some slight trends are suggested (Appendix, tables 13 and 17).
Again it is significant to note that Aristé Painted, form 1 (fig. 39-1),
which comprises from 16.7 to 37.5 percent of the vessels of this pottery
type, does not occur in Serra Painted. Likewise, Serra Painted, form
2 (fig. 44-2), one of the most popular shapes of this type, does not
appear in Aristé Painted. In other words, except for the more stand-
ard common vessel shapes, such as open bowls, bowls with constricted
mouths, and round-bodied jars with short neck and thickened rims,
the major shapes of one painted or plain pottery type do not occur on
another painted or plain pottery type. If the related plain and
painted pottery types are analyzed together, other distinctions
emerge. Specifically, simce Aristé Painted appears to be a decorated
type placed on Aristé Plain paste, and Serra Paimted one on Serra
Plain paste, it might be expected that the same vessel shapes would
be present. However, a comparison of Aristé Plain forms with
Aristé Painted forms reveals that two shapes occurring in Aristé
Painted never occur in Aristé Plain. This suggests that decoration
of certain pottery forms with painting did not involve merely the de-
cision to paint some of the standard Aristé Plain shapes, but rather,
two distinct vessel forms—Aristé Painted, form 3, slightly carinated
bowl with everted lip, and Aristé Painted, form 5, carinated bowl
with flangelike rim—were consciously manufactured for painted
pottery only. Since Aristé Painted pottery is almost exclusively
limited to the cemeteries and these two shapes are not found in the
related plain ware, there is no question that there was a conscious
manufacture and exclusive use of certain vessel shapes for burial pur-
poses in the early part of the Aristé Phase.
70 a ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 155
The rim and vessel shape study of Serra Plain and Serra Painted
offers similar correlations to those just described for Aristé Plain and
Aristé Painted. Serra Painted is applied to Serra Plain paste with
both types sharing certain common vessel forms and shapes. How-
ever, the most common vessel shape (74 percent at one cemetery site)
of Serra Painted (form 2, tall jars with vertical to outcurving cam-
bered rims and carinated or double-carinated low-waisted bodies) is
exclusive to Serra Painted and is not found in any other pottery types
of the Aristé Phase. Although a few fragments of Serra Painted
vessels are found in the habitation sites, the pottery type was ap-
parently manufactured primarily for burial purposes.
For the three pottery types utilizing plastic techniques of decora-
tion, Davi Incised, Flexal Scraped, and Uaga Incised, the rim and
vessel shapes are represented by such small samples that no shape
trend is observable within each type, although certain forms are re-
stricted to each of the pottery types (figs. 41, 42, 45).
In an attempt to see if certain common rim and vessel shapes
showed distinct trends throughout the Aristé Phase, similar forms
in the various pottery types were combined into nine common shapes,
each of which was given an alphabetical designation for form and a
short descriptive name. Into this scheme (Appendix, tables 19 and
20) the forms of each pottery type were tabulated and the percentage
occurrence calculated in order to establish the common rim and vessel
shapes for the Aristé Plain.
Two observations are outstanding: (1) Certain shapes are restricted
to the cemetery sites, and (2) there are distinct trends of certain of
the common shapes throughout the Aristé Phase sequence. Although
the time span for the Aristé Phase is apparently not very long, and
hence the amount of change in some of the forms is not outstanding,
certain gross trends in the rim and vessel shapes are apparent: (1)
Common form A, a collared, cambered jar with a round or low-
waisted body, decreases from a high of 46.1 percent at the lower part
of the cemetery sequence to 11.7 percent at the top; (2) common
form E, a bowl with a constricted mouth, decreases from 20.0 percent
to 11.2 percent in the habitation site sequence and from 20.0 percent
to 11.7 percent in the cemetery site sequence; (3) common form F,
carinated bowl with flangelike rim, decreases from 15.3 percent and
15.6 percent to 5.2 percent and 5.9 percent in the upper part of the
cemetery site sequence; (4) common form D, a slightly carinated bowl
with an everted lip, increases from between 7.8 percent and 3.1 per-
cent to 17.3 percent in the cemetery sequence. In the habitation
sites the trend of common form D is obscured by certain small samples
which warp the percentages, however, if these are ignored the larger
156 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
samples show an increase in popularity from 21.2 percent to 43.8
percent throughout the habitation site sequence of the Aristé Phase.
With the sequence established from the larger samples from our
own sites and the first-hand study of documented museum collections,
it is possible to interpret some of the sketchy data resulting from other
investigations (pp. 123-131). Although much is to be desired from
the comparative materials, at least there appears to be no gross
conflict of any sort with the ceramic trends established for the Aristé
Phase. Since the sites with a high percentage of incised pottery
(i. e. Uacd and Davi Incised) are in the earliest part of the sequence,
Ilha do Caréo and Acahyzal probably seriate in this position. The
absence of trade materials from both of these sites adds confirmation
to this conclusion. Those sites with a large number of graters (like
our Sites A-12 and A-16) and a high percentage of the elaborately
painted, bichrome and polychrome Serra Painted (as typified by
A-19—Cunani Site), belong to the middle and upper part of the
Aristé Phase time sequence. Asa result, sites with pottery resembling
the Cunani pottery shapes, surface painting, anthropomorphic and
zoomorphic modeling, and peculiar holes punched in the vessel bases
must be considered as approximately the same time period, which is
just before European contact. Such sites are the Rio Aracaua sites
of Kaupi and Ulakté-Uni, the Igarapé Tartarugalzinho site, the
Rio Oiapoque site, and possibly Courbaril and Coumarouman on the
Rio Uacdé. The presence of so much European trade material with
the Monte Mayé finds of Serra Painted seriates this site with the post-
European site of A-15—Vila Velha.
As the discussion in the preceding section on nonceramic artifacts
indicated, stone artifacts are too rare and undifferentiated to reveal
any trends or changes in style to supplement the time sequence
based on pottery. 3
DIAGNOSTIC FEATURES OF THE ARISTE PHASE
The Aristé Phase is distributed throughout the northern half of the
Territory of Amap4, bounded by the Rio Oiapoque on the north and
the Rio Araguari-Amapari on the south. Variations of nonceramic
artifact material through the entire region are minor. A seriation of
the ceramics indicates a shift from the popularity of incised (Uaga
Incised) and scraped (Flexal Scraped) decorations and very gritty,
sand-tempered plain ware (Aristé Plain) to a preference for painting
(Serra Painted) and a smooth, sherd-tempered plain ware (Serra
Plain). Painted wares occur in all periods in the cemeteries, which
Poe ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 157
consistently show a much higher frequency of decorated wares than
do the village sites.
Burial urns are characteristically deposited in high rock shelters or
caves, but when such natural recesses are not available, either direct
interment of the jars or specially constructed subterranean shafts
with alcoves take their place. No plan could be ascertained in the
arrangement of the burial urns in the caves. The burial urns, often
modeled or painted in anthropomorphic figures or faces, are generally
not provided with lids. They contain a mixture of dirt and bones of
either secondary or cremated burial, cremation being the more
common and also the more recent practice. In rare instances a small
stone ax, a small figurine, nephrite pendants or glass trade beads
were placed with the bones of the deceased, but miniature jars or
bowls were never among the offerings.
Occupation sites, averaging 100 meters in diameter, are not found in
close proximity to the burial sites, and in all cases consisted of extreme-
ly shallow refuse, usually no more than 5 cm. in depth. They are
typically located on natural high land free from flooding and with
good drainage, near a constant water supply provided by either a
lake or an igarapé. No architectural features could be ascertained,
but the fact that the refuse deposits consist of heavy concentrations
of sherds upon sherds with little intermixture of dirt and no evidence
of a dirt floor suggests the use of houses on piles with raised floors
similar to the structures used in the region today. The ceramics of
these habitation sites are generally nondescript with the exception of
sherds with deep parallel grooves on the interior that may have come
from graters.
The presence of a few Aristé Plain sherds at the stone alinements
of Aurora (A-8) and Agahyzal is indicative of the occasional use by
the Aristé Phase of former Arua Phase sites.
Besides pottery, only stone artifacts have been preserved. A few
ungrooved axes and hammerstones, all well-polished granite or
diorite with a slightly curved, bifaced bit, indicate a well-developed
stone-polishing technique or trade with a group practicing such an
art.
No specific information is available on the length of occupation in
the region, and the application of absolute-dating techniques does not,
at the moment, seem feasible. We could be dealing with a small
population over a long period of time, or a large population over a
short period of time. However, all factors considered, it appears
that the culture of the Aristé Phase was not present in the region for
any great length of time before the arrival of the first Europeans in
the early years of the 16th century.
158 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
CONCLUSIONS AND INTERPRETATIONS
The historical position of each Phase, its role in the cultural develop-
ment of the Territory of Amap4 and its relationships to the total
picture of the prehistory of the Lower Amazon and northern South
America can now be outlined.
No preceramic sites have been found in the Territory of Amapé,
although shell middens are reported from the Middle Amazon and
from British Guiana (Gillin, 1948, p. 821; Osgood, 1946, pp. 23-37;
Evans and Meggers, MS.). The possibility of discovering pre-
ceramic hunting, fishing, nonshellfish-gathering cultures is virtually
nonexistent owing to the limited use of stone artifacts and the perish-
able nature of other materials employed instead.
The Arué Phase, the first pottery-producing culture, entered the
Territory of Amap4 with an established ceramic tradition. Although
the early form of Piratuba Plain is often crude, it by no means suggests
a group just learning the ceramic art or having just received the idea
by diffusion. By tracing similarities in pottery decoration, stone
artifacts and stone alinements, it is possible to make a good case for
a northern derivation of this culture (see pp. 548 ff. for details). This
makes the Arua the only archeological Phase to have come to the
mouth of the Amazon from this direction. Their occupation of the
Territory of Amap4 appears to have been brief, and shortly prior to
European contact they abandoned the mainland for the Islands of
Mexiana, Caviana, and Marajé, where they survived into the pages
of recorded history. The absence of a time gap between the departure
of the Arua and the arrival of the next cultures suggests that the former
were forced either by gradual population pressure or by more overt
coercion to vacate the mainland coast.
Who were the groups that displaced the Arua? The archeological
record shows two Phases, the Mazag4o and the Aristé, developing con-
temporaneously in adjacent regions of the Territory of Amapé until the
time of their disruption by European contact. Although these Phases
are distinct throughout their local history, there is evidence that they
may have differentiated from a common base about the time of their
entry into the Territory. Jari Scraped sherds from Sao Joao and
Bom Destino, both early Mazagéo Phase sites, are almost identical
in design, motif, method of execution, and general ceramic features
(sandy temper, rough surface, tan color) to Flexal Scraped from
Sites A-16, A-12, A-11, and A-10—Inside Cave, all early sites of the
Aristé Phase. Associated with the scraped wares in both regions is a
type of incised decoration not found in the later sites, or found in
greatly diminished percentage: Uxy Incised in the south, and Davi and
Uaca Incised in the north. This combination of scraped and incised
traditions with similar motifs argues for an early affiliation or a first-
wae ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 159
cousin relationship between the two Phases. The initial use of a
light-orange to grayish-tan surfaced, sandy, quartz or sand-tempered
pottery in both Phases lends further weight to the theory of a common
origin, while the parallel transition from this pottery to a smoother,
sherd or cariapé-tempered ware may be attributable to independent
evolution. In other words, while it is not peculiar to see the Aristé
Phase emphasizing curvilinear painted decoration in its later stages
of development, or to see the Mazagéo Phase developing rectilinear
incision and applique, it seems more than coincidence that both of
them began with plastic decoration of a similar type and with a
dominant sandy-textured plain ware.
The immediate origin of the ancestral Mazagao-Aristé Phase can
only be vaguely postulated at this time because of the paucity of
scientific archeological information from a major part of northern
South America. The known materials from coastal Venezuela, the
Lower Orinoco, Trinidad, the Antilles, and British Guiana bear no
resemblance to the early level materials of the Mazag&o and Aristé
Phases. The limited collections from Dutch Guiana (Goethals,
MS.) show affiliations with the Aristé Phase of the northern part of
the Territory of Amap4, but these appear to represent influence from
the later rather than the ancestral form. The various cultures
delineated by stratigraphic excavations on the islands in the mouth
of the Amazon (see fig. 205) are not even remotely related to the
Mazagao or Aristé Phases in the Territory of Amap4. This evidence,
although admittedly incomplete, seems to indicate that the ancestral
Mazagao-Aristé Phase was not derived from the north by the coastal
route, and that some other area and route within northern South
America must be sought. However, comparative material is even
sparser and more poorly documented in the Amazon area than in
Venezuela and the Guianas. Examination of sherds from Itacoatiara
on the Amazon River in the collection of Sr. Frederico Barata revealed
a few with complicated, interlocking, rectilinear, incised patterns
(pl. 88, e-f) similar to the complicated incised designs of Uacé Incised
from the Aristé Phase (pl. 26, d—g) ; however, the paste characteristics
are not similar.
There is no doubt that such connections are tenuous, but in our
present stage of knowledge of the archeology of the Middle and Upper
Amazon, every scrap of evidence must be used. The negative evidence
of movements from the north plus this scanty, but related, material
from the Amazon suggests that the Mazagdo-Aristé Phases of the
Territory of Amap4 must have entered, or at least been influenced,
from the Amazon or one of its many upriver tributaries rather than
from the Guianas, coastal Venezuela, or the Antilles. Although the
northeastern part of Brazil is poorly known from an archeological
160 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
standpoint, the few bits of data from this region do not suggest any
influence of importance on the cultures of the Amazon until historical
times.
After the postulated ancestral Mazagdo-Aristé culture became
established over the whole of the Territory, the initial unity gave way
to diversity resulting both from evolution in the absence of further
contact with each other and from influences independently received
from different sources. While there is nothing to indicate that the
Mazag4o and Aristé were hostile to one another, neither is there any
evidence of intercommunication. Not a single trade sherd from the
Aristé Phase was found in any Mazag4o Phase site, or vice versa.
With two exceptions, the sites of the two Phases are separated by the
wide, swift-running, forest-bordered, low-banked Rio Araguari-
Amapari. The exceptions, two Aristé Phase sites south of this river,
have already been discussed (p. 118), but in review it is pertinent
to mention that Site A-13—Matapi was nothing more than a camp-
site, probably not used more than once or twice, and Site A-14—
Macapé4 represents such a variation from the typical Aristé Phase
materials that it is undoubtedly explained as a late transplantation
of the Indians by the Europeans when they began to fortify and
settle the area (p. 564). A week spent in survey of the Rio Araguari-
Amapari brought forth not a single site, adding to the distributional
evidence which leads to the conclusion that it was a frontier and a
sort of aboriginal ‘‘no-man’s land,” between the Mazagéo Phase to
the south and the Aristé Phase to the north.
The first half of the Mazagao Phase represents an undisturbed
evolution of the various ceramic styles. Jari Scraped dies out, the
quality of Uxy Incised declines, the plain ware continues to be a
light gray to light tan in surface color. By the time of Site A-6,
a distinction is beginning to emerge between a sandy, quartz and
mica-tempered ware and a smoother, cariapé-tempered ware. At
the succeeding site, A-2, several innovations suddenly appear, arguing
for a strong outside influence. These are: (1) Precisely executed,
chalk-filled, rectilinear, incised designs (Anauerapuct and Pigacdé In-
cised); and (2) completely oxidized firing of Mazagdo Plain, producing
a brick-red surface color.
The late incised styles of the Mazagdo Phase are distinctive and
their origin should be easily traceable; however, the great gaps in our
knowledge of the archeology of northern South America make the
identification less positive than might be desired. An extensive
search through the literature and museum collections reveals some
comparable styles. An examination of the sherds in the University
Museum of Philadelphia from Arauquin, Apure, Venezuela, col-
lected by Petrullo, as well as inspection of the illustrations of his
cet ah mala ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 161
report (1939), shows a great similarity in incised designs to the
Mazagao Phase materials. Further examination of the Late Arau-
quin and Late Ronquin Aspects on the Orinoco, as defined by Howard
(1943), adds more illustrative information. The incised rectilinear
spirals, parallel lines, nicked rim edges associated with lines, diagonal
units and meanders of the Middle Orinoco (pl. 86) shown by Petrullo
(1939, pl. 31, 1c, 1d, 1f, 2f, and pl. 32, j, 1) and by Howard (1943,
fig. 71 and pl. 6P) are motifs also executed on Pigacé and Anauera-
pucti Incised (pl. 11, 12).
In addition to these similarities with Middle Orinoco sherds, the
chalk-filled, rectilinear incisions of Anauerapucti Incised compare
rather closely in technique with specimen No. 24243 (pl. 87, a) in
the Division of Archeology of the United States National Museum
from Manizales, 60 miles southeast of Medellin, Colombia. This is
not to argue that this Quimbaya style of incised vessel is directly
related to Anauerapucti Incised. It is not, for the shape and paste
characteristics are different, but the technique of incision and the filling
of the incisions with a white substance in both areas is worth men-
tioning. Incisions and punctates filled with lime or white paint are
typical of another archeological zone in Colombia, the Tierradentro,
but here the only similarity to the Territory of Amap4 sherds is the
use of a chalk, white paint, or lime in incisions or punctates (Bennett,
1946, pl. 175). Unfortunately, the chronological sequences in Co-
lombia are in dispute and few authorities agree on the exact position
of these cultures, hence no accurate check can be made to compare
them sequentially with development of the Mazagdo Phase in the
Territory of Amapé.
If either, or both, the Middle Orinoco of Venezuela or some part of
Colombia can be considered a possible source of some of the incised
traditions found on the mainland in the Lower Amazon, some explana-
tion is needed to account for the absence in the Territory of Amapaé
of the other ceramic traditions associated with these wares in Colombia
and in the Middle Orinoco. The modeled tradition associated with the
incised style in the Arauquin and Late Ronquin Aspects of Venezuelan
sites either did not diffuse or was not accepted by the Mazagao Phase.
A third alternative explanation, that the modeled tradition reached
the Middle Orinoco of Venezuela subsequent to the diffusion of the
incised tradition out of the area and eventually into the Territory of
Amap4, cannot be evaluated until more is known of the ancestry of
the Late Ronquin and Arauquin cultures. The theoretical point of
view, that the modeled tradition was not accepted even though the
incised one was received in full force, might be explained by the fact
that, while familiarity with the incised technique made the Mazagao
Phase receptive to innovations in motif, modeling had only a rudi-
162 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
mentary development, primarily as applique, and therefore the intro-
duction of the elaborate modeling of the Late Ronquin and Arauquin
style would have entailed a radical departure, which was refused.
Granted, these theories lack adequate documentation but with such
a vacuum in the archeological information between the upper reaches
of the Orinoco and the Territory of Amap4 in Brazil, they offer the
only means of explaining the Mazag4o Phase innovations.
When theories of this sort are proposed, they are often evaluated
in terms of the feasibility of the route of influence or migration that is
implied. In this case, the route is indeterminable at present because
the area between the Territory of Amap4 and parts of the Upper
Orinoco and Middle Orinoco is a blank, archeologically speaking.
However, since none of the similarities just discussed are represented
in the Aristé Phase, which occupies the northern part of the Territory
of Amap4, the possibility of a migration from the north down and
around the Atlantic Coast and up the Amazon does not seem to have
archeological support even though it has been the more often suggested
movement (Steward, 1948 b, p. 885; Willey, 1949, b, pp. 195-196
and map 3). With this evidence, then, the inland waterways rather
than a coastal migration seem to be the answer.
In addition to this strong influence from outside of the Territory of
Amapé leaving its impact on the incised styles and the plain ware of
the Mazagao, the late Mazagéo Phase copied from the adjacent
Maracé tradition. The results attained in this effort indicate a more
tenuous relationsbip with the Maracdé culture than with the more
remote one in the Orinoco. Whereas the Orinoco styles are closely
reproduced and affect certain paste characteristics as well as design
motif, the Marac4 similarities may be interpreted as reconstructions
from memory of a form only briefly glimpsed. There is no modifica-
tion in the basic ceramic. The two cylindrical, anthropomorphic urns
found in the Mazag&o Phase cemeteries (pl. 3, 6; fig. 12), are suffi-
ciently different in detail of construction, such as the manner of
attachment of the legs, the attachment and angle of the arms, the
position of the feet, the execution of the bench legs, the shape of the
head, and the addition of modeled bracelets or necklaces and painted
designs, to dispose of the inference of direct copying or trade vessels.
Yet, the basic similarity in general body shape, tubular construction,
anatomical details of wrist and ankle bones and sex identification,
position on a bench sometimes ornamented with an animal head and
tail, and identity in function as an urn for secondary burial, leaves no
doubt that a Maraca influence is involved. The large jaboty (turtle)
urns characteristic of the Maracé tradition (pl. 17) appear less fre-
quently. However, a large foot from cemetery A-3 (fig. 6) must
have belonged to such a jar and it shows the same kind of deviation in
pe oer eal ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 163
specific detail of execution that appears on the anthropomorphic urns.
The geographical restriction and cultural uniformity of the Maracé
tradition argues for a very short occupation of the Rio Maracé area,
which the presence of glass beads places about the time of European
contact. The place of origin of the tradition is not known definitely,
but it is much less obscure than the source of some of the other ceramic
styles in the Territory of Amapé. Anthropomorphic figures seated
upon clay benches have been reported from Popayén, Quimbaya, and
other parts of the Cauca valley in Colombia (Bennett, 1944 a, figs.
11A, 17B, 17C, pl. 10F; Willey, 1949 b, pl. 39c; Imbelloni, 1950, pl.
26 No. 24), from Manabi, Imbabura, and Carchi Provinces in Ecuador
(Uhle, 1929, pls. 6, 10; Gonzalez Sudrez, 1910, pl. 5, fig. 1, pl. 7, fig. 1;
Saville, 1910, pls. 86, 87, 88; Jijén y Caamaiio, 1920, pl. 41) and from
the region of Bocono and Niquitao in the State of Trujillo, Venezuela
(Imbelloni, 1950, pl. 26 No. 25 and No. 27, figs. 14, 15; Kidder II,
1944, pl. 17, 18-32; Kidder IT, 1948, pl. 75G). Although each of these
figures and the clay benches upon which they sit exhibit features
peculiar to their own areas, certain similarities suggest a common
origin. These include the small clay bench, 4-8 cm. high, usually on
four legs; the cylindrical body of the figure, tall in proportion to its
diameter; painting sometimes on the body; the predominance of male
sex over female; the cylindrical arms with elbows generally akimbo
and hands commonly resting on the knees; the hands and feet crudely
modeled and stylized, often with 3 to 7 fingers and toes shown by
light incisions; and swollen calves suggesting the use of ligatures.
Similar anthropomorphic figures not, however, seated on benches
have been found in the above areas and also in eastern Bolivia (Im-
belloni, 1950, pls. 17, 18).
For the purposes of this comparative study, it was felt that suf-
ficient evidence of similarity of style was presented by restricting the
comparison to anthropomorphic figures seated on clay benches.
Their concentration in the Andean region of Colombia, Ecuador,
and Venezuela suggests this area as a possible source of the Rio
Maraca style. Whether the Lower Amazon material represents a
migration or diffusion out of one of the above-mentioned areas with
a local variation developing in the Rio Marac4, or whether it is one
of many lines of diffusion and influence out of an undetermined
central source, only future work will prove. Imbelloni has recently
pursued this subject in greater detail, embracing all styles of anthro-
pomorphic urns and comes to a similar point of view:
In conclusion, the center formed by Marac4 and its branches was influenced
by a modeling tradition separated from the main Venezuelan-Colombian stem,
to which belonged the classic, seated male figure, with or without a bench. [Im-
belloni, 1950, p. 119.]
164 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
The Aristé Phase in the northern part of the Territory of Amap4,
in contrast to the Mazagéo Phase, does not appear to have enjoyed
a preliminary period of undisturbed development. The earliest
cemetery sites excavated, the Caves of A-11, exhibit traits absent
from the early Mazagaéo Phase. Most prominent of these are burial
in caves instead of in the open, the use of painted decoration on burial
urns, and the practice of cremation instead of secondary burial.
Other innovations include the cambered collar and the flaring lip
with prominent lobes on cemetery vessels and the graters in the
habitation sites. If the argument for an early affiliation between the
two Phases is valid, these traits just mentioned must be laid to local
invention or to an influence that did not penetrate south of the Rio
Araguari-Amapari.
The early predominance of painting in bands and/or over the whole
surface of the vessel fades away in a gradual transition to the elaborate
linear motifs as typified in the distinctive Serra Painted style on the
vessels collected by Goeldi from Cunani (pl. 24, c-e). This gradual
shift of decorative styles and techniques is suggestive of local evolu-
tion. Such a conclusion finds support in an absence of affiliation
between the complicated painted motifs of Serra Painted and other
known painted styles from northern South America. Although the
later developments suggest indigenous evolution, the fact that some
form of painting begins with the earliest occupation levels of the
Aristé Phase rather than after the Phase was well established lends
weight to the supposition that the inztiation of a painted style is to
be attributed to outside influence. The sherd-tempered Serra Plain
(which closely resembles Piratuba Plain of the Arué Phase in paste
features) begins at the same time. Both painting and sherd temper
are Arua Phase traits, and there is a possibility that while they were
displacing the Arua, the people of the Aristé Phase were influenced by
their ceramic styles. The fact that the Arua Phase is weakly repre-
sented south of the Rio Araguari-Amapari would account for the
absence of a comparable influence on the Mazagéo Phase.
Comparative material for the Aristé Phase is also restricted by
the lack of extensive archeological work in French and Dutch Guiana.
The Reichlens’ (1947) comments on French Guiana are interesting
but not usable from a comparative ceramic standpoint. Dutch
Guiana is almost unknown except for the limited excavations made
in the Paramaribo area during the summer of 1951 by Peter Goethals
(MS.) of Yale University. Our examination of Goethals’ sherds
revealed no significant similarity to the Mazagao Phase, but a large
amount of the pottery showed close resemblances to the sand-tem-
pered Aristé Plain, the sherd-tempered Serra Plain, and such decorated
types as Uagé Incised, Davi Incised, Aristé Painted, and Serra
Cl i ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 165
Painted. A comparison of some of the most distinctive and charac-
teristic vessel shapes of the Aristé Phase with the Dutch Guiana
materials reveals an occurrence of two shapes in both areas: the
large, open carinated bowl with wide, flaring rim lobes (Aristé Painted,
form 5) and the carinated bowl (Serra Painted, form 3). The flat
base with an angular junction with the side walls, so common to
most of the pottery types of the Aristé Phase is also the most frequent
base shape among the vessel fragments from these coastal Dutch
Guiana sites. The application of red paint to the lip and rim edges,
common on vessel forms 3 and 4 of Aristé Painted and form 1 of
Serra Painted, is repeated on the painted sherds from the Paramaribo
area. Further similarities are evident in the Dutch Guiana scraped
and incised sherds, which resemble in technique and design elements
Uaca Incised, Davi Incised, and Flexal Scraped from the Territory
of Amapa.
Further work in the Guianas should strengthen the cultural connec-
tions of the Aristé Phase of the Territory of Amap4 with the north.
When these areas are more thoroughly surveyed from an archeological
standpoint, it will probably be possible to extend the boundaries of
the Aristé Phase into French and Dutch Guiana. The more elaborate
painted style and the complex jar shapes of the late Aristé Phase
may not be discovered, however, in the other Guianas. Since these
features appear to be wholly post-A. D. 1500, they may be confined
to the northern Territory of Amap4, where the aboriginal culture
seems to have escaped for a longer time the disrupting effects to
which the adjacent parts of the Guianas were subjected (see p. 565)
and to have enjoyed as a result a longer period of indigenous de-
velopment.
The presence of cremation in the Territory of Amap4 is more diffi-
cult to explain. The secondary burial found in the same jar with a
cremated body at Site A-11, Cave 2, probably represents the last sur-
vival of this earlier method of disposal of the dead. Since cremation
with the deposition of the ashes in a pottery vessel is absent in the
southern part of the Territory of Amap4 except in the Rio Maracaé
region and is found only in the late Marajoara Phase on the islands
in the mouth of the Amazon, with no other reliable definition of this
burial trait in archeological sites in the Lower or Middle Amazon,
these areas do not seem likely to have furnished the influence that
introduced cremation into the Aristé Phase. It may have come from
the north, but the sketchiness of our knowledge of the distribution of
cremation prevents a more specific statement. Perhaps supporting
evidence can be gleaned from the fact that it is practiced among the
Rucuyen and Atorai of the Guianas. It is generally considered the
rarer funeral practice, with the Rucuyen placing the ashes in a pot
391329—57-——18
166 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
which is kept by the widow, while the Atorai bury the ashes (Gillen,
1948, p. 851; Roth, 1924, pp. 641, 664-665). Among the Wai Wai
Indians at the headwaters of the Essequibo River in British Guiana
and the Mapuera River in Brazil, cremation with the placement of
pottery vessel over the ashes was common until recent times (Evans
and Meggers, MS.). Although Gillen (1948, p. 851) in a summary
article on the Guianas states that archeological evidence along the
Orinoco reveals that cremation as well as urn burial was common, the
primary sources on this area (Kidder II, 1944; Osgood and Howard,
1943; Osgood, 1943) mention only urn burial and secondary burial.
The two shaft graves from Goeldi’s Cunani burial site (A-19) present
another problem. Lither this practice was locally invented, as sug-
gested by Goeldi (1900, pp. 22-23) in his explanation that it substi-
tuted for the natural caves otherwise used but absent here, or the
idea was received by diffusion. To date, the only reported South
American shafts of this style come from the Rio Pichindé Complex,
Rio Bolo Complex, and Quebrada Seca Complex of the Upper Cauca
River, Colombia (Ford, 1944, figs. 2, 6, 7, 10, 12), and from the
Quimbaya region of the Middle Cauca River, Colombia (Bennett,
1944 a, p. 59; 1946, fig. 92). Although these Colombian shaft burials
with oval antechambers are almost identical in shape and construction
to the ones at the Cunani site, the burial pattern within the chamber
differs. In Colombia, secondary burial or direct inhumation with
offerings of plain ware and/or crude incised or applique-modeled
vessels was the common practice as compared to cremation urn burial
in painted vessels in the Territory of Amapaé. If the idea of an ante-
chambered, shaft tomb had been received by diffusion from the groups
using the same structure in Colombia, it seems probable that other
items of the burial complex and possibly some pottery styles would
also have been transferred to the Aristé Phase. A third isolated occur-
rence of the antechamber, shaft grave in the Piedmont Region of
North Carolina (Coe, 1949) strengthens the case for independent
invention. The formal similarity of all these burial chambers can be
laid, in part, to the structural limitations on digging a shaft-burial
chamber: the domed antechamber roof reduces the danger of cave in,
and the chamber to one side of the main shaft served the function of
facilitating removal of dirt rather than a purely aesthetic purpose.
These structural features which limit the shape and general design,
added to the distribution of the trait in isolated and widely separated
areas, and the absence of associated traits indicating diffusion,
strengthen the likelihood that the appearance of shaft burials in the
Aristé Phase in the Territory of Amap4 can be considered an example
of independent invention.
eyAnale SND ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 167
In summary, the results of the preceding analysis of cultural develop-
ment in the Territory of Amapé and comparison of traits found in this
region with those from other parts of northern South America can be
digested into the following points:
1. Ceramic-using cultures arrived in the coastal region north of the
Amazon in late precontact times.
2. Prior to this time, the region was probably occupied by a pre-
agricultural, hunting and fishing population, or a preceramic, agri-
cultural group.
3. There is evidence that the first ceramic-using Phase in the Ter-
ritory of Amap4, the Arua, is derived from the north.
4. The Arua Phase was forced out of the Territory of Amap& and
onto the islands in the mouth of the Amazon by the incoming ancestral
Mazagao-Aristé Phase.
5. The postulated ancestral Mazagao-Aristé Phase was probably de-
rived from farther up the Amazon or one of its tributaries and did not
come along the coast of the mainland from a northerly direction.
6. Once established in their respective areas, the Aristé and Maza-
gio Phases developed independently of each other, and show no
evidence of contact in the form of trade or influence.
7. About, or just prior to, contact times (A. D. 1500) the Mazagéo
Phase was strongly influenced by a culture with an incised style of
decoration resembling the Late Arauquin and Ronquin of the upper
Middle Orinoco, coming by way of an inland route rather than via the
coast.
8. The Aristé Phase was subjected to different influences, which
introduced cremation and painting of pottery into the area in late
pre-European times.
9. The anthropomorphic, seated figures of the Maraca tradition in
the southern part of the Territory of Amap4 show the closest affilia-
tions with the Andean area of Ecuador, Colombia, and Venezuela,
and suggest a derivation from this area about the time of European
contact.
MARAJO ISLAND
GEOGRAPHICAL DESCRIPTION *
Marajé is the largest of a multitude of islands that divide the Ama-
zon into many channels as it nears the Atlantic Ocean (fig. 47). Al-
though the main flow of the river passes along its western and northern
shores, numerous furos or narrow passages direct part of the water
into the Rio Paré and the Baia de Maraj6, which separate the island
from the mainland on the south. So strong is the force of the outpour-
ing fresh water that the salt sea approaches the Cabo Maguari only
toward the end of the dry season, when the diminished river gives
way before the incoming tide. The equator passes 0°5’ to the north of
the northern coast, and the 49th and 50th meridians divide the island
into almost equal thirds. The best estimate of dimensions comes
from the World Aeronautical Charts prepared from aerial photographs,
on which Marajé is shown as 265 km. (165 miles) long from east to
west and decreasing in width from 180 km. (110 miles) near the west
end to 150 km. (95 miles) at the mouth of the Rio Arari.
As one goes from east to west, there are two other changes in addi-
tion to the gradual widening of the island that are of importance:
the decline in elevation and the alteration of the vegetation. From
the eastern coast, which rises 5 to 6 meters above the water at high
tide, there is a gradual slope toward the west until the land left by the
strainerlike mesh of streams is in constant danger of being inundated
by the high tides that come twice each day. The surface is not per-
fectly level, but the depressions and rises are so slight that they are
noticeable only in the rainy season when most of the patches of forest on
the eastern part remain free from the water that inundates the campos
and turns them into a vast shallow lake. By the middle of the summer
(August), most of the floodwaters have drained off except where they
are trapped in depressions. Evaporation and months without a
heavy shower usually result in the drying up of these areas before the
advent of the next winter’s rains. There are a few places where the
marsh is especially large and floored with soft oozing mud that will
bear only the lightest weight, and here a special term, mondongo, is
applied. Ferreira Penna gives a good description of one on tbe
northeastern part of Marajé:
This name is given to a marsh of vast extent, 10-12 miles inland from the north
coast and reaching from the headwaters of the, Rio Cururt eastward almost to
4 For an excellent description giving the impressions of an early visitor,‘see Anonymous, 1907.
168
168)
391329 O -57 ( Face p.
CABO
/
MAGUARI
1948-49 EXCAVATIONS
FOREST
*& SWAMPY LOWLAND
AFTER AAF PRELIMINARY BASE
946 A&B.
gical sites.
391329 O-57 ( Face p. 168)
—
a
a ee
x
J} <
°
ro)
<
SE
-17,
“
Figure 47.—Marajé Island, showing major streams, vegetation pattern, and the location of archeological sites.
; CABO
/
MAGUARI
e 1948-49 EXCAVATIONS
~ FOREST
+ SWAMPY LOWLAND
AFTER AAF PRELIMINARY BASE
946A 6B.
Saal ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 169
the coast. Within its limits are formidable mires, several small lakes, various
islands and above all, an infinity of swamp vegetation, especially Atingas (Cala-
dium arborescens) among which are concealed millions of reptiles that make the
approaching of these solitudes a dangerous thing. . . .
At the onset of winter, the mondongos collect a large part of the rain water, and
rapidly filling, begin to extend themselves by means of the natural drainages.
These outlets are the rivers Tartarugas, Ganhofo and Arapixy, which empty into
the north coast; the Cururti, which flows westward; the Mocoées, leading south-
west into the Anajds; and the Genipapuct and perhaps the Apehy, the former
flowing from northeast to southwest and the latter from north to south, both end-
ing in the Lago Arari. [In Derby, 1898, pp. 164-165.]
The explanation for the differing elevation lies in the geological
structure of Marajé. The foundation of the eastern part of the island,
like that of the adjacent mainland to the south, is a stratum of red
sandstone (gres vermelho). An outcrop of this deposit appears in the
bed of the Rio Arari about 30 km. upstream from its mouth and pro-
duces a small rapid at low tide, which gave the town of Arariuna its
former name of ‘“Cachoeira.”? Except for this and the vicinity of
Ponta de Pedras on the south coast, the island is devoid of visible
stone. The central, northern, and western parts are predominantly
alluvial deposits built up behind the original rocky obstruction by the
silt-laden waters of the Amazon (Rich, 1942, pl. 28).
The vegetation pattern seems at times to be correlated with the
elevation of the land and the drainage pattern, and yet there is no
complete consistency. It is customary to say that a line drawn from
Afué in the northwest to Maun4, opposite the mouth of the Tocantins
on the south, marks the approximate division between the campo or
grassland and the forest. Actually, a large part of the eastern half of
the island is also occupied by forest, which forms a wide coastal belt
(Rich, 1942, pl. 27) and fringes all the major rivers and many of the
smaller ones (pl. 27, 6). Except in the region between Lago Arari and
the east coast (Rich, 1942, pl. 29), there are no large vistas in which
the campo is free from scattered trees or from clumps or ihas of forest
(pls. 28, 29). ‘Island’ is an appropriate designation for these clumps
of trees for two reasons: as a figurative expression it suggests their
dry-season appearance, irregularly scattered over the campo like
islands in a sea, and in the rainy season it has literal accuracy, because
the trees grow on slight rises that remain above the waters covering
the campo. The coastal forest belt is widest along the south, where
its elevation of some 2 meters above high tide makes it exploitable by
slash-and-burn agriculture, which is carried on up to the present time
(pl. 27, 6). Derby (1898, p. 168) reported that in 1898 sugarcane and
cacao were being cultivated there profitably.
The dense and unbroken forest covering the southwestern half of
the island is not usable for agriculture because of the poor drainage of
the land (pl. 27, a). Asa result, in spite of the network of navigable
170 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
rivers that provide ready access, settlements are sparse even today
and the inhabitants are mainly rubber-gatherers. Hartt’s description
of the area around the town of Breves would be applicable anywhere
in this part of Marajé:
Here and there along the canals of Breves are eminences of land similar to that
where the town is located, but, in general, the borders of the river are inundated
with each high tide and the scattered houses are built on poles to raise them above
the water. The canals are narrow, extremely deep and filled with muddy water.
Whether the tide is in or out, they are always swollen as though it were high.
And how rich the vegetation that borders them! Here is found the mangues
with its beautiful green foliage, its arched main roots, its pendant areal rootlets
with trifurcated tips and its cigar-shaped seeds; there the channel is bounded on
both sides by walls of vegetation, the tips of the branches grazing the water at
high tide and stopping the beautiful rafts of grass and broad-leafed mururé
with its blue flowers; and further on we see for many kilometers the majestic
muritis with their superb fan-shaped leaves, their dead branches yellow and
drooping, and supporting their heavy clusters of scaly fruits. Here and there
the graceful and slender trunks of the assai palms lift into the sunshine their deli-
cate green fronds and seem to fringe the band of broad muriti leaves. The
ubasst, stout and vigorous like a giant amaranth, joins with the lance-leafed
aningas and the mimosas to fill the spaces between the trunks of the palms. This
is the perfection of the vistas along the Amazon. The calm brown waters of the
high tide; the floating plants; the dark green shadows in the water beneath the
dense foliage of the bank; the bending palms; the wall of vegetation, seemingly
as solid as a wall of stone; the glint of the sun’s rays on the blue wings of the
morpho butterfly as it flits across the river; the flock of parrots, appearing two by
two, their wings fluttering against the dark blue sky sown with silvery clouds; the
soar of the lovely kingfisher, poised at one moment on a high branch and suddenly
flinging itself at a pidba, which it carries from the water sparkling in its mouth—
all these produce a picture the traveler can never forget, and the effect of which is
heightened by the warm still air, the perfumes and the agreeable languor of the
tropics. [Hartt, 1898, pp. 174-175.]
Probably for the same reasons that make it poorly suited for human
habitation today, the forested western part of Marajé seems to have
been sparsely settled in pre-European times. At least, no sites or
ceramics have ever been reported from the area. Of primary concern
here, therefore, is the eastern two-thirds, in almost the exact center
of which is Lago Arari.
Lago Arari is the largest of some half-dozen permanent lakes on the
northeastern part of the island. It runs north-south, 16 km. long
and 4 km. wide in the dry season, and is so shallow at that time of
the year that it can be waded across (Derby, 1898, p. 165). With the
inundation of the campos, the lake becomes greatly enlarged and in-
creases to from 5 to 9 meters in depth. Even at its shallowest, it is
not always a placid body of water, but is often whipped by a strong
wind into choppy waves that make crossing in a small canoe a long
and arduous task (cf. Lange, 1914, pp. 303-305). A number of small
streams and igarapés flow into the lake from all directions, and it in
moa ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 171
turn functions as one of the major sources of the Rio Arari. This
river, because it provides access to the heart of the cattle region, has
become of primary importance in the present economy of the island.
Leaving the western shore of the lake about one-fourth the distance
from the southern tip, and joined shortly by the Anajds-miri (Ana-
jasinho) coming from the west, it follows a generally southeastern
course and enters the Baia de Marajé opposite the modern city of
Belém. Most of its course is through campo, usually obscured from
view by the wooded shore. Except near the mouth, where it widens
considerably, the Ararf is 15 to 20 meters in width. ‘The rise and fall
of the tide are noticeable well above the town of Arariuna, where the
only permanent obstacle to navigation, the rapid, is passable at high
tide. Toward the end of the dry season the upper course becomes
clogged with canarana (a coarse grass), which maintains a feeble hold
on the soil and is readily torn loose when the rainy season strengthens
the current. Massed together into deceptively solid islands, these
plants float downstream and occasionally temporarily impede the
passage of boats (Lange, 1914, p. 294; Derby, 1898, p. 166).
The Rio Anajas, by far the largest river on the island, originates in
the mondongos north of Lago Arari and in the campos not far from the
middle Rio Arari and takes a tortuous course, gathering many tribu-
taries along the way, until it enters the Amazon at the west end of the
island. Except for the upper reaches, it flows through forest, and al-
though navigable it carries little traffic today. However, as an avenue
leading into the center of the island from the west and readily accessi-
ble from the mainstream of the Amazon, it probably was the route by
which some of the peoples identified with the intrusive archeological
Phases penetrated to the northeastern half of Marajé.
Several short but wide rivers flow into the Rio Para—including the
Guajara, the Sio Domingo, the Canaticti, the Pracutiba, and the
Atué—all navigable and draining forest rich in wild rubber trees.
Two important rivers, the Camar4 and the Paracuari (formerly
Igarapé Grande), flow east to the Baia de Marajé. At the mouth of
the latter is Soure, the largest modern town on the island. A number
of short streams and igarapés run north into the Amazon, but few
are passable at low tide because of sandbars and sunken tree trunks
and none extend far beyond the coastal band of forest. The primary
access to the interior in the north is via the Rio Cururt, a tributary of
the Anajas that runs generally parallel to the coast for a considerable
distance.
At sea level, close to the equator and exposed to a constant breeze
from the ocean, Marajé presents a seasonal variation marked by the
presence or absence of rain rather than by differences in temperature,
which has an average annual variation of only 1.5° C. (Le Cointe,
172 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
1945, p. 82). Although there are no figures available for Marajé,
the annual rainfall at nearby Belém averages 2,551 mm. (104.3
inches) (op. cit., p. 86). The inception of the rainy season in Decem-
ber or January raises the level of the Amazon so that the water falling
on Marajé is unable to drain off. The baizas fill and overflow and
the lakes swell until the major part of the campo is transformed into
a vast sheet of water, which the protruding tips of the grass blades
make into a facsimile of endless rice paddies. After the water has
stood a few months, succulent water plants and lily pads begin to
appear where a short time before the land was parched, baked, and so
dry that the hardiest grass withered and turned brown. The water
also covers the low western end, creating a flooded forest known as
igapod. ‘Travel is possible everywhere in the interior by dugout,
poling in the shallow places, paddling in the deeper ones. The short-
ness of the season prevents the growth of a dense and impenetrable
mat of vegetation like that sometimes formed in rivers and shallow
lakes, and before the introduction of the horse it was probably the
time when the inland transportation and communication were easiest.
Although rain falls in Belém throughout the year, Marajé, Mexiana,
Caviana, and the Territory of Amap4 have a dry season of 3 to 4
months duration, during which almost no rain falls. Showers occur
with diminishing frequency as May gives way to June, and the water
begins to drain from the land, leaving soggy campos. The drying is a
slow process, and early September often finds the baizas with consider-
able water and the soil of the campo damp enough to keep the grass
bright green. The pink, morning-glory-like flowers on tall stalks and
the yellow-blooming carobeira trees scattered over the plain give this
time of the year the beauty and freshness of a northern spring. From
September to December or January, it is a rare cloud that darkens the
sky, and a rarer one still that brings so much as a sprinkle. The
campos, small streams and baizas dry quickly, and even the pirizais
and mondongos shrink considerably in extent. The soil becomes
parched, dusty on the surface, and hard ascement. Vegetation on the
campo becomes browner and dryer under day after day of undiminished
sun. In December the clouds begin to build up more extensively than
in preceding weeks, often to dissolve in the evening, but one day they
do not and there comes the first shower, often followed by a bright
rainbow that heralds the beginning of another year.
The marked difference between wet and dry season produces differ-
ential conditions of food supply. The greater number of wild fruits
mature during the rainy season, including cupuassi, bacurt, ingd,
manga, jutaht, cacao, maracujd, assat, bacaba, and maméo. Not only
does man find wild food more plentiful at this time, but the predomi-
nantly vegetarian animals are well fed and plump. The modern
lee ala ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 173
caboclos say that the rainy season is the best time for hunting, and even
today when thousands of head of cattle roam the campo and men
search the forests armed with guns, game is to be found in most areas.
Among the most important animals are the porco do matto (Dicotyles
labiatus; peceary), paca (Coelogenys paca), anta (Tapirus americanus;
tapir); cutia (Dasyprocta aguti; agouti), capwara (Hydrochoerus
capivara), coati de bando (Nasus socialis), onga pintada (Felis onga;
jaguar), preguiga (Bradipus tridactylus; sloth), taté (Prionodontes
gigas; armadillo), tamandud-bandeira (Myrmecophaga jubata; anteater),
and numerous species of monkeys, of which the guariba (Mycetes sp.)
or howler is one of the largest.
From the water come the béto or porpoise, the jacaré or cayman
(several species), and a great variety of fish of all sizes, flavors, and
consistencies. Since these disperse over the campo in the wet season,
fishing is most profitable when the lakes and rivers are smaller and the
fish are more confined. Today weirs are used in the igarapés, where
the fish are trapped with the falling tide, nets are employed along the
coast and in the lakes, and piraruct (Sudis gigas) are generally speared.
The latter attain a length of more than 2 meters, a weight of 80 kilos,
and are equally delicious fresh or dried. An early account speaks of
fishing by poisoning the streams (Anonymous, 1907, p. 295). The
water also yields turtles of several varieties, and their eggs, as well as
those of the jacaré and camaledo (Iguana tuberculata), are considered
delicacies by the people today.
Last, but by no means least, are the birds, present in variety and
profusion. Of all the fauna, they are the most in evidence. No trip
up an igarapé is without its glimpse of the blue and brown kingfisher
perched on a high branch, the strange, brown-plumed ciganas roosting
in the foliage along the shore, or a pair of gaudy, screaming araras
(macaws) flying high overhead. The white-plumed garga (heron), the
rosy colhereira (spoon-bill), the immense tuyuyt, the jaci, little brown
marrecas (ducks), and great numbers of other edible birds, including
parrots, are to be caught in the forest or on the campo.
In regard to useful plants of a nonedible nature, it is perhaps suffi-
cient to mention that here as elsewhere in the Amazon there are the
palms, fibers, timbers, and reeds yielding the raw materials for every-
thing from baskets to houses, from dyes to canoes.
The resources of Marajé might be summarized from the point of
view of human exploitation as rich in wild foods, but poor for agri-
culture except tree crops. A description of the potentialities about
the year 1675, when cattle raising was still on a minor scale, probably
gives a good approximation of the aboriginal condition:
The island of Joannes has clear air, good water and good lands and pastures . . .
There are . . . several fields in one part that are full of mango trees that give
174 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
very fine mangos, and others with turtles, and forests where wild pigs can be hunted,
as well as deer and various other edible animals. Also, its lakes and rivers are so
abundant in fish that the national fishery located on its shores takes in enough
tainhas to provide the city of Pard [Belém] with fresh and salted fish. The earth
of this island is good for cane and in some parts for tobacco, and also for the
planting of cacao trees, which in places grow wild, to the great advantage of the
inhabitants [Betendorff, 1910, pp. 25-26].
Possessed of the Indian’s knowledge of fish poisons, of the manufacture
of traps and weapons, of the habits of the game, and of patience,
stealth, and skill, no one would be threatened with starvation. Rather,
the island could support a relatively large population, principally
because of the excellent fishing conditions found in the combination of
large and small streams, lakes and the Amazon itself. In view of this,
and considering the slight amount of agriculture on the island today
(almost totally concentrated in the southeastern border), it is probable
that the cultures that came and went in prehistoric times lived pri-
marily by hunting, fishing, and gathering, and only secondarily by
agriculture.
TROPICAL FOREST PHASES
Four of the five archeological Phases discovered on the Island of
Marajo exhibit characteristics in settlement pattern and in ceramics
that show them to have been fundamentally like living cultures of
the Tropical Forest Pattern. They have been designated as the
Tropical Forest Phases to emphasize this similarity and to underline
the great contrast between their simple culture and the vastly more
complex one possessed by the Marajoara Phase. The four Tropical
Forest Phases, to be described in chronological order, are (1) the
Ananatuba Phase, (2) the Mangueiras Phase, (3) the Formiga Phase,
and (4) the Arua Phase.
THE ANANATUBA PHASE
DESCRIPTION OF SITES AND EXCAVATIONS
Four habitation sites identified as belonging to the Ananatuba
Phase are located on the Fazenda Santa Catarina, which occupies the
section of the north coast of Marajé lying opposite the western half
of Mexiana Island (fig. 48).
SITE J-7—SIPO
On the right bank of the Igarapé Tapéra, about 10 km. inland
from the north coast of Marajé, is a village site 70 meters in length
and averaging 25 meters in width. It is composed of two nearly
circular mounds about 4 meters apart, joined by an area of less ele-
vation but still higher than the surrounding terrain so as to produce
an hour-glass-shaped mound with a northwest-southeast axis (fig. 49).
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Figure 49.—Plan of J~7—Sip6, a habitation site of the Ananatuba Phase.
The existing height of 75 cm. represents the accumulation of refuse
during occupation. Finely broken sherds were heavily concentrated
on the northwest rise and scattered over the rest of the surface. The
forest growth, which extends along both banks of the igarapé, covers
the site, but is sparser there than in the surrounding area. The
largest tree was some 60 cm. in diameter, and the undergrowth in-
cluded spine bushes and cane (pl. 30, a). An impression left by an
excavation made 18 years prior to our visit was still distinct. The
edge of the campo lay about 15 meters away, on the opposite side
of the rgarapé.
Two stratigraphic tests were made: cut 1 in the center of the south-
eastern end and cut 2 near the center of the northwestern rise. Both
were 2 by 2 meters square and carried down by 15-cm. levels into
sterile soil. Cut 1 produced black loamy soil in the first two levels,
becoming gray brown at 30 cm. and light gray below 45 cm. Sterile,
water-deposited sand was encountered at 52 cm. and continued to 80
cm., the greatest depth tested. Hard conglomerate lumps of clay,
often cemented to each other or to the sherds, appeared in the north-
east corner of the cut below 30 cm. and continued to the bottom.
The following cultural remains were recovered:
Level .00—-.15 m.: 1,198 sherds, 8 clay lumps (6 burnt red).
Level .15-.30 m.: 1,016 sherds, 22 clay lumps (2 burnt; the remainder
conglomerate of charcoal, bone, and clay),
176 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
Level .30—.45 m.: 609 sherds and 18 clay lumps (10 burnt, 8 conglomerate).
Level .45-.60 m.: 144 sherds, 11 clay lumps (4 burnt, 7 conglomerate).
In cut 2, the black loamy soil continued to a depth of 56-58 cm.,
where it changed suddenly to light tan because of sand mixture.
Sherds were thickly concentrated in the sandy soil at this point of
transition. The sandy mixture, containing greenish concretions and
bone scraps in addition to sherds, continued to 80 cm., where it gave
way to sterile, water-deposited sand containing many conglomerate
lumps. The cut produced:
Level .00-.15 m.: 608 sherds, 3 clay lumps (1 burnt).
Level .15-.30 m.: 649 sherds, 1 concretion.
Level .30—.45 m.: 986 sherds, 1 clay lump.
Level .45-.60 m.: 2,604 sherds, one reworked sherd 4.5 cm. diameter in-
completely perforated slightly off center (fig. 50; pl.
42, d), 6 clay lumps (3 burnt, 1 with parallel depres-
sions as if pressed against branches).
Level .60-.75 m.: 1,730 sherds and 10 clay lumps (2 burnt).
Level .75-.90 m.: 226 sherds, 8 clay lumps.
Ficure 50.—Partially drilled sherd from J-7—Sipé6, Ananatuba Phase.
18 This stratigraphic division between sandy soil and black loam corresponds to a cultural division, the
jntrusion of Mangueiras Phase ceramics.
os wad ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 177
BVANS
SITE J-8—MAGUAR{L
This small habitation site is 3.5 km. southwest of J—7, in a clump
of trees about 100 meters in diameter surrounded by open campo
(fig. 48). A barely perceptible elevation above the surrounding area
prevents this spot from being inundated during the wet season and
permits the growth of trees. The underbrush is thin, as at J—7, and
the trees are with a few exceptions 35 cm. or less in diameter. The
soil is hard, gray clay.
In a cut 1.5 by 1.5 meters, begun in the east half of the site, the
sherds were found to be sparse, small, and in a poor state of preser-
vation. Since the deposit was less than 15 cm. deep, the cut was
widened into a test trench to increase the sherd sample. A few small
sherds were scattered on the surface. Only 127 sherds and 15 burnt
clay lumps were collected.
SITE J-9—ANANATUBA
An extensive stretch of forest, part of the coastal fringe, begins
1 km. northwest of J—8 (fig. 48). Just inside its limits is a habitation
site, which sherds on the surface reveal to be roughly circular and about
20 meters in diameter. The tree growth on this spot is sparse in
contrast to the heavy vegetation in the adjacent area, and the soil is
black instead of light gray. The surface of the site has an elevation of
about 50 cm. above the surrounding terrain, resulting from the
deposition of refuse.
A surface collection was made, and a cut 2 by 2 meters was exca-
vated in 15-cm. levels near the center of the site. The soil was black,
sandy loam containing hard, irregularly shaped concretions, sometimes
cemented to sherds, which were extremely abundant and relatively
large. Sterile gray-brown sand was reached at 50 cm. and white sand,
also sterile, at 60 cm. This cut produced:
Level .00-.15 m.: 1,465 sherds, 60 clay lumps (a few burnt, but most hard,
black clay concretions with orange flecks), and 1 broken
conical pottery object (A).
Level .15-.30 m.: 1,419 sherds, 30 clay lumps (like the preceding level),
and 1 small cylindrical pottery object (B).
Level .30-.45 m.: 1,360 sherds, 25 clay lumps and a cylindrical pottery
object (C).
Level .45-.60 m.: 352 sherds and 10 clay lumps.
Cylindrical clay objects —Three small conical to cylindrical objects
made of pottery were recovered from successive levels of cut 1. All
are Ananatuba Plain pottery, solid, circular in cross section and show
no wear.
Object A (fig. 51, a) has a flat end and sides that constrict slightly toward
the opposite end, which is broken off. Maximum diameter 1.7 cm.,
existing length 2.4 em.
178 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
Figure 51.—Cylindrical pottery objects from J—9—Ananatuba, Ananatuba
Phase.
Object B (fig. 51, 6) is cylindrical, rounding to flattened ends. Diameter
2.4 em., length 3.3 cm.
Object C (fig. 51, c) resembles Object B but has a nubbinlike rounded tip
at one end. Diameter 2.7 cm., length 4.3 cm.
SITE J—10—SOROROCO
Another village site is 500 meters north of J—9, inside the edge of
the same stretch of forest. It is a low mound, measuring 50 meters
north-south and 10 meters east-west, with a small elevation in the
center 5 meters in diameter and 75 cm. above the rest of the mound.
The surface is thickly covered with sororoco, a spiny palm.
A cut 1.5 by 1.5 meters, controlled in 15-cm. levels, was excavated
just south of the central elevation. Scattered sherds were encountered
in the first 5 cm., corresponding to the humus layer. Beneath this were
25 cm. of sterile sand. At 30 cm., there was a sudden transition to
black loam containing sherds and conglomerate concretions, the two
sometimes cemented together. This condition continued to the
bottom of the cut, the concretions becoming more abundant until at
80 cm. they formed a cementlike deposit that had to be broken with
a pick, but which had sherds embedded in it. A small, complete
Ananatuba Plain jar (pl. 42, a), 14 cm. tall and 11 cm. in body diam-
eter, with a direct rim 6 cm. in diameter, curved walls and a pointed
bottom was found at 55cm. Gray sand was encountered at 1.00 meter
and white sand streaked with orange at 1.05 meters. Both sands were
sterile, lacking concretions as well as sherds.
A test was made in the central elevation and it was found to be
caused by a thicker deposition of sand just below the humus layer.
Since conditions below that level corresponded to those in the cut,
the sherds from the two excavations were combined, giving the follow-
ing totals:
mpsemns, AND ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 179
Level .00-.15 m.: 68 sherds, 2 clay lumps.
Level .15-.30 m.: sterile.
Level .30-.45 m.: 530 sherds, 16 clay lumps (3 burnt).
Level .45-.60 m.: 498 sherds, 15 clay lumps (4 burnt).
Level .60—.75 m.: 807 sherds, 26 clay lumps (concretions).
Level .75-.90 m.: 450 sherds.
Level .90—1.05 m.: 247 sherds, 1 burnt-clay lump.
The deposit of sterile sand overlaying the habitation remains
indicates the possibility that this site was abandoned as the result of a
severe flood. Inquiries made as to the closest watercourse brought the
information that the only zgarapé in the vicinity is now about 1.5 km.
to the south. In view of the evidence of waterborne sand on the site
and of the known impermanent nature of igarapé beds, it can be safely
assumed that this stream has changed its course since Ananatuba
Phase times.
Data From OTHER INVESTIGATIONS
The only additional information on the Ananatuba Phase comes
from surface collections made by Peter Hilbert at two sites in central
Marajé, included in the site numbering as J—19 and J-20 (fig. 47).
Although only one sample is large enough to be used for seriation,
these data are important because they extend the known distribution
of the Phase inland from the north coast toward the center of Marajé
Island.
SITE J—19
An Ananatuba Phase village site, J-19, is located 2 km. inland from
the left bank of the Rio Anajas-miri, 4 km. above its junction with
the Rio Arari. A surface collection sent to us for classification
contained 75 sherds, of which 54.6 percent were Ananatuba Plain,
41.4 percent Sororoco Plain, and 4 percent Sipdé Incised. Seriation
places this site contemporary with J—10 (fig. 56).
SITE J—20
On the upper Rio Camutins, just above the last of the Marajoara
Phase mounds on that stream is an Ananatuba Phase village site
(J-20). The surface collection contains only 23 sherds, of which
11 are Sipé Incised, 7 Ananatuba Plain, and 5 Sororoco Plain.
ANALYSIS OF MATERIALS OF THE ANANATUBA PHASE
Pottery Type Descriptions
The pottery type classifications are based on the analysis of 13,843
sherds of the Ananatuba Phase. The detailed descriptions are ar-
ranged in alphabetical order.
180 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
ANANATUBA PAINTED
Paste: On Ananatuba Plain; see that pottery type description for details of
temper, firing, color, etc.
Surrace: The surfaces are treated like those of Ananatuba Plain with the excep-
tion that the painted sherds are always well smoothed and usually given a white
slip on the surface to be painted.
Form:
Rim: Generally direct with a square or rounded lip; occasionally the rim
expands to a slightly rounded lip. Rim is rarely exteriorly thickened.
Body wall thickness: 5-12 mm.; majority 8 mm.
Bases: None found with paint; probably rounded as is typical of Ananatuba
Plain.
Common vessel shapes reconstructed from sherds:
1. Shallow to rounded bowls with direct rim and flat or rounded lip.
Mouth diameter 14-36 cm. Painted in any of the variations listed
under ‘‘decoration”’ (fig. 52-1).
2. Bowls with rounded body. Wall thickness gradually increases 1-2
em. below the rim giving it a thickness 2-5 mm. greater than that
of the lower body wall. Mouth diameter 24-32 cm. Paint on
the rim top, carried over to the upper exterior wall on one (fig. 52-2).
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Figure 52.—Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Ananatuba Painted, Ananatuba
Phase (Appendix, table 24).
Rare vessel shapes:
1. Bowls with rounded carination and slightly everted rim with a rounded
lip. Rim diameter 24 cm. Paint is a horizontal stripe on the
interior of the body.
2. Jars with globular body, constricted mouth and exteriorly thickened
rim. Mouth diameter 30 cm. Paint on exterior of rim.
DECORATION:
Technique: Bright red coloring is applied in a paper-thick coat to the slipped
or well-smoothed surface.
Motif: The paint was applied in the following variations:
Solid areas:
Rim top only—6 sherds.
Rim top and upper exterior—1 sherd.
Rim top and interior—4 sherds.
Interior—5 sherds from body of vessels.
Bae a ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 181
Patterns:
Diagonal stripes of varying width—2 sherds, 1 on the exterior, and
1 on the interior,
Horizontal stripe 1-2 cm. wide on the interior wall—10 sherds.
TEMPORAL DIFFERENCES WITHIN THE TYPE: None (Appendix, table 24).
CHRONOLOGICAL POSITION OF THE TYPE: Present throughout the Ananatuba
Phase, but never exceeding a fraction of a percent in frequency.
ANANATUBA PLAIN
PASTE:
Method of manufacture: Coiling, coils 1.5-2.5 cm. wide.
Temper: Ground sherd with most of the particles small, under 2 mm.
Texture: Good mixture of clay and temper particles, well-kneaded into a
compact mass. Pinhole air pockets frequent from air bubbles in the wet,
moist clay during manufacture. Good tensile strength, broken edge very
rough and angular. Good clear ring when knocked together. A sharp
line often distinguishable between the floated surface and the core.
Color: A gray core with thin (0.5-1.0 mm.) tan to white-tan bands on both
surfaces in 85 percent of the sherds. Light-tan core in the remainder.
Lighter particles of ground sherd temper often speckle the gray core.
Black specks are sometimes present.
Firing: Incomplete, oxidized firing; 25 percent of sherds have fire clouds.
SURFACE:
Color: Exterior and interior—On 75 percent of the sherds the exterior and
interior range from light, dull tan to a tannish white to a cream to a
grayish white. On the remainder, the interior is light gray and the exterior
one of the above-mentioned shades. Erosion of surfaces and exposure
of the light-gray core gives many sherds a false gray surface color.
Treatment: There is no absolute correlation between the exterior and interior
but sherds well polished or better smoothed on one surface are often
better smoothed than usual on the other surface also. Exceptions are
probably from large bowls or jars where one surface was emphasized. The
surface treatment ranges from irregular, uneven surfaces with only hand
smoothing to scraped or smoothed surfaces with smoothing tracks to well-
floated, semipolished surfaces with a velvety feel. Floating blends into
slipping, which is unmistakable on some sherds as an added layer in cross
section. Condition of preservation of sherd surfaces closely correlates
with the degree of smoothing; otherwise the whole surface is badly pitted
and often gone.
Hardness: Soft and easily scratched with the fingernail; 2.5.
Form:
Rim: Direct, exteriorly thickened, or everted with rounded or flat lip (pl. 35).
Body wall thicknsss: 5-13 mm.; majority 8mm. Well-smoothed sherds range
from 5-9 mm.
Body diameter: 20-50 cm. except for a few miniature vessels.
Base: Rounded and unthickened on bowls; slightly thickened and more
pointed on jars.
Common vessel shapes reconstructed from sherds:
1. Globular-bodied jars with constricted mouth, direct rim, rounded or
flattened lip. Mouth diameter range 8-34 cm.; majority 12-26 cm.
Occasional exterior thickening just above the maximum diameter
produces an angular shoulder (fig. 53-1).
391329—57——-14
182 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
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Figure 53.—Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Ananatuba Plain and Sororoco
Plain, Ananatuba Phase (Appendix, tables 23 and 26).
ae ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 183
2. Jars with globular body, short vertical or slightly everted neck,
direct rim with rounded or flattened lip. Rim diameter range
8-40 cm.; majority 10-22 cm (fig. 53-2).
3. Jars with rounded body, upper walls insloping to direct rim with
flattened lip. Rim diameter 14-36cm. Three to four unsmoothed
coils sometimes ornament the exterior just below the rim (fig. 538-3).
4. Globular-bodied jars with constricted mouth and exteriorly thickened
rim with a rounded lip. Mouth diameter 12-26. Rim cross
section is 1.5 em. thick or less (fig. 53-4).
5. Globular-bodied jars with constricted mouth and heavy, exteriorly
thickened rim and rounded lip. The cross section of the rim is
more than 1.5 em. in thickness. Mouth diameter 12-20 cm.
(fig. 53-5).
6. Wide-mouthed jars with rounded body, exteriorly thickened rim and
rounded lip. Maximum body diameter not more than 4 cm. greater
than the exterior rim diameter. Rim diameter 8-36 em. (fig. 53-6).
7. Globular-bodied jars with a collarlike, everted rim and rounded lip.
Rim diameter 16-30 cm. (fig. 53-7).
8. Bowls with rounded bottom, walls curving outward or upward to a
direct rim with rounded, flattened or pointed lip. Rim diameter
20-40 cm.; depth 6-15 em. (fig. 53-8).
9. Bowls with rounded bottom, sides curving outward then upward to
an everted rim with rounded or flattened lip. Rim diameter 16-36
em.; depth 5-9 cm. (fig. 53-9).
Rare vessel shapes:
1. Miniature vessels: 1 percent of the sherds are from miniature jars
(pl. 42, a) and bowls usually 4—5 cm. in diameter and 5-10 cm. high
with the typical vessel shapes and rim forms of the type.
Appendages: Loop-shaped handles with an oval cross section (1.3 by 1.8 cm.
ranging to 2.0 by 3.5 cm.) are made as a separate unit with a round extension
at each end and attached vertically to the vessel wall by punching two
holes for the plug insert (fig. 53; pl. 35). Edges then smoothed over, but
the method of construction is clearly visible in cross section. The loop
handles range from 5-10 cm. in length and project 3-6 cm. from the body
wall.
TEMPORAL DIFFERENCES WITHIN THE TYPE:
Specks of black ash are abundant in the paste of about 50 percent of the
sherds from J—7, cut 2, levels 30-45 cm., 45-60 cm., and 60-75 cm., and
in one sherd from J-10, cut 1, level 90-105 cm. (lowest level). Microscopic
examination suggests that this is a natural characteristic of the local clay,
which would explain its occurrence in the pottery from only one site. The
sherd from J-10 may be from a vessel taken from the old village of J-—7 to
the new one.
A few temporal differences can be discerned in the frequency of vessel shapes.
Jars of shape 7 are restricted to the earliest site. Shapes 1, 4, and 9 show
a slight decline in frequency, while shape 8 is on the increase (Appendix,
table 23).
CHRONOLOGICAL POSITION OF THE TYPE: Present throughout the Ananatuba
Phase as the most abundant type, but shows a decrease in frequency from the
early to late part of the sequence.
184 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
CARMO BRUSHED
PasTE AND SURFACE: On Ananatuba Plain with a small minority on Sororoco
Plain; see those pottery type descriptions for details of temper, firing, color, etc.
Form:
Rim: Majority thickened on the exterior with a rounded lip; a few direct,
with rounded or angular lip.
Body wall thickness: 7-9 mm., majority 8 mm.
Base: Rounded with slight thickening at the center on the interior.
Common vessel shapes reconstructed from sherds:
1, Jars with large, globular body, 32-36 cm. in diameter, with a con-
stricted mouth and exteriorly thickened rim. Mouth diameter is
23-34 cm.(fig. 54-1).
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Fiaure 54.—Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Carmo Brushed, Ananatuba
Phase (Appendix, table 24).
2. Jars with globular body, short vertical or slightly insloping neck, 4
ecm. high, and a direct rim with rounded or flattened lip. Body
diameter ranges 32-36 cm.; rim diameter 13-22 cm. (fig. 54-2).
3. Shallow bowls with rounded bottom, outsloping sides, direct rim and
rounded or flattened lip. Rim diameter 14-38 cm., majority
26-34 cm. (fig. 54-3).
Rare vessel shapes:
1. Deep bowls with vertical or slightly insloping sides and exteriorly
thickened rim. Rim diameter 16-18 cm.
Decoration (pl. 36):
Technique: Lines not evenly spaced or regularly parallel, indicating that the
tool was an irregular bunch of twigs. Spacing 0.5-4.0 mm. apart, depth
0.5-2.0 mm.
Motif: Parallel brushings on the exterior, executed horizontally, diagonally
or vertically to the rim. The horizontal variety is typical of bowls while
the vertical or diagonal type is most often found on jars. Brushing ex-
tends over the entire body, including the base. A minority of the sherds
were brushed twice in different directions, giving a criss-cross pattern.
nee ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 185
TEMPORAL DIFFERENCES WITHIN THE TYPE: Criss-cross brushing occurs at J—9
and J—10 but is absent at J-7. Vessel shape 1 declines and shape 3 increases
in popularity throughout the Ananatuba Phase sequence (Appendix, table 24).
CHRONOLOGICAL POSITION OF THE TYPE: Carmo Brushed is present throughout
the Ananatuba Phase, expanding in popularity toward the middle of the
sequence.
sIPp6 INCISED
PasTE AND SURFACE: On Ananatuba Plain except that the surfaces of this incised
type are somewhat better finished and always smooth. See the type descrip-
tion of Ananatuba Plain for details of temper, firing, color, etc.
Form:
Rim: Majority direct with rounded or angular lip, some with exterior
thickening and rounded lip.
Body wall thickness: 6-10 mm., majority 8 mm.
Base: Body wall curvature on the incised sherds and Ananatuba Plain
sherds indicate the base was rounded, but no base sherds are included in
Sip6é Incised since the decoration was limited to the upper body.
Common vessel shapes reconstructed from sherds:
1. Jars with globular body, walls incurving to a direct rim with a rounded
or flat lip. Mouth diameters range from 22-28 cm. at Site J-7,
from 16-25 cm. at Site J-10. Body diameter is 26-29 cm. (fig.
55-1).
2. Jars with globular body, walls incurving to an exteriorly thickened
rim with a rounded lip. Rim diameter 14-28 cm. (fig. 55-2).
3. Jars with short, vertical or insloping necks and direct rim with rounded
lip. Rim diameter ranges 18-34 cm., majority 18-28 cm. (fig.
55-3).
4, Deep bowls with outcurving sides, direct rim and rounded or flattened
lip. Rim diameter 12-28 cm. (fig. 55-4).
Rare vessel shapes:
1. Bowl with sloping side walls joining rounded base at a pronounced
angle. Mouth diameter 34 cm., body diameter at angle 25 cm.,
vertical height above angle 6.5 cm., estimated total height 10 cm.
2. Bowls with outcurving sides and everted, flat-topped rim with
rounded or pointed lip. Diameter 12-16 cm.
3. Jars of common shape 2 but with a very heavy, exteriorly thickened
rim. Rim diameter 14-34 cm.
DECORATION:
Technique: Band of incision applied on the upper exterior surface between
the maximum diameter of the vessel and the rim edge. Lines are typically
cleanly made, U-shaped cuts, done with a blunt, round-ended tool when
the surface of the clay was leather hard. Majority of incisions are 1.5 to
3.0 mm. wide and 0.5 to 1.0 mm. deep. Some of the motifs combine this
type of line with fine crosshatching made with a sharp-pointed tool leaving
a mark about the width of a fine pencil line. Although the total effect of
the designs is pleasing and suggests regularity, close examination reveals
the lines to be somewhat unevenly applied, with overlapping strokes and
unequal spacing.
Motifs: The designs can be classified under 7 major types:
1. Inverted scallops just below the lip (pl. 37). The width of the
scallop is generally uniform on a single vessel, but has a range of
186 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
>
>
Mel Bee S| STR)
0. -glivg 2-43 CM
Rim Scale
Heat Cie Des Taal) BS
Oo 4 8 I12CM
Vessel Scale
Figure 55.—Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Sipé Incised, Ananatuba Phase
(Appendix, table 25).
70 a ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 187
variation within the type of 1-3 cm. The typical arrangement is a
single row placed 0.5-1.5 cm. below the rim edge. The area im-
mediately below is occasionally covered with parallel, diagonally
incised lines.
2. Zoned, fine crosshatch (pl. 38). Irregularly shaped areas of fine
crosshatch with straight, stepped or scalloped boundaries are
defined by broad incised lines. These are alternately left blank and
filled with fine crosshatching, done with short strokes so that the
lines overlap. The design occupies a band around the shoulder of
the vessel and is set off at the upper and lower edge by a hori-
zontally incised line, the upper one being about 1 cm. below the
rim edge.
3. Zoned, large crosshatch (pl. 39, a-b). Similar to type 2 but with
the crosshatching composed of broad incised lines like those used
to outline the zones.
4. Diagonal crosshatch, unzoned (pl. 39, c-e). A band of lines incised
diagonally in one direction around the vessel circumference and
crossed by a similar number of lines running diagonally in the
opposite direction. The area they occupy may or may not be
bounded above and below by a horizontally incised line.
5. Zoned parallel lines (pl. 40). Zones of incised parallel lines, usually
stepped, alternating with unincised zones. The band they occupy
on the upper part of the vessel is demarcated by horizontal incised
lines at the upper and lower limits.
6. Unusually broad, parallel lines (pl.41,a-d). Parallel lines assuming
the appearance more of shallow scraping than true clearcut incision.
The motifs are dominantly rectilinear, often triangular.
7. Row of circles along the rim (pl. 41, e). Small, somewhat uneven
and irregularly spaced circles in a row along the rim edge. This
variety is rare, represented on only 2 sherds.
TEMPORAL DIFFERENCES WITHIN THE TYPE: All of the design types are present
only at J—7, where the execution is also the best. Types 4 and 7 are absent
at J-10; types 1 and 7 are absent at J-9. Only types 5 and 6 are represented at
J-8, possibly because of the small sherd sample from that site. No trends are
evident in vessel shape (Appendix, table 25).
CHRONOLOGICAL POSITION OF THE TYPE: Present through the Ananatuba Phase
with a slight increase in frequency.
SOROROCO PLAIN
PASTE:
Method of manufacture: Coiling; coils range from 1.5-2.5 cm. wide.
Temper: Ground sherd with most of the particles small to moderate in size;
no hunks.
Texture: Good mixture of clay and temper particles giving a well-kneaded
compact mass. Sherds hard to break and leave an irregular, angular edge.
All sherds have a clear ring when knocked together.
Color: Orange-tan to pinkish-orange core in 25 percent of the sherds. Others
have a thin (0.5-1.0 mm.), pinkish-orange band on both surfaces with
a uniform, light-gray core. Lighter-colored particles of sherd temper
often speckle the gray core. Some sherds are speckled with black.
Firing: Oxidized firing, more complete than in Ananatuba Plain; only a
few fire clouds.
188 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
SURFACES:
Color:
Exterior—A light pinkish orange to dull, deep red, the latter color
occurring on only 5 percent of the sherds.
Interior—Usually a light to dark gray. Only 5 percent of the total
sherds are pinkish orange or red on both surfaces. This pottery
type is easy to distinguish from Anjos Plain by the lightness and
pinkishness of the orange.
Treatment: Exterior and interior—Majority are smoothed on the exterior
and interior with the surfaces slightly irregular and uneven; only a few
sherds (less than 1 percent) have the surfaces floated. All the surfaces
tend to be badly pitted and easily eroded due to the poor surface finish.
Hardness: Easy to scratch with the fingernail; 2.5.
Form:
Rim: Direct, exteriorly thickened or everted with a rounded or flat lip.
Body wall thickness: 5-13 mm., majority 8 mm.
Body diameters: Range from 20-50 cm.
Base: Typically rounded and unthickened; a few with slightly thickened,
blunt, pointed bases.
Vessel shapes: The same range of shapes as Ananatuba Plain (fig. 53), but
with different relative frequency. See type description of Ananatuba Plain
(pp. 181-183) for details and the “‘Ceramic History of the Ananatuba Phase”
(p. 191) for the discussion of forms.
TEMPORAL DIFFERENCES WITHIN THE TYPE:
Black ash particles are present in about three-fifths of the sherds from J-—7,
cut 2, levels 30-45 cm., 45-60 cm., and 60-75 cm.; and in about one-half
of the sherds from cut 1, levels 15-30 cm., 30-45 cm., and 45-60 cm.
None were noted in the samples from J—9 and J-10. Examination under
a microscope indicates that this is a natural characteristic of the clay
source used during the occupancy of J—7, rather than a conscious addition.
Its seemingly greater abundance in Sororoco Plain as compared to Anana-
tuba Plain probably results from a difference of firing of the two types.
A few trends are discernible in vessel shape. Shape 7 is found exclusively
in the earliest site, and shape 1 declines in frequency from early to late.
Shapes 2 and 5 exhibit a sharp increase toward the end of the Ananatuba
Phase sequence (Appendix, table 26).
CHRONOLOGICAL POSITION OF THE TYPE: Present at all sites and showing an
increase in frequency from the early to the late part of the Ananatuba Phase
sequence.
UNCLASSIFIED DECORATED
The majority of the sherds in this category are either too small or too badly
eroded for classification. Those that are well preserved are either unique or too
rare to warrant the creation of a separate decorated type. They represent three
techniques: incising or brushing, relief, and punctation.
INCISED SHERDS:
From Site J-7—Sipé: 3 sherds with light scratches; 2 with deep grooves;
6 with indistinct designs.
From Site J-9—Ananatuba: 2 sherds with faint scratches; 1 with deep
grooves made when clay was very wet; 6 with faint and irregular incised
lines (possibly a crude variety of Sipé Incised); 1 with nicks along the
exterior rim edge and faint incisions on the exterior.
MAGORRS, AND ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 189
From Site J-10—Sororoco: 3 from the same jar are ornamented with a row
of broad grooves 1.5—-2.0 cm. long, placed diagonally around the neck; 13
with faint or badly eroded incised designs.
From Site J-8—Maguari: 3 with incised designs (probably Sipé Incised).
MopELED SHERDS:
From Site J-7—Sip6: 3 sherds with a raised ridge on the exterior that looks
like an unsmoothed coil.
From Site J-9—Ananatuba: 1 sherd with a modeled knob.
From Site J-8—Maguari: 1 sherd with pinched surface superficially resem-
bling corrugation (pl. 42, e).
PunctaTe SHerps (pl. 42, b-c):
From Site J-7—Sip6: 1 sherd with a relief rib, 2.0 em. wide and 1.6 cm. high,
is covered with punctates, 2 mm. in diameter, spaced irregularly 1-4 mm.
apart.
From Site J-9—Ananatuba: 2 sherds from a deep bowl with the exterior
covered with horizontal rows of generally triangular punctates; 1 with
6 rows of shallow, generally oval punctates occupying a broad interior rim
thickening, and with the rim and interior painted red; 1 with rows of fine,
evenly spaced punctates that may have been made with a dentate tool.
Pottery Artifacts
Objects of pottery other than vessels are exceedingly rare in the
Ananatuba Phase. Three small, cylindrical objects of fired clay (fig.
51) came from three successive levels at Site J-9. No wear is visible
and their use is unknown. A worked sherd (pl. 42, d; fig. 50) came
from Site J-7 and was probably a spindle whorl.
Nonceramic Artifacts
No chips, fragments, or objects of stone, bone, or shell were found
at any Ananatuba Phase site, except for an occasional small iron con-
cretion that appears to be a natural inclusion in the local soil.
Crramic History
The four strata cuts and the surface collections produced 13,483
sherds of Ananatuba Phase pottery types, which were analyzed by
levels and seriated to give the sequence shown on the adjacent chart
(fig. 56). Prior to the Mangueiras Phase intrusion in the upper levels
of J-7—Sip6, the seriation gives a relatively smooth picture of ceramic
change, in which the whitish-surfaced, gray-cored Ananatuba Plain
declines from 93 percent of the total sherds in the lowest level at J-9—
Ananatuba to 48 percent in the upper level at J-10—Sororoco. In
this same period, Sororoco Plain, a pink- to orange-surfaced ware,
increases from 6 percent to 49 percent (Appendix, tables 21 and 22).
The attempt was made to subdivide Ananatuba Plain into a
polished or slipped and an unpolished variety. The resulting per-
centages gave the polished type a frequency of 5 percent at J-9,
190 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
4 percent at J—10, and 21 percent at J—7. This seems likely to be a
reflection of differences in soil rather than differences in manufacture,
however, when it is considered that the soil at J-9 and J—10 contained
a high percentage of clay, which eroded the surfaces of the sherds at
these two sites badly, whereas the sandy soil at J—7 left the surfaces
well preserved. Added to this difficulty is the fact that the gradation
between unpolished and polished is so gradual that it was often
impossible to decide into which category a sherd should be put.
Until evidence from a larger number of sites is available, it seems best
to consider this variation as a more careful finishing applied to the
surface of a small percentage of Ananatuba Plain vessels.
The decorated type diagnostic of this Phase is Sipé Incised, in which
boldly drawn, broad, incised lines are applied to the exteriors of bowls
and small jars in a variety of patterns ranging from a simple, scalloped
line to a complex, zoned band. The popularity of this type grows
from 0.5 percent at J—9 to between 1 percent and 3 percent at J—10
and the first occupation of J-7—Sipé. It reaches its peak during the
Mangueiras Phase occupation of J—-7, during which time it increases to
from 8 percent to 25 percent of the total Ananatuba Phase wares.
This is also the period of the greatest variety and best execution of
the incised designs.
The other important decorated ware in the Ananatuba Phase is
Carmo Brushed, which differs only in paste from many sherds of
Croari and Bacuri Brushed associated with the Mangueiras Phase.
From an occurrence of 1 percent or less at J—9, it increases to from
4 to 6 percent in the lower levels of J—7 and continues thereafter to
fluctuate between 1 percent and 4 percent until it disappears just
before the end of the Ananatuba Phase.
Sherds of Ananatuba Painted occur scattered throughout the Phase
in the amount of a fraction of a percent in the levels where they
appear. It is possible that painting was originally present in greater
frequency, but has not survived the erosion to which the surfaces of
the sherds were subjected in the soil. On the existing samples, the
red paint was applied either on the rim top or edge, or in parallel,
diagonal, or horizontal bands on the body. Red-painted sherds occur
with greatest frequency at J—7, and as in the case of polished surfaces
on Ananatuba Plain, this may be a reflection of less hostile soil condi-
tions, rather than of an actual increase in the popularity of the painted
technique.
An analysis of the vessel and rim shapes characteristic of Ananatuba
Plain and Sororoco Plain and calculation of their percentage frequen-
cies reveals remarkably little change in popularity of various forms
(Appendix, tables 23 and 26) in spite of the relatively long period of
time that the sequence appears to represent. It is also interesting to
391329 O -57 (Face p. 190)
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ease ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 191
note that although there are over four times as many classifiable
rims of Ananatuba Plain (1,172) as there are of Sororoco Plain (283),
the same vessel forms are represented in both, and the Ananatuba
Plain shapes show no more consistent or clearly defined trend than
do those of Sororoco Plain.
A comparison of the ratio of bowls to jars in the two plain wares
shows that 46 percent of Ananatuba Plain rims are from bowls, in
contrast to 15.5 percent of Sororoco Plain rims. Since in actual
numbers Ananatuba Plain jars are always more abundant than those
of Sororoco Plain, the increasing frequency of Sororoco Plain reflects
an increasing tendency for jars to become oxidized during firing,
whereas bowls are relatively unaffected.
Of the nine vessel shapes, all are not equally abundant in both
wares. Jars of shapes 2 and 5 are relatively more frequent in Sororoco
Plain than in Ananatuba Plain and in fact represent the most com-
mon shapes in the former ware. As mentioned above, bowls (and
particularly shapes 8 and 9) are the dominant form in Ananatuba
Plain. Jar shape 6 is the only form that shows a decline in Ananatuba
Plain and a corresponding increase in Sororoco Plain; other shapes
appear to run about the same course in both wares and to be inde-
pendent of the shift in popularity between the two wares. The only
shape with marked temporal significance is jar shape 7, which occurs
only at the earliest site, J-9—Ananatuba.
The site of J-7—Sip6 presents two unusual features which raise
special problems of interpretation: First, the upper levels cannot be
seriated reliably into the Ananatuba Phase sequence because they
represent a time when the culture was being subjected to strong
disruptive pressures that had the effect ceramically of suppressing or
selecting certain of the pottery types and thus altering the normal
trend, and second, the size and shape of the site are somewhat differ-
ent from the pattern exhibited by the others in the Ananatuba Phase.
A closer analysis permits some interesting deductions about the
history of J-7.
Two kinds of evidence are provided by the site, one from the
density of the sherds in the levels and the other from the position of
the levels in the pottery seriation. The arrival of the Mangueiras
Phase divides both of the stratigraphic cuts in the middle. Cut 1
has 2 levels producing only Ananatuba Phase pottery and 2 with
Mangueiras Phase mixture; cut 2 has 3 levels in each category. The
levels in the two cuts that contain Mangueiras Phase wares produce
an almost equal density of sherds in spite of the 15 cm. difference in
depth of deposit. The upper two levels of cut 1 contained 2,214
sherds as against 2,243 from the upper three levels of cut 2. How-
ever, in the lower levels the sherd density is six times greater in cut 2
192 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
(4,560 sherds) than in cut 1 (753 sherds), suggesting a considerably
greater intensity of habitation on Mound 2 (cut 2) during the pre-
Mangueiras Phase period at J-—7.
An examination of the position that the lower levels of the two cuts
at J-7 occupy in the pottery type seriation (fig. 56) shows that the 3
levels of cut 2 fit between the 2 levels of cut 1. The fact that the
vast majority of the sherds from this part of cut 1 come from the
upper level (80-45 cm.) suggests that the major pre-Mangueiras
Phase occupation of Mound 1 (cut 1) is not contemporary with that
at Mound 2, but instead subsequent to it. In other words, both the
sherd density and the seriation evidence indicate that the original
village at J-7 was on the site of Mound 2, and that prior to the advent
of the Mangueiras Phase people there was a removal or expansion to
the site of Mound 1.
Mangueiras Phase wares replaced those of the Ananatuba Phase
with almost the same rapidity in the two parts of the site (table D),
TaBLE D.—Relative frequency of Ananatuba Phase and Mangueiras Phase wares
at J-7—Sipé
Ananatuba Phase | Mangueiras Phase
wares wares
Level (cm.)
Cutl1 Cut 2 Cut 1 Cut 2
Percent | Percent | Percent | Percent
CU Se ea a eR SRM ECS NE ES OT ae TR ae te SA 5. ; 5 :
15-30 few ow 26 seen eh ee Fo ee ee Ee. See A ive aes 43. 4 22.6 56. 6 77.4
Se Tete stnconepte eee Bryne uate Hewneity, oy sei teat PC. Sn abs were eer yy srs 100.0 38.5 0 61.5
45-603 mciee pee) | ee ees et. _ ebsa eee ad eee 100% O {| 32222
which leads to the conclusion that the population increase brought
about at this time required the reoccupation of the older part of the
village in addition to the facilities of the newer part. An equal
intensity of habitation is also indicated by the equality of sherd
density in the two cuts during this period.
It remains to decide what the temporal relationship is between
J-7 and J-10. The ceramic seriation places J-10 following the pre-
Mangueiras Phase period at J—7 (fig. 56). However, the trends in
vessel form of Ananatuba Plain and Sororoco Plain argue strongly
for the position of J-10 preceding J—7 (Appendix, tables 23 and 26).
The problem is rendered more difficult by the fact that the upper
part of J-7 evades seriation in the Ananatuba Phase sequence because
of the heavy Mangueiras Phase mixture and the apparent distortion
of the normal ratio of frequency in the manufacture of Ananatuba
Phase pottery types, particularly Sipé Incised (fig. 56). Furthermore,
although the ceramic seriation separates J—7 into two parts, broken by
the period of habitation of J-10, the evidence from vessel shape
ees ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 193
popularity suggests that this does not represent an abandonment of
J-7. Certain vessel shapes, best represented by Sororoco Plain shapes
2 and 5, maintain nearly even strength throughout the existence of
J-7 but are absent or notably rarer at J-10. If J-7 had been aban-
doned for J—10 and the people had later returned, they would have
carried on the vessel shape tradition that had developed at J—10
rather than reverted suddenly to the tradition they had when they
left J-7. The frequency of shapes 1 and 3, although fluctuating,
also presents the smoothest curve when J—10 precedes J—7 rather
than in the sequence indicated in the pottery type seriation.
The alternative possibilities are: (1) The pre-Mangueiras Phase
period of J—7 precedes J—10, and J—7 was later reoccupied; (2) J—10
precedes J—7; (3) the two sites are partly contemporaneous. Against
the first conclusion is the analysis of vessel-shape trends discussed
above. The trends in pottery types seem equally to preclude the
second possibility. The lower levels of J—-7 have notably more
Ananatuba Plain and less Sororoco Plain than is found at J—10 and
fit into the seriated sequence only when placed between J—9 and J—10
(fig. 56). These contradictions can be somewhat resolved by falling
back on the third possibility, namely that the two sites are partly
contemporary, but this too raises difficulties. The absence of Man-
gueiras Phase influence at J-10 appears to rule out the existence of
J-10 subsequent to the pre-Mangueiras Phase period at J—7. In
view of the proximity of these two sites and the apparently continu-
ous contact between Mangueiras Phase sites occupying the surround-
ing area and separated by considerably greater distances (demon-
strated by the rapid diffusion of Pseudo-Sipé Incised and of certain
Ananatuba Phase vessel shapes after their adoption by the Man-
gueiras Phase population at J—7), it is impossible to believe that J-10
could have escaped the fate that befell J—7 if it had been inhabited
during this time.
DIAGNostTIc FEATURES OF THE ANANATUBA PHASE
Ananatuba Phase sites are typically located in the forest, close to
the edge of the campo and well away from the coast. If there is a
stream nearby, as in the case of J—7, it functions only as a source of
domestic water supply and the nearest navigable igarapé is about 1
km. away (except at J-20). The ceramic refuse marking the extent
of the former village covers an area of 300 to 770 square meters and
is circular or oval in outline. The deposit is typically 0.60 to 1.00
meter in depth, with sherds abundant and intermixed with a com-
paratively small quantity of dirt. No cemeteries were found, nor
was there any evidence to suggest the manner of disposal of the dead.
194 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
Ceramically, the Phase is identified by two undecorated wares,
Ananatuba Plain, with a whitish surface and a gray core, and Sororoco
Plain, differentiated by the pink-to-orange color produced by more
definitely oxidized firing. Both types are present in all levels, but
Sororoco Plain increases with the passage of time, providing the basis
for seriation of the sites. In keeping with the domestic purpose of
the ceramics, the amount of decoration is small and its execution
simple. Carmo Brushed, with the surface “brushed” with a bunch
of small twigs, and Sipé Incised, with simple but tastefully executed,
incised designs, are the major decorated types. Both are infrequent
at the earliest site (J-9), but soon attain a combined frequency of
10 to 12 percent, which remains relatively constant until late Sipé
times, when there is a marked increase in the popularity of Sipé
Incised.
Ananatuba Phase features of uncertain significance include the
great abundance of clay lumps and concretions cementing the sherds
together in the ground. Since these deposits were encountered in no
other Phase, it seems probable that they are in some way related to
an unidentified and exclusively Ananatuba Phase practice. A few
lumps of clay bearing twig impressions may be indicative of wattle
and daub in the bouse construction. The only ceramic artifacts
were 3 small, solid lumps of fired clay, basically cylindrical in form,
one of which has a small nubbin at one end; and a sherd reworked in
the shape of a disk and partially drilled off center.
The duration of the Ananatuba Phase is unknown, although a clue
is provided by the exceptional density and depth of the ceramic
refuse (see pp. 252-253). No evidence of European contact was found,
substantiating the conclusion drawn on the basis of seriation with
other Phases on the Island of Marajé that it came to an end sometime
before the advent of Cabral.
THE MANGUEIRAS PHASE
DESCRIPTION OF SITES AND EXCAVATIONS
Sites belonging to the Mangueiras Phase have been found on the
western half of the north coast of Marajé, on central Marajé and on
southern Caviana (fig. 145).
SITE J-5—CROARL
The Rio Croari flows into the Amazon about 8 km. west of the
town of Chaves, on the north coast of Marajé6. It is a continuously
winding stream, wide at the mouth but narrowing quickly to about
10 meters, a width that it maintains as far as the site. Both banks
are heavily forested and abound in bird life. J-—5 is about 3 km. from
pnGenne) AND ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 195
Figure 57.—Plan of J-5—Croari, a habitation site of the Mangueiras Phase.
the mouth of the river, on the north side of a small tributary a short
distance above its juncture with the main stream. A large natural
clearing, one of many small patches of campo that break the con-
tinuity of the forest on this part of the island, begins just beyond the
eastern limits. The sharp rise of 1 meter in elevation and the abund-
ance of sherds on the surface set the site off distinctly from the natural
terrain.
Three mounds of equal height compose J—5 (fig. 57). Mound 1,
34 meters in maximum width and 55 meters long, is on the bank of
the igarapé, the bed of which has accumulated a quantity of sherds.
The south side of the mound follows the contour of the stream and
incorporates a small bend, giving it a somewhat comma-shaped
outline. Mound 2, an oval 52 meters long and 30 meters wide,
196 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
adjoins the north edge of Mound 1. Mound 3, 25 meters in diameter,
is separated from the west edge of Mound 1 by a 2 meter wide de-
pression. All of the mounds, in common with the adjacent forest,
are covered with large trees. A caboclo house was located on Mound
2 at the time of our visit.
A stratigraphic cut 1 meter square, was begun near the west end
of Mound 1 and carried down by 15 cm. levels to sterile soil. The
ground was so interlaced with large roots that digging was difficult
and the limits of the cut had to be reduced slightly as depth increased.
In the refuse layer, the clayey soil was black and saturated with sherds
for the first 30 cm. At that depth the cut passed through a charcoal-
flecked layer 1 to 2 cm. thick. Below this the sherds were a little less
numerous, and continued to decrease in frequency with increased
depth. By level .60-.75 meters the dimensions of the cut had been
reduced to 50 by 50 cm. by the presence of large roots. A second
charcoal-flecked layer, the same thickness as the first, was encountered
at 80 cm. and sterile, yellowish-brown clay began at 85cm. The cut
was continued to a depth of 1 meter with no change in the condition
of the native soil and since this depth was below the flood level, no
further testing was undertaken. The existing height of the mound,
therefore, represents the accumulation of refuse during occupation
rather than an intentional construction.
Cut 1 produced the following cultural materials:
Level .00-.15 m.: 393 sherds, 8 burnt clay lumps, 1 figurine head (fig. 59, a).
Level .15-.30 m.: 267 sherds, 16 burnt clay lumps, 1 figurine body (fig.
59, b), 1 short cylindrical object (fig. 60), 1 complete
miniature Croarf Brushed jar (pl. 44).
Level .30-.45 m.: 187 sherds, 19 burnt clay lumps, 1 mouthpiece of a
tubular pipe.
Level .45-.60 m.: 199 sherds, 8 burnt clay lumps.
Level .60-.75 m.: 253 sherds and 16 burnt clay lumps.
Level .75-.90 m.: 80 sherds and 19 burnt clay lumps.
To this material the surface collection added 485 sherds and 1 com-
plete tubular pipe.
Pipes.—The two pipes are dark, gray-brown Mangueiras Plain.
The surface of the fragment from the strata cut is well smoothed,
while the complete one is somewhat rough, particularly on the inside
of the bowl (fig. 58, a). In shape and size, the two examples are
almost identical. Both have a conical bowl tapering down to a small
hole (6-8 mm. in diameter) through the flattened mouthpiece. The
bowl diameter of the complete specimen is 3.0 cm. and the total
length 6.8 em. The mouthpiece is oval in cross section, 2.5 by 1.2
cm. in the complete specimen and 2.6 by 0.9 cm. in the fragment.
Figurines—Although the two figurine parts were found in succes-
sive levels, the head appears to be too small to belong with the torso.
BEERS AND ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 197
Fiagure 58.—Pottery tubular pipes from Mangueiras Phase sites: a, J-5—Croarf.
b, C-3—Porto Real.
Both are Mangueiras Plain, with a light-tan, well-smoothed surface.
The head (fig. 59, a), flat at the back and convex in front, was modeled
by pressing several thin pieces of clay onto a small rounded lump.
The base has a ragged break only around the edge; the central part
shows the well-smoothed surface of the foundation ball, which was
too dry when attached to form a strong connection with the body.
A layer 4 to 5 mm. thick was laid over the core to form the face, and
the eyebrows and nose are created by a small ribbon of clay that was
pressed upward onto the greatest diameter of the head, fading into
the surface below and creating a slight convex ridge at the top, ac-
centuated where the two impressions meet. Secondary working of
the surface produced a slight prominence in the center of the space
on each side of the nose to mark the eyes. A second flat bit of clay,
2 mm. thick, was placed over the back of the head, its overlapping
front edge forming the hairline at the top and sides. At each side,
just above where the ears should be, there is a bun-like projection.
Hair is realistically indicated by vertical scratches beginning at the
hairline and extending to the base of the head. The lower part of the
face is missing. Existing height is 3.5 cm., width at the two buns 4.0
cm., and thickness from front to back 2.7 cm.
Ficure 59.—Figurine parts from J-5—Croari, Mangueiras Phase.
391329—57 15
198 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
The torso (fig. 59, 6), likewise of solid construction, is broken off at
the neck and just below the waist. It has two outstretched arms, one
broken off at the shoulder and the other at about the elbow. An
applique ridge representing the spine runs up the back from the waist
to the upper edge. There is a small depression at the navel and two
slight rises on the chest. On the back and continuing over the top of
the shoulders is an asymmetrical design, executed with a fine zigzag
incised technique, that may signify a textile pattern or body painting.
The torso is 4.5 by 4.0 cm. in diameter and 5.5 cm. in existing height.
Labret (?).—Of problematical use is a small, cylindrical object
(fig. 60) with flat ends and a smooth, light-tan surface showing traces
——— a
or
‘
U
U
Uj
UF
Ul
SSNS
Figure 60.—Labret (?) fragment from J—~5—Croarf, Mangueiras Phase.
of red pigment (Esperanga Red). The cross section is almost perfectly
circular, 2.5 cm. in diameter. The total height is 1.7 em. For a
distance of 6 mm. from one end, the surface is slightly irregular and a
little lower than that of the remaining 1.1 em. The junction is a
ragged edge, indicating that something modeled over one end has been
broken off. The only clue to the function of this object is its shght
resemblance to labrets from other Mangueiras Phase sites (cf. Site
C-3, p. 202).
SITE J-7—SIPO
Originally an Ananatuba Phase site, J-7, was subjected to strong
Mangueiras Phase influence during the latter part of its existence.
Of the 6,803 sherds from cut 2, 1,649 are Mangueiras Phase wares,
and of the 2,967 from cut 1, 1,707 are Mangueiras Phase wares.
Details of the site and its excavation are given under the Ananatuba
Phase (pp. 174-176).
MEGGERS AND ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 199
EVANS]
SITE J—13—BACUR{I
This habitation site is along the west side of the Igarapé Bacuri,
about 3 km. from where it flows into the Amazon opposite the western
tip of Mexiana (figs. 47, 61). The refuse covers a roughly oval area,
30 meters from north to south and 100 meters from east to west.
From about 1 meter high at the center, it levels off gradually to the
east in the direction of the igarapé, which is about 250 meters away.
The south edge is also a gradual slope, but on the north side the eleva-
tion is abrupt. Forest covers the site and stretches away on all sides,
broken by occasional small, natural clearings, but there are no large
trees on the site itself (pl. 30, 6). Small sherds are scattered over the
surface and occur in abundance where the soil has been uprooted.
A stratigraphic cut 1.5 meters square and controlled in 15-cm. levels
was excavated near the center, at the highest point. The soil was a
loose, dark-gray, sandy loam throughout the cut, and except in the
lowest two levels the sherds were very small. Light-gray clay with
flecks of white was encountered at 65 cm. and although a few sherds
were embedded in it, these were confined to the upper limit. Below
that, the soil continued sterile for 30 cm. to the bottom of the test.
Tabulation by levels gives the following counts:
Level .00-.15 m.: 190 sherds.
Level .15—.30 m.: 1091 sherds and 1 clay lump.
Level .30—.45 m.: 777 sherds.
Level .45-.60 m.: 664 sherds, 3 burnt-clay lumps.
Level .60-.75 m.: 309 sherds (1 worked).
The surface collection included 388 sherds and 1 burnt-clay lump.
3 KM.
To coast /
Fieure 61.—Plan of J-13—Bacurf, a habitation site of the Mangueiras Phase.
200 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
SITE J—16—CANIVETE
J—16 is in almost the exact center of the Island of Marajé6, about 250
meters from the north bank of the Igarapé Nerd, a small tributary of
the upper Rio Anajads (fig. 47). This part of the island is almost
equally divided between forest and campo, the forest tending to cover
the areas where a slight elevation prevents inundation during the
rainy season. Since the site was visited during the height of the
rainy season, in the month of May, the reason for its location could
readily be perceived. Running in a north-south direction, away from
the igarapé, are two long stretches in which the land is 0.25 to 1.00
meter higher than the maximum water level (fig. 62). Between and
surrounding these rises the land was either soft and mucky or flooded.
On each of the rises, on the part closer to the igarapé (i. e., the southern
part), there is an area with sherd refuse. The first is about 70 meters
in diameter, and the second is 70 meters long and 15 meters wide.
The former site, at the edge of the campo, produced sherds to a depth
of 20 to 25 cm., while in the latter the refuse layer was only 5 cm.
thick. The campo at this time of the year was covered by a few centi-
meters to several meters of water, giving the appearance of a marshy
lake.
TO RIO
anasks
Ficurre 62.—Plan of J-16—Canivete, a habitation site of the Mangueiras Phase.
a ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 201
Since the deposit was too shallow to give stratigraphic results, a
sherd sample was secured by an excavation equivalent to a 1.5 by
1.5 meter area in Mound 1 (the larger and deeper site) and by scat-
tered smaller tests in Mound 2. The collection from Mound 1 num-
bered 599 sherds and 28 clay lumps, a few of which were fired. Mound
2 is represented by 123 sherds and 1 clay lump.
SITE C-3—PORTO REAL
One Mangueiras Phase habitation site was located on the Island of
Caviana, 4 km. northeast of a point 5 km. above the mouth of the
Igarapé Pocoaté, which drains into the south coast (fig. 151). The
entire area is covered with forest, which stretches unbroken by clear-
ings for several kilometers from the site in all directions. The habita-
tion area occupies a roughly circular space, about 25 meters in diam-
eter, on the south edge of a slight natural rise. The lower land stretch-
ing off to the south is covered with up to a meter of water during the
rainy season. The nearest surface water during the dry season at the
present time is the Igarapé Pocoaté. The soil color on the site is
distinctly darker than in the surrounding area, and small sherds were
scattered over the surface.
Two stratigraphic excavations were undertaken: Cut 1, 5 meters
from the eastern edge of the site, and cut 2 north of the center. Both
were 1 by 1 meter and controlled in 8 cm. levels. The soil in both cuts
was black and well loosened by root action. Sterile soil, a light-gray
clay with orange flecks, was reached at 38 cm. in cut 1 and at 34 cm.
in cut 2. Cultural remains recovered totaled:
Cut 1:
Level .00-.08 m.: 170 sherds.
Level .08-.16 m.: 277 sherds, 10 burnt-clay lumps, 1 small stone chip.
Level .16—.24 m.: 341 sherds, 11 burnt-clay lumps, 1 ceramic labret (?)
Level .24~.32 m.: 153 sherds, 5 burnt-clay lumps.
Level .32-.40 m.: 28 sherds and 1 clay lump.
Cut 2:
Level .00-.08 m.: 154 sherds.
Level .08-.16 m.: 237 sherds, 2 burnt-clay lumps, 1 broken pipestem, 1
ceramic labret (?) fragment.
Level .16-.24 m.: 175 sherds, 3 burnt-clay lumps.
Level .24-.32 m.: 147 sherds, 1 incised, biconical, pottery object.
An additional 1,551 sherds and 35 burnt-clay lumps, and another
possible ceramic labret were collected from the surface and miscellane-
ous tests.
Pipe.—The pipe fragment is part of a tubular pipe similar to those
from J—5—Croari, except that it has a round instead of a flattened
mouthpiece (fig. 58, 6). The ceramic type is Mangueiras Plain, with
202 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
a light-tan, well-smoothed surface. The sides taper outward from a
diameter of 8 mm. at the end toward the bowl, which the interior
contour indicates to have been conical. The existing length is 2.5 em.
Labrets—Three small objects, one from each cut and one from the
surface collection, possibly functioned as lip or ear plugs. The com-
plete specimen (surface collection) is collar-button-shaped, with a
disk 2.4 cm. in diameter, slightly concave on the face, and a short shaft
widening to a head 1 cm. in diameter, also with a slightly concave sur-
face (fig. 63, a). Overall length is 1.4cm. The two fragmentary speci-
mens (fig. 63, b-c) represent the disk end, with the head broken off.
The diameters are 2.3 cm. and 3.5 cm. All three are Mangueiras
Plain, with light-tan surfaces and no trace of decoration.
<
BS Hee VINNY
Y Ade A —
Fiagure 63.—Labrets and biconical object of pottery from C-—3—Porto Real,
Mangueiras Phase.
Biconical object—A fragment of an incised object from cut 2, level
.24—.32 meter, is of undetermined use (fig. 63, d). It is biconical, taper-
ing sharply from a diameter of 2.5 cm. toward both ends, which are
broken off. One surface is plain, the other is lightly incised with fine
scratches in a series of crudely drawn concentric circles and quadrant
lines. The ceramic type is Mangueiras Plain.
neers AN ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 203
Data FROM OTHER INVESTIGATIONS
SITE J-17—FLOR DO ANAJAS
Subsequent to our fieldwork on Marajé, Peter Hilbert of the Museu
Goeldi made a trip to the vicinity of Lago Ararf and located a Man-
gueiras Phase site underlying the present town of Flor do Anajis
(fig. 47). This site, designated as J—17, is on the west bank of the Rio
Arari, 80 meters north of its junction with the Anajds-miri (Ana-
jasinho). The bank here is about 2.50 meters above the river level
in the dry season, and remains free from flooding even when the
surrounding area is inundated. The refuse deposit, indicated by
abundant surface sherds, extends about 150 meters along the bank
and 30 to 50 meters inward. Sherds protrude to a depth of 10 to 20
cm. in the eroded bank, and a 1.5 meter square excavation near the
northwest end of the site also produced sherds to a depth of 20 cm.
The collection, sent to us for analysis, included:
Level .00—-.15 m.: 229 sherds.
Level .15—.30 m.: 39 sherds, 5 burnt-clay lumps, and one clay ball 2 ecm.
in diameter, possibly the foundation for a figurine head
(ef. p. 197).
The surface collection produced 140 additional sherds (Hilbert,
pers. corres.).
ANALYSIS OF MATERIALS OF THE MANGUEIRAS PHASE
Pottery Type Descriptions
The habitation sites of the Mangueiras Phase on Marajé and
Caviana Islands produced 13,724 sherds. Analysis of these resulted
in the classification of the following pottery types, named by the
binomial system and listed in alphabetical order:
ANJOS PLAIN
PAsTeE:
Method of manufacture: Coiling.
Temper: Ground sherd, particles in a single specimen ranging from fine
grains (0.5 mm.) to large hunks (4-6 mm.). Temper usually easily visible
because it is a lighter orange or tan than the paste.
Texture: Uneven mixture, leaving air pockets around larger temper particles;
hard to break, edges irregular, granular, and crumble easily. Dull, clayey
thud when hit together.
Color: Ranges from light tan to bright, tile orange. A distinct orange to
tan core is characteristic but about 10 percent have over 75 percent of the
paste orange with a thin gray core. Light speckles from lighter-colored
temper are often visible.
Firing: Complete, oxidized firing; no fire clouds.
204 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
SURFACES:
Color:
Exterior—Typically a tile orange with a diffuse, dusty appearance;
small percentage are orange tan.
Interior—Typically a dusty, dark gray with an orange hue; 25 percent
have the same tile orange to orange tan as the exterior.
Treatment: Exterior and interior—Usually sherds with better smoothed and
even-surfaced exteriors are also better finished on the interior. About
30 percent of all sherds smoothed with a scraping tool and rubbed over
with the hand, leaving a fairly even and regular surface. Others were
smoothed over only sufficiently to obliterate the coil lines and have a
very irregular and uneven surface with pits and channels from dragged
temper particles. Swipe marks from fingers and hand visible on many
sherds.
Hardness: Easily scratched with the fingernail; 2.5.
Form:
Rim: Direct or exteriorly thickened with rounded, occasionally flat or
pointed lip. Occasionally a slight thickening on the interior.
Body wall thickness: 5-10 mm.; majority 7-8 mm.
Body diameters: Range 26-60 em. with the majority of the large jars around
50 cm.
Base: Rounded and slightly thickened, usually 2-5 mm. thicker than the
body wall.
Vessel shapes reconstructed from sherds:
1. Globular jars with walls curving inward to a direct rim with a rounded
lip. Mouth diameter 12-30 cm.; majority 14-20 cm. Maximum
body diameter 26-60 cm. (fig. 64-1).
2. Globular-bodied jars with constricted mouth and prominent ex-
teriorly thickened rim with rounded lip. Rim cross section 1.5 em.
thick; rim diameter 16-24 cm. (fig. 64-2).
3. Jars with rounded body, wall slanting inward to a direct rim with
squared or rounded lip. Mouth diameter 14-36 em.; majority
18-28 cm. (fig. 64-3).
4. Jars with rounded body, walls insloping to exteriorly thickened rim
with rounded lip. Rim diameter 14-34 cm.; majority 18-26 cm.
(fig. 64-4).
5. Bowls with rounded body, outcurving sides and direct rim with
pointed or rounded lip. Rim diameter 12-34 em. (fig. 64-5).
Appendages: Loop handle with a round cross section ranging from 1—2 cm. in
diameter. Attached by affixing to the vessel and kneading extra clay
around the point of attachment. Length 5-8 cm. and extending 5 cm.
out from the jar wall. Rare and apparently limited to large jars.
TEMPORAL DIFFERENCES WITHIN THE TYPE: Vessel shape 4 is the dominant jar
form in the early part of the Mangueiras Phase and shows a decline in frequency
throughout time. Shapes 1, 2, and 3 are unimportant until the latter part of
the Phase. (Appendix, table 29).
CHRONOLOGICAL POSITION OF THE TYPE: Anjos Plain is absent in the earliest part of
the Mangueiras Phase sequence but after its appearance it increases in fre-
quency until the end of the Phase.
MEGGERS AND ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 205
Bseeces
oO 4 8 126M
Vessel Scale
BAAR
kes eat
OMI 25 (3. CM
Rim & Handle
Scale
AAAS
MARS
o
“A}/ |
Figure 64.—Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Anjos Plain. Mangueiras Phase
(Appendix, table 29).
Handle Type
206 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
AQ)
(ease Fe
O | 2 3CM
Rim Scale
@) Ra TCT) 8 {26M
Vessel Scale
Ficure 65.—Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Bacurf Brushed, Mangueiras Phase
(Appendix, table 30).
MEGG SES }AND ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 207
BACURL BRUSHED
PasTE AND SURFACE: This brushed variety occurs on Anjos Plain; see that pottery
type description for details of paste, color, temper, etc.
Form:
Rim: Majority direct with rounded or angular lips; a lesser number with
exterior thickening and rounded lip, or interior thickening.
Body wall thickness: 5-14 mm.; majority 8-9 mm.
Base: None had brushing on them; hence probably the same as Anjos Plain.
Vessel shapes reconstructed from sherds:
1. Jars with globular bodies, interiorly thickened or direct rim with
rounded or flat lip. Rim diameter 14-22 cm.; body diameter
estimated as 40-60 cm. (fig. 65-1).
2. Globular-bodied jars with constricted mouth and exteriorly thickened
rim with rounded lip. Mouth diameter 14-20 cm. (fig. 65-2).
3. Jars with rounded body, walls insloping to direct rim with rounded or
flat lip. Rim diameter ranges 16-26 cm., majority 18-22 ecm.
Body diameter 32 cm. (fig. 65-3).
4. Bowls with nearly vertical sides, direct rim with rounded lip. Mouth
diameter ranges 20-27 cm., majority 20-22 em. (fig. 65-4).
Decoration: Brushing with a bunch of twigs on the exterior surface (pl. 48).
Majority were given a single brushing but 20 percent were brushed a second
time in a direction diagonal to the first marks, producing a crude cross hatching.
The striations are 1-3 mm. wide, with the majority 1 mm., and spaced from
adjacency to 4mm. apart. Depth varies from 0.5-2.00 mm. (typically 1 mm.)
and is probably related to the wetness of the surface at the time of application.
Direction of the strokes is predominantly vertical but about one-third of the
jars with short necks are brushed horizontally around the neck and vertically
or diagonally on the body.
TEMPORAL DIFFERENCE WITHIN THE TYPE: Bacuri Brushed occurs only in the latter
part of the Mangueiras Phase. It reaches its greatest frequency in the lower
levels of Site J-13 and its greatest refinement at Site J-16, where the brushing
is finer and the lines are more evenly spaced and applied to produce a regular
cross hatching. No trends are evident in vessel shape (Appendix, table 30).
CHRONOLOGICAL POSITION OF THE TYPE: Late type in the Mangueiras Phase,
possibly a reflection of Ananatuba Phase contact where brushing was one of the
main methods of decoration.
CROARI BRUSHED
PASTE AND SURFACE: On Mangueiras Plain; see that type for details of paste,
temper, firing, etc.
Form:
Rim: Everted or exteriorly thickened with flattened top and squared, pointed
or rounded lip.
Body wall thickness: Range 4-11 mm.; majority 8 mm.
Bases: Rounded, generally uneven and irregular.
Vessel shapes reconstructed from sherds:
1. Jars with globular body, constricted mouth and everted rim, some-
times exteriorly thickened, with flat or rounded lip. Size ranges
from miniatures 6 cm. in diameter and 6.5 cm. tall to large vessels
with a rim diameter of 24 em. (fig. 66-1).
2. Bowls with outsloping sides and slightly everted, flat-topped rim with
rounded lip; rim diameter 18 cm. (fig. 66-2). _
208 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
Decoration: Applied by brushing vertically, beginning just below the rim and
sweeping downward over the upper part of the body, but not extending over
the base (pl. 44). Variation from fine scratches to lines 2-3 mm. wide, according
to the size of thesticksused. On 64 percent the first brushing was crossed over
by another producing a crisscross effect. A few have a horizontal line 1-2 em.
wide along the upper limit of the marks below the rim, providing an even de-
marcation for the beginning of the lines.
NS
Hes WEE TEL, Gs [a ES
oO 4 8 12CM
Vessel Scale
es ee ee eee
ce) | 2 3 CM
Rim Scale
Ficure 66.—Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Croarf Brushed, Mangueiras Phase
(Appendix, table 30).
TEMPORAL DIFFERENCE WITHIN THE TYPE: None (Appendix, table 30).
CHRONOLOGICAL POSITION OF THE TYPE: Croari Brushed occurs only at Site J—5,
the earliest site in the Mangueiras Phase.
ESPERANGA RED
PASTE AND SURFACE: On Mangueiras Plain paste; see that description for details
of temper, texture, firing, and surface treatment.
Form:
Rim: Interiorly thickened, direct, everted or exteriorly thickened, with
square lip. Rarely the lip is rounded, undulating, or scalloped.
Body wall thickness: 5-10 mm.; majority 7 mm.
Base: Rounded and slightly thickened.
Vessel shapes reconstructed from sherds:
1. Bowls with broad, flat rim top produced by eversion or interior
thickening, flattened bottom and outslopirg sides. Rim diameter
18-44 cm.; majority 26-40 cm. Lip square and occasionally
scalloped (fig. 67-1).
et ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 209
(ne eee) |
OFT 42) 3°CM
Rim Scale
eS
Oo 4 8 #12CM
Vessel Scale
Figure 67.—Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Esperanga Red, Mangueiras Phase
(Appendix, table 32).
2. Bowls with rounded or flattened bottom, sides curving outward and
upward to direct rim with expanded, square lip. Diameter 10—40
cm.; majority 24-40 cm. (fig. 67-2).
3. Bowls with rounded bottom, vertical sides and everted rim with
square lip. Rim diameter 9-26 em. (fig. 67-3).
210 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
4. Jars with rounded body and exteriorly thickened rim with rounded
lip. Rim diameter 20-26 cm. (fig. 67-4).
5. Jars with rounded body and everted rim (fig. 67-5).
Decoration: Surfaces rubbed with a red ocher polishing stone when clay fairly
wet, causing floating and streaking with red. Degree of polishing determines
the thickness and color of the surface layer; bright red-surfaced sherds are the
best smoothed. About 10 percent are deep, dull red; the remainder tannish
red to dark brown because of differential polishing, firing, and weathering.
The surface lacking red pigment is in most cases less well smoothed, often
showing prominent tracks and having a regular to slightly irregular or uneven
surface.
TEMPORAL DIFFERENCE WITHIN THE TYPE: The most typical examples of Esper-
anca Red are from the later levels at Sites J-5 and C-3. The small sample
shows no trend in vessel shape (Appendix, table 32).
CHRONOLOGICAL POSITION OF THE TYPE: Attains a maximum frequency in the
upper levels at J—5 and then declines and disappears just before the Mangueiras
Phase comes to an end.
MANGUEIRAS PLAIN
PASTE:
Method of manufacture: Coiling.
Temper: Large amount of ground sherd with size range from 0.5—4.0 mm.
Easily distinguished by angularity and flat, smoothed surfaces of some of
the particles.
Texture: Compact, well-mixed paste with temper evenly distributed; sharp,
angular cleavage; good tensile strength, hard to break and drops with
a good ring.
Color: Tan to salmon on immediate surface. Dark gray or black core in
75 percent of sherds. Remainder fired with an orange band 1-3 mm.
wide on exterior leaving the remaining cross section black or gray.
Firing: Incompletely oxidized with a large number of fire clouds.
SURFACE:
Color: Exterior and interior—Salmon to tan to gray to dark gray. One-
third of the sherds have fire clouds on one surface making the complete
color range possible on a single sherd. Light and dark gray are the most
typical of the coarse, heavier sherds, and the highest percentage of salmon
appears on thinner sherds. About 10 percent are dark gray on both
surfaces and 20 percent salmon on both surfaces with the remainder ex-
hibiting various combinations of the complete range.
Treatment: Surfaces range from velvety smooth to rough and irregular, with
about 30 percent in the well-smoothed category. The thinner-walled
sherds are usually the best smoothed. The smoothing process was
carried out when the clay was moderately wet leaving no scraping tracks.
A few of the more rough and irregular sherds are gritty to the feel.
Crackle lines and fine pits from water bubbles are common, even on the
velvety-smooth sherds.
Hardness: 2.53.0.
Form:
Rim: Direct, exteriorly thickened or everted with typically rounded lip on
jars; direct, interiorly thickened, everted or exteriorly thickened with
rounded or angular lip on bowls (pl. 45).
Body wall thickness: Range from 4—20 mm.; majority 5-10 mm.
Body dimensions: Jars 10-50 cm. in maximum body diameter.
orca ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 211
Base: Rounded on bowls and plates. Jar bases are of 3 major types:
1. Rounded, varying from almost flat to a curvature continuing that of
the body walls and thickened on the interior.
2. Concave, 5-10 cm. in diameter, with a depression 1-2 cm. deep in
the center on the exterior, sometimes reflected in a slight convexity
on the interior. In this type the junction with the body wall is
often a marked angle of 40-50 degrees.
3. Flattened and thickened to produce a flat or convex interior surface.
Junction with body wall is an angle of 30-50 degrees. Diameter
12-20 cm., thickness 1.0-1.5 em. at the body wall and 1.5-3.0 em.
at the center.
Vessel shapes reconstructed from sherds:
1. Globular-bodied jars with flattened bottom and everted, collarlike
rim with a rounded lip; lip rarely pointed or squared. Rim
diameter 10-32 cm.; majority 14-22 em. (fig. 68-1).
2. Globular-bodied jars with flattened bottom, rounded lip, exteriorly
thickened rim, constricted mouth. Rim diameter 12-20 em.
(fig. 68-2).
3. Jars with flattened bottom, rounded body, upper walls insloping to
a direct rim with a rounded lip. Rim diameter 10-28 cm. (fig.
68-3).
4. Globular-bodied jars with direct rim, rounded lip. Mouth diameter
10-44 cm.; majority 12-24 em. (fig. 68-4).
5. Wide-mouthed jars with rounded body, slightly insloping upper
walls terminating in an exteriorly thickened rim. Rim diameter
10-34 em. (fig. 68-5).
6. Bowls with flattened bottom, outsloping sides, direct rim with a
rounded or angular lip. Rim diameter 9-34 cm.; a few miniatures
with diameter of 4-8 cm. and a few very large with diameters
35-44 em. (fig. 69-6).
7. Bowls with flattened bottom, outsloping sides, rim interiorly thick-
ened or everted to produce a broad level inner surface or top;
lip rounded. Diameter 18-44 cm.; majority 26-40 em. Occasion-
ally the lip is undulating or scalloped (fig. 69-7).
8. Bowls with rounded bottom, vertical sides and everted or exteriorly
thickened rim with rounded or angular lip. Rim diameter 8-32
em. (fig. 69-8).
Appendages:
Rim adornos: Occasionally the rims have simple adornos in the form of
protruding lips or scalloped edges extending from 1.0-2.5 cm. beyond
the normal rim edge (pl. 45).
Handles: Large loops, with a round cross-section ranging from 1.3-2.0
cm. in diameter were affixed directly to the jar wall and thickened at the
point of attachment. Length is 5-8 em. Handle protrudes 4-6 em.
from the vessel surface.
Occasional decoration: A few jars have ornamental unsmoothed coils on the
neck exterior (pl. 45, c).
TEMPORAL DIFFERENCES WITHIN THE TYPE: The occasional appearance of un-
smoothed coils on the neck exterior appears to be a trait adapted from the
Ananatuba Phase since it occurs only at Site J—7, where the initial contact
took place, and at later sites. Vessels of shapes 1 and 7 are abundant in the
early sites and rare or absent in the later ones. Shapes 3 and 4 are the dominant
212 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
(C(<KECCE
SNAKK UY
SSSA
Jest pesto Sy]
Oo 4 8 126M
Vessel Scale
Figure 68.—Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Mangueiras Plain jars, Mangueiras
Phase (Appendix, table 31).
jar forms of the late sites, and are absent or very rare in the early ones. Shapes
5 and 8 show a decline in frequency from early to late sites (Appendix, table 31).
An important trend in the appearance of Mangueiras Plain is its tendency to
approach the Anjos Plain dusty orange surface color in the latter part of the
Phase, in contrast with the range from salmon to black characteristic of the
earlier sites.
San ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 213
< sr” A, Lah f 7
SONUNIT NN
UML bh
Pe SS
o 4 8 #12CM Oo ! 2 3CM
Vessel Scale Rim Scole
Ficure 69.—Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Mangueiras Plain bowls.
Mangueiras Phase (Appendix, table 31).
CHRONOLOGICAL POSITION OF THE TYPE: Mangueiras Plain is the dominant
plain ware at the beginning of the Mangueiras Phase and declines in frequency
with the increasing popularity of Anjos Plain.
POCOATO SCRAPED
PASTE AND SURFACE: On Mangueiras Plain; see this type for details of paste,
temper, firing, etc.
Form:
Rim: Direct with rounded or square lip; everted to produce a flat, broad
upper edge; occasionally thickened on the exterior.
Body wall thickness: 5-12 mm., majority 8 mm.
Bases: Flattened on exterior and slightly thickened on the interior to 1%
times the body wall thickness.
Vessel shapes reconstructed from sherds:
1. Globular jars with flattened base, everted rim and rounded or squared
lip. Rim diameter 16-28 cm. (fig. 70-1).
391329—57——16
214 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 187
KC
(Ea De een is a ee sed LE
One oelenGnM O (eee SGM
Vessel Scale Rim Scale
Ficure 70.—Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Pocoaté Scraped, Mangueiras Phase
(Appendix, table 32).
iinaioey ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 215
2. Jars with globular bodies, upper walls insloping to short vertical
neck, direct rim and square or rounded lip. Rim diameter 16-22
em. (fig. 70-2).
3. Shallow bowls with direct rim and square or rounded lip. Mouth
diameter 15-25 cm. (fig. 70-3).
DEcORATION (pl. 46):
Technique: Pocoat6é Seraped is distinguished from Croari Brushed by the
broadness and angularity of the marks, which are flat channels separated
by narrow, flat-topped ridges. The surface is left extremely irregular and
uneven and the scraping or combing was done when the clay was moist
enough to leave the ridges distinct. The marks are typically 1-4 mm.
in width and about 1 mm. deep with a few examples, apparently from
larger jars, 1.3 cm. in width. The majority are around 2 mm. in width.
Motif: The scraping marks are applied to the jar exteriors horizontally
around the neck below the rim, or the horizontal band is omitted and the
vertical or diagonal scrapings begin at the neck. On bowl exteriors the
direction of scraping is around the circumference. A few examples have
scraping lines running in two directions producing a hachured or herring-
bone effect, but with no apparent effort at regularity so that the result is
crude in comparison with those specimens scraped in one direction only.
A considerable number of sherds were scraped on both interior and ex-
terior, with the directions of the lines not always the same, since those on
the interior are uniformly parallel to the rim. A great many are scraped
on the interior only, which raises the possibility that this method of decora-
tion may have developed from what was at first an accidental by-product
of scraping and smoothing the interior surface.
TEMPORAL DIFFERENCE WITHIN THE TYPE: None (Appendix, table 32).
CHRONOLOGICAL POSITION OF THE TYPE: Limited to the sites in the early part of
the Mangueiras Phase sequence.
PSEUDO-SiP6 INCISED—MANGUEIRAS PHASE VARIETY
Paste: All but 10 percent are on Mangueiras Plain, the remainder on Anjos
Plain. See those pottery type descriptions for details of paste, temper, and
firing.
Form:
Rim: Direct or slightly everted rim with rounded or flattened lips. Rim
diameters from 10—24 cm.
Body wall thickness: 5-9 mm.
Bases: Probably rounded.
Vessel shapes reconstructed from sherds:
1. Globular jars with constricted mouth, direct rim and rounded lip.
Mouth diameter 14-24 em. (fig. 71-1).
2. Globular-bodied jars with insloping neck, direct rim, rounded or
flattened lip. Rim diameter 10-20 cm. (fig. 71-2).
3. Shallow, rounded bowls with direct or slightly everted rim, rounded
lip. Diameter 10-24 em. (fig. 71-3).
DEcORATION (pl. 47, a-g): The incised designs are copied from Sipé Incised of the
Ananatuba Phase (see pp. 185-187). At Site J-14—Bacurf, design types 1, 2,
4, 5, and 6 occur; at Site J-16—Canivete, design types 1, 5, and 6; at Site
J—17—F lor do Anajds, design types 2 and 6.
TEMPORAL DIFFERENCE WITHIN THE TYPE: None (Appendix, table 32).
CHRONOLOGICAL POSITION OF THE TYPE: This pottery type appears as one of
the wares of the Mangueiras Phase immediately after the conquest of the
216 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
\\
[a es VE es | ES)
Oo 4 8 120M OD irk ace
Vessel Scale Rim Scale
Ficure 71.—Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Pseudo-Sipé Incised, Mangueiras
Phase variety (Appendix, table 32).
Ananatuba Phase village of J-7—Sip6 and evidently represents a direct copy
of the Ananatuba Phase decorative motifs. The variety and accuracy of the
copy is best at Site J-13—Bacuri, which is contemporary with the Mangueiras
Phase occupation of Site J-7—Sipé and closer geographically to Site J-7 than
are the other two Mangueiras Phase sites at which this type appears.
UNCLASSIFIED DECORATED
The largest number of sherds in this group come from the three earliest sites of
the Mangueiras Phase, J—5, J-17 and C-3. Four techniques are represented:
incision, punctate, excision, and corrugation.
UNCLASSIFIED INCISED:
1. Rims of Mangueiras Plain, shape 7, with incised designs on the broad, flat
top. Motifs are mainly parallel, straight or zigzag lines and spirals.
Techniques may be broad, 2-4 mm. wide, lines or narrow lines and small
areas of fine cross-hatch. Total from J—16, 15 sherds; J—-17, 1; and C-3,
3 (pl. 47 7, L-n).
2. Body sherds with simple geometric design of widely spaced lines, the sur-
face covered completely or in zones with fine incisions or scratches.
Total from J—5, 1 sherd; C-3, 2 sherds; J—16, 2 sherds.
3. Body sherds with simple geometric designs of parallel, straight or curved
lines. Total from J—5, 1 sherd; J-17, 4; C—3, 12; J—16, 1 (pl. 47, k).
4. Badly eroded sherds with faint incisions. Total of 14 from Site J—13.
UNCLASSIFIED PUNCTATE:
1. Single row of deep evenly-spaced punctates along the rim exterior of
bowls of Mangueiras Plain, shape 8. The punctates are rectanguloid
at Site J—5 and circular at C-—3. Total sherds from J—5, 5; C-3, 9 (pl.
47, h).
2. Applique rib 1.0 cm. high and 1.5 cm. wide with a row of punctates along
the top or one row at each side marking the junction of the rib with the
body wall. Total of 2 sherds from Site C-3.
3. Punctates applied in rows over vessel exterior. Rows relatively parallel,
but punctates irregular in size and depth. Total of 2 sherds from Site
J—13 (pl. 47, 7).
UNCLASSIFIED EXCISED:
1. Background unevenly gouged out, leaving areas of the original surface.
Since the sherds are all less than 2.5 em. square, the motif is not recon-
structable. Total of 4 sherds from C-3.
got ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 217
UNCLASSIFIED CORRUGATED:
1. Large, deep impressions made by pinching the coil between thumb and
fingers. Total of 3 sherds from C-3; 7 sherds from J-13.
2. Small corrugations made by pressing downward on the coil so as to produce
a scalloped lower edge (typical technique of Floripes Corrugated of the
Acauan Phase). Total of 14 sherds from C-3.
3. Blunt stick instead of finger used to jab along the coil, producing a corru-
gated effect, but with very deep impressions between the globs. Total
of 3 sherds from C-3.
Pottery Artifacts
Short, tubular pipes occur at J—-5 and C-3 (fig. 58). These same
two Mangueiras Phase sites produced collar-button-shaped objects
that probably were labrets (figs. 60,63). Figurines are represented by
a head and a torso of different figurines (fig. 59) from different levels
at Site J-5. Both of these objects exhibit considerable detail in work-
manship. The detailed descriptions and illustrations will be found
with the various site descriptions.
Nonceramic Artifacts
No fragments or objects of stone, shell, or other nonceramic ma-
terials were encountered, with the exception of a small, unworked
stone chip from Site C-3, cut 1, level 8-16 cm.
CrrAmic History
The seriation for the Mangueiras Phase is based on 13,724 sherds
from 6 habitation sites. Of these 11,566 are plain ware: 4,088 Anjos
Plain and 7,478 Mangueiras Plain. All but one of the sites had refuse
accumulations greater than 15 cm. in depth and were excavated strati-
graphically. The seriation of these levels and the changes in the
frequencies of the ceramic types are shown on the accompanying
graph (fig. 72).
The ceramic sequence in the Mangueiras Phase is characterized by a
gradual decrease in the popularity of Mangueiras Plain, a gray-cored
ware, and the concomitant increase of Anjos Plain, an orange-cored
ware (Appendix, table 28). The earliest site in the sequence, J-5—
Croari, produced only Mangueiras Plain in the lower levels. Anjos
Plain has a frequency of 3.5 percent at the beginning of C-3—Porto
Real, and continues to grow in popularity until it has reached 71.2
percent at the end of the occupation of J-13. This increasing emphasis
on Anjos Plain is reflected in changes within the Mangueiras Plain
ware. At J—5, C-3, and in the lower levels of J-13, Mangueiras Plain
is most typical in surface color, which runs the gamut from cream
through rose to black. In the upper levels of J—13, it becomes in-
creasingly transitional in the direction of Anjos Plain, until the two are
218 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
indistinguishable in external appearance and differ only in the color
of the core. Anjos Plain, on the other hand, shows a great uniformity
in surface appearance from the earliest to the latest sites.
Three decorative techniques are characteristic of the Mangueiras
Phase, but only at the earliest site, J-5, do they all occur together.
Esperanga Red, in which simple red bands are painted on the rim or
interior of bowls, reaches its climax (24.4 percent) in the upper level
of J—-5, but persists in amounts of under 5 percent almost to the end
of the Phase. Pocoaté Scraped, in which parallel, troughlike marks
cover the surface, also begins in the lowest level of J-5. It reaches
its maximum of 28.6 percent during the first part of the occupation
of C-3, declines to 4.8 percent at J-17, and is absent during the re-
mainder of the Phase. Brushed decoration has a disconnected
history. Crude brushing on Mangueiras Plain (Croari Brushed)
increases from 1.9 percent to 5.9 percent and then decreases to 3.8
percent at J-5. Brushing is completely absent at C—3, but reappears
later in the Mangueiras Phase as a technique applied only to Anjos
Plain (Bacuri Brushed). Its sudden reappearance as the dominant
decorated technique, and the equally sudden disappearance of Pocoaté
Scraped,seems to have been stimulated by contact with the Ananatuba
Phase, in which brushing was popular. A handful of sherds with
punctate decoration occurs scattered sporadically throughout the
Phase, but these are neither consistent enough in appearance nor
sufficiently numerous to be interpreted as anything more than the
results of occasional experimentation.
Diagnostic of the early Mangueiras Phase, and lost by Bacuri (J-13)
times, is the use of broad, shallow, incised lines in rectilinear or curvi-
linear patterns, especially on the flat upper rim edge of shallow bowls.
This trait appears suddenly, fully developed, at J—5 and is also promi-
nent at J-17, but as the Phase continues it falls increasingly by the
wayside until it finally disappears. A comparison of the technique
and motifs with those of Carobal Incised of the Acauan Phase strongly
suggests contact with and influence from this latter Phase. This
conclusion is strengthened by the association of scattered excised and
corrugated sherds, which reproduce other popular Acauan Phase
surface embellishments, and by the resemblances between the scraped
types present in the two Phases (Pocoaté Scraped and Paciencia
Seraped). The detailed analysis of the implications of this situation
is given under the affiliations of the Acauan Phase (pp. 540-545).
Another fascinating decorated type from the standpoint of its
origin and history is Pseudo-Sip6 Incised. This type was so named
in order to emphasize the fact that the motifs are identical with those
of Sipé Incised of the Ananatuba Phase. It is distinguished only by
being applied to Mangueiras Plain or Anjos Plain, showing that it
391329 O -57 (Face p. 218)
f lO-,
J-134 .30-.
J-16— SURF
|
| .45-
gA
table 28).
1
BACURI
BRUSHED
1
PSEUDO-SIPO
INCISED
391329 O -57 (Face p. 218)
O-.15M
15-.30
J-13j .30-.45
J-16— SURFACE
|
f 1: O-.15M
.45-.60
16 - 32
nes 32
-.15M
15-.30
.30-.45
-45-.60
-60-.75
SUSIE 0)
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|
MANGUEIRAS
PLAIN
Figure 72.—Seriation of Mangueiras Phase sites on the basis of pottery type frequency (Appendix, table 28).
{
ANJOS
PLAIN
os!
B&B 8 &
CROARI
BRUSHED
Te (ee |
0 20 40%
-B -S8 e448 aNade a
POCOATO
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ESPERANGA
RED
|
BACURI
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if
PSEUDO-SIPO
INCISED
1)
oe, AO)
‘the ent, aster
W a. ak ”
CL hh hbk
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ZWZZZLZL2 8
soeeetnee sees r}
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(oeryrte herd ‘aos eo petet a wR BT '
H
Pal ARCHEOLOGY AT’ MOUTH OF AMAZON 219
represents the adoption and perpetuation of this alien decorative
technique by the people of the Mangueiras Phase. Its popularity
was such that it was quickly taken up by other Mangueiras Phase
villages, as witnessed by sherds from J—13, J-16, and J-17 (fig. 72).
Because of this, Pseudo-Sipé Incised provides a means for quick
identification of post-Ananatuba Phase contact sites.
An analysis of vessel shape, based on 521 rims of Mangueiras Plain
and 203 rims of Anjos Plain, reveals that certain shapes are associated
with one or the other type and certain others with early or late sites
(Appendix, tables 29 and 31). A similar ratio of bowls to jars obtains
here as was noted between the plain wares of the Ananatuba Phase:
58 percent of the Mangueiras Plain rims are from bowls and only 10
percent of those of Anjos Plain. Since Anjos Plain is absent or rare
in the earlier sites, it lacks two early shapes. These are Mangueiras
Plain shapes 1 and 7, which are most numerous at J—5 and tend to
fade out thereafter. Within Mangueiras Plain, there is a gradual
shift in bowl form, with shape 8 being equally common as shape 6 in
the first half of the Phase, but declining as shape 6 becomes the
dominant Mangueiras Plain vessel type. Jar shape 5 is also a typi-
cally early and exclusively Mangueiras Plain form. The dominant
Anjos Plain form, jar shape 4, occurs also to a minor degree in Man-
gueiras Plain, and persists in both types.
The most interesting aspect of the vessel shape analysis is the
amount of acculturation it reveals on the part of Mangueiras Phase
ceramics. While it was in the process of engulfing the Ananatuba
Phase at J—7, the Mangueiras Phase was also adopting a number of
Ananatuba Phase pottery traits. Examination of the remaining three
jar shapes, which first appear or markedly increase in abundance in
Mangueiras Phase wares at J—7, reveals that these are shapes of long
standing in the Ananatuba Phase. The comparison is more pro-
nounced when the differing frequencies of these shapes in the two
plain wares are eliminated by adding the rim sherds of the same shape
together and recomputing the percentage (Appendix, tables 27 and
33). Figure 73 shows the relative pre- and post-Ananatuba Phase
contact occurrence of Mangueiras Plain shape 4 and Anjos Plain
shape 1 (which are the same) in contrast to the history of that shape
in the Ananatuba Phase. Figure 74 treats combined Mangueiras
Phase plain ware shape 3 in the same way. Random occurrences in
precontact Mangueiras Phase sites may be misclassification of a small
sherd or deviant part of a bowl rim, or they may indicate that these
shapes were present but rare until the stimulus of the Ananatuba
Phase was felt. The shapes associated with the decorated types
reveal an interesting dichotomy that is further evidence of the strength
of the influence exerted by the Ananatuba Phase: Croari Brushed,
220 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
ANANATUBA PHASE MANGUEIRAS PHASE
POST- ANANATUBA
PHASE’ CONTAGT
(J-7, J-13, J-16)
PRE - ANANATUBA
PHASE‘ CONTACT
(J-17, J-5, C-3)
EE
0 10 20-30%"
Ficurre 73.—Stratigraphic evidence for the origin by acculturation of Mangueiras
Plain Vessel Shape 4 (Mangueiras Phase) from the Ananatuba Phase (Ap-
pendix, tables 27 and 33). The bars show the relative frequency of the vessel
shape at sites of both Phases in seriated order.
Pocoaté Scraped, and Esperancga Red, which are characteristic early
Mangueiras Phase decorated types, are found only on Mangueiras
Phase vessel shapes, whereas Bacuri Brushed and Pseudo-Sipé Incised,
representing Ananatuba Phase influence, are exclusively on Ananatuba
Phase shapes. The significance of this correlation is enhanced by
the fact that Esperanca Red, which continues to be made in the late
Mangueiras Phase, is not influenced by Ananatuba Phase vessel
shapes.
An anachronistic feature of J-17—Flor do Anajas is the presence of
fragments of exceedingly thick and gross, red-slipped tangas. Tangas
of this type have been found at Marajoara sites, but appear not to be
frequent in the best-known ones. If they are part of the Mangueiras
Phase culture at this site, then a drastic revision of the seriation is
required. There are several considerations, however, that suggest
they are intrusive: (1) they were found only on the surface and in
the upper level of the cut, and the collections from both these sources
also contained fragments of modern tile and earthenware, originating
from the present village (the lower level produced neither modern
ceramics nor tanga sherds); (2) the site seriates early in the archeo-
logical sequence on Marajé, and Marajoara trade materials in late
Formiga Phase and early Arua Phase sites place the arrival of the
wae ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 221
Marajoara Phase much later; and (3) The caboclos are active excava-
tors of Marajoara sites and frequently bring not only complete vessels
but also well-preserved adornos and other curious objects back to
their houses, which could readily account for their intrusion when
broken into the earlier archeological refuse. Until better evidence
for contemporaneity is discovered, therefore, it seems justifiable to
interpret this Marajoara Phase mixture as a recent one attributable
to the modern village occupying the spot. An examination of nearby
Marajoara sites may show that the heavy, red-slipped tangas are
common at one of them, which would establish their source.
DIAGNOSTIC FEATURES OF THE MANGUEIRAS PHASE
Mangueiras Phase sites are found over a wide area, having been
identified so far from central and northern Marajé and southern
Caviana. They are located in the forest where the land is not subject
to annual flooding, but proximity to the campo seems to have been
a less important factor in the choice of a village location than prox-
imity to a navigable stream. Unlike the Ananatuba Phase, Man-
gueiras Phase sites are always within 250 meters of a large igarapé,
although rarely on the immediate shore. Nor are any of these sites
on the coast, the nearest (J-13) being 3 km. inland. Some are at the
edge of the campo, others several kilometers distant. As indicated
by the ceramic refuse, the villages covered an area of 2,000 to 4,000
ANANATUBA PHASE MANGUEIRAS PHASE
CS
oe aver Fr anand - POST- ANANATUBA
PHASE CONTACT
(4-7, J-13, J-16)
PHASE CONTACT
a PRE - ANANATUBA
(c-3)
St
0 10 20 30%
i oe oe Oe a
Ficure 74.—Stratigraphic evidence for the origin by acculturation of Mangueiras
Plain Vessel Shape 3 (Mangueiras Phase) from the Ananatuba Phase (Appendix,
tables 27 and 33). The bars show the relative frequency of the vessel shape
at sites of both Phases in seriated order.
222 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
square meters, except at C-3 where the site is unusually small. The
depth of the deposit varies from 0.05 meter at J—16 to 1.00 meter at
J—5, apparently indicating great irregularity in the length of time
various villages were occupied. No cemeteries were identified, and
there is no evidence of practices associated with the disposal of the
dead.
The seriation of the sites belonging to the Mangueiras Phase is
based on the decreasing frequency of Mangueiras Plain, a sherd-
tempered, gray-cored ware, and the corresponding increase in Anjos
Plain, which is more completely oxidized in firing, typically eliminating
the gray core. Among the Tropical Forest Phases, this one is out-
standing for its high percentage of decorated sherds, but these are
mostly simple brushing and scraping, and never attain the artistic
level of Sipé Incised in the Ananatuba Phase. The better quality
of the ceramics, the presence of incised decoration, annular bases,
and distinctive vessel shapes make for ready identification of the
earliest sites, because none of these traits persist for any length of
time. A late time marker is Pseudo-Sip6 Incised, with designs copied
from Sipé Incised the Ananatuba Phase. Typical ceramic artifacts,
also early, are tubular pipes (J-5 and C-3), labrets (J-5 and C-3),
and figurines (J-5). No drilled sherds or other objects identifiable
as spindle whorls were encountered. The presence of irregular lumps
of burnt clay in the refuse of all levels and in all sites has no ready
explanation.
After contact with the Ananatuba Phase, which occurred about
midway in the sequence represented here, the Mangueiras Phase
ceramics underwent a strong degree of acculturation, as witnessed by
the appearance of Ananatuba Phase vessel shapes and decorative
techniques. Its seriated position indicates that the Mangueiras
Phase did not survive into historic times and, in confirmation, no
evidence of European contact was found at any of the sites.
THE FORMIGA PHASE
DESCRIPTION OF SITES AND EXCAVATIONS
Formiga Phase sites are located on north and central Marajé
(fig. 47).
SITE J-4—MuUCcAJA
This large habitation site is some 5 km. inland from the town of
Chaves on the north coast of Marajé6, near the upper reaches of the
Igarapé Atura-miri, which winds off in a northeasterly direction to
empty into the Amazon several kilometers east of Chaves (fig. 86).
This stream is now clogged with trees and almost dry toward the upper
end. J-4 is in a natural clearing at the edge of the dense coastal
adhd? ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 223
forest strip, and is covered with grass and a few scattered small trees.
Lake Arapapa, a small, shallow body of water, is about 1 km. to the
west.
The site consists of 2 large and 4 small mounds distributed over an
area of 150 by 150 meters (fig. 75). All are approximately a meter
higher than the general terrain and readily distinguishable by the
taller and greener grass growing on them, as well as by their elevation
(pl. 31, a). That the height of the mounds is due in part to artificial
construction is indicated by the thinness of the refuse layer and by a
depression between the two largest that may have been left by exca-
vation of dirt for the adjacent mounds. The two major mounds are
parallel and run north-south. The first, on the east, measures 100
by 20 meters, and the second, just west of it, is slightly shorter. The
remaining 4 mounds, 2 to the west and 2 to the south, vary from 25 to
35 meters in length and 5 to 8 meters in width. All but one have the
longest axis oriented north-south. A circular depression at the north-
east corner of Mound 1 may be the remnant of a well.
No sherds could be seen on the surface, and tests made at various
spots on three of the mounds showed the refuse layer to be 10 cm. or
less in thickness and the sherds to be sparse and in a poor state of
preservation in the clay matrix. Below the refuse layer, the clay
AREA OF MAJOR
EXCAVATION
Fieure 75.—Plan of J-4—Mucaja, a habitation site of the Formiga Phase.
224 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
became yellow in contrast to the dark gray of the occupation level.
Excavation was concentrated on the north end of Mound 1, where
the sherds were more profuse than in other places tested.
The sample collected included 929 sherds (of which less than 100 had
surfaces in good condition), 56 burnt-clay lumps (3 with grooves as
though plastered against sticks) and 2 particles of iron concretions,
which show no use and are natural soil inclusions.
SITE J-—6—-FORMIGA
In a wide stretch of campo dotted with clumps of forest about 4 km.
southeast of the Ananatuba Phase Site J—7—Sip6, are three small
mounds (fig. 76). The grass growing on them is taller than in the
surrounding area, and at the beginning of the dry season was markedly
darker green (pl. 31, b, c). The nearest forested spot is a kilometer
away. A small igarapé winding across the campo passes along the
north edge of the site. Mound 1, the largest of the group, is oval,
oriented slightly northwest by southeast, and measures 20 meters
long by 8 meters wide and 1.25 meters high. Mound 2, 28 meters
east of Mound 1, is 8 to 10 meters in diameter and 0.50 meter high.
Mound 8, 75 meters east of Mound 2, has a diameter of 18 meters and a
height of 0.50 meter. Few sherds are visible on the surface, and most
of those included in the surface collection were found by the workmen
digging on their own.
A stratigraphic excavation was made in each mound. Cut 1, in the
center of Mound 1, was 2 by 2 meters square and controlled in 15-cm.
levels. The refuse layer was black clay and of uniform character
except at level .30-.45 m., when many lumps of unfired clay were
encountered near the east side. Natural, sterile, yellow-brown clay
was reached at 90 cm. The count by levels totaled:
Level .00-.15 m.: 209 sherds and 10 burnt-clay lumps
Level .15-.30 m.: 1,228 sherds (one worked and drilled) and 153 burnt-clay
lumps
Level .30—-.45 m.: 1,108 ea and 126 burnt-clay lumps
Level .45-.60 m.: 554 sherds (1 worked and drilled) and 29 burnt-clay
lumps
Level .60-.75 m.: 150 can and 17 burnt-clay lumps
Level .75-.90 m.: 116 sherds, 4 burnt-clay lumps
Cut 2, a little northeast of the center of Mound 3, was excavated in
the same dimensions and levels as cut 1. Soil conditions repeated
those in cut 1, the hard, black clay becoming slightly yellower and
dryer in level .30-.45 m. Sterile soil was reached at 50 cm. At a
depth of 45 cm. the west edge of the cut passed through a pocket of
black clay about 15 cm. in diameter, containing fragments of burnt
bone, which Marshall T. Newman, United States National Museum,
was able to identify as human. There was no concentration of sherds
225
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226 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
near this burial that could be interpreted as constituting grave goods.
The count from cut 2 by levels gives:
Level .00-.15 m.: 123 sherds and 1 burnt-clay lump
Level .15-.30 m.: 238 sherds and 1 burnt-clay lump
Level .30-.45 m.: 494 sherds and 19 burnt-clay lumps
Level .45-.60 m.: 126 sherds and 2 burnt-clay lumps
Cut 3, 1 meter square, was put in the center of Mound 2. Here the
sod layer extended to a depth of 10 cm., but conditions below dupli-
cated those in the two previous cuts, with sterile grayish-brown clay
appearing at 50 cm. This test was continued to a depth of 75 cm.,
into the sterile soil underlying the mound. Cultural remains were
distributed :
Level .00-.15 m.: 218 sherds, 1 burnt-clay lump
Level .15-.30 m.: 739 sherds, 13 burnt-clay lumps
Level .30-.45 m.: 836 sherds and 27 burnt-clay lumps
Level .45-.60 m.: 166 sherds and 11 burnt-clay lumps
To these totals, the surface collection added 146 sherds
Drilled sherds.—The two drilled sherds from cut 1 are Formiga
Plain (fig. 77). Both were crudely shaped into a circle, averaging
Figure 77.—Drilled sherds from J-6—Formiga, Formiga Phase.
3 cm. in diameter, and drilled through the center from both sides
with a hole 6 to 9 mm. in diameter. Both are slightly concavo-convex
in cross section, with a thickness of 6 mm.
Data FROM OTHER EXCAVATIONS
SITE J—18—-COROCA
The only other site that has been identified as belonging to the
Formiga Phase is J-18—Coroca, on the right bank of the Rio Ararf,
mange ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 227
a few kilometers south of its junction with the Rio Anajasinho (fig. 47).
It was excavated by Peter Hilbert of the Museu Goeldi, who describes
it as on the edge of a rise that parallels the Rio Arari 100 meters
inland from its usual western shore. The refuse deposit overlies a
low, artificial mound now covered with trees, which extends 25
meters north-south and 4 to 8 meters east-west. From an elevation
of 1.00 meter at the middle, it rises to a summit 1.50 meters high at
the center of each half.
A 1.5 by 1.5 meter stratigraphic excavation made in 15-cm. levels
on the northern summit showed the refuse to extend to a depth of
65 cm. Soil in the first level was light-brown clay, becoming lighter
in color and increasingly sandy to a depth of 60 cm., where it changed
to hard, whitish clay, which continued sterile to 1 meter (Hilbert,
pers. corres.).
The excavation produced the following materials:
Level .00—.15 m.: 47 sherds.
Level .15—.30 m.: 156 sherds.
Level .30—.45 m.: 214 sherds and 1 fired clay lump.
Level .45-.60 m.: 209 sherds.
Level .60-.75 m.: 17 sherds.
One clay lump and 19 additional sherds made up the surface collec-
tion. All the material was sent to us for analysis and provides im-
portant additional information on the ceramic history of the Formiga
Phase.
ANALYSIS OF MATERIALS OF THE FORMIGA PHASE
Pottery Type Descriptions
The description of the Formiga Phase pottery types is based on
the analysis and classification of 8,042 sherds from habitation sites.
Using the binomial system of nomenclature, the following types were
established, arranged in alphabetical order:
CATARINA PLAIN
It is possible that the sherds described as Catarina Plain are actually badly
eroded examples of the Marajoara Phase ware, Inajdi Plain. Their initial ap-
pearance coincides with that of certain Marajoara Phase decorated types, and
the vessel shapes resemble those of the Marajoara Phase. Since the coadition of
preservation prevented an identification and correlation based on paste and
surface features, it was considered safer to give these sherds a separate designation,
keeping in mind the possibility they might not constitute a new Formiga Phase
plain ware, but rather trade material from the Marajoara Phase.
PASTE:
Method of manufacture: Coiling.
Temper: Crushed sherd. Sometimes visible as distinct bright-orange, cream,
or light-gray particles with smooth surfaces which contrast with the dark-
gray paste. Size ranges from 0.5-5.0 mm. Moderate amount visible.
228 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
Texture: Distinctly laminated appearance in cross section with numerous air
pockets where layers have buckled slightly. Extremely poor kneading of
clay and temper when clay rather dry produced poor cohesion. Easy to
break with a very crumbly, irregular edge caused by each lamination
breaking in a different plane. Separation along old coil lines suggests
modeling when the clay was unusually dry with poor kneading of the coils.
Color: 80 percent of the sherds are fired orange in an irregular band along
both surfaces and to a depth of 2 mm. leaving a medium to dark-gray
core. The zone of contact between the two colors is irregular, with the
orange encroaching on the gray along the lines of lamination giving the
cross section a variegated appearance. Remaining sherds are gray cored
with a thin brownish-tan layer on the surfaces.
Firing: Incomplete, in oxidizing atmosphere. A few fire clouds.
SURFACES:
Color: Exterior and interior— Majority of sherds are leather-red-brown some-
times shading off to a dusty-cream on both surfaces. A few have this
color on exterior only, the interior being variegated gray-orange. The
variegated appearance on both surfaces of 5 percent of the sherds is pro-
duced by irregularly spaced splotches of bright orange, light tan, and dark
blue-gray.
Treatment: Exterior and interior—Unusually poor quality of the paste
resulted in loss by erosion of the original surface in over 50 percent of
the sherds. Of those in which the surface is preserved, 25 percent are
partially smoothed with a hard-surfaced tool bringing finer particles to
the surface and giving a dull luster, but still leaving many irregularities,
small pits and tool-smoothing marks. The remaining 75 percent are
superficially smoothed with the hand or fingers, erasing the coil lines but
leaving a rough, uneven, coarse, soft surface.
Hardness: 2.
Form:
Rim: Externally thickened or slightly everted with an angular inner lip edge.
Body wall thickness: Range 5-15 mm., majority 6 mm.
Body diameters: Range 22-38 cm.
Base: Flattened, joining the sidewalls at an 80-degree angle, or slightly
thickened on the interior producing a slight convexity. Diameters range
22-24 cm.
Vessel shapes reconstructed from sherds:
1. Carinated bowls with flattened bottom, everted or exteriorly thick-
ened rim. Rim diameter 26-34 cm., diameter of flat base 22-24
cm. (fig. 78-1).
2. Jar with flat bottom, rounded body, insloping neck, exteriorly thick-
ened rim. Rim diameter 22 cm.; maximum body diameter 28-42
em. (fig. 78-2).
TEMPORAL DIFFERENCE WITHIN THE TYPE: None (Appendix, table 35).
CHRONOLOGICAL POSITION OF THE TYPE: Catarina Plain appears suddenly at the
termination of the Formiga Phase.
COROCA PLAIN
PASTE:
Method of manufacture: Coiling indicated by breakage which occasionally
leaves a concave edge on one sherd and a convex one on the corresponding
edge of the part broken off.
MEGGERS AND ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 229
EVANS]
OF: “lege: SCM
Rim Scale
Dora tots SESSET DEE: 2
= °
m
¥
em
Ca Oe
oO 4 8 12CM
Vessel Scale
Figure 78.—Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Catarina Plain, Formiga Phase
(Appendix, table 35).
Temper: Ground sherd with wide variation in the size of particles in each
specimen. Granules are not evenly distributed, probably contributing to
the general fragility of this type. Color of temper particles is typically
bright orange, contrasting sharply with the gray paste.
Texture: Cleavage very irregular and granular; many air pockets. Extremely
friable because of poor quality of paste composition, mixture and firing.
Knocking the sherds together produces a dull thud.
Color: Whitish to light orange to bright orange beginning from the exterior
surface and extending inward in a band of varying width sometimes in-
cluding the entire cross section. Some trace of gray is present in about
55 percent of the sherds. The oxidation is frequently complete except
for the interior surface, so that the gray ‘‘core’’ tends to be along the in-
terior edge rather than in the middle of the cross section.
Firing: Oxidized, incomplete to complete; no fire clouds.
SURFACE:
Color:
Exterior—Range from light, whitish tan to light orange to pinkish
orange.
Interior—The same range plus a dull gray brown, which occurs on the
majority of the incompletely oxidized sherds.
Treatment: Superficial smoothing leaving small pits and protruding temper
grains, and an irregular and somewhat undulating surface. Smoothing
lines parallel to the rim are common on the interior; made by wiping the
fingers around the circumference.
391329—57——17
230 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULD. 167
Slip appears on a majority of the sherds on the exterior, sometimes car-
ried over to the interior on bowls. The slip is often poorly applied, with
a marked variation in thickness in a small area from paper thinness to
0.5-1.0 mm. The slip was applied when the surface was too dry, making
the bond poor and causing the slip to peel off readily.
Hardness: Soft; 2.
Form:
Rim: Typically direct, or everted with a rounded lip. Occasionally with
slight exterior or interior thickening.
Body wall thickness: Range 4-10 mm, majority 6-9 mm.
Base: Rounded with slight interior thickening, amounting to an increase of
about one-third over the body wall thickness.
Vessel shapes reconstructed from sherds:
1. Jars with short outflaring or everted necks and curved or vertical
sides producing a globular or ovoid body. Direct rim with rounded
or flattened lip. Rim diameter 8-32 cm., majority 20-22 cm.
(fig. 79-1).
2. Globular-bodied jars with sides incurving to a direct rim with a
rounded lip. Rim diameter 14-20 cm. (fig. 79-2).
3. Small jars with globular bodies and rims either thickened on the ex-
terior or slightly everted to produce the appearance of thickening.
Rim diameter typically 7-14 cm.; sometimes 15-18 cm. (fig. 79-3).
4. Bowls with rounded bottom, outsloping sides and direct rim with
rounded lip. Rim diameter 18-24 em. (fig. 79-4).
Appendages: Three fragments of handles come from J-6—Formiga. These
are round in cross section and have a small pluglike protrusion on the end
for insertion into the body wall (cf. Ananatuba Plain).
TEMPORAL DIFFERENCES WITHIN THE TYPE: No vessel shape trends in the small
sample of rim sherds available (Appendix, table 35).
CHRONOLOGICAL POSITION OF THE TYPE: Present throughout the Formiga Phase
with an early climax and a slow decline.
EMBAUBA PLAIN
PASTE:
Method of manufacture: Coiling.
Temper: Ground sherd, with particles ranging from 0.5-3.0 mm.
Texture: Poor mixture of clay with temper leaving many air pockets and
clumps of temper particles. Cleavage plane is angular and irregular.
Color: Often mottled in appearance because of the lighter colored particles
of sherd temper in the grayish paste. Except for a thin band, almost
paper thin, of orange or reddish tan adjacent to both surfaces, the core is
gray to black.
Firing: Incomplete oxidation; many fire clouds and splotches of bright orange.
SURFACES:
Color: Ranges from light tan to cream to orange-tan to dull gray on both
exterior and interior; however, the majority are dark-tan to tannish-orange
orange on exterior with a grayish interior.
Treatment: Exterior and interior—Lightly smoothed, leaving a rather un-
even and irregular surface with many pits where the temper particles
dragged. Roughness of surfaces made them susceptible to erosion. Some
of the thinner-walled jars and bowls are slightly more regular and better
smoothed.
Hardness: Soft; 2.
MEGGERS AND ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 231
EVANS]
Ey es ee
Oe wal 2 3CM
Rim & Handle
Scale
ts Ee lea ss a
oO 4 8 t2CM
Vessel Scale
Eee)
Handle Types
Ficure 79,—Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Coroca Plain, Formiga Phase
(Appendix, table 35).
232 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
Form:
Rim: Direct, exteriorly thickened or everted, with rounded lip.
Body wall thickness: Range 5-12 mm., majority 7 mm.
Body diameters: Range 22—48 cm.
Base: Rounded on exterior and slightly thickened on interior. A few non-
typical bases, flat and with a slight pedestal, come from Site J-4—Mucaja4.
Vessel shapes reconstructed from sherds:
1. Jars with rounded body, walls sloping or curving inward to an ex-
teriorly thickened rim with a rounded lip. Mouth diameter 10-38
cm. (fig. 80-1).
2. Jars with globular body, walls incurving to a direct rim with a rounded
lip. Mouth diameter 16-30 cm. (fig. 80-2).
3. Jars with globular body and collarlike, everted rim. Rim diameter
18-24 cm. (fig. 80-3).
4. Bowls with rounded bottom, walls curving outward, then nearly
vertical to an exteriorly thickened rim with a rounded lip. Rim
diameter 12-26 cm., majority 18-26 cm. (fig. 80-4).
. Rounded bowls with direct rim and rounded lip. Mouth diameter
10-26 cm.; majority 16-26 cm. (fig. 80-5).
6. Bowls with rounded bottom, upcurving sides, expanding slightly
at the direct rim with a flattened top. Mouth diameter 20-32
cm. (fig. 80-6).
Appendages: Rarely, loop handles with a circular cross section, 1.2-1.5 cm. in
diameter. Ends have a small conical projection for insertion into the
body wall but this is smaller than on Ananatuba Phase handles and
was of little structural advantage.
TEMPORAL DIFFERENCES WITHIN THE TYPE: Vessel shape 1 appears to increase
slightly in frequency and shape 6 to decline, but there are no well-defined trends
(Appendix, table 36). Differences in vessel shape preference have an areal
rather than a temporal distribution in the Formiga Phase.
CHRONOLOGICAL POSITION OF THE TYPH: Gradual increase in frequency from the
beginning to the end of the sequence of the Formiga Phase.
or
FORMIGA PLAIN
PasTE:
Method of manufacture: Coiling.
Temper: Ground sherd, particles ranging from 0.5-3.0 mm.
Texture: Moderately hard to break owning to tensile strength produced by
the hard, smoothed surfaces. Cleavage is very angular and a freshly
broken edge is soft and crumbly on the core. Admixture of the clay and
temper is poor, with the temper often lumped together, leaving numerous
air pockets.
Color: Ranges from a thin band of orange to tan on the polished surface with
a light to dark gray core, to an orange band 40 percent of the cross section
thickness with a dark gray core. Ten percent of all the sherds are fired
light tan to orange through the cross section. The lighter temper particles
are often visible in the gray cores.
Firing: Oxidized under extremely variable conditions; usually incomplete.
Fire clouds and bright orange splotches are frequent.
SURFACES:
Color: Exterior and interior—Ranges from whitish cream to tan to orange
tan to cream streaked with dull, dark red on the polished surface, to dull,
orange red or dusty grayish orange on the unpolished surface. All combi-
MEGGERS AND ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 233
BVANS]
Handle Types
ES
Ort 2. s'CM
Rim & Handle
Scale
PRE LA CART ite a nw or et oN en
EE ees
4 Oo 4 8 12CM
Vessel Scale
Ficure 80.—Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Embatiba Plain, Formiga Phase
(Appendix, table 36).
nations and ranges of colors are on both the exterior and interior surfaces,
with the whitish cream to cream streaked with a dull, dark red being the
most frequent. This streaked color is apparently due to a variation in the
amount of pressure applied in polishing the slipped surfaces. Polishing
tracks are always reddish because the pressure of the tool removed a
234
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
slight amount of the whitish or cream slip from this area permitting the
orange-red undersurface to show through. A well-polished, evenly smoothed
sherd usually has a redder color than the others.
Treatment:
Exterior and interior—75-85 percent of the sherds have a very smooth,
slipped or floated surface with a high luster. The rest are unslipped
and the polishing is more poorly done, leaving the surface uneven and
irregular with smoothing tracks and pits, and producing only a slight
luster. Of the highly lustrous, well-polished sherds, half were given
a cream slip, reaching 1 mm. in thickness with poor cohesion to the
underlying surface so that it flakes off easily. Some surfaces were
highly irregular and uneven when the smoothing was begun and the
final regularity came as a result of polishing, hence the streaking as
the surfaces were worn down. On the floated sherds the surface
was worked when wet bringing up a fine layer of clay; these are dis-
tinguished by the thinness of the surface layer and its tan-orange
color. Ten percent of the jar sherds appear to have been polished
only on the rim and neck leaving the body exterior only lightly
smoothed. A diagnostic feature of this type is the luster from
polishing, even though the surfaces as a whole are not regular.
Hardness: 2.5
Form:
Rim:
Direct, exteriorly thickened or everted with rounded lip; expanding
with a flat top.
Body
wall thickness: 5-11 mm., majority 7-8 mm.
Bases: Typically rounded and unthickened or slightly thickened; one flat
base joining the sides at a 55 degree angle.
Vessel shapes reconstructed from sherds:
1
2
3
5
. Bowls with rounded bottom, upcurving sides and expanding rim with
a flat top. Rim diameter 18—44 em. (fig. 81-1).
. Rounded bowls with a direct rim and rounded lip. Rim diameter
10-30 em. (fig. 81-2).
. Bowls with rounded bottom, walls curving outward, then nearly
vertically to an exteriorly thickened rim with rounded lip. Mouth
diameter 16-30 cm. (fig. 81-3).
. Small jars with globular body, constricted mouth and slightly everted
or exteriorly thickened rim with a rounded lip. Mouth diameter
10-20 cm. (fig. 81-4).
. Jars with globular body, walls incurving to direct rim with a rounded
lip. Mouth diameter 8-20 cm. (fig. 81-5).
Appendages: One fragment of a handle with a circular cross section 1.5 em.
in diameter.
TEMPORAL DIFFERENCES WITHIN THE TYPE: None (Appendix, table 37).
CHRONOLOGICAL POSITION OF THE TYPE: Formiga Plain is the dominant plain
pottery
type in the early part of the Formiga Phase. It undergoes a steady
decline in frequency and has almost disappeared by the end of the Phase.
MUCAJA CORRUGATED
The term “finger pinched”? might have been more accurately descriptive than
“corrugated,” but the latter term was chosen because it seems highly probable
that this technique represents an effort to copy the appearance of a corrugated
pottery ty
pe used by another group.
menceees Sap ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 235
ie sl es LE
o) a 2 3CM
Rim Scale
ERS EE ES (eae eS
Oo 4 8 I2CM
Vessel Scale
Ficure 81.—Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Formiga Plain, Formiga Phase
(Appendix, table 37).
236 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
Paste: Always on Embatba Plain; see that pottery type for descriptions of
temper, firing, etc.
SURFACE:
Color: See Embatba Plain.
Treatment: Exterior—Coil lines left visible and embellished by pinching
horizontally between the thumb and forefinger, creating two large and
deep impressions separated by a narrow prominent ridge. An alternative
was to press downward along the coil edge making a row of impressions
but without the prominent ridge (pl. 48, a—h).
Interior—Smoothed sufficiently to erase coil lines, but leaving irregular-
ities and often smoothing tracks.
Hardness: 2.
Form:
Rim: Everted with slight, exteriorly thickened and rounded or pointed lip
on the sherds from J—4. Those from J—6 are direct with a rounded lip.
Body wall thickness: 4-20 mm.; majority 6-10 mm.
Base: Flat, joining the wall at an angle of 40-65 degrees.
Vessel shape reconstructed from sherds:
1. Semicylindrical jars or bowls with flat bottom and everted, thickened
rim. Rim diameter 16-32 cm. majority 16-18 cm. (fig. 82-1).
2. Jars with rounded body, insloping neck and direct rim with a rounded
lip. Mouth diameter 16-18 cm. (fig. 82-2).
Liebe
Oeeter2 3 OM
Rim Scale
es
Oo 4 8 12 CM
Vessel Scale
Ficure 82.—Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Mucajé Corrugated, Formiga
Phase (Appendix, table 38).
TEMPORAL DIFFERENCES WITHIN THE TYPE: Crudest and least resembling true
corrugation at the time of its earliest occurrence in the Formiga Phase. The
small sample shows no trend in vessel shape (Appendix, table 38).
CHRONOLOGICAL POSITION OF THE TYPE: Appears suddenly in the latter part of
the Formiga Phase sequence.
— ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 237
PSEUDO-SIP6 INCISED—FORMIGA PHASE VARIETY
PASTE AND SURFACE: The majority are on Formiga Plain, remainder on either
Embatba Plain or Coroca Plain; see those type descriptions for details of paste,
temper, color, etc.
Form:
Rims: Direct or exteriorly thickened with a rounded lip.
Body wall thickness: Range 3-8 mm., majority 6 mm.
Base: Rounded.
Vessel shapes reconstructed from sherds:
1. Bowls with a rounded bottom, sides curving inward to an exteriorly
thickened rim with a rounded lip. Rim diameter 24-30 cm. (fig.
83-1).
ee eS ees |
Ont en 436M
Rim Scale
[a ee ee |
- 0 4 8 126M
Vessel Scale
Fiaure 83.—Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Pseudo-Sipé Incised, Formiga
Phase Variety (Appendix, table 38).
2. Bowls with a rounded bottom, outcurving sides and direct rim with
a rounded lip. Rim diameters average 22 cm. (fig. 83-2).
3. Jars with rounded body, walls insloping to an exteriorly thickened
rim with a rounded lip. Rim diameters range 6-20 cm., majority
14-20 cm. (fig. 83-3).
Decoration (pl. 48, i-n):
The incised designs are copies from Sipé Incised of the Ananatuba Phase.
(See Sipé Incised, pp. 185-187, for details of technique and motif.)
Motif:
At Site J—6, design types 1, 4, 5, and 6.
At Site J-18, design type 4.
TEMPORAL DIFFERENCES WITHIN THE TYPE: None (Appendix, table 38).
CHRONOLOGICAL POSITION OF THE TYPE: Occurs sporadically throughout the
Formiga Phase sequence. The fidelity of the copy of Ananatuba Phase motifs
indicates some direct contact with either the Ananatuba Phase or the Man-
gueiras Phase and serves to compensate somewhat for the absence of a strati-
graphic link.
938 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
SAUBA BRUSHED
PASTE AND SURFACE: On Coroca Plain, see that type description for details of
temper, color, firing, etc.
Form:
Rims: Slightly thickened on the exterior or interior with a rounded lip.
Body wall thickness: Range 4-7 mm., majority 4 mm.
Base: Probably rounded.
Vessel shapes reconstructed from sherds:
1. Jar with rounded body, insloping neck and exteriorly thickened rim
with a rounded lip. Rim diameter 18-22 cm. (fig. 84-1).
2. Jar with a globular body, walls incurving to a direct rim with a rounded
lip. Rim diameter 14 cm. (fig. 84-2).
are eee
O) (2 S3iGM
Rim Scale
Figure 84.—Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Satiba Brushed, Formiga Phase
(Appendix, table 38).
DeEcoRATION: Exterior surface covered with parallel brushings typically 0.5-1.0 mm.
wide and from 1.0—4.0 mm. apart with the majority 2.0 mm. apart, applied when
the clay was damp enough to leave the marks sharply defined. A small per-
centage were brushed twice with a bunch of twigs held at different angles to
produce diagonal or criss-cross patterns.
TEMPORAL DIFFERENCES WITHIN THE TYPE: None discernible in the small sample
available (Appendix, table 38).
CHRONOLOGICAL POSITION OF THE TYPE: Present throughout the Formiga Phase.
UNCLASSIFIED DECORATED
A few scattered sherds with incised or punctate decoration were found at all
Formiga Phase Sites. They are tabulated below:
UNCLASSIFIED INCISED:
1. Fine-line incised, marks ranging from very fine to 1 mm. wide, usually
running parallel, occasionally cross hatched or zigzagged. Total sherds
from J—6, 37; from J—18, 1; from J—4, 1.
2. Simple, rectilinear patterns with intersecting straight lines. Total sherds
from J—18, 6.
MEGGERS AND ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 239
EVANS ]
3. Miscellaneous badly eroded or very small sherds with traces of incision.
Total from J—6, 15 sherds.
UNCLASSIFIED PUNCTATE:
1. Rows of ovoid punctates beginning below the rim and probably covering
the exterior; shape of marks varies greatly on the same sherd, running
from triangular to ovoid to rectangular, depending on the angle at which
the tool was held. Total from J—6, 3 sherds; from J—18, 6 sherds.
2. Row of punctates along the rim exterior. One sherd from J-6.
Pottery Artifacts
The only pottery artifacts found were two sherds that had been
worked into crude disks and perforated through the center, possibly
for use as spindle whorls (fig. 77). Both of these came from Site
J-6—Formiga (see p. 226 for details).
Nonceramie Artifacts
Artifacts or fragments of stone, bone or other nonpottery material
are completely absent.
Crramic History
The seriated sequence shown in figure 85 js based on the analysis of
7,234 sherds from J—4 and J-—6 on the north coast and 643 sherds from
J—18, in central Marajé6. The trends were derived from 4 stratigraphic
cuts, 1 in each of the mounds at J—6 and 1 at J—18, the shallowest of
which produced sherds to a depth of 60 cm. (Appendix, table 34).
The passage of time in the Phase is marked by changes in the popu-
larity of the three plain wares: Formiga Plain, Coroca Plain, and
Embatba Plain. The earliest level produced only Formiga Plain, a
cream to dark-red ware with a lustrous surface. From a climax of
95 percent in the lowest levels of J—6, it declines to 2 percent by the
end of the Phase. Taking its place are the unpolished types:
Embatiba Plain, with a dull grayish or brownish surface, and Coroca
Plain, with a whitish to reddish surface. The latter has an early
climax, followed by a slow decline, while Embatiba Plain increases
gradually until the end of the Phase. The percentage of Coroca Plain
is considerably greater in the lower levels at J-18 than in contemporary
levels at J—6, reflecting a regional difference. J-—4, a one level site,
seriates near the end of the J-6 occupation by virtue of its high per-
centage of Embatiba Plain.
The decorated types associated with the Formiga Phase are for the
most part undistinguished and unclassifiable. Of the two identifiable
types, Satiba Brushed is present in nearly all levels at J-6, usually in
a fraction of a percent, and is comparable in its execution to the
brushed types of the other Tropical Forest Phases. Pseudo-Sipé
Incised, so-called because of the similarity of the motifs and technique
of incision to Sipé Incised of the Ananatuba Phase, is also found
240 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
throughout the sequence, although somewhat more sporadically and
never exceeding 1.4 percent in any level.
In the final third of the Formiga Phase there is a sudden introduction
of a finger-pressed surface decoration that may represent an attempt
to imitate the appearance of corrugation. The fact that the earliest
as well as the crudest examples of this technique occur at J—4"° may
indicate a stimulus from somewhere to the west. Its introduction at
J—6 failed to take root, although the specimens from this site approach
true corrugated ware more closely in that the coil lines remain un-
obliterated.
Another innovation at the end of the history of J-6, and one that
probably brought the Phase to an end, is represented by the intrusion
of two Marajoara Phase decorated types, Arari Excised (pl. 49, a-e)
and Guajara Incised (pl. 49, f-7). These appear suddenly at the top
of cuts 1 and 2, and are unquestionably of Marajoara Phase origin,
probably acquired by trade. Although the exceedingly poor condition
of Catarina Plain (which appears about the same time) makes positive
identification impossible, there is a good chance that it is in reality
badly eroded Inajé Plain, one of the Marajoara Phase plain wares.
A few badly eroded sherds from Teso dos China, a Marajoara Phase
site, showed similar variegation of gray and orange.
As in the other Tropical Forest Phases, the vessel shapes of the
Formiga Phase wares fail to show any well-marked trend of increase
or diminution in frequency. In this Phase, the relatively small num-
ber of rims makes the situation even more obscure. A computation
of the ratio of bowls to jars in the three plain wares shows that 85.7
percent of the Coroca Plain rims are from jars in contrast to 32.4
percent in Formiga Plain. A similar predominance of jars in the
more highly oxidized ware is also characteristic of the Ananatuba and
Mangueiras Phases. In Embatba Plain the two categories are more
equally represented, with 59.4 percent jars and 40.6 percent bowls.
The most striking aspect of the vessel shapes of Formiga Phase
wares is their marked spatial distribution. In Formiga Plain, shape
4 is the dominant jar form at J—4 and J-—6 but is absent at J-18 (Appen-
dix, table 37). In Embatba Plain, J—-18 lacks shape 1, which accounts
for 40.4 percent of the rims from J—4 and 41.2 percent of those from
J-6, as well as shape 6, which reaches 11.2 percent at J-4 and 9.1
percent at J-6. On the other hand, Embatiba Plain, shape 3 is absent
at J-6 and rare at J—4, but claims 58.3 percent of the rims from J—18
(Appendix, table 36).
A similar disparity between apparently contemporary Formiga
Phase sites is evident in types of decoration. Only J-6 produced
16 The trace shown farther down on the chart (fig. 85) is in the level immediately preceding that seriating
above J-4, and probably belongs to the end of that level.
SURFAC
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FORMIGA EMBAUBA COROCA SAUBA PSEUDO-sIP6 UNCLASSIFIED MUCAUA GATARINA ARARI GUAJARA
PLAIN PLAIN PLAIN BRUSHED INCISED DECORATED CORRUGATED PLAIN EXCISED INCISED
Figure 85.—Seriation of Formiga Phase sites on the basis of pottery type frequency (Appendix, table 34).
———-
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FEUPVVLER A ARARE SAS
MBSGAHA AND ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 241
Satiba Brushed and Pseudo-Sip6 Incised, although these occur in the
earliest levels and so should have had ample opportunity to diffuse to
J-18. Since innovations of this type passed rapidly between equally
widely separated sites of the Mangueiras Phase, it seems reasonable
to conclude that Formiga Phase villages were relatively more isolated
and perhaps also less receptive to ceramic innovations than were those
of the Mangueiras Phase.
The presence of a decorated variety employing the motifs of Sipé
Incised of the Ananatuba Phase is susceptible to an interpretation
similar to that given for Pseudo-Sipé Incised in the Mangueiras Phase
(pp. 218-219). The Formiga Phase variety of Pseudo-Sipé Incised
appears to be another and perhaps independent example of ceramic
acculturation. The exact origin in time or place is uncertain since no
sites showing Formiga Phase-Ananatuba Phase contact similar to the
Mangueiras Phase-Ananatuba Phase contact at J-7 were located, and
the type is present in the earliest known levels of the Formiga Phase.
However, in contrast to what happened in the Mangueiras Phase, the
ceramic influence appears to have been purely local, since no Pseudo-
Sipé6 Incised sherds were collected from J-4 or J-18.
Diacnostic FEATURES OF THE FoRMIGA PHASE
A typical Formiga Phase village was located in the campo but
accessible to the forest, and adjacent to a stream. At J—4 and
J-6, this was a small igarapé, large enough to provide a water supply
but too small to be navigable except in the rainy season. The sites
consist of 1 to 6 independent mounds, which at J—6 are produced by
the refuse accumulation, but at J-4 and J-18 have an artificially
constructed core. The mounds at J—4 cover a considerably larger
area and are individually larger than those at J—6, but the refuse
deposit has a depth of only 10 cm. in contrast to almost a meter at
J—6. The presence of a few lumps of clay bearing twig impressions
may indicate the use of wattle and daub in the house construction.
All three of the habitation sites are contemporary, as shown by the
interdigitation of the levels in the strata cuts, with J-6 covering the
longest span of time and J—4 much the shortest. The ceramic history
is characterized by the decreasing frequency of Formiga Plain, a
lustrous ware with a streaked surface, an early climax and gradual
decline in Coroca Plain, with a whitish to reddish surface, and an
increase on the part of Embatba Plain, with a dull grayish to brownish
surface. Decoration is typically crude and nondescript, the only
consistent types being Sattba Brushed and Pseudo-Sipé Incised and
these are present from beginning to end with no notable change in
frequency. Ceramic artifacts are limited to two worked and drilled
sherds that may have been spindle whorls.
242 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
The burial pattern seems to have been cremation and interment
of the ashes beneath the house in the village refuse. One such burial
was encountered in J—6, cut 2, at a depth of 45 cm. No grave goods
of any description were associated.
The inception of the Formiga Phase is uncertain, but its termination
is apparently the result of the arrival of the Marajoara Phase, whose
people came in contact with the village at J—6 just before it was
abandoned.
THE ARUA PHASE
DESCRIPTION OF SITES AND EXCAVATIONS
In spite of the prominence of the Arua in historical accounts of
Marajé, only two village sites were found on the north-central coast.
SITE J-2/3—CHAVES AIRPORT
In 1943 a small emergency landing field was constructed on the
southeast edge of the town of Chaves, on the north coast of Marajé
(fig. 86). Leveling operations removed 50 to 75 cm. of earth and
uncovered 18 plain jars containing bone fragments about 25 cm.
below the surface. The townspeople recalled that all were broken
or so fragile that they fell into pieces when removed from the support-
ing earth. We were unable to discover a single sherd in any one’s
possession in 1948. A small, ungrooved ax found at the same time
was still preserved.
Examination of the site revealed scattered sherds on the surface
at the north and south edges of the field, which were about 60 meters
apart. The original surface of the ground averages 25 cm. above
the field level along the north edge and 50 to 75 em. higher on the
south edge. The fact that the refuse layer averages 25 cm. in thick-
ness at both extremes, together with the information that jars were
found in the intervening area, seems to justify the conclusion that
we are dealing with the two parts of a single large habitation site.
The refuse layer was dark-gray, sandy loam, with the sherds concen-
trated between 20 and 25 cm. below the surface. Flecks of charcoal
were noted at 15 cm. on the north side. Excavation was carried out
by cutting back the north bank 1.5 meters inward along a section 13
meters long, and by peeling off the south bank in a strip 30 meters
long and 1 meter wide. One hundred and fifty-four sherds from the
north side and 741 from the south excavation give a total of 895
sherds from the site.
In 1948 the north edge of the site was only 100 meters from the
coast, where the steep, high bank is subjected to continual erosion
by the waves. At the time the village was occupied the shoreline
can be said with certainty to have been somewhat farther away.
The entire area was wooded prior to its clearing for the airstrip.
243
ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON
MEGGERS AND
EVANS]
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244 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
Figure 87.—Stone ax from J—2/3—Chaves Airport, a habitation site of the
Arua Phase.
Az.—The only nonceramic artifact from J—2/3 was an ungrooved,
polished ax (fig. 87) of fine-grained, dark-greenish diorite flecked with
black. Several polishing planes toward the blade and the sides and
a few pecking marks at the butt end make the surface slightly irregular.
The ax is 9.0 cm. long and 5.6 cm. wide at the convex blade, with
curving sides and a rounded butt. Thickness is 3.7 cm. The blade
was chipped in the center during use.
SITE J—11—CARMO
A small habitation was located on the east bank less than a kilometer
above the mouth of the Igarapé do Carmo, a small stream emptying
into the north coast of Marajé several kilometers east of the town of
Chaves (fig. 48). The land in this area is comparatively high and there
are no surface indications of village refuse. Discovery was made by
the caboclos because of sherds once exposed in the bank of the igarapé
after a heavy rain. The coastal fringe of forest covers the region and
the site was overgrown with cane and spiny palms, but no large trees
were close to the excavation. A cut 1.5 meters square was begun
about 8 meters in from the igarapé, but the sherds were so sparse that
it was enlarged on all sides in an effort to secure a more adequate
sample. There was no soil discoloration from habitation, the color
throughout being light gray. The sherds were 12 cm. below the
surface and the soil above them was densely compacted with roots.
Poh ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 245
Refuse was extremely sparse, even in comparison with other sites of
the Arua& Phase, and only 28 sherds were obtained.
Data FROM OTHER INVESTIGATIONS
Survey and excavation on the Islands of Mexiana and Caviana
produced a large number of Arua sites, both habitations and ceme-
teries. Additional sites were found in the Territory of Amapa.
Details of these are given on pages 37-41 and 457-524.
ANALYSIS OF MATERIALS
Since the vast majority of the cultural remains came from the
Islands of Mexiana and Caviana, the pottery and other artifacts have
been analyzed and described on pages 525-534.
Crramic HISTORY
A seriation of the Arua habitation sites based on vessel shape places
J-2/3 and J—11 in the lower part of the sequence. For details, see
pages 534-537.
D1AGNostic FEATURES OF THE ARUA PHASE
The Marajo sites are typical of Arua Phase village sites both in
location and composition. Notable, however, is the absence of any
report of cemeteries of the type associated with the Phase on Mexiana
and Caviana. For a general summary of the Phase see page 538.
COMPARISON AND INTERPRETATION OF THE TROPICAL FOREST PHASES,
WITH A METHOD FOR COMPUTING VILLAGE DURATION
By their lack of standardization in shape, their simplicity or absence
of ornamentation and their exclusively utilitarian purpose, the
ceramics of the Ananatuba, Mangueiras, Formiga, and Arua Phases
evoke the image of a level of cultural development where technology
was competent to remove the concern with subsistence from the
position of immediate urgency it occupies among Marginal hunters and
gatherers, but not yet able to assure reliable and constant production
of a surplus that would permit the technological elaboration and the
social and religious development attained by the advanced cultures
of aboriginal South America. The size and composition of the
habitation sites indicate small, scattered villages. All of these traits
are descriptive of living tribes of the Tropical Forest culture area,
and it is probable that the extinct Phases resembled the living tribes
in other aspects of their culture as well: that they made and used
baskets, mats, hammocks and canoes; that the sociopolitical unit was
the extended family or clan, with a chief whose duties and powers
were limited; that full-time specialists and social stratification were
3913295718
246 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
absent; that religious observances were primarily of a shamanistic
character; that crisis rites included the couvade at birth and ordeals
at puberty.
Although there is ample justification for assigning these four
archeological Phases to the Tropical Forest culture pattern, it does
not follow that they were any less distinctive in particular features
than are an equal number of living Tropical Forest tribes. Although
settlement pattern and ceramic traits are never used as the primary
means of differentiating living tribes, where they are overshadowed
by more striking social and religious differences, these are the only
aspects of the culture that remain to the archeologist and when
examined closely they prove to be equally varied. For many of the
historical problems the archeologist hopes ultimately to solve, a
complete ceramic definition of the culture is sufficient to provide the
pertinent data, and a reconstruction of the total culture is not re-
quired. However, the description of the Ananatuba Phase in terms
of firing, surface finish and incised designs of the pottery conveys no
image of the sort we are accustomed to evoke when speaking of a
living society. It provides no basis for comparison with the cultures
on the ethnographic level. It is a name in the archeological sequence
and nothing more.
In the hope of adding to the Phase definitions and revealing their
individuality more clearly, an extensive examination was made of
the only nonceramic data available, the location and composition of
the sites themselves. A difference in settlement pattern was im-
mediately evident. For example, the Ananatuba and Mangueiras
Phase sites are alike in two features: they both occur in the forest
rather than the campo, and they are not on the immediate coast.
The Mangueiras Phase people, however, emphasized closeness to a
navigable stream, whereas in the Ananatuba Phase proximity to the
campo was more important. The Formiga Phase is distinct from the
previous two in its choice of a campo location, while the Arua Phase
sites are typically in the forest on the shore of a good-sized igarapé
or on a smaller one not far from its junction with the coast.
These differences in village location are likely to be associated
with differences in less tangible aspects of the culture, especially as
they relate to the subsistence resources. For instance, it might be
suspected that the Aru& were dominantly riparian, placing greater
emphasis on the watercourses for food and transportation than the
Ananatuba, with their immediate accessibility to both forest and
campo. A difference in mobility, also suggested by the Arua em-
phasis on coastal and inland water routes and the Ananatuba Phase
avoidance of the same, is borne out by estimates of village perma-
nency.
MEGGERS AND ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 247
EVANS]
No trace was found of postholes, which are usually relied on by
archeologists to give information on house type. However, the
assumption that pile dwellings were used is likely to be correct, since
it is derived from the fact that sites are located on slight natural rises,
poorly drained and muddy during the rainy season, and from char-
acteristics of the refuse accumulation. Slight historical corrobora-
tion is found in accounts of the existence of such structures in the
area in the 16th and early 17th centuries (Nordenskidéld, 1920, p. 7).
Another clue to house construction comes from the finding of frag-
ments of clay with stick impressions in sites of the Formiga and
Ananatuba Phases, suggesting the use of mud-plastered walls.
Nordenskiéld (op. cit., p. 3) reports this wall-type used by Indians
around Roraima in Guiana, as well as from more remote parts of
Colombia and Bolivia. He was uncertain as to whether it was an
aboriginal or European-introduced technique but our evidence sug-
gests the former conclusion may apply to the mouth of the Amazon.
There are several features of the sites that suggest differences in
village composition. Unfortunately, there is no information about the
type of refuse accumulation associated with different house types and
village arrangements in existing Tropical Forest settlements so that
the interpretation of the archeological situation must depend on rea-
soning that seems logical but cannot at the moment be supported by
ethnographic facts.
Two basic types of village organization are found among Amazonian
tribes today: (1) one or more large, communal dwellings, and (2) a
cluster of separate family houses arranged in a circle or in one or
more rows. On the one hand, the population is concentrated in one
or more spots; on the other, it is spread out. Theoretically, these
differences should result in differences in refuse accumulation. In a
communal house, there is an approximately even distribution of living
over a continuous floor area. Assuming that the average rate of
breakage of ceramics over a period of time was constant for the differ-
ent families occupying the house, and that the sherds were swept or
dropped through the floor, they would accumulate in the protected
area beneath the house. They would not be further broken by being
kicked about or trampled on by the occupants or mixed with more dirt
than filtered through the house floor or was deposited as silt during
an exceptionally heavy rainy season. In other words, the midden
should have the characteristics observed at the Ananatuba Phase
sites: a relatively small, generally round or oval area with the sherds
thickly concentrated and comparatively large. The use of a communal
house in the Ananatuba Phase can be checked by comparing the site
area to the dimensions of modern Tropical Forest communal houses.
Those of the Tupinambé measure 75 to 90 meters long by 9 to 15
248 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
meters wide, and house 100 to 200 individuals. Since Ananatuba
Phase sites are smaller (table E), the population of an average Anana-
tuba Phase village may be estimated as not exceeding 150.
In the second type of village pattern, the individual houses are set
at various distances from each other. They may or may not be pro-
vided with walls, but in either case the exit is readily accessible. If
the assumption can be made that the path of least resistance would be
to toss the sherds from a broken vessel out on the ground (as is done
by caboclos today), they would become scattered in the surrounding
area. Children playing would kick them about and adults walking
through the village would step on them and break them into smaller
pieces. Disintegration of old houses and construction of new ones
would change the arrangement and allow the refuse to accumulate
evenly over the habitation area. Exposure to these conditions, as
well as to weathering from sun and rain would spread the sherds about
and mix them in the dirt. If the same rate of breakage obtained as
in the first type of village and the populations were of comparable size,
we would expect the sherds to be scattered over a wider area, to be
generally smaller, sparser, and mixed with a greater quantity of dirt.
Mangueiras Phase villages are typically five times larger in area than
those of the Ananatuba Phase. However, two facts suggest that this
does not represent a difference in house type, but rather a difference in
village size. The density of the sherd refuse is quite similar to that in
Ananatuba Phase villages, with an average of 606 sherds per 15-cm.
level at J-13 as against an average of 650 per 15-cm. level at J—10.
In one Mangueiras Phase site, C-3—Porto Real, the sherds are even
more concentrated than in any site of the Ananatuba Phase. Further-
more, the area occupied by C-3 is smaller than that typical of Anana-
tuba Phase villages, and is too small to represent anything but a com-
munal type of house. Since it is unlikely that this one village would
have an untypical house type, it can be concluded that communal
houses are also characteristic of the Mangueiras Phase. The larger
area covered by the refuse at most sites suggests that typical villages
were composed of several such houses, representing a considerably
larger population than was characteristic of villages of the Ananatuba
Phase.
Turning to the Arua Phase, we find that the area of the site averages
only 154 square meters, except in three exceptionally large sites cover-
ing over 1,000 square meters (table G). The smaller area would not
allow enough room for houses of the individual family type, and prob-
ably indicates that the Arua villages were typically composed of a
single communal house like those of the Ananatuba Phase, but only
one-fourth to one-half as large. This interpretation of the Arua can
be checked to some extent ethnographically. Archeology shows that
eee on ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 249
the Aru& migrated to the Islands of Mexiana, Caviana, and Marajé
from Brazilian Guiana. Linguistically, they have been identified by
one authority as Arawak (Nimuendajt, 1948 b, p. 195). This being the
case, it is probable that the Arua villages on the islands were not
greatly different from those in the Guianas in more recent times. In
characterizing them, Gillin (1948, p. 829) says, “Relatively small
settlements, seldom if ever containing more than 200 individuals,
oftener 30 to 40, are the rule... .”
Extension of this analysis to the Formiga Phase runs up against
several complicating factors. The upper levels of the 3 mounds at J-6
were subjected to much greater damage by erosion and other destruc-
tive agencies than the lower levels, which softened and broke the
sherds into smaller pieces and materially increased the count per level.
At J—4 the mounds are larger and more numerous, but the refuse layer
is only 10 centimeters thick as compared with a maximum of 90 cm.
at J-6. The greatest difference between the refuse deposits here and
those of the other Tropical Forest archeological Phases is the accumu-
lation of sherds in several independent spots with sterile areas between
them, rather than in one continuous area. Why this should be the
case is not clear. There is evidence at J—4 and J—18 that the mounds
were artificially constructed and then lived upon, but at J-6 the refuse
deposit extends to the bottom of the mound, indicating that it is purely
a midden accumulation. These differences in the known Formiga
Phase sites prevent a simple characterization of the village pattern.
In regard to house type, the small area occupied by many of the
mounds (table H) and the association of several mounds in a small
village area suggests that communal houses may have been used in
this Phase also.
When it comes to the question of assigning dates or duratiors to
these Marajé Phases, new difficulties emerge. None of the existing
methods of absolute dating for archeological sites are applicable in the
Amazon area, and there is little prospect of a new method being
developed that can overcome the handicaps of rapid and complete
disintegration of all but the ceramic remains. Prodding by the lay-
man, who always asks, ‘‘How old is it?’’, as well as their own desire to
give the reconstructed sequence of cultures some point of reference in
time as well as in space, leads archeologists to search for some means
of estimating the relative duration of sites and cultures. This must
often be based on “feeling for the material’? acquired by intensive
study, because of the absence of any standard for correlating a certain
amount of ceramic change with a given span of years. In the
hope of achieving some more objective basis for estimating the
relative durations of the Tropical Forest Phases on Marajé, the refuse
250 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
conditions in the sites were subjected to an analysis that resulted in the
following interpretations.
The first aspect of an archeological site that strikes one as likely to
be of temporal significance is the depth of the refuse deposit. If the
refuse at Site A is 2 meters deep and that at Site B only 1 meter deep,
Site A may be supposed to have been occupied for a longer period of
time than Site B. While this may seem true in theory, it is an unreli-
able yardstick in practice. Many variable and often accidental
factors enter into the composition of a refuse deposit, and comparative
stratigraphy has shown that a shallower deposit may actually repre-
sent a longer period of time than a deeper one (Ford, 1951, p. 94 and
fig. 36). A communal house is likely to give a different rate and
density of refuse accumulation than a village of scattered, individual
houses. Another possible source of error exists when the refuse
deposit is a special area set aside by the village inhabitants rather than
a gradual accumulation over the village itself.
Prone to error as refuse accumulation appears to be as a basis for
estimating relative duration of sites, it is the only method that can at
present be applied to Amazon archeology. Used within a single
geographical region, limited to cultures of comparable level of develop-
ment, and shorn of the accidental variations just mentioned, it is
possible to avoid some of the major pitfalls and to arrive at estimates
that should give at least an approximation of relative duration.
The four cultural Phases under discussion all appear to be typical
representatives of the Tropical Forest culture pattern. Thus, it is
likely that a similar average rate of breakage pertained in the different
Phases and at different times in the same Phase. If this assumption
may be accepted as valid, then the sherd accumulations can be
regarded as a constant among the variable features in the growth of
the midden deposits. In estimating the relative duration of sites
within a Phase or between Phases, the basis will be therefore the total
number of sherds present in a sample of standard area rather than the
relative depth of the total refuse deposits.
The dimensions of the refuse area selected as the basis for computing
the rate of sherd accumulation depend primarily on convenience.
If all the stratigraphic excavations had been the same size, that
figure would have been chosen. Unfortunately, however, three sizes
are represented: 1 by 1 m., 1.5 by 1.5 m., and 2 by 2m. The middle
figure was arbitrarily selected as the standard and the sherd counts of
the smaller and larger excavations were adjusted to this standard
area in the following manner. The area encompassed by a cut 2 by
2 m. is 4 times greater than in one that is 1 by 1 m. The area of a
1.5 by 1.5 m. cut is 2.25 times greater than that of a 1 by 1 m. cut.
To adjust the sherd total from a 2 by 2 m. excavation to the standard
inal ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 251
for 1.5 by 1.5 m., the total was first divided by 4 (which reduced it to
the equivalent of a 1 by 1 m. cut) and then multiplied by 2.25 (which
increased it to the equivalent of a 1.5 by 1.5m. cut). For excavations
of 1 by 1 m., multiplication of the sherd total by 2.25 was the only
step needed.
One exception was made to the rule that the total sherd count from
an excavation of standard 1.5 by 1.5 m. area was used to derive the
site duration. This was J-7—Sipé, which began as an Ananatuba
Phase village and later received a Mangueiras Phase influence, ap-
parently consisting of the invasion and cooccupation of the site by
people of the Mangueiras Phase. Since it is of interest to know how
long the village lasted prior to this event and how long it survived
thereafter, the levels with Ananatuba Phase pottery only were calcu-
lated separately from those with both Ananatuba Phase and Man-
gueiras Phase sherds. As it happens, this division occurs in the middle
of each cut, the lower 2 levels of cut 1 and the lower 3 levels of cut 2
representing the exclusively Ananatuba Phase occupation, and the
upper 2 levels of cut 1 and the upper 3 levels of cut 2 the combined
Ananatuba Phase-Mangueiras Phase period (Appendix, table 21).
Having decided upon a standard area of excavation, the next step
was to select a standard density of sherds. The concentration of
pottery in the village sites of the Ananatuba and Mangueiras Phases is
remarkable. The 2- by 2-m. square cut at the Ananatuba Phase site
of J—9 produced 4,596 sherds, and there is no reason to believe that
such a density is not typical of the site as a whole. The possibility
that we are dealing with a special dump heap rather than a habitation
accumulation is unlikely since such systematic refuse disposal is not
found among living tribes of the Tropical Forest culture. Further-
more, similar high densities occur at other habitation sites of these
Phases.
Before assigning a duration for the accumulation of this amount of
refuse, an attempt was made to find out what rate of accumulation
was recognized in other areas of the New World with similar levels of
cultural development in pre-European times. The most obvious
comparison is with the Southeastern United States, where run-of-the-
mill settlements were small and scattered like those of the Tropical
Forest. The information needed for this kind of analysis is rarely
given in reports on Southeastern sites, but one interesting example is
provided by Willey. In his discussion of Mound Field, in Wakulla
County, northwest Florida, he remarks that “Pit I. . . had a total of
4,789 sherds, an amazing number from an excavation three meters
square and less than one meter deep” (1949 a, p. 60). Like the sites
of the Ananatuba Phase, the Mound Field site is ‘‘small in extent and
probably represents only a small population” (ibid.). The ceramic
252 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
analysis showed it to have been occupied from early Santa Rosa to
late Swift Creek times, estimated as from A. D. 900 to 1200 (op. cit.,
figs. 14 and 20). This estimate of 300 years of uninterrupted occupa-
tion may be too high, but it seems reasonable to assume that the
accumulation at J—9, which contained only 193 fewer sherds (i. e.,
4,596) in a cut less than one-half the area and only three-fourths the
depth of that at Mound Field, must indicate a long period of residence.
It is inconceivable that such a sherd accumulation could have been
built up in less than 100 years, and if there is a gross error, it is likely
to be on the conservative side. However, the primary goal is to pro-
vide a basis for deriving relative rather than absolute duration, and
for this purpose the figure of 100 years can be considered as the
equivalent of 100 percent. A site producing half the number of sherds
from the standard area will thus be interpreted as having lasted half
as long, although this may represent an actual duration of either more
or less than 50 years.
When the sherd totals per strata cut were reduced or increased to
agree with the results to be expected from a standard 1.5 by 1.5 m.
excavation, the site with the largest sherd total turned out to be J—10
with 2,600 sherds from cut 1. This is 20 more than the excavation at
J-9, which was compared above to Willey’s Mound Field, and is
preferable to the total from J—9 because it is a round number. A
further advantage to J—10, cut 1 is that it was excavated in the dimen-
sions now being used as the standard size and did not have to be
converted. Using this sherd count as the unit of measure gives the
formula:
2,600 sherds per 1.5X1.5 m. area=100 years.
It should be emphasized that this formula for the rate of sherd
accumulation is designed specifically for refuse deposits associated
with houses of the communal type. Since there is reason to believe
that the rate of accumulation may vary with house type, care should
be taken in using it where houses of the individual family type seem
indicated by the area and density of the refuse deposit.!’
The application of this formula to the sherd totals per standard cut
of 1.5 by 1.5 meters from sites of the Ananatuba Phase gives estimates
of village duration ranging from 4.9 years at J-8 to 147.7 years at J—7,
Mound 2. However, J-8 is the only village with a duration of under
98.9 years (table E).
17 This interpretation is illustrated by sites of the Mazag&o and Aristé Phases in the Territory of Amapa.
In both of these the habitation area is larger than in any of the sites on the islands, ranging from 4,160 to 6,600
square meters in the Mazagio Phase and occupying 7,854 square meters in the Arist6é Phase. The sherd
density is very low, however, totaling on the average under 150 sherds per 15-cm. level at A-2 in contrast to
over 650 per 15-cm. level in sites of the Ananatuba and Mangueiras Phases. This dispersed site area and
scattered distribution of sherds fulfills the characteristics deduced as correlated with villages of individual
family houses (p. 248), and the application of the communal house formula is invalid. For results of the
use of this formula in the Acauan Phase, see pp. 455-456.
enaemng, o5P ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 253
Tasie E.—Duration of Ananatuba Phase village sites
Site area | Total | Sherds per Estimated
Site number and size of original | Site dimensions (sq. sherds | standard duration in
strata cut meters) | from cut of years
the cut | 1.51.5 m.
Ananatuba Phase
J-7:
Mound tent: 1 (2xX2im)) eee 30 m, diam_-_---- 706 818 460 17.7
Mound 2, cut 2 (2X2 m.)_.__----- 3522) (2) m2 - 770+ 4, 560 2, 568 98.9
J-8 (1.51.5 m.) Le eo scan eeu aoe eae 30 m. diam__---- 706 127 127 4.9
ON (2 Sonne) pe oa ee ne ee 20 m. diam_-_---_- 314 4, 596 2, 580 99. 2
J=107 C1 SSC DAM) 2 eee 10X50) mie = -_-_- 500 2, 600 2, 600 100.0
Mangueiras Phase mixture with
Hu Ananatuba Phase
“Mound Picut (22m) eee 30 m. diam__---- 706 2, 149 1, 210 46.6
Mound: 2) cut 2-- =e 35X22 (?) m..-=- 770+ | 2, 243 1, 265 48.8
Total duration of J-7
Noung! 1, cutie. -. 25-5 eee es oon Pe es Sou 2 ee ee eee oes oe = 17. 7+-46. 6=64. 3
MMounGg\2; cuti2.- .=-s<.d2e5s= 3 2 oe ec no rE alee 98. 94-48. 8=147.7
This is an unparalleled degree of permanency for villages of the
Tropical Forest Pattern, as attested by the ethnographical evidence
(p. 21), but since the formula was designed to err on the conserva-
tive side there seems to be no way to avoid attributing this duration
to the Ananatuba Phase sites. If anything, they may have been
occupied considerably longer. A similar degree of village permanency
appears to have existed in the Mangueiras Phase. The formula here
gives a range from 10.3 years at J-17 to 118 years at J—5 (table F).
Of the 5 pure Mangueiras Phase sites, 2 lasted more than 100 years
and 2 less than 25 years.
TaBLEe F.—Duration of Mangueiras Phase village sites
Site area Total Sherds per | Estimated
Site number and size of original | Site dimensions (sq. sherds from} standard duration
strata cut meters) the cut cut of in years
1.5X1.5m
= (OLs<<i 0 rind EES BER et We eee (3 mounds). - _-- 3, 000 1, 379 3, 100 118.0
“Mound Peat 1 s<2ims) 2 eee 30 m. diam__---_- 706 2, 149 1, 210 46.6
Mound 2; ent) 2) (2.2m) ae Ree ©) jee 770+ 2, 243 1, 265 48.8
2 ET EY Gdipre Uayh 11) eee a me Cae 30X75imbet_- 2: 2, 250 3, 031 3, 031 116.0
J-16 os Hap.<i igs 20) Pee nee Ee eee Se 70m, dies pee ae 3, 848 599 599 23.0
cs IPB DCU 5) mt). 2238 See ee 150 50)m= 2+ 2-2 7, 500 268 268 10.3
Cables see ees 25 m. diam______ 492 969 2, 180 84.0
Sut 2G 5Glims) he ee 25m, diam=o..- 492 743 1, 672 64.5
The high degree of village permanency exhibited in these two early
Phases is in strong contrast to the situation in the Arua Phase.
Here the depth of the refuse deposit was insufficient to permit strati-
graphic excavation and the calculation of the sherd count per 1.5 by
1.5 meter area is derived from information on the exact area covered
in making the sherd collections and test excavations. The results
show that the 10 Arué villages for which data are available were
254 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
occupied for periods ranging from 1 to 19.2 years (table G). Half of
these lasted more than 12 years and half less than 12 years. The
latter figure encompasses the known durations of modern villages in
the Guiana area from which the Aru& are immediately derived, and
suggests that the estimates may have some validity.
TasBLe G.—Duration of Arua Phase village sites
Total Sberds per
P Estimated
4 . : ‘ Site area sherds standard
Site number Site dimensions (sq. meters)| from the cutiof duralian
tests 1.5X1.5 m. NAEEARy
Ha) a neta ES eee ae 1005<501G) im 5, 000 895 (lg) Loess nes Sa a
ed lake as papers See wpe eae he aa ae ese p W@Wernyismall) 225) |2aaaee 28 28 1.0
IVI 7 Ree Sn ee ee eee Je mMacignees— 177 151 isin] eee
1) Aen a See ee eee oe eee a eee 1 5imedigmess2= 177 1, 024 500 19,2
C=bRD ee EE ee ee eee 12 m. diam__--_- 113 606 300 11.5
Ca6nB MBP 28) beh ae 15><7bmee eee 1, 125 809 500 19.2
ay a RO ae 2 aay Ba dae TxQ0imean ae 140 607 455 17.5
CoB Pe Soe eee. De ee $20 ma aes 160 646 260 10.0
Cal ON eae Se ee ere ee ene 2070 mee 1, 500 315 150 5:7
C13 se eet eee ee APA ERS 305¢1 0) mee 3 724 371 14.2
Cala ee hee aval nee eet eae 1510 me 150 525 392 15.1
Oa5 its exec, 1 ines 23 8b) porter ae bm .jdiames= 19 126 38 1.4
When the formula is applied to sites of the Formiga Phase, some of
the variable, external factors affecting its reliability are brought out.
There is a great difference between the durations derived for the 3
mounds composing J—6, ranging from 20.1 to 170 years (table H). A
similar difference in duration is suggested by the seriation of the
stratigraphic excavations in these 3 mounds (fig. 85). However, the
mound covering the greatest span of time in the seriation is cut 1
(Mound 1), whereas the calculation of duration gives the maximum
span to cut 3 (Mound 2). Examination of the field notes suggests an
explanation for this discrepancy. The condition of the sherds from
cut 3 was poorer than from the other 2 mounds, the erosion of the
surfaces being so advanced that the sherds were thin and fragile. The
result was a high rate of fragmentation under the pressure of cattle,
root action, and similar external forces after abandonment of the site.
This produced a sherd count per 1.5 by 1.5 meter area that is very
TasBLE H.—Duration of Formiga Phase village sites
Total Sherds per Estimated
Site number and size of original : 6 . Site area sherds standard
strata cut Site dimensions (sq. meters)} from the cut of create
cut 1.5X1.5 m. y
J-4:
g Main mound (2X2 m.)__-------- LOO 20 ae nee 2, 000 929 523 20.1
-6:
Mound 1, cut 1 (2X2 m.)__--_-_- (GDP <3} 3 08 ye ee 480 3, 365 1, 895 73.0
Mound 3, cut 2 (2X2 m.)__------ 18 m. diam_-_---- 254 981 553 21.3
Mound 2, cut 3 (1X1 m.)_-----_- 10 m. diam__---- 78 1, 959 4, 407 170.0
J—18) ESS Sern) aoe ee ee PUSS iyi 0 bp ets ae 150 643 643 24.7
wea ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 250
much larger than that from any of the other mounds at J—6 and cannot
be considered as reflecting the original rate of sherd deposition.
A comparison of the estimated durations of J—4 and J—18 brings out
another kind of discrepancy. In both of these sites the refuse deposit
rests on an artificially constructed earth mound, in contrast to J-6,
where the refuse extends to the original ground surface. The dura-
tion of 20.1 years for J—4 represents a concentration of sherds from the
standard area of 1.5 by 1.5m. but only 10cm. in depth. The duration
of 24.7 years for J—18 is derived from a refuse deposit of much less
density, since only 120 more sherds were collected in a deposit of more
than 60 cm. in depth. This situation permitted the excavation of
J—18 in five levels and stretched out the period of time represented by
this site on the seriation chart as compared to J—4 with only one level
(fig. 85). In view of this lack of uniformity in the density of the sherd
refuse in the Formiga Phase, it is safer to refrain from relying on the
estimates of duration until more sites of this Phase have been examined
and the variable features can be more adequately evaluated.
Two independent checks can be made on these estimates of village
duration. Rouse (1952, pp. 564-565) has used rate of refuse accumu-
lation to estimate the duration of the archeological periods on Puerto
Rico. Using the depth of the deposits belonging to the historic period
as a basis for calculation, he concluded that 40 years were required to
accumulate 25 cm. of refuse, giving a rate of 1 cm. per 1.6 years.
Rouse’s figures utilize the actual depth of the deposit, rather than the
density of sherds in the refuse that forms the basis of our calculations.
A comparison of the results given by the two methods for sites of
the Ananatuba and Mangueiras Phases (table I) shows interesting
concordances as well as noteworthy discrepancies.
TaBLe I.—Differential results of two methods of calculating rate of village refuse
accumulation
Our formula: Rouse’s
2,600 sherds formula:
Phase and sites per 1.51.5 |1 em. deposit
meter cut equals 1.6
equals 100 years
years
Ananatuba Phase:
ee, TMOUTGL,' Ctat UE ooh es Se es hee ee ei ee Me oe Ae OE 64.3 96.0
Jet, WMOUNd.2; CU bio Se ae EEE eT OE LT CSN OSIE ee 147.7 144.0
ee ee a ee ee ee ers ee OOP Seely) Te OT Se ON Be apeeree ieee 4.9 24.0
+t eae Sie ean tO Se BAM es SE ae ee oe 99. 2 96.0
J=103 2 cb S 3 Ae oe ee Oe eee eee ee Fe oe 100.0 120.0
Mangueiras Phase:
Bae ioe oe ot | ee ee ee a eee eR hE ee oe 118.0 144.0
J=(3mound 1, cut) 1.2. See ee ee ee Se BA EE 46.6 48.0
Ji IMOUNG 2) CUb-22seeree ee ee eee sie eee Seep ee ee 48.8 72.0
Ge Saha as eee ee a Oe? 116.0 120.0
1 a ie Se ene ge ee ee: ee ee ee ae ee 23.0 24.0
5 Gs Co a Ua al lr a Sh al oe va oe OR ela eae 84.0 64.0
OES GT, OP aap eens SPE PRCT Set ee ee eee es 64.5 51.0
256 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
Of the 12 duration estimates for villages of the Ananatuba and
Mangueiras Phases, Rouse’s method of calculation gives larger figures
than ours in 8 cases and smaller ones in 4. The differences amount to
less than 5 years for J-9, J-13, J—16, the total duration of J-7, Mound
2 (cut 2), and the Mangueiras Phase occupation of J-7, Mound 1
(cut 1). Considering the completely independent derivation of the
two methods of estimating duration, this is a remarkable correspond-
ence. However, there are 4 cases in which the discrepancy between
the two results is 20 to 31.7 years: J—5, J—10, the total duration of
J-7, Mound 1 (cut 1), and the Mangueiras Phase occupation of J-7,
Mound 2 (cut 2). In each of these, Rouse’s method of determining
duration gives the larger result. It seems possible that this is caused
by the major consideration that prompted us to substitute sherd
count for the more usual depth of refuse accumulation, namely, the
accidental factors that may influence the amount of dirt mixed with
the sherds under tropical forest conditions.
The second independent means of checking the reliability of our
formula comes from ethnographic evidence. The writing of this
report was interrupted by field work in British Guiana, during which
we worked on the Upper Essequibo River among the Wai Wai Indians
(Evans and Meggers, MS.). Since this group has not been disrupted
by European contact and preserves its Tropical Forest Pattern of
culture with a high degree of purity, we took advantage of the oppor-
tunity to test the rate of refuse deposition at two recently abandoned
Wai Wai villages, where the actual period of habitation could be
determined from informants. Since these Indians use a communal
house, the rate of accumulation should be comparable to that in the
Ananatuba, Mangueiras, and Aru& Phases. The only potential
source of disagreement lies between the dirt floors of the Wai Wai and
our interpretation that houses on piles may have been used by the
archeological Phases.
There were two abandoned Wai Wai villages for which information
on length of habitation was available. E-2 was said to have been
occupied for about 6 years and E-11 for 3 to 4 years. From each of
these sites a sherd collection was made from a measured area and the
sample was counted. The result was then converted into the standard
cut dimensions and the site duration computed according to the for-
mula. Classification showed that the sherds from this part of E-11
belonged to an earlier (Taruma) occupation of the site, but the
results at E-2 are almost identical to the duration given by the Wai
Wai informant (table J).
In summarizing this effort to derive site duration from the density
of the sherd refuse, it may be said that the method appears to have
definite possibilities for application to Tropical Forest archeology.
qeca mas) AND ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 257
TaBLE J.— Wai Wai village duration
Duration
Site Excavated Sherds Sherds per] estimated Actual
area recovered | 1.5X1.5m.]} from sherd duration
density
Meters Years Years
WSO Poets. oie: thee eee 2 Fie 2X2 317 177 6. 82
Before it can be accepted without considerable qualification, however,
more tests must be made in living or recently abandoned villages where
the conclusions derived from sherd density can be checked against
the actual period of habitation. With civilization rapidly encroach-
ing on the remaining unacculturated tribes in the Amazon area, it is
to be hoped that ethnologists will cooperate in securing the necessary
information. On the archeologists’ part, it would be advisable to
base the duration estimate on an average density of sherds derived
from several samples at a site rather than a single excavation as we
have used in most cases here. This would minimize errors arising
from the accidental selection of an unusually sparse or dense part of
a site for excavation.
CHARACTERIZATION OF THE TROPICAL FOREST PHASES
Based on the archeological evidence, the four Tropical Forest
Phases on Marajé can be characterized as follows:
Ananatuba Phase—The people who left the remains identified
ceramically as the Ananatuba Phase lived in isolated villages in an
area whose known extent is from the north-central coast of Marajé
inland toward the Rio Anajds. <A single communal dwelling large
enough to house between 100 and 150 individuals constituted the
village, which was located in a patch of forest at the edge of the campo.
Houses were probably raised on piles and may have had mud-plas-
tered walls. Every bit of evidence, whether derived from village
location, ceramic quality and stability, or village duration (estimated
as typically 100 years), points to a quiet, peaceful existence, uninter-
rupted either by exhaustion of the food supply or by raids from
belligerent neighboring tribes. This undisturbed type of life may be
the reason that Ananatuba Phase ceramics are of such good quality
and include the only well-developed decorated ware (Sipé Incised)
present in the Tropical Forest archeological Phases. Two comments
can be made in regard to burial practices, both negative ones: surface
or mound urn burial was not the method of disposal of the dead, and
abandonment of the house at the death of an occupant was not a
custom of the culture.
Mangueiras Phase.—Sites of the Mangueiras Phase have been
found on central and northern Marajé and on southern Caviana. A
258 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
location was chosen in the forest accessible to a navigable stream.
Villages appear to have been typically composed of several large
communal houses, suggesting a village population in excess of that in
any of the other Phases. Estimated duration of the villages varies
from 10 to 118 years, and the number of simultaneously occupied sites
for this Phase is indicative of a flourishing and expanding culture.
This interpretation is further supported by the way the Mangueiras
Phase people were able to dominate and assimilate the population of
the Ananatuba Phase village of J—7, which they conquered. The
promptness with which ceramic decoration of the Sipé Incised tradi-
tion was adopted illustrates the receptivity of the Mangueiras Phase
to new ideas, and the rapid diffusion of Pseudo-Sipé6 Incised to distant
villages indicates constant intercommunication. The pottery of this
Phase is well made and durable, predominantly incompletely oxidized-
fired in the early period and becoming completely oxidized in late
times. This is the only Tropical Forest Phase making pipes, figurines,
and labrets of pottery. There is no positive evidence for disposal of
the dead, and the same negative considerations mentioned for the
Ananatuba Phase apply here as well.
Formiga Phase.—This cultural complex is distinguished by a settle-
ment pattern in which the village was situated in the campo and not
readily accessible to navigable water (except J-18—Coroca). Two
sites were identified near the north coast from the 1948-49 fieldwork
and one more has since been found just southwest of Lago Arari. A
low, artificially constructed, earth mound underlies the refuse accum-
ulation where the land is low, perhaps to raise the village area suf-
ficiently to prevent its inundation during the rainy season. Formiga
Phase ceramics are poor quality and unresistant to erosion. A clue
to burial customs is presented by the discovery of a cremation in-
trusive into the refuse at J-6. Contemporary Formiga Phase settle-
ments differ strikingly in vessel shape preference and decorative
technique, indicating either a high degree of isolation or an unusual
lack of interest in ceramic matters.
Arua Phase.—The archeological evidence is supplemented with an
occasional hint from historical (pp. 579 ff.) and ethnographical (p. 249)
sources to produce a characterization of the Arua. These people
lived in very small communities, probably typically a single communal
house sheltering half a dozen or less families, located on the shore
of a navigable stream near the coast. This proximity to a ready
route of travel and the extremely short duration (estimated 1 to 20
years) with which the majority of the sites were occupied give an
impression of mobility to the Arua culture that contrasts markedly
with the sedentariness of the other Phases. There is a possibility
that abandonment of the village was customary at the death of an
pyinaqott ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 259
occupant, a practice typical in the Guianas today (Gillin, 1948, p.
856). Arua dead were buried in cemeteries, the bones placed in large
jars that were set on the surface of the ground in a forested spot.
Practically the only ceramic decoration used by these people was
applied to the burial urns. An occasional burial offering consisted of
a small, crude pottery bowl, a polished stone ax or, after European
contact, glass beads and other trade objects.
THE MARAJOARA PHASE
DESCRIPTION OF SITES AND EXCAVATIONS
The existence of the Marajoara Phase has long been known, and
prior to the 1948-49 expedition it was thought to be the only one
occupying Marajé. It is distributed on the eastern half of the
island, within a circle roughly 100 km. in diameter, with its center at
Lago Arari (fig. 145). The sites composing J—14 and J—15 are near
the southwestern limit of this area, at the headwaters of the Rio
Anajas.
SITE J-14—MONTE CARMELO
The Monte Carmelo group consists of three mounds situated on the
main course of the upper Rio Anajas (fig. 47). Although the site
was visited by Steere (1927) in 1879 and Holdridge (1939) in 1931,
neither recorded an accurate description (see pp. 308-309).
Before beginning excavation, a reconnaissance was made to de-
termine the nature and extent of the sites. The two largest mounds
are along the south bank of the river, separated by 100 meters of low
land, which is flooded during the rainy season. Both are cemeteries.
The third is about 150 meters north of Mound 1, on the opposite side
of the river. It is considerably lower in elevation and was identified
as a habitation site. Of the three, Mound 1 appeared to be the least
disturbed by erosion and cultivation, and it was selected for more
intensive examination.
Mound 1, Guajard.—This mound measured 121 meters long by 56
meters wide at the end of the 1949 rainy season, when the water was
at its highest level (fig. 88). Land was inundated on all sides, making
approach possible only by boat. The present contours suggest that
it was constructed in two parts, leaving a “waist” a little west of the
center produced by a depression on the top and indentations on the
north and south sides. The east end is higher than the west, the
former rising 6.50 meters above the water, the latter 4.75 meters.
The sides slope upward at approximately a 30-degree angle to a flat-
tened platform 20 by 70 meters. The north side has suffered most
from erosion and surface sherds are particularly abundant there.
Near the east end, where the slope had been cleared for a modern
260 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
MOUND B= BACATAL
MOUND &@ - MONTE CARMELO
wouno 1 - euavark
Figure 88.—Plan of J-14, Mounds 1, 2, and 3, a mound group of the
Marajoara Phase.
house, the circular mouths of large jars were outlined on the surface-
The entire site is overgrown with large trees, among them cacao,
which the present inhabitants believe to be of Indian origin (pl. 34, a).
The surface collection was selected in a manner similar to that from
J-15, Mound 1 (see p. 286), and produced a variety of decorated
sherds, a miniature stone ax (fig. 132, b), and a pottery spindle whorl
(fig. 136, 6) (see pp. 372 and 380 for descriptions).
Cut 1, 1.5 meters square and excavated by 15-cm. levels, was begun
in the area of highest elevation, 50 meters from the east end of the
mound. The soil for the first 20 cm. was dark gray-brown loam
containing many sherds and roots. The broken edges of a nest of
four vessels were encountered in the second level on the northwest
side, with the base of the largest resting at 55 cm. (fig. 89). The
body of this jar (A), measuring 70 cm. in maximum diameter, was
intact below the shoulder. Large sherds from the rim were broken
off and inverted around the neck of the second jar, which had been
placed inside.
Jar A, Joanes Painted (fig. 90): The exterior is covered with a paper-thin,
white slip, with lumps and irregularities where applied unevenly or dried before
well-smoothed. Slip continues over to the interior of neck. Remnants of poly-
chrome painted design, composed of wide (1.1-2.2 cm.) and narrow (pairs or
threes, 1.5 mm. wide), red and black lines, covering neck and body. Two sherds
261
ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON
MEGGERS AND
EVANS]
‘oseyd vivolereyy ‘T no ‘T punoy ‘FI-f¢ Jo Aydeisye14s jwlIng—'gg aundIg
891329—57——19
262 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
YS
SS
2 —_:_EEEE SSS’
Figure 90.—J-—14, Mound 1, cut 1, vessels A, B, C, and D, Marajoara Phase.
with convex bosses averaging 8 cm. in diameter, one with heart-shaped applique,
belonged on the neck (cf. Palmatary, 1950, pl. 90,a). The thickened rim exterior
was painted with a wide red band. As reconstructed, the jar had a globular body
70 cm. in maximum diameter, an insloping neck and rim diameter of 50 cm.
Wall thickness at neck and shoulder varied between 1.0 and 1.5 cm. The paste
had a gray core.
Four centimeters of black, ashy dirt containing fragments of burnt
bone and tiny sherds remained inside the bottom of this jar. A
small, blunt stone ax (fig. 133) lay outside near the base.
The rim of the second vessel (jar B) was also broken off and scat-
tered around the edge. It was similar in shape but slightly smaller
than jar A. Inside were a small jar (D) resting on a small open bowl
(C), and the remains of a cremation burial. The fact that these two
jars, when intact, would project above the surface at its present level
is an indication of the minimum amount of diminution the mound
must have suffered by erosion since Marajoara times.
ercenes ANP ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 263
Jar B, Joanes Painted (fig. 90): White slip on exterior, smooth and slightly
undulating to the touch, occasional small lumps and scattered crackle. Slip
carried over rim top. Interior rough because of protruding temper grains and
insufficient smoothing. Traces of paint on neck and body indicate the design
to have been polychrome, black predominating on the neck, with red used for
accent, and equal or greater use of red with black on the body. Lines appear to
have been wide (7-12 mm.). No sherds were found with relief or applique.
Thickness of wall at neck and shoulder varied from 1.1 to1.7 em. Reconstructed
height was 70 em., maximum body diameter 65 cm., and rim diameter 39 cm.
The paste had a gray core.
Jar C, white slipped (fig. 90): White slip covering interior, paper-thin, evenly
applied, with prominent coarse crackle, and showing no traces of paint. Exterior
somewhat irregular, with finger-print smoothing marks running parallel to the
rim, pocks and slight lumps. The profile is asymmetrical, with the side walls
varying from curved to angular. An oval pedestal base 12.5 by 15.5 cm. in
diameter is formed by a coil 1 cm. wide and 2 cm. high. Rim diameter, 34 cm.
Jar D, Inajé Plain (fig. 90): Exterior and interior well smoothed. Flattened
bottom, 7 cm. in diameter; globular body, 24 cm. diameter; rim diameter, 16 cm. ;
height, 21 em. Rim ornamented with applique nubbins 1.7—2.2 cm. long and
1.2 cm. wide, with two vertical notches on each.
These small vessels rested at a depth of 30 cm. below the surface.
At this level, pockets of orange-brown clay began to appear. The
base of jar E rested at 45 cm. and although badly shattered, it shel-
tered black, ashy soil with flecks of bone and lumps of taffylike clay
flecked with red, yellow, and black, indicating a cremation. No
teeth were found.
Jar E, Joanes Painted (fig. 91): A paper-thin, white, smooth and even slip
covers the exterior from the rim to a ridge 6.5 cm. above the base. Base of ex-
terior and entire interior fired an even shade of orange; surface regular but not
smoothed sufficiently to obliterate slight pits. On opposite sides of the body
in the area of maximum diameter are two anthropomorphic faces formed by
applique strips. The eyebrows are 2 mm. high while the nose is 7 mm. high.
The arched eyebrows continue halfway around the side, meeting a painted red
line that borders the chin. The remainder of the slipped surface bears traces of
a geometric design in paired red lines 2-3 mm. wide. The jar has a flat bottom
12 cm. in diameter, a depressed-globular body 37 cm. in maximum diameter, a
short vertical neck 9 cm. high and 20 cm. in diameter, terminating in a direct
rim. Total height is 31 cm.
As the 4th level was begun, it became apparent that continuing the
excavation in 15-cm. levels would not be practical. Sherds in the
fill were rare except as parts of burial jars, and the position of the
jars bore no relation to the arbitrarily divided levels. Records were
instead kept of the position and condition of each jar as it was en-
countered in the excavation.
The base of jar F rested at a depth of 60 cm. in the center of the
cut. The lid was broken but in place covering the mouth. Black
ash inside indicated that the jar had contained a cremation.
Jar F, Inajé Plain (fig. 92): Both exterior and interior are slipped with a
layer of the same clay as the paste, averaging 0.75 mm. thick, This slip is fired
264 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL 167
Ficure 91.—J-—14, Mound 1, cut 1, jar E, Marajoara Phase.
orange on the exterior and steel gray on the interior, forming a distinct compact
layer easily seen on the cross section. Brush marks cover both surfaces, making
them uneven, and on the neck exterior the slip has been wiped in such a way as
to produce two ridges giving somewhat the effect of unsmoothed, overlapping
coils. The jar is 30.5 em. tall, with a short, slightly insloping neck 5.5 cm. high,
a globular body 38 cm. in diameter, and a short, pedestal-like base 1 cm. high and
16 cm. in diameter. The direct rim is 18 cm. in diameter. The lid, Anajds Plain
Incised, is likewise covered with a thin slip of the same clay as the paste, and
bears the marks of a broad smoothing tool. It is a bowl with a rounded bottom
and short, slightly outsloping sides. Rim diameter is 24 cm.; height of the wall
3.4 cm; total height, 6 cm. Decoration consists of 3 parallel, incised lines 1-2
mm. wide running horizontally in the area between the angular junction with the
base and the rim thickening. The core is completely oxidized.
Toward the northeast side of the cut, with its base at a depth of
55 cm., was the globular bottom of a small, broken, plain jar (jar G).
The neck was missing and the body was filled with orange clay. The
existing fragment was 21 cm. high, 27 cm. in maximum diameter,
with a rounded bottom 8 cm. in diameter. The soil in the entire
north half of the cut at this depth was bright orange, becoming
browner toward the south, and contained many hard, fire-burnt
lumps of clay.
Jar H was encountered in the west corner with its base at a depth
MES EES AMD ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 265
Ficure 92.—J-14, Mound 1, cut 1, jar F, Marajoara Phase.
of 85 cm. Except for a broken rim edge, it wasintact. <A bow!l-like
lid was inverted over the mouth and extended slightly beyond it.
Inside the jar were bone ash and sherds that appeared to be frag-
ments of a platterlike bowl. Two small bowls, superimposed, rested
on the shoulder. The upper one, slightly the larger, contained black
dirt and a couple of tiny sherds. At a depth of 75 cm., fragments
of a human skeleton were found adjacent to the jar, on the outside.
Jar H, Joanes Painted (fig. 93): White slipped on neck interior and extending
over exterior to just below the maximum diameter, smooth and even except
toward the lower limit. The remainder of the surface, both interior and exterior,
is also well smoothed. Dark-gray fire clouds are scattered on the exterior. The
paste has a gray core. The neck is embellished with low relief bands, the inter-
vening areas painted geometrically with red lines 2 mm. wide. Traces of paint
on the body reveal a polychrome pattern, with narrow, paired, red lines separating
bands of interlocking spirals and steps done in black. The jar has a slightly
outsloping neck, 7 cm. high; a depressed-globular body, 40 cm. maximum diameter,
and a flattened bottom, 12 cm. diameter. Total height is 42 cm. The lid is an
Anajds Plain Incised bowl, 28 cm. in exterior rim diameter and 6 cm. deep. The
interior is smooth, either well-floated or slipped with the same clay as the paste,
which has an orange core. The exterior is much rougher, with prominent smooth-
ing marks, pocks, and some crackle. Decoration is limited to two parallel, in-
266
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 167
Figure 93.—J-14, Mound 1, cut 1, jar H, Marajoara Phase.
pneoenel AxP ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 267
cised lines around the flat upper edge of the exteriorly thickened rim. Many
black and gray fire clouds are present on the exterior.
Both of the small associated bowls are Inaj4 Plain. The lower and smaller
one (pl. 66, b) is 8 cm. deep, 16 cm. in diameter at the direct rim, and 7 cm. in
diameter at the slightly rounded base. The walls are 5 mm. thick. It is regular
and symmetrical, with the surfaces well-polished. The upper bowl (pl. 66, a) is
8.5 cm. deep, with a flattened bottom and convex sides curving outward to a
maximum diameter of 21 cm. and then inward to the constructed mouth with a
diameter of 17 cm. Both surfaces are well-smoothed, with a few fire clouds on
the exterior.
The upper edge of jar I appeared in the 4th level, with a carinated
bowl resting inverted inside its flaring rim as a lid. The neck and rim
had been broken off by earth pressure and pushed down inside the
body, which was leaning slightly to the east. The jar was filled with
very wet earth, which had reduced the bones of a secondary burial to a
puttylike consistency. The long bones had been laid in a pile along the
east side. Associated was a complete red-slipped tanga.
Jar I, Joanes Painted (fig. 94): The entire exterior of the vessel and the flaring
rim are covered with thin, white slip, eroded off in spots and revealing a light-
orange undersurface. Both surface and slip are smooth. The paste has a gray
core. The jar is 82 cm. in total height, and 22 cm. tall from the base of the neck
to the upper rim edge. Rim diameter is 42 cm.; maximum body diameter, 58
cm.; and the diameter of the flat base, 13 em. Wall thickness is 1.6 cm. at the
everted rim and 1.1—-1.2 em. on neck and body. The neck bears two anthro-
pomorphie faces on opposite sides, with the features indicated by low relief:
heavy-lidded eyes, U-shaped nose with prominent tip, 8-shaped ears, and pro-
truding mouth. Two appliques 7.6 cm. long, 3 cm. wide and triangular in profile
were apparently attached to the shoulder and may have been lugs. The entire
exterior was painted in black and red in a geometric pattern of wide and narrow
lines similar to that on Jar L. The lid is Ararf Plain Excised (pl. 58, 7). Both
surfaces were covered with a slip of the same clay as the paste (which had a
gray core) and well-polished so as to produce a slick finish and a slight luster.
The exterior is ornamented with three bands of excision, one on the thickened rim
exterior, one on the concave side and one around the edge of the curved bottom.
The excisions are deep and the design regularly executed. The bowl is 34 cm. in
maximum diameter and 15.5 cm. deep.
Resting at the same level as jar I and with a section of the rim
broken out where it leaned against the side of the latter, was jar J.
Although it is considerably smaller than is typical for vessels with
secondary burials, it conforms to this earlier pattern in having the lid
resting inside the neck. Inside were fragments of unburned bones,
sherds from the broken lid and a sherd from the rim of a large Inajé
Plain jar, which had an original diameter of 54 cm. (no other sherds
belonging to this jar were encountered).
Jar J, Joanes Painted (fig. 95; pl. 75, a): The paste has an orange core. Both
surfaces are covered with a white slip, with a few fire clouds on the inner mouth.
The exterior rim edge and the pedestal base are painted red, and the remainder of
the exterior is covered with concentric circles and spirals in black, with the inter-
268 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
Fiacure 94.—J-—14, Mound 1], cut 1, jar I, Marajoara Phase.
vening areas painted solid, giving a negative effect. The painted lines are crooked,
wavering, and unequally spaced (cf. Palmatary, 1950, pl. 85, a). The vessel is 26
cm. in height, 21 cm. in rim diameter, 23 cm. in maximum body diameter and 14
cm. in base diameter. It has a slightly outflaring neck 7.5 cm. tall, a globular body
and a flat, pedestallike base. The lid was a small, carinated bowl with Arari Plain
Excised decoration (pl. 57, a), 15 cm. in diameter and 4cm.in depth. Both surfaces
are well-smoothed and the paste has an orange core. The entire exterior is covered
with the excised design, and the excisions were filled with white.
In the west corner, at a depth of 1.20 meters, was a fragment of the
upper part of a small and unusually shaped Inaj4 Plain vessel with
applique decoration.
Inajé Plain vessel fragment: The fragment has a tall conoidal base, sloping in™
ward toward the upper part, which is an expanded, cuplike neck terminating in an
everted rim and flattened lip. Mouth diameter is 12.5 cm., neck height 5 cm.,
diameter at junction with base 6 cm., existing height 10 em. Crude anthro-
pomorphic faces ornament opposite sides of the neck. They are composed of oval,
coffee-bean eyes, a larger similar applique for the nose-mouth, and fillets curving
upward from the center above and around the eyes. The same ears function for
MRGGERG AND ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 269
both faces and are high relief, with an indentation just above the middle, producing
an upper and a lower lobe. Although the top is more elaborate, the general shape
of the base suggests that this is a variation of the tall, semicylindrical potstands
found with relative frequency in many Marajoara Phase cemeteries.
At the southwest side of the cut, with its base at a depth of 1.20
meters, was jar K. The neck and rim were missing and the sherds
were not encountered in the fill. Inside the jar, with its upper edge 28
cm. below the broken top of jar K was a large, complete Camutins
Plain basin, almost level and upright, and containing reddish clay.
Directly beneath the basin were the remains of a skeleton, in relatively
good condition as a result of the protection afforded by the basin. The
skull had been placed at the northwest edge, 45 cm. below the existing
top of the jar; the ribs were adjacent to the north, the pelvis was to
the southeast, and the long bones were in the southwest half, 50 cm.
below the existing top of the jar. Traces of red paint were visible on
the femur. As many fragments as could be salvaged were preserved
Figure 95.—J-14, Mound 1, cut 1, jar J, Marajoara Phase.
270 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
and submitted to Marshall T. Newman, United States National
Museum, for examination. He reported (pers. commun.), “fragmen-
tary remains of apparently one individual. . .: there is no duplica-
tion of parts, and all remains are consistent with the picture of an
adult male. Age cannot be determined, although the teeth show wear
approaching 4th degree (pulp cavities exposed). There are signs of
several apical abscesses on the maxilla.”’
Jar K, Inajé Plain (fig. 96): The exterior is bright orange, the interior light
gray, both surfaces undulating and not sufficiently smoothed to remove pits
and irregularities. The slightly concave base is 18 cm. in diameter. The walls
Figure 96.—J—14, Mound 1, cut 1, jar K, Marajoara Phase.
slope outward to the maximum body diameter of 70 cm. (at a height of 20 cm.)
and then continue upward, curving slightly inward until the shoulder, where
the curve becomes more pronounced. Existing height (approximately to the
lower edge of the neck) is 62 cm. The basin found inside is Camutins Plain
(pl. 67, c), with both surfaces smoothed, leaving the striations of the smoothing
tool clearly visible. Several dark-gray fire clouds mar the otherwise bright,
tile-orange surfaces. The thick, everted rim is irregular, with a diameter of
45-46 em. Four slight protuberances are distributed along the outer edge.
The flattened bottom has a diameter of 14 cm. from which the walls curve out
to the maximum diameter at a height of 7 cm., and then rise vertically to the
everted rim. Total height is 20 cm.
MEGS EES] AND ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 271
In the east corner of the cut, behind and partly beneath jar I,
was the upper edge of jar L with its base at a depth of 1.80 meters.
The large basin that had been inverted and placed over the mouth was
badly broken (Meggers and Evans, 1954, pl. 7), possibly during
excavation for the burial of jar I. The jar itself was intact except
that the widely flaring rim had been broken off, but all the fragments
were lying around the neck. The interior was filled with dirt contain-
ing fire-burnt lumps, small sherds, wood ash, and yellow sand, ap-
parently taken from the fill and put inside at the time of burial. The
remnants of a human skeleton were arranged in the bottom (depth,
65 cm. below the top of the neck), with the long bones at the north
side running east-west. The femurs showed traces of red paint.
M. T. Newman, United States National Museum reports ‘‘no evidence
of more than one individual represented. This individual has light
gracile bones, and may represent a sub-adult or adult individual”
(pers. commun.). A highly polished, orange tanga (pl. 82, c) lay at
the southeast side. This was the only tanga found that was slipped
with the same clay as the paste instead of with red, but it exceeded
all others in perfection of smoothing and completeness of polishing.
Jar L was resting in the broken bottom of an Inajé Plain jar,
the existing fragment of which was 22 cm. in height. No further parts
of this jar were found. It contained dirt, human bone fragments,
and a broken red tanga. On the south side of jar L, at the base of
the neck, were found additional human bone fragments and a broken
red tanga (pl. 82, e), representing a third burial.
Jar L, Joanes Painted (fig. 97; pl. 76): The entire vessel, with the exception of
the exterior of the flat bottom and the interior below the neck, is covered with
a white slip, 0.56 mm. thick, well-smoothed, and even. There is one small (15
em. dia.) fire cloud on the body, otherwise the white slip was not discolored. The
paste has a gray core. Two anthropomorphic faces adorn opposite sides of the
neck. The features are similar in execution to those on jar I, which stood
above this one: bulbous, half-shut eyes, prominent bifurcated nose, protruding
mouth, and hour-glass-shaped ears. The ears on this vessel appear to have an
ornamental spool inserted in the lobe, with a pendant tassel shown in low felief
(fig. 147, a). The area around the eyes and mouth is painted solid red, which
continues below the mouth to a cylindrical, horizontally pierced lug. Between
the ears of the two faces is a small anthropomorphic figure with a highly stylized
face, the left arm extending upward and the right one bent downward, and the
legs slightly buckled. The curvilinear motifs filling the background are in red.
On the body, the design is principally in black, with red used sparingly for accent.
The design partly carries further the anthropomorphic theme by showing
stylized arms and hands with four fingers. Below the small figures on the neck
are stylized faces with double, curled topknots and pronged ears. All the
remaining surface is divided into small, irregular spaces filled with short lines
and so expertly balanced as to give the impression of symmetry, although close
examination shows the treatment of each area to be slightly different. Occasional
small drops of red paint occur on the body, where they splashed during the
painting of the neck, indicating that the body was done first. The jar hasa
272 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
Ficure 97.—J—14, Mound 1, cut 1, jar L, Marajoara Phase.
widely flaring rim, 65 cm. in diameter, a sloping neck 22 cm. tall, prominent
shoulders, a rounded body and a flat, slight pedestal base 16 cm. in diameter.
Maximum body diameter is 70 cm.; total height, 84 cm.
Lid, Joanes Painted (fig. 97): Interior and vertical sides of exterior white
slipped, well smoothed, with slight’ crackle on exterior. The paste has a gray
core and the unslipped surfaces are tan to bright orange and smoothed with
polishing tracks visible. About one-third of the surface is fire clouded. No
painting is visible except on the exterior edge of the rim, which is red. The
shape is that of a deep, small-bottom bowl with slightly carinated sides and the
maximum diameter at the rim. Dimensions are: rim diameter, 48-51 cm.;
body diameter at carination, 42-45 cm.; base diameter, 15 cm.; total height, 20
cm.; height above carination, 9cm, The exterior of the base is slightly concave.
MESGEEsIaAD ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 273
EVANS
Jar L was flanked by two Inajé Plain jars, placed at the same
depth and with their body walls touching those of jar L, so that it is
evident that all three jars were interred as a unit. The elaborateness
of the central jar makes it probable that it contained an important
personage whose comfort in the next world needed to be assured.
Jar M, on the north side of jar L, was covered with an inverted bowl
2 cm. smaller in rim diameter than the jar. The interior was filled
with whitish sand in which were embedded two bowls and the bones
of two individuals. When found, the bowls were resting at an angle
with their mouths on the same slope, the smaller one to the north and
46 cm. deep, the larger to the south and 48 cm. deep (fig. 98). Both
were filled with dirt, that from the larger containing fragments of
charcoal. Beneath the bowls were the disarticulated bones of one
individual, miscellaneous sherds, and, in the center of the jar, a
complete red-slipped tanga. About 15 cm. below this first set of
bones was part of asecond skeleton. The jar also contained a number
of miscellaneous nonhuman bones. Field identification gave an
inventory of 3 skull fragments from small rodents, 4 parts of bird
skulls including one from a large species like the tuyuyt%, and numerous
postcranial fragments. Both human and animal bones had been
painted red, traces of the pigment being discernible even on the
smallest scraps.
The human bones were submitted to Marshall T. Newman, U. S.
National Museum, for examination and he was able to identify both
age and sex: ““These bones represent the very fragmentary remains
of a rather rugged male over 26 years of age, and a gracile female
between about 18 and 25 years (distal end of clavicle unfused).’’
The male, which was the upper burial, shows one outstanding feature:
“The glabellar fragment is particularly interesting since it shows al-
most positive frontal deformation of the sort that levels out the brow
ridges and glabella, reduces the nasion depression to almost no depres-
sion at all, and makes for an almost straight profile from hair line to
nasal bones’ (pers. commun.). The female showed third-degree
wear on all teeth in spite of her apparent youth, suggesting extremely
gritty food. It is of interest to note that the tanga appears to have
been associated with the male rather than with the female.
Jar M, Inajé Plain (fig. 98): The surfaces are dull tan to light brown, with
patches of orange and red-orange and small, light-gray fire clouds. Temper is
coarse (one grain was 1.1 cm. in diameter) but evenly distributed. A thin slip
of the same clay as the paste was applied on the exterior, filling some of the scars
and pits that remain on the interior but showing scattered crackle. Slight
horizontal grooves on the exterior reveal where one coil had been joined to the
next. These coils are 3 cm. wide. The jar is 89 cm. tall, with an exteriorly
thickened, everted rim 54 cm. in diameter, sides sloping out to a maximum body
diameter of 65 cm. and then curving inward to a subconical base. The maximum
274 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
Fiaure 98.—J-14, Mound 1, cut 1, jar M, Marajoara Phase.
body diameter is attained 35 cm. above the base. Body wall thickness varies
between 1.4 and 1.7 cm., rim thickness is 3.3 cm.
The lid is Camutins Plain, with an orange-tan surface and some fire clouding.
The interior is smooth and even, while the exterior is marred by smoothing marks
and other irregularities. The short, outslanting sides join the curving bottom
at an angle of 25 degrees. The base is flattened. Exterior diameter of the
thickened rim is 52 cm., total depth is 18 cm., and wall thickness, 7 mm.
The smaller of the two offertory bowls (pl. 66, c) was a variety of Camutins
Plain, with a dark-tan to orange-tan, slightly fire-clouded surface and a reddish-
brown paste. Smoothing and polishing striations are visible on all surfaces
except the exterior of the rounded base, which remains rough and uneven. The
bowl is 6.5 em. deep, with a direct rim, slightly insloping sides and a rounded
bottom. It is asymmetrical, whether seen from above or in profile, the rim diame-
ter varying from 15.5 to 16.0 cm. Wall thickness is 9 mm.
The larger bowl (pl. 66, d) is Inaj4 Plain, with a bright, reddish-orange surface
except for a dark-gray fire cloud on the exterior. The body of the vessel was
pngeneay Np ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 275
EVANS
smoothed, leaving polishing marks and a surface that remains uneven and irregular,
apparently because the smoothing was done after the clay was too dry. The
underside of the rim and the exterior of the neck were roughened so that temper
particles protrude in the deep scratches. Rim diameter is 22-23 em., flaring
out from a short neck 4 cm. high, joined to the shoulder of the rounded body.
Total depth is 13.5 cm., body wall thickness 1 cm. As was true of the smaller
bowl, this one is asymmetrical. At four equidistant places along the exterior
edge, the rim is expanded slightly to produce a bifurcated ornamental lip.
Flanking jar L on the opposite side was jar N, also a plain ware
vessel. It contained light-gray dirt, ash and scattered sherds; hunks
of yellowish clay appeared at the area of maximum diameter, and
white, sandy clay filled the bottom. Beneath a layer of miscellaneous
large sherds were bone fragments too badly disintegrated for preserva-
tion (jars L through O all had a concentration of sherds as large as
15-20 cm. just above the bones). No tanga was associated. Instead
of the usual type of lid, jar N was covered with the body of another
jar, the base of which extended halfway into the neck of jar N. This
second jar contained very wet dirt, sherds with ornamented rim, and
skeletal fragments. The neck and rim were broken off and missing,
and a large sherd had been laid over this broken top to protect the
contents.
Jar N, Inajaé Plain (fig. 99): Surfaces light to medium orange, with a light-
gray to black fire cloud extending over half of the neck and the shoulder. Both
surfaces are slipped with a thin layer of the same clay as the paste. The interior
is smoother than the exterior, but both have smoothing lines, grooves and crackle.
Undulations on the exterior reveal coils 5 cm. wide, more easily felt than seen.
The jar has a vertical neck 15 cm. tall, ending in an exteriorly thickened, everted
rim with a deep groove along the exterior edge. Rim diameter is 54 cm. The
neck joins a rounded shoulder, from which the body wall slopes outward to a
maximum diameter of 70 cm. (21 cm. above the base) and then inward to the flat-
tened bottom. Wall thickness varies from 1.8 to 2.1 em. on the body and 2.4
to 3.0 cm. on the neck. Total height of the jar is 79 cm.
The jar fragment comprising the lid has rounded sides and bottom. Maximum
body diameter is 48 cm., and the height of the existing fragment is also 48 cm.
Wall thickness is 1.5 cm.
On the southeast side of the cut, almost directly beneath jar K,
was jar O, the base of which rested at a depth of 2.23 meters (Meggers,
1951, fig. 7, left). Two basins, similar in shape but larger than the
lid of jar L were superimposed right side up inside the neck. The
dimensions and contours of the upper basin were such that it fit
inside the lower one closely and there was little dirt between them.
The bottom and part of one side of the upper basin were missing.
Although the second basin was also broken when discovered, sherds
from the bottom were found inside the main jar, indicating that it
was complete when set in place. The exterior wall was flush with
the interior of the outflaring rim of the jar. Inside the upper bowl
lid, 14 cm. below the rim and upside down against the southeast side,
276 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
9h ams dea TA SSS
Fieure 99.—J—14, Mound 1, cut 1, jar N, Marajoara Phase.
was the bottom part of a small, crudely excised jar. Inside jar O
were sherds from the broken basin lids, at least three broken bowls
of different sizes, a red-slipped tanga and, at a depth of 68 cm. below
the rim, the bones of a disarticulated skeleton, with the long bones
arranged along the north-south axis. A layer of relatively large
sherds was spread immediately above the bones. Outside the jar,
at a depth of 1.40 meters below the surface (approximately at the
level of the rim) were poorly-preserved fragments of another skeleton,
with no surrounding jar but in association with a red-slipped tanga.
cong) ANP ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 277
Jar O, Inajé Plain (fig. 100): The surfaces are orange to tan, with small patches
of light gray, cream and dull brown, and a large black fire cloud on the body.
The interior surface is more even than the exterior, but the latter has a slight
luster in spite of the irregularity. The broken edges show temper to be finely
ground sherd. The random inclusion of vegetal material which left dark-gray
spots and streaks is probably accidental. The bottom is flat, 21 cm. in diameter,
the sides slope outward to the maximum diameter 24 cm. above the base and then
slant inward until just below the everted rim. Rim diameter is 71 by 79 cm.,
the outline being oval rather than circular. Maximum body diameter is 88 cm.,
total height, 82 cm. Body wall thickness varies between 1.4 and 2.1 cm. The
upper rim edge is adorned with two deep, equally spaced grooves.
Upper basin, Joanes Painted (?): The paste has a gray core with scattered ashy
spots 3 mm. or less in diameter in addition to sherd temper and small red iron
concretions. A white slip was applied to the rim and sides on interior and exterior
stopping just below the curve in an irregular line. The unslipped surface is
oxblood tan except where blackened on the exterior by fire clouds. The slipped
area is also marred on the exterior by black fire clouds and bright-orange patches,
resulting from poorly controlled firing. Scattered crackle is present in the slip.
Because of prominent smoothing marks remaining on the slip, the unslipped
surfaces are smoother, particularly on the interior, which has a low polish. The
slip is applied unevenly, varying from paper thinness to 0.5 mm. in thickness.
Ficure 100.—J—-14, Mound 1, cut 1, jar O, Marajoara Phase,
391329—57———20
278 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
It is possible that the slipped area bore a painted design, although no trace of
paint remains. The rim diameter is 70 cm., the reconstructed depth 32 cm.
Body wall thickness ranges from 1.0 to 1.4 cm. The junction of the coil added
to the rim exterior to double the rim thickness is faintly visible in the cross section.
Lower basin, Inajé Plain: Paste poorly mixed with large air pockets. The
interior surface is streaked with dark gray and one-third of the exterior is covered
with black fire clouds. The remaining surface varies from light tan to light orange
to gray. Prominent smoothing marks remain on both surfaces, running parallel
to the rim on the upper sides and sweeping from the base upward on the bottom.
The exterior of the flat bottom is unsmoothed. Shape is identical to that of the
upper basin. Exterior rim diameter is 74 cm.; base diameter, 17 cm., and depth,
30cm. Body wall thickness ranges from 9-12 mm.
Arart Plain Excised fragment: Surfaces reddish-tan on the exterior except for
large black fire cloud and blackened completely on the interior. Although
polished, the surfaces remain somewhat uneven. The design, a combination of
incised lines and excised areas, is crudely executed with the lines crooked, unevenly
spaced and jagged. ‘The fragment has a flat base 20 cm. in diameter and almost
vertical sides suggesting rare shape 2. Existing height is 8 cm. The remaining
portions of the vessel were not encountered.
Beginning at a depth of 1.55 meters, the soil surrounding the jars
became a bright orange red and more sandy than previously. As
the depth increased, the earth became increasingly dry. After the
removal of jar O the test was continued to a depth of 3 meters.
Immediately beneath the jar, the soil was sandy, yellowish brown
containing orange streaks and lumps. With increasing depth the
color became grayer, with greenish flecks. This sterile soil was
similar in appearance to that composing the core of J-15, Mound 14,
except for the presence of red particles of mineral origin.
Mound 2, Monte Carmelo.—This mound lies 100 meters east of
Mound 1, on the same side of the Rio Anajas (fig. 88). It is somewhat
teardrop-shaped, the eastern end being considerably narrower than
the western. At the end of the rainy season, it was flooded on all
sides and the length was 85 meters, with the orientation running
east-west. The width of the western part was 48 meters and of the
eastern, 40 meters. The sides slope steeply on the north, west, and
south, while the eastern incline is gradual. The maximum height
is about one-third of the distance from the west end, and reaches
2 meters. At the same distance from the east end, the elevation is
about 1 meter. The top is a leveled area 65 by 10 meters, which
slopes toward the east. The major portion of the site was planted
with coconut and banana trees, and heavy grass covered the eastern
half, making surface collection difficult (pl. 34, 6). However, parts
of large, anthropomorphic, painted jars, excised, incised, painted
sherds and tangas of both red-on-white and red-slipped varieties were
sufficiently abundant to indicate that this mound functioned as a
cemetery.
Because of the eroded condition and extensive cultivation, it was
wae ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 279
not practical to undertake any excavation. However, we were able
to examine two complete vessels that had been recovered by local
residents:
Arart Plain Excised bowl (pl. 57, b): Paste is orange with a gray core; well-
smoothed, reddish-brown surface, showing faint smoothing marks but even and
slick to the touch. The out-curving sides terminated in a direct rim, and the
bottom was flattened slightly off center so that the rim sloped and the depth
varied from 10.2 to 11.5 em. Rim diameter was 19 cm.; base diameter, 8 cm.
A band of excised design about 3 cm. wide ran around the middle of the exterior.
The cutout is deeply gouged leaving a rough surface. The two incised lines that
flank it are not evenly parallel, and tend to undulate slightly.
Anajés Plain Incised jar (pl. 51, a): Light-orange surface with scattered gray
fire clouds, smoothed but with many irregularities remaining. The paste has a
gray core. The incision was done when the surface was leather hard. The lines,
which run diagonally in both directions over the upper body, are 2 mm. wide and
1 mm. deep, and were applied with no effort to keep them evenly spaced or closely
parallel. The jar is 30 cm. tall, with a flattened base 9 cm. in diameter, a slightly
depressed, globular body, a slight, constricted neck and an everted rim, with an
exterior diameter of 17 cm. Maximum body diameter is 25 cm.
Mound 8, Bacatal.—This mound is on the right bank of the Anajas,
opposite the east end of Mound 1, from which it was separated in
May 1949 by 150 meters of flooded river (fig. 88). The land on all
sides was inundated leaving an area approximately the shape of a
right triangle, with the arms on the south and east and the hypot-
enuse on the northwest. The maximum north-south extent was 65
meters, the east-west length, 75 meters. The eastern half was higher
than the western, with a maximum elevation of 2 meters at the
eastern part of the south edge, along the river. Here the bank was
steep, having been subjected to yearly erosion; elsewhere, the slope
was gradual. The highest part of the mound was occupied by a
modern cemetery surrounded by a fence and the remainder was over-
grown with trees. Its small size and the sparsity of the sherd refuse
indicate that this mound was probably a habitation site. The sur-
face collection produced 1 sherd of Anaj4s Plain Incised, 1 of Joannes
Painted, 8 red-slipped tanga fragments and the remainder plain ware
(72 percent Inaja Plain, 28 percent Camutins Plain).
SITE J—15—OS CAMUTINS
The group of artificial mounds along the Igarapé Os Camutins, a
small tributary of the upper Rio Anajas, is one of the most famous
on Marajé. The large mounds on the lower part of this stream were
visited and described by Derby (1879, 1885) and later by Farabee
(1921), both of whom made excavations. They mention that other
sites exist along the stream, but no details are given. To provide these,
a survey was made and 19 additional mounds were mapped, described,
and represented by a surface collection (fig. 101). This work was
280 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL 167
Figure 101.—Plan of mounds composing J-15—Camutins, a mound group
of the Marajoara Phase.
done at the climax of the rainy season in May, when the water was
at its maximum level. All of the mounds were islands approachable
only by boat, whereas during the dry season they are connected by
land. The dimensions given refer to the area above the high water
line; had they been taken during the dry months, an estimated 1 to
prognng ano ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 281
2 meters would have been added to their height and corresponding
increases to length and width. On the basis of this survey, it was
decided to make stratigraphic tests in two of the largest mounds,
Mounds 14 and 17, as well as in Mound 1.
Mound 1, Camutins.—This is on the left bank of the igarapé, and
is one of two cemeteries in the group. It has an overall length of
255 meters and a width of 30 meters, with rounded ends (fig. 102).
The slopes are steep, with a slant of about 45 degrees along the sides
and 25 to 30 degrees at the northeast end. The summit is a flattened
ridge varying between 5 and 11 meters in width and from 8.5 meters
above the water level on the east end to 10 meters at the center
and 9.5 meters at the west end. The entire mound is covered with
forest, including guajard and cacao trees claimed by the present pop-
ulace to be of Indian origin (pl. 33, a), The surface is abundantly
littered with sherds of all types, including numerous tanga fragments,
adornos, and plain and decorated wares. Erosion has been greatest
on the north side, which borders on the river, and has produced such
a concentration of surface material that the slope is literally paved
with sherds, a high percentage of which are plain ware.
Three excavations were made along the summit in an effort to ob-
tain stratigraphic information. Cut 1, 1.5 meters square, was 3
meters from the slope on the river side and one-third of the distance
from the east end of the ridge. Sherds were present on the surface,
although in less profusion than on the more eroded slope. For the
first 30 cm., the soil was very wet, dark-gray clay streaked with
black, and containing roots and small lumps of red clay, apparently
sunbaked. Sherds were sparser than had been expected on the basis
of the surface condition and since there were too few to provide a
basis for stratigraphic analysis the material was not retained by levels
after 30 cm. As depth continued, the soil became light gray and
more sandy. The upper edge of an Arari Red Excised vessel, jar A,
was encountered at 75 cm., the base resting 1.10 meters below the
surface. Sherds from a shallow bowl, white-slipped on the interior,
red-slipped on the rim top and plain on the exterior, were found in a
position over the jar that indicated it served asalid. Ten centimeters
to the north of the jar base, a small, white-slipped jar, B, was found
upside down. Both vessels contained only wet, sandy soil.
Jar A, Arari Red Excised (pl. 61, b): The entire exterior surface is covered with
a red slip and decorated with a complex excised pattern. The interior is white
slipped and both surfaces are well smoothed and even. The paste has a gray
core. Although the rim was broken off by earth pressure, a sufficient number of
fragments were recovered to permit its restoration. The jar was 38 cm. tall, 35
cm. in maximum body diameter, and 38 cm. in external rim diameter. It has a
flat bottom, 20 cm. diameter, a globular body and a short, outflaring neck 9 cm
tall.
[BULL. 167
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The lid was also 38 cm. in rim diameter and had a flat bottom 11 cm. in
diameter.
Jar B, Joanes Painted (pl. 67, a): Exterior and interior surfaces are smoothed,
leaving polishing tracks and many irregularities, and slipped with white. Beneath
the slip, the surfaces are light cream or tan, and the paste has a light gray core.
The vessel has a short, collarlike rim, 2.2 cm. tall, a globular body and a rounded
base. The exterior surface of the collar was painted red. Maximum diameter of
the body is 18.0 cm., of the rim 14.5 em. ‘Total height is 10 cm.
Whitish sand appeared at a depth of 1.10 meters and was sterile to 1.50
meters, where the cut was terminated. Sherds by levels totaled:
Level .00-.15 m.: 79 Inaj4 Plain, 93 Camutins Plain, 7 Arari Plain Excised,
1 Ararf Red Excised, 1 Anajés Red Incised, 3 Anajds
Plain Incised, 19 Joanes Painted, 3 Carmelo Red, 4
modeled sherds, 5 red-on-white, and 3 red-slipped
tanga fragments.
Level .15-.30 m.: 12 Inajé Plain, 25 Camutins Plain, 1 Arari Plain Excised,
2 Arari Red Excised, 5 Joanes Painted, 4 Carmelo
Red, and 3 red-on-white tanga fragments.
Level .30-1.00 m.: 25 Inaj4 Plain, 24 Camutins Plain, Arari Red Excised
sherds from 4 different vessels, 1 Goiapi Scraped,
Joanes Painted sherds from 3 bowls, and 2 red-
slipped tanga fragments.
Cut 2 was placed in the center of the mound, about 2 meters from
the summit on the river side. It was 1.5 meters square and excavated
in 15-cm. levels.4® Because of the steepness of the slope at this point,
the first level was measured off on the uphill side and leveled out on the
downhill side to permit the removal of an equal amount of dirt from
all parts of the cut in succeeding levels. In the first level, the soil was
dark-gray wet clay, roots were thick and sherds large and abundant.
Between 15 and 45 cm., the soil became darker and the sherds less
numerous. At 50 cm. the soil became light gray on the uphill side,
but in the remainder of the cut it continued dark until 75 cm. From
this point until sterile soil was reached at 2.10 meters, the sherds were
mixed in light-gray or whitish, sandy clay streaked with light gray, and
containing scattered charred bits of wood and small pockets of ash.
From 2.10 to 2.55 meters the yellowish, sandy clay contained charcoal,
but no sherds or lumps of burnt clay.
Two unusual objects were found in cut 2. Level 0.75-0.90 meter
produced a worked sherd of Camutins Plain (fig. 103, 6). It was
roughly oblong, 4.8 by 3.5 cm., 2.4 mm. thick at the edges and 4.5
mm. thick at the center, slightly convex and smooth on both surfaces.
The edges had been rounded and there was a shallow groove in each
end, as though to secure a string wound or tied around it. An ec-
centrically shaped Inaja Plain object came from level 1.05-1.20
18 Because of the small sample per level, 2 levels were combined for stratigraphic analysis of the pottery
types (Appendix, table 40).
284 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
Fiaure 103.—Artifacts from J—15, Mound 1, cut 2, Marajoara Phase:
a, Eccentric pottery object. 6, Worked sherd.
meters (fig. 103,a). It was circular, flat on one surface and convex on
the other. An extension at one side was drilled horizontally and
broken off at the hole. The flat side was rough and uneven, and the
convex one bore a design of parallel grooves curving from the center to
either side. Width was 4.9 cm., length from the broken edge to the
opposite end 4.7 cm., maximum thickness 1.3 em. The object was
crude both in form and decoration, possibly a crude pendant.
Cut 3, also 1.5 by 1.5 meters square, was excavated 8 meters from
the east end of the summit and 2 meters from the center on the side
away from theriver. For the first 4 levels the soil was medium brown,
with some ash in level .45-.60 meters. In level .60—-.75 meters it be-
came darker, and between .75 and .90 meters the soil was streaked
with fire-burnt clay. Between 0.92-1.10 meters, a bright-red band of
burnt sand and clay intermixed with black ash occupied one corner of
the cut.!? Below 1.10 meters and continuing to the bottom of the
test (1.50 meters) the soil was pure white, sandy clay with no ash or
sherds.
The slightly flattened base of a Camutins (?) Plain jar was en-
countered at 1.00 meters. The vessel had a globular body, 45 cm. in
maximum diameter and 50 cm. tall. The everted rim was broken off,
but fragments were found in the fill. The red-slipped tanga inside was
broken but all fragments were present (pl. 82, d). This last level
(0.75—-0.90 m.) also produced a number of sherds from a small, anthro-
pomorphic, Joanes Painted jar with an insloping neck and a slightly
flaring rim with a diameter of 18 cm. Facial features were indicated
by low applique on the neck, outlined with red-painted lines. Another
sherd from this vessel was a small, zoomorphic adorno.
Burial Group 1 designates a place on the west end of the ridge, on
the south side of the summit, where the caboclos had removed several
1 Because of the smal] sherd sample per 15-cm. level, 2 levels were combined for stratigraphic analysis of
the pottery types (Appendix, table 40).
eces AP ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 285
large jars. Part of another (jar 1) was visible at the edge of the old
excavation. Removal of the surrounding dirt showed it to be Joanes
Painted, 70 cm. tall (rim broken off), with a flat bottom 15 cm. in
diameter, rounded sides, a flat shoulder, and an insloping neck. The
structural weakness of the angular shoulder and the pressure of the
earth had broken the jar into large pieces. The interior was filled
with wet dirt containing flecks of charcoal, miscellaneous sherds and,
at the bottom, a complete, red-slipped tanga. The base of this jar
was 1.15 meters below the existing surface of the mound; the rim was
45 cm. below the surface.
Jar 2, a globular-bodied jar 36 cm. in diameter with a low-relief
snake twisting over the exterior, was resting in a break in the neck of
jar 1, so that its bottom was supported by the shoulder of the latter.
Jar 3, Inaj4 Plain and 30 cm. tall, was about 20 cm. to the west of jar 1
with its rim 28 cm. below the surface. The dirt filling it contained
much black ash from a cremation.
Jar 4, a second large Joanes Painted jar, was at the north side of Jar
1, with its broken rim 60 cm. below the surface. The reconstructed
rim diameter was 54 cm., total height 70 cm., neck height 30 cm.,
minimum neck diameter 37 cm. A shallow, broken Arari Plain
Excised bowl, 42 cm. in rim diameter, was inverted over the top as a
lid. The dirt inside the jar was very muddy, a fact which had con-
tributed to the destruction of the skeletal remains. With the latter
were scattered small vessel sherds, fragments of charred wood and
four sherds from a single red-on-white tanga. Dr. Marshall T. New-
man, United States National Museum (pers. commun.), made the
following analysis of the skeletal remains:
Three mandibular, two maxillary fragments, four teeth, one petrous, and a few
eroded sections of long bone shaft. All the skull parts and teeth are left side, and
belong to the same individual. This individual had erupted and worn second
molars, but shows an unerupted third molar. Therefore, the age should be more
than 12 but less than about 18 years. The small size of the mandibular fragments
suggests female.
Jar 5, Anajds White Incised, was above and between jar 1 and jar 4,
with its rim 35 cm. below the surface. It contained bone fragments
in a poor state of preservation, some of which Newman could identify
as human and adult. Others were identified as crocodilian by Dr.
Doris M. Cochran of the Department of Zoology, United States
National Museum.
Jar 5, Anajés White Incised (pl. 55, a): The jar was noticeably asymmetrical,
with a cylindrical neck 24 em. tall, a squat, rounded body 36 cm. in diameter and
14 cm. tall, a flat bottom 14 cm. in diameter and an everted, exteriorly thickened
rim 31 cm. in diameter. The entire exterior was white slipped and covered with
an incised design in which triple parallel lines outlined rectangular, hexagonal, and
stepped panels containing simple motifs drawn with single lines. A contrasting
286 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
color effect was produced by cutting the incisions through the slip into the orange
undersurface, and was most pronounced in the small squares and triangles at the
corners and ends of the single lines. The motif is typical of that employed on
Pacoval Incised, but the red retouching of the lines has been omitted.
Burial Group 2, like Burial Group 1, was an excavation begun by
the caboclos, who had removed a large painted jar. This spot is on
the south side of the ridge, about 25 meters southeast of cut 2. Two
small jars, their upper edges about 38 cm. below the surface, were
found by cutting away the sides of the earlier excavation. Both
vessels were filled with wet soil, which contained neither bone frag-
ments nor sherds.
Jar A, Inajé Plain, had a flat bottom 15 cm. in diameter, from which the sides
flared outward to the maximum diameter of 31 cm. at a height of 11 cm., and
then curved inward to the neck, which was 18 cm. in diameter. With the rim
missing, the existing height was 26 cm.
Jar B, Joanes Painted (pl. 73, b), was 2 meters north of jar A. The body was
globular, with a short, outslanting neck and an everted, exteriorly thickened rim.
Measurements include: total height, 38 cm.; rim diameter, 35 cm.; maximum
body diameter, 36 cm.; diameter at base of neck, 23 cm.; neck height, 9cem. A
white slip covered the exterior. ‘The neck was decorated with a stylized face in
low relief, with the background painted red. A red-painted design covered the
body.
The surface collection from Mound 1 does not represent a random
sample as it does on the other Camutins mounds. Sherds were present
in such abundance that it was felt that a better idea of the range of
material present would be secured by picking up striking decorated
sherds and unusual or ornamental plain ware rims. This technique
amassed examples of the following decorated wares: Anajis Plain
Incised, Anajais White Incised, Anajis Red Incised, Arari Plain
Excised, Arari Red Excised, Arari White Excised, Arari Double-
slipped Excised, Goiapi Scraped, Guajard Incised, and red-slipped,
and red-on-white tangas (pl. 82, a—-b). Both Inaj4 Plain and Camu-
tins Plain were well represented, with forms including stools, tall pot
rests, straight-sided and flat-bottomed bowls with 4 “dimples” in the
walls, a funnellike bowl with an open bottom, and small bowls (pl.
67, 6) and jars of all descriptions, generally with rims ornamented by
nubbins, adornos, notches, or applique. Also included were two
small figurines (pl. 79, a—b), an ear plug (fig. 134, @), and 2 labret (?)
fragments (fig. 185). Two stone objects were found: a small, flat,
smooth stone about 5 cm. in diameter, with deep crisscross grooves
on both surfaces produced by rubbing with a stick (fig. 138), which
came from the vicinity of Burial Group 1, and a miniature diorite ax
(fig. 132, a).
Mound 2.—This is the first in the series of habitation sites scattered
along the left bank of the Igarapé Camutins upstream from Mound 1.
oe ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 287
It is separated from Mound 1 by approximately 2 km. One of the
smallest of the series, it is at present 5 meters long, 50 cm. wide and
75cm.high. It has been badly trampled by cattle and was surrounded
by water at the climax of the rainy season. A few plain-ware sherds
(Appendix, table 42) were scattered in the soil to a depth of 25 cm.
Mound 3.—This mound, 75 meters upstream from Mound 2, is
approximately oval, 32 meters long, and 8 meters wide (fig. 104).
The north side, subject to erosion by the river, rises almost vertically,
while the other sides slope gradually and then rise at an angle of 30
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288 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
to 45 degrees to form the central part of the mound, an area 10 by 5
meters and reaching a height of 8 meters above the high waterline.
The soil is light-colored, sandy clay with areas of reddish, burnt sand
and black charcoal fragments. Sherds are most abundant in the
highest part of the mound, although a few are scattered on the flanks.
Tests along the bank indicate that they are present to a depth of 2
meters (Appendix, table 42).
Mound 4, Sacrario—This is a long, low, thin mound (fig. 104)
curved to follow a slight bend in the river 20 meters above Mound 3.
It is 100 meters long and varies from 5 to 8 meters in width. The
surface is 1.25 to 1.50 meters above high water level except at a knoll
at the east end, 25 by 7 meters, which rises to 2.50 meters. At the
height of the rainy season the campo surrounding it on three sides is
beneath 50 cm. of water. The soil is sandy clay, darker than that
composing Mound 3. Predominantly plain ware sherds (Appendix,
table 42) are distributed sparsely over the entire surface. Present
growth includes a few large trees, but consists mainly of small, scrubby
brush and trees.
Mound 5, Sacacéo.—Tnis is the only mound on this part of the
river that was constructed on the right bank. Its lower end is
directly opposite the upper end of Mound 4. At the present time
it measures 45 meters long by 8 meters in width and from 1.00 to 1.50
meters in height. More than any of the other mounds surveyed, this
one seems to have suffered from the trampling of cattle seeking refuge
from the flooded campo and it probably was originally somewhat
higher. The soil is light-gray, sandy clay and sherds are present
over the entire surface (Appendix, table 42). Fifteen large and many
smaller trees cover it. ‘The surrounding campo is flooded, but the
water appeared to be unusually deep near the mound, possibly the
result of dirt for mound construction having been removed from the
area.
Mound 6.—This mound, 8 meters above Mound 4, was separated
from the latter in May by a small inlet of water. The campo on the
southeast side was muddy but not flooded. This mound is formed
by a narrow elevation 50 by 8 meters in horizontal dimensions and
5.00 to 6.50 meters high, and a low, circular area 11 meters in diameter
and 1.75 meters high, the two sections being joined by a necklike
construction 4 meters long and 1 meter in elevation (fig. 104). The
river has cut away the west side so that it rises nearly vertically, while
the protected slopes are more gradual. The surface is covered with
thick grass, spiny palm and brush, and a few large trees. Sherds
are not easily found, possibly partly because of the sod covering, and
most of the sample (Appendix, table 42) came from two spots and
from a depth of 10-15 cm., which was below the grass root mat.
Mnecnen AND ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 289
Mound 7, Séo Bento.—This resembles Mound 6 in general appear-
ance and vegetation. It is separated from the upper end of the
latter by 6 meters of flooded campo and is approachable only by
boat during the rainy season. Ova! in outline, it measures 60 by 15
meters, with gentle slopes from the summit to the water’s edge except
on the eroded river side. Maximum height is 4 meters, maintained
over an area 30 by 5 meters in the center of the mound. Sherds are
abundant, especially in the eroded bank (Appendix, table 42).
Mound 8.—This is 45 meters long and 10 to 12 meters wide, and
is 40 meters upstream from Mound 7. The soil is light-gray to
whitish, sandy clay with bright fire-reddened zones. Sherds are
moderately abundant in a layer averaging 25 cm. in depth (Appendix,
table 42). The bank rises sharply to an elevation of 3 to 4 meters
on the south and west sides, and slopes off gradually to the north and
east, forming a level platform 30 by 6 meters. Trees, small bushes,
and a little grass comprise the vegetation cover.
Mound 9.—This is 30 meters above Mound 8, is oval, and measures
20 by 10 meters. The sides rise steeply to a level top, 7 by 8 meters
in diameter and 5 meters above the flooded campo. Growth includes
one large tree, small bushes, and patches of tall grass. Sherds are
not abundant on the surface (Appendix, table 42).
Mound 10.—This mound is covered with forest, and is separated
from Mound 9 by a deep, low area 25 meters wide. The site is 30 by
15 meters, with moderately steep sides rising to a height of 3.75 meters.
The soil is reddish-brown loam, less clayey than in the preceding sites,
and no sherds could be seen on the surface. Random digging to
secure a sherd sample (Appendix, table 42) uncovered a broken jar
toward the southwest end of the summit. It had fallen toward the
northwest and inside was a complete Inajé Plain stool, lying upside
down (pl. 83, a).
Mound 11.—This is 18 by 14 meters, and is 75 meters upstream
from Mound 10. It is 1.75 meters high and pottery is abundant in
the eroded northwest bank in a zone from 20-100 cm. below the
surface (Appendix, table 42). Except for scattered small trees and
a strip of wood along the southwest side, the cover is short grass
(pl. 32, a). Soil composition is like that of Mound 10, a reddish-
brown loam.
Mound 12, Carmo.—This mound is 2 km. above Mound 11, on
the same side of the igarapé, which at this point was 20 meters wide
and said to shrink to a width of 10 meters during the dry season.
This mound is nearly circular, 12 meters in diameter and 1.25 meters
high. A fringe of trees runs around the edge and the center is grassy.
Soil is reddish-brown, sandy clay and sherds are abundant under the
290 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
sod layer (Appendix, table 42). As is typical during the rainy season,
the mound was completely surrounded by water.
Mound 13.—This, like the other forest-covered mounds, is camou-
flaged by the trees so that it would be easily overlooked by a casual
observer. It is in a bend in the stream 25 meters above Mound 12,
and is isolated on the other side by the flooded campo. At present,
dimensions are 18 by 10 meters and 1.50 meters high. A border of
trees grows on the bank, but the center is grassy. Sherds are
exposed in the eroded north end (Appendix, table 42).
Mound 14, Inajasal—This is 1 km. east of Mound 13 (fig. 105).
It is the largest of the habitation sites, being 51 meters long, 25 to 35
meters wide, and 5.75 to 6.25 meters high along the summit.” The
slopes are steep and covered with trees except at the center of the
east side. The summit and the east slope are grassy (pl. 32, d).
Because of its size and the abundance of the surface sherd refuse,
this mound was selected for stratigraphic excavation. A cut 1.5
meters square was begun near the center of the ridge and taken
WATER LEVEL,
MAY 1949 &
&
Fieaure 105.—Detailed plan of J-15, Mound 14—Inajasal, a habitation
mound of the Marajoara Phase, showing the location of cut 1.
20 Hilbert (1952, p. 10), who returned in the dry season when the base was exposed, gives the actual height
as 7.00 to 7.25 meters. At low water the river is 75 meters away.
MEGCERS AND ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 291
METERS
00=
DARK-BROWN LOAM
GRAYISH-WHITE
STERILE CLAY
BROKEN JAR
WITH ASH
GRAYISH-WHITE
STREAKED WITH
ORANGE
SHERD COUNT PER LEVEL
ASH POCKETS & STREAKS
BASE OF LARGE JAR
CONTAINING ASH
STERILE CLAY
[ssh AL) (lee ai
Gs FIRE-BURNT e 25 sOnGM
Ficure 106.—Profile of west face of cut 1, J-15, Mound 14, Marajoara Phase.
down in 15-cm. levels (fig. 106). Sherds were abundant in the
dark-brown loam, which extended beneath the sod to a depth of
about 18 cm. Then began a stratum of light orange, which became
brighter orange with increasing depth; sherds, as well as clay lumps,
continued numerous. At 35 cm. light, grayish-white soil appeared
in the northwest corner and spread over the entire cut at the beginning
of the next level at 45 cm. From here to a depth of 70 cm. the soil
continued sandy and whitish gray, with streaks and small pockets
of bright orange. A pocket of black ash at the west side of the cut
in level 0.45-0.60 m. produced the majority of the sherds from that
292 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
level. From 72 to 77 cm. was a second fire-burnt layer containing
sherds. Another layer of light, grayish-white soil with traces
of black ash and sherds in poor condition extended from 77 to 90 cm.
in the northwest corner and to 1.04 meters in the rest of the cut.
The majority of the sherds from level 0.90-1.05 meters were con-
centrated at the bottom of this stratum, just above a third burnt-
orange layer. The latter, somewhat thicker than those above it,
became browner in level 1.35-1.50 m. Sherds from an ash-filled jar
were removed from the northwest wall at this level, and an ash
pocket was encountered on the opposite side of the cut. Sherds
were abundant and large. Beginning at about 1.45 meters in the
northwest corner and at 1.50 meters in the rest of the cut was another
light-grayish stratum. The soil was streaked with orange and
contained pockets of black ash about 20 cm. in diameter. This
variegated appearance, with bright orange, reddish orange, light
tan, whitish gray and streaks and pockets of black ash continued to a
depth of 1.95 to 2.05 meters. A large base sherd containing black
ash was found at 1.95 meters, but sherds were generally sparse.
Except for a pocket of burnt orange in the northwest corner, the soil
below level 1.95-2.05 m. was moist, whitish clay, although sherds
still appeared. At 2.12—2.15 meters there was a transition to compact,
whitish, dry and flaky clay flecked with gray, yellow, and hard
orange particles, which was sterile and consistent, and comprised
the core and foundation of the mound.
In the sherd count by levels, the sparsity of decorated sherds is
notable by contrast with the totals from Mound 1, cut 1 (p. 283):
Level 0.00-0.15 m.: 75 Inaj4 Plain, 140 Camutins Plain, 8 Anajds Incised,
1 Joanes Painted.
Level 0.15—-0.30 m.: 19 Inajd4 Plain, 93 Camutins Plain.
Level 0.30—0.45 m.: 30 Inajé Plain, 163 Camutins Plain, 1 Joanes Painted.
Level 0.45-0.60 m.: 8 Inaj4 Plain, 22 Camutins Plain.
Level 0.60—-0.75 m.: 52 Inaj4 Plain, 32 Camutins Plain, 3 Joanes Painted.
Level 0.75-0.90 m.: 43 Inajé Plain, 40 Camutins Plain, 2 Joanes Painted,
2 red-slipped tanga sherds.
Level 0.90-1.05 m.: 20 Inaj4 Plain, 51 Camutins Plain, 3 Joanes Painted.
Level 1.05-1.35 m.: 41 Inaj& Plain, 55 Camutins Plain, 1 Joanes Painted.
Level 1.35-1.50 m.: 54 Inajé Plain, 45 Camutins Plain, 2 Anajds Incised.
Level 1.50-1.65 m.: 25 Inaj4 Plain, 19 Camutins Plain, 3 Joanes Painted.
Level 1.65-1.80 m.: 18 Inaj4 Plain, 29 Camutins Plain, 4 Joanes Painted.
Level 1.80-1.95 m.: 15 Inajé Plain, 8 Camutins Plain, 1 Joanes Painted.
Level 1.95-2.10 m.: 52 Inajd Plain, 29 Camutins Plain, 1 Anajds Incised,
2 Joanes Painted.
Level 2.10-2.25 m.: 48 Inaj4 Plain, 12 Camutins Plain, 1 Anajds Incised,
2 Joanes Painted.
Mound 15.—This mound, 300 meters above Mound 14, is the last
site on this part of the igarapé. It is 30 by 11 meters, with the sides
rising steeply at the south end to a knoll 8 meters in diameter and
mpc a ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 293
4.50 meters high, and sloping off gradually toward the north end
(fig. 104). The soil is dark gray to a depth of between 25 and 50 cm.,
and then becomes light, sandy clay. Sherds are sparse except on the
steep bank (Appendix, table 42). Heavy tree growth on the edges
conceals the mound from the passer-by.
Mound 16, Tesinho.—This is about 250 meters below Mound 1, on
the same (left) bank of the zgarapé. It and the adjacent area are
covered with forest, which except on the mound itself was under
water at the time of our visit. The artificial elevation has an area
140 by 16 meters, with the sides sloping steeply except at the north-
east end (fig. 104). The maximum height, maintained over an area
approximately 100 by 5 meters, is 3.20 meters. Sherds were scattered
over the surface (Appendix, table 42) and were said to be abundant
along the north side below the flood level. Protected from the in-
vasion of cattle by the forest extending between it and the campo, it
has accumulated a relatively thick undergrowth.
Mound 17, Belém.—This mound, lying almost directly opposite
Mound 1, is another cemetery. It measures 250 by 59 meters, and
attains a height of 6.40 meters (fig. 107). At the time of our visit,
the lower end had been cleared for cultivation but the remainder of
WATER LEVEL,
SOM N
@ 1949 EXCAVATIONS
O FARABEE'S EXCAVATIONS
Fieure 107.—Detailed plan of J-15, Mound 17, a Marajoara Phase cemetery,
showing location of excavations.
391329—57——21
294. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
the site was covered with forest, although none of the trees was ex-
ceptionally large (pl. 33, b). Many small sherds are scattered over
the bank toward the river, where erosion has washed off the humus
layer. The side away from the river levels down into forest, which
is boggy but not inundated during the rainy season. Inquiries
among the caboclos, one family of which was living on the mound,
elicited the information that no complete jars had ever been found.”
The unusually large size and the fact that decorated types were
more abundant than on other habitations indicated the advisability
of more extensive examination.
A stratigraphic cut 1.5 meters square was excavated near the center
in 15-cm. levels.” For the first 26 cm., the soil was dark-gray loam
containing small but abundant sherds. From here to between 45 to
50 cm., the soil color was light tan sprinkled with black wood ash,
beneath which was a layer of blackish ash about 5 cm. thick. From 50
to 70 cm., the soil became lighter tan, with a streaked appearance, and
contained ash and burnt clay lumps. Sherds were more numerous
than in the previous levels. For the next 10 cm., pockets of black
appeared sporadically. At 80cm., began a stratum of yellowish-white
sand that contained relatively few sherds. Between 0.95 to 1.10
meters the color became black once more. A burnt-red layer, streaked
with black, occupied the region between 1.10 to 1.20 meters, followed
by a thin band of black ash 1 to 2 cm. in thickness. Underlying this and
continuing to the maximum depth tested (3.25 meters) was the sterile
core of the mound, composed of light, yellowish-white, sandy clay,
containing charcoal particles in the upper 40 cm., but below that free
from refuse mixture. The only pottery artifact was a spoon (pl.
81, e), which came from level .60-.75 m. ‘The sherd totals per level
reveal the frequency of decorated sherds and tanga fragments typical
of Marajoara Phase cemetery sites:
Level .00-.15 m.:%2 40 Inajé Plain, 113 Camutins Plain, 2 Anajds Incised,
7 Joanes Painted, 4 red-slipped tanga fragments.
Level .15-.380 m.: 14 Inajé Plain, 24 Camutins Plain, 3 Ararf Excised, 1
Anajaés Incised, 2 Guajardé Incised, 7 Joanes Painted,
1 red-slipped tanga fragment.
Level .30-.45 m.: 66 Inajd4 Plain, 74 Camutins Plain, 5 Arari Excised, 1
Anajas Incised, 1 Guajard Incised, 2 Joanes Painted.
Level .45-.60 m.: 28 Inaj4 Plain, 25 Camutins Plain, 1 Ararf Excised, 1
Anajads Incised, 6 Joanes Painted, 3 red-on-white tanga
fragments.
Level .60-.75 m.: 76 Inajé Plain, 68 Camutins Plain, 4 Ararf Excised, 1
Anajads Incised, 14 Joanes Painted, 3 Goiapi Scraped,
14 red-slipped and 8 red-on-white tanga fragments.
21 This is contradicted by Farabee’s findings (described on pp. 298-299).
22 This is in the area where Farabee first dug and found only sherds (see p. 298).
23 Because of the small totals for many of the pottery types in 15-em. levels, 2 levels were combined for the
stratigraphic analysis of pottery trends (Appendix, table 42).
see ee ND ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 295
Level .75-.90 m.: 95 Inaj4 Plain, 13 Camutins Plain, 5 Ararf Excised, 1
Anajads Incised, 4 Joanes Painted, 3 red-slipped and 5
red-on-white tanga fragments.
Level .90-1.05 m.: 93 Inajd Plain, 6 Camutins Plain, 10 Joanes Painted,
6 red-slipped tanga fragments.
Level 1.05-1.20 m.: 25 Inaj4 Plain, 7 Camutins Plain, 5 Joanes Painted,
2 red-slipped and 2 red-on-white tanga fragments.
Mound 18, Arraial.—This is separated from the lower end of
Mound 17 by a strait 7 meters wide and 50 cm. deep at highest
water. It is almost circular, 68 meters in diameter and sloping
gently toward all sides from a maximum height of 3.20 meters at the
center. Sherds (Appendix, table 42) are abundant in a path that
runs across the center and are scattered over the whole surface.
Forest with thick undergrowth blankets the site and the cultural
refuse is covered with humus except at the edges where erosion has
uncovered whitish sand.
Mound 19.—This is a low, round mound 100 meters east of Mound
14, and is 25 meters in diameter and 0.75 to 1.00 meters above high
water level. It is covered with araca, high grass and a few small
trees; the soil is black to gray to brown. No sherds are visible on
the surface, but a test produced them just beneath the root mat.
Too few were recovered to provide an adequate sample for seriation.
Mound 20.—This mound, lying between Mounds 11 and 12, has
been almost completely eroded away. Its present elevation is 50 cm.
and its area 5 by 2 meters (at high water). A smaller nubbin about
2 meters in diameter projecting above the water 5 meters upstream
is probably another remnant of this same mound. These conditions
did not permit the collection of a sherd sample.
DATA FROM OTHER INVESTIGATIONS
Although it has been said that ‘more than a hundred artificial
mounds are now known”’ on the Island of Marajé (Mordini, 1934 a,
p. 62; Howard, 1947, p. 47; Meggers, 1948, p. 153), it should be
realized that the word ‘known’ is used in a somewhat indefinite
sense. No single individual is acquainted with all, or even with a
fraction of this total, and three-quarters of them have never been so
much as mentioned on any printed page, much less located and de-
scribed. “Known”? must be understood, therefore, as referring
mainly to awareness of the existence of these sites on the part of the
local residents and fazenda owners. The importance attached to them
by the owners and the prestige derived from owning a good one, as well
as the possibility of the same site being reported by several different
people, have perhaps increased the number “known” beyond the
actual total figure. There is the greater probability, however, that
far more exist than are reported, since those listed below are predom-
296 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
inantly cemeteries and the ratio of habitation mounds to cemeteries
is 13:1 for Fortaleza and 18:2 on the lower Camutins.
While the present census is incomplete, the making of a more ac-
curate compilation would require the better part of a year, adequate
facilities for transportation, and the cooperation of all of the land
owners in the area, a set of conditions that will probably never be
fulfilled. Fortunately, such complete knowledge does not appear to
be necessary for the preliminary reconstruction and interpretation of
Marajoara culture. The mounds that are known show sufficient con-
sistency to make it almost certain that when others are recorded in
the future they will not reveal a basically different pattern of culture.
This section summarizes all of the scientific information available on
Marajoara sites and in order to facilitate reference to them, the
mounds will be described in alphabetical order. As many as possible
have been located on the map (fig. 108), but it must be kept in mind
that the location is usually approximate, from written description or
from a map on which it was difficult to correlate the rivers with those
on the air map with any assurance of accuracy.
BACUR{ ALTO
Three to four kilometers north of the Fazenda Silva, in the region
of Cabo Maguari, is a site called Teso do Bacuri Alto. In September
1922, it was visited by Nimuendaji, who gives the following
description:
The refuse deposit had a thickness of about 20 cm. and covered a somewhat
larger area than that of Teso das Igagabas [which was 10 x 20 meters]. Though
the owner of the Fazenda had already made excavations, great numbers of clay
fragments were, nevertheless, brought to light. They were bigger and better
preserved than those of the two other sites, and among the huge number of bad
products were some fragments of really beautiful and artistic specimens. Sey-
eral times I found fragments which, though widely scattered, could be put
together . . . [Rydén, MS.]
Among the sherds were a large number of stool fragments with
relief and polychrome decoration. Other objects found included
charred tucumd nuts, sharp-edged splinters of a brittle, fiery-red
stone, a small piece of nephrite, small lumps of ocher and yellow tand,
and a badly corroded iron nail (Rydén, MS.). All specimens are in
the Géteborg Museum. (The nail is of more recent origin.)
CAJUEIROS
Couto de Magalhaes speaks of a ‘‘kind of circular fort of earth”
on the Fazenda Cajueiros, and Ferreira Penna, in quoting him, adds
that it “probably contains artifacts and human remains.’’ A mound
called Cajueiros and described as ‘bastante rico” is reported by the
Bardo de Marajé. The same site is mentioned by Pinto, and a bowl
from there is illustrated by Torres.
MNCGRRY AND
uvanwh)
Bibliograp
Derby, w ue Fe
league abore the | s a Preyer? ee
210 by 80 nheters } ; pos preemies
& large enced
CAMO TIN
C2) =< 98)
position ts wi!
form, but thus
were conalruqte
Pacov' itl,
Fron ¥ TLS
than incised
is large, d
somecal form
in both play st,
complete
fragms nty
4 it shotlRbo
gites, Gat sane
iasariille by isis a : x: Tee
than those cise by Woter ae ; : ; :
Fiovam 108. awaits bietsatad Seed awe fom Methom
391329 O -57 (Face p. 296)
Or
AMAZON
ao
ote
G
CAJULEIROS
PACOVAL DO “CURURU
SANTA
iZABEL A
MATINADOS
DIAMANTINA g
Byazareé
CURUXYS
a STO. ANDR
@TESO DOS CHINA Sorecacd Dh
@ #PACOVAL DOS MELLO SS
CARATATEUA
GUAJARA
CAMUTINS
(y-15) ONTE CARMELO
(- 14) ——
ILHA DOS BICHOS
10 20 30
1949 EXCAVATIONS.
HILBERT EXCAVATIONS.
LOCATION APPROXIMATE.
SITE LOCATION UNCERTAIN.
AFTER AAF PRELIMINARY BASE 9468
Fiaure 108.—Map of Marajé Island, showing the location of Marajoara Phase cemetery sites.
=
oo
eter
é Ki Rea ee Bee Tt) "babel ak
Mapamas, AND ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 297
Bibliography: Torres, 1940, pl. 49; Couto de Magalhaes, 1876, pt. 2, p. 34;
Ferreira Penna, 1879 a, p. 48; Marajé, 1895, p. 88; Palmatary, 1950, p. 276;
Pinto, 1930, p. 351.
CAMUTINS
Although von Martius mentioned the existence of urns at Camutins
in 1867, Ferreira Penna is said by Hartt (1885, p. 17) to have been
the first to make a scientific examination and a collection, which was
deposited in the Museu Nacional. He was followed in 1876 by Orville
Derby, who left the first description: The main mound, about a
league above the junction of the igarapé with the Rio Anajis, was
210 by 80 meters in base measurement and some 13 meters in height.*
Derby made his visit during the dry season, and was able to observe
a large excavation on the west side of the igarapé from which he de-
duced the earth for the construction of the mounds had been taken.
Near it was a second mound, almost as large as the first. A third
mound, a few hundred meters below the first, was lower but broader
and was bounded by the igarapé on three sides (cf. our J-15, Mounds
1, 16, and 17). He was informed that there were a dozen mounds
in a distance of half a league upstream from those he saw, all on the
east side, and all but two in the narrow tree zone along the bank.
He was also told that at times sherds were found in the campo and in
the forest on the natural surface of the ground. On the question of
intentional form or orientation, he concluded,
These three mounds all extend in different directions, indicating that their
position is without significance. They all have a more or less elliptical or oval
form, but this seems to have been accidental, as there is no evidence that they
were constructed according to any definite plan. |Derby, 1879, p. 226.]
The ceramics he found to be of the same general type as those at
Pacoval, which he had just visited, with a few differences in emphasis:
From what I could observe, it appears that the jars are more frequently painted
than incised, the contrary of what occurs at Pacoval. The predominant shape
is large, depressed and globular, while at Pacoval smaller sub-cylindrical and
conical forms are more common. ‘These observations, however, are too slight
for the establishment of distinctions, and all the principal forms are represented
in both places. Tanga fragments are abundant, although I did not find any
complete ones. The majority are red and without ornamentation, but I saw
fragments painted like those from Pacoval. [Jn Hartt, 1885, p. 25.]
The next visitor to leave a detailed report was W. C. Farabee
(1916 b), who in 1916 made extensive excavations in one of the group,
which he refers to as the “Magno Mound,” and which is now called
“Belém” (see J-15, Mound 17). He also tested our Mound 18 in
24 Tt should be kept in mind in evaluating the discrepancies in the dimensions here and for the following
sites, that some are estimates rather than measurements, and that they were made at different times of
the year when the difference in water level changed the visible extent. In the earlier accounts, 75 years
less erosion by rain and cattle may be partly responsible for the fact that the measurements are often larger
than those given by later reporters.
298 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
several places to a depth of 6 feet, finding sherds to a depth of 3 to 4
feet but no whole vessels. He attributed the location of the mounds
to springs along the left bank of the zigarapé and to the conditions of
proximity to the campo and accessibility to the breeze from the east,
which would minimize the annoyance from insects. The owners of
the cemetery visited by Derby (our Mound 1) refused Farabee permis-
sion to excavate, and from the magnified dimensions he gives for it
(1,500 ft. long), it does not seem probable that he was able even to
make a close examination.
Excavation was extensively undertaken on our Mound 17, as the
diagram in his field notes shows (fig. 107). After testing the top and
along the west side and finding only sherds, he tried the south end,
where someone had once found a pot, “and at once found so many
pots together it was impossible to dig without hitting one. In a space
of six feet square there were six large pots and three small ones.”
This cut he called “plan 1.” Plan 2 was excavated near the center
of the top and plan 3 north of plan 1. An examination of Farabee’s
field notebook (1916 b), where the location of each vessel is given by
number, leads to a feeling of frustration that the loss of the vessel
identification should render a major part of the material useless. The
few associations that can be recognized are extrapolated below. They
indicate the same trend at Mound 17 as that observed in our work at
Guajar4 and Camutins, Mound 1, namely, a transition from secondary
burial with tangas in large jars to cremation without associated tangas.
Plan 15
Depih
KOO Ses 8 __. 29, with black ashes, inside 28; 32, engraved, containing child’s
teeth, inside 31.
DCCs Se see me as Group of 6 jars, small to 3 feet tall, all with ashes.
3 feet
4 feet
Difeet yaw hy Fen 24, top broken, bones inside; 27, engraved, bones; 107, large,
painted, tanga inside.
6 feet
Wiee teh ohare Shh 109, large, engraved.
Depth Plan 2
LfOO te ee eset 12, small and round.
2 icet~ =e ee 8, large, 2 tangas and bones inside, lid inverted over mouth.
Sifeet hs SAL) Paes 11, large, bones inside.
4sfeets.2428_A03 1, 3 ft. high, plain, 4 small bowls (?) inside; 30, large, contain-
ing bones.
Hifest: -~s2 se eS 16, large, painted, containing bones and a tanga.
25 Vessel numbers are those used by Farabee in his field catalog. Levels shown here without entries do
not mean no vessels were found, but that the data is not sufficiently specific to be of use. A complete
listing of the vessels from each plan is given by Palmatary, 1950, p. 276.
MERGES EA AND ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 299
Depth Plan 3
1 foot.
2 feet.
SleChy tea eae 4, containing ashes.
Anfeets<2¥s2sce2 1, large, decorated.
5 feet.
G:fecteecet Saee% 2, painted, large, “‘beautiful plate’ inverted over mouth as
cover, bones inside.
7 feet.
Sifeetain eh sa 2 61, large, engraved.
It is uncertain whether Farabee’s description of Marajoara burial
practices applies to both of the sites on which he dug, or to the Camu-
tins alone. If his interpretation can be relied upon, he found primary
urn burial:
Many of the urns were broken from the weight of the superimposed earth, and
when excavating it was convenient to remove these fragments before disturbing
the earth in the interior. This method allowed us to cut down in cross sections
and expose the outline of the bodies in profile. As the bones decomposed, silted
earth took their places; so, by carefully cutting away the earth, we were able to
trace out all the bones of the body. In many cases, in the early stages of de-
composition, the head had fallen forward from the trunk and remained face up
on the bottom of the urn. The body, no doubt, had been wrapped in cloth or
bark and then deposited in the urn after it had been placed in a hole dug in the
mound. The neck of the urn was sufficiently large to admit the body in this
form. In one of the largest of the urns two adult bodies had been seated side by
side. [Farabee, 1921, p. 148.]
Sandoval Lage is the first to record the extent of the mound com-
plex on the Igarapé Camutins. He notes that their number exceeds
40, but errs in attributing to some a height of 20 to 40 meters. He
says of the ceramics that they are generally comparable to those from
Pacoval, the greatest difference being a higher frequency of painting
at Camutins (Lage, 1944, pp. 219 and 225). Lage calls attention
particularly to a number of mounds on a tributary of the upper
Camutins, on the Fazenda S40 Marcos, which he believes to have
escaped previous notice because of their small size (op. cit., p. 217).
In January, 1950, Hilbert visited Marajé as a member of a party
from the Museu Paulista, and undertook an examination of the upper
Camutins. He was able to discover and map 17 sites between the
last mound we visited (Mound 15, Inajasal) and the headwaters of
the stream. All have suffered greatly from erosion, expedited by the
depredations of water buffalo introduced by the ranchers some 30
years ago, with the result that all but 5 are completely inundated
during the rainy season. The following descriptions are abbreviated
from Hilbert’s notes (1952, pp. 10-15, and pers. corres.). The loca-
tion is shown on his map (op. cit., pp. 11 and 13).
Ma. 1. Ht. 2.5 meters; covered with bushes and small trees; no surface
sherds.
300
Md.
Md.
Md.
Md.
Md.
Md.
Md.
Md.
Md.
Md.
Md.
Md.
Md.
Md.
Md.
6.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
. Similar to Md. 1, except that height is about 1.5 meters.
. “Pau d’Arco,” height 4 meters, covered with trees and bushes.
Sherds of domestic ware scattered over surface, especially at
base on northwest.
. Sherds on bank about 1 meter above water level; no artificial ele-
vation visible.
. “Ingd4,” height 1 meter at south end, 2.50 meters at north end;
overgrown with Ing4 trees and bushes. Surface sherds most
frequent on west and northwest slope.
Opposite Md. 5, 2.5-3.0 meters high on river side, nearly circular,
and covered with vegetation; sherds on surface of north slope.
7 and 8. Sherds on river bank (cf. Md. 4).
9.
10.
ale
12.
13.
14.
15.
16.
17.
Two small mounds, height 1.50 and 1.00 meters; covered with
bushes and trees.
Sherds on river bank (cf. Mds. 4, 7, 8).
Two low mounds on left bank, 1 meter in height, covered with
bushes and small trees.
‘‘Aratengdé,”’ two summits, south elevation 1.50 meters, north
one 2.0—2.5 meters, separated by slight depression; many sur-
face sherds, especially at north end.
Many sherds on surface of elevated left bank, 3.00—-3.50 meters
high and ca. 300 meters long (cf. Nos. 4, 7, 8, 10).
“Urubi,” in forest some 50 meters from the river bank; no
prominent elevation; many sherds on surface including typical
ornate cemetery types.
‘‘Cuieiras,’’ 75 meters from the river on the right bank; maximum
height 3 meters, with gentle slope to west; many sherds on east
slope. Excavation produced 20 anthropomorphic burial urns
with stylized faces, protruding eyes and smaller excised jars
with jacaré modeling. One of the latter contained 64 cylindri-
cal beads of a white stone flecked with black.
‘“‘Tucumeira,”’ consists of three small, round accumulations 10-15
meters in diameter, separated from Md. 15 by a narrow low
area. Artificial elevation barely perceptible, but surface on
river side produced many sherds and figurine fragments.
“Furinho,”’ ca. 150 meters long by 30 meters wide; maximum
height 3 meters at south end, decreasing to 2.5 to 2.0 meters
going north. Surface sherds abundant. Excavation produced
sterile soil below 1.5—2.0 meters. Secondary urn burial typical;
jars plain, painted, or excised. One earplug, 5 tangas, mostly
red slipped.
Hilbert gives a general description of the burial pattern derived from
excavations in Cuieiras and Furinho. Three main types of urns were
encountered: (1) Painted, anthropomorphic jars, from 35 to 80 cm. in
height (the most frequent type); (2) jars with globular, painted or
plain body and cylindrical, excised neck, with a total height of 40 to
50 cm; and (8) excised, cylindrical jars, sometimes with a slightly
expanded base. Tangas were rare in the jars, only one being found at
Cuieiras and 5 at Furinho, and tanga sherds were completely absent in
the surface accumulations at Cuieiras and Tucumeira (Hilbert, 1952,
pp. 18-19, and pers. corres.). There was no evidence of cremation,
ME
eee a ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 301
Hilbert makes several observations on the quality of the decorated
types as compared to those at Pacoval:
The style of decoration and the manner of its execution are the same at Cuieiras
and Furinho. All the techniques that are typical of the Marajoara Phase occur.
Beyond this, the following observations can be made:
I—Predominance of plain and painted pottery.
II—The paint adheres superficially, and comes off easily.
JII—The decoration, whether painted, incised, or champlevé, is executed more
superficially and with less care than is usually the case. The tracing of the lines,
as well as the disposition and distribution of complexes they form, is frequently
arbitrary and inconsistent. The general impression is one of lack of the sure and
uniform stylistic sense that is typical of the Marajoara Phase.
ITV—The modelled ornamentation shows, in part, this same characteristic.
[Hilbert, 1952, p. 20.]
Hilbert’s classification of the sherds on the basis of core character-
istics, ignoring surface decoration, gave 65.3 percent Inajé Plain of 49
sherds from Cuieiras and 37 percent Inaj4 Plain of 27 sherds from
Furinho (ibid.).
Bibliography: Derby, 1879, p. 226; Farabee, 1916 b (also in Palmatary, 1950,
pp. 275-276); Farabee, 1921, pp. 145-146; Hartt, 1871, p. 260; Hartt, 1885, pp.
23-25; Hilbert, 1952 and Personal Corres.; Lage, 1944, pp. 215-219; Marajé,
1895, p. 88; Martius, 1867, p. 178; Palmatary, 1950, pp. 272, 275-277.
CARATATEUA
About 8 km. southwest of Lago Guajara a patch of forest stands
out from the treeless plain and marks the location of this site. Hilbert
describes it as extending approximately 500 meters northeast-south-
west, and narrowing from 150 meters near the southwestern end to-
ward the northeast. There is no marked elevation, but it is probably
sufficient to prevent flooding. A 1- by 1-meter test produced few
sherds and sterile gray sandy clay at a depth of 30 cm. Of the 44
sherds, 40, or 90.9 percent, were on Inaj&4 Plain; 4, or 9.1 percent, were
on Camutins Plain. Decorated types included Anajés White In-
cised. There was one fragment of a stool, but no evidence of tangas.
The existence of other smaller sites of similar nature in the vicinity
leads Hilbert to the conclusion that Caratatéua represents a complex
of sites similar to Teso dos China (pers. commun.).
CUIEIRAS
“Mound das Cuieiras” is one of those listed by Baréo de Marajé
(1895, p. 87), with no location or description. This may be the same
as Santa Brigida, which is on the Igarapé Cuieiras.
CURUXYS
Holdridge (1939, p. 43) mentions having excavated a burial mound
on Fazenda Curuxys, which is located about half way between Lago
Arari and the east coast at Soure.
302 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
DESTERRO
A mound called “Ilha das Panellas” is located on the Fazenda
Desterro, which in 1895 belonged to Francisco L. Chermont (Marajé,
1895, p. 88). Holdridge visited a fazenda by that name just north-
west of Laranjeiras in 1938, and an indefinite reference to excavations
may have been located there (1939, p. 175). Another fazenda of the
same name is on the upper Rio Mocdées.
DIAMANTINA
Farabee conducted excavations in what appears to be a group of
habitation mounds east of Lago Ararif:
Went to work with 5 men but found no mounds at all, nothing but house sites,
a dozen or more on the banks of igarapé from Lake Arary. Here the banks
were above high water and a good place to live, about 4 miles from the lake. .. .
The 5th and 6th and 7th we dug these sites and found a few burial pots, all plain,
unpainted, small; all had charred bones inside. Found only one fragment of a
painted pot and one engraved; all (other) fragments were of that coarse undeco-
rated ware. No fragments of animal bones, no fireplaces, only ashes mixed
with earth in one site. . . . No place was two feet deep to original clay.
Saved 4 pots and 2 fragmentary plates, 1 cup, 3 stone axes found together near
surface alone, some other pieces of stone with grooves, one a good axe. [Farabee,
1916 b, pp. 2-5.]
FORTALEZA
This cemetery on the upper Rio Goiapi, southeast of Lago Ararf,
was first reported by Barnard in 1871 as being “a mound 8-12 ft.
high, forming an island during the annual overflow and full of vases’’
(Hartt, 1871, p. 260). Thanks to Farabee, it and the associated
habitation mounds are the most thoroughly excavated of all Mara-
joara sites (fig. 109). Although the ceramic identifications have been
lost, as happened in the case of his Camutins specimens, the Fortaleza
field notes (1914) are somewhat fuller and accompanied by numerous
maps and diagrams. The 14 mounds are described as follows with the
dimensions representing the extent at the end of the dry season:
No. 1. Did not examine.
2. 10’ high, 150’ in diameter, steep on the stream side, sloping gently in
other directions.
3’ high, oblong, 20’ by 30’.
5’ high, 30’ in diameter, steep on the stream side.
7’ high, 60’ in diameter.
4’ high, 15’ wide, 40’ long, in open field by side of stream.
10’—12’ high, 200 yards long, 75 yards wide, in forest by side of river.
River 75 yards wide. Broad, flat top, great many sherds mostly same
coarse kind as 1| and 3.
8. 6’ high, irregular in shape, 250’ by 300’, just across stream from 7, same
class of sherds.
9. At fork in the river, 6’ high, 20’ in diameter.
10. Left of stream, 12’ high, 70’ diameter, perfect cone.
11. On island in the middle of the river, 12’ high, 300’ long, 30’ wide.
Be OT a
meenee AND ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 303
12. On island 30’ west of 11.
13. On Sta. Cruz, 14 mi. below island.
14, On Sta. Cruz, 4 mi. below 13.
Farabee made extensive excavations in 4 of the habitations and,
although he felt poorly rewarded for his time and efforts, the results
go far to demonstrate conclusions that would otherwise remain tenta-
tive. In addition, he investigated Mound 7, which appears to be a
Figure 109.—Plan of the Fortaleza Mound Group of the Marajoara Phase on
the Rio Goiapf. (After Farabee, 1914.)
304. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULD. 167
cemetery. Since his large-scale digging led to the same interpretation
as our limited tests, the account of his discoveries has the double inter-
est of detailed description of the composition of the mounds and of
demonstration of the reliability of the data derived from small tests by
archeologists trained to recognize pertinent features. All quotations
are from Farabee’s 1914 field notes.
Mounds 2 and 8. “Nov. 25, Wed.—Sent four men to work on Mound No.
2, there being nothing whatever in No. 3 on the sides. After cutting all to 28 ft,
I felt justified in continuing with 20’ through the center in hope of finding some-
thing at the bottom near the middle. At noon found pot 2 in the very center on
top, 6’’ below surface.
“Nov. 26, Thurs.—Character of Md. 2 same at 30’ except the narrow layer of
ash has disappeared. ‘The bottom ash is same, nothing in the ash. In the hard
earth below 244’ often is found small patches of ash with no evidence of fire... .
“Nov. 27, Friday—Work continued on Mound No. 2 and 3. Nothing but
sherds found....
“Nov. 30, Mon.—Continued work on Md. No. 2 with eight men.
“Trench No. 1, 15’ wide and 10’ deep and 40’ long, started from river at original
surface of campo. Some ashes on original surface. Ashes and earth were strati-
fied until the high water level was reached. ... No thick stratum of ashes but
here find numerous fire-places on burnt earth with fine charcoal in ashes and small
or thin patches of ashes. In one of the largest fireplaces were many fragments of
the coarse red ware with many bottoms of pots, possibly burning place. Frag-
ments of deer jaw-bone and snake backbone...
“Trench 2, 15’ wide, 9’ deep. Same level as other, some ashes on bottom but
no fireplaces. Few fragments of pottery; near middle length, burnt earth as of
fire-place. After continuing for 45’ to centre of mound and finding nothing new,
I discontinued. . .
“Trench 3. Cut three trenches 3’ wide and 30’ long down to original [surface],
1%’ apart. Nothing but very few fragments, no ashes, no fireplaces. Solid earth
same as campo. [Trenches dug on] north side.
“Trench 4. Cut 3 trenches 4’ wide and 14’ apart, 30’ long, on south side
li. e., end]. Found immense quantities of fragments and burnt earth—sweepings
from pottery factory. Very little ashes. Dump heap is reddish on account
of burnt earth. Found pottery lamp” and fragment of pottery mold 2 for out-
side of pots.”
Mound 3. “Cut trench along side and cross middle, 3’ wide and 20’ long.
Very few fragments and nothing more.
Mound 4. ‘Dec. 1, Tues.—Put two men on Md. 4. Cut trench 10’ wide, 5’
deep, past middle. [At] 15’, found some sherds and little ashes in patches.
Stone axe near surface.
Mound 5. “Nov. 20, 1914—Went to work on mound No. 5 of plan as it seemed
the most likely, being a round mound and centrally placed. Had but one man
and my boy, but we made a good start and [I] was encouraged by finding one
good specimen. The mound was very hard as it was near [the end of] the dry
SCASON. 4. <
“Noy. 21, Sat.—Continued with only one man, found nothing but sherds.
Some white ash found but no charcoal, no fragments of bone or stone. While
sherds are common they are not numerous and all of the thick red ware... .
26 These identifications are erroneous,
iene ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 305
“Nov. 238, Mon.—Worked with 2 men. At 10’ on bottom found white ash 2’
8’’ thick just above 3” or 4”’ river deposit and then 2’’ to 3’’ ashes and earth to
top carried and placed above. The bottom is the general level of the campo and
from 12’’ to 15’’ below high water. . .. The same stratification continues at
20’; nothing found in the ashes.
“Noy. 24, Tues.—Same stratification at 25’. Nothing found except fragments.
The first 214 ft. of top has fragments. Next 3’ nothing, next 144’ few fragments... .
“Nov. 28, Sat.—Abandoned work on Md. No. 5 at 9:00 A. M. having excavated
well past the middle of the mound down to original soil and found practically
nothing.”
Mound 7.—Excavation began with 2 trenches at the south end, in
which he ‘‘dug all day and got not even sherds.’”’? Two more on the
west side, toward the north end, were slightly more encouraging:
trench 3 produced sherds and fragments of tangas, and trench 4,
-—
Fiaure 110.—Detailed plan of Mound 7 of the Fortaleza Group showing the
extent of Farabee’s excavations in this Marajoara Phase cemetery site (after
Farabee 1914).
two vessels containing ashes and bone fragments at a depth of 1 foot.
Although a prohibition against felling any of the trees growing on the
site meant that excavation had to be undertaken patchily, a glance
at the diagram (fig. 110) will show that the testing was quite thorough.
Among objects of an unusual nature from this mound were:
Trench 4: 2 stone axes.
Trench 5: Fragment of a spindle whorl.
Trench 6: Small quartz ax 2 feet deep; 6 stools scattered, 15 inches or
less in depth.
Trench 8: Group of 9 clay stools piled together south of a large pot, half
of which projected above ground. Of the stools, 3 had ashes
inside, 2 were set over clay; all were right side up. (Farabee,
1914.)
7 The use of the term “‘ash’”’ here and probably elsewhere in Farabee’s notes is misleading. Our excavation
showed that the core of the mounds is composed 0 fa flaky, speckled white clay that he has erroneously
identified as ash.
306 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
In a letter to the University Museum, Farabee summarizes the
condition of the burials:
. . . the burials were grouped. In a space of 50 feet square, we might find
50 pots, and then another 50 without finding a thing. Once in a space 4’ by 2’
we found 7 pots belonging to 4 different burials.
Apparently, they practiced two methods of burial: in one, the bones after they
had been disarticulated and, in some cases broken, were put in pots and buried.
The other method was to burn the body and bury the ashes ina pot... . Very
little was found inside these burial pots or with them. In some eases a tanga
was inside the pot but more often it was placed near the pot on the outside,
along with plates and dishes. [Letter of Feb. 8, 1915.]
In the hope of providing a basis for seriating this site with those we
excavated, we classified the collection of 746 sherds at the University
Museum, Philadelphia, listed as from Fortaleza according to our
ceramic types. The entire range of decorative techniques is repre-
sented (Appendix, table 43). Of the decorated sherds, 376 have the
gray core of Inaj4 Plain and 108 the orange core of Camutins Plain.
Added to the plain sherds, this gives a total of 552 or 74 percent
Inaja Plain and 194 or 26 percent Camutins Plain (Appendix, table
41).
Bibliography: Farabee, 1914, 1915, and i921, pp. 144-145; Hartt, 1871, p. 260;
Palmatary, 1950, pp. 274-275.
GUAJARA
A mound covering 4 or 5 acres is reported by Hartt (1871, p. 260)
to be located on the campo near Lago Guajar4, east of Lago Arari.
This mound is not to be confused with another of the same name in
the Monte Carmelo group.
ILHA DOS BICHOS
This cemetery was visited by J. B. Steere in the rainy season of
1871, and the major part of his collection was deposited in the Museum
of Anthropology, University of Michigan. Located in the campo
near the Rio Arari, upstream from the modern settlement of Arariuna,
it was about half an acre in area and 15 to 25 feet high. The suriace
was covered with trees, and the rains had washed deep ravines in the
sides. Sherds were abundant on the surface and a test showed the
refuse deposit to be of “considerable depth.” Burial urns protruded
at various levels from the eroded sides. Although these were broken,
Steere describes them as “upright, with straight sides and with large
covers like broad-brimmed hats. Both the urns and the covers showed
remains of painting in various bands and figures’ (Steere, 1927,
p. 22). All traces of bones had disappeared, but several of the urns
contained beautifully polished and ornamented tangas. As a result
of his digging, Steere concluded that:
MEGGERS AND ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 307
EVANS]
The mound appeared to have been built to a certain height, inhabited, and the
dead buried beneath. Then, after a time, another layer of earth and another
period of occupation was added. ‘Two of these levels showed paving of burned
clay, which was covered with ashes, charcoal and broken pottery. [Op. cit.,
pp. 22-23.]
A small collection deposited by Steere at the Museum of Anthro-
pology, University of Michigan, is presumably from this mound.
It contains 31 vessels and sherds, all but three with decoration.
This includes all of the Marajoara Phase types except Goiapi Scraped,
Anajas Plain Incised, and Carmelo Red. A classification on the
basis of the plain ware on which the decoration was applied gives
(omitting 7 complete vessels) 15 or 62.5 percent Inaj&é Plain and 9
or 37.5 percent Camutins Plain.
Bibliography: Meggers, 1947; Palmatary, 1950, p. 271; Steere, 1927, pp. 22, 23.
ILHA DOS MARCOS
For this mound, we have nothing but a reference to its existence
on a fazenda belonging to Cruz Macedo & Cia. (Marajé, 1895, p. 87).
LARANJEIRAS
Tocantins names this, along with Camutins and Pacoval,as typical
of the mounds found on the campos of Marajé6, covered with luxuriant
vegetation and containing ceramic deposits, especially burial urns.
It also appears in the Bardo de Marajo’s listing, in which he describes
it as ‘bastante rico.” More recently, Laranjeiras was visited by
Holdridge, who reports it to be about 15 feet high and to cover an area
of over 2 acres. At the time he was there, the main fazenda house
was situated on the summit and his description of the ravages wrought
by many forces is typical of what has happened to many of the other
Marajoara mounds:
Everywhere the ground was littered with the bits of strange funeral pottery—
the roots of the great trees had reached down among the dead, expanded in their
vigorous life, and crushed the urns that held the bones of the men and women
who built the very mound on which the trees grew. Cattle had stamped over the
graveyard in the wet season, their dull feet destroying the art and dreams of
whole generations. Ranch children had excavated, looking for dolls, and smashed
what did not please them. Cowboys. . . had dug for gold and, in disap-
pointment, destroyed all they could. Several archeologists had been allowed a
fly-by-night kind of permission to excavate which had served only to whet their
appetites before they were asked to leave. [Holdridge, 1939, pp. 69-70.]
Digging produced a “lovely big burial jar’ with anthropomorphic
features, associated with “plates and dishes, fragments of dolls and
whistles, broken bits of tangas” (op. cit., p. 71). On Holdridge’s map,
Larangeiras is shown about half way between Lago Arari and Cabo
Maguari, the eastern tip of Marajé.
308 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
Bibliography: Holdridge, 1939, pp. 68-71; Maraj6, 1895, p. 88; Tocantins,
1876, p. 55.
MACACAO
The Museum of the American Indian, Heye Foundation, has a
number of specimens from this mound, which is shown on Palmatary’s
map as northeast of Lago Guajaré (1950, p. 283).
MATINADOS
Holdridge is tantalizingly indefinite about this site or sites on a
fazenda shown on his map (1939) as just northeast of Lago Guajara.
His use of the plural may refer to several sites here, or simply to his
experience in digging mounds in general. It may be of Matinados
or of Laranjeiras he is speaking when he says, ‘‘we found one burial
urn four feet high with sculptured figures on its side, human faces
portrayed and painted designs,” with which were associated small
vessels and tangas (Holdridge, 1933 b, p. 204). He thought he could
distinguish three horizons of ceramics in the mounds: at the bottom,
‘a, layer of simple red ware without designs, incisions, or bas-relief”’;
in the middle, ‘‘a layer occupied by exceedingly beautiful pieces
painted with fantastic designs and incisions of an infinite variety,”
and on top, the simple red ware again (ibid.). Careful excavation
in other mounds, however, does not produce any evidence to
substantiate this impression.
MENINO DEUS
Farabee mentions a “low mound from which round pot came”’ at
Menino de Dios (1916 b, entry for Jan. 8). Mordini lists ‘“Menino
Deus” as one of the sites in the area enclosed by the Ganhodo and
Cururt Rivers and the Lagos Mututi and Asapdo (1934 a, p. 62).
MONTE CARMELO
Steere (1927, p. 23) recounts that in 1879 he “camped for several
days on a large mound of several acres on the little river Anajas,”
which probably was one of the Monte Carmelo group. The first to
conduct any excavation appears to be Desmond Holdridge. He de-
scribes the site as ‘near the source of the Rio Anajas” (1939, p. 72),
and although he attaches the name ‘‘Monte Carmelo”’ to it, his de-
scription applies best to the mound now called “Guajara” (J—14,
Mound 1). Hither through error or exaggeration, he gives the height
as “about 70 feet,” or almost 7 times what it was in 1949, only 18
years later. Among the products of his excavation was a large an-
thropomorphic burial urn (now in the Brooklyn Museum) with
modeled faces on the neck and stylized, painted delineation of the arms
and hands on the body (op. cit., photograph opposite p. 87). In
77 als ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 309
general style it is very similar to jar L from our Guajara cut (pl. 76).
It contained miscellaneous sherds, fragments of tangas and a secondary
burial (op. cit., pp. 72-73).
NAZARETH
Our only knowledge of this site comes from the listing by the Bardo
de Marajé of a mound on the Fazenda Nazareth, belonging to Sr.
Francisco L. Chermont. There is a fazenda by this name in the head-
waters of the Rio Mocdes (Marajé, 1895, p. 88).
PACOVAL
Ilha de Pacoval, on the east shore of Lago Ararf, just above the
mouth of the Igarapé das Almas, is the most frequently visited mound
on the Island of Marajé, both because of its accessibility and because
of the apparently inexhaustible richness of the ceramic remains.
Even today, after 80 years of uninbibited exploitation, one can still
pick up “hundreds of little items: small figurines, adornos, fancy rims,
extremely good-looking incised and champlevé sherds or even painted
ones” (Hilbert, pers. commun.).
The earliest recorded visit, although not the first to be published,
was made by Couto de Magalhaes who traversed Marajé in 1865.
Even at that early date he reported that
many artificial mounds are known . . . of which one of the most notable on the
island of Marajo is an artificial island in Lago Ararf. [1873, p. 410.]
He deduced that they were built to raise the houses above the annual
flood waters:
Considering that the region in which they are found is inundated for many tens
of leagues . . . it is evident that the people, from the time they arrived in the
area, began to build the mounds, without which it would be impossible to explain
their method of existence during the rainy season in places that become true
Mediterranean oceans. [Couto de Magalhiées, 1873, pp. 410-411].
Six years later, in 1871, Hartt sent his assistant, W. S. Barnard, to
examine the site and his is the first detailed description:
The Ilha das Pacovas lies close to the western * side of the lake, opposite the
beginning of the Rio Arary, which forms the outlet to the lagoa, and just to the
south of the mouth of the Igarapé das Armas. It is oblong in shape, about ninety
paces in length from north to south, and about forty paces in width. In the
month of November, when the water was low, it was somewhat over ten feet in
height above the level of the lake. It is for the most part covered with large forest
trees. Situated at the northern end of the island, and separated from it by a
narrow channel, is a little crescent-shaped islet apparently built on as an addition,
and not so high as the main island. Both were evidently raised artificially, and
are full of burial vases and pottery of all kinds. The vases, which are about three
feet in height, are, in some places, buried as many as three or four above one
another, but they are more or less scattered. The waves have worn away the edges
26 The directions are confused in several places in this account.
391329—57 22
310 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
of the island making a sloping shore full of broken burial jars and thickly strewn
over with fragments of pottery. [Hartt, 1871, pp. 260-261.]
In the following year Pacoval was visited by Steere, Derby (whose
collection is mostly at the Peabody Museum, Cambridge) and Ferreira
Penna (who collected for the Museums in Belém and Rio de Janeiro).
Ferreira Penna’s description agrees with that of Barnard, and he re-
marks that the eroded northwest shore of the mound was so thickly
covered with pottery fragments that there was hardly a spot where
one could put his foot without stepping on a decorated sherd or part
of a figurine. Steere had informed him that he noticed a marked
change in the ceramics in the deposit, with the best examples in the
lowest level and the quality deteriorating toward the top. This
observation interested Ferreira Penna and he made an effort to check
i Be
As soon as I arrived at Pacoval, I began to have the thick vegetation which
covered the mound cut away, and there began shortly to appear several circles
which were nothing less than the mouths of urns buried there and without lids.
They were all of coarse, dark clay, and without any decoration except for some
almost vanished traces of white paint in angular designs. They were broken and
filled with dirt, with their own sherds and with fragments of a few small vessels
originally placed inside them. In one of the jars was found a small pipe,?” which
although very crude is of interest because it is the only one that has been found in
the Paré mounds.
One side of the mound was subject to erosion during the winter by the action of
the lake waters, and the excavations executed there produced two urns, one painted
red and yellow on a grayish background and the other with relief and painting in
blue and red.
While this excavation was in progress, I saw a large urn, beautifully painted and
with modelling on its upper and lower parts, sheltered by the huge roots of a robust
caja tree, which fell after being undermined. A few of the tree roots had pene-
trated into the mouth of the jar and cracked it, so that the fall broke it completely
apart.
The work undertaken in the lower part of the mound was time-consuming and
laborious; the earth was as if petrified by the presence of minute fragments of
pottery which were imbedded in the clay like a coarse mosaic. The outcome of
these efforts, if unsatisfactory in not producing a single complete specimen, gave
me numerous fragments that were notable for their ornamentation and for their
choice of material. I believe that it is only in this section that have been dis-
covered those strange, triangular objects known as Tangas....
On the basis of the admittedly incomplete examination I made of this mound, I
was able to recognize that there existed at least three levels or orders of vessels,
the lowest level containing the most perfect ones and the upper the crudest, cor-
responding with what Steere had previously observed. [Ferreira Penna, 1879 a,
pp. 52-53].
Derby paid another visit to Pacoval in 1876, and his observations,
as recorded by Hartt, enlarge the picture of the burial pattern:
The best-made objects are the burial urns, which were interred with particular
care. The earth around them is frequently fine sand mixed with sherds, ashes and
27 This is probably a pottery spoon (pl. 81).
SAGGY cant ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 311
carbon, indicating that after the urn was set in place the hole was filled with a
special kind of dirt. Fine sand and sherds are also occasionally found inside the
urns, mixed with the bones. Sometimes an elaborately decorated jar was put
inside a larger plain one. They appear always to have been covered with a lid,
but this has generally been broken and the fragments fallen into the jar. The
bones found inside the jars are very poorly preserved, disintegrating into powder
when exposed to the air, and in some cases completely vanished. In several
instances I was able to tell from the bones that the complete skeleton had been
buried, although the mouths of the jars I saw were not wide enough to admit a
human body intact, nor was the jar large enough to hold it. It seems likely,
therefore, that only the skeleton was buried after the decomposition of the flesh.
It is certain also that some of the belongings of the deceased were placed with the
body. In two cases I found tangas inside the jars, and at least one of these could
not have been intruded accidently. The urn had been set inside a larger one and
the tanga was in the space between the two. In one or two other burials I found
small vessels inside the urns that seemed to have been used to hold paint or snuff.
Stone objects are exceedingly rare. I did not find a single one, but I have seen a
few that were said to have been found at Pacoval. [Hartt, 1885, pp. 22—23.]
Netto, who came about the same time, adds a few more details:
The burial mound called “Ilha do Pacoval”’ is an artificial hill.... This hill
is located on the east shore of Lago Ararf, on the interior of Marajé Island, and
having been constructed more in the lake bed than on the shore, is now an island
and now a peninsula, depending on whether the water level is high orlow. [1885,
p. 266.]
He also comments on the difference in the ceramics and suggests three
possible interpretations:
My own excavations, as well as those made by Derby and Ferreira Penna, have
shown that along with the jars of the finest workmanship or the most delicate
painting are found exceedingly coarse vessels which have no characteristics that
would authorize their classification as representing the same period or would
indicate the same source of manufacture as the former. ... I do not wish to
say whether this crude pottery is evidence of the progressive degradation under-
gone by the people who made the lovely jars referred to above, or whether it is
the product of a less civilized group that by chance settled on the same spot
deserted by the inspired and skillful makers of the most beautiful ceramics of
South America. A third possibility is also plausible, and that is that the different
qualities of urns were correlated with different classes of individuals: the impor-
tance or obscurity of the deceased determining the richness or plainness of the urn
in which he was buried. ([Op. cit., p. 265.]
Another early visitor was Tocantins, who commented on the prom-
inence of the mound in the rainy season:
At the time of my visit it rose 1.14 M above the level of the lake, while the
adjacent campo was 2.28 M below the same level. This was the only point within
a radius of several leagues that stood out from the flood waters beneath which
the entire central basin of Marajé was submerged. ... The site... is even
today distinguished from the surrounding terrain by its thick, black layer of soil
which is at the present time shaded by luxuriant vegetation. [Tocantins, 1876,
p. 55.]
Other reports about this time give the elevation as from 3 to 8 meters,
a2 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
e
FALLEN TREE
LOW FLAT BEACH ke 3
2
@ EXCAVATED JARS
Freure 111.—Plan of the Marajoara Phase site of Pacoval made by Lange in 1913.
depending partly on whether the water level was high or low (Ferreira
Penna, 1879 a, p. 51; Hartt, 1885, p. 20).
At the end of the 1913 dry season, Pacoval was visited by Algot
Lange. A diagram he made of the site is reproduced in figure 111.
He reported that:
The general form of the island is that of a narrow parallelogram with rounded
corners. ... The northern section is higher than the southern, reaching, at a
certain point, a height of four yards above the present water level. At the
extreme of the wet season, when the greater part of Pacoval is submerged, . . .
this highest point forms a narrow ridge just beyond reach of the choppy waves
of the lake. This ridge slopes off to either end. ... ([Lange, 1914, p. 308 and
photo opposite p. 318.]
The soil throughout is a black, rich clay resembling the kind that is found
at the bottom of the holes or ponds in the prairies. In places there is an out-
cropping of sand. ‘Throughout the island the earth is mixed with pottery frag-
ments from the size of minute particles to pieces weighing as much as twenty-
five pounds. [Op. cit., pp. 310-311, photo opposite p. 309.]
Lange began by raking the surface of the entire site, ‘allowing
no piece showing the slightest value to escape our farina baskets”
(op, cit., p. 314). This procedure took several days, and during work
along the western shore the mouths of a number of large urns were
discovered
sunk into the ground, forming a straight line following the littoral. I counted
twelve in all. The first of these was broken upon reaching a depth of two feet.
It crumbled into minute fragments when fully exposed. The mouth of the
second jar was plainly visible amidst many broken pieces on the surface of the
beach. This we attacked judiciously . . . [and] the result of this cautious work
of many hours is a pyriform funeral urn of almost three feet in height. Upon
placing this on the beach I remove a quantity of earth and greyish ashes from
the interior, with the result that I find some human bones, all broken in pieces,
and underneath these a most peculiar object of rare beauty and skill of
workmanship. It is a perfect specimen of the original primitive “‘figleaf”’ for
women. ...
Working our way around the old fallen mucajé palm we make some very rich
finds. Whole vases covered with what appears to be symbolic figures of a com-
SepeenaiAay ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 313
plicated pattern, bordered by stripes of red and brown painted bands, surprise
us and cause my sincerest admiration for the permanency of the colours which
appear now as fresh as if painted but yesterday. I find also small platters with
labyrinthic designs painted and incised. . . . Large and small idol heads, many
of which are broken, lie around, some partly covered by earth and dirt. Close
to the palm trunk I institute a series of excavations, and during many days we
find here some rare objects of pre-historic art, such as a large richly painted and
incised idol.28 . . . [Op. cit., pp. 314, 316-317.]
In the 38 years that have elapsed since Lange’s visit, the mound
has continued to decrease in elevation. The most recent description
of its condition is by Hilbert (1952, pp. 21-30, and pers. corres.),
who visited the site in 1951. At that time there was a single tree
on the northeast end and a native house on the highest point toward
the southwest part, where the elevation reached 1.60 meters during
the dry season (fig. 112). As the water level in the lake rises with
LAGO ARARI
Figure 112.—Plan of the Marajoara i site of Pacoval made by Hilbert in
951.
the rains, the mound shrinks until it is completely inundated. Now
that vegetation is no longer able to maintain a foothold on the mound
and the soil is not bound by the interlaced roots, the site is being
washed away at an accelerating pace. Its long use as a modern house
location, its frequent submission to excavation and its annual subjec-
tion to the erosion by the waves of Lago Arari have resulted in thor-
% This white incised, red retouched (Pacoval Incised), anthropomorphic jar is in the American Museum
of Natural History
314 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
ough disturbance of the cultural remains, with the intrusion of modern
materials (china, tile, and beer-bottle fragments) to a depth of 90 cm.
Hilbert made three stratigraphic excavations. Pit 1, 1.50 by 1.50
meters, was on the slope away from the lake, 10 meters south of the
tree. ‘The upper 4 cm. were occupied by humus and roots. Between
4 to 14 cm. the largest sherds (averaging 10 cm. in diameter) were
found. As the depth increased the sherds became smaller and in-
creasingly eroded, often reduced to particles like coarse sand. At
50 cm. this gave way to sterile gray clay. An expansion of the cut
for 4 meters toward the west revealed the same conditions. Pit 2,
at the summit of the northeast end, was 2.50 by 1.50 meters. The
situation was the same here as in pit 1, except that the condition of
the sherds was somewhat worse. Intrusive materials included modern
tile and pottery at 35 cm., china at 55 cm. and bits of a green glass
beer bottle at 90 cm. Pit 3 was a trench 1 m. wide begun at the
bottom toward the southwest end of the east slope and extended into
the mound for 4 meters. No new features were discovered. During
tests along the lake side, the refuse was found to extend to a depth
of 10 to 35 cm., the higher figure pertaining to the northeast end and
the lower one to the southwest. The surface collection of 307 sherds
was classified by Hilbert on the basis of core color, giving 86 percent
eray cored, or Inaj4 Plain, and 14 percent orange cored, or Camutins
Plain (Hilbert, 1952, pp. 28-29 and pers. corres.).
Specific information on the method of disposal of the dead prac-
ticed at Pacoval is limited, but secondary burial is the most often-
mentioned type. Hartt (1885, p. 22) concluded from the arrangement
of the bones in one jar that the skeleton had been placed inside with
the articulations at least partly intact. The fact that some of the
jars were too small to hold a complete skeleton, even if disarticulated,
led him to explore the possibility that cremation was also practiced:
All the bones found in the urns were fragmentary. The probabilities are that
the bodies were burned, and that only the ashes and charred bones were placed
in the urns. An analysis of a small amount of black ash-like earth, found adher-
ing to one of the jars, was made for me by one of my students, and found to con-
tain a very large percentage of phosphate of lime. [Hartt, 1871, p. 263.]
Netto also reports the discovery of ‘‘two or three partly calcined
skulls,’ but concludes that cremation was unusual (1885, p. 427).
The question of stratigraphy at Pacoval has been of interest from
its earliest examination in 1871, when Steere and Ferreira Penna
agreed that at least 3 strata could be discriminated by the quality
of the ceramics they contained. A somewhat different conclusion
was reached by Mordini, as a result of his excavations in 1926. He
isolated two ceramic-bearing deposits separated by a sterile layer
48 cm, thick. The wares of the two strata were not distinguishable in
recent Ny ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 315
style or ornamentation, but the examination by micro-emulsion showed
the presence of cariapé tempering in those of the upper level, and it
was absent in the lower level. Mordini concludes:
From this it is possible to maintain that the Marajoans arrived at the island
ignorant of the custom of adding siliceous material of biological origin to the
clay used in making their pottery. Later, they acquired this cultural element
either by local invention or by trade with some other Amazonian tribe. [Mordini,
1934 b, p. 15; ef. Mordini 1947, p. 640, and Linné, 1931, p. 281.]
As explained above, Hilbert found the site completely disturbed at
the time of his visit in 1951, making stratigraphic analysis impossible.
In the hope of being able to seriate this site with others and thus
determine the relative antiquity of some of the Marajoara cemeteries,
we classified the Pacoval collection of the Peabody Museum, Cam-
bridge, into the ceramic types established for the Marajoara Phase.
The full range of decorated types was present, but only 29 plain
sherds were included in the collection. In order to get a more reliable
picture of the ratio of Inaj4 Plain to Camutins Plain, the decorated
sherds were classified into these two types on the basis of their paste
color. ‘This increased the count to 234 Inaj4 Plain and 79 Camutins
Plain and gave a ratio of 75 percent Inaj4 Plain to 25 percent Camu-
tins Plain. In computing the relative frequency of the decorated
types, 1,039 sherds from the American Museum of Natural History
collection from Pacoval were also included, giving a total sample of
1,353 decorated sherds (Appendix, table 41 and 43).
Bibliography: Derby, 1879, pp. 225-226; Derby, in Hartt, 1885, pp. 21-23;
Ferreira Penna, 1879 a, pp. 51-53; Hartt, 1871; Hilbert, 1952, and personal
correspondence; Lange, 1914, pp. 307-322; Marajé, 1895, p. 87; Meggers, 1948,
pp. 153-154; Mordini, 1934 a, pp. 62-63; Mordini, 1934 b, pp. 15ff.; Mordini, 1947,
p. 640; Netto, 1885, pp. 265-268; Netto, 1890, p. 202; Sampaio, 1922, p. 849;
Tocantins, 1876, p. 55.
PACOVAL DO CURURU
The earliest and most detailed account of this cemetery mound is
by Nimuendajt, who visited it at the end of 1923:
I then went a short distance in south-western direction from the bank of the
Cajueiro [to] the upper Rio Cururt. .. . At its left bank the Fazenda Pacoval
is situated, and 600 M further up a very interesting mound is located on a point
of land between the Rio Cururt and its small tributary on the left. A canal
now cuts across behind the mound so that it forms an island. The whole country,
almost as far as the eye can see, is a tree-less plain, which is submerged nearly
six months of the year by the high water. . . . Its length is 220 M and its overall
width 50 M. It lies in a north-south direction. The northern and central parts
are the widest, the southern one forming a long, narrow point. The greatest
height (5 M) is near the northern end. Then the crest slopes down to about 1.50
M, rises again to more than 2 M and ends in the southern point mentioned. The
alluvial soil is yellow clay, which is so intermixed with tiny fragments of pottery
that, at a cursory glance, it gives the impression of being gravel. Fragments
316 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
exceeding the size of a hand are rare, at any rate on the surface. The north and
east sides are covered with sherds, as is the narrow strip of land between the
mound and the river, whereas they are absent on the corresponding surface to
the west. .. . It is overgrown with tall trees so that it is visible from a great
distance in the flat, tree-less surroundings. As I was forbidden to make excava-
tions . . . I had to confine myself to collecting a few fragments from the surface
with the characteristic incisions in Marajé6 style. No traces of painting remain;
they may, however, have been effaced by the weather. From the land-steward
of the Fazenda I got a zoomorphous, spherical vessel without neck, with narrow
rim and two pairs of cord-holes at the side [see Nordenskiold, 1930, pl. 14-e].
It is decorated in the characteristic manner and the cross-motif recurs no less
than ten times. Further, I got a thick bead (?) of pottery. [Nimuendaji, in
Rydén, MS.]
The Géteborg Museum collection includes this excised vessel and a
fragment of a stone ax of fine-grained, dark-green diorite (?).
Pacoval do Cururt: was visited in 1930 by Sra. Heloisa Alberto
Torres. Lothrop, in reporting her work, describes the site as being
under water except at low tide (1934, p. 820). This is contradicted
by Moraes’ statement that it is larger than Pacoval do Arari, reaching
a height of 10 meters (1936, p. 34). Three small potrests are illus-
trated by Torres (1940, pl. 47).
Bibliography: Lothrop, 1934, p. 820; Moraes, 1936, p. 34; Nordenskidld, 1930,
pl. 14-e; Rydén, MS.; Torres, 1940, pl. 47.
PACOVAL DOS MELLO
Hilbert reports the remains of a site in the campo 4 km. east of
Caratatéua and almost due south of Lago Guajardé. The original
contours of the mound were altered to provide a foundation for the
headquarters of a fazenda now occupying the area, and the present
maximum height is only 1.80 meters above flood level. A test pit
near the northeast edge of the elevation showed the soil to be black
to dark brown, with sherds to a depth of 1 meter. Below that was
sterile dark gray to gray clay. Hilbert comments briefly on the
pottery:
The quality of this ceramic is striking. Undoubtedly one of the centers of
the Marajoara Phase, with pottery like Pacoval do Arari or to a certain extent,
the cemetery mound [Mound 1] of the Camutins. Anthropomorphie and zoo-
morphic applique, so frequent at Pacoval, is nearly absent here. There are many
sherds from shallow bowls, generally with undulating rims and two-part vessels
like those from Fortaleza not far to the south [see Palmatary, 1950, pls. 66, 67,
70). Painting with polychrome designs on a lustrous white slip is common.
[Hilbert, pers. corres.]
In a small sample of 71 sherds, 65 were classified by Hilbert as
gray cored and 6 orange cored, giving a ratio of 92 percent Inaja
Plain to 8 percent Camutins Plain. Pacoval Incised appears to be
frequent among the decorated types (ibid.).
oo ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 317
PANELLAS
Farabee (1916 b) records a visit to ‘Ilha das Panellas” on the
Fazenda Cacuero, where he says Rempkin had previously dug. At
the beginning of the rainy season it was 3 feet high, 50 wide, 100 feet
long, and surrounded by water. Since it seemed “all dug over’’ he
decided further excavation would be unprofitable.
In July, 1928, Mordini spent 10 days excavating a trench 5 by 3
meters and 4.50 meters deep in a mound called ‘‘Panellas.”’ The soil
was uniformly black with an intermixture of ashes at a depth of 3.50
meters. Although he has never published the results, a cross-sectional
drawing of the vessels in situ is reproduced in Palmatary (1950, p.
279), together with a listing of their descriptions and contents.
SANHARAO
No clue is given to the whereabouts of this mound, listed by the
Bardo de Marajé (1895, p. 87).
SANTA BRIGIDA
This site is west of Lago Arari, on the Igarapé Cuieiras, a tributary
of the Anajds-miri (Anajasinho). Palmatary, who made a brief visit,
describes it as 12 feet high and some two acres in area. One side was
tested and
in the space of about two hours, the workmen removed two large, undecorated
jars, lacking their tops, one plain shallow dish, a painted and engraved concentric
dish, more or less complete, and fragments of several large vessels. No effort
was made to determine stratification but, within the limits of the small area
excavated, decorated and undecorated wares seemed buried close together and
in confusion. [Palmatary, 1950, p. 278.]
A sample of 123 sherds collected in 1941 by Carlos Estevao de
Oliveira is deposited in the Museu Goeldi, Belém. It was classified
by Hilbert on the basis of core color, giving 68 sherds or 55.2 percent
gray cored (Inajdé Plain) and 55 sherds or 44.8 percent orange cored
(Camutins Plain). Decorated types include Anajds Plain Incised,
Anajés White Incised, Arari Plain Excised, and Joanes Painted
(Hilbert, pers. corres.).
This may be the mound described to Lange (1914, p. 301) as located
several days travel up the Anajasinho, 15 meters in height and full
of pottery.
SANTA IZABEL
Ferreira Penna reports:
In 1873 I visited this mound, situated in the campo northwest of Lago Ararf.
It is difficult to find the site without a guide, because the artifacts are buried in
an area that is level and flat like the surrounding campo. Although smaller
and with fewer artifacts than Pacoval, it is nevertheless the only site that can
318 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
rival the latter in the choice of material and in the perfection of the ircised and
painted designs of the ceramics.
It was here that I first found several Tinteiras, indispensible utensils of the
aboriginal painters, all of them ornamented with elegant and delicate reliefs
[probably excised designs]. One contained a good-sized lump of very fine, red-
colored clay. . . . [1879 a, p. 51.]
SANTO ANDRE
Once more, there is only the mention of a mound near the Fazenda
Santo Andre called ‘“‘Pacoval’’ (Marajé, 1895, p. 88). A fazenda by
that name is located on the Rio Paracauari, which flows east to
Soure.
SERRA
A mound of this name is said to exist in the area bounded by the
Rios Ganhodo and Cururti and Lagos Mututi and Asap4&o, which
would place it north of Lago Ararf (Mordini, 1934 a, p. 62).
TAPERA
No location is given for this mound, but there is a fazenda of the
same name about half way between Lago Arari and the east coast.
Holdridge excavated in this area in 1932 (1933 a; 1939, p. 105).
Lage (1944, pp. 219-220) says the ceramics are more elaborate than
at the Camutins.
TESO DAS IGACGABAS
In 1922, Nimuendajt visited a site called ‘““Teso das Igagabas,”’
in the Cabo Maguari region, about 1 km. south of the Fazenda Boa
Esperanga. It produced pottery in the Marajoara style. He gives
the following brief description of the dimensions and contents:
An old negro could still remember that in his youth several big vessels had
been excavated here. The excavators before me seemed to have set about their
work very seriously, for in the mound, which was only 10 by 20 M at the utmost
with a thickness of about 40 cm, I found but insignificant fragmerts. . . . although
most of the fragments were of inferior material and coarsely manufactured, there
were several pieces here which were carefully executed, and above all, some with
the characteristic painting in Marajé style, red and black on white ground.
On the rims of the vessel were round projections, which had served as handles.
One fragment shows traces of having been used for smoothing arrow shafts.
[Nimuendaji, in Rydén, MS.]
TESO DE SEVERINO
Lange describes a visit to a mound 6 miles east of Pacoval, which
probably was Teso de Severino:
Here we spend two whole days, returning with a canoe full of pottery, some of
which is in fragments. The mound we visited is elevated hardly two feet above
the level of the surrounding country, in the middle of a difficult piece of prairie,
soggy and overrun with an uneven, coarse growth of wild cotton plants. Old
lo ea ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 319
Ludovico [the guide] indicated this spot as being likely to contain a great deal of
pottery, particularly as no excavations have ever been undertaken there. I
find there pottery of a totally different character from that near Ludovico’s
[Pacoval]. The clay from which this was made seems to be lighter in colour and
weaker, or else the burning was not so thorough as the other. All the vessels I
find are of a different shape too, and one large bowl, which we unfortunately
break by accidentally putting the point of the pickaxe through the bottom, is a
strange piece of work full of fine details. [Lange, 1914, pp. 330-331.]
The pottery from this site in the American Museum of Natural History
(collected by Lange) includes mainly Anajis White Incised, with jars
of Common shape 8 and rare shape 1 predominant.
Another collection was made by Carlos Estevao de Oliveira in 1925,
which Mordini examined (1934 a, pp. 63-64). He found the ceramics
superior to those from Pacoval in painted and incised decoration and
in fineness of paste, firing and skill of workmanship, but inferior to the
latter in plastic decoration of an anthropomorphic and zoomorphic
nature. Several pieces were partly covered with a kind of glaze.
The tanga designs were also distinctive:
The decoration is very carefully done, and it is noteworthy that it includes
very complex and graceful anthropomorphic stylizations, motifs unknown on
these objects at Pacoval do Arary, where the decoration is exclusively geometric.
The frieze characteristically found on the upper edge [at Pacoval] . . . is abso-
lutely unknown on tangas from Teso de Severino. [Op. cit., p. 64.]
The most recent account is given by Hilbert (pers. corres.), who
excavated at Teso de Severino in 1951. He describes it as 4 km.
upstream from the mouth of the Igarapé das Almas (Igarapé do
Severino) and some 400 meters in from the left bank. The site has
been taken over as a foundation for a corral and cowboy barracks
with much damage to its original condition. Hilbert reports that the
bare patches around the buildings show many sherds and on the basis
of their distribution estimated the site to extend approximately 75
meters northeast-southwest by 50 meters wide. It now has an ele-
vation of only 50 cm. ‘Three test pits in various spots produced
sherds to a depth of 20 to 50 cm. Of the 146 sherds collected, 125
or 85.6 percent are gray cored and 21 or 14.4 percent are completely
oxidised. Decorated sherds are abundant and run the gamut of the
more elaborate types. The sample included 5 hollow rims and 20
tanga fragments, of which 13 are white-slipped and 7 red-slipped.
Bibliography: Hilbert, pers. corres.; Lange, 1914, pp. 330-331; Mordini, 1934 a,
pp. 63-64.
TESO DOS CHINA
About 1 km. south-southeast of the south end of Lago Guajara is a
group of 11 mounds of varying size, known collectively as “‘Teso dos
China” (fig. 113). The majority are covered with large trees, which
mark their location in the otherwise flat and treeless campo. There is
320 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
no nearby igarapé, and the mounds are arranged over an area roughly
750 by 350 meters. The average elevation was only 50 to 100 cm.
above the flood level in February, but except in unusual instances the
water level of the rainy season does not rise sufficiently to inundate
the mounds. Hilbert, who is the first to describe this group, has pro-
vided some details of the condition of the individual sites (pers.
corres.) :
Mound 1: Approximately 100 by 60 meters, with an elevation # of 1.80 meters
at the north and 2.50 meters at the south. A 1- X 1-meter test
excavation in the south summit produced brownish soil and sherds
to a depth of 30 cm.
Mound 1 A: Northernmost of the group, about the same dimensions as Mound
1, but with a flat surface only 50 cm. in elevation. The northern
half is covered with grass and bushes. A clearing on the south-
ern half for cattle branding hes exposed abundant surface sherds.
Mound 2: About 50 meters in diameter, with a flat surface 80 cm. above the
February water level. It is overgrown with large trees and few
sherds are visible on the surface.
Mound 38: About 90 X 30 meters, with a flat summit 50 em. above water level.
The surface is covered with large trees and many small sherds.
Mound 4: About 20 X 30 meters and 50 cm. in elevation. Surface conditions
duplicate those of Mound 38.
Mound 4 A: Very small, covered with bushes, but with abundant surface
sherds.
Mound 4 B: Approximately 25 X 45 meters and 50 cm. in height; covered with
grass except for a clearing where many sherds are visible.
Mound 4 C: About 25 X 30 meters and 50 cm. in elevation. Surface covered
with grass revealing few sherds.
Mound 4 D: Very small.
Mound 5: About 40 X 50 meters and 50 cm. in height; covered with grass
except for clearing exposing abundant sherds.
Mound 6: About 90 meters long by 40 meters in maximum width. Altitude at
south end a little over 1 meter, less at north end. A test excava-
tion in the south summit produced brown humus with frequent
sherds to a depth of 30 cm; sparser sherds to 45 em., and below
that sterile whitish, sandy clay.
Experience with other Marajoara Phase sites would suggest that
Mounds 1, 1A, and 6 might be cemeteries and the rest habitations. No
burial vessels were encountered in the test excavations, however, and
all of the sites present a relatively large amount of decorated types in
the surface collections.
Surface collections were made from most of the mounds, and Hilbert
kindly sent to us for examination those from Mounds 1, 2, 4, 4A, and 5.
as well as the sherds from the strata cutin Mound 1. The surfaces have
suffered badly from erosion, but close examination showed that in
addition to Inajé Plain and Camutins Plain, nearly all of the Mara-
joara Phase decorated types were present. Although the samples were
2” Figures represent amount of exposed elevation during the rainy season when the surrounding campo
was fiooded to a depth of 50cm. Actual elevation would thus be 50 cm. greater.
arenes aaP ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 321
CONTOUR LINES AT SO GM
INTERVALS.
AFTER HILBERT, FIELD
NOTES.
Fieure 113.—Plan of Teso dos China mound group of the Marajoara Phase.
aee BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
small, none comprising more than 50 sherds, it was possible to classify
them and to use the data for seriation by limiting the criterion of
classification to core color and ignoring for the moment any surface
decoration. This device makes it possible to see more accurately the
relative proportions of the two plain wares, whose fluctuations provide
the most reliable basis for seriation. This generalization gave the
following figures (for sherd totals, see Appendix, table 41):
TasBLe K.—Frequency of Inajé and Camutins Plain at Teso dos China
Mound Tnaja Plain] Camutins
Plain
Percent Percent
I: level:0=15 em... ==225- sat See Se ee eee ee 58. 6 41.4
Ts JevelitS—d0em- -o- 3 2 as So ae ew a et 68. 7 31.3
SUITE ECG se 70
A> {SUT ACOs on ee 82.5 17.5
4. A: surface... =~ 222222555552 55552 cso c sees esac ee ee eee eee eee 66. 6 33.3
GS ISUEIS CCS en ee 62.5 37.5
TESO DO GENTIL
Two kilometers above its mouth, the Rio Anaj4s-miri is joined by
a tributary from the north, called Igarapé do Gentil. Hilbert (pers.
corres.) located two Marajoara mounds along its course about 1.5
kilometers above the confluence. At present, they are separated by
a dry arm, with the igarapé passing along their eastern ends. The
area is open campo with patches of trees and bushes. Mound 1, 50
meters long by 20 meters wide, had a maximum elevation of 2 meters
above the flood level. A caboclo house occupied the western end. A
test pit in the summit showed reddish-brown loam producing sherds
to extend to a depth of 40 cm., beneath which was the sterile clay
forming the foundation of the mound. Mound 2, about 25 meters
north of the east end of Mound 1, was about 20 meters in diameter
and 1.5 meters in elevation.
A sherd sample sent to us for examination proved to contain typical
Marajoara Phase wares. Half of the 20 sherds from Mound 1 repre-
sented decorated types, including 5 Arari Plain Excised and 1 each
of Pacoval Incised, Guajara Incised, Goiapi Scraped, Joanes Painted
and Unclassified Decorated. Only 3 of the 18 sherds from Mound 2
had any decoration, with 1 each of Pacoval Incised, Joanes Painted
and Goiapi Scraped. Added to the difference in size, this suggests
that Mound 1 was a cemetery and Mound 2 a habitation site. Dis-
regarding the decoration and classifying the sherds by the plain ware
they represent gives a ratio of 50 percent Inaj& Plain to 50 percent
Camutins Plain for Mound 1, and 61.1 percent Inaj4 Plain to 38.9
percent Camutins Plain for Mound 2.
EoREEH AND ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 323
TESO DOS GENTIOS
Mordini gives no specific location for this mound, which he exca-
vated in 1926, mentioning only that it is north of Lago Ararf. Al-
though he has not published his findings, some of the field notes are
reproduced by Palmatary (1950, pp. 278-279). He made an excava-
tion 5 by 3 meters in extent and 2 meters in depth. The soil was
black to a depth of 80 cm., below which it became “black and slightly
yellow.” The diagram (op. cit., p. 279) shows the ceramics to extend
to a depth of 1.50 meters, the final 50 cm. of the excavation presumably
being sterile. Plain and decorated burial vessels were recovered, the
latter including Joanes Painted and unidentifiable “engraved” types,
which probably represent both incised and excised. Although the
diagram is not to scale, the measurements in the text show that the
jars in the lower level are considerably larger than those in the upper
one. Some contained miniature vessels, fragments of bone and ashes.
No tangas are mentioned.
UNNAMED MOUNDS
In addition to the mounds just listed, there are several less specific
references to the existence of other sites on Marajé. Barnard reported
to Hartt that “Indian burial stations are quite numerous in the centre
of the island” (Hartt, 1871, p. 260). Derby, in describing Pacoval,
adds that “several other localities on the shores of the lake [Arar‘]
have yielded a similar kind of pottery .. .” (1879, pp. 225-226).
Lange reports a crescent-shaped mound at the outlet of the lake,
which is probably a habitation site (1914, p.332) and another cemetery:
During the months when the waters fall very low there appears in the middle
of the lake, some two miles to the northward, a flat clay-and-sand bank, some
fifty feet only in circumference. Here is to be found a great deal of pottery
similar to that of Pacoval. [Op. cit., pp. 311-312.]
In Hartt (1885, p. 25) is the information that ‘‘there exist mounds of
the same kind [as on the Camutins] on the Rio Moc@es, on the Igarapé
Grande, on the Rio Camar4 and in various places on the campos.”
Mordini mentions a series of 7 small mounds between Cajuliros and
Faz Café, which may be habitations (1934 a, p. 62). On the fazenda
of Dr. Vincente Miranda, Farabee “located several of medium size
and excavated four without finding a solitary thing of value. They
had been used as house sites only, as was indicated by the presence of
ashes and fragments of pottery” (1921, p. 144). Pinto (1930, p. 351)
speaks of mounds near Soure. Statements like these support the
conclusion that many more Marajoara sites exist than have found
their way into the literature. It seems probable that these include
a large number of habitations.
324 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
CONCLUSIONS
On the basis of these descriptions of Marajoara Phase mounds, a
few general conclusions can be drawn:
1. There is no intentional orientation toward any of the cardinal
points; rather, orientation depends on the contour of the river or lake
shore or is arbitrary.
2. There is no intentional effort toward the production of a zoo-
morphic shape. The majority of the mounds are oval or nearly
circular, and those interpreted as turtle-shaped are some that have
suffered badly from erosion.
3. In addition to the large, ceramically rich cemeteries, there are
numerous habitation mounds, which are typically smaller and contain
predominantly plain pottery.
4. The mounds continued to be enlarged after they were in use, as
indicated by the existence of layers of sterile soil between those pro-
ducing sherd refuse.
ANALYSIS OF MATERIALS OF THE MARAJOARA PHASE
Portery Type DEscRIPTIONS
The classification of Marajoara Phase decorated pottery into a
readily distinguishable and workable number of categories has been
a difficult task, largely because of the frequent utilization of two or
more complex and technically distinct modes of decoration on a
single vessel. This is a situation almost without precedent in New
World archeology. Even the advanced cultures of Mexico and Peru
rarely employed one type of decoration on the exterior and a totally
distinct type on the interior of the same vessel. Obvious difficulties
arise. If the classification recognizes all the possible combinations,
there results an involved collection of categories that is not only a
strain on the memory, but also has the drawbacks that important
associations between particular decorative techniques and vessel
shapes are obscured and that the completeness of the vessel will
influence its classification. If the classification is made on decora-
tive technique without regard to combinations, it will not apply to
some specimens, but only to one or the other of their surfaces. Since
the choice of a method of classification depends on the results it is
expected to produce, the second alternative has been used here for
the following reasons: (1) It is equally accurate and applicable for
sherds and for complete vessels; (2) it permits statistical analysis of
the relative frequency of each decorative technique at any given
time or place; (3) it provides a workable number of easily distin-
guishable categories.
By the completion of the analysis, two more justifications had
wade tT ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 325
become evident. In more than 90 percent of the cases where two
techniques were used on the same vessel, one of these is Joanes
Painted, and of the four cemeteries included in the study, only at
Pacoval is there a high proportion even of this association. Another
point brought out by this classification is the high degree of con-
sistency with which certain vessel shapes are associated with par-
ticular decorative techniques, such as hollow-rimmed bowls with
Pacoval Incised or Anajas White Incised, and flat-bottomed, cylindri-
cal jars with Arari Red Excised.
Those specimens exhibiting more than one decorative technique
were classified primarily according to the more complex technique
(which was nearly always on the exterior) represented, with the fol-
lowing order of precedence being used: double-slipped excised, double-
slipped incised, excised and retouched, incised and retouched, excised,
incised, painted, and scraped. However, other techniques associated
on a single vessel are listed in each type description.
Additional decisions had to be made regarding the classification
of the varieties of excised and painted decoration. Up until the
publication of the preliminary report (Evans and Meggers, 1950),
decoration in which part of the original surface of the vessel was cut
away, leaving the remainder in relief, was referred to as ‘‘champlevé’’.
The decision was made to abandon this terminology and substitute
the term ‘‘excised’’ because the standard definition describes cham-
plevé as “having the ground engraved or cut out’ and being “inlaid
in the depressions in the ground”’ (Webster’s Unabridged Dictionary).
Only one variety of excised decoration, Arari Red Excised, White-
retouched, has the excisions inlaid and has a consistently large propor-
tion of the surface cut away. In Arari Red Excised and Arari Plain
Excised, there is wide variation in the amount of excision, in some
cases being confined to one or two excised lines around the vessel
at the upper and lower limits of the design area, which is predom-
inantly incised. For the purpose of classification, all examples with
any excision were classified as excised because of the fact that the
technique was the same regardless of the extent to which it was
used on a single vessel. An alternative would have been to sub-
divide the categories by the proportion of the surface excised, but
because of the gradual and continuous variation between the two
extremes, this would require constant and often subjective decisions
that would inevitably differ with each classifier. By drawing the
line between ‘any’ and ‘‘none,” there is no question as to how a
given sherd should be classified. The validity of the inclusion of
vessels with a minimum of excision in the excised type is substan-
tiated by the fact that the vessel shapes are those typical of the
excised rather than the incised types.
3913295728
326 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
The classification of painted designs presented similar problems.
A number of varieties of painting are represented on Marajoara
Phase vessels, including red-on-white, black-on-white and three dif-
ferent combinations of red and black on a white slip. Although a
distinction between these would be desirable, this was not made
because it did not seem to give reliable results. Many of the painted
sherds have been subjected to considerable erosion, so that only a
trace or two of the original paint remains. If this were red, it would
not necessarily imply that black was not also present originally, and
vice versa. To regard painting as a unit, therefore, for purposes
of classification, seemed to be the only sound procedure. Even
when this is done, Joanes Painted shows a significant decline in
frequency during the Marajoara Phase.
The classification of the decorated types that follows, therefore,
has three points in its favor:
1. The limits of the types are sharply defined and unmistakable.
2. The types (with few exceptions) share characteristic design
motifs and vessel shapes as well as the primary criterion of classifi-
cation (slip, excision, incision, scraping, etc.).
3. The types show clearly defined trends when viewed in temporal
perspective.
The following descriptions of Marajoara Phase plain and decorated
pottery types are based on the analysis of the sherd and vessel col-
lections at the American Museum of Natural History in New York,
the Peabody Museum of Harvard University in Cambridge, Mass.,
the University Museum in Philadelphia, Pa., the Museum of Anthro-
pology in Ann Arbor, Mich., the Museu Paraense Emilio Goeldi
in Belém, Para, Brazil, and our excavated material. The types have
been given names according to the binomial system of designation,
and are arranged in alphabetical order.
ANAJAS DOUBLE-SLIPPED INCISED
Paste: On Inajé Plain or Camutins Plain; see those type descriptions for details
of paste and unslipped surface.
SURFACE:
White slip—primary slip:
Color: White, occasionally fired cream or light tan.
Treatment: Thick, usually well smoothed, occasionally with low luster.
Smoothing tracks often remain. Fine to coarse crackle frequent on
the interior.
Hardness: 3.
Red slip—secondary slip:
Color: Cinnabar red, sometimes fired purplish brown, reddish brown or
rusty red.
Treatment: Very thin, smooth, sometimes with a low luster.
Hardness: 3.
ar ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 327
Form:
Rim: Interiorly or exteriorly thickened with a rounded lip, or everted with
a flat top.
Body wall thickness: 6-12 mm.
Base: Rounded or flat.
Common vessel shapes:
1. Small, rounded bowls with rim slightly thickened on the interior, with
a rounded lip. Depth, 5-9 cm. (Palmatary, 1950, pl. 7, b). Both
surfaces white slipped, except the bottom of interior of some;
exterior double-slipped and incised. Coils occasionally added
around the maximum diameter on the exterior (fig. 114-1).
2. Bowls with flattened bottom, sides sloping outward and then upward
producing slightly carinated profile, increased on one by exterior
thickening. Rim everted, flat or concave topped with a rounded
Liebe fapey
Oo 4 #8 12CM
Vessel Scale
hat cad Lee contd
Only 2a 3°CM
Rim Scale
Figure 114.—Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Anajds Double-slipped Incised of
the Marajoara Phase,
328 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
slightly thickened lip; maximum rim diameter 36cm. Both surfaces
white slipped, exterior double slipped and incised (fig. 114-2).
3. Open basins with heavy, exteriorly thickened rims. The thickened
rim is 5-7 cm. wide, 1.5-2.2 cm. thick; body wall thickness 0.7—
1.0 cm. White slip on both surfaces, double slip and incision on
rim exterior; body exterior is Anajés White Incised or Pacoval
Incised (Palmatary 1950, pl. 39, i). Two other sherds from simi-
larly shaped jars have smaller rims, double slip and incision cover-
ing the entire exterior. Rim diameter ranges 48—50 cm. (fig. 114-3).
Rare vessel shapes:
1. Jar with a vertical neck and direct rim with a rounded lip. Rim
diameter 10 cm. Both surfaces white-slipped, exterior is double-
slipped and incised (Palmatary 1950, pl. 35, d).
2. Large jar with small, flattened bottom, globular body joining an
insloping neck at the rounded shoulder, everted and exteriorly
thickened rim. Vessel height is 92 cm. Neck exterior double-
slipped and incised (Palmatary, 1950, pl. 96, a).
3. Globular-bodied jar with constricted mouth and exteriorly thickened
rim with a rounded lip. Interior rim diameter 10 cm. Exterior is
double slipped and incised.
4. Anthropomorphic jar with two faces modeled on opposite sides of
a bulbous neck and separated by ears which serve for both. Vessel
mouth has exteriorly thickened collarlike rim at the top of the
heads; mouth diameter 4 cm. Double slipped to chin level, fine
incised lines outlining the facial features; body is Pacoval Incised.
Decoration (pl. 50):
Technique: Slipped red over white and ornamented with incised lines 1 mm.
or less in width on one-third of the examples and 2-3 mm. wide on most
of the remainder, with a maximum width on one sherd of 4mm. Width
is uniform on a single sherd. Lines are generally straight and deep, always
cutting through the red slip and on 380 percent penetrating through the
white slip to the orange paste to some extent.
Motif: Anajds Double-slipped Incised is not a homogeneous unit as far as the
motif is concerned. The elements and composition of each design are
unique, with the exception that simple spirals appear on about 25 percent
of the sherds. Other motifs include frets, ‘“‘keyholes,” scallops, and areas
filled with parallel lines.
ASSOCIATED TECHNIQUES: Anaj4s White Incised or Pacoval Incised may occur
on the body when the double slip is confined to the rim or neck.
TEMPORAL DIFFERENCES WITHIN THE TYPE: None.
CHRONOLOGICAL POSITION OF THE TYPE: Restricted to the early and middle parts
of the Marajoara Phase sequence.
ANAJAS PLAIN INCISED
PASTE AND SURFACE: On Camutins Plain or Inajé Plain, see those type descrip-
tions for details of temper, firing, color, etc.
Form:
Rim: Usually exteriorly thickened or everted, sometimes direct.
Body wall thickness: 4-15 mm.; thickness above 10 mm. is limited to large,
open bowls.
Base: Rounded, flat or annular.
Common vessel shapes:
1. Large open bowls with rounded to slightly angular, outsloping sides
a a ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 329
and exteriorly thickened rim. Diameter 22-34 cm. Incision
typically limited to flat or concave rim top (fig. 115-1).
2. Small bowls with rounded bottom, sides curving to a direct rim.
Mouth diameter 9-16 cm. Incision on exterior (fig. 115-2).
3. Carinated bowls with rounded bottom joining slightly insloping walls
at a rounded angle. Rim diameter 21-24 cm. Incision on wall
exterior below the thickening (fig. 115-3).
4. Small jars with flattened bottom, globular body, short, vertical or
concave-sided neck and everted or thickened rim. Body diameter
6.5-14.0 cm. at Pacoval, 17-26 cm. at Camutins. Incised lines on
a ee ee |
Op 2a SCM
Rim Scole
eee gaphy 29
& 0 4 8 I2CM
Yessel Scale
Fiaure 115.—Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Anajds Plain Incised, Marajoara
Phase.
330 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
neck alone or neck and body; applique ribs sometimes also present
(fig. 115-4; pl. 52, d-g; Palmatary, 1950, pls. 32, e, 47, d).
5. Jars with flattened bottom, globular body, constricted mouth and
everted rim. Height 17-34 cm. Incision covers the upper two-
thirds of the body (fig. 115-5; pl. 51, a-b; Palmatary, 1950, pl. 13,
a-b).
Rare vessel shapes:
1. Cylindrical jars with flat bottom, upslanting sides and exteriorly
thickened rim (the same form as Arari Red Excised, common shape
6, fig. 118-6). Incision is on the exterior.
2. Jar with rounded body, short insloping peck and direct rim. Rim
diameter 20-32 cm. Incision on the exterior of the body or neck.
3. Miniature jar with flat bottom, slightly irsloping sides and exteriorly
thickened rim. Height 8.7 cm.; base diameter 7.8 cm. Incision
covers the exterior.
4, Miniature jars with large, ‘“‘wing”’ adornos rising from the opposite
sides of the shoulder (pl. 52, a-c). Incision covers the exterior.
5. Stools (pl. 83, d, f, z).
6. Figurines (pl. 79, d).
DEcORATION (pl. 51, 52):
Technique: Designs are executed with incisions averaging 1 mm. in width or
wide incised lines averaging 2 mm. in width; the two widths of lines are
almost never combined on the same vessel. Lines are typically sharply
defined, but the quality of the incising and of the designs varies from
exceedingly crudely done examples where the lines are crooked, unequally
spaced and of unequal depth to carefully laid out designs with the lines
straight, parallel and equally spaced. This well executed type of design is
particularly characteristic of small jars of common shape 3.
Motif: Anajds Plain Incised designs are typically composed of large areas or
bands containing straight, parallel lines. The monotony may be relieved
by having the lines in one sector running at right angles or diagonally to
thoseintheadjacentone. Asimilar alternation in direction may occur in the
bands. Incision on bowls is frequently restricted to 2-3 parallel lines on
the upperrim edge. Decoration on jars may be limited toa band of vertical
or horizontal, parallel lines around the neck. A more complex treatment
is the division of the surface into large squares which are divided by diagonal
lines into 4 triangles containing parallel lines. Occasional jars have di-
agonal cross hatch. Simple, predominantly rounded spirals are also
relatively frequent. Scalloped lines and concentric triangles are rarer, and
rectangles, ovals and arrows are limited to one or two examples. Also
rare are intricate and complex designs resembling those of excised types,
but without the background cut out.
ASSOCIATED TECHNIQUES: Applique ribs; stylized anthropomorphic faces with the
features in low relief outlined by incised lines. Joanes Painted occurs on the
interior of some bowls of common shape 1.
TEMPORAL DIFFERENCES WITHIN THE TYPE: Examples from Pacoval are generally
better done than those from the later sites. Common shape 3 shows a marked
increase in size from the early to late part of the sequence.
CHRONOLOGICAL POSITION OF THE TYPE: Present at all sites of the Marajoara
Phase, but increases in frequency in the later ones.
meee ANP ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 331
ANAJAS RED INCISED
PASTE AND SURFACE: On Camutins Plain or Inajé Plain; see those types for details
of paste and unslipped surfaces.
SLIPPED SURFACE:
Color: Cinnabar red, sometimes with orange tint.
Treatment: Typically thinner than the slip applied to excised surfaces and
more comparable to Carmelo Red in thickness. Smooth, often with slight
luster, occasionally with faint smoothing marks.
Hardness: 3-4.
Form:
Rims: Direct, everted or exteriorly thickened with rounded lip.
Body wall thickness: Typically 6-11 mm., rarely 13 mm’
Base: Rounded, flat or annular.
Common vessel shapes:
1. Small bowls with rounded bottom, sides curving outward or upward
to direct rim, sometimes with scattered small adornos. Rarely the
rim is exteriorly thickened. Rim diameter 7-18 cm. Incision is
on the exterior (fig. 116-1, pl. 53, f-h).
2. Large, open bowls with annular base, outsloping sides and exteriorly
thickened rim. Rim diameter 15-28 cm. Incision usually limited
to the rim top or rim exterior and both surfaces of annular base,
but may cover the exterior (fig. 116—2).
3. Bowls with rounded bottom, slightly carinated walls and everted or
exteriorly thickened rim. Maximum diameter, 38cm. Incision on
the exterior (fig. 116-3).
Eee)
0 4 8° 12 °'CcM
Vessel Scale
[Gare Gece
OPIN 2a SGM
Rim Scale
Freure 116.—Rim profiles and thet tes of Anajés Red Incised, Marajoara
hase.
332 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [ BULL. 167
4. Bowls with flat bottom, vertical or outsloping sides expanding and
interiorly thickened on the rim. Diameter 14-20 cm. Circum-
ference may be circular or heart shaped, lip level or undulating.
Incision covers the exterior (fig. 116-4).
5. Large, deep bowls with slightly outslanting sides, everted or exteriorly
thickened rim, probably rounded or conoidal bottom (fig. 116-5;
Meggers, 1947, pl. 2, fig. 3).
6. Jars with rounded bodies indicated by several body sherds; too small
to give further details of shape.
Rare vessel shapes:
1. Carinated bow] with flat, conoidal bottom, joining concave walls at a
rounded angle, direct rim. Height 23.7 ecm. Incision on the
exterior walls (Palmatary, 1950, pl. 23, b).
2. Miniature, oval-bodied vessel, small orifice at center of top with
exteriorly thickened rim and flattened bottom. Length 7.5 cm.,
width 6.5 cm., height 6.5cm. Incision covers the exterior. (Shape
is similar to the excised vessel illustrated in Palmatary, 1950, pl.
41, d.)
3. Shallow bowl with rounded bottom and outsloping sides, latter inset
at the junction so as to leave scalloped, horizontal flange. Depth
2cm. Incision covers the exterior except on the flange.
4. Stools. Incision covers the disk.
5. Figurines.
6. Earspools (fig. 134).
DECORATION (pl. 53):
Technique: Red-slipped surfaces are incised with deep, sharply defined,
narrow (J mm. or less in width) to wide (usually around 2 mm., occasionally
3 mm. or more) lines, typically of uniform width and depth on a single
specimen. The lines are rarely straight, and often are unevenly spaced and
overlap at points of intersection. One small bowl has wide lines, broken to
produce dashes of irregular length in conjunction with regular incision.
Broad, deep lines reveal the underlying orange or gray paste.
Motif: Anaj4s Red Incised designs show no emphasis on any particular
motif. On the contrary, they tend to borrow motifs from various incised
styles; e. g., double-line design featuring scallops, typical of Guajara
Incised, and bands or areas containing evenly spaced parallel lines, typical
of Anajds Plain Incised. Other figures include steps, concentric rectangles,
concentric triangles, angular or rounded spirals, and ‘“‘keyholes.” The
combinations are usually simple, often leaving large unincised areas.
Patterns that cover the entire surface with closely spaced, parallel lines
forming angular spirals are very rare (Palmatary, 1950, pl. 35, h).
ASSOCIATED TECHNIQUES: Joanes Painted on some bowl interiors with small
adornos on bowlrims. Anajds Red Incised may occur on a band just below the
rim on cylindrical jars having Arari Red Excised or Arari Red Excised, White-
Retouched on the bodies.
TEMPORAL DIFFERENCES WITHIN THE TYPE: None.
CHRONOLOGICAL POSITION OF THE TYPE: Decreases in frequency and disappears
before the end of the Marajoara Phase.
ANAJAS WHITE INCISED
PASTE AND SURFACE: Majority on Inajé Plain with the rest on Camutins Plain;
see those type descriptions for details of paste and unslipped surfaces,
MEGGERS AND ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 333
EVANS]
SLIPPED SURFACE:
Color: White, occasionally fired cream or light orange.
Treatment: Fine-textured, smooth, evenly applied, often polished producing
a low luster.
Hardness: 3-4.
Form:
Rims: Solid or hollow; exteriorly thickened, interiorly thickened or rarely
direct, with a flat top or rounded top the most common.
Body wall thickness: 5-12 mm.
Base: Flat or rounded.
Common vessel shapes:
be
i)
Shallow bowls with rounded bottom, outslanting sides and incurving
rim thickened on the interior. Body wall thickness 5-10 mm.; rim
thickness 1.1—2.0 cm.; rim diameter 12-35 cm. (Palmatary, 1950,
pl. 15, a, 25, b, 31, a). Incision covers interior or exterior; geo-
metric adornos common on the rim; lip even or undulating (fig.
117-1, pl. 55, b).
. Bowls of shape 1 but with hollow rim typically produced by looping
the upper edge over into the interior, giving a contour indis-
tinguishable from that of solid rims except in cross section. Body
wall thickness 5-9 mm.; rim thickness 1.5-2.7 em. (fig. 117-2;
Palmatary, 1950, pl. 38, g).
. Bowls with sides curving upward and outward to angular junction
with everted, flat-topped rim. Rim top 1.7—4.2 em. wide. Rim
adornos common, especially a trianguloid type with two eyelike
eminences on the horizontal surface and terminating in 1—2 round,
upturned knobs (Palmatary, 1950, pl. 106, b). Incision limited to
the rim top (fig. 117-8).
Bowls with flat or rounded bottom, upcurving sides and direct rim
with rounded or flattened lip. Body wall thickness 5-8 mm.; rim
diameter 9-14cm. Rimadornosrare. Incision on exterior of wall.
Rim top usually level, occasionally undulating (fig. 117-4).
Bowls with flattened bottom, walls outsloping to mild carination
then curving upward to an exteriorly thickened rim with rounded
or angular lip. Upper wall height 3.5-6.0 cm.; rim diameter 18-30
cm.; body wall thickness 6-10 mm.; rim thickness 1.6-1.7 cm.
Incision on exterior (fig. 117-5).
. Flat-bottomed bowls with outslanting sides and exteriorly thickened
rim with rounded or angular lip. Rim diameter 10-32 cm.; body
wall thickness 5-12 mm.; rim thickness 1-3 cm. Rim top is level or
undulating with occasional low relief adornos; incision covers the
exterior (fig. 117-6; Palmatary, 1950, pl. 17, b).
. Deep, carinated jars with depressed conoidal bottom, insloping walls,
and eveited, exteriorly thickened rim. Height 21-32cm. Incision
on exterior, usually confined to walls; occasional small round body
adornos (fig. 117-7; Palmatary, 1950, pl. 21, a-c).
. Jars with bulbous or insloping neck, narrow mouth and everted or
exteriorly thickened rim with rounded lip. Body contours are
uncertain. Typical mouth diameter on interior 2.1-6.0 cm.,
exterior 3-8 cm. Neck occasionally connects to the body by 4
flues instead of a single central opening (Palmatary, 1950, pl. 28,
j and 1). Incision on exterior; rim exterior sometimes painted
red (fig. 117-8).
334 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
Seen
Oo 4 8 12CM
Vessel Scale
ere |
OM IPs2553°CM
Rim & Adorno Scale
Fiaure 117.—Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Anajds White Incised, Marajoara
Phase.
Rare vessel shapes:
1. Jars with two bulbous necks connected by a horizontal strap handle.
One neck is covered over, the other has a narrow mouth (Palmatary,
1950, pl. 28, m). Incision covers the exterior.
2. Small, shallow bowls with rounded body and direct rim, top level or
undulating. Diameter 9 cm.
3. Shallow bowls with carinated profile, walls may be nearly vertical
or widely everted, rim direct or thickened. Incision on the
exterior or wall interior.
4, Anthropomorphic jar with flat bottom, depressed-globular body, and
a tall cylindrical neck and exteriorly thickened rim. Anthropo-
morphic face in low relief on one side of the neck. Incision covers
Mncannd ,ANp ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 335
the exterior. Height 21 cm. (Palmatary, 1950, pl. 25, a). This
shape is typical of Arari Red Excised and Arari Red Excised,
White-Retouched and is represented here by only one example.
5. Miniature jar with rounded body, insloping collar-like neck and
2 zoomorphic adornos rising fiom opposite sides on the shoulder.
Diameter 8 cm., depth 7.5 cm. Incision covers the exterior.
6. Miniature cylindrical jar, flat bottom, exteriorly thickened rim.
Height 4.8 cm. Incision covers the exterior.
7. Figurines (Palmatary, 1950, pl. 100, i).
8. Stools. Incision covers the disk and sometimes the exterior of the
stand (pl. 83, c).
DeEcoRATION (pls. 54, 55):
Technique: Sharply defined, narrow, incised lines (1 mm. or less in width)
on a white-slipped surface, often drawn when slip was well hardened;
typically even and straight, sometimes cutting through the slip to reveal
orange paste. Designs are well executed, with lines and elements evenly
spaced. Fine lines are employed in four variations, the first three of
which may occur alone or in combination: (1) Single, individual lines;
(2) compound or double lines, composed of two fine lines running parallel,
1-2 mm. apart; (3) paired lines connected with a series of closely spaced
horizontally drawn lines giving a ladderlike effect; and (4) a wide line
cutting through the slip to the underlying orange paste, a rare compo-
nent except in the latter part of the Phase. Used in combination with
lines of type 2, type 4 produces an effect similar to that of Pacoval In-
cised with a less vivid color contrast (pl. 55, a).
Motif: One form or another of the spiral is the major element in almost all
designs. Variations include single spirals, independent interlocking spirals
(sometimes triple), interlocking spirals with inner ends joined by a short
line and double interlocking spirals with ends of one pair joined. Contour
is typically circular, but square, triangular, lozenge and irregular forms
occur. Interlocking arms may be of the same composition or any com-
bination of the three types of lines. The designs thus produced are
exceedingly light and graceful, both because of the delicacy of the incised
lines and because of the careful spacing and symmetry of the motifs.
Other design elements include lines with small pendant ovals, stepped
lines, parallel lines and frets.
ASSOCIATED TECHNIQUES: Joanes Painted is frequent on the interiors of bowls
with either solid or hollow rims. Pacoval Incised may occur on necks of com-
mon vessel shape 7 jars or on the rims of bowls of common vessel shapes 1 and
2 (Palmatary, 1950, pl. 40, b, 37, b). All types of rim adornos are frequent
on bowls. One stool with Anaja4s White Incised on the disk has Arari Red
Excised on the exterior of the base.
TEMPORAL DIFFERENCES WITHIN THE TYPE: Anajdés White Incised appears to
exist as an important type with distinctive design motifs only in the early
part of the Marajoara Phase. In the sites seriating after Pacoval, many of
the designs show a close similarity to those of Pacoval Incised, differing only
in that a wide, unretouched line that cuts through the white slip to reveal the
underlying orange paste (technique 4) is substituted for the red-retouched line
of Pacoval Incised. The relative frequency of this variety in the sherd sample
is shown on table L. A similar trend is observable in Ararf White Excised
(p. 348).
336 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
TaBLeE L.—Temporal differences in Anajés White Incised
. ‘ Decoration
Technique of Incision
Pacoval | Fortaleza | Camutins | Guajaré
Regular incision: techniques 1-3________________________ 287 80 2 0
Technique 4, resembling Pacoval Incised___-__________- ri 9 1 1
CHRONOLOGICAL POSITION OF THE TYPE: Characteristic of early sites, with a
sharp decline in frequency in the latter part of the Marajoara Phase sequence.
ARAR{ DOUBLE-SLIPPED EXCISED
PasTE: Predominantly on Inajé Plain, a few on Camutins Plain; see those types
for details of temper, color, firing, etc.
SURFACE:
Unslipped surface—interior of jars:
Color: Light orange to light tan to light brown.
Treatment: Superficially smoothed, leaving uneven, rough or gritty
surfaces because of the protrusion of temper grains.
Hardness: 3.
White slip—primary slip:
Color: White, with firing variation from white to cream, salmon or
light brown.
Treatment: Variation from smooth and even to irregular, with prominent
smoothing marks and medium crackle; exterior surface usually
better smoothed than interior.
Hardness: 2-4.
Red slip—secondary or upper slip:
Color: Deep, cinnabar red to purplish red to various shades of brown,
occasionally almost black. Variation on single vessels indicates this
to be the result of unequal conditions during firing.
Treatment: Typically a thin film, much thinner than the underlying
white slip; usually smooth, even, and occasionally slightly polished.
Hardness: 2-4 on slips fired a variety of red; 5 where fired black.
Form:
Rim: Direct, everted or exteriorly thickened, rounded or flattened lip.
Body wall thickness: 4-8 mm. on bowls, 5-11 mm. on jars.
Bases: Flat, rounded or annular on bowls, flat on jars.
Common vessel shapes:
1. Small, deep bowls with rounded bottom and walls curving upward
to direct rim. Diameter 12.5 cm.; depth 5.5 cm. Both surfaces
white slipped, exterior double slipped and excised (fig. 118-3).
2. Small, shallow bowls with rounded bottom, outcurving sides and
exteriorly thickened rim. Diameter 12-17 cm.; depth 3-5 cm.
(Palmatary, 1950, pl. 98, c¢ ?). Both surfaces are white slipped;
exterior double slipped and excised (fig. 118-1).
3. Flat-bottomed bowls with vertical or outsloping walls, exteriorly
thickened or horizontal rim. Thickening on the interior at the
junction of the wall and base transforms the sharp angle to a more
gradual curve. Both surfaces white slipped, exterior double slipped
and excised (fig. 118-4; Palmatary, 1950, pl. 66).
Macomns AND ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 307
a es
Ont 2 3CM
Rim Scale
oe Uff
Vessel Scale
Figure 118.—Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Ararf Double-slipped Excised
and Arari Red Excised, Marajoara Phase.
338 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
4, Shallow, annular-based bowls with outslanting sides and exteriorly
thickened rim. Diameter 30 cm. Both surfaces white slipped,
exterior double slipped and excised (fig. 118-5; Palmatary, 1950,
pl. 47, h).
5. Cylindrical or semicylindrical jars with flat bottom, vertical or
slightly outslanting walls, everted or exteriorly thickened rim.
Dimensions probably comparable to Arari Red Excised, common
shape 6. Interior white slipped or unslipped; exterior double
slipped and excised except on the bottom. (Since this pottery
type is represented primarily by sherds, it is possible some may be
from jars with cylindrical necks and globular bodies like Ararf
Red Excised, common vessel shape 8).
Rare vessel forms:
1. Rectanguloid bowls with flat bottoms, vertical sides and direct rim.
Length 13-19 em.; height 4.5-10.0 em. Both surfaces are white
slipped; exterior double slipped, excised on the bottom and sides,
stylized anthropomorphic faces in low relief on ends, mouth toward
rim (Palmatary, 1950, pl. 52, b).
2. Small jars with large “‘wing”’ adornos rising from shoulder at two
opposite sides. Height 6.5 cm. Excision covers the exterior of the
body (Palmatary, 1950, pl. 42, ¢).
3. “Shoe-shaped”’ vessel with a flat bottom, rounded, ovoid body and
cylindrical neck rising from the top of one half. Side of neck
toward end bears white-slipped anthropomorphic face in low relief;
remainder of surface double slipped and excised. Height 28 cm.
(Palmatary 1950, pl. 48, ¢).
DECORATION (pl. 56):
Technique: Slipped red over white and ornamented with a combination of
incised lines and excised lines and areas. Excision typically covers 40-60
percent of the design surface, although on occasional sherds it is limited to
excised lines 5-6 mm. in width dividing large rectangular or triangular
areas containing incised designs. Excision is carefully and evenly done,
cutting away the red slip and revealing the underlying white slip; in a few
cases the white slip is also removed exposing the orange paste. The bottom
of the cuts is scored horizontally to the main axis in 99 percent of the
examples, leaving fine, parallel striations. Occasionally excision is so
shallow that traces of the red slip remain. Technique of both excision and
incision is uniformly excellent, with lines evenly spaced, straight, and
sharply defined, and in general represents the acme of the excised technique.
Motifs: A common component of these designs is a square containing a
stylized face composed in its simplest form of two parallel lines running
down the center and a small square in the middle of each half. Other
typical motifs are square or rounded spirals, ovals, diamonds containing
an incised cross, and lines ending in three prongs.
ASSOCIATED TECHNIQUES: Joanes Painted may be found on the interior of open
bowls and is always of high quality; rectangular bowls have low relief modeling
and rounded bowls may have small rim adornos.
TEMPORAL DIFFERENCES WITHIN THE TYPE: None.
CHRONOLOGICAL POSITION OF THE TYPE: An early type which declines in frequency
and disappears before the end of the Marajoara Phase sequence.
mncgnes. AnD ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 339
ARARI PLAIN EXCISED
PASTE AND SURFACE: On Inajé Plain or Camutins Plain, in proportions reflecting
those typical of the plain wares at any particular time; see those types for de-
tails of paste, temper, firing, color, and surface treatment. The decorated
surfaces are considerably better smoothed than is typical of either Inaj4 or
Camutins Plain.
Form:
Rims: Great variety of shapes, running the gamut from a direct rim with
square or rounded lip to various types and degrees of exterior thickening,
with a flanged lip being one of the more common.
Body wall thickness: Range 6-26 mm.; thickness above 10 mm. is usually con-
fined to the carination on bowls.
Base: Rounded, flat or annular.
Common vessel shapes:
1. Bowls with outcurving or slightly angular sides and thickened rim.
Rim diameter 12-42 cm. (Palmatary, 1950, pls. 56, b, and 68, a).
Excision on the exterior (fig. 119-1).
Vie
os if
! Se cee 3 CM
Rim Scole
| 4 TERS? 120M
Vessel Scale
Fieure 119.—Rim profiles and vessel SuSE of Arari Plain Excised, Marajoara
Phase.
340 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
2. Carinated bowls with rounded bottom joining short walls at a sharp
angle, produced by marked exterior thickening. The wail is 2.3—
3.5 em. high, straight or slightly convex on the interior, concave to
straight on the exterior. The rim top is flat or rounded, 5-8 mm.
in width. Rim diameter may be slightly less, equal to or slightly
greater than the diameter at the carination. Body wall thickness
6-8 mm.; maximum thickness at carination 1.1-2.6 cm. Rim
diameter 24-62 cm. (Palmatary, 1950, pl. 68, b-c). Excision
covers exterior (fig. 119-2, pl. 57, a).
3. Carinated bowls with rounded bottom joining concave walls at a
pronounced angle. Rim direct with square or rounded lip, or
everted. Wall height 5.0-8.5 cm.; wall thickness 8-10 mm.; thick-
ness at carination 1.4-1.7 em.; rim diameter 24-34 cm. (Meggers,
1947, pl. 2, fig. 4). Excision covers the exterior (fig. 119-3).
4. Small, deep bow]s with rounded bottom, sides curving inward to a
direct rim. Maximum height around 17 cm. (Palmatary, 1950,
pls. 5, c, 46). Excision on the exterior (fig. 119-4, pl. 57, b).
5. Annular-based, open bowls with outslanting sides and exteriorly
thickened rim. Rim diameter 25-33 cm. Excision on the ex-
terior (fig. 119-5).
Rere vessel shapes:
. “Platter bowls” (See Joanes Painted common shape 8).
2. Flat-bottomed bowls with slightly outsloping sides and direct rim
(Palmatary, 1950, pl. 13, d).
3. Globular-bodied jar with short vertical collar (Palmatary, 1950, pl.
41, c).
. Stools (pl. 83, b, g).
. Small, short-necked jars (Palmatary, 1950, pl. 20, d).
. Figurines (Palmatary, 1950, pl. 4, a—b).
. Miniature vessels (Palmatary, 1950, pl. 4, f; 5, e—d).
—_
IDO of
DECORATION (pls. 57, 58):
Technique: Combination of narrow incised lines with excised areas or lines
in varying proportions from a few excised lines (Palmatary, 1950, pl. 13,
d) to 75 percent of the surface removed by excision. In contrast with
Arari Red Excised, the excisions are typically gouged out, rather than cut
back evenly and scored. Margins of excisions range from straight and
even to jagged and crooked. Floor of the excision may be deep at the
center and sloping upward to the edges, deep and irregular, or relatively
level, shallow and scored transversely. Incised lines are fine to 1 mm.
wide, straight and even on the better-done specimens, wavering and with
overlapping junctions on cruder ones. In rare cases cross hatching may
be substituted for excision to produce the contrasting field. Another
minor variation is the application of white to the excisions.
Molif: The motifs of Ararf Plain Excised are the same as those on the other
excised types, except that they tend to emphasize the less complex com-
binations. Most common elements include spirals, interlocking spirals,
crosses in diamonds, stepped figures, T’s, undulating lines, and concentric
curvilinear or rectilinear figures. A common combination is a narrow
band containing a line undulating between the two margins and having
the semicircular areas between the loops filled with T or stepped figures.
ASSOCIATED TECHNIQUES: Occasional bowls with Ararf Plain Excised decoration
on the exterior have Joanes Painted designs on the interior.
ea ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 341
TEMPORAL DIFFERENCES WITHIN THE TYPE: Although the gouging out of the
excised area is always the typical! technique of decoration, a comparison of
workmanship at Pacoval (American Museum of Natural History Collection)
with that at Camutins (J-15, Mound 1) and Guajar4 (J-—14, Mound 1) shows that
gouging out becomes increasingly predominant with the passage of time. The
relative frequency of the techniques is shown on table M.
TaBLeE M.—Temporal differences in Arari Plain Excised decoration
Technique of excision Pacoval Camutins and
Guajar4
Number | Percent | Number | Percent
30 71.5 46 92
Goaped outitrst 22-29 Ges eee ee A eee Boe
Evenlyicutiback.and scored... 2-2 ss ee 11 26. 2 3 6
Retvouched withtwhitees sc ee eos = tee one ee eee kee oe 1 2°53 1 4
CHRONOLOGICAL POSITION OF THE TYPE: Present throughout the Marajoara
Phase with increasing frequency.
ARAR{L RED EXCISED
Paste: On either Inaj4 Plain or Camutins Plain; see those type descriptions for
details of temper, color, firing, etc.
SURFACE:
Unslipped surface:
Coler: Light orange, orange-brown, light brown to light tan.
Treatment: Smoothed; brushmarks, coarse crackle and slight irregulari-
ties often remain; occasionally well smoothed with a low luster.
Hardness: 3-4.
Red slip:
Color: Typically cinnabar red to dark red, occasionally fired brownish-
rust or blackish.
Treatment: Thin and evenly applied, fine texture, smooth and polished,
often with low luster. Smoothing tracks sometimes visible.
Hardness: Typically 3-4. Rare examples attain a hardness of 5.
Form:
Rim: Direct or everted with rounded, pointed, or flattened lip; exteriorly
thickened with a coil added slightly below the rim top giving a flanged
effect.
Body wall thickness: 5-10 mm.
Bases: Rounded, flat or annular.
Common vessel shapes:
1. Shallow bowls with rounded bottom and outcurving sides, exteriorly
thickened, rounded or flat-topped rim. Circumference is usually
circular but occasionally D-shaped. Rim diameter 10-28 cm. A
decorative coil with scalloped border is sometimes added around
the circumference just below the rim edge (e. g., Palmatary, 1950,
pl. 98, e). Small asymmetrically placed rim adornos are also typ-
icai. Excision covers the exterior (fig. 118-1).
2. Carinated bowls with rounded bottom joining concave, vertical or
slightly outsloping sides at an obtuse angle, less pronounced than
that on similar bowls of Ararf Plain Excised because of the absence
of exterior thickening at the carination. Upper wall slightly
everted and terminating in a direct, rounded or pointed lip. Wall
3913829—57——24
342 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
height 7-12 cm.; rim diameter 24-27 cm. (Palmatary, 1950, pl.
56, a). Excision on the exterior wall, occasionally also covering
the bottom of the exterior (fig. 118-2).
3. Small, deep bowls with rounded bottom and outcurving sides, ex-
teriorly thickened, rounded or flat-topped rim. Circumference
is usually circular but occasionally D-shaped. Rim diameter
10-28 cm. A decorative coil with scalloped border is sometimes
added around the circumference just below the rim edge. Small
asymmetrically placed rim adornos are also typical. Excision
covers the exterior (fig. 118-3).
4. Flat-bottomed bowls with vertical or slightly outslanting sides, ex-
teriorly thickened rim with rounded lip. Occasionally the rim is
direct. Rim diameter 23-30 cm.; wall thickness 8 mm. Thick-
ening on the interior at the junction of the wall and base transforms
the otherwise sharp angle to a curve. Excision on exterior of
sides (fig. 118-4; Palmatary, 1950, pl. 31, e).
5. Annular-based, open bowls with outslanting sides and exteriorly
thickened rim. Rim diameter 25-33 cm. (Palmatary, 1950, pl.
67, b). Excision covers the exterior (fig. 118-5, pl. 60, a).
6. Cylindrical or semicylindrical jars with flat bottom and vertical or
slightly outslanting walls, everted or exteriorly thickened rim.
Height 20-35 cm. (Palmatary, 1950, pl. 30, b). Excision covers
the exterior of the walls, frequently beginning 2-4 cm. below the
upper rim edge leaving a band with incised and low-relief orna-
ment (fig. 112-6, pl. 60, b).
7 Jars with flattened bottoms, rounded body, insloping neck and
everted, exteriorly thickened rim. Height 22-30 cm. (Palmatary,
1950, pl. 59, b). Excision is limited to the exterior of the neck,
the body being white-slipped and painted (fig. 118-7, pl. 62, a).
8. Jars with flat bottoms, globular bodies, short vertical necks and
widely everted rims with exterior thickening. Height, about 22-50
cm. (Palmatary, 1950, pl. 60, 61, 63, b). Stylized anthropomorphic
faces often occupy two opposite sides of the neck; body exterior
covered with complex excision and often adorned with applique
saurian motif (fig. 118-8, pls. 61, a—b, 62, b).
Rare vessel shapes:
1. Anthropomorphic jars with flattened, conical base, sides curving
upward and inward and then reexpanding to simulate a head, at
the top of which is the everted rim. The expanded area bears a
conventionalized anthropomorphic face on one side. No anatomi-
cal details are present or the body, which is covered with a complex
excised design. This form is typical of Pacoval Incised and is
represented in this type by only one vessel whose height is 56 cm.
(Palmatary, 1950, pl. 51, d).
2. Jars with flattened bottom, globular or depressed-globular body,
cylindrical neck and exteriorly thickened rim. Excision covers the
exterior. These are much more common in Arari Red Excised,
White-retouched (Palmatary, 1950, pl. 65, e).
3. Jars with fiat conical base, sides sloping outward to maximum diameter
about one-third of the distance from the bottom, then inward to
just below the everted rim. Excision on the exterior. This form
is typical of Pacoval Incised and occurs here exceedingly rarely
(Palmatary, 1950, pl. 26, b).
MEGGERS AND ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 343
EVANS]
4. Stools. Excision covers the disk top and occasionally the exterior of
the base (Palmatary, 1950, pls. 25, c, 83, e, h).
5. Miniature ovoid or teardrop-shaped jars. Height 6.5-8.0 cm.;
diameter 5.5-6.0 cm. Excision covers the exterior (Palmatary,
1950, pl. 42, b).
6. Miniature rounded bowls with incurving, direct rim. Depth 5 cm.
Excision covers the exterior.
7. Miniature jars with large ‘‘wing”’ adornos rising from opposite sides
of the shoulder. Excision covers the exterior of the body
(Palmatary, 1950, pl. 43, a).
8. Miniature turtle-effigy vessels, produced by adding stylized head to
one side of the body or rim of the small bowl which serves as a
carapace. Diameter 8-10 cm.
9. Shallow, oval vessels or spoons with perforated stem issuing from
one end. Length, 6-11 cm. (Palmatary, 1950, pl. 42, e). Excision
covers the exterior.
10. ‘‘Platter-bowls’”’ (Palmatary, 1950, pl. 55, b).
11. Figurines. Excision covers the body (Palmatary 1950, pl. 47, a).
DeEcoRATION (pls. 59-62):
Technique: Broad or narrow incised lines are combined with excised lines and
areas in varying proportions of incision to excision on a red-slipped surface.
Some vessels have a predominantly incised design with only a trace of
excision; from this there is a continuous range to the opposite extreme
where 80 percent of the original surface has been removed. The excision
cuts through the red slip to expose the underlying orange paste. In
contrast with Arari Plain Excised, the excised areas are typically evenly
cut back and scored by brushing them from side to side. Depth varies
from only enough to remove the red slip to about 1 mm. Rare sherds
have cross hatch in place of excision. The associated incised lines tend
to be narrow when the amount of excision is limited or the vessel is small,
and wide (1-2 mm.) when the degree of excision is extremely high. Both
the lines and the boundaries of the excisions are straight, sharply defined
and carefully executed.
Motif: The most frequently employed motif is a stepped figure, which may
be used alone as on the walls of carinated bowls, or in combination with
undulating lines and other figures. The exteriors of small, shallow bowls
are usually divided into halves or quarters, filled with stepped figures or
spirals. On larger surfaces these elements may be used in conjunction
with undulating lines, ovals or concentric ovals containing a double crossed
line, T’s, interlocking or squared or rounded spirals, parallel straight lines,
and other less-readily described elements. Although the exterior of a
large jar may present the effect of symmetry, close examination shows
that there is often considerable variation, but the pattern is so skillfully
laid out that this is obscured by the balance of the total design.
ASSOCIATED TECHNIQUES: Shallow, open bowls, platter bowls, and annular-based
bowls may have Joanes Painted decoration on the interior. Jars of common
vessel shape 8, with excision limited to the neck, have Joanes Painted on the
exterior of the body. Modeling is common, in the form of geometric, anthro-
pomorphic and zoomorphic rim adornos, and less frequently body adornos.
An exceedingly rare combination is with Pacoval Incised, which appears on
and just below the rim of cylindrical jars.
TEMPORAL DIFFERENCES WITHIN THE TYPE: Ararf Red Excised shows a decline in
the technical skill with which the design is executed, a careless gouging out of
344 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
the excisions replacing the earlier predominantly careful workmanship. This
is readily perceived in a comparison of specimens from Pacoval (American
Museum of Natural History collection) with later examples from Camutins
(J-15, Mound 1) and Guajard (J—14, Mound 1):
TaBLeE N.—Temporal differences in Arart Red Excised decoration
Technique Pacoval Camutins and
Guajaré
Number | Percent | Number | Percent
Evenly cut backiand: scored 5225 45=* 2 25cm eee ee 21 LEAT 7 38.8
Gouged |OUE! Sacer ee ae rae ras re ere ee 4 14.8 ll 61. 2
Oross Hatched: ess Oe ese Pe Pea a ee ret Re ee 2 7.5 0
CHRONOLOGICAL POSITION OF THE TYPE: Maximum popularity in early sites, with
a subsequent decline in frequency throughout the Marajoara Phase.
ARARI RED EXCISED, WHITE-RETOUCHED
Paste: Predominantly on Inaj4 Plain with the remainder on Camutins Plain;
see those type descriptions for details of temper, firing, color, ete.
SURFACE:
Unslipped surface:
Color: Light orange to tan to rusty brown to gray brown, with the first
two the most frequent.
Treatment: Smoothed, frequently leaving irregularities and smoothing
marks; temper grains occasionally protrude.
Hardness: 3-4.
Red slip:
Color: Cinnabar red to dark red.
Treatment: Thin, fine textured, smooth and sometimes polished; smooth-
ing marks rare.
Hardness: 3-4.
Form:
Rim: Exteriorly thickened in a variety of ways; rarely direct.
Body wall thickness: 6-14 mm.
Base: Flat or rounded on bowls, flat on jars.
Common vessel shapes:
1. Shallow bowls, flattened or rounded bottom, outsloping sides and ex-
teriorly thickened rim with rounded lip (Palmatary, 1950, pl. 50,
b, 98, b and f). Diameter 10-36 em. (fig. 120-1).
2. Flat-bottomed bowls with almost vertical or outsloping sides and
exteriorly thickened rim with a rounded lip. Sometimes the rim
is exaggerated to a broad, horizontal rim. The excision covers the
exterior of the sides and occasionally the bottom. Diameter 7-30
cm. (Palmatary, 1950, pl. 48, b). Rim may have adornos (fig.
120-2).
3. Rounded bowls with incurving, direct rim with a rounded lip. Mouth
diameter, 10-20 cm. Excision covers the exterior (fig. 120-3).
4. Round-bodied bowls or jars with short collar, direct rim and rounded
or flattened lip. Mouth diameter 20-30 em. (fig. 120-4; Palma-
tary, 1950, pl. 64).
5. Deep bowls or jars with flattened, conoidal bottom, slightly outslant-
ing sides and exteriorly thickened rim. Height 15-30 cm. (Pal-
aecenes xD ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 345
RA oats en
[SS ag
SSS
fe) Ive *3"6M
Rim Scale
SSSseake
Oo 4 8 126M
Vessel Scale
Figure 120.—Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Ararf Red Excised, White-
retouched, Marajoara Phase.
matary, 1950, pl. 62, b). Excision covers the exterior walls (fig.
120-5).
6. Cylindrical or semicylindrical jars of the same type as common vessel
shape 7 of Ararf Red Excised. Height 13-39 cm. (Palmatary,
346 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
1950, pls. 44, a—b, 57, b, 58). Two adornos are often attached at
the top to opposite sides of the rim and below to the body, making
a loop handle, with the outer surface often modeled as an anthro-
pomorphic face (Meggers, 1947, pl. 1, fig. 2). A variant is an
exceedingly tall and slender cylindrical jar with a flat bottom and
widely everted, exteriorly thickened rim with a height of 37-59 cm.
Excision covers the exterior of the body; low-relief, stylized faces
are on opposite sides of an expanded area below the rim; relief
saurian motif may appear on the body (fig. 120-6; Palmatary,
1950, pls. 49, 57, a).
7. Jars with flat bottom, globular or depressed-globular body, tall
cylindrical or insloping neck and exteriorly thickened rim. Height
27-42 cm. Excision covers the exterior, which typically also bears
saurian motif (fig. 120-7; Palmatary, 1950, pls. 19, c; 51, a; 53, a;
54, a).
Rare vessel shapes:
1. Carinated jar with rounded or flattened bottom, slightly inslanting
walls and everted, exteriorly thickened rim. Height 20-30 cm.
(Palmatary, 1950, pl. 63, a).
2. Anthropomorphic jar with flat conoidal bottom, convex sides, hori-
zontal shoulder from which issues a short, everted neck with exte-
riorly thickened rim. Anthropomorphiec face on neck, features in
low relief; excision covers the body (Palmatary, 1950, pl. 92, a).
3. Shoe-shaped vessel, flat bottom, ovoid body with mouth and exteriorly
thickened rim occupying one end of the top. The “‘toe’’ covered
with relief modeling; ‘‘heel’’ excised. Height 6 em. (Palmatary,
1950, pl. 48, d).
4, Jars with flat bottom, tall, conoidal body, rounded shoulder (neck
and rim missing) with a body height of 59 em. Excision covers the
exterior (Palmatary, 1950, pl. 23, c).
DEcoRATION (pl. 63):
Technique: This type is characterized by the combination of incised lines
and excised lines and areas in approximately equal proportions on a red-
slipped surface, with the excisions evenly cut back to a depth of about 1
mm., scored transversely and covered with a thick, white paint. The
bond with the excised surface is usually poor and the white tends to chip
off readily. A typical example has the incised lines and excisions straight,
even, sharply defined and regularly spaced and the white retouch is care-
fully applied. On some the white is smeared beyond the excision and onto
the adjacent red-slipped surface. Some are so shallowly excised as to
leave small patches of red in the excised areas. Incised lines are occasionally
crooked, with overshot corners.
Motif: Squared or rounded spirals and ovals are the most frequent, each
diversified in a multiplicity of ways; T’s, undulating lines, stepped figures,
pronged lines, and other geometrical figures are also employed. The two
opposite sides of jar bodies often feature a low-relief saurain figure with
sprawling legs, the excision filling in around and between them.
ASSOCIATED TECHNIQUES: Joanes Painted on bowl interiors; Pacoval Incised on
jar rims (Palmatary, 1950, pl. 39, k); relief modeling on bowl and jar rims and
jar bodies; Anaj4s White Incised on horizontal rim top of bowls.
TEMPORAL DIFFERENCES WITHIN THE TYPE: None.
CHRONOLOGICAL POSITION OF THE TYPE: Most frequent at early sites, but present
throughout the Marajoara Phase sequence.
loko gale ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 347
ARAR{ WHITE EXCISED
This pottery type appears to be an experimental variety at the sites represented
in the analysis. All of the vessel shapes and most of the design elements are more
characteristic of Arar{f Plain Excised or Arari Red Excised, except for those deco-
rated in the red-retouch style, in which case the affinity is with shapes and motifs
of Pacoval Incised. However, it was set up as a type rather than left unclassified
because it represents a unique combination of white slipping with excision and
because it may prove to be more popular at some other site in the future.
PASTE AND UNSLIPPED SURFACE: Usually on Inajé Plain, occasionally on Camutins
Plain; see those types for details of paste and unslipped surfaces.
SLIPPED SURFACE:
White slip:
Color: White, sometimes cream to tan from firing differences.
Treatment: Uneroded examples are fine-textured, evenly applied, smooth
and have a low luster. Occasional crackle lines. Most commonly
applied to the exterior surface.
Hardness: 2-3.
Form:
Rim: Thickened on exterior or interior, rounded or flattened lip.
Body wall thickness: 5-11 mm.
Bases: Rounded on bowls, flat on jars.
Vessel shapes (except for shape 1, these are represented by a single sherd for each
shape):
1. Shallow, open bowls with rounded bottom, outflaring sides turning
upward at the rim, which is thickened on the interior. Excision is
on exterior, beginning at the upper rim edge; low round bosses are
a typical component (Meggers, 1947, pl. 2, fig. 1).
2. Bowl with outsloping sides and exteriorly thickened rim. Excision
on the exterior beginning’ below the rim thickening. Diameter
20-30 cm. (Palmatary, 1950, pl. 16, e).
3. Carinated bowl with round bottom and short walls, joined at a sharp
angle which is produced by a marked exterior thickening. Wall,
3.2 cm. high, straight on the interior and slightly concave on the
exterior. Wall thickness, 8 mm. at the flat rim top and body wall
18 mm. thick at the carination. (Cf. common vessel shape 2 of
Arari Plain Excised.)
4. Bowl with flat bottom and vertical sides. Excision covers the ex-
terior (Palmatary, 1950, pl. 37, h).
5. Cylindrical jar with flat bottom, anthropomorphic adorno below the
rim.
DECORATION:
Technique: White-slipped surface ornamented with a combination of incised
and excised lines or areas, used intermingled or to cover alternating panels.
Excision is typically shallow, but generally removes the white slip and re-
veals the orange paste. It may be or may not be scored. In rare cases
the scoring is done without prior excision. Incised lines are fine to 2 mm.
in width.
Motif: Spirals, ovals, parallel alternating excised and incised lines are most
common. Motifs and combinations are less complex than Arari Red
Excised and more comparable to Ararf Plain Excised. Many of the
designs are those of Pacoval Incised, in which excision has replaced red-
retouching to produce a contrast with the white slip.
348 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
ASSOCIATED TECHNIQUES: Occasional adornos.
TEMPORAL DIFFERENCES WITHIN THE TYPE: Pacoval is the only site where this
type has any motif which can be called characteristically its own, although even
here more than 40 percent of the designs are in the Pacoval Incised style, in
which small triangles and squares at the junctions of the lines have been excised
instead of colored red, with the cross inside a diamond the most common
motif. At Fortaleza, Ararf White Excised declines in frequency and the
majority of the examples are in the Pacoval Incised style:
TaBLE O.—Temporal differences in Arart White Excised decoration
Camutins
Design Pacoval Fortaleza and
Guajara
Resulanexcised style. <4! -- 3-5-2 O so UE i eee 20 1 0
Pacoval incised styles sss >- 20. 8s nee ee eee eee 15 5 0
CHRONOLOGICAL POSITION OF THE TYPE: Arari White Excised is most frequent
in the early part of the sequence and is absent at the end of the Marajoara
Phase.
CAMUTINS PLAIN
PASTE:
Method of manufacture: Coiling; coils 2-8 cm. wide visible on some large
jars with incompletely smoothed surfaces.
Temper: Ground sherd, with many particles quite large, ranging 1-5 mm.
Texture: Very porous, with temper poorly mixed; temper particles easily
rubbed out of matrix on a fresh break. Very irregular and angular cleav-
age due to coarse temper; easy to break and very crumbly. Dull, heavy
thud when dropped together.
Color: Uniformly orange or reddish-orange.
Firing: Completely oxidized; weakness of ware in part the result of ‘‘burnt-
out” condition.
SURFACE:
Color: Typically a bright, tile orange; both surfaces may range from light
orange to brilliant orange to reddish orange. Interiors of a few sherds
have a light-grayish hue.
Treatment: Exterior typically left rough and coarse textured, with wide
finger-smoothing marks parallel to the rim. Numerous pits and protrud-
ing temper grains contribute to the general unevenness and grittiness of
the surface. Interior of bowls was often slipped with a thick layer of the
same clay as the paste after the surface had been scraped or smoothed.
Interiors of these sherds are sometimes slick and all are smoothed, though
a few remain somewhat uneven. Crackle common on the interior and
sometimes occurs on the exterior.
Hardness: 2-3.
Form:
Rims: Typically everted and exteriorly thickened, with one common form of
bowl having a direct or slightly interiorly thickened rim with a rounded lip.
Some rims have geometric, anthropomorphic or zoomorphic adornos or are
ornamented by nubbins, scalloped lips, appliques with incisions in the form
of crosses and nicks (pls. 64, 65).
me ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 349
Body wall thickness: Large vessels range 10-25 mm. with the majority 15 mm.;
smaller vessels range 4-10 mm., majority 6-7 mm.
Bases: Majority flattened in one of two ways: (1) Flat base, sometimes
thickened slightly, with the side walls attached at a prominent 45-degree
angle (this type is the most common variety), and (2) thickened (1-3 cm.)
base rising vertically 1-2 cm. on the exterior before joining the body wall,
producing a slight pedestal. Diameters of both varieties range 10-20 cm.,
with the majority 12-14cm. A few bases are rounded, and those of stools,
pot stands and “‘platter-bowls” are annular.
Common vessel shapes:
1. Large, deep bowls with flat bottom, outcurving and upcurving sides,
ending in a direct, vertical or slightly incurving rim. Maximum
diameter 24-26 cm.; mouth diameter 24-32 cm. with the majority
30 cm.; depth 12-16 cm. Majority of sherds from J—15 habitation
mounds are of this type (fig. 121-1).
2. Deep, basinlike carinated bowls with small flat bottom, sides outslop-
ing to carination, then more vertical to everted, exteriorly thick-
ened rim. Junction varies from pronounced carination to barely
perceptible change in direction. Rim diameter 30-70 cm.; total
depth 15-30 cm.; upper wall height 8-20 cm.; base diameter 8-17
em. (fig. 121-2; pl. 67, c; Palmatary, 1950, pl. 9, b—d).
3. Bowls with rounded body, outcurving sides, and exteriorly thickened
rim; bottom is typically rounded and occasionally flat. Rim di-
ameter 16-40 cm. (fig. 121-3).
4. Flat-bottomed bowls with outslanting sides, everted or exteriorly
thickened rim. The rim is frequently ornamented with three
large, heavy (usually solid), equally spaced, anthropomorphic,
zoomorphic or geometric adornos (Palmatary, 1950, pl. 7, a and ¢c;
pl. 102, a~b, d-e; and Meggers, 1947, pl. 3, fig. 1-3). Depth of
bowl 4-9 cm.; exterior rim diameter usually 16-25 cm., rarely 30—44
em. Height of adornos 5-11 em (fig. 121-4; pls. 68, 69).
5. Carinated jars with flattened, conoidal base, vertical or slightly in-
sloping sides and slightly everted, exteriorly thickened rim.
Height, 24—43 cm.; rim diameter 20—34 cm. (fig. 122-5; Palmatary,
1950, pls. 10, c-d, 11, a-b). Sometimes with applique spiral (op.
cit., pl. 12 g, and i).
6. Jars with rounded body, flat bottom and everted, slightly thickened
rim, square or rounded lip. Rim diameter 16-36 em. (fig. 122-6).
Small jars with flat bottom, rounded body merging into insloping
neck, everted rim. Mouth diameter 13-24 cm. (Meggers, 1947,
pl. 1, fig. 1). Occasional vertical handles (fig. 122-7).
8. Large jars with rounded bottom or small flat, pedestal base, walls
curving outward to maximum diameter about one-third the dis-
tance from the base then sloping inward to join the everted, ex-
teriorly thickened rim. Height 80-90 cm.; rim diameter 54-76
em. (fig. 122-8).
9. Large jars with small, flat bottom, sides outcurving to a maximum
diameter of 70 cm. about one-third the distance above the base,
then slightly inward, joining a short, vertical neck at the rounded
shoulder. The rim is everted and exteriorly thickened. The body
height 62-64 em.; neck height about 15 em.; rim diameter 32-54
em. (fig. 122-9).
ex
350 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
Vessel! Scale
o | 2@ 36M
Rim @ Adorno
Scale
Fiaure 121.—Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Camutins Plain and Inaj4 Plain
bowls, Marajoara Phase (Appendix, tables 45 and 46).
Less common forms:
1. Narrow-necked jars with flat, conoidal base, globular body and
slightly everted, exteriorly thickened rim. Height 34-39 cm.; rim
diameter 10-14 em. (fig. 123-1; Palmatary, 1950, pl. 11, c, 12, d).
fy _ 2, Jars with flattened bottom, sides sloping outward to maximum diam-
ase Coane _ . eter, then inward to constricted mouth with a collarlike, exteriorly
thickened rim. Two small loop handles often occupy opposite
MEGGERS AND ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 351
Litiity
0 4 6 126M
Vessela 5-7
Figure 122.—Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Camutins Plain and Inaja Plain
jars, Marajoara Phase (Appendix, tables 45 and 46).
sides of the rim. Height, 10-20 cm.; diameter of orifice 1.7—4.0
cm. (fig. 123-2; Palmatary, 1950, pl. 11, e).
3. Flat-bottomed bowls with outslanting sides, direct rim and flat lip.
Interior smooth, exterior with two coil lines, indicating construc-
tion with three wide, flat coils. Four, approximately equally
spaced, ringlike depressions on the exterior with corresponding
projections on the interior along the middle coil. Height 7.5-12.0
em.; rim diameter 10—22 em.; diameter of depressions 4.5—6.0 em.;
depression depth 0.5-1.0 cm. (fig. 123-3).
4. Bowls with flat bottom merging into rounded sides and incurving,
direct rim with rounded or flattened lip. Rim diameter 10-17 cm.
(fig. 123-4, pl. 66, c).
Cylindrical pot stands with insloping sides and everted rim, open at
the bottom and top. Height 15-20 cm.; diameter at the top 8-16
em. (Palmatary, 1950, pl. 8, a). Sometimes ornamented with
small rim adornos or geometric wall perforations (fig. 123-5).
6. ‘‘Platter-bowls” (cf. Joanes Painted, common vessel shape 8, fig.
123-6).
7. Stools (fig. 123-7; Palmatary, 1950, pl. 25, d).
or
302 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
pee ea)
Oo 4 86 12 CM
Vessel Scale
both
o 1 2 3CM
Rim Scole
Figure 123.—Less common rim profiles and vessel shapes of Camutins Plain and
Inaja4 Plain, Marajoara Phase.
=i anna ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 353
8. Funnels. Small, carinated bowls with an open bottom, rounded lip
at bottom and top. Diameter of bottom opening 5-10cm. Max-
imum body diameter, 13-34 cm. (fig. 123-8).
9. Figurines.
10. Miniature bowls.
11. Spoons. Miniature, circular or oval bowls with perforated projec-
tion at one end. Maximum diameter 3.2-6.5 cm.; depth 2-4
em. (pl. 81).
Appendages: Nubbins or small appliques may be placed on the body wall or
onrims. Handles in the form of loops, oval or round in cross section, with
one end attached to the rim and the other to the shoulder are found on
small jars. Points of attachment are widened out but well tapered and
graceful. Length ranges from small loops 3-5 cm. long up to 8-10 cm.
TEMPORAL DIFFERENCES WITHIN THE TYPE: None (Appendix, table 45).
CHRONOLOGICAL POSITION OF THE TYPE: Replaces Inaj4 Plain as the dominant
plain pottery type in the latter part of the Marajoara Phase sequence.
CARMELO RED
PASTE AND UNSLIPPED SURFACE: On Inaj4 Plain or Camutins Plain; see those
type descriptions for details of temper, color, firing and the unslipped surface.
SLIPPED SURFACE:
Red Slip:
Color: Cinnabar red to deep red, occasionally orange red.
Treatment: Thin, often closer to a wash than a slip and reflecting the
contour of the underlying surface, which is smooth and even on bowl
interiors and irregular on the exterior of vertical-walled vessels.
Hardness: 3.
Form:
Rim: Exteriorly thickened, direct, or broad, nearly horizontal and flat-
topped with rounded lip.
Body wall thickness: 5-13 mm.
Bases: Probably flat.
Vessel shapes:
1. Large bowls with outflaring sides, often slightly thickened on the in-
terior for several centimeters below the rim, rounded and level or
undulating lip. Rim diameter 20-32 cm. Interior and rim top
red slipped (fig. 124-1).
2. Bowls with mildly carinated walls and broad, everted rim with sloping
top and flattened lip. Exterior rim diameter, 22-29 cm;. width
of rim top 3.5 cm. Red slipped on the interior or exterior or
both (fig. 124-2).
3. Jars with insloping upper wall and everted or exteriorly thickened
rim (based on rim sherds only). Rim diameter 22-40 cm.; red
slipped on top and exterior (fig. 124-3).
4. “Platter-bowls” (see common vessel shape 8 of Joanes Painted).
5. Tangas (pl. 82, d, e).
Decoration: Red coloring, applied to one or more surfaces, is the only ornamen-
tation except for an occasional undulating rim edge or applique rib.
ASSOCIATED TECHNIQUES: None.
TEMPORAL DIFFERENCES WITHIN THE TYPE: None.
CHRONOLOGICAL POSITION OF THE TYPE: Carmelo Red shows a slight increase in
frequency during the Marajoara, Phase sequence.
354 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
Et Lt a Pa t_]
O 4 8 12 CM
Vessel Scale
[Pi ea
On | (2s CM
Rim Scale
Figure 124.—Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Carmelo Red, Marajoara Phase.
mesaeesr est ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 355
GOIAP{ SCRAPED
PasTE AND SURFACE: On Inajé and Camutins Plain; at J-15—-Camutins scraping
is used predominantly on Camutins Plain, but usually of better quality than the
general run of that plain ware, while about 40 percent are on Inaj4 Plain.
See those type descriptions for details of temper, firing, color, undecorated
surface, etc.
Form:
Rim: All jar rims are everted and thickened on the exterior, with a rounded
or flattened lip. The thickening may be gradual, forming a uniform
curve, or abrupt and angular. One bowl rim is unthickened and flattened
on the top.
Body wall thickness: Range 4-7 mm.; majority 4-5 mm.
Bases: One complete specimen from Fortaleza (University Museum, Pennsyl-
vania, SA1870) has a small flat bottom. Since the typical shape is similar
to jars of Guajar4 Incised, the bases were probably within the range of
rounded or slightly flattened represented in that type.
Vessel shape:
1. About 90 percent of the rim sherds represent a form that has a con-
tinuous variation, produced principally by widening of the neck,
between a globular-bodied jar with a short, vertical neck and a
slightly everted, exteriorly thickened rim and a deep bowl with a
flattened bottom, sides that curve or slant outward to the maximum
body diameter and then constrict slightly below the everted rim
(fig. 125-1; Palmatary, 1950, pl. 9,a). At the jar end of the range,
the exterior rim diameter is 18-20 cm. and at the bowl end, 30 cm.
or more. Scraping is typically confined to a band immediately
below the rim, corresponding to the neck.
2. Only 2 rim sherds were from bowls, one rounded and the other with a
slightly everted rim. Diameter 15 and 24 cm. (fig. 125-2).
DEcORATION (pl. 70):
Technique: There was a wide variation in the tools used to produce the
parallel striations classified here as “‘scraping’’, so that there is pronounced
lack of uniformity from one example to another in the width and clarity
(Cnr
jit POs
OF IP ea 1SiCM Oo 4 8 12CM
Rim Scale Vessel Scale
Figure 125.—Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Goiapi Scraped, Marajoara Phase.
356 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
of the marks. This type does not include those Camutins Plain and
Inaj& Plain bowls that have broad horizontal smoothing marks on the
exterior, but is confined to those instances where scraping was applied
as decoration after the smoothing was completed. The marks are of
two major varieties: (1) Shallow lines made with a tool that left faint,
fine striations in the groove, which ranges from 2.5-5.0 mm. in width
but has small variation on a single specimen; and (2) sharply defined
grooves, 1-4 mm. wide and lacking the striations in the trough. The tool
used to make the lines was usually single-edged, each line made separately.
This results in nonuniformity not only in spacing but also in the width of
the lines, which vary with the angle of the tool to the surface. In some
specimens the lines are so uniformly parallel and so close together that
a comblike tool must have been used, making several lines simultaneously.
The surface of the trough of the scrapings varies from even and slick to
rough because of the temper particles dragged out and left adhering to
the surface.
Motif: The predominant and almost exclusive use of scraping was to orna-
ment the neck of otherwise plain vessels. The lines were made by dragging
the tool vertically beginning just below the rim and stopping at the junction
with the body or, where this is not pronounced, above the region of maxi-
mum diameter. In some instances, this scraped band has the lines running
horizontally, in which case additional scraping is often applied to the body,
running diagonally or nearly perpendicularly to that on the neck.
ASSOCIATED TECHNIQUES: This type of scraping appears on the necks of some jars
with Anajds Plain Incised or Guajard Incised decoration on the bodies (Palma-
tary, 1950, pl. 32, d and e).
TEMPORAL DIFFERENCES WITHIN THE TYPE: None.
CHRONOLOGICAL POSITION OF THE TYPE: Present throughout the Marajoara
Phase sequence in increasing frequency.
GUAJARA INCISED
Paste: Typically on Camutins Plain, occasional examples from lower levels of
the sequence on Inajd Plain; see those type descriptions for details of temper,
firing and color.
SURFACE:
Color: Tan, light-orange or red-orange, often with blackened, fire-clouded
areas.
Treatment: Both surfaces often well smoothed, particularly on smaller vessels;
in other cases the decorated surface is smoothed but may remain somewhat
uneven.
Hardness: 2.5-3.
Form:
Rim: Typically outflaring and exteriorly thickened with rounded, blunt-
pointed or angular lip. Some bowls have direct or expanding, rounded or
flat-topped rim.
Body wall thickness: Typically 6-9 mm. Rare small vessels have walls 3.5-
4.0 mm. thick.
Bases: Rounded or slightly flattened.
Common vessel shapes:
1. Small jars with bases flattened sufficiently to prevent tipping, globular
bodies, vertical or insloping necks and everted rims. There are
two size ranges: maximum body diameter 6-11 em. and 20-45 cm.
The height of the smaller group is 6.5-8.5 cm.; that of the larger
ok ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 357
is not exactly determinable because of the lack of complete speci-
mens. The larger jars have an exterior rim diameter of 20-30 cm,
Decoration may cover the body or be limited to a band extending
one-half to two-thirds of the distance below the junction of neck
and body. The neck is almost invariably ornamented with con-
tiguous vertical (rarely horizontal) incised lines or scrapings
(fig. 126-1, pl. 71, 7).
2. Small bowls with rounded body, slightly constricted mouth and
everted rim. Body diameter is 6.7-11.0 cm. (Palmatary, 1950,
pl. 4, e). Incision on the exterior (fig. 126-2, pl. 71, h, 7).
SY LS cod A
Oo 4 8 |12CM
Vessel Scale
ee epee
OF lees GM
Rim Scale
Fieure 126.—Rim profiles and ve shapes of Guajaré Incised, Marajoara
hase.
391329—57——25
358 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
3. Shallow bowls with upcurving sides increasing in thickness toward
the direct rim with rounded or flat lip. Rim diameter 12-16 cm.
Decoration covers the exterior (fig. 126-3).
4, Carinated bowls, with the rounded bottom joining almost vertical
sides at a rounded angle. The rim is slightly everted and exteriorly
thickened with a rounded lip. Rim diameter is 20-26cm. The
decoration is limited to exterior of vertical wall (fig. 126-4).
5. Stools. Concave disk top 22 cm. in diameter; stool height 5 cm.
Decoration covers the disk top.
Rare vessel shapes:
1. A jar in the form of two superimposed jars, one small jar resting in the
mouth of another of similar shape but slightly larger (Palmatary,
1950, pl. 11, d). Decoration covers the exterior.
2. Miniature oval-bodied vessel with a short, constricted oval neck
and everted rim. Ends flattened, with nubbin projecting from
center of each. Length 10 cm., height 6.8 cm. Exterior decorated
with undulating, triple incised lines.
DEcoRATION (pl. 71):
Technique: The design is drawn with a double-pointed tool, which produces
two evenly-parallel lines; a rare variation has a triple line. Within the
type these vary from 0.5-2.0 mm. apart, representing variation in the
dimensions of the tool point. On a single example, done with a single tool,
the spacing is uniform. Incisions shallow, 0.5 mm or less in depth; width
generally 1 mm., rarely 2 mm. The double lines are usually straight,
although a series of double lines is not always evenly spaced.
Motif: The most outstanding characteristic of these designs is their repetition ;
a simple combination of straight and curved lines will form a continuous
pattern over the entire decorated surface. A typical example is based on
diagonally drawn lines producing a band of diamonds with their interiors
filled by one long and two short lines drawn vertically and on triangles
filled with similar lines drawn horizontally. One of the most frequent
motifs is the scallop, used as the upper border, just below the neck, or as the
basis for the whole design, dividing it into semicircular and angular fields.
ASSOCIATED TECHNIQUES: Additional ornamentation may appear on Guajard
Incised vessels in the form of vertical applique ribs on the body, small nubbins
on the exterior rim edge, and scraping on the neck exterior. Of these, scraping
is by far the most common and the applique ribs rare and early, perhaps con-
fined to Pacoval.
TEMPORAL DIFFERENCES WITHIN THE TYPE: The most important temporal dis-
tinctions are in vessel size and ‘in the application of the design. The later jars
are considerably larger than the earlier ones, and more equal spacing of the
parallel lines and a closer and more consistent approximation to true parallelism
are characteristic of the earlier designs. The small jars are more typical of
Pacoval and Fortaleza, while the larger variety are more common from Camutins.
CHRONOLOGICAL POSITION OF THE TYPE: Present throughout the Marajoara Phase
with an increase in popularity from the early to late part of the sequence.
INAJA PLAIN
PASTE:
Method of manufacture: Coiling, coils 2-5 cm. wide, visible on some large,
poorly smoothed jars.
Temper: Ground sherd, very angular and often coarse, particles attaining
5 mm. in diameter.
ma ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 359
Texture: Very porous with temper poorly distributed. Poor mixture makes
a granular, irregular cleavage plane. Tensile strength better than Camu-
tins Plain. Sherds have a metallic ring when dropped together.
Color: Cross section always has some gray core, ranging from a thin line,
1-2 mm. wide, to 90 percent of the total cross section. Steel gray the most
typical color. Type set up as distinct from Camutins Plain on the basis of
this difference in core color,
Firing: Incompletely oxidized.
SURFACE:
Color: Exterior and Interior—Range from a light orange to dull tan to grayish
tan to grayish orange to grayish red-orange. Majority of sherds have a
grayish hue.
Treatment: All details of surface porosity, water bubbles, and texture indicate
the pottery was handled when extremely wet. Crackle lines begin around
the prominent temper particles and although found on both surfaces are
more common on the interior. Exterior rough, coarse and irregular with
finger tracks visible on over 50 percent of the sherds. Interior of bowls
floated or slipped with same clay as paste and smoothed, generally leaving
smoothing tracks.
Hardness: 3-3.5.
Form: All vessel shapes, rims, bases, appendages, dimensions, etc. are identical
to Camutins Plain. See that type for profiles, vessel shapes, and descriptive
details (also figs. 121-123; pls. 64; 65; 66, a, b, d; 67, b; 68, 69).
TEMPORAL DIFFERENCES WITHIN THE TYPE: None (Appendix, table 46).
CHRONOLOGICAL POSITION OF THE TYPE: This is the dominant plain ware in the
early Marajoara, Phase and declines in frequency as Camutins Plain increases.
JOANES PAINTED
PASTE AND UNSLIPPED SURFACES: Details of temper, firing, color, surface treatment
of the unslipped surfaces correspond to Inaj4 Plain and Camutins Plain; see
those types for descriptive details.
SLIPPED SURFACE:
White slip:
Color: Typically white; firing variations include cream, light orange,
light tan and bluish white.
Treatment: On bowl interiors, typically smooth, even and polished, often
producing a slight luster. Somewhat unevenly applied on jar exteriors.
Ranges from a thin film to 1 mm. in thickness.
Hardness: 3-4.
Form:
Rim: Predominantly exteriorly thickened or direct; interiorly thickened on
some shallow bowls; hollow on some bowls with Pacoval Incised or Anajds
White Incised exteriors.
Body wall thickness: Range from 4 mm. on miniature bowls to 17 mm. on the
bodies of large jars
Bases: Flat, rounded, annular or annular pedestal.
Common vessel shapes:
1. Shallow, open bowls with rounded bottom, outcurving sides, ex-
teriorly thickened rim. A thickened coil often added 1 cm. below
the lip gives a flanged effect. Rim diameter 8-38 cm. Circum-
ference may be circular (typical), ovoid or D-shaped. Those
decorated with Pacoval Incised or Anaj4s White Incised on ex-
360 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
Sees
Oo 4 8 126M
Vessel Scale
i:
Oo 8 16 24 CM
Vessels 10 B14
YA
o 4! 2 3M
Rim Scole
Figure 127.—Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Joanes Painted, Marajoara
Phase (Appendix, table 47).
MEGGERS AND
EVANS]
10.
11.
12.
ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 361
terior may have hollow rims. Painting covers the interior (fig.
127-1).
. Bowls with slightly rounded bottom, nearly vertical sides and
exteriorly thickened or everted rim with a flat lip. Diameter
15-30 cm. (Palmatary, 1950, pl. 15, b; 71, d; 72, a). Painting on
the interior or exterior (fig. 127-2).
. Bowls with rounded or flattened bottom, angular profile and exte-
riorly thickened rim with flat or rounded lip. Ina few the rim is
slightly everted rather than thickened. Diameter typically 26-34
cm., occasionally 38-52 cm. (Palmatary, 1950, pl. 72, b-c; 78, b).
Painting on interior or exterior (fig. 127-3).
. Carinated bowls with flat or rounded bottom, lower sides outcurving
or outslanting to join upper, vertical or insloping walls at marked
carination; direct rim with flat or rounded lip. Upper wall
comprises one-half to two-thirds of the total height. Diameter
16-24 cm. (Palmatary, 1950, pl. 76,dandf;77,aandc). Painting
on interior and upper exterior (fig. 127-4).
. Carinated, sometimes rounded, bowls with tall, annular, pedestal
base, vertical to outslanting upper wall, everted or exteriorly
thickened rim with rounded or flat lip. Mouth diameter 16-30
em. (Palmatary, 1950, pl. 76, b-c; 79, a-b). Interior painted;
exterior plain or painted (fig. 127-5).
. Rounded bowls with outcurving to nearly vertical sides, direct rim
with flat or rounded lip. Diameter, 10-38 cm. (Palmatary, 1950,
pl. 32, b; 69, f-g; 82, e). Exterior and interior painted (fig. 127-6).
. Bowls with rounded bottom, sides incurving to direct or slightly
interiorly thickened rim with a rounded lip. Diameter 10-30 cm.
(Palmatary, 1950, pl. 69, g; 71, e). Exterior and interior painted
(fig. 127-7).
. “Platter-bowls” with flaring annular base, deep bowllike center
inserted into the middle of a broad platter, producing a wide,
troughlike, lateral extension terminating in an exteriorly thickened,
often flanged, rim. Circumference circular or squared. Rim
diameter, 25-45 cm.; central bowl diameter 5-16 em. (approxi-
mately one-fourth to one-third of the total diameter). (Palmatary,
1950, pl. 80 a-d, 81a.) Interior painted. These vessels were used
as burial-urn covers at Pacoval and Ilha dos Bichos (fig. 127-8).
. Small jars with flattened bottom, rounded body and short, vertical,
direct rim with a rounded lip. Height 6-15 cm. (Palmatary,
1950, pl. 73, a-b). Exterior painted (fig. 127-9, pl. 67, a).
Jars with flat bottom, rounded body, pronounced shoulder, insloping
neck and everted or exteriorly thickened rim. Height 20-80 cm.
(Palmatary, 1950, pl. 82 a-b, 83 a, 84b,97a). Painting covers the
exterior (fig. 127-10, pl. 73, a, c).
Jars with fiat bottom, globular body, pronounced shoulder, outslop-
ing neck and everted, exteriorly thickened rim. Height 30-40
cm. (Palmatary, 1950, pl. 86, a-b; 87, a). A rare variation has a
carinated body (op. cit., pl. 78, a). Low relief, paired eye motifs
on opposite side of neck are typical. Painting covers exterior
(fig. 127-11, pl. 73, 6).
Jars with flat bottom, outsloping sides, rounded shoulder, short
vertical neck, and direct rim. Height 22-32 cm. (Palmatary,
1950, pl. 77, b). Painting on exterior, lower limit marked by
362 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
slight ridge around the exterior about one-quarter the distance
above the base (fig. 127-12).
13. Jars with flat bottom, upcurving sides, rounded shoulder, short
vertical neck and everted, exteriorly thickened rim. Height
22-28 cm. (Palmatary, 1950, pl. 85, a). Painting covers the
exterior, sometimes absent on the neck (fig. 127-13, pls. 73, d,
ay).
14. Funerary jars with small, flat base, globular to ovoid body, rounded
shoulder, vertical or insloping neck and widely everted, exteriorly
thickened rim. Height 30-95 cm. (Palmatary, 1950, pls. 88, 89,
93, 94, 95). A rare variation has a flat, horizontal shoulder.
Painting covers the exterior. Stylized anthropomorphic faces
modeled on two opposite sides of neck; small, grotesque or anthro-
pomorphic figures in the round between the ears (pl. 74, a-b);
body painting typically includes stylized arms, hands and fingers
(fig. 127-14; pls. 75, b, 76, a-b).
15. Anthropomorphic figurines. Height 6-24 em. (pl. 79, a-c, e; Palma-
tary, 1950, pls. 47, b-c; 100, b-d; 101, a-d).
16. Tangas (pl. 82, a-b; Palmatary, 1950, pls. 102, f-k, 103, 104).
Rare vessel shapes:
1. Carinated bowl, rounded bottom, slightly outslanting sides, hori-
zontal rim with rounded lip. Painted interior of bowls of Arari Red
Excised, White-Retouch common vessel shape 1.
2. Small, open bow! with outcurving sides, direct rim, with a coil added
around the exterior generally about 1 cm. below the rim top,
producing a decorative, often scalloped flange. Painted interior
of occasional bowls of Arari Red Excised, common shape 4.
3. Shallow, open bowl with annular base and exteriorly thickened rim.
Painted interior of occasional bowls of Arari Red Excised, common
shape 6.
4. Mildly carinated bowl. Painted interiors of occasional bowls of
Anajdés White Incised, rare vessel shape 2.
5. Carinated bowls. Painted interiors of bowls of Pacoval Incised,
common vessel shape 4.
. Stools (pl. 84, a).
. Miniature bowls.
. Globular bodied jars with small mouth and everted rim. Height
17-32 cm. (Palmatary, 1950, pl. 85, b).
9. Cylindroid jars with flat or conoidal bottom, vertical or slightly
insloping sides, exteriorly thickened rim. Height 17-52 cm.
(Palmatary, 1950, pls. 32, e; 69, e; 87, b).
10. Double or multiple bowls (Palmatary, 1950, pls. 70, d; 74, a-b).
11. Anthropomorphic vessels (Palmatary, 1950, pl. 75, b).
DercoraTIon (pls. 72-76):
Technique:
I. Red or black paint on a white-slipped surface. The color of the red
paint may vary from red to rust, orange brown, dark reddish brown,
or even dark brown because of uneven firing conditions or because of
difference in the thickness of the paint, giving it greater or less trans-
parency. At the darker end of the range, red-painted designs are not
distinguishable from those originally painted black. On the other
hand, the use of a true black pigment is attested by the presence of
polychrome designs using both red and black. Black-on-white is con-
CO NI o>
a ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 363
siderably less frequent than Red-on-white; however both color com-
binations occur on bowls and jars. In all painted vessels, the paint
has a dull finish that contrasts sharply with the surface of the under-
lying white slip when the latter is well polished. Painting is em-
ployed in the following variations:
A. Lines:
1. Wide, solid and dotted lines, width 2-5 mm. (Palmatary,
1950, pls. 31, b, 69, a: Red-on-white). Used on bowl in-
teriors, the exterior being Pacoval Incised or, rarely,
Anajdés White Incised.
2. Wide and narrow lines. In this and other categories using
wide and narrow lines, the actual width is related to
vessel size (i. e., the narrow lines on large vessels may
exceed the width of wide lines on small vessels). Interior
of bowls; exterior may be painted, incised or excised.
(Palmatary, 1950, pl. 38, c: Black-on-white).
B. Lines and solid areas:
1. Narrow and wide lines and solid areas, the narrow lines
being typically in pairs (Palmatary, 1950, pls. 82, b; 86, b:
Red-on-white; pls. 81, a, 82, a: Black-on-white). Interior
of bowls or exterior of jars; bowl exteriors may be plain
or excised.
2. Narrow or wide lines and hatched areas. Interior of bowls;
exterior may be plain, painted or excised (Palmatary,
1950, pls. 77, c; 70, £; 99, a and c: Red-on-white; pl. 69, e:
Black-on-white).
3. Wide lines and solid areas. Interior or exterior of bowls
(Palmatary, 1950, pl. 32, ec: Red-on-white).
II. Polychrome designs combining 2 colors (red and black or red and
orange) on a white-slipped surface. Most frequently these are a
shade of red and one of black. In the ease of filled red lines (type C),
the colors are red or brown and light orange. The colors are combined
in 3 ways to produce a 2-color design on a white background:
A. Red lines accented with black. The skeleton of the design is
drawn in red, after which pendant dots, corner “reinforce-
ments” and the centers of small rectangles, triangles, or
crosses are painted black. This type appears to be restricted
to Pacoval and is‘infrequent there (fig. 128, a—c).
B. Independent use of red and black, with lines or areas of one
color separated from those of the other color by an unpainted
zone (Palmatary, 1950, pls. 32, f; 71, b, e-f; 93). Thisis by far
the most frequent variety and occurs on both bowls and jars
(fig. 128, d-f).
C. Filled red lines. The design is drawn in paired, narrow, red or
brown lines and the area between them is painted a light
orange or red (Palmatary, 1950, pl. 28, c). Restricted to bowl
interiors and to tangas (fig. 129, a-e).
Motif: The same motifs are used in all the varieties of Joanes Painted in
about the same relative frequency. Spirals are exceedingly common,
principally the single variety, and are usually rounded or square. Inter-
locking spirals are somewhat less abundant. Also exceedingly common is
a T or L (half-T), always representing an unpainted area produced by
painting a stepped outline on the interior of a triangle or small field of
364 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULE. 167
BLACK OR BROWN
Figure 128.—Joanes Painted, Marajoara Phase. a-c, Polychrome Type A.
d-f, Polychrome Type B.
another shape. Small, pendant dots along narrow lines are another popu-
lar motif. Other elements include undulating lines (often in combination
with T’s. and like them representing the white, unpainted background
rather than a painted line), stylized faces (most typical on tangas), tri-
angles, rectangles, crosses, diamonds and short wavy lines. The bodies
of large burial urns often include an exotically stylized face along with
geometric elements.
ASSOCIATED TECHNIQUES: Anajds Red Incised, Anajés White Incised, Arar{f Plain
Excised, Arar{f Red Excised, Arari Red Excised White-Retouched, Arari Double-
Slipped Excised, and Pacoval Incised.
TEMPORAL DIFFERENCES WITHIN THE TYPE: Red-on-white Variety A—1 and Poly-
chrome Variety A are early, being found only at Pacoval. No trends are
evident stratigraphically in vessel shape (Appendix, table 47).
MEGGERS AND ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 365
EVANS]
CHRONOLOGICAL POSITION OF THE TYPE: Joanes Painted as a whole shows a slight
decline in popularity, although it is always by far the most frequent method
of decoration in the Marajoara Phase.
RED OR BROWN
LIGHT ORANGE OR RED
Figure 129.—Joanes Painted, Marajoara Phase. a-~e, Polychrome Type C.
366 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
PACOVAL INCISED
PasTE AND UNSLIPPED SURFACE: Predominantly on Inaja Plain, occasionally on
Camutins Plain; see those type descriptions for details of temper, firing, surface
finish, etc.
SLIPPED SURFACE:
White Slip:
Color: White; irregular firing sometimes gives a cream or orange tint.
Treatment: Fine, smooth on bowl interiors, sometimes showing faint
luster. On bowl and jar exteriors smoothing tends to be less perfect,
leaving smoothing tracks and some unevenness.
Hardness: 3-5.
Form:
Rim: Solid or hollow, exteriorly or interiorly thickened, rounded or flattened
at different angles producing a faceted lip.
Body wall thickness: 4-12 mm. The entire range is represented in all vessel
shapes.
Bases: Rounded or flat.
Common vessel shapes:
1. Shallow, open bowls with flattened bottom, outflaring sides and
hollow rim produced by folding the upper edge toward the interior
or by the addition of a flattened coil on the interior, changing
the angle of the interior wall so that in some cases it becomes
almost vertical. Thickness of hollow rim 1.5-3.0 em.; body wall
thickness 5-9 mm.; maximum diameter 55 cm.; maximum depth 9
cm. (Palmatary, 1950, pls. 38, a; 39, j). Incised design covers
interior or exterior (fig. 130-1).
2. Shallow, open bowls with flattened or rounded bottom and interiorly
thickened, solid rim, usually indistinguishable from shape | rims
except in cross section. Lip typically rounded, rarely flattened.
Rim thickness 1.2-2.0 em.; body wall thickness 5-12 mm.;
maximum diameter 44 cm. Incised design covers exterior and
interior (fig. 130-2).
3. Shallow, open bowls with rounded or flattened bottom and exteriorly
thickened rim with rounded lip. Diameter 24—44 em. (Palmatary,
1950, pl. 24, b-c). Incised design covers interior, occasionally
also the upper part of exterior (fig. 130-3).
4, Bowls with flat bottom, outslanting sides and exteriorly thickened
rim, sometimes slightly everted with rounded or bifurcated lip.
Rim thickness 1.4—1.8 ecm.; body wall thickness 6-10 mm.; rim
diameter 10-29 cm.; depth 5-12 cm.; base diameter 12-16 cm.
(Palmatary, 1950, pls. 28, f; 48, a). Incised design covers the
exterior (fig. 180-4).
5. Carinated bowls, the upper walls joining the lower ones so as to
produce a marked change in direction, but usually with a more
rounded and less pronounced angle than on Arari Plain Excised
because of the outward slant of the upper walls and the lack of
exterior thickening at the carination. Rim exteriorly thickened
with a rounded lip; bottom flattened. Rim thickness 1.2-2.2
em.; body wall thickness 4-12 mm.; rim diameter 25-50 cm.;
upper wall height 6-12 cm. Incised design covers the exterior
wall (fig. 180-5).
Bracees AnD ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 367
Tai
eee
oO 4 8 l12GM
Vessel Scale
Figure 130.—Rim profiles and vessel ae of Pacoval Incised bowls, Marajoara
hase.
368 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
6. Bowls with rounded bottoms, curved sides and broad, horizontal
rim 2.2-3.7 cm. wide across the flat top. Diameter 22-34 em.
(Palmatary, 1950, pls. 37, c; 38, j). The red-retouched design is
usually confined to the flat rim top; rarely, also found on the
exterior (fig. 130-6).
7. Deep, carinated bowls or jars with truncated conoidal bottom,
vertical, slightly concave wall and exteriorly thickened, everted
rim with a rounded or angular lip. Wall height comprises about
two-thirds the total height, which is 29-33 cm. (Palmatary, 1950,
pl. 33, a-b). Incised design covers the exterior of the wall (fig.
131-7).
8. Jars with flattened bottom, depressed-globular body and tall neck
terminating in a slightly everted, exteriorly thickened rim with
a rounded or angular lip. Height 33-46 cm. (Palmatary, 1950,
pls. 18, a and c; 33, e). Design covers the exterior (fig. 131-8,
pl. 78, b).
9. Jars with flat bottom, sides outsloping to maximum diameter about
one-third of the distance from base and then insloping to the
exteriorly thickened rim with a rounded or angular lip. Height
30-60 cm. (Palmatary, 1950, pls. 22, a and d; 29, a-d, 33, e—d).
Incised design covers the insloping walls on the exterior (fig.
131-9).
ones ! 2 36M
Rim Scole
Clas Bay 4 8 12M
Vessel Scale
Figure 131.—Rim profiles and meee shapes of Pacoval Incised jars, Marajoara
hase.
A a ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 369
10. Globular bodied jars with constricted mouth and exteriorly thick-
ened rim, These are often asymmetrical with the bottom slightly
flattened off-center. Height 22-30 cm. (Palmatary, 1950, pls.
18, b and d; 82,c). Incised design covers the exterior (fig. 131-10,
ple Cone).
11. Anthropomorphic jars with truncated conoidal base, walls insloping
or recurved to neck, then expanding to form the head at top of
which is jar mouth with an everted rim. Stylized anthropomorphic
facial features; anatomical details on the body absent or suggested
by low relief, nubbins, or small bosses. Height 36-77 cm. (Palma-
tary, 1950, pls. 19, e; 23, d; 30, a; 34). Incised design covers the
exterior. A less-common variety has a flat bottom and a cylin-
drical or rounded body with slightly more anatomical detail. One
example has the arms modeled in the round and raised to the
mouth. Sexisfemale. Two of this type from Pacoval are 22 and
35 cm. tall (Palmatary, 1950, pl. 27, a—b; fig. 131-11, pl. 78, a).
Rare vessel forms;
1. Jars with flat bottom, four-lobed body, short, vertical or anthropo-
morphic neck and exteriorly thickened rim. Height 20-55 cm.
(Palmatary, 1950, pls. 18, e; 19, b and d; 28,k). Neck Pacoval
Incised with body Anajis White Incised. When the neck is not
anthropomorphic, two opposite lobes of the body bear vertical
applique strips flanked by two nubbins.
2. Bottles with a narrow mouth 4.5-5.5 em. in external diameter, a
short bulbous upper section separated by a necklike constriction
from the large body. No complete vessel of this type exists, but
several sherds from Pacoval represent the upper part. Height
from the neck constriction to the rim top is 8.3 em. Similarly
shaped jars with the bulbous upper part connected to the main
body by four independent flues come from Teso do Severino
(Palmatary, 1950, pl. 28, i and j). Incised design on exterior.
. Stools (Palmatary, 1950, pl. 28, g).
. Bird effigy (Palmatary, 1950, pl. 28, d).
. Complex jar composed of 4 figurines with intertwined arms, with a
flat bottom and a bottle type neck (Palmatary, 1950, pl. 26, a).
Decoration (pls. 77, 78):
Technique: Diagnostic feature is the presence of incised lines that have been
colored or “retouched” with red. Lines so treated are typically wide
(1-3 mm.) and sharply defined. In a rare variation, the red line is formed
by applying the pigment between two closely parallel, narrow incised lines.
The design may be composed of (1) exclusively red-retouched lines, (2)
red-retouched lines and broad, usually triangular or rectangular areas painted
red, or (3) broad, red-retouched lines and fine, unretouched lines, which are
sharply defined and occasionally cut through the slip to the underlying
orange surface. The fine, parallel lines are not always evenly spaced and
may be broken where one stroke ended and another was begun carelessly
so as to overlap rather than join the end of the one previously completed.
Similar overshooting is also occasionally present at corners. The red-
retouching was done with a thick, cinnabar-red pigment and was frequently
applied either carelessly or with too wide a brush so that the red line
overlaps the edge of the incision. Rare examples have a dark-brown or
black instead of a red-retouch, but at least in the case of the dark brown
or CO
370 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
this could be the result of a firing difference. Red-touched lines and areas
and unretouched lines are used in the following combinations:
1. Retouched lines alone (Palmatary, 1950, pl. 37, b—-c). On jar or bowl
rims or to outline anthropomorphic features on jars and figurines
(pl. 77, 3, rim; 78, @).
2. Retouched lines and retouched areas filled with lines (Palmatary,
1950, pls. 19, d; 28, k; 38, f). Jar necks and bowl exteriors (pl. 78, b).
3. Retouched lines alternating with single, paired or triple narrow
incised lines (Palmatary, 1950, pls. 24, b and ¢; 32, a; 37, e). Interior
or exterior of bowls.
4, Retouched lines and areas alternating with single, paired or triple,
narrow incised lines (Palmatary, 1950, pls. 18, a-d; 23, e-f; 29, a—d;
33, a-b; 33, d-e). Typical on jar exteriors (pls. 77, e, 78, c).
5. Alternation of paired, narrow incised lines, sometimes also ovals and
triangles, the space between them painted red, and single, paired
or triple, narrow incised lines (Palmatary, 1950, pls. 24, a; 35, a).
On bowl interiors and rims (pl. 77, a-b, f).
6. Broad, single, retouched lines dividing large rectangular or irregularly
shaped fields filled with complex arrangements of narrow incised
lines (Palmatary, 1950, pls. 39, j; 48,a). Exterior of shallow bowls
(pl. 77, 9).
Motif: The majority of the designs on bowls incorporate an interlocking
spiral, one member of which is a red-retouched line and the other a single,
paired or triple, narrow incised line. Commonly associated with this is
a pair of interdigitating lines, composed of a red-retouched line with
four short, vertical projections that fit between a similar number of
corresponding projections from a paired, narrow, unretouched line.
Predominant on jar exteriors is a continuous series of angular, generally
_/ -shaped fields, formed by single, paired or triple, narrow incised lines
and containing a single, red-retouched line with various numbers of tri-
angular appendages. This red-retouched line may be widened so as to
cover half the surface of the field it occupies.
ASSOCIATED TECHNIQUES: Pacoval Incised may be used in conjunction with one
or more of the following decorative types: Joanes Painted, Anajaés White
Incised, Arari Red Excised White-retouch, and small adornos. When com-
bined with Joanes Painted, the latter technique is used on the interior of bowls
with Pacoval Incised occupying the rim or exterior, or both. Anajds White
Incised may be found on the exterior of bowls or the body of jars with Pacoval
Incised on the remaining surfaces. Association with Arari Red Excised,
White-retouch is rare, limited to a few instances of Pacoval Incised designs
just below the rim of a semicylindrical Ararf Red Excised, White-retouched
jar.
TEMPORAL DIFFERENCES WITHIN THE TYPE: None.
CHRONOLOGICAL POSITION OF THE TYPE: Red-retouching of lines to produce a color
contrast with the white slip is an early technique in the Marajoara Phase
which dies out after Fortaleza site and is absent during the latter part of the
Phase sequence.
UNCLASSIFIED DECORATED
There are very few decorated sherds from the Marajoara Phase that cannot be
classified readily into one of the decorated types if alteration of surface color by
accidental firing differences is taken into account. Those left in this residue are
all varieties of punctate, often combined with incised lines. All but one has an
unslipped surface.
oa ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 341
PUNCTATE:
1. Wedge-shaped punctates forming straight lines. The motif consists of
concentric squares with the area between them divided by diagonal
lines into fields filled with parallel punctated lines (similar to Anajas
Plain Incised on pl. 52, g). Upper exterior of small six-sided jar with
rounded bottom, constricted mouth, evertedrim. Height 7.5 cm., max-
imum body diameter 10.5 cm., mouth diameter 7.0 cm.
2. Rows of round punctates following lightly incised guide lines. Division
into areas, in each of which the lines are parallel to each other but diag-
onal to those in the adjacent area. Exterior of a sherd from the
shoulder of a small jar.
PUNCTATE AND INCISION:
1. Single, double or triple incised lines separating irregularly shaped areas
in the manner often employed in Pacoval Incised, with these areas
filled by oblong or wedge-shaped punctates, 2-3 mm. long. Exterior
of a miniature jar with a flat bottom, rounded body and slightly everted
rim.
2. Broad, parallel incised lines alternating with a row of dotted lines, formed
by elongated, dashlike punctates. Neck exterior of a small jar with
a slightly flattened bottom, rounded body and everted rim; height
7.5 cm., diameter 4.8 cm.
3. Narrow, parallel incised lines in threes separated by irregular rows of
elongated punctates. Red-slipped exterior of small, heart-shaped
bowl with flat bottom, vertical sides and rim slightly thickened on the
exterior. Rim diameter 14.0 by 16.2 cm.; depth 6.0 cm.
CERAMIC AND NONCERAMIC ARTIFACTS
Since only durable materials like stone and pottery are preserved
in a tropical forest environment, it is fortunate that the Marajoara
occasionally used pottery for other things than containers. Marajé
Island produces no stone suitable for axes or ornaments, and such
material had to be acquired from elsewhere. Stone artifacts are
rare in refuse deposits, probably because, being scarce, care was
taken not to lose them. As most of the forest-dwelling South Ameri-
can groups have done in more recent times, it is probable that the
Marajoara exploited the plant and animal resources to provide them-
selves with ornaments of odd seeds and brilliant feathers. The
occasional ear plugs or labrets of pottery are drab to the eye of the
archeologist, and must have been so to the makers as well, although
the latter apparently devoted no effort to making them more attrac-
tive with painted or excised designs.
In the descriptions of artifacts that follow, stone and ceramic
objects of the same type have been described together because what
was made is of more significance than the material used. Although
the total is small and gives only a glimpse of Marajoara Phase mate-
rial culture, what has survived is sufficiently unique to make this
complex readily distinguishable should it ever be found elsewhere in
South America in the future.
872 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULD. 167
Azxes.—A number of people have reported finding stone axes in
Marajoara Phase sites. One of the earliest is Derby (1879, p. 227),
who describes them as diorite, well polished, and not distinctive in
shape, and says they are uncommon. Netto collected a number
from Pacoval, which he specified in one place as 10 to 12 (1885,
p. 445) and in another as “some 20” (op. cit., p. 270). He adds
that “Sr. Rumbelsperger, who foliowed me a year later, also found
no inconsiderable number of them” (op. cit., p. 445). Lange later
included “a quantity of stone axes and various diorite implements”
in his collection from the same mound (1914, p. 322).
Farabee’s field notes (1914) on the Fortaleza group mention a
stone ax from Mound 4, 2 from Mound 7, trench 4, and a small one
of quartz from Mound 7, trench 6. An ax from Cajueiros and a
broken specimen from Sanhardo are recorded as having been pre-
sented to the Museu Paraense by the Bardo de Marajé (1895, p. 88).
A fragment was found at Pacoval do Cururé by Nimuendaji (Rydén,
MS.). The only specific information on size or shape comes from Bar-
bosa Rodrigues (1876-78, fig. 57), who illustrates two examples. One
is a fragment, for which the provenience is simply ‘“Marajé Island.”
The other, from an unspecified mound, is polished diorite, somewhat
asymmetrical, with a rounded butt, flattened blade, and notched sides.
Our investigations produced three axes, one each from the surface
collections at J-15, Camutins, Mound 1, and J—14, Mound 1, Guajar4,
and one associated with an upper burial (jar A) in cut 1 of the latter
cemetery. The two surface specimens are miniatures and may be
similar to the “little axes’ Ferreira Penna found at Pacoval and
Santa Izabel (1879 a, pp. 53-54). The one from Guajaré (fig. 132, b)
is of gneiss, well-shaped but not polished except adjacent to the bit.
It is 4.6 cm. long, 3.2 em. wide at the blade and 1.6 cm. thick. The
sides taper slightly to the rounded butt, and the blade is sharp and
nicked in the center. The Camutins miniature (fig. 132, a) is of
greenish diorite and is almost square: 3.5 cm. long by 3.8 cm. wide,
with a maximum thickness of 1.8 cm. The surfaces are well pol-
ished, sloping toward the blade and sides in three facets that join at
pronounced angles. The butt and one of the edges are battered as
though the implement had been extensively used as a hammer in
spite of its smallness and lightness. The blade is considerably nicked
from use.
~ The ax found outside the base of burial jar A (J-14, Mound 1,
cut 1) is somewhat larger and has a rounded and polished, blunt
blade of the type used for preparing bast fibers (fig. 133). The blade
is convex, the sides straight and slightly tapering to the butt, which
is concave and the only unpolished part of the implement. The
surfaces are smooth and unworn except for a chip at one edge.
373
ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON
MEGGERS AND
EVANS]
b, J-14,
a, J-15, Mound 1.
Figure 132.—Marajoara Phase miniature axes.
Mound 1.
391329—57——26
374 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
FiaurE 133.—Marajoara Phase stone ax from J—14 ,Mound 1, cut 1.
Length is 5.5 cm., maximum width 4.7 cm. and thickness at the butt
2cm. The material is diorite, dark gray to gray green in surface color.
Highly polished axes of green diorite or nephrite are mentioned by
Holdridge (1939, p. 75) as coming from the mounds. A specimen
from Laranjeiras, in the Museu Goeldi, is 9.5 cm. long and 4.3 cm.
wide, with straight, flat sides, a square butt, and a well-sharpened
bit. Thickness is 2.2 cm. The surfaces are polished, but all the
the flaws have not been removed, and the butt is rough. The stone
is light green with iron impurities.
Beads.—Very few objects that can be identified with certainty as
beads have come from Marajoara sites. The only authenticated
find is a recent one in which 65 cylindrical beads of a white stone
with dark-brownish veins (nephrite?) were discovered in a burial urn
in a cemetery on the upper Camutins. These are drilled from both
ends toward the middle, making V-shaped holes joined at the small
end (Hilbert, pers. commun.).
Thirty-eight animal teeth, perforated for stringing on a necklace,
were found by Mordini in one of the upper levels of his cut at Panellas
(Palmatary, 1950, p. 279).
Earplugs—Ornaments of this sort are rare, but a few have been
recorded. Two small spools are in the Peabody Museum, Harvard
University collection from Pacoval (fig. 134, b). Both have short,
constricted shafts and expanded, concave ends, one of which is of
less diameter than the other. They are circular, but otherwise crude
and rough. The first has an orange paste with a trace of white slip
and a fine hole pierced through the center. It is 1.3 cm. thick, 1.5
cm. in diameter on one surface, and 1.7 cm. in diameter on the other.
inagies | ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 375
The second is Inajé Plain with a blackish surface; 1.2 cm. thick, 1.6
and 1.8 cm. in diameter on the disks. A similar specimen is in the
University Museum, Philadelphia, collection from Camutins. It is
3 cm. in diameter and has smooth and polished surfaces. An exam-
ple (fig. 134, a) from the surface collection of Camutins, Mound 1,
is comparable in all respects, except that it is 2.5 cm. in diameter
and slightly more ornate, having a red slip and two parallel, finely
incised lines on the flanges. There is a perforation through the
center that may have been used to insert a feather or a tassel.
The ears of anthropomorphic jar L of J—14, Guajard, cut 1, con-
tain ornaments in the lobe that appear to be earplugs of this type
(pl. 76; fig. 147, a). They bear a painted design on the surface and
have a pendant tassel.
Figurines.—Stylized anthropomorphic figurines, in a complete or
fragmentary condition, are relatively common in the refuse on ceme-
tery mounds. The majority are small, although some are 25 cm. or
more in height (Nordenskidld, 1930, frontispiece). They may be
unslipped, red slipped or white slipped, and undecorated, incised,
excised, or painted. Painting is most frequent, either red-on-white
or polychrome, in an all-over design that emphasizes the low relief
arms and other anatomical characteristics when present. The arms
are often absent or abbreviated and the figure is typically rendered
seated, with the legs and body forming a U-shaped base. The legs
or knees are rounded at the end and may have toes at their base.
Breasts and sexual organs are sometimes shown, and where sex is
(Le
| CM
Figure 134.— Marajoara Phase pottery ear plugs. a, J-15, Mound 1. 6b, Pacoval.
376 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
indicated, it is to the authors’ knowledge invariably female. The
shape of the head is stylized in two basic ways: (1) sloping back from
the forehead and up from the occipital area to form a pointed top
(pl. 79, 6), and (2) cylindrical with a rounded top, a high forehead and
two horizontal protuberances at the back that probably represent
the hairdress (pl. 79, c, e). Netto (1885) illustrates a large series of
the first type, and suggests that the distortion of the skull shape is
evidence of the practice of cranial deformation. The presence of a
deformed skull in one of the urns from J—14, Mound 1, Guajaraé (p.
273) lends support to this interpretation. Facial features follow
a standard method of representation: the eyebrows are joined to the
nose in a Y or T and may continue around and down the side to form
the ear; the eyes are low relief, either pinched up or appliqued, as is
the mouth. The features are generally outlined by painted lines or,
when decoration is incision, by incised ones.
The majority of the figurines are hollow and many contain small
pellets that make them rattle. Their restriction to cemeteries is an
indication that they held some ceremonial significance.
Two small figurines were collected at the Camutins cemetery (J-15,
Md. 1) by the 1949 expedition. One (pl. 79, 6) is somewhat pear-
shaped, with a constriction just above the middle dividing the body
from the head. Except that the body slopes outward in front in two
low bosses, there is little relief indication of anatomical details. The
face is well-modeled, with low protuberances for eyes and mouth,
higher ones for nose and ears, and a high-peaked headdress with a
horizontal perforation thru the tip, perhaps for suspension of the
figurine with a cord. The surface is completely covered with a white
sip. The eyes, nose, and mouth are outlined conventionally with
black paint, which is also used to execute a simple design on the
body and to depict the arms. The hair at the sides is black and the
painted line extends over the ears. A red line runs from the forehead
over the top of the headdress and down the back, where it joins a
solidly painted red area at the back of the head. The bottom of the
figurine is also painted red. Height is 9.7 cm., base 6.2 (front-back)
by 4.5cm. It is heavy and probably solid construction. The caboclo
who found it said it was with a burial urn.
The second figurine (pl. 79, a) was found on the surface near the
top of the east end of J-15, Mound 1. It is the same height as the
one just described, but different in execution and has a number of
small pellets inside it that produce a loud rattle when it is shaken.
The head, once again, is large in proportion to the body, and on top
of it is a headdress that looks something like a modern lady’s “‘pill-
box”? hat. The body increases in diameter from the neck to the
base, to which the outturned legs give a semicircular outline, flat
a ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 377
in front. The arms are raised to the sides of the head, and one
joins the body noticeably higher than the other. The surface has
suffered from exposure, but there is no indication that the facial
features were ever as prominent as in the first figurine. Except on
the bottom, the surface is white-slipped and painted with a pre-
dominantly rectilinear design in red. Height is 9 cm., base 7.2 (side-
side) by 5.4 cm. A corner of the headdress is broken off, showing
the paste to be dark gray.
TE GE GN
|
P=
A
8 Z :
mn |
eM 4 nit\
. b
Figure 135.—Marajoara Phase pottery labrets from J—15, Mound 1, surface.
Reconstruction is based on a complete stone specimen from Panellas.
Labrets—There are three objects, two from the surface of J—15,
Camutins, Mound 1, and one from Panellas, that may have been
labrets. The Panellas example is the only complete one, and also
the only one of stone. It is translucent, gray-green nephrite and
divided into two unequal parts. The longer one is a concave-sided
cylinder, expanding toward both ends. Issuing from the greater ex-
pansion is a slender projection with a rounded tip (Palmatary, 1950,
pl. 105, k and p. 280). One of the ceramic specimens (fig. 135, a)
has an identically shaped base and shows a break where the slender
“point” is attached on the Panellas one. The existing part is 3.5
em. long, 1.8 cm. in diameter at the large end, and 1.5 cm. at the
378 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
small end. The surface is light-gray, well smoothed, and ornamented
with paired incised lines at the region of greatest diameter.
The other specimen from Camutins, Mound 1 (fig. 135, 6) is con-
siderably larger and had no projection from the wide end. The
sides flare out to the base, which is 2.6 cm. in diameter. The opposite
end, which is wider, has been broken off. The surface has been super-
ficially smoothed, and remains uneven but not rough. Length is
4.1 cm. The manner of breakage indicates that the flanges were
modeled with additional clay on a basic cylinder.
Spindle whorls —Cylindrical to round ceramic objects, some closely
resembling the spindle whorls from Colombia, have been found from
time to time, notably at Pacoval. The majority are crude, but a
few are well made and carefully decorated. All have lengthwise per-
forations through the center. Of 15 examples in the American
Museum of Natural History collection from Pacoval, 11 are solid and
cylindrical with straight or slightly concave sides (fig. 136, c-e, pl. 80,
d-f). Length varies from 3.5 to 5.3 cm. and diameter from 3 to 4.2
cm. Four of these have incised decoration and one has crudely ap-
plied, applique bands. The remaining 4 are hollow and have the
maximum diameter at the center, from which they taper toward both
ends. This type is more carefully made than the solid ones and is
decorated with delicate, incised lines (fig. 136, f-g; pl. 80, a-c). Length
is from 3.7 to 5.4 cm. and diameter 3.5 to 5.0 cm. Two have small
pellets inside, producing a rattle. A similar object, found by Hartt
at Pacoval (1871, fig. 72, h, and p. 270), is 5.7 cm. long and incised. in
the paired-line style identified with Guajar4 Incised. Two of the
concave-sided, cylindrical type, one plain and one with incised dec-
oration, are in the Peabody Museum, Cambridge, collection from
Pacoval (Palmatary, 1950, pl. 105, 1 and m).
Another type of spindle whorl is in the shape of a flat disk. Hartt
describes one of these from Pacoval made from a sherd:
It has a diameter of 8 cm. and appears to be made of the flat bottom of a
broken vessel, reworked to give its present form and perforated after the clay
was fired and probably after the vessel to which it belonged was broken. The
outline is not a perfect circle and the hole slants a little. [Hartt, 1885, p. 59 and
fig. 12.]
One surface is ornamented with an incised, interlocking spiral.
Farabee (1921, p. 148) says he found only one object in all his ex-
cavations that was identifiable as a spindle whorl. He probably refers
to a specimen now in the University Museum, Philadelphia, collec-
tion listed as from Camutins: a flat disk with smoothed but undeco-
rated surfaces, a flat edge, and a hole pierced approximately through
the center (pl. 80, g). The diameter is 5.2 cm. His field notes on
the Fortaleza group, howeyer, also mention a whorl fragment from
ail ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 379
cee
(oe Ee 4 ‘fl
CQ
Pith awe
(QUEL 11900)9 29222
Fieure 136.—Marajoara Phase pottery spindle whorls. a, J-15, Mound 1:
b, J-14, Mound 1. c-g, Pacoval.
380 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULt. 167
trench 5, Mound 7 (the cemetery). A similar specimen, found by us
on the surface of J-15, Camutins, Mound 1 (fig. 136, a), is 5.8 em.
in diameter and 1.4 cm. thick at the center, tapering down toward
the edge.
The surface collection at J-14, Mound 1 (Guajar4) produced a
spindle whorl 5.4 cm. in diameter, but considerably thicker than the
examples just described, measuring 2.3 cm. at the center and 1 cm. at
the flattened edge (fig. 136, 6). The upper surface is ornamented
with an overall application of fine, irregularly spaced punctates. The
hole in the center is 1 cm. in diameter and was punched through from
the ornamented side leaving a pronounced ridge around the exit on
the opposite face. The paste is hard, compact Inaja Plain.
Also from Guajaraé are the only examples of clay with cord impres-
sion recorded from Marajoara sites (pl. 80, h-j). They consist of
lumps of clay 2.0 to 2.5 cm. thick, with a slight curvature. Two of
the three are smooth on the interior surface and two narrow abruptly
at one edge to 7 mm. Junius Bird, American Museum of Natural
History, examined the cord impressions and reported:
Plasticene imprints . . . show what I believe is nothing more than a cord
wrapping done while the clay was still damp. It certainly is not the impression
of basketry or matting, nor do I think it possible to duplicate such markings with
a cord-wrapped paddle. On the specimen where the impressions are spaced, the
cord was slightly over 2 mm. in diameter, was of 2-ply construction, S spun and
Z doubled, with three twists per 2 cms. Between the cord impressions, the clay
was extruded and slightly smoothed off.
The other specimen shows the cord impressions in contact with each other
except at one place where they cut deeply into the soft clay. In that instance
the cord is again 2-ply, S spun and Z doubled, with five twists per 3 cm. On
one side the cord seems to have been over narrow leaves and failed to leave any
impression on the clay. [Pers. corres., 1949.]
Spoons.—There exist in the museum collections a number of objects
of consistent shape and small size that may have been spoons or dip-
pers (pl. 81). They are oval to circular, with a short stem at one
end, which is pierced with a small hole. This hole is fine, but ex-
periment showed it to be sufficiently large for the insertion of a stick
strong enough to function as the handle of a spoon. Use as a pipe
seems ruled out by the attachment of the stem at or just below the
rim in all but two examples, which would be at or above the tobacco
level and thus prevent a satisfactory draw. In the 12 specimens in
the American Museum of Natural History collection from Pacoval,
the bowl ranges from 3.2 to 6.5 cm. in length and from 2 to 4 cm. m
depth. ‘Iwo have a crudely incised design, one is ornamented with
a zigzag applique strip, and the remainder are plain. Of the four
examples in the University Museum, Philadelphia, collection, the
largest has a bowl 7.5 cm. long and is ornamented with incised lines
fia. ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 381
and a small adorno at the end opposite the stem (pl. 81, a). A plain
specimen (pl. 81, e) was found at J-15, Mound 17, cut 1, level 60 to
75cm. The stem is attached at the base of the bowl, which is oval,
5.1 cm. long and 3.4 cm. deep.
Stools.—As unique and relatively abundant ceramic objects, stools
are second only to tangas. ‘The American Museum of Natural His-
tory collection from Pacoval contains enough complete specimens to
give some notion of the variation in shape and size. All have the same
basic form, in which a clay disk is attached to a flaring, annular base,
inset at the point of attachment and with a diameter typically about
2 cm. smaller at its base than the disk (pl. 83). The majority are
circular, but occasional specimens are oval. The disk surface ranges
from flat to marked concavity and sometimes has a hole through the
center, which is usually small, but may have a diameter equal to half
that of the stool top. On 14 measurable specimens, the disk diameter
ranges from 10.6 to 20.0 cm., but only 5 are under15cm. Two of the
14 are oval. Height runs from 1.5 to 8.0 cm., and is generally cor-
related with the size of the disk. All except 5 are more than 5 cm.
tall. The thickness of the disk is typically between 1.5 and 2.0 cm.
At Pacoval, the majority of the stools are decorated and the tech-
niques represented are Anaj4s Plain Incised, Anaj4s White Incised,
Arari Plain Excised, Arari Red Excised, and Ararf Double-slipped
Excised. One fragment has an adorno at one edge of the disk, and
another probably existed on the opposite side. A stool with painted
decoration is in the United States National Museum (pl. 84, a). Al-
though no provenience is given, the early date of collection makes it
probable that it comes from Pacoval. It is 18.5 cm. in diameter and
11.5 cm. high. The disk edge has an undulating applique band and
small knob adornos, and there is a small perforation through the center.
Nimuendajti found fragments of painted stools at Teso das Igacabas
(Rydén, MS.).
In his excavations in Mound 7 (cemetery) of the Fortaleza group,
Farabee (1914) ran across a number of stools. Trench 6 produced
half a dozen and trench 8 a group of nine. The majority are in the
University Museum collection, and are typical in ail respects. Deco-
ration is with simple, incised motifs on an unslipped surface. Several
have stylized, anthropomorphic faces on the side of the base, with the
eyebrows, nose, eyes, and mouth in low relief and outlined with an
incised line.
The Camutins group (J-15) is represented by 4 fragments of plain
stools (2 with disk-edge adornos and 1 with low relief ridges on disk
and base) and one of Anajé Plain Incised from the surface of Mound 1,
and half of another with Guajar4 Incised decoration from the lowest
level of Mound 1, cut 2. The latter had a disk diameter of 22 cm., a
382 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
height of 5 cm., and was markedly concave on top. There is a very
small adorno at one spot on the edge of the disk. A complete stool
(pl. 83, a) with a well smoothed surface but no decoration came from
just below the surface at the top of Mound 10. The flat disk is 19
cm. in diameter and the height, 5 em. (For further illustrations, see
Netto, 1885, pp. 395-397; Palmatary, 1950, pl. 25 c, d, e; pl. 28 g;
plie77e.).
Tangas.—Probably the most distinctive of the objects found in
Marajoara sites are the tangas. Trianguloid, with an upper convex
edge joining the other two concave edges in more or less sharp points,
and with the third intersection at the bottom broad and rounded,
they do not notably differ from the pubic coverings used by the women
of many of the Tropical Forest tribes today (see Levi-Strauss, 1948,
fig. 33; Schmidt, 1942, figs. 239-242) except in the material of their
manufacture, which is pottery. In general size, proportions, blunt-
ness or sharpness of the points, and curvature of the edges and sur-
faces, there is a range of variation that is probably correlated with
differences in the anatomy of the wearers. <A hole for the attachment
of a belt cord is pierced from 1.9 to 3.4 cm. from each tip, depending
on whether the point is slender or wide. The amount of wear produced
by the friction of the cord on the exterior surface varies from none to
a deep groove extending all the way from the hole to the tip (cf.
Hartt, 1876, pp. 22-23). A tabulation of 110 tanga tip fragments
with perforations from J—14 and J—15 gives the following percentage of
degree of wear (Table P).
TABLE P.—Differences in wear on tanga fragments
Type No wear Slight notch Deep groove Total
Number | Percent | Number | Percent | Number | Percent Number Percent
Red-slipped_____-__-_ 27 | 32.6 34 40.9 22 26.5 83 100
Painted [Wee 18 66.6 8 29.6 3.8 27 100
This may indicate that in late Marajoara times at least the red-on-
white type was of predominantly ceremonial significance, while the
plainer, red-slipped tangas received greater use.
Seven complete specimens, 6 of them red-slipped and 1 red-on-white,
were recovered from burial urns in J-14 and J—15 cemeteries. Five
additional red-on-white tangas were given to us by the caboclo living
on the Camutins cemetery (J-15, Mound 1), who had found them in
his own digging in the site. Measurement of these makes it possible
to give specific figures that illustrate the variation in size and con-
vexity. The six standardized measurements made are shown on
fig. 137.
MERGERS, ABD ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 383
A
Fieure 137.—Standardized measurements on tangas of the Marajoara Phase.
TaBLE Q.—Siandardized measurements on tangas
Measurement Red-slipped Red-on-white
Cm. Cm.
‘h—eeeee. pu mews MAME _ $5) 12.0, 13.4, 14.0, 15.0,16.5,16.5 | 13.0,13.5, 14.0, 14.0, 14.0, 14.5
(CS eee nai ee es 10. 5, 11. 5, 12. 0, 12. 0, 12. 0, 12.0 9. 5, 9.9, 10.0, 10. 2, 10. 5, 10. 5
Dh eee tern. AAS PS. ese 3.0, 3. 0,3. 2; 3: 5, 4.0, 4. 5 4.0, 4.0,4.0,4.2,4.3,4.7
(6SEte AE So Rye SOR eee. O55, OTs 12) 125250 0. 5.1. 4,1. 5, 1. 5, 1.6, 2.0
Dd le Re ey pels see eee! OME FALE 2.0, 2. 5, 2. 6, 3. 0, 3. 0, 3. 4 2.0, 2.3, 2. 5, 2. 7, 2. 8, 3.0
Ee RR ARTO BET VEU ee WS Ted 2. 5, 2.5, 2.5, 3.0, 3.5, 3.6 2.0, 2.5, 2. 5, 2.5, 2.8, 2.8
"Ehiekness (allyson Sl eee a 0.5 0.5
The major difference between the two types is in the amount of con-
cavo-convexity of the surfaces, which is more pronounced in the red-
on-white examples and accounts for the differences in dimensions D-F
and K-G. Thickness is the most standard aspect and in about 90
percent of the sherds runs between 4 and 7 mm. The upper limit
reaches 11 mm. in occasional examples.
The two varieties of tangas have a time distinction as well as a dif-
ference in shape. The red-slipped type (pl. 82, d-e) is in the minority
in the earlier sites, but becomes equal in popularity at Camutins and
dominant at Guajaré. This transition is probably related to the
trend toward abandonment of the more complex and precise types of
ceramic decoration that is characteristic of the ceramic history in
general.
Although the red-slipped tangas are often slipped on both surfaces,
the painted ones are generally slipped only on the exterior or convex
surface, with the slip carried over onto the interior in a band along the
edge 4 to 9 mm. wide. The design is composed of fine, single, red
384 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
lines or of paired red lines with the narrow, intervening space colored
lighter red or orange. Across the top it is typical to have 2 bands or
‘“friezes,’’ each 1 to 2 cm. wide, which bear standardized motifs.
The upper one is composed of three vertical and two diagonal lines
placed equidistantly and separated by solidly painted triangular areas.
This motif has been pointed out by Mordini (1934a, pp. 62-63 and
1929) as characteristic of the majority of the painted tangas, and it
was present on all the painted specimens from J—14 and J—15 (pl. 82,
a—b). There is greater variation in the second band, but here too there
is repetition of a relatively small number of designs. It is possible
that these designs had some symbolic significance of a social or reli-
gious nature, wearers of the same pattern belonging to the same group.
The remainder of the surface bears a symmetrical and graceful recti-
linear design built upon another limited number of motifs, which are
almost identical in the 6 painted specimens from J-15. The range of
latitude in this part of the design appears to have diminished with the
passage of time, since considerable variation is present on examples
from Pacoval.
While the function of tangas as pubic coverings by females cannot
be proved, this conclusion fits the evidence of wear at the perforations
and of ethnographic parallels. In most of the vessels containing a
tanga, the sex of the individual was either unidentified or female.
However, Newman’s identification of the bones from jar M of J—14,
Mound 1, cut 1, suggests a possible association with a male skeleton.
Since the same vessel also contained a female, this tanga may have been
displaced during or subsequent to the burial. [f it is true that tangas
occur only with females, then the important individual in jar L from
the same site must be a female, which suggests an extremely high
status for certain individuals of that sex. A further complicating
factor is the exceedingly high percentage of fragments on burial
mounds and their relative rarity in habitation sites. This situation
would seem to imply a dominantly ceremonial significance for these
objects, and has suggested to several students the possibility of a
fertility cult (Netto, 1885, p. 436; Palmatary, 1950, p. 282; Angyone
Costa, 1941).
Whistles.—Tocantins (1876, p. 54) describes ‘‘a kind of whistle 10
cm. long, hollow, with two holes of unequal diameters, and ornamented
with relief spirals and other adornments,” which apparently came
from Pacoval. Holdridge (1939, p. 73) found “many little clay whis-
tles in the form of birds... usually capable of three or four notes”
at Monte Carmelo and similar objects at Laranjeiras (op. cit., p. 71).
Miscellaneous.—Pottery polishers and net weights of stone are said
by Ferreira Penna (1879 a, pp. 53-54) to have been found by him at
Pacoval and Santa Izabel. A cubical piece of clay with rounded
meduene’ AND ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 385
| CM
Figure 138.—Marajoara Phase ergoned polishing stone from J—15, Mound 1,
surface.
edges, perhaps a polishing tool, comes from Panellas (Palmatary,
1950, pl. 105,j). A flat piece of diorite (fig. 138), 1.5 em. thick and
roughly rounded off on the edges, with 4 grooves 5-6 mm. wide and
worn 4—5 mm. deep on one surface, was found at the Camutins ceme-
tery (J-15, Mound 1). A Camutins Plain sherd showing similar wear
is in the University Museum collection.
CERAMIC HISTORY
Stratigraphic excavations were made in four mounds of sites J—14
and J—15 in an effort to provide a temporal basis for the analysis of
Marajoara Phase pottery. The problem was complicated by two
facts: intrusive burials disturbed the natural sequence of deposition
of sherd refuse in the cemetery mounds, and sherds were sparse in the
habitation mounds in spite of indications of abundance on the eroded
slopes. After examination of the percentage distributions shown in
the strata cuts, it was decided that the trends exhibited by cut 1 of
J—15, Mound 14 (Inajasal) were most likely to be reliable because the
refuse accumulation was deepest and, since this is a habitation site,
the disturbance was likely to be minimal. This stratigraphic sequence
shows the temporal relationship of the two plain wares (fig. 139).
Inajé Plain, a sherd-tempered, pale orange-surfaced ware with a gray
core, is at the peak of its popularity, 76.2 percent, in the lowest level
of the excavation. Its subsequent history is one of decline to 16.9
percent in_level 15 to 30 cm. During the same time there was an
increase from 19.0 percent to 82.9 percent in the frequency of Camutins
386 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
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0 10 20% INAJA PLAIN CAMUTINS PLAIN JOANES ANAJAS
PAINTED INCISED
Figure 139.—Ceramic stratigraphy of J-15, Mound 14, cut 1, showing trends
in the Marajoara Phase plain wares (Appendix, table 39).
Plain, also sherd tempered, but with a bright red-orange surface and
core. Although the level to level occurrence of these two types is
somewhat erratic as a result of the small sample per level (Appendix,
table 39), the general trend is clear.
The same decline in Inaj4 Plain and increase in Camutins Plain
are shown in cut 2 of J-15, Mound 1 and cut 1 of J—15, Mound 17.
Although these are both burial mounds, no vessels were encountered
in the immediate excavation and so the refuse accumulation was not
likely to have been grossly disturbed. In order to minimize dis-
tortions resulting from the small samples per 15-cm. level, these
were combined into divisions of 30 em. (Appendix, table 40). When
the two cemetery sequences are interdigitated (fig. 140), they cover
approximately the same time span as Mound 14, cut 1. The two
upper levels of J-14, Mound 1, cut 1 were seriated in this chart in
order to give some indication of the relative position of this burial
mound. The reliability of this seriation is dubious, however, because
this strata cut produced a quantity of burial urns, and the dirt and
sherd refuse must have been disturbed repeatedly. The only reason-
ably reliable conclusion that can be drawn is that this cemetery is
generally contemporary with those of J-15, but not necessarily with
the first half of the sequence rather than the second half.
The establishment of the decline in frequency of Inaj4 Plain and
an increase in Camutins Plain as the predominant trend in Marajoara
Phase plain wares introduced a basis for the seriation of surface
collections from other sites. Before this could be done, however, a
means had to be found for reducing the potentially disturbing fac-
tors of a small sample and selectivity for decorated sherds. Although
the decorated types exhibit trends during Marajoara Phase history,
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Figure 140.—Ceramic seriation of the Marajoara
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PLAIN RED D-Ss PLAIN RED
EXCISED EXCISED EXC. INCISED INCISED
{|
0° 5 eSBs
Phase sites of J-15, Mounds 1 (Camutins, Mound 1) and 17 (Belém),
and J-14, Mound 1 (Guajara) (Appendix, table 40).
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se i aD ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 387
they could not be used in establishing a preliminary seriation of
sites because the majority of the collections are too small to insure
the inclusion of the rarer types. Furthermore, decoration is so rare
on the pottery from habitation mounds that what is found is not
likely to be illustrative of the total techniques in use at the time.
The seriation had to be carried out on the basis of the plain wares,
therefore, but this was complicated by the fact that most of the
collections of known provenience were highly selected for decorated
types. The analysis and classification of the decorated wares sug-
gested a way out of this difficulty. It was impossible to discern
any association of decoration with paste characteristics that would
indicate a conscious selection of Inaj4 Plain for one kind as againsi
Camutins Plain for another. The paste characteristics of each dec-
orated type seemed to reflect instead the relative proportions of the
plain wares in existence at the time, and altered temporally rather
than in terms of decorated type. In other words, Pacoval Incised
sherds are predominantly gray cored, not because there was an inten-
tional association of these features of decoration and firing by the
potters, but because Pacoval Incised is an early type and was made
when Inaj4é Plain was the predominant plain ware. Types like
Anajfs Plain Excised that extend over the entire life of the Phase
are gray cored at early sites and orange cored at late ones, reflecting
the rise and fall in popularity of the basic plain wares.
Since there appears to be no correlation between type of decoration
and the kind of plain ware on which it was placed, it seems reasonable
to assume that the paste characteristics of the decorated sherds
reflect the relative proportion of the plain wares being made at the
time. On this basis, decoration and surface treatment were ignored
and the sherds classified by their cross-sectional features—gray core
was Inaj4 Plain and orange core, Camutins Plain. In addition to
the 4 cemeteries we investigated, there are samples from 12 other
sites that could be used for seriation (Appendix, table 41). Incor-
poration of these gives a sequence beginning with Pacoval dos Mello,
with 92 percent Inaj4 Plain and only 8 percent Camutins Plain, and
culminating in Furinho, where Inaj4 Plain has dropped to 37 percent
and Camutins Plain has increased to 63 percent (fig. 141). It will
be noted that two collections from Pacoval are included, and that
there is a difference of 11 percent in the frequency with which the
pottery types are represented in them. Since the collections are
almost equal in size (307 and 313 sherds), and large enough to give
a reasonably accurate result, there is only one explanation that seems
to account for this discrepancy. The later of the two collections
in the seriation was made in the 1870’s while the earlier was made in
1950. It may be that the frequent looting to which Pacoval has
388 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULD. 167
FURINHO eae
J-15 MOUND I7 Saal
J-14 MOUND I [ras fa oh ese
J-15 MOUND 1 Bees
Sea
J-14 MOUND 2
TESO DO GENTIL, MOUND 1:
SANTA BRIGIDA
TESO DOS CHINA, MD. | 0-15 Se ee
CM
La OS ices one]
fe ten
ar aes
See
Sea ee
ee ee
ILHA DOS BICHOS SS a GEESE ScrES
RSS
GUIEIRAS
15-30 _————— ————
TESO DOS CHINA, MOUND 2
FORTALEZA
PACOVAL (PEABODY)
TESO DOS CHINA, MCUND 4
TESO DE SEVERINO
PACOVAL (HILBERT)
CARATATEUA
Erase ish CAMUTINS INAJA
0 10 20 30% PLAIN PLAIN
Fieure 141.—Seriation of Marajoara Phase cemetery sites based on relative
frequency of Inaj4 Plain and Camutins Plain (Appendix, table 41).
PACOVAL DOS MELLO
been subjected has removed a greater proportion of the material
nearer the surface and what remains comes mostly from the lower
levels. If this is the case, the two Pacoval collections should be
interpreted as more comparable to stratigraphy than as representative
surface samples in the usual sense.
If this plain-ware seriation of cemetery sites is compared with the
stratigraphic results from the habitation mound of J-15, Mound 14,
some conclusions can be drawn about the contemporaneity of Mara-
joara Phase sites. The changes that occur stratigraphically (fig. 139)
correspond to the part of the seriated sequence (fig. 142) commencing
with Cuieiras and continuing beyond the last cemetery site, Furinho.
The J-15, Mound 14, stratigraphic sequence is approximately the
same as the one derived from J—15, Mound 1, and its surface collection
seriates like that of the latter site about the middle of the stratigraphic
sequence. If the surface collections used for the other cemetery sites
can be assumed to summarize a similar span of time, then it can be
concluded that J-15 was a functioning community during about half
of the Marajoara Phase occupation of Marajé Island, specifically, the
latter half. The J-15 mounds were constructed during the second
half of the period represented by Pacoval and Fortaleza, and the two
groups of sites were contemporary for a short time. When the
seriated sequence is considered in geographical terms, it is evident
that the earlier sites are east of Rio Arari and the later ones west of it.
ace eal ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 389
This constitutes a movement from the open campo in the east to the
forest and campo west of the Arari. J—15 is at the margin between
the campo and the solidly forested western part of Marajé Island.
The 16 habitation mounds of J—15 producing a sufficiently large
surface sample were seriated on the possibility that this might show
whether they were in use at the same time, or whether they represent
successive house sites (fig. 142). The analysis produced a continuous
variation between Mound 5 with 57 percent Inajé Plain and 37
percent Camutins Plain, and Mound 4 with 38 percent Inajé Plain
and 60 percent Camutins Plain (Appendix, table 42). This seems to
indicate that the mounds were generally contemporary and composed
a village that stretched for several kilometers along the river bank.
The higher numbered mounds, which are those toward the upper part
of the Igarapé Camutins, tend to be in the lower half of the sequence,
suggesting that they were abandoned slightly before those farther
down stream. ‘This is in accord with the seriated position of Cuieiras
as the earliest of the Camutins cemeteries, since Cuieiras is not far
above these habitation mounds.
A comparison of figure 139 with figure 140 reveals distinctly the
basic difference between habitation and cemetery refuse. Decorated
sherds account for not more than 8 percent of the domestic pottery in
any one level, and J-15, Mound 14 produced only painted and incised
types. In the cemetery cuts, decorated pottery is both more abundant
and more varied in technique. Contrary to the impression given by
previous ceramic collections, however, decorated types are in the
minority even in cemetery sites. They comprise only 9 to_15 percent
of the sample from the levels of J-15, Mound 17, cut 1, and 8 to 35
percent of that from J—15, Mound 1, cuts 1 to 3, with the majority of
the levels producing about 25 percent decorated sherds. It is a rare
level in which this is not composed of 50 percent or more Joanes
Painted, which reduces the remaining 13 types to a very low frequency.
Since there appeared to be no association between decorative
technique and paste characteristics except one reflecting the relative
popularity of the plain wares at the time of manufacture, classification
of decorated types was made purely on the basis of decorative tech-
nique. It was found that 7 types of decoration were employed in
combination with one or more of 4 types of surface treatment, includ-
ing 3 kinds of slip. Fourteen of the possible combinations were utilized,
giving 14 decorated pottery types.
Joanes Painted includes all techniques of painted decoration,
whether red-on-white, black-on-white, or red-and-black-on-white.
In addition, any bow! sherd with a white-slipped interior or jar sherd
with a white-slipped exterior was given this classification, even when
no trace of paint remained. Although this may seem unwarranted,
391329—57——27
[BULL. 167
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
390
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So i eae ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 391
experience derived from handling hundreds of decorated sherds indi-
cates that white slip is almost universally, if not always, applied as a
foundation for a painted design, and the majority of sherds where the
paint is no longer visible have been subjected to erosion from exposure
to rain and sun or to wet, clayey soil. The attempt was made to dis-
criminate between monochrome and dichrome painting in the hope
that some time difference would emerge, but so few sherds retained
enough paint to permit classification that the attempt was abandoned
as impractical and not likely to give reliable results because of the
frequency of eroded surfaces.
Six of the decorated types utilize incision. Guajard Incised involves
the use of two (occasionally three) parallel lines 1 to 5 mm. apart, made
simultaneously with a double-pointed tool (pl. 71). The surface is
always unslipped. In another distinct incised style, the surface is
white-slipped and incised, and then certain of the incised lines are
painted or “retouched” with red. Since this type occurs with greatest
frequency at Pacoval, it has been called Pacoval Incised (pls. 77-78).
The final incised category, Anajds Incised, includes all other designs
produced by incision. There is great variation in motif, quality of
execution, width and depth of the lines, etc., but no design subtypes
are sufficiently distinctive to be easily recognized, as can be done with
Guajaré and Pacoval Incised. Subcategories that are significant from
a time standpoint are those made on the basis of slip. This results in
the breakdown into Anajds Plain Incised (pls. 51-52), Anajds Red
Incised (pl. 53), Anajéis White Incised (pls. 54-55), and Anajds Double-
slipped Incised (pl. 50).
Another large and inclusive group is that containing the excised
types. Since there is wide variation in the amount of surface cut out
to produce the design, the term ‘‘excised’”’ is used in preference to
“champlevé.”’ Not all excised sherds could validly be called cham-
plevé, and since the same technique is involved no matter what per-
centage of the original surface is removed, all sherds on which excision
occurs must be considered as fundamentally related (p. 325). The
extremes of quality in execution in this category are great and easily
distinguished, but when an attempt is made to subdivide on the basis
of crudeness of workmanship or proportion of the area excised, the
gradation is so complete that the residue of borderline examples of
uncertain classification is larger than the distinctive, classifiable group.
As was true with Anajas Incised, the most significant breakdown in
the excised class is by slip, giving Arari Plain Excised (pls. 57-58),
Arari Red Excised (pls. 59-62), Arari White Excised, and Arari Double-
slipped; Excised (pl. 56). In some red-slipped and excised examples,
the cutout area has been filled with white, giving a further type,
Arari Red Excised, White-retouched (pl. 63).
392 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
Scraping as a method of decoration has been almost completely
ignored by students of Marajoara ceramics, and it was somewhat of a
surprise to find it not only present, but one of the more common
techniques especially at the later sites. Most characteristically, it is
used on the necks of jars as a quick method of relieving the monotony
of the plain surface, and is done by combing or scraping vertically.
This type has been called Goiapi Scraped (pl. 70).
The final basic group includes sherds that have a red slip but no
incised, painted or excised decoration. Since the slip was apparently
applied for ornamental effect, and since red-slipped vessels are associ-
ated with decorated wares in cemetery sites rather than with plain
domestic wares, Carmelo Red has been included with the decorated
wares.
Some idea of the relative frequency and temporal distribution of
these decorated types can be gained from fig. 140. In order to mag-
nify their very small percentages, the decorated types were plotted at
twice the scale used for the plain wares. Some of the types are
absent, and some of those present show no particular trend or change
in frequency, notably Joanes Painted, Arari Plain Excised, and
Anajas Plain Incised. Ararf Red Excised undergoes a slight but
steady decline. Anajis Double-slipped Incised seems to be early and
Guajar4 Incised and Carmelo Red occur only in the upper half of the
sequence. The remainder of the types have scattered distributions
from which no definite conclusions can be drawn.
In spite of this relatively indistinct picture, certain trends in the
employment of various techniques can be recognized. The rare,
declining or absent types are Pacoval Incised, Arari Red Excised,
Arari Red Excised White-retouched, Arari White Excised, Arari
Double-slipped Excised, Anajas Red Incised, Anajas White Incised,
and Anajis Double-slipped Incised. Those that are abundant or
increasing are Ararf Plain Excised, Anajas Plain Incised, Guajar4
Incised, and Goiapi Scraped. The first group, which is on the decline,
is composed of types where the surface is provided with one or two
slips before the execution of the incised or excised design. In two
cases, this is followed by a “‘retouch”’ of the incised or excised areas
with a contrasting color. These complex and elaborate methods of
decoration gradually lose ground to incised and excised designs
applied to an unslipped surface. The late types that occur with the
greatest frequency all share the characteristic of an unslipped surface
and the use of a single step in producing the decoration, whether this
is incision, excision, or scraping.
The time span represented by this cemetery and habitation stratig-
raphy is not sufficiently long to give a good picture of the trends in
decoration during Marajoara history, and it became desirable to
eer ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 393
carry the sequence backward by the addition of collections from
other Marajoara Phase sites. This meant utilizing surface collections
that had been selected for decorated types. In order to compare the
frequency of the decorated types, a method had to be found for elimi-
nating the distortion that would result from the inclusion of varying
amounts of plain sherds, which had no relation to the actual propor-
tions at the site. This was done by considering the total number of
decorated sherds as equal to 100 percent and eliminating plain sherds
from the total and from the percentage calculation (Appendix, table
43). This method could be used for previous collections from only
two cemeteries, Pacoval and Fortaleza, since the samples from others
were too small to insure the inclusion of rare types that might have
been present.
The collections from J—14, Mound 1 (Guajar4), and J-15, Mound 1
(Camutins) were analyzed in the same way. When the 4 sites are
placed in the temporal sequence indicated by the proportions of their
plain wares (fig. 141), this enlargement of the time span (fig. 143)
confirms and magnifies the trends revealed in the stratigraphy. The
complex decorated wares that are rare or absent at J-14 and J-15
are frequent to abundant at the earlier cemeteries, while the simpler
ones are less common. Although the graph does not show it, com-
binations of two or more techniques on a single vessel are also most
frequent at the earlier sites. This partly accounts for the lesser per-
centage of Joanes Painted at Pacoval, where painted decoration
frequently occurs on vessels bearing incised or excised designs on
another surface and was somewhat concealed by the method of classi-
fication (see p. 325). Recognition of this leads to the conclusion
that painted decoration is most common and best executed in the
earlier part of the sequence.
Examination of the details of execution of the designs gives other
evidence of decline in ceramic quality. Excision, for example, is
markedly more evenly done on Arari Red Excised than on Arari
Plain Excised. On the former, the cutout areas are typically sharply
defined, with straight edges, and are evenly cut back and often stri-
ated. In Arari Plain Excised, on the other hand, the excisions are
gouged out so that the depth is uneven and the margins are ragged.
This gradation in technique is a gradual one and there are instances
of poorly done Arari Red Excised, but they are less common than
the well-made examples. Changes of this kind indicate the gradual
replacement of painstaking work with a hurriedly made and inferior
product.
An interesting substitution of techniques to achieve a similar effect
with greater economy in time and labor is observable when Pacoval
Incised is compared with certain Anajis White Incised specimens
[BULL. 167
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
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(e. g., pl. 78, c, and pl. 55, a). In Pacoval Incised, the designs are
typically composed of fine lines with broader ones added between
them at intervals and colored red, producing an attractive contrast.
The fine lines are generally employed in two’s or three’s to define
rectangular or Z-shaped fields occupied by a single red-retouched
line, or the two kinds of lines are combined in concentric spirals.
These distinctive motifs carry on after Pacoval Incised has died out,
the color contrast being preserved by the less time-consuming, but
also less aesthetically effective device of cutting the single lines (for-
merly red-retouched) through the white slip to reveal the under-
lying orange surface. This variety of Anajés White Incised (which
might occasionally be justifiably classified as Arari White Excised)
is prominent at Fortaleza and continues at Camutins. It is exceed-
ingly rare at Pacoval, where Pacoval Incised was an important
decorated type.
The major temporal changes in Marajoara Phase ceramic decoration
can be summarized as follows:
1. Complex wares utilizing two or more types of surface treatment, such as
slipping or double-slipping with excision or incision, and slipping with incision
and painting, are most abundant at the earlier sites and decline markedly with
the passage of time.
2. Concurrently, the technical quality of the excised designs and the amount
of vessel surface that they cover is notably reduced.
3. The wares showing increases in popularity are with one exception unslipped,
and the excised, incised, or scraped decoration is applied directly to the vessel
surface. The exception is Carmelo Red, in which there is a red slip but no
further decoration. In short, the types on the increase, are those that require
the least time for their execution.
4. Painting is common in all periods, somewhat more so in the lower than in
the upper part of the sequence represented here. There is some indication that
complex and delicate designs are more frequent at the earlier sites.
One can discern the same tendency toward simplification when
other features of the pottery besides surface treatment are examined
(fig. 144). Hollow rims are frequent on Anajis White Incised and
Pacoval Incised vessels from Pacoval, constituting 1.8 percent of
the total classified sherds. There is only one example in the Univer-
sity Museum, Philadelphia, collection from Fortaleza, comprising
0.13 percent, and our excavations at J-14 and J—15 produced none
(Appendix, table 44). Since the manufacture of hollow rims requires
more technical skill than the making of solid ones, the loss of this
trait can be interpreted as indicating a decrease in that skill.
Anthropomorphic and zoomorphic rim adornos occur with vastly
greater frequency at Pacoval than‘at any of the other three cemetery
sites, although they do not die out completely as do the hollow rims.
Geometric rim adornos maintain a more even popularity, and this
seems to be true also of applique body adornos, although the evidence
167
(BULL,
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
396
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is not complete. The latter constitute 1 percent of the total at
Pacoval and 1.2 percent at J-15, Mound 1, with no figures available
for Fortaleza and J-14, Mound 1.
Handles, which never reach a frequency of 1 percent on the utility
wares, also remain approximately constant, ranging from 0.8 percent
at Pacoval to 0.7 percent at J-14, Mound 1.
When we consider trends in vessel shape, the analysis is complicated
by deficiencies in the data. Rim sherds were too infrequent in the
stratigraphic excavations to permit a statistical analysis by levels
(Appendix, tables 45-47). The J-14 and J-15 sites are too nearly
contemporary to exhibit any significant differences when their total
samples are compared and there are no data from Pacoval and
Fortaleza. There are two other means, however, that can be used to
investigate possible temporal differences. One of these is the burial
stratigraphy revealed in J-14, Mound 1, cut 1 and the other is based
on the temporal position of the decorated pottery types.
Taking the latter evidence first, we can make a temporal classifica-
tion between pottery types that tend to be early and those whose main
distribution is late. The first group includes Ararf Red Excised,
Arari Red Excised White-retouched, Ararf White Excised, Ararif
Double-slipped Excised, Anajés White Incised, Anajés Double-
slipped Incised, and Pacoval Incised, while the second is represented
by Arari Plain Excised, Anajés Plain Incised, Guajardé Incised, and
Goiapi Scraped. When the vessel shapes associated with these two
groups are contrasted, it is evident that the early types exhibit shapes
that are not found with the late types. These include cylindrical and
semicylindrical jars (Arari Red Excised White-retouched, common
shape 6), jars with a flat bottom and concave outsloping lower wall
(Pacoval Incised, common shapes 7, 9, 11), jars with globular body
and tall cylindrical neck (Pacoval Incised, common shape 8); flat-
bottomed bowls (Pacoval Incised, common shape 4); bowls with
hollow rim (Pacoval Incised, common shape 1); and bowls with broad,
horizontal rim (Pacoval Incised, common shape 6). None of these
shapes occurs characteristically with the late decorated types, and most
of them do not occur at all. Late shapes are less varied and simpler.
Jars tend to be globular bodied with a short vertical or slightly concave
neck (Goiapi Scraped, common shape 1) and bowls are rounded
(Anajés Plain Incised, common shapes 1 and 2). Along with this
decrease in variety of shapes, appears to go a decrease in size, especially
of jars.
This general size decrease is shown stratigraphically in J-14, Mound
1, cut 1 (fig. 89). The deepest, and therefore the earliest, burial jars are
considerably larger than those that were buried afterward. This
size decrease is not necessarily related to the change in the method of
398 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
disposal of the dead, since secondary burial does not require much more
jar space than cremation.
The decreasing frequency of some of the ceramic artifacts further
attests to the diminishing richness of the culture (fig. 144). Stools
decline botb in relative frequency and in the variety of surface decora-
tion applied to them. At Pacoval they constitute 3.3 percent of the
sample and may be Inajé or Camutins Plain, or Anajdés Plain Incised,
Anajis White Incised, Arari Plain Excised, Arari Red Excised, or
Arar{ Double-slipped Incised. At Fortaleza the frequency drops to
2 percent and decorated types include Anajds Plain Incised, Anajés
Red Incised, Anajis White Incised, and Arari Plain Excised. At
J-15, Mound 1, the occurrence is 1.5 percent and all are undecorated
except for one Anajas Plain Incised. No stools were found at J—14,
Mound 1.
The little stemmed vessels here identified as spoons decline from
0.8 percent to 0.5 percent to 0.3 percent to 0 in the sequence repre-
sented by the four cemeteries. Spindle whorls alter from biconical or
spoolshape with incised decoration to a simple, flat, plain or punctated
disk.
DIAGNOSTIC FEATURES OF THE MARAJOARA PHASE
The Marajoara Phase has a compact distribution on Marajé Island.
A circle described on the map with a compass, its point set at Pacoval
in Lago Arari and its radius measured to the north coast, would in-
clude all of the recorded sites (fig. 145). The explanation lies in the
fact that such a circle coincides approximately with the boundaries
of the campo, the habitat the Marajoara people preferred.. The largest
concentration of sites is east of Lago Arari, where the campo is most
open and unbroken by trees. They are typically on the shores of
streams or lakes, circular, oval or long and narrow in outline and with
no consistent orientation other than that dictated by the exigencies
of the immediate location (a curve in the river, a spring, etc.). There
is no evidence of any intention to reproduce a zoomorphic shape, as
has been suggested by some of the earlier writers.
The 1949 excavations do not support the interpretation that the
same mound was used both for habitation and for burial. Rather,
separate mounds were constructed for each purpose and are easily
distinguishable by their contents and usually also by their size. The
habitation mounds are comparatively small and low: the largest of
the Camutins group (J-15, Mound 14) is 51 meters long, 35 meters
wide, and 6.25 meters high; the largest of the Fortaleza group is 91
meters long and 2 meters high (although one with less area is 3.5
meters high). Sherds are sparse and 92 to 100 percent of these repre-
sent the undecorated, utilitarian wares, Inaj4 and Camutins Plain.
winarees ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 399
There are some indications of house type. The stratigraphic pit
in the habitation mound, J-15, Mound 14, showed an alternation be-
tween layers of fire-burnt orange dirt containing relatively abundant
sherds, and light-grayish or whitish soil with sherds sparse except
immediately above the preceding burnt-orange layer (fig. 106; cf.
Farabee’s results at Fortaleza). It was not possible to enlarge the
excavation so as to determine the horizontal extent of the orange
areas, but the irregular thickness of the bands and the presence of a
small pocket of similar character near the bottom of the cut may indi-
cate that they are not strata extending over the entire mound. These
fire-burnt layers, the ash pockets and the quantity of dirt mixed with
the sherds are in marked contrast with the refuse conditions of other
Phases on Marajé Island, and must be correlated with a difference in
house construction.
All the mounds that were tested had a core of whitish clay, some-
times flecked with gray and orange, that contained no cultural refuse.
This foundation was of varying size, but always sufficient to put the
surface above the level of high water. It represents the basic con-
struction, prior to the use of the mound as a habitation or cemetery.
The remainder of the dirt was added while the mound was in use and
at J-15, Mound 14 it increased the height by slightly more than 2
meters. The burnt soil, the sparsity of sherds, and the periodic addi-
tion of new layers of clean dirt can all be explained if it is assumed
that the Marajoara Phase used a dirt-floored house instead of a pile
dwelling. Sherds and other refuse would then be swept out or dumped
over the edge of the mound. The customary use of the same dump
would explain the greater accumulation of sherds sometimes found on
one slope. The fire-burnt areas may represent the hearth or series
of hearths down the center of the house and the periodic sterile layers,
a renewing of the floor. The relatively small area available on the
summit seems to favor the use of communal rather than individual
family houses, which would make less effective use of the limited
space. The very fact that time and effort were spent in the construc-
tion of mounds argues strongly for the view that the people were ac-
customed to dirt-floored houses and, finding Marajé Island too low
and wet for them, preferred to alter the terrain rather than to modify
their house type. The alternative explanation is that the Marajoara
people brought the trait of mound building with them to the island.
Each group of habitation mounds has associated with it at least one
cemetery mound. This can often be identified immediately on the
basis of its greater size alone. The maximum dimensions thus far
recorded are from J—15, Mound 1 (Camutins), which is 255 meters
long, 30 meters wide, and 10 meters in maximum height at highest
water level. The,cemetery of the Fortaleza group (Mound 7) is 183
400 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
meters long, 68 meters wide, and 3.5 meters high. J—14, Mound 2
(Monte Carmelo) is considerably smaller, being only 85 meters long.
It is possible that isolated cemeteries exist in addition to those belong-
ing to the village complexes. Pacoval may be such a case, since none
of its numerous visitors have ever mentioned seeing other mounds in
the immediate vicinity. However, this cannot be stated without
reservation until more adequate information is available on a larger
number of the cemetery sites. ‘The cemetery mounds show the same
type of foundation as the habitation sites, and seem to have been
added to as the need arose for more burial space.
The history of the burial practices of the Marajoara Phase is incom-
plete, and the lack of scientific training on the part of the earlier
investigators makes the reliability of some of the existing evidence
subject to reservation. The earliest site from which reports are
available is Pacoval. Here Derby (1885, pp. 22-23) found secondary
burial in jars covered with lids. Vessels were sometimes super-
imposed, and occasionally one was inside another. Tangas were
associated. Ferreira Penna (1879 a, pp. 52-53) also noted superimposi-
tion of jars but found no lids. He attributed the absence of skeletal
remains to the practice of cremation (op. cit., p. 61). Hartt (1871,
p. 263) observed cremation in some of the smaller jars and thought he
could detect instances in secondary burials where some of the articula-
tions had been intact at the time of burial. Netto (1885, p. 427)
noted that cremation was present but unusual. At Fortaleza,
Farabee (1915) found both cremation and secondary burial, but he
does not say whether there was any stratigraphic distinction between
these two types of disposal of the dead. Tangas were associated,
occurring sometimes inside and sometimes outside the jar. The
burials appeared to be grouped, with areas containing no jars separat-
ing the groups. At the Camutins, Farabee (1921, p. 148) claims to
have detected primary burial in some of the large jars he excavated
from Mound 17. Hilbert (1952, p. 18), who excavated in some of the
cemeteries on the upper part of the Igarapé Camutins, reports no
cremation and tangas rarely associated with the secondary burials.
This seemingly confused burial pattern has two possible explana-
tions: (1) an alteration through time and (2) a differential treatment
of individuals of different social status. The burial stratigraphy of
J-14, Mound 1 (Guajaré4), cut 1 indicates that both possibilities may
be involved. The oldest burials in this cemetery are in large plain,
painted or excised jars covered with a plain or excised, basin-shaped or
carinated bowl, inverted or set upright in the jar neck. A tanga was
placed inside with the bones, some of which show traces of red paint.
Bowls associated with some of the jars may have contained food
offerings. The presence of mammal, bird, and crocodilian bones
asi ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 401
adds strength to this interpretation. Cremation displaces secondary
burial as the dominant practice in the latter part of the stratigraphic
sequence. The jars are smaller and less ornate than those used for
secondary burial, and tangas are never associated. The bowl cover
remains similar in shape, but is smaller than in earlier times and
typically fits over rather than inside the jar rim. This decrease in
size and elaborateness of the jars and alteration from secondary burial
to cremation is also attested in Farabee’s data from J-15, Mound 17
and in our excavations at J-15, Mound 1.
In the lower levels of the excavation, one burial stood out from the
others by its greater elaborateness. This consisted of jar L, a poly-
chrome, anthropomorphic jar, which was flanked at each side by
equally large but plain jars containing the skeletons of several
individuals, tangas, and in one, two small bowls. The fact that all
three jars were interred at the same time, and the contrast between
the elaborateness of the central jar with its single occupant and the
plainness of the flanking jars with their multiple skeletons seem to
indicate that some person of outstanding importance was involved.
At the opposite extreme were individuals buried without even a
funerary jar, but often with an associated tanga. Since these differ-
ences in burial pattern, ranging from no urn, through plain urns to
elaborately painted urns buried in association with simpler vessels, are
contemporary alternatives, they must reflect differential treatment of
the dead based on distinctions of class or rank. While the burial of
wives or servants with a deceased person of rank is a practice fre-
quently encountered in primary burials in other cultures, it seems
somewhat remarkable in secondary burial], where the bodies must be
kept intact and separate through several steps before their final
disposition in the urns in the form of skeletal remains. The same is
true of the animal and bird bones. The fact that red pigment occurs
on all of these leaves no doubt as to the secondary nature of the
burials.
The quantity of sherds from ceramic vessels of all types, both plain
and decorated, the great number of broken tangas and stools, and the
presence of areas of orange, fire-burnt earth suggest that the ceme-
teries were the scene of some sort of elaborate ceremonial. It may be
that the funerals were occasions of great significance or that there
were periodic observances in honor of the dead at which offerings
were made. Another interesting possibility is suggested by a practice
observed by Linné among the Cuna of Panama, who place the same
kinds of objects at graves as did the Marajoara. Among the Cuna,
smal] huts were erected over the graves (in which the dead were
interred wrapped in a hammock) and furnished with domestic utensils.
One hut, for example, contained ‘10 large and 12 small footstools,
402 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
6 braziers, and a box containing cups, saucers and spoons” (Linné,
1929, p. 248). The explanation was that “the footstools had been
supplied in order that the spirits of the dead would have something
to sit upon when they came on a visit to the spot, and the crockery,
etc., was there for them to use at their meals” (ibid.). The existence
of such a concept among the Marajoara would account not only for
the abundance of vessel fragments at the cemetery sites, but also for
the fact that the vast majority of the stools are found there rather
than in the habitation sites where they might logically be expected
if they were made primarily for everyday use.
As far as the physical appearance of the Marajoara people is con-
cerned, we know only that they practiced frontal deformation of the
skull, and probably perforated the ear lobe and perhaps the lower
lip for the insertion of ornaments.
The ceramics of the Marajoara Phase have been divided into two
plain wares and 7 major types of decoration. Contrary to the im-
pression gained from museum collections, Inajéi Plain (with a gray
core) and Camutins Plain (completely oxidized) comprise the great
majority of the ceramics, not only at habitations but also at cemeteries.
The gradual displacement of Inaj4 Plain by Camutins Plain shown
in the stratigraphic excavations provides one basis for determining
the relative antiquity of Marajoara sites.
The primary categories of surface treatment—excision, three
distinctive types of incised design, scraping, painting, and red slip-
ping—were subdivided into types based on their combination with
alternative types of slipping (red, white, red-over-white, and none).
For example, excision occurs in the following variations: Arari Plain
Excised, Ararf Red Excised, Arari White Excised, Arari Double-
slipped Excised and Arari Red Excised, White-retouched. It was
found that the more complex types, combining one or more slips with
incised or excised decoration, were most abundant and best made in
the early part of the Phase. As time passed, they were gradually
superseded by simpler types like Goiapi Scraped, Guajara Incised,
Anajas Plain Incised, and Arari Plain Excised. There is no evidence
that any of the alterations in Marajoara culture were the result of
outside interference.
Characteristic objects of Marajoara manufacture, in addition to
the utilitarian and ceremonial pottery, are round and oval ceramic
stools; stylized, seated, anthropomorphic figurines; red-slipped or
red-on-white tangas; small, spool-shaped ear plugs; labrets (rare);
round to spool-shaped spindle whorls; shallow or deep spoon or ladle
bowls with perforated stem for attachment to a wooden handle; and
whistles capable of 2 to 4 tones (rare).
This evidence of mound building, burial pattern with differential
Besceneeiey ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 403
treatment of the dead, and an elaborate type of pottery during the
first half of the Marajoara Phase carries with it certain implications
regarding the level of sociopolitical development attained by this
Phase. Differential treatment of the dead is typically associated
with differences in rank if not class. The construction of large-scale
earth works indicates planning, organization, leadership, and the
existence of a labor supply for activities other than food gathering.
Occupational division of labor is further attested by the elaborate
and complex ceramic art.
Pottery provides the bulk of the evidence for the conclusion that
the Marajoara Phase is a culture with advanced sociopolitical fea-
tures. The pottery of the living Tropical Forest peoples and of the
Tropical Forest archeological Phases on Marajé Island is simple and
predominantly utilitarian. It is also unstandardized, so that every
rim is slightly different in contour and there is a wide variation in
vessel size. This is the effect produced when every woman is her own
potter. Although there is general conformity to the ceramic tradition
of the group, there are as many opportunities for variation as there
are potters. The effects of this individuality are readily apparent
to the archeologist, who finds instead of the relatively restricted
and uniform number of vessel and rim shapes produced by advanced
cultures like the Andean ones, an infinite variation that makes classi-
fication exceedingly difficult.
This is not true of Marajoara Phase pottery, however. The utili-
tarian bowls and jars exhibit marked uniformity in both rim shape and
diameter. It is probable that this standardization is the effect of
ceramic making having become a specialized occupation; when the
number of potters is reduced, the variability in the product should
also become less. The elaborate ceremonial wares further support the
conclusion that the ceramics were manufactured by specialists. The
technical competence indicated by the shaping and firing, and the skill
exhibited in the application of intricate and extensive excised designs
could not have been gained by sporadic, part-time application to the
craft. It is not equaled or even approached in any of the Tropical
Forest Phases where such was the case. In addition to complexity,
the Marajoara Phase decorated wares present significant examples of
uniformity, in which an elaborately painted or excised vessel will be
duplicated one or more times. The copies are not identical but re-
semble one another closely (e. g., pl. 61).
A final point of evidence in support of the specialized production of
decorated wares comes in the decline in excellence and elaborateness
shown by these wares during Marajoara Phase history. Repeated
treatment of the surface of a single vessel with several slips, followed
by excised or incised and retouched designs degenerates into the use of
404. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
slipping, incision or excision separately for embellishment, with the
lines less carefully drawn. If increased complexity is correlated with
increased skill derived from increased specialization, then the reverse
trend must be the result of loss of specialization.
The archeological evidence interpreted in the light of what is known
of living and historical cultures, leads unavoidably to the conclusion
that Marajoara culture had sociopolitical features more closely resem-
bling those of Cireum-Caribbean or Sub-Andean cultures than those
of the Tropical Forest. Resemblances can also be discerned in the
realm in material culture (see pp. 412 ff.). The fate of this culture on
Marajé Island further reveals its non-Tropical Forest nature. All the
evidence that can be derived from the pottery including technological
competence, variety of vessel shapes, quality and elaboration of decora-
tive styles,reveals a decline or degeneration from complex to simple, and
suggests the disappearance of pottery making as aspecialized occupation.
Although a single stratigraphic excavation may not be sufficient basis
for an unequivocal statement that differentiation in rank or class also
was on the wane, some such explanation must account for the relative
simplicity and uniformity of the burial vessels in the upper levels as
opposed to the variety of burial situations in the lower levels of J—14,
Mound 1,cut 1. The Marajoara Phase came to Marajé Island with
an advanced culture, which could not be maintained in the new en-
vironment. The result was a gradual, but constant decline. It is
interesting to note that some of the earliest investigators reached this
same conclusion about Marajoara culture (Ferreira Penna, 1879 a,
p. 53; Netto, 1885, p. 265).
The duration of the Marajoara Phase cannot be estimated accurately
at the present time. That it was extinct before the arrival of the
Europeans at the mouth of the Amazon shortly after A. D. 1500 is
evident both from the seriated position of the Phase in the archeological
sequence on Marajé Island and from the absence of any Kuropean
trade material in all the known sites. In 1878, Barbosa Rodrigues
(1876-78, p. 20), estimated that the minimum age of some of the large
trees growing on the mounds was 500 years, which would place their
abandonment before A. D. 1375.
CONCLUSIONS AND INTERPRETATIONS
Although archeological information is lacking on the Tropical
Forest archeological Phases over a large part of Marajé, a summary of
the sequence of cultures can be given, provided it is recognized as
applying specifically to the central and north-central parts of the
island and as tentative for the remainder.
As would be expected under tropical forest conditions, no positive
evidence was found of a preceramic horizon. Shell mounds are said to
at nla ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 405
exist on the Rio Ararf and at Tapera east of Lago Arari (Lage, 1944,
pp. 220-221), but lack of investigation makes it impossible to say
whether they are of natural or human origin. In view of the antiquity
of man in South America, and of the relative lateness of the ceramic
cultures in the mouth of the Amazon, however, it seems highly proba-
ble that hunting and gathering groups inhabited Marajé Island for a
considerable period of time. Since all that remains for the later groups
are the fragments of ceramics and a few stone artifacts, there is no
likelihood that anything specific will ever be known of these earlier
peoples. One might hazard a guess that they did not differ notably
from surviving food gatherers in the Tropical Forest area.
The earliest ceramic culture so far discovered on Marajé Island is
the Ananatuba Phase. It appears first at a site on the north-central
coast (J-9—Ananatuba), but the good quality of the pottery rules out
the possibility tbat this represents a local invention of pottery making
or even the local origin of the Phase. The density of the sherd refuse
and the depth of the deposits indicate a considerable duration for the
Ananatuba Phase, during which time it came to occupy a roughly tri-
angular area between the coast on the north, the unbroken forest on
the west and the Lago Arari on the east (fig. 145). This area is char-
acterized by patches of campo interspersed with fingers and “islands”
of forest of varying extent, and since the Phase appears to be adjusted
to this ecological situation, it seems unlikely that further investigation
will produce many sites in the more open campo to the east of this lake
or in the continuously forested regions to the south and west.
Ceramically, the most distinctive feature of the Ananatuba Phase is
the decorated ware, Sipdé Incised. It is present from the beginning,
and although only J-7—Sip6é produced examples of all seven of the
design types, the more complex ones occur at the earlier sites, indicat-
ing a minimum of local evolution. The technique of ornamentation by
brushing the surface with a bunch of sticks or a similar tool also makes
its appearance at the beginning of the Ananatuba Phase and Carmo
Brushed accounts for the major portion of the decorated sherds.
The origin of the Ananatuba Phase is unknown. There is no eyi-
dence to warrant the conclusion that it developed on Marajé Island
and it is probably intrusive. The question ‘‘From where?” can only
be given negative answers at present. No sites of this Phase were
found on the islands of Caviana or Mexiana, or in the Territory of
Amapd. Sherds collected along the main course of the lower Amazon
do not particularly resemble Sipé Incised, although they do consist of
simple, incised designs. No brushed sherds seem to have been col-
lected from the Amazon area, if they exist.
Although the origin of the Ananatuba Phase is problematical, its
termination can be equated with the expansion of a second ceramic
3913295728
406
EQUATOR
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL.
v=
—)
poe eS.
Figure 145.—Distribution of the various archeological Phases on Marajé Island.
Ss
CS
167
rege axD ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 407
culture, the Mangueiras Phase. The earliest site of this Phase is
also on the north coast of Maraj6, but farther west than the known
Ananatuba Phase area of distribution. It too appears fully developed,
and at the height of its ceramic quality. After gaining a foothold,
the Mangueiras Phase expanded briefly northward to Caviana and
more successfully southeast to overlap the region previously occupied
by the Ananatuba Phase (fig. 145). This expansion took place at the
beginning of the second period at J-7—Sip6é when the ceramic evidence
shows that this Ananatuba Phase village was conquered by the
Mangueiras Phase, whose ceramic tradition becomes increasingly
dominant with the dying out of the last potters of the Ananatuba
Phase. Although this event brought the latter Phase to a close, its
influence continues to be evident on the ceramics of the succeeding
Phases. The Mangueiras Phase adopted the motifs characteristic of
Sipé Incised and used them to decorate its own ceramics. In order
to emphasize this affiliation, but to indicate at the same time that the
plain ware differs, the Mangueiras Phase occurrence of these incised
motifs has been designated as ‘‘Pseudo-Sipé Incised.” Other Anana-
tuba Phase ceramic traits were also taken over by the conquerors,
including brushing, the ornamental use of unsmoothed coils on the
exterior of jar necks, and several vessel shapes.
In tracing the source and affiliations of the Mangueiras Phase, we
are faced with the problem of determining first of all what constitutes
the basic ceramic character of the Phase. Most of the distinctive
features that appear in the pottery of the earliest sites on Marajé and
southern Caviana—scraping, incision, excision and corrugation—
seem to reflect influence from the Acauan Phase where these techniques
and design motifs were more highly developed. Unless this contact
between the two Phases occurred prior to their arrival at the mouth of
the Amazon (which does not seem likely), these features cannot be
used to trace the prior history of the Mangueiras Phase. Stripped of
these influences, the ceramic evidence is not particularly distinctive.
Decoration by brushing with a bunch of twigs or by applying a film of
red pigment on one surface of a vessel is not unusual enough to remove
the possibility of independent invention should one or both be found
elsewhere. Of more potential value in tracing affiliations are the
tubular pipes and collar-button type labrets from early Manguciras
Phase sites. These ceramic objects occur in none of the other Phases
in the sequence at the mouth of the Amazon and may aid in deter-
mining Mangueiras Phase affiliations when the archeology of the
lower Amazon area becomes better known.
An interesting aspect of the Mangueiras Phase history on Marajé
Island is the receptivity of this culture to ceramic influences. Two
independent instances can be demonstrated during the relatively short
408 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
duration of the Phase on the island. The first source of inspiration was
the Acauan Phase, with which friendly relations apparently existed.2%*
Through this contact, the Mangueiras Phase potters were exposed to
a variety of decorative techniques, some of the simpler of which they
copied. Ceramic evidence in the form of better quality of the ware,
greater uniformity in vessel shape, and abundance, complexity, and
standardization in decoration makes it seem probable that the Acauan
Phase represents a culture somewhat more advanced than the general
Tropical Forest level to which the Mangueiras Phase belongs. Since
the present site inventory suggests that the Mangueiras Phase was
numerically dominant, it may have been respect engendered by this
cultural superiority that saved the Acauan Phase from the fate suffered
by the Ananatuba Phase, the next alien culture with which the
Mangueiras Phase came into close contact.
The Mangueiras Phase conquest of the village at J-7—Sipé was
followed by the gradual assimilation of the vanquished group, the
Ananatuba Phase. This interpretation is warranted by the strati-
graphic evidence, which records the gradual disappearance of Anana-
tuba Phase types of pottery (fig. 56). It is interesting to note, how-
ever, that the artistic merits of the latter were not lost on the con-
querors and the seriation chart shows two innovations in pottery dec-
oration dating from this period (fig. 72). Brushing (Croari Brushed)
and the decorative influences derived from the Acauan Phase had died
out soon after the source of the stimulation was removed. Contact
with the Ananatuba Phase, where brushing (Carmo Brushed) repre-
sented a major decorative technique, caused a revival of this technique
(Bacuri Brushed), and it not only regained but greatly exceeded its
original popularity. The second innovation, the copying of Sipé
Incised, is one that the Mangueiras Phase potters apparently required
more time to master, since it took them longer to adopt this than the
brushing. However, their predilection for these incised designs must
be the explanation for the unusually high percentage of Sipé Incised
in the pottery of Ananatuba Phase manufacture after the Mangueiras
Phase occupation of J-7—Sip6.
The ultimate fate of the Mangueiras Phase is uncertain ® and the
stratigraphic connection between it and the succeeding archeological
horizon was not found during the 1948-49 investigations. By the time
of the abandonment of the latest site, J-13—Bacuri, the decorated
wares had largely been lost, and this simplification of the ceramics may
indicate that the culture in general was on the decline. In spite of the
absence of a ceramic link of the sort connecting the other Phases,
several considerations make it unlikely that a gap exists between the
#88 One Acauan Phase site, J-12—Jurupucti is on north Marajo6; the others are on Mexiana Island.
30 More detailed analysis has shown that what seemed to be the contact and assimilation by the Formiga
Phase, mentioned in the preliminary report (Evans and Meggers, 1950, p. 4) was in error.
<a ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 409
end of the Mangueiras Phase and the inception of the following
Formiga Phase. Predominant among these is the presence in the latter
Phase of a type of Pseudo-Sip6 Incised, which differs from the Man-
gueiras Phase ware of the same name only in that the Sipé Incised
motifs occur on the plain ware of the Formiga Phase. The motifs are
unquestionably of Ananatuba Phase derivation and could only have
been acquired by contact with either the Ananatuba or the Mangueiras
Phase. Brushing, another Formiga Phase decorative technique, is
likely to be of similar derivation in view of its long history in the two
preceding Phases.
Complete contemporaneity between the Formiga Phase and either
of the other two Phases, on the other hand, is ruled out by the co-
incidence of their geographical distributions (fig. 145). That of the
Formiga Phase, as it is now known, extends from the vicinity of
Chaves, on the north coast of Marajé, to the southwestern edge of
Lago Ararf and overlaps a large portion of both the Mangueiras and
Ananatuba Phase territories. The Formiga Phase site of J-18—
Coroca is only one km. from the Mangueiras Phase site of J-17—Flor
do Anajis and 2 km. from the Ananatuba Phase site, J-19, on the
Rio Anajasinho. A similar degree of geographical proximity exists
between J-6 and J-7 in the north, and it seems most unlikely that
these Phases could have existed simultaneously in such a limited area
and have retained their individual integrity so completely. It is
more reasonable to assume that the Mangueiras Phase had withdrawn
to J-13—Bacuri by the time the Formiga Phase began to occupy
J-6, somewhat to the east. J-18—Coroca, which is later, would
then have been settled after the abandonment of the nearby sites
belonging to the other and earlier Phases. By the time of the For-
miga Phase penetration west to J-4—Mucaj4, it can be postulated
that J-13, which intervenes geographically between J-6 and J-4,
had been abandoned by the Mangueiras Phase.
During the latter portion of the Formiga Phase, beginning with the
settlement of J—4, a foreign influence is demonstrated by the sudden
introduction of a new decorative technique, namely, corrugation of
the exterior vessel surface. The possibility of this being an indige-
nous development is excluded by the suddenness and strength of the
initial appearance (fig. 85). Since this took place at J-4 it is probable
that, in moving west, the Formiga Phase came into close contact for
the first time with a group that was characterized ceramically by the
use of corrugation. Perhaps the competition engendered by too close
proximity was what caused the withdrawal from J—4 after an unusually
short period of occupancy. At any rate, the former inhabitants of
J-4 apparently introduced corrugation to their fellow tribesmen at
410 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
J-6, for the technique appears there immediately afterward.! This
corrugation (Mucajdé Corrugated), which is more accurately described
as pinching of the surface than as true corrugation, did not take a hold
among the ceramicists at J-6 and gradually faded out.
The termination of the Formiga Phase is brought about by the
advent of the Marajoara Phase. The upper two levels of the cuts in
J-6, Mounds 1 and 2, produced Marajoara Phase decorated sherds
from vessels secured by trade. The alternative possibility, that they
were picked up from an abandoned Marajoara Phase site, would not
explain why these specimens appeared here in the north, where there
are no nearby Marajoara Phase sites rather than at J-18—Coroca,
which is in the center of the mound area.
A plain ware, tentatively called Catarina Plain (p. 227), makes an
approximately contemporaneous appearance with these Marajoara
Phase decorated wares and, although the exceedingly poor condition of
preservation makes positive identification impossible, it seems likely
that this is nothing more than Inajé Plain, also of Marajoara Phase
origin. The peculiar, “variegated,” gray and gold appearance of the
paste is duplicated in some of the Inajé Plain examples from Forta-
leza, which seriates early in the Marajoara Phase sequence.
On the Island of Marajé, Marajoara culture has an approximately
circular area of distribution centering on Lago Arari (fig. 145). The
greatest concentration of sites, according to present indications, is east
of the lake, where the campo is most open. Of the 28 cemeteries that
have been recorded only four are represented by ceramic collections
that are sufficiently large and unselected to permit a detailed analysis of
the pottery types. These are J-—14, Mound 1; J-15, Mound 1;
Pacoval; and Fortaleza. The classification and subsequent seriation
of the decorated wares from these sites (fig. 143) shows that Pacoval
and Fortaleza are somewhat earlier than the western mounds and
exhibit a number of ceramic refinements later lost, such as hollow
rims, excision on a double slip, and retouching incised lines with red.
Along with ceramic changes there appear to have been alternations
of other parts of the culture. Burial stratigraphy at J-14, Mound 1,
indicates that secondary urn burial associated with tangas gives way
to cremation, with which no tangas are found. The decline in the
frequency of clay stools in the cemeteries must be correlated with the
dying out of the practice or belief of which they are the material
expression.
The archeological evidence that this culture was at its peak at the
earlier sites on the Island of Marajé, and that its local history was one
of decline is one indication of its intrusive nature. Another is the
31 Note that the seemingly earlier appearance lower down on the chart (fig. 85) is actually immediately
beneath the later ones in location in the ground, and was probably on the top and later than the genera}
average of the level in which it occurs.
aah ae mae ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON All
general level of development, both material and sociopolitical, which is
far above that manifested by the preceding and subsequent cultures in
the area. Ecological considerations obviate the possibility that such
a level of complexity could have been attained in the local type of
tropical forest environment and point to a deviation from a more
temperate or highland region (pp. 26-32). This conclusion can be
tested by using the comparative method and it is fortunate that the
ereater complexity of Marajoara Phase culture and the presence of
certain unusual ceramic traits permit a more extensive application
of this approach than is possible with the other archeological Phases
on Marajé Island.
The numerous students of Marajoara culture who have ventured to
put in print their theories of the derivation of the people who were
responsible for the impressive mounds and remarkable ceramics have
one thing in common: with rare exceptions, none of them have con-
sidered the culture to be indigenous to Marajé Island. Lisle du
Dreneuc (1889, p. 19), has proposed an origin as far afield as Egypt,
brought through the intermediary of the Phoenicians, well-known
mariners, and colonists of the Old World. Barbosa Rodrigues
(1876-78, p. 7) suggested that:
The similarities resulting from the comparison of the Brazilian and North
American burial mounds, compared with the customs of ancient Scandinavia,
provides proof of the influence that the Viking homeland had on the inhabitants
of the New World.
Without venturing to trace the mound-building trait to the Old World,
others have suggested that its presence in the eastern United States and
on Marajé Island, together with several similar ceramic features of the
two regions, may be indicative of a common origin for the Marajoara
Phase and the Mississippi Mound-builders (Netto, 1885, p. 419;
Palmatary, 1950, p. 347). It has also been pointed out that there
are links with the upper Amazon, Venezuela, Colombia, and Central
America (Cruls, 1944, p. 169; Lothrop, 1942, pp. 253-255). A more
specific source in the Peruvian Andes has been proposed because of
the quality of the modeled and painted pottery and of the great
attention given the dead there as on Marajé (Netto in Tocantins,
1876, p. 63; Tocantins, op. cit.). Any such affiliation, however, is
vehemently denied by Barbosa Rodrigues (1876-78, p. 14), who asks:
Where does the use of burial mounds occur in Peru? Where are the burial
urns? There is no material evidence that justified [the choice of] the Andean
civilization, just as history does not come out in support of it.
Among living tribes, attention has most frequently been called to
the Panoan groups of the Peruvian Montafia, who decorate their
pottery with black, red, or black-and-red, rectilinear designs that have
an impressionistic resemblance to the Marajoara painted style.
412 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
Kroeber has proposed that this may indicate a modern survival of
the Marajoara style (1949, pp. 486, 488, 490).
All of these theories have been developed by using the comparative
method, with greater or less judgment, discrimination and under-
standing of the limitations involved in the use of this technique of
making correlations. Marajoara culture has never been found in its
typical form outside the mouth of the Amazon and it is this situation
that makes for almost free-for-all conditions on the question of affilia-
tion. Many of the characteristic traits (e. g., urn burial, mounds,
excision, etc.) have distributions that do not coincide and it becomes
a question of deciding which should be given the greatest weight, or
is the most unique and therefore the least susceptible to independent
invention. This leads to dangerous ground, because it seems possible
that mounds, which have been used as one of the diagnostic traits,
may not be a primary component but instead are a secondary adjust-
ment to the environmental conditions on the Island of Marajé.
However, the comparative method is the only approach available in
the present state of our knowledge of South American archeology,
and if used cautiously can provide valuable clues.
Marajoara Phase traits that can be traced archeologically are
pottery stools, spoons, spindle whorls, pot stands, small vessels with
large “wing” adornos, pottery characteristics such as excision, ‘‘face
scrolls,” hollow rims, annular and pedestal bases, and the practice of
secondary urn burial. These have the following distributions (fig.
146):
Pottery stools —From Cerro Narrio in the Province of Cafiar, Ecuador, come
examples (pl. 84, b) closely similar to those from Marajé6. Collier and Murra
(1948, p. 56) give this description:
These ‘‘seats” differ in size and height, some being quite squat, 10 cm.
high and 25 cm. wide, others being as much as 30 cm. high. They have
cylindrical walls and are hollow. There is no bottom. The upper platform
is perforated by a circular hole and is always painted. . . . The outside of
the cylinder is ornamented with painted or incised designs. The perforated
platform is always painted red, or red and white. The step-design is fre-
quently used, as are opposed chevrons, hatched triangles, parallel bands,
and occasionally punctates.
The shape and the central perforation are duplicated by Marajoara Phase exam-
ples. The major distinction lies in the painted ornamentation, which is not
characteristic of the Marajoara stools in museum collections, but is present on
one specimen in the U. 8. National Museum (pl. 84, a) and several in the Goteborg
Museum (p. 296). The Narrio stools belong to what Collier has called the ‘“‘Late
Complex,” which ended with the Inca Invasion of Ecuador (see also Jij6n y
Caamajio, 1930, fig. 19).
Two similar, fragmentary objects from La Tolita near the mouth of the Rio
Santiago, Ecuador, are illustrated by Uhle (1927, pl. 28). The bases are broken
but the disks are complete. They appear to be markedly concave and one has a
perforation through the center. One is painted red, the other black. Disk diam-
391329 O -57 (Face p. 412)
s@X “WING” ADORNOS IVAWA 8 EXCISION
ANNULAR BASES
POT STANDS
HOLLOW RIMS
SECONDARY
URN BURIAL
POTTERY STOOLS
hatched area
391329 O -57 (Face p. 412)
Figure 146.—Archeological distribution of distinctive traits of the Marajoara Phase.
designates
Marajé6 Island, the locus of the Marajoara Phase.
The parallel-hatched area
POT STANDS
SECONDARY
URN BURIAL
KEY
a
S
fj
—
EXCISION
ANNULAR BASES
HOLLOW RIMS
POTTERY STOOLS
a os whe ded Tey
- wn husd Soe
01 seule am i Saou
ut J ye erly
sb i i
= iaszist ae
mre Oe ke
es i ale ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 413
eter is 19.5 and 22.5 cm. A possible stool fragment from Olén in the Province
of Guayas, Ecuador, is illustrated by Disselhoff (1949, pl. 28, p. 401). Unfor-
tunately, no description is given, but the specimen is shown with a concave top,
perforated through the center, and flaring pedestal base. The reconstruction is
taller than is characteristic of similar Marajoara Phase examples.
Although carved stone examples are more common, stools of pottery are also
occasionally found in Panama, particularly the Chiriqui area, and in Costa Rica
(Lothrop, 1950, p. 84). Their form differs from the Marajoara and Ecuadorian
ones in that the support is furnished by grotesque caryatid figures rather than
a solid, annular base.
Spoons.—The spoons that have been identified archeologically in other parts
of South America typically have shallow bowls joined to a flat, short handle.
They come from the lower level of Mound Velarde, in the Mojos region of Bolivia
(Nordenskiéld, 1913, figs. 68-69) and the north highlands of Peru (Bennett,
1944 b, figs. 1le, 18 h). Clay spoons have also been reported from the Department
of Narifio on the southern Colombia border, but no description is available (Ben-
nett, 1944a, p. 53). Objects with a perforated “spout” more closely resembling
the Marajoara Phase spoons have been found in the Recuay style from the north
highlands of Peru (Bennett, 1944 b, fig. 17 and pl. 2-D) and at Erin Bay, Trinidad
(Palmatary, 1950, pl. 107 e). Vessels of similar shape but larger size occur in
Puerto Rico (Rainey, 1940, p. 20 and fig. 4f). None of these approach the Mara-
joara Phase elaborateness of ornamentation or show the range of shape from a
shallow to a nearly spherical bow] (pl. 81).
Spindle whorls.—The type of spindle whorl found at Pacoval, an early Mara-
joara Phase site, is large, heavy, hollow or solid, and has a rhomboid to spool-
shaped profile (fig. 136, c-g). Whorls very similar in shape and incised decora-
tion occur in Colombia (American Museum of Natural History Collection). It
is significant that in the later Marajoara Phase sites the form has changed to a
disk, which is the usual shape of Tropical Forest spindle whorls (fig. 136, a—b).
Pot stands.—Two types are used in South America. One consists of three small,
spool-shaped or conical pieces forming a tripod support, which occurs archeo-
logically in Mound Masicito, Mojos, Bolivia (Nordenskiéld, 1924 a, map 14) and on
Marajé (Torres, 1940, pl. 47; Palmatary, 1950, pl. 86), and is more widespread
ethnographically. The other type is similar in shape but larger, so that the bottom
of the vessel rests in its concave or hollow top. Lothrop gives the distribution of
this form as between the Huastec region of Mexico and the Province of Manabi,
Ecuador, with its most frequent appearance in northeastern Costa Rica and Coclé
(1942, p. 178, and figs. 225, 359, 360). In Venezuela, it has been recorded only
from the State of Lara (Kidder II, 1944, p. 145). ‘‘Spool-shaped pottery rests”
are said to be frequent in the Mayaro site on the east coast of Trinidad (Howard,
1947, p. 25). The Marajoara examples are more cylindrical than spool-shaped,
and more comparable to the {miniature ones used in threes (Palmatary, 1950,
pl. 8, a).
Small vessels with large ‘wing’? adornos.—One of this type in the American
Museum of Natural History collection is from Colombia (p]. 85, b). The fidelity
with which it resembles those from early Marajoara Phase sites can be seen by
comparing it with Marajoara examples (pl. 85, c; Palmatary, 1950, pls. 4-f, 5-a,
42-c, and 43-a). A similar specimen has been found in Costa Rica (pl. 85, a).
Excision.—Excision as a technique for ceramic decoration has been found in
several places in lowland South America outside of the Island of Marajé. One of
these is Oriximiné at the mouth of the Rio Trombetas, where a rim sherd (pl.
88, a) was collected by Ackermann with a number of modeled and incised sherds
more, typical of the other ceramics known from this area. Another is Ilha dos
Al4 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULE. 167
Muras, on the north bank of the Amazon immediately above the mouth of the
Rio Negro. From here a square bowl on a high pedestal is illustrated by Barbosa
Rodrigues (1892, p. 32, pl. 8, fig. 2), who describes the decoration on the exterior of
the pedestal as being painted red and black on the raised portion of the design and
white in the background. A rim fragment from a vessel with the extreme variety
of excision found on early Marajoara Phase types (in which the proportion of the
surface removed by excision is greater than that left) comes from Airdo, on the
right bank of the Rio Negro (Cruls, 1942, pl. 12, center top). Two excised speci-
mens, one a rim sherd and one a small complete vessel, are reported by Cruls
(op. cit. pl. 12, lower left and right) from Coarf, on the upper Amazon. The
chronological position of none of these occurrences has as yet been determined.
The most extensively documented non- Marajoara Phase appearance of excision
is Acauan Excised from the Acauan Phase at the mouth of the Amazon (pls.
90-91), which closely resembles the Marajoara Phase types in motif, but lacks the
varieties of slipping and range in technique of execution characteristic of the latter
Phase. The similarities in motif suggest a common derivation, which must be
traced to another part of South America since the time difference between the
2 Phases at the mouth of the Amazon appears to be several hundred years
(pp. 548 ff. and fig. 205).
Elsewhere in South America, excision on pottery has been reported from Cu-
cuma, near Lake Titicaca (Verneau, 1929, p. 6) and from Rurenebeque in Bolivia
(Rydén, Pers. Comm.). A vessel from Lago Mucupy near the Rio Japuré might
be considered a simple type of excision (Hébert, 1907, pp. 186-7 and pl. 3). In
Colombia, it is evaluated as ‘‘ccommon” in the ceramics of Quimbaya, on the
Cauca River (Bennett, 1944 a, p. 106, fig. 15b, d), and is a feature of Mason’s
“fine carved ware”’ from the Tairona Culture of Santa Marta (1939, pp. 396-397
and pl. 282, figs. 5-6; pl. 237, fig. 7; pl. 246, figs. 6-7), where the recesses are often
treated with a white coating (pl. 87, a). Excision is typical of the sherds from
Arauquin, on the Apure River near its junction with the upper Orinoco (Petrullo,
1939, pl. 31, fig. 1, b-f).
Excision, often followed by refilling of the recesses with clay of different colors,
is characteristic of the Valley of Mexico. Linné (1925, pp. 141-2) notes that a
simplified variety of this decoration is present in southern Mexico, Guatemala,
Costa Rica, and Panama, and considers the South American appearances as off-
shoots from this center. Verneau (1920, pp. 9-10) draws the same conclusion
from his review of the distribution of the technique.
“Face scrolls.’’—In the light of the numerous other resemblances between the
Marajoara Phase and the northwestern part of South America, it is pertinent
to recall Lothrop’s (1942, p. 254) comparison of the conventionalized faces set
in semicircular fields produced by bisecting the interior of a shallow bowl found
at Coclé with examples from Marajé. In both places they appear fully developed,
perhaps representing different lines of diffusion from the same source (op. cit.,
figs. 36, 40, 487—a).
Hollow rims.—The archeological distribution of hollow rims skirts the Andes
and northern South America. They have been reported from Tarupayu, Bolivia
(Nordenskiéld, 1924 b, fig. 5; 1930, fig. 6); from Yumbia, in the Province of
Tarija, Bolivia (Métraux, 1948 ¢e, p. 468); from El Horno, Department of Mag-
dalena, Colombia (Reichel-Dolmatoff, 1951, pl. 19-a); from the states of Falcén
(Osgood and Howard, 1943, fig. 7), Aragua (Osgood, 1948, fig. 6-c and k), and
Lara (USNM specimen No. 398674) in Venezuela. They also occur on the
islands of Aruba, Curacao and Bonaire, just off the Venezuelan coast (Josselin
de Jong, 1918, figs. 23, 23-a and pl. 21, fig. 10). In the Amazon valley, hollow
rims occur in the Santarem area (Palmatary, 1939, p. 106) and at the Arua sites
SO ald ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 415
of C-6 and C-9 on southern Caviana, as well as in the early mounds of the
Marajoara Phase.
Annular and pedestal bases.—These veccur frequently on the ceramics of the
advanced cultures in Mexico, Central America, and the Andean area from
Venezuela to Peru. Linné’s map (1929, map 6) shows them to have a Circum-
Caribbean and Andean distribution, but to be absent archeologically from the
South American lowlands except at Santarem and in the Territory of Amapa.
Although he omits the designation, they are also present at Miracanguera, below
Manaos, and are relatively frequent in the Marajoara Phase, especially at the
earlier sites (Palmatary, 1950, pls. 45-b, 47—-h, 55-a, b, 67-b, 76-b, ec, 79-b,
80-a-d). Linné (1929, p. 106) considers this evidence of diffusion, noting that:
It is remarkable that vessels on columnar or annular feet are of such
sparse occurrence outside the areas of the high cultures. Their occurrence
in northern South America, on the lower Amazon River and in the Lesser
Antilles corresponds with other cultural elements which have emanated from
the high culture areas.
Secondary urn burial_—N ordenskiéld (1920, map 16){has ‘plotted the occurrences
of urn burial in South America, distinguishing the primary from the secondary
type where the source is sufficiently explicit. Whereas primary urn burial is
relatively common, in a distribution that almost circumscribes the Amazon
Basin (beginning in the region of Baia, Brazil, extending down the Atlantic coast,
through the Bolivian Montafia, northward along the Pacific coast and eastward
through Venezuela), secondary burial in urns is more limited. Nordenskiéld
(ibid.) reports it for the Omagua and Roamayna on the Marafion; in the Narifio
and Quimbaya areas of Colombia; among the Indians near Cartagena at the
mouth of the Magdalena, Colombia; in the Goajiro, Valencia and Ature regions
of Venezuela; on the Rio Branco, Brazil; at several spots along the Guiana coast;
among the Caraj4 and Indians on the lower Xingi, Brazil, and for the Rio Guaporé
along the Brazil-Bolivia boundary. The two types are combined in several
places along the middie and lower Amazon.
When the known occurrences of these distinctive Marajoara Phase
traits are plotted on a map (fig. 146), the greatest concentration
appears in the northwestern corner of South America. The archeology
of this area is so poorly known, however, especially the eastern
slopes of the Andes, that it is desirable to supplement evidence from
this source with information from the living tribes. Here the situa-
tion is more fortunate in that the groups inhabiting the Montafia
are among those that have suffered least from European influence,
and because the objects of ceramic composition in the Marajoara
Phase can often be compared with similar forms made of wood or
other perishable materials that would be lost in archeological sites.
Certain traits such as wooden stools and female pubic coverings
have diffused so widely as to lose all significance for a distribution
study of this sort, and others like ear ornaments are too seldom
described in sufficient detail to permit comparison. A few ethno-
graphic traits, however, strikingly support the conclusion derived
on the basis of the archeological data. These are tangas, pot rests,
tassels, labrets, whistles, and frontal deformation of the skull.
416 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
Tangas.—What appears to be the only recorded example of the modern use
of a ceramic pubic covering exists among the Panoan tribes of the Ucayali River,
where as part of the puberty observance a girl is said to have been “isolated
in her hut for one month, wearing an ‘egg-shaped’ piece of pottery as a pubic
cover” (Steward and Métraux, 1948, p. 585). A pubic covering of shell is worn
by the Zapa women (op. cit., p. 641). Elsewhere in the Tropical Forest, such
articles were of vegetal material and had no ceremonial association.
Pot rests—The use of small rests in groups of three for the support of round-
bottomed vessels has a distribution that skirts the Andes, having been recorded
for the Movima (Métraux, 1948 b, p. 426), the Cavina (Nordenskiéld, 1924 a,
p. 134 and map 14), the Piro (Farabee, 1922, pl. 6), the tribes of the Montafia
(Steward, 1948 c, p. 519), the Quijo (Steward and Métraux, 1948, fig. 93), the
Witoto (Nordenskiéld, loc. cit.), the Indians of the Caiari-Uaupés (ibid.), the
Indians of the Rio Branco (Cruls, 1944, pl. 39) and the Mapidan (Nordenskiéld,
loc. cit.). Tessman (1930, Kartogramm 11) shows a widespread use in the upper
Ucayali and Marajion.
Tassels—Anthropomorphic burial jars are frequently shown with a tassel
pendant from a spool worn in the ear lobe (fig. 147). Nordenskidld (1919, p. 130),
who has reviewed the distribution of tassels, concludes:
The use of tassels on cords of various kinds is clearly a custom that came
to the Chaco from the culture zone to the west. Within the area of my
investigations I found these tassels among the Choroti, Ashluslay, Mataco,
Figure 147.—Tassels shown as ear ornaments on Marajoara Phase anthropo-
morphic jars.
391329 O - 57 (Face p. 416)
ea designates
TRIPOD POT RESTS
FRONTAL DEFORMATION
CERAMIC PUBIC COVERINGS
SECONDARY URN BURIAL
391329 O ~- 57 (Face p. 416)
Ficure 148.—Ethnographic distribution of distinctive traits of the Marajoara Phase. The cross-hatched area designates
Maraj§ Island, the locus of the Marajoara Phase.
KEY
TRIPOD POT RESTS
FRONTAL DEFORMATION
CERAMIC PUBIC COVERINGS
SECONDARY URN BURIAL
Liisitr siti gee OB karate M+ srmp-hatchoc aoe
| the locus uf tha Mersjunes Tika
Mace mney AND ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 417
Toba, Chiriguano, Chané, Aymara, and Quichua but among no tribe on the
plain north of Sta. Cruz dela Sierra. Tassels are common on the textile fabrics
found on the Peruvian coast.
Labrets—The perforation of the lower lip for the insertion of an ornament is
a widespread trait in the Tropical Forest culture area. Two types of labrets
were used, one “‘capshaped” and the other long and slender. Nordenskidld
(1920, pp. 75-76) concluded that the latter type was the older because of its much
wider distribution in South America. If the identification of the two specimens
from Marajoara Phase sites as labrets is correct (fig. 135), they are of this older
type. Although found ethnographically in various parts of the Amazon (e. g.,
Caraj4; Lipkind, 1948, pl. 21, fig. 21), they are particularly characteristic of the
tribes of the Montaiia (Farabee, 1922, pl. 5; Tessman, 1928, pls. 15 and 16).
Whistles.—This trait is less useful than might be desired because the form
is not often described, and many varieties exist that may have independent
origins. However, whistles are common among the musical instruments in the
western margin of the Amazon area and rare in other parts of the Tropical Forest
(Steward, 1946-50, vol. 3).
Frontal deformation of the skull—Among tribes practicing skull deformation
by binding a pad over the forehead to flatten the frontal region are the Quijo
(Steward and Métraux, 1948, p. 654), the Omagua (Métraux, 1948 d, p. 694),
the Awishira (Steward and Métraux, 1948, p. 642), the tribes of the Ucayali (op.
cit., p. 572), the Peban and Tupian tribes of the Montafia (Steward, 1948 ¢, p.
521), the Tiatinagua (Métraux, 1948 b, p. 444), tribes north of the Orinoco
(Kirchhoff, 1948, p. 485), certain tribes of the Guianas (Gillin, 1948, p. 834), the
Pijao in Colombia (Herndndez de Alba, 1946, p. 957), and tribes on the Ecuador
coast, such as the Palta and Esmeralda (Murra, 1946, pp. 801, 803). Frontal
and fronto-occipital deformation are also characteristic of the Circum-Caribbean
tribes (Steward, 1948 a, p. 5).
This list could be extended by including more of the ceramic traits,
such as vessel shapes, manner and motif of decoration, features such
as holes near the rim edge for the attachment of strings (Nordenskidld,
1920, p. 140 and map 18) and specially made lids for vessels (Linné,
1929, map 10). Many of these are discussed by Palmatary (1950,
pp. 331-345) and all that need be said here is that where there are
correlations in South America, they are almost invariably to be found
in the Ecuador-Colombia-Venezuela area. It will be noted that the
archeological correlations tend to be farther north than the ethno-
graphical ones (ef. fig. 146 and fig. 148). Many of the latter are, in
fact, concentrated in the Bolivian Montafia. This may be the result
of differential survival or extinction of the aboriginal groups in differ-
ent parts of northwestern South America, or it may indicate that
there has been a general ‘‘drift” of culture southward along the Andes
in late prehistoric times. Evidence is accumulating to support the
conclusion that the Bolivian Montafia and lowland are the recipients
rather than the originators of most of these traits.
Since attention has been called several times to the resemblances
between the modern pottery of the Panoan and other Montaiia tribes
and that of the Marajoara Phase (Kroeber, 1949, p. 486; Steward,
418 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
1948 c, p. 522), a word should be said on this subject. In the light of
the evidence that the Marajoara Phase is derived from the north-
western part of South America, and shares certain other traits with
the living tribes of the Montafia, a similarity in painted decoration on
pottery is not at all unexpected. However, it does not seem likely
that the relationship between the two areas is a direct one, since none
of the complex Marajoara Phase incised or excised techniques occur
in the Peruvian Montafia. Although the archeology of the Montafia
area is almost unknown, pottery has been reported from the Rio Napo
in EHeuador that could easily be ancestral to the modern Montafia
styles. The Napo material also shows some affiliation with Marajoara
painted styles, but too little is known of the complex to judge the
significance of this resemblance. There are undoubtedly undis-
covered styles and cultures in the Montafia area and farther to the
north that will contribute to the solution of this and other problems
when some scientific archeological work is undertaken.
A comparison of the two distribution maps (figs. 146 and 148)
shows the greatest concentration and largest number of Marajoara
Phase trait resemblances to be in the northwestern part of the con-
tinent, specifically in Colombia and Ecuador. The occurrences of
various of these traits in other parts of South America follow a pat-
tern that may represent several major lines of diffusion or
migration: eastward through Venezuela and out into the Antilles;
southward along the eastern slope of the Andes into Bolivia; and
down the tributaries leading into the Amazon and ultimately into
Marajé Island.
One final point might be raised in support of an Ecuador-Colombia-
N. E. Peru origin for the Marajoara Phase, and that concerns the geo-
graphical features, which contrast with those of the Andes farther
south. Marajoara culture is a mixture of traits that are typically
Tropical Forest with others that are characteristic of the more ad-
vanced Circum-Caribbean and Sub-Andean cultures. Tangas and
labrets, for example, are lowland in their distribution, and certain
vessels shapes are out of the highland tradition. Clay stools and com-
plex ceramic treatments like excision and hollow rims, on the other
hand, belong to the region of Circum-Caribbean or Sub-Andean cul-
ture. In Peru and Bolivia, the highlands and the lowlands are sharply
divided by the north-south range of the high Andes, and there appears
to have been little effective cultural communication between the two
regions. In Ecuador and Colombia, however, this situation is modi-
fied. The coast is humid, tropical forest rather than arid desert, and
the tropical zone extends like fingers into the highlands via the valleys
of the rivers that drain to the west. Other rivers, like the Japura,
the Putumayo, and the Napo, lead from the highlands into the Ama-
oe ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 419
zon in the opposite direction. Probably because of the less uniform
environment, the culture never reached the height that it did in the
highlands farther south and there appears to have been greater plas-
ticity in the environmental adjustment and greater interchange be-
tween highland and lowland groups (cf. Bennett, 1946, pp. 823-824).
This sort of background might be expected to give the combination
of otherwise distinct traits manifested by Marajoara culture.
Perhaps for the same unexplained reason that motivated so many
of the other penetrations into the tropical forest lowlands, the Mara-
joara Phase moved out of its homeland and down one of the tribu-
taries leading to the Amazon. To the question ‘“‘Why did they go
so far?” there may be two answers. One was suggested by Netto
(1885, pp. 417-418):
. . the great river was peopled with savage tribes, who by their numerical
superiority, if not by their great ferocity, constituted at different times and
different places in the course of the river no small obstacle to the settlement of
the invaders. Some of those thus persecuted, unable to return to the regions
from which they had come, took the only path open to them. ... Those that
were on the headwaters . . . descended the river until they reached Marajé.
Another possibility may be that the dense forests and flooded river
banks were too different from the environment to which the people
were accustomed for them to be considered habitable. The trip
downriver must have been a rapid one, because no Marajoara Phase
sites have come to light along the main course of the Amazon, which
is better known archeologically than other parts of the lowland.*™
The immigrants settled finally on Marajé6, perhaps because the incum-
bents were friendly or unresistant, perhaps because the open campo
was more congenial to them, perhaps because it was the ‘‘end of the
trail.” At any rate, the people must have soon learned that the en-
vironment could not support them as they had previously lived, and
although they apparently tried to carry on, the culture began a slow
decline toward the Tropical Forest level.
With the omission of a few traits like metallurgy and a change from
the present to the past tense, it is remarkable how well their recon-
structed history fits the description given by Steward (1948 a, p. 2)
of the fate of similar penetrations into the tropical lowlands in post-
Columbian times by Circum-Caribbean tribes:
Gone are the intensive horticulture, the dense population, the large villages,
the class-structured society, the mounds, temples, idols, the priests, the warfare,
cannibalism and human trophies, the elaborate death rites, and even the tech-
31a After this report went to press, we discovered that several Marajoara Phase sherds have been reported
from the Rio Trombeta region (Toledo, 1942, figs. 1-5, 7). These include 2 figurine heads and a rim adorno
of indisputable Marajoara Phase origin and 8 other sherds that cannot be identified with certainty from the
illustrations, although they look like Marajoara Phase pottery types. If the provenience is correct, this
material supports the theory proposed here of a downriver movement of the Marajoara Phase.
420 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
nological and esthetic refinements evidenced in the early metallurgy, weaving,
ceramics, and stone sculpture. The modern tribes who retain a predominantly
aboriginal culture have come to resemble the Tropical Forest tribes rather than
their own ancestors. They carry on small-scale slash-and-burn farming, and
many of them now hunt and fish more than they till the soil. They live in small
villages, weave simple cloth, and make only plain pots. Their society is unstrat-
ified, their religious cults are scarcely remembered, and the principal survival of
former days is the shaman.
The tendency to select unexplored areas as potential sources for
intrusive traits or cultures is often criticized, and rightly so, since it
encourages dodging rather than facing the problems involved. The
solution offered for the origin of Marajoara culture may seem to be
of the same category, but it must be remembered that there is hardly
a part of South America outside of Peru and the highlands of Bolivia
where there are not wide gaps in our knowledge of the archeology.
On the basis of archeological evidence, or lack of it, it would be safe
to derive the Marajoara Phase from almost anywhere. The Ecuador-
Colombia-N. E. Peru area was not the only possible alternative to
indigenous origin, but was selected after careful examination of the
ecological, archeological, and ethnographical evidence.
A continuation of the site seriation will eventually permit the iden-
tification of the final site occupied by the Marajoara Phase. It seems
unlikely that this will turn out to be greatly different from the last
period represented at J—14 and J—15, where the classic and diagnostic
traits have largely been lost. It was probably about this time that
the Arua moved out into the islands from the Territory of Amapa
and expelled or assimilated the remnants of the Marajoara Phase.
Of all the archeological Phases distinguished in the Territory of
Amap4 and on the Islands of Mexiana, Caviana, and Marajé, the
Arua Phase is the only one that does not loom up suddenly in the
midst of a void. It can be traced back from these islands to the
mainland, and there are ceramic affiliations that point to a more
remote origin farther to the north (pp. 548 ff.). Although the 1948-49
investigations turned up only two Aru& Phase habitation sites on the
north-central coast of Marajé Island, 18 villages and cemeteries were
excavated on Mexiana and Caviana and the pottery analysis estab-
lished the Marajé sites as belonging to the earlier part of the island
occupation.
Historical documents identify this tribe as inhabiting the eastern
part of Marajé Island, and it should be possible to locate Arua sites
in this area. Their failure to be recorded thus far may be the result
of their being overshadowed by the more impressive sites of the
Marajoara Phase, which abound in the same region.
The Arua were a dominantly riparian people and appear to have
preferred to stay close to the coast and the larger rivers. On Mexiana
mc ated ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 421
and Caviana, which are so small that they can be crossed in a day’s
travel, they spread over the entire island. On Marajé, however,
they appear to have had a primarily coastal distribution, from Chaves
eastward to the Cabo Maguari and then southward at least as far as
the present town of Soure (fig. 145). The variety of Piratuba Plain
associated with glass beads in sites on Mexiana and Caviana indicates
that the first contact with the Europeans probably took place not
long after the Arua had settled on the islands in the mouth of the
Amazon. From this time on, they fought a losing battle for their
freedom and their way of life, and although they were able to hold
out longer than the Mazag4o and Aristé Phases on the mainland (p.
587), they finally succumbed and soon after 1816 the last remnants
vanished from sight.
The archeological sequence on Marajé Island can be summarized as
comprising a succession of unrelated cultures, each of which appears
suddenly, flourishes briefly, and then disappears or is absorbed by the
succeeding culture. Four are Tropical Forest in level of develop-
ment and one is more advanced. ‘This lack of continuity is in sharp
contrast to the situation in many other parts of North and South
America, but finds a parallel in the Antilles and similar regions where
pottery cultures are relatively late arrivals.
The earlier Phases on Marajé appear to have been partly contempo-
rary, the Ananatuba and Mangueiras Phases and later the Mangueiras
and Formiga Phases existing at the same time on different portions of
the island. An effort was made to estimate the amount of this over-
lapping by using the figures on village duration derived from density
of the ceramic refuse (pp. 253-254). When the villages are placed in the
temporal sequence indicated by the pottery seriation and contem-
porary villages are excluded, the sum of the nonoverlapping durations
will give a total duration for each Phase on the part of the island
represented by the site distribution.** These results show that the
Ananatuba Phase had the longest duration of the pre-European
cultures (fig. 149). Arriving about A. D. 700, it is the earliest ceramic
culture on the north coast of Marajé and appears to be the sole
occupant of that area at the beginning. In the latter half of its
duration, it was contemporary with villages of the Mangueiras Phase,
which in turn overlaps with the Formiga Phase. The advent of the
Marajoara Phase, which dominated the greater portion of the island,
terminated the earlier Tropical Forest Phases. After the decline and
32 The sites included and the total durations of the Phases are:
Ananatuba Phase (table E), Sites J-7, J-8, J-9, J-10: total 368.6 years.
Mangueiras Phase (table F), Sites C-3, J-5, J-13, and half the duration of J-7: total 330 years.
Formiga Phase (table H), Site J-6 (cut 1): total 75 years.
Marajoara Phase: estimated at 200 years.
Aru Phase: estimated from 60 years prior to 1500 until 1816.
391329—57 29
422 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [PULL. 167
— A.D. 1816 - 279 ARUA REMAINING AT REBORDELLO, CAVIANA
— A.D.1793- REMOVAL OF ARUA FROM CHAVES
HISTORIC
PERIOD
— A.D. 1701 - REMOVAL OF ARUA FROM GANHOAO
— A.D, 1659 - PEACE TREATY WITH NHEENGAIBA
— A.D. 1644-FIRST MISSION ON MARAJO
ARUA
PHASE
— A.D. IS00- DISCOVERY @F, BRAZIL. ———— § —<_$—<———s ——— te
MARAJOARA
PHASE
FORMIGA
as PHASE
PRE- tL——-—-H
EUROPEAN
PERIOD
MANGUEIRAS
PHASE
ANANATUBA
PHASE
100 YEARS
Figure 149.—Sequence and estimated relative duration of the prehistoric cultures
on Marajé Island.
cine a ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 423
fall of the Marajoara Phase, the savanna half of Marajé was occupied
by the Arua, who became extinct with increased European occupation
of the island in historic times.
Several explanatory comments should be made in regard to this
chart. Since the ceramic seriation indicates that these sites represent
actual successive habitations, and since the initiation and termination
of most of the Phases is also well established, the estimates probably
give as good an indication of the relative duration of the Phases on
northern and central Marajé as can be obtained in the absence of
historical records. However, the absolute dates shown on the time
scale may be less reliable. The 100-year intervals are based on a
standard rate of sherd refuse accumulation, and, although tests suggest
that the formula may be reasonably accurate, further data are needed
before it can be considered totally reliable. Consequently, the date
of A. D. 700 for the introduction of the Tropical Forest Pattern to
Marajé Island must not be taken as more than an approximation.
The major results derived from this analysis of the archeological
sequence on Marajé Island can be summarized in nine points:
1. There is no evidence to support the conclusion that any of the
pottery-using cultures were indigenous to Marajé Island.
2. With the exception of the Arua, which is the final culture in the
island sequence, none of the Phases were derived from or have any
discernible connection with any of the cultures in the Territory of
Amapa or the Guianas.
3. Although possessing certain Tropical Forest culture traits, the
Marajoara Phase is more advanced than the Tropical Forest Pattern
and has affiliations with the Circum-Caribbean and Sub-Andean cul-
tures of northwestern South America that suggest its derivation from
somewhere in that general region.
4. In view of the proposed derivation of the Marajoara Phase, it
is possible that the ceramics of living tribes of the Peruvian Montaiia
are modern survivals of a painted tradition of which the Marajoara
Phase was one of the earlier components. It seems probable, however,
that their immediate ancestry will be traced back to the culture
represented by archeological specimens from the Rio Napo region
rather than to Marajé Island.
5. The thesis that an advanced culture will decline under tropical
forest conditions, advanced principally by Steward (1949 b, p. 762),
is supported by the evidence of such a decline in the Marajoara Phase,
which arrived on Marajé with a culture substantially higher than the
Tropical Forest level of development, but was unable to maintain this
higher level under local environmental conditions,
424 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
6. The Ananatuba, Mangueiras, Formiga, and Arua Phases repre-
sent typical Tropical Forest cultures and show no evidence of having
originated by deculturation from the Circum-Caribbean level.
7. Marajé Island cannot be considered as the source or the center of
diffusion for any known ceramic style, contrary to the theory proposed
by Willey (1949 b, p. 194). It is rather the “end of the line,” reached
successively by at least five distinct groups in pre-European times.
8. Guess dates derived from estimates of rate of refuse accumulation
suggest that pottery-using cultures did not appear at the mouth of the
Amazon until about A. D. 700.
9. Except in the case of the Arua, who moved down the coast of the
Guianas from the north, the affiliations of the Marajé Island archeo-
logical Phases as far as they can be determined at present are with
regions farther up the Amazon. This supports the conclusion derived
from an analysis of the archeological situation in the Territory of
Amapa that the primary route of migration and cultural diffusion into
the lower Amazon was down river rather than around the Guiana
coast.
THE ISLANDS OF MEXIANA AND CAVIANA
GEOGRAPHICAL DESCRIPTIONS
MEXIANA °9
The Ilha Mexiana lies 9 to 11 km. due north of the central part of
the north coast of Marajé in the true mouth of the Amazon River.
It is separated from the larger island of Caviana on the west by the
Canal Perigoso. This particular channel of water, varying in width
from 5 km. at the narrowest part to 20 km. at the widest, is the point
where the full impact of the outflowing Amazon and incoming tides
of the Atlantic Ocean meet. The turbulence churned up by the incom-
ing tide battling the outflowing river for supremacy twice each day,
plus the rough surface stirred up by the ocean winds, make this crossing
hazardous in small dugouts, small sail boats or larger launches and
has earned it the name ‘Dangerous Canal.”’
Mexiana is oval in shape, 55 km. long in an east-west axis and 24
km. wide in a north-south axis, narrowing at the western tip to around
12 km. (fig. 150). The island runs from 49° 20’ to 49° 50’ Longitude,
and is almost bisected by the equator so that its north shore is 6’
North Latitude while the south shore is 8’ South Latitude.* Like
Marajé, the perimeter of Mexiana is slightly higher than some of the
central parts of the island. Although not as high as southern Caviana,
the banks in places reach 1 to 3 meters above the high tide level.
Some of the coast line has a beach, which varies from soft, impassable,
fine mud to several hundred meters of white sand exposed at low tide.
However, most of the shore is heavily overgrown with shrubs and
undergrowth that thrive on conditions which leave their roots high
and dry twice a day at low tide and completely submerged at high
tide. The general surface of the island is flat with a gentle sloping
toward large marsh areas in the interior. These are named after the
water plant, pi7i, which abounds in them. The three largest are the
Pirizal do Jacaré on the west, running east-west in a long narrow
finger roughly 13 km. long by 1.0 to 1.5 km. wide; the Pirizal do
Japua in the center, forming a crescent 9 km. long from north-south
and 1 to 2 km. wide; and a smaller pirizal in the eastern part of the
33 For an excellent, accurate, interesting and well-written account of the wildlife, the geographical features,
and general living conditions of cattle ranching on the Island of Mexiana in 1848-49, see the account by the
naturalist Alfred R. Wallace (1853, pp. 86-107).
34 These observations are taken from the latest USAAF World Aeronautical Charts made from maps
corrected and based upon aerial photography, with the geographical features taken from a map made of the
island in 1906.
425
426 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULD. 167
island. These areas shrink to shallow ponds during the dry season,
with typical marsh growth of hyacinths, rushes, reeds, lilies, etc., and
provide the watering place of most of the fauna during this time of the
year. The land to the north of Pirizal do Jacaré, known as Campo do
Retiro, rises 25 em. above the highest waterline of the Pirizal. The
campo adjacent to the Pirizal never seems to flood even though it is
reported to be muddy and wet during the rainy season. Although
the major part of the central core of the island is flat campo, cut up
here and there by the headwaters of the many streams that drain
into the Amazon, dotted with clumps of forest, or covered with
scattered carobeira trees, several parts of the campo are slightly lower,
tend to flood in the wet season, stay wetter as the dry season ap-
proaches and thus have a heavier, dense, and greener growth of grass.
These are called baizas (low areas) and the general report of the
caboclos is that unless the campo is burnt annually the baixas become
so dense and matted that cattle become lost and a man cannot ride
through the region without hacking his way with a machete. The
slight difference in altitude or depression, which causes this excess
water retention, restricts the growth of forest or the carobeira tree
to the higher campo, which, in the dry season, parches and becomes
as hard as concrete with the grass drying up.
The coast is fringed by heavy forest growth stretching inward into
the campo in long fingers. The campo reaches the coast in a few places,
one of which is the present headquarters of the cattle ranching on the
island, Fazenda Nazaré, but in most places along the southwest coast
the fringe is one-half to 1 km. wide, broadening out at the south
and eastern tip to 5 to 10 km. With the exception of a few spots,
the northern coastline has a broader, dense forest belt extending
4 to 9 km. inland (fig. 150).
Contrary to Marajé and Caviana, there are no major igarapés
(streams) draining the island of Mexiana. A few, such as the Igarapé
Jacaré, Igarapé Fundo Grande, Igarapé Pinto, Igarapé Limao da
Fora, Igarapé Japua, Igarapé Santa Maria, and Igarapé Chapeo
are navigable at high tide for 5 to 10 km. inland in small sailboats
and dugouts, and there is a dendritic network of smaller streams all
along the coastline. All of the streams are heavily affected by tidal
action with only the larger ones retaining any water at low tide in
the dry season.
There is little difference in flora and fauna between this island
and either Marajé or Caviana which would have had any ecological
significance. The marshes (pirizats) of Mexiana offer the same attrac-
tion to birdlife that the lakes do on the other islands; the igarapés
have the same abundant supply of fish. The availability of the plant
fibers, wild fruits, berries, nuts, and edible plants as well as birds and
ical sites.
(9zp ‘d a0eq) LS - O 62ET6E
391329 O - 57 (Face p. 426)
e 11948 EXCAVATIONS
& ADDITIONAL SITES
FOREST
+ MARSH
AFTER COCATRIX MAP BASED ON
1906 SURVEY.
EQUATOR
CAMPO DO RETIRO
Ficure 150.—Mexiana Island, showing major streams, vegetation pattern and location of archeological sites.
@-wa
CRAhs gy WOH Ae
de
eet — ee a Seni ee
—
(Medina hie dimtrechsn, VagMation obtiery sm) lonahon of gregh! ye 6
, Raye A BS i ca
UP vist! a
4
Lie
hoy Oe
Y Ai | |
mag eeae: AND ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 427
animals appears to be about the same as on the larger islands, and
there is no reason to list the flora and fauna again (see pp. 172-174).
In other words, the available food supply did not offer any restricting
factor to the use of Mexiana by the Indians.
The Ilha do Anands deserves special attention for this island of
forest, 7 km. northeast of M—5 and east of the Pirizal do Japua
(fig. 150), has a large number of wild pineapple plants growing among
the trees. The island of forest is 30 meters wide, 500 meters long, and
stands 50 cm. above the surrounding campo. A few centimeters below
the leaf humus is a fine, pure-white sand, which stands out as a most
peculiar formation, for the campo around the Ilha do Ananas is all
a heavy, light-gray, clayey soil. In among the thick forest growth,
hundreds of pineapple plants are located only at the western half of the
Ilha do Anands. A careful examination of the surface, with a few test
pits did not reveal any potsherds or broken burial vessels anywhere
in the forest or in the nearby campo. According to the caboclo guides
this place is the only spot in the interior of the Mexiana where anands
can be found, although they knew of their occurrence near Igarapé
Fundo Grande and Igarapé Limdo da Fora along the coast. Local
tradition attributes the occurrence of pineapple on Mexiana, especially
at the Ilha do AnanAs, to plantations of the Indians. As far as it was
possible to check into the European history, the pineapple had not
been planted by any of the recent settlers. It is possible that the
peculiar soil conditions offered a natural environmental situation
permitting the plant to survive here without the initial planting by
man.
CAVIANA
Caviana is the large island that lies squarely across the true mouth
of the Amazon. It is the only geographical unit covered by the
archeological survey and excavation that has suffered a major altera-
tion since aboriginal times. This occurred in 1850, when a pororoco,
which is the name given to the wall of water that forms the front of the
incoming tide, cut through the Rio Guajurt and separated the island
into two independent parts. As a result, the contours shown on
many earlier maps differ from those delineated by recent air photog-
raphy, from which the maps in this report were derived (fig. 151).
The pororoco of 1850 split off the western quarter of the original area,
creating a new island that has been given the name of Ilha Capinal.
Although we were told of sites there, we were unable to arrange for a
visit, and it is with the remaining three-quarters, still known as Ilha
Caviana, that this section of the report is concerned. This recent
subdivision must be kept in mind since the original condition of the
island made its present eastern half much more accessible to the adjoin-
ing mainland than it now appears and explains why it was the major
428 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
place of settlement for the Arué when they were expelled from
Brazilian Guiana (Territory of Amap4).
The present Ilha Caviana is 80 km. long and 40 km. in maximum
width toward the east end, narrowing to about 24 km. along the
western half. The 50th parallel of longitude crosses it a little east of
the center, and the equator passes through the southern tip. The
general surface of the island slopes from south to north. Along the
southern coast, the bank rises vertically 1 to 7 meters above the high
tide level. At low tide a narrow, steeply inclined sandy beach or a
broad mud flat is exposed in some places, while in others the trees
extend into the water. As one travels northward, the elevation
gradually declines and the well drained campo becomes swampy and
largely uninhabitable. This surface configuration produces differ-
ences in the abundance and accessibility of water that are reflected in
the vegetation pattern and have an influence on past and present
human settlement.
The vegetation is divided between forest and campo. The forest
forms a belt of varying width around the coast, with small stretches on
the northwest and in the vicinity of Ponta da Caridade on the south
where the campo reaches to the shore. The largest expanses of un-
broken forest are on the southwest, where it extends to the center of
the island, and on the eastern tip, known as Ponta de Rebordelo (Rich,
1942, pl. 26). For several kilometers along the coast east of Ponta da
Caridade, the forest is more open and interspersed with small natural
grassy clearings often containing scattered trees. In addition to the
coastal forest fringe, there is a narrow belt that runs diagonally across
the island and divides the campo into two independent units: the
Campos da Beira on the south and the Campos de Pocoaté on the
north. The differences between these two campos are the result of
their different elevation. The Campos da Beira are relatively high,
dry, and parched in the summer, and remain above flood level in the
rainy season. Scattered carobeira trees and patches of forest are
common, but there are some large unbroken stretches of grass, which
grow into a tall tangle that would soon become impassable if not
burned over. On the low Campos de Pocoaté, by contrast, the grass
(also broken by clumps of forest) remains lush and green throughout
the dry season, affording excellent summer pasture for the cattle, but
is inundated during the winter months. The eastern half of this
campo is swampy, overgrown with marsh plants, and unsuitable for
habitation or for pasturing cattle.
Numerous streams drain into the coast but the majority are filled
and emptied by tidal waters throughout a large part of the year, and
have a constant flow only during the rainy season. The largest river
at the present time is the Rio Goiabal, which would more accurately
391329 O - 57 (Face p. 428)
0°15
PONTA DO
CARAMOJU
ical sites.
49°45’
49° 45°
PONTA DE
REBORDELO
0°15"
o
50°15" 50° 49°45’
0 5 10 KM
* 1948 EXCAVATIONS
& NIMUENDAJU’S EXCAVATIONS
“FOREST
‘4 SWAMPY LOWLAND
=== PATH
AFTER AAF PRELIMINARY BASE 895D A
ors’ se
PONTA DE
REBORDELO
CAMPOS DE POGOATO
9°
S
°
oe
‘
a
©
@
CAMPOS DA BEIRA
v
LAGO .
ISCALVADO *
. eo
PONTA DO
CARAMOJU
ILHA aN 0°
EQUATOR
MARECAS
‘ WY
z
8
: A
4 MAS eee
3 N
&
=
w
° f:
3 PONTA DA CARIDADE
ES
: 49°45'
50°15’ 50
Ficure 151.—Caviana Island, showing major streams, vegetation pattern and location of archeological sites.
eHotTavAay
gworravanka «6g Oveowsume
nh
; a
2248: TRAM
ae
=" eee aa
ep A Bag ee Qo st
wo Be
si
r
oA ia!
on grt teation of ateleolo
Bey iy ivi
ar ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 429
be termed a strait, since its headwaters connect with those of the
Furo das Palmeiras, giving uninterrupted access to both coasts.
A breakthrough occurred about 1939, and has brought about con-
siderable alteration of the vegetation of the area. The hardwood
forest is dying and being replaced by palm and cane, and the dead
giants rising above the smaller growth give the shores of the Furo
das Palmeiras a desolate appearance. The Rio Goiabal is a broad
stream, about 500 meters wide at its mouth. The Rio Piratuba, a
tributary entering from the left, is the longest and largest navigable
stream on the island, with its headwaters in the Campos de Pocoato.
Two hours rowing above its mouth, it is 100 meters across, but by the
time it emerges from the forest into the campo, it has shrunk to about
5 meters in width and is no longer navigable by dugout except at
high tide.
At the eastern end of the island is another river, the Rio Pracutuba,
whose size and navigability has made it important at present, as it
was in aboriginal times. Smaller streams draining to the south coast
include, from west to east, the Rio Pente, the Igarapé Pocoaté, the
Igarapé Pacajé, and the Rio Apani. In all of these, the dry season
water level varies 2 meters between high and low tide, with the
result that the upper half to third of their courses are completely
drained twice each day. Numerous streams of similar nature drain
into the north coast, but because of their swampy shores and the
general inhospitability of the area, they are little known. ‘The largest
of them, which drains the eastern part of the Campos de Pocoaté is
more of a swamp than a river, and goes under the name of Mondongos
da Redemgao.
In the region just east of Ponta da Caridade are three small, shallow
lakes, Lagos Magarico, Iscalvado, and Raposdéo. Although they are
shallow, the water coming only to a man’s waist, and contain numerous
aquatic plants, they are abundantly stocked with fish including the
giant piraruct.
The flora and fauna of Caviana are comparable in most respects to
those of Mexiana and Marajé. The forests contain the same kinds
of animals and birds (except for one species of ong¢a) ; the rainy season
brings forth the same kinds of fruits; the lakes and rivers produce an
abundance and variety of fish. These resources are still exploited by
the caboclos, the majority of whom rely on hunting and fishing to
furnish a large portion of their food.
THE ACAUAN PHASE
One of the archeological sites on Mexiana Island produced a con-
plex of materials that was otherwise represented only by a single
vessel from another Mexiana site and by a few sherds recovered from
430 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
the bed of the Rio Jurupuct on northern Marajé Island. Although
descriptive material is adequately represented at only one site, the
pottery complex has unique features that are of considerable potential
importance in comparative studies. This consideration, plus the
large sherd sample from the excavated site, M-3—Acauan, seemed
to warrant the establishment of a separate archeological Phase.
DESCRIPTION OF SITES AND EXCAVATIONS
SITE M—1—JACAREUBA
A complete, excised bowl and another vessel broken in removal
were discovered in 1947 at low tide in the mouth of the Igarapé
Jacaretiba, the largest stream east of Fazenda Nazaré, and near the
western tip of Mexiana Island (fig. 150). Upon revisiting the site
the exact location of discovery of the bowls could not be determined.
The guides stated that in the past 6 years the bank had eroded badly
and cut back over 3 meters. ‘Tidal action at the time of the visit
precluded examination of the beach. The only materials found in the
area were totally unrelated to the aboriginal occupation of Mexiana
and represented the modern culture of the caboclo. The complete
specimen, owned by Sr. Felisberto Caamargo, has the following
details:
Bowl A is a moderately deep, open vessel with rounded bottom, slightly out-
sloping sidewalls, and an externally thickened rim with flat top, squared lip with
rounded corners. The mouth diameter is 25 cm., vertical sidewall height 7 cm.,
total vessel height 10 cm. The body wall thickness is 8 mm., rim thickness, 1.3
em. Around the lip there are several flanges or lobes. The surfaces are badly
waterworn but the original color appears to be a light tan on exterior with many
light-gray fire clouds especially on the bottom. The interior is a drab brown,
and is slipped and smoothed with some of the smoothing marks remaining. Red
slip is on the flat top of the rim, extending over onto the exterior of rim; perhaps
the red slip once covered the entire exterior but had been scoured off by the sand
and water during its years in the mouth of the Igarapé Jacareiba. The paste
has a medium-gray core fired light tan 1-2 mm. from the surfaces and is tempered
with coarse ground sherd. The excision covers the exterior and shows careful,
even and precise execution of the design. Excisions cut 2 mm. deep into the
gray core of the paste while the incised lines do not go below the smoothed sur-
faces, never exceeding 1 mm.indepth. The vessel is a typical example of Acauan
Excised—common vessel shape 1.
SITE M-—3—-ACAUAN
In the central part of the Island of Mexiana (fig. 150), on the north
side of the Pirizal do Jacaré, a large habitation site runs parallel in
an east-west direction to the marsh. It extends for a distance of 350
meters, but never exceeding 15 meters in width (fig. 152). Sporadic
test excavations over this area, plus the exposure of many sherds on
the surface, especially on the side toward the water, and a decided
431
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difference in vegetation permitted an accurate delineation of the limits
of the site. Seen from the north, or campo side, the site has only a
slightly perceptible rise of 25 cm. above the adjacent terrain. The
entire mound area is covered with a heavy growth of low, yellow-
flowered shrubs (matapasto), as well as a more lush and verdant growth
of grass (pl. 89). Near the eastern end on the northern limits of the
site, there is a sink or former well. At the present time it is beaten
in from the tramping of cattle, and the water occupies an area 8
meters in diameter and 50 cm. in depth during the middle of the dry
season (pl. 89, a). The outer limits of the high water level of this
well embraced an area 25 meters in diameter. Even in the present
choked condition, the well had water while the campo and small
igarapés dried up and the waterline of the Pirizal do Jacaré had
receded 30 meters. It is impossible to determine absolutely whether
this well is the result of the Indian occupation of Acauan or is of more
recent origin. Although no visible remains existed of caboclo houses
in the area, two fragments of modern, white, glazed industrial ware
not exceeding 100 years in age came from just below the surface in
cuts 2 and 3, making either derivation possible.
In addition to a surface collection and a series of sporadic tests in
the western part of the site, five stratigraphic cuts, each 1.5 by 1.5
meters, were placed in various parts of the site. The exact location
of each cut and its relationship to the other excavations are shown on
the detailed site map (fig. 152). Except for cut 1, which was dug in
15-cm. levels, each cut was dug in 8-cm. levels. Since the soil condi-
tions of all the tests were identical, they will be discussed as a unit for
the entire site, followed by a listing of the cultural materials by level
from each cut.
The first level, 0—8 cm., was always fairly loose due to the action
of the shallow-rooted matapasio shrub and grass. However, all the
dirt had to be broken first with a pick. Once broken, the soil of the
site always crumbled into light, gray, clayey particles owing to the
presence at one time of organic matter, whereas any part of the sur-
rounding campo or sterile soil remained in hard lumps of clay.
Scattered throughout the various levels producing sherds were a
large number of lumps of hard fire-burnt clay with a red-orange color
as well as a few, fine flecks of charcoal. The sherds were fairly abun-
dant but extremely small in the first two to three levels. They fre-
quently became sparser in the third level and the soil began to assume
a darker gray color. The sterile soil is a dark, gray-black clay with
small flecks of yellow resulting from the natural precipitation of iron
concretions. The sterile clay was also more compact and wetter than
the refuse layer. Although the sterile soil was easily distinguishable
from the occupation zone, the tests were always carried.to a sufficient
naan ABD ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 433
depth to rule out the possibility of a reoccupation of the site. The
appearance of sterile, natural clay at 16 to 24 cm. indicates that the
existing height of the mound above the surrounding campo is the
result of normal accumulation of refuse.
The following materials came from the various levels of the strata
cuts:
Cut 1:
Level 0-15 cm.: 1,252 sherds, 130 burnt-clay lumps, small frag-
ments of burnt mammal bones (nonidentifiable
according to species).
Level 15-30 cm.: 574 sherds, 65 burnt-clay lumps (two showing split-
cane and reed impressions), 1 charred animal
bone fragment.
Cut 2:
Level 0-8 cm.: 264 sherds, including 2 modeled face rim adornos
Aand B (fig. 153), 17 burnt-clay lumps, 1 fragment
of modern, white, glazed industrial ware with a
blue stamped design (found 1 cm. below the sur-
face).
Level 8-16 cm.: 1,011 sherds, 96 burnt-clay lumps.
Level 16-24cm.: 233 sherds, 29 burnt-clay lumps.
Cut 3:
Level 0-8 cm.: 482 sherds, 11 burnt-clay lumps, 1 small chip of
white, modern, glazed industrial ware (found 1 cm.
below the surface).
Level 8-16 cm.: 1,091 sherds, 36 burnt-clay lumps.
Level 16-24 cm.: 123 sherds, 13 burnt-clay lumps.
Cut 4:
Level 0-8 cm.: 2,221 sherds, 58 burnt-clay lumps, 1 broken in-
cised pottery spindle whorl (fig. 154), 1 pottery
figurine head (fig. 155).
Level 8-16 cm.: 767 sherds, 27 burnt-clay lumps, 1 quartzite flake
(fig. 156).
Cut 6:
Level 0-8 cm.: 911 sherds, 86 burnt-clay lumps, 1 clay stamp
(fig. 157).
Level 8-16 cm.: 891 sherds, 56 burnt-clay lumps.
The collection from the surface and miscellaneous tests consists of
124 sherds.
Another low mound occurs along the north side of the Pirizal do
Jacaré, 500 meters west of the western end of the main site of Acauan.
For purposes of distinction this was designated as Mound 2. In an
oval, 30 meters in an east-west direction and 10 meters in a north-
south direction, the grass grew slightly higher than in the surrounding
campo and the area was covered with the yellow-flowered bush,
matapasto, as well as a few carobeira trees. This area rose 25 cm.
above the surrounding area with the edge of the Pirizal do Jacaré
only 3 meters away. The surface was much harder baked than that
of the main site (Mound 1) and excavation was much more difficult.
434 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
A test cut, measuring 1.5 by 1.5 meters and controlled in 8-cm. levels,
was placed in the center of the slight rise. Since the conditions re-
peated those found in the other part of M-3 and the sherds were much
sparser and very badly eroded, no other excavations were made:
The materials from cut 6 include:
Cut 6:
Level 0-8 cm.: 435 sherds, 5 burnt-clay fragments, 1 small frag-
ment of red ocher with the surfaces slightly worn.
Level 8-16 cm.: 88 sherds, 1 burnt-clay fragment.
The analysis of the cultural materials from M-3—Acauan is thus
based on a total of 10,343 sherds from stratigraphic excavations,
124 sherds from the surface, and the following pottery and nonpottery
artifacts:
Adorno A (fig. 153, a) consists of a face modeled on a rim of Piryzal Plain. A loop
handle originally was attached vertically on the back of the head. The head leans
Fieure 153.—Acauan Phase anthropomorphic or zoomorphic rim adornos of
Piryzal Plain from M-—3—Acauan.
inward toward the bow] interior but the face looks outward. It measures 3.4 cm.
from side to side and 2.8 em. wide. The nose and eyebrows are formed by a
T-shaped applique 3-4 mm. high and the eyes and mouth by oval impressions in
the clay. The mouth diameter of the bowl is 20 cm.
Adorno B (fig. 153, b) is a modeled head attached to the rim exterior of a vessel of
Piryzal Plain. The face is diamond shaped with the “coffee bean” eyes placed at
the greatest width. A similar projection forms the mouth at the lower point and
another is at the top of the head. The nose, thickened at the nostrils, joins the
eyebrows to form a Y. The head is 3.8 em. high and 3.5 cm. wide, and projects
2.4 cm. from the exterior vessel wall. A perforation 5 to 8 mm. in diameter,
punched with a stick when the clay was wet, runs horizontally through the
center of the head just above the level of the eyes.
Incised spindle whorl (fig. 154)——The spherical object, 4 cm. in diameter,
had been punched through the center with a round stick leaving a perforation
5 mm. in diameter. Apparently the decoration was composed of two curvilinear
units repeated on opposite sides, but with only slightly more than half of the
object remaining it is not possible to reconstruct the complete design. Since the
object is fairly large, it is probably a spindle whorl rather than a bead, which
re i lanai ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 435
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Fieure 154.—Acauan Phase spindle whorl from M-3—Acauan.
would have shown wear on the ends where it would have rubbed against another
bead. The paste is Piryzal Plain.
Figurine head (fig. 155).—Several sherds were assembled to form half a head,
broken off at the neck. It is hollow, varying in wall thickness from 4-9 mm.
tapering from 5.1 cm. wide at the neck to a narrow flat top. The existing fragment
is 4.4 cm. high and 3.8 cm. wide from edge to nose. On the back a spiral design
has been incised, perhaps suggesting some hair style, while on the front the face
is shown by a T-shaped applique 5 mm. high and 1.7 cm. long forming the eyebrow
and nose, and small applique eyes. The diadem across the forehead is similar to
that on the figurine from J—12—Jurupucd (fig. 158). The paste is Piryzal Plain
with the exterior well smoothed and the interior unsmoothed leaving the 1.5 cm.
wide coils still visible.
Flake (fig. 156).—This quartzite flake has a distinct bulb of percussion with no
retouch on the edges. It measures 5.5 cm. long, 4.0 cm. wide, tapering from a
paper-thin edge to 1.1 cm. thick in the center and 1.6 cm. thick at the bulb of
percussion.
Stamp (figs. 157, 202, a)—An almost complete circular pottery stamp with a
handle is made of Piryzal Plain. The short, tapered handle measures 5 cm. long
with the total length of the object 7cm. The stamp is circular, measuring 6.2 cm.
in diameter, and has a slightly convex surface. The center of the pattern is com-
posed of two raised and irregular concentric circles 2.0 cm. and 3.7 cm. in diameter.
Rays separated by grooves, 3 to 4mm. wide and 2 to 3 mm. deep, emanate from the
outer circle. Since some of the incisions forming the design are quite ragged and
the convex contour would not work well in impressing wet clay, it is probable that
436 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
oO i 26M
FicureE 155.—Acauan Phase figurine head from M-3—Acauan.
this stamp was used to imprint designs on the body. In experiment, it worked
quite well, especially on the arm, leg, or thigh where the slight give of the skin and
flesh permits the entire design to be transferred easily and clearly. In further
support of this interpretation is the fact that no sherds were found with stamped
ornamentation.
SITE J-12—JURUPUCU
This is the only site of the Acauan Phase not located on Mexiana.
It is on the Rio Jurupuct, which flows westward parallel to and several
kilometers inland from the north coast of Marajé (fig. 48). The sherd
sample was collected by Sr. Rodolfo Chermont, Jr., from the river
bed. Although details of the situation could not be ascertained, the
best interpretation seems to be that the Jurupuct has changed its
course since aboriginal times and washed out a site so that the pottery
is now under water in the bed of the river (cf. Site M-2, p. 457; Site
C-15, p. 464). As a result of this submersion the paste has as-
sumed a slightly different texture and color from that at the type site,
M-3, but in vessel shape and surface technique the sherds are good
examples of Acauan Phase pottery types.
Sepsanes Ax? ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 437
| OM
Figure 156.—Acauan Phase stone flake from M-3—Acauan.
The 21 specimens include a pottery figurine fragment, and 20 large
sherds or complete vessels consisting of 12 Acauan Excised, 4 Carobal
Incised, 3 corrugated related to Floripes Corrugated, and 1 Unclas-
sified Stamped. Those specimens large enough to reconstruct shape
are described below:
Figurine (fig. 158).—The head and upper body of a figurine are modeled with
the head a solid mass affixed to the hollow body; the coil lines are unsmoothed
on the interior and the body walls are 5 mm. thick. A hole, 4 mm. in diameter,
passes through the neck from side to side. The profile is pyramidal, tapering
from 6.5 cm. wide at the chest to 3.3 cm. at the neck, to 1.5 cm. at the top of the
head. From the front view the neck is 4.2 em. wide, the head 5.9 cm. wide at
the ears and 4.2 cm. high. The exterior surfaces are smoothed and even, with
the modeling simple but effective. Breasts are low nubbins, 1.0 cm. in diameter.
The nose and eyebrows are formed by an applique T and the eyes by small, low
applique nubbins. A ridge runs across the top of the head and down the sides
to form the ears, which are perforated. Light incisions run vertically on the
forehead. In style and general shape the figurine head is quite similar to the
fragment found in cut 4, Site M-3—Acauan (fig. 155).
391329—57——30
438 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
Fiaure 157.—Acauan Phase pottery stamp from M-3—Acauan.
Acauan Excised vessel fragments.—Small bowls or lids with the decoration on the
exterior. Three specimens with only minor variations in size. They all have
well-executed, curvilinear excision and a few incised lines on the flat exterior sur-
face and on the short, vertical or slightly outslanting sidewall. Dimensions range
as follows: diameter 11 cm., height 3 cm., body wall thickness 9 mm.; diameter
7.8 cm., height 2.5 em., body wall thickness 4 mm.; diameter 16 cm., height (ex-
isting) 4 cm., body wall thickness 7 mm.
1 GM
Figure 158.—Acauan Phase figurine from J-12—Jurupuct
eG ana AND ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 439
Large, shallow, open bowls with decoration on the exterior of the rim and out-
sloping sidewall. The excised and incised designs are not well executed, with
many lines overlapping and the excisions deep and irregularly applied. The
bowls have a rounded bottom with a small, flattened base and a prominent shoulder
at the junction of the outslanting wall (Acauan Excised, vessel shape 1). The
rim is externally thickened with a rounded lip. Mouth diameter ranges from 24
to 40 cm. with the decoration on the 4 to 8-em. wide body wall.
Miscellaneous body sherds.
Carobal Incised vessel fragments.—One almost complete fragment of a vessel of
Carobal Incised shape 2, with a cross-hatched design in a band 5 cm. wide on the
exterior of the outslanting body wall (pl. 97, e). Height 10 cm., mouth diameter
32 cm., body diameter 28 cm., base diameter 9 cm.
A bowl with incision covering the exterior (pl. 97, c). Carobal Incised shape 2,
height 3.7 cm., with a flat base 12 cm. in diameter and a mouth diameter of 17 cm.
Neck fragment from a jar with heavy, unsmoothed coils 1.0-1.5 em. wide on
the interior (pl. 97, b). The exterior has a curvilinear and rectilinear incised
design and a small applique nubbin.
Corrugated vessel fragments.—Round-bodied jar with a constricted neck and
exteriorly thickened rim. The coils on the exterior of the body are unerased and
pushed or pressed from the side to create corrugations. The neck is incised with
parallel lines in triangular fields and the edge of the rim is nicked. One jar
measures 18 cm. in mouth diameter and 35 em. in body diameter (pl. 97, a).
Another smaller fragment of the same style of surface treatment measures 32
em. in mouth diameter (Floripes Corrugated, shape 2).
Stamped body fragment (pl. 97, d).—Part of the globular body of a vessel, with
the exterior surface covered with marks made by a slightly curved, dentate stamp
2.6 cm. long and 2 mm. wide, divided into 10 points 0.3, 1.0 mm. wide.
DATA FROM OTHER INVESTIGATIONS
No other sites with materials comparable to the Acauan Phase
have been reported, and no other private or museum collections with
this type of pottery appear to exist.
ANALYSIS OF MATERIALS OF THE ACAUAN PHASE
Porrery Type DeEscrIPTIONS
All the Acauan Phase sherds and vessel fragments obtained from our
investigations or studied in private collections (10,471 sherds and 19
vessel fragments) were classified into pottery types using the currently
accepted binomial system of the first name referring to a local geo-
graphic proper name with the second term descriptive. The detailed
pottery type descriptions, arranged in alphabetical order, follow:
ACAUAN EXCISED
Paste: This decorated type is on Piryzal Plain paste; see that description (p. 448)
for details of temper, color, and firing.
SURFACES:
Color:
Exterior—Ranges from black to gray to dusty brown to tan to orange
to red; majority reddish tan, with black the next most common color.
440 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
Interior—Range same as exterior but majority gray to black. Except
for a few sherds red on the exterior which are also red on the interior,
the remainder were light gray, black or tan on the interior.
Treatment:
Exterior—Surfaces well smoothed in most cases and floated before the
design added. No slip. The majority of the sherds with red and
black exteriors are very smooth and glossy, whereas those in the light-
tan group retain slight surface irregularities and sometimes faint
smoothing marks.
Interior— Majority smoothed but leaving irregularities. The fine water
bubbles left pits which were easily subject to erosion. A few are
scraped in the technique of Paciencia Scraped. Usually when the
exterior is slick, well-floated and smooth to the touch, the interior is
treated in a like manner.
Hardness: 3-4.
Form:
Common vessel shapes reconstructed from sherds:
1. Open bowl with carinated or outslanting sidewalls and everted,
exteriorly thickened rim (fig. 159-1).
Rim: Everted and exteriorly thickened with a rounded coil forming
a round or tapered lip. Coil width 1.0-3.0 cm.; rim thickness
0.8-1.8 cm. Mouth diameter 12-40 cm.; majority 24-32 cm.
ST
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Vessel Scale Rim Scale
FicurE 159.—Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Acauan Excised, Acauan Phase
(Appendix, table 49).
Snecees AND ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 44]
Body wall thickness: 5-10 mm.; majority 7-8 mm.
Base: Flat with outslanting, straight sidewalls forming a sharp angle
with the base; diameter 10-16 cm. The carinated bowl variety
has a flattened base with outslanting, curved sidewalls; base
diameter 6-12 cm.
Body dimensions: Body diameter 20-30 cm.; reconstructed height
6-12 cm.
Decoration: On sidewalls, occasionally extending to the lip, and on
the bottom of the bowls in 80 percent of the cases.
2. Small, open bowl with curving sidewalls and unthickened rim (fig.
159-2).
Rim: Unthickened, with tapered or rounded lip. Mouth diameter
12-27 cm.; majority 16-20 cm.
Body wall thickness: 4-8 mm.
Base: Rounded.
Body dimensions: Reconstructed height, 6-8 cm.
Decoration: On sidewalls and base, or just on sidewalls.
3. Shallow, open bowl with interiorly thickened rim (fig. 159-3).
Rim: Interiorly thickened with flat top and curved lip. Thickness
10-13 mm. Mouth diameters 16-36 cm.; majority 22-28 cm.
Body wall thickness: 5-8 mm.
Base: Rounded.
Body dimensions: Reconstructed height 4-6 cm.
Decoration: On sidewalls and bottom, or just on sidewalls.
4. Jar with insloping to vertical, constricted neck and externally thick-
ened rim (fig. 159-4).
Rim: Externally thickened with flat or rounded coil, 7-12 mm.
thick and 1.0—2.0 cm. wide; rounded or tapered lip.
Body wall thickness: 4-12 mm.; majority 6 mm.
Base: Flat, 6-10 cm. in diameter.
Body dimensions: Diameter 20-28 cm.; neck height 5-8 cm.; re-
constructed vessel height 20-30 cm.
Decoration: On neck and body walls.
DECORATION:
Technique: The incised lines used as part of the design or as a border to the
excised areas are sharp, deep, and generally broad (1.5—2.0 mm.), made
with either a flat-ended or blunt-ended tool. The excision is produced by
several techniques:
1. The vast majority of the sherds, whether because of different tech-
nique, greater erosion or both, have an evenly surfaced field covered
with tiny pits resembling peckings. Probably this is a result of the
technique of excision. The tool used to gouge out the clay in
techniques 2 and 3 polished the surface enough to make it resistant
to erosion, whereas the pecking out of the clay made small holes
easily subject to erosion. Thesurface was leather dry before excised.
Excised areas are small, no unbroken area being larger than 1 cm.
square, and are usually cut to a depth of 2 mm.
2. Field cut back 1.0-1.5 mm. with narrow blunt tool leaving regular
striations 1.5-2.0 mm. wide or roughly gouged surfaces. Gouging
is sometimes extremely uneven, ranging from uncut spots to holes
2 mm. deep in a field not sharply set off from the adjacent surface
by incised border lines,
449 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
3. Field slightly lowered by scraping or gouging with a small blunt tool.
Gouges are generally parallel, made from one direction in a single field,
but not the same direction in different fields. The incised border
line was sometimes made before the gouges and sometimes after-
ward, when it serves to conceal any unequal length of the gouges.
Motifs: The decorated areas of excision combined with incised lines are con-
fined to the exterior surface except in a few examples where they are carried
onto the upper rim surface of flat-topped, exteriorly thickened rims. The
bottoms of jars and bowls are decorated like the sides in 80 percent of the
cases. The designs, layout, and motifs are similar to those of classic Arari
Excised of the Marajoara Phase; the most common are:
1. Alternating bands of cut and uncut areas with incised border lines
(pl. 90, 6, e, 9).
. Steps (pl. 90, h).
Eyes surrounded by curvilinear or rectilinear designs (pl. 91, a-e).
Curvilinear designs (pl. 91, f-g).
Spirals (pl. 91, h-7).
Lines with extensions on the end resembling hands.
TEMPORAL DIFFERENCES WITHIN THE TYPE: None (Appendix, table 49).
CHRONOLOGICAL POSITION OF THE TYPE: Present throughout the Acauan Phase.
Ss oo by
CAROBAL INCISED
Paste: This decorated type is on Piryzal Plain paste; see that description (p.
448) for details of temper, firing, and color.
SURFACES:
Color: Exterior and interior—Range of variation from black to gray black,
light gray-tan, tan or orange tan, with the majority a dusty gray-tan;
10 percent are light orange-tan on one surface, 35 percent gray or gray black
on both surfaces, with the remainder distributed over the whole color range.
Gray and gray black are more frequent on the interior than the exterior.
Treatment:
Interior: Identical to Piryzal Plain.
Exterior: Before the application of the incisions, the surface is smoothed
and floated as in Piryzal Plain;see that type description
for further details.
Hardness: 3-4.
Form:
Common vessel shapes reconstructed from sherds:
1. Shallow, open bowl with round bottom and exteriorly thickened rim
(fig. 160-1).
Rim: Thickened on the exterior with a coil, making the rim 1.0-1.5
em. thick and 1.3-2.5 em. wide. Lip rounded. Mouth diameter
26-30 cm.
Body wall thickness: 5-12 mm.; majority 6-8 mm.
Base: Rounded.
Body dimensions: Reconstructed height 6 cm.
Decoration: On exterior of body wall and sometimes on the rim and
lip.
2. Flat bottomed, open bowl (fig. 160-2).
Rim: Slightly thickened on the exterior with a rounded lip; thickness
1.0-1.2 cm.; mouth diameter 26-28 cm.
Body wall thickness: 6-8 mm.
msseune xD ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 443
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Vessel Scale
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Rim Scale
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Figure 160.—Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Carobal Incised, Acauan Phase
(Appendix, table 49).
Base: Flat with angular, straight, outslanting sides or curved sides
forming a slight carination. Base diameter 8-12 cm.
Body dimensions: Diameter 24-26 cm.; reconstructed height 6-10
cm.
Decoration: On exterior of body wall, sometimes onto the rim and
lip.
444 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
3. Deep, open bowl with rounded bottom and everted rim (fig. 160-3).
Rim: Flat top, interiorly thickened most commonly; sometimes
thickened on the exterior; lip rounded; rim slightly everted;
mouth diameter 26-28 cm.
Body wall thickness: 8-10 mm.
Base: Rounded, 6 cm. in diameter.
Body dimensions: Reconstructed height 8-10 em.
Decoration: On exterior of body wall, sometimes on the flat top of
the rim.
4. Ovoid jar with constricted mouth, flat base and externally thickened
rim (fig. 160-4).
Rim: Slightly everted and externally thickened with a heavy coil;
rim 1.5-2.2 cm. thick and the coil 1.1-2.5 em. wide; flat lip with
rounded edges or rounded lip. Mouth diameter 20-30 cm.;
majority 24 cm.
Body wall thickness: 6-8 mm.
Base: Flat with curved sidewalls joining at a very low angle;
diameter 8-10 cm.
Body dimensions: Body diameter 24-36 cm.; reconstructed height
28 cm.
Decoration: Incisions limited to the neck area, sometimes extending
onto the rim.
Decoration (pl. 92, a—k):
Technique: Incised lines were applied when the clay was very wet. Typically,
the incisions are wide, clear, prominent, and well-executed, with a blunt-
ended instrument making a U-shaped channel which varies in width from
1.0-1.5 mm. and in depth from 0.5-1.0 mm. Sometimes a fine, pointed
instrument was used forming sharp, fine-line incisions, 0.5 mm. wide.
Motif: The designs are applied on the exterior and occasionally extending
upward onto the rim and lip. Motifs include parallel lines, spirals, and
triangular or irregular shaped areas enclosing curvilinear or rectilinear
motifs. With the exception of the hands and eyes, the motifs are similar
to those of Acauan Excised.
TEMPORAL DIFFERENCE WITHIN THE TYPE: None (Appendix, table 49).
CHRONOLOGICAL POSITION OF THE TYPE: Present throughout the Acauan Phase.
FLORIPES CORRUGATED
Paste: This decorated type is on Piryzal Plain paste; see that description for
details of temper, firing, color, etc.
SURFACES:
Color:
Exterior—Ranges from light gray to dark gray to orange tan to brick
red. Majority are light gray or orange tan.
Interior—Same range as exterior; however, 10 percent of the sherds
with tan or orange-tan exterior have a dull-gray interior.
Treatment:
Interior—Smoothed with all traces of coil lines removed, or scraped in
the technique and manner of Paciencia Scraped.
Exterior—Except where corrugated, the surfaces are smoothed and well
rubbed down with all irregularities removed, but leaving many small
pits from water bubbles. A single row or sometimes two rows of un-
obliterated, uncorrugated coils border a corrugated zone. Coil width
varies from 7-11 mm., majority 10 mm.
cpio aml ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 445
Hardness: 3-4.
Form: Because of the limited number of rim and basal sherds, only two forms
can be reconstructed with reasonable certainty. The limitation of the corru-
gations to a band on the body of the vessel in some instances suggests that
some of the rims and vessel shapes attributed to Piryzal Plain may also apply
to Floripes Corrugated (e. g., Piryzal Plain, shapes 1, 2, 3, and 4).
Common vessel shapes reconstructed from sherds:
1. Open bowl with straight, outslanting walls and unthickened rim
(fig. 161-1).
Rim: Unthickened, flat top with rounded corners; mouth diameter
28 cm.
Body wall thickness: 4-11 mm, majority 6-7 mm.
Base: Flat, sometimes slightly thickened (10-14 mm.) or on a short
pedestal (6-12 mm. high), with the sidewalls forming an angle
of 50-65 degrees. Diameter 11-18 cm.
Body dimensions: Reconstructed height 12-16 cm.
Decoration: Bands of corrugations extending to within a few centi-
meters of the rim and either to the base or a few centimeters
from it and usually bordered with either uncorrugated coils or
smoothed areas.
2. Globular-bodied jar with constricted neck, thickened and everted
rim (fig. 161-2; pl. 97, a).
Rim: Everted, externally thickened, with a flat top and rounded
or tapered lip. Thickness 1.2-1.8 cm.; mouth diameter 12-26
cm.
Body wall thickness: 5-10 mm, majority 7-8 mm.
adel LS ey LE lad Waal
O 4 8 12CM
Vessel Scale
CE SS ey |
12) | 2 3CM
Rim Scale
FieurE 161.—Rim profiles and ue shapes of Floripes Corrugated, Acauan
hase.
446
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
Base: Flat.
Body dimensions: Reconstructed height 20-28 cm.; body diameter
20-30 cm.
Decorations: Corrugations in most cases limited to the body and
extending to the base or to within a few centimeters of it, with
the neck either plain or incised.
DeEcorRATION (pls. 93, 94):
TEM
Technique: Corrugations vary in size from fine (1.5-4.0 mm. high, 3.0 mm.
wide, 3.0-4.0 mm. long) to medium (1.5-4.0 mm. high, 4.0-6.0 mm. wide,
3.0-5.0 mm. long) to large (1.0-5.0 mm. high, 7.0-11.0 mm. wide, 5.0—12.0
mm. long). Corrugations made by first laying down a coil varying in
width from 3-11 mm. While the coil was still wet, the end or side of the
thumb or finger was pressed down from the upper edge to form individual
globs. The work was done as each coil was added so that the overlap of
each glob on the one below gives a row of corrugations an undercut appear-
ance. Care of workmanship, angle of pressure, point of pressure and wet-
ness of the clay seem to control the evenness and regularity of the corruga-
tions. Sometimes the corrugated surface has been rubbed over lightly to
remove the excess clay or to level off the area. When this was done the
surface of each glob became slightly flattened. Such a flattening of the
surface occurs in 25 percent of the fine to medium corrugations and in 5
percent of the large corrugations.
Motifs: From the fragmentary sherds the corrugations appear to be in bands
around the vessel, extending to the base or within a few centimeters of
the base and rim. In some cases the corrugations are bordered on upper
and lower limits by a row or rows of uncorrugated coils or by a smoothed
but uneven and irregular surface. It is possible that on jar shape 2 the
neck was commonly incised in the style of Vergal Incised or something
similar (pl. 97, a). The small number of rims that can be identified as
Floripes Corrugated indicates that this treatment was confined to the
body of the vessel.
PORAL DIFFERENCE WITHIN THE TYPE: None.
CHRONOLOGICAL POSITION OF THE TYPE: Present throughout the Acauan Phase,
with a slight decline in popularity.
PACIENCIA SCRAPED
Paste: This decorated type is on Piryzal Plain paste; see that type description
for details of temper, color, and firing.
SURFACEs:
Color:
Exterior—Ranges from light tan to mouse-gray with the majority tan.
The tan surfaces are commonly spotted with gray fire clouds.
Interior—Same range of variation as on the exterior, but with the
majority light tan.
Treatment:
Exterior—Surface irregular and full of small holes due to water bubbles
resulting from working the clay when too wet. In a few cases the
surface was too dry when scraped so that the impressions are barely
visible. On the few sherds where only the interior is scraped, the
exterior is rough, irregular, and uneven.
Interior—Either scraped or rough, irregular, and uneven.
Hardness: 3-4.
al ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 447
Forms:
Common vessel shapes reconstructed from sherds:
1. Carinated bowl with everted, thickened rim (fig. 162-1).
Rim: Externally thickened, everted, usually with a flattened top
and rounded lip. Flat top 1.3-2.0 em. wide; rim 1.0-1.5 em.
thick. Mouth diameter 24-28 em.
Body wall thickness: 5-8 mm.; majority 6 mm.
Base: Flat, with sides forming a strong angle with bottom and us-
ually forming a short pedestal 5-8 mm. high; base diameter
14-16 cm.
Body dimensions: Reconstructed height 8-12 cm.; body diameter
22-26 cm.
Decoration: Scraped on exterior and interior; a few scraped on
exterior surface only.
2. Large, ovoid jar with slightly constructed neck and thickened rim
(fig. 162-2).
Rim: Thickened externally with a large coil and usually rounded;
a few have a flat top with rounded lip. Rim is 1.5-1.8 em.
thick; 2.0-3.2 em. wide. Mouth diameter 32-40 cm.
Body wall thickness: 5-8 mm.; majority 6-7 mm.
Base: Flat with curving sides; diameter 14-16 cm.
Body dimensions: Body diameter 36-46 cm.; reconstructed height
30-38 cm.
Decoration: Scraped on exterior and interior; a few scraped on ex-
terior surface only.
DeEcorarTION (pl. 96, a-z):
Technique: Sherds were classified as Paciencia Scraped if both surfaces or
the exterior surface only were scraped (those with scrapings only on the
I oe
RI
eee
Oo 4 8 #%'12CM
BSP SSW 00 ea SP road Anna NES asd ie ght
Vessel Scale
Figure 162.—Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Paciencia Scraped, Acauan Phase
(Appendix, table 49).
448 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
interior were classified as Piryzal Plain on the grounds that they could
not serve as decoration). The scraping was done with an evenly serrated
comb that left parallel, flat-bottomed troughs 1-2 mm. deep and 2-4 mm.
wide, separated by fine ridges. Although usually clear, there are a few
examples where the scrapings are barely visible.
Motif: The scrapings typically follow the circumference of the vessel paral-
lel to the rim. As in the ease of Pocoaté Scraped of the Mangueiras
Phase, the presence of similar scrapings on the vessel interior only sug-
gests that this form of decoration is developed from what was originally
simply a method of surface finish.
TEMPORAL DIFFERENCES WITHIN THE TYPE: None observable (Appendix, table
49).
CHRONOLOGICAL POSITION OF THE TYPE: Present throughout the Acauan Phase.
PIRYZAL PLAIN
PASTE:
Method of manufacture: Coiling with oval-shaped, slightly flattened coils,
1 cm. wide, laid so as to overlap slightly (pl. 95, m).
Temper: Finely ground sherd, mostly particles difficult to see with the naked
eye; a few particles up to 2 mm.
Texture: Well mixed, fine, compact paste with the temper evenly distributed.
Tensile strength extra hard, extremely difficult to break any sherd thicker
than 5 mm. Cleavage irregular, fine and granular. All sherds have a
high, clear ring when tossed against each other.
Color: Ranges from a solid, light orange tan to a complete gray or gray black
to a zoned core of gray or gray black with both exterior and interior sur-
faces a light orange. These orange bands are narrow, ranging from paper
thinness to 2mm. 90 percent of all sherds are the zoned variety. Fre-
quently the finely ground sherd temper of orange or tan specks is distinctly
visible in the sherds with gray cores.
Firing: Majority are incompletely oxidized. Fire clouds are common and
the surface color varies immensely on the same sherd.
SURFACES:
Color: Exterior and interior—General hue of the whole pile of sherds is a
dusty gray tan; however, individually the sherds range from black to gray
black to light gray tan to tan to orange tan. Only 10 percent are a light
orange on one surface; 35 percent are gray or gray black on both surfaces;
and the remainder are divided into the whole color range. Gray and gray
black are more common on the interior than on the exterior.
Treatment: Exterior and interior—All the sherds have fine pits from water
bubbles in the clay, making the surfaces look porous. Three distinct
surface treatments are typical:
1. 75 percent are smoothed and even surfaced from scraping, smooth to
the feel but not slick. Usually both surfaces are treated the same,
but on a few the interior is rougher and more irregular.
2. 15 percent are irregular and rough on both surfaces; body wall thick-
ness varies 2-3 mm. on each sherd. Typical of the thicker body
sherds.
3. 10 percent of the sherds are a slick, semilustrous, well-polished variety
with smoothing and polishing tracks still visible on some of the
sherds. Of this group only one-fourth are smoothed on both
surfaces; the others are smoothed on the exterior of jars and interior
pacdned AND ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 449
of bowls with the opposite surface scraped, leaving irregular, promi-
nent tracks.
Hardness: 3-4.
Form:
Common vessel shapes reconstructed from sherds:
1. Shallow, open bowls with everted, thickened rim and outcurving
sides (fig. 163-1).
Rim: Externally thickened rim with rounded lip varying from a
thickening of 8-10 mm. to a heavy coil making the rim 1.5 cm.
af "Al Nf/ oan
ercerer’
oT) 4
Ps
Peeecece
=
Lie ery
Oo 4 86 12 CM
Vessel Scole
Ficure 163.—Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Piryzal Plain, Acauan Phase
(Appendix, table 50).
450 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
thick and 1.5-2.5 cm. wide. Mouth diameters 8-38 cm.; majority
22-26 cm.
Body wall thickness: 4-13 mm.; majority 6-7 mm.
Body dimensions: Reconstructed height 4-8 em.
Base: Rounded, diameters 8-12 cm.
Appendages: Sometimes lobes, scallops and nubbins are affixed to
the lips (pl. 95). These protrusions extend 1.0-1.5 em. beyond
the rim, are tapered and often have a vertical notch along the tip.
The nubbins average 8-12 mm. in diameter, 2-5 mm. high and
are usually in the flat top of the lobe.
Occasional decoration: Sometimes the lip of the thickened, everted
rim is incised or impressed with vertical or diagonal notches
ranging from 2—4 mm. wide and 3 mm. deep and from 3-10 mm.
apart. A few are sometimes crosshatched (pl. 95).
2. Slightly carinated, open bowls with everted, thickened rims (fig.
163-2).
Rim: Rounded lip, flat top, externally thickened with a heavy coil
ranging in thickness from 1.2—-2.2 cm. Mouth diameters 9—40
cm., majority 24-28 cm.
Body wall thickness: 4-10 mm.; majority 6-7 mm.
Body dimensions: Body diameter 22-24 cm.
Base: Flat, straight, outslanting sides ferming a sharp angle with
the base; a few have a slight heel or pedestal. Diameter 10-16
cm,
Appendages: Adornos or lobes with nubbins and “eyes” occur on a
small percentage of the rim sherds; see the description under
vessel form 1.
Occasional decoration: The rounded lip is sometimes incised or
notched in a similar manner to vessel form 1.
3. Open bow] with slightly thickened rim, curved sides (fig. 163-3).
Rim: Slightly thickened, 2-4 mm. more than the body wall thick-
ness, flattened top with rounded edges. Mouth diameters 14-32
em.; majority 30-32 cm.
Body wall thickness: 4-13 mm.; majority 6-7 mm.
Body dimensions: Reconstructed height 8-10 cm.
Base: Slightly flattened; diameters 8-12 cm.
4, Open bowl with thickened rim (fig. 163-4).
Rim: Thickened with a heavy coil, forming a flat top, rounded to
flattened lip, ranging from 1.5-2.0 em. thick. Mouth diameters
26-28 cm.
Body wall thickness: 8-11 mm.
Body dimensions: Reconstructed height 6-8 cm.
Base: Rounded, diameters 8-10 cm.
Appendages: Rim adornos, lobes and nubbins sometimes on the
rim. See details under vessel form 1.
5. Small, open bowl with curving sides (fig. 163-5).
Rim: Unthickened, slightly rounded. Mouth diameter 6-20 cm.,
majority 14-18 cm.
Body wall thickness: 5-15 mm.; majority 7-8 mm.
Body dimensions: Reconstructed height 6-8 cm.
Base: Rounded, diameters 8-10 cm.
6. Large jar with vertical to insloping neck, exteriorly thickened rim
(fig. 163-6).
eco ely ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 451
Rim: Externally thickened with a large coil, usually a flat top and
a rounded lip; thickness varies from 1.5-2.0 cm., length 1.5-
2.5cm. Mouth diameter 18-36 em.; majority 26-30 cm.
Body wall thickness: 5-7 mm.
Body dimensions: Neck height 6-8 cm.; body diameters 26—44 cm.
Base: Flattened, diameter 10-16 cm. with the majority 14-16 cm.
The sidewalls join the base with a slight curvature to a straight
angular attachment with a few forming a slight pedestal and a
prominent heel 5-10 mm. high.
Appendages: Sometimes a small pointed to rounded lobe is added
to the lip.
Occasional decoration: Vertical incisions or notches are sometimes
on the exteriorly thickened rim in the same style as described
for vessel form 1.
7. Large globular jar without a neck and with a thickened, incurved
rim (fig. 163-7).
Rim: Externally thickened with the addition of a large coil rang-
ing from 1.5-2.5 cm. thick and 2.0—-2.5 cm. wide. The lip is
usually rounded. Mouth diameter 18-34 cm., majority 26-30 cm.
Body wall thickness: 5-8 mm.
Body dimensions: Body diameter 26—44 cm.; majority 34-38 cm.
Base: Flattened or slight pedestal 5-10 mm. high; diameters
10-16 cm.
8. Small jar with an insloping neck, loop handles and a slightly thick-
ened rim (fig. 163-8).
Rim: Slightly thickened on the exterior with a rounded lip; thick-
ness 8-15 mm; mouth diameters 8-18 cm.
Body wall thickness: 5-7 mm.
Body dimensions: Diameter 18-24 cm.
Base: Flattened or a slight pedestal 5-10 mm. high; diameter
6-8 cm.
Appendages: Handles of looped coils are attached from the lip to
the shoulder, ranging in length from 3-5 cm. Cross section of
the coil is either oval, measuring 8-10 mm. thick and 11-13 mm.
wide or round, measuring 7-13 mm. in diameter. Handle ex-
tends 1-2 cm. from the vessel. Point of attachment is broad
and tapered.
TEMPORAL DIFFERENCE WITHIN THE TYPE: Jar shape 6 increases slightly in
popularity, while bowl shape 2 decreases in popularity from the early to late
part of the Acauan Phase sequence (Appendix, table 50).
CHRONOLOGICAL POSITION OF THE TYPE: The dominant pottery type throughout
the Acauan Phase.
VERGAL INCISED
Pasts: This decorated type is on Piryzal Plain paste; see that description for
details of temper, firing, and color.
SURFACES:
Color: Exterior and interior—Light tan to orange tan; majority a dusty,
light tan. A few tend to be dark gray to black on the interior and a few
are chocolate brown on the exterior.
Treatment:
Interior—Smoothed, but uneven and irregular; rough to the touch.
Some are scraped on the interior similar to Paciencia Scraped. Small
holes and pits in the surface remain from water bubbles.
452 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
Exterior—Smoothed, but uneven and irregular. On a few sherds the
surface was swiped over after incising to remove the excess particles
of clay.
Hardness: 3-4.
Form: Since no complete vessel or identifiable rim sherds were found, the forms
cannot be reconstructed. A few base and body sherds suggest that one form
was similar to vessel shape 2 of Piryzal Plain—slightly carinated, open bowl
with everted, thickened rim (fig. 163-2). There is also evidence that Vergal
Incised decoration was sometimes confined to a jar neck (cf. pl. 97, a).
Body wall thickness: 5-8 mm., majority 6 mm.
Body dimensions: Sherds too small to reconstruct diameters.
Base: Flat with slight pedestal 7-11 mm. high; straight sidewalls outslanting
at a sharp angle. Diameter 10-16 cm.
DECORATION (pl. 96, j-s):
Technique: Deep grooves cut into the clay when very wet. Depth of
groove 1-3 mm., majority 2 mm.; width 1.0-3.5 mm., majority 1.5-2.0
mm. Grooves typically arranged in V’s or 2’s lying on their sides, with
the arm of the V or Z varying from 1—4 em. in length.
Motif: Sherds are too fragmentary to reconstruct the extent of the design.
Apparently these grooves were arranged in parallel rows around the circum-
ference of the vessel. No rim fragments were found with the design on
them, but base fragments with straight, outslanting sides begin the incised
designs on the sidewall 7-10 mm. above the base.
TEMPORAL DIFFERENCES WITHIN THE TYPE: None observable.
CHRONOLOGICAL POSITION OF THE TYPE: Present throughout the Acauan Phase.
UNCLASSIFIED DECORATED
In addition to the well-defined decorated types of the Acauan Phase, there are
a few minor techniques present on a handful of sherds, all from M-3—Acauan.
These include painting, punctation, applique, and grooving.
PAINTED RED:
1. Band along rim edge of open bowls. Limited to flattened lip on 2 sherds
and extending 1.2 cm. down both surfaces on 1.
2. Band along rim exterior of open bowls. Three sherds.
3. Narrow stripe on interior, 4-7 mm. wide. Two body sherds.
4. Areas of red. Thirteen small body sherds have traces of red paint on the
interior or exterior surfaces.
PUNCTATE:
1. Irregularly spaced, elongated punctates, 7-10 mm. long, 2-3 mm. deep.
Ten body sherds (pl. 92, no).
2. Trough-shaped punctates in irregular rows. One body sherd.
3. Rounded punctates made with blunt tool, depth 2-4 mm. Rim sherd
with single row along center of exterior thickening and 5 body sherds
(pl. 92, m).
4, All-over punctation with a serrated tool 2 cm. wide having 7 closely spaced
teeth. One body sherd.
APPLIQUE:
1. Rims with lobes ornamented with one or two nubbins, often with a de-
pressed center. Four sherds (pl. 95, e).
2. Rounded rib 5 mm. wide, 2-4 mm. high. Four small body sherds.
3. Oval or circular nubbin. Two body sherds.
4, Anthropomorphic features. One nose fragment and one crude face.
Sergema santo ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 453
GROOVING:
1. Deep, almost parallel grooves 8 mm. wide on exterior. One body sherd
(pl. 92, 2).
Porrery ARTIFACTS ;
No significant classification can be made with the few pottery
artifacts from the Phase. Two figurine fragments from different sites
show similar characteristics of a trianguloid head with stylized fea-
tures, a diadem across the head and T-shaped eyebrows and nose
(figs. 155 and 158). A pottery stamp was probably used for decorating
the skin (fig. 157). Half of an incised ball perforated through the
center may represent a spindle whorl (fig. 154).
NoncrerAmic ARTIFACTS
Only 1 nonpottery artifact was found at the Acauan Phase sites.
It is a small stone flake struck from a larger core by percussion and
showing no conscious retouching. The edges are slightly nicked from
use, probably as a knife (fig. 156).
CERAMIC HISTORY
The pottery of the Acauan Phase classifies into a series of decorated
types and one plain ware, Piryzal Plain, which could not be sub-
divided into varieties that show change through time. The Piryzal
Plain from the lowest levels at M-3 is indistinguishable from that of
the uppermost levels. This inability to break down the single plain
pottery type of the Acauan Phase probably stems from the short
period of time represented by the known sites.
In spite of the large pottery sample of 10,471 sherds and the presence
of several well-defined pottery types, no consistent trends in popu-
larity could be detected when the percentage occurrences per level in
the five stratigraphic cuts were calculated separately and compared
(Appendix, table 48). On the possibility that the individual cuts
produced too small a sample to reveal such changes, the totals for
each level were combined with those in the corresponding level of the
other cuts (except cut 6 at Mound 2) and the percentage occurrence
of the pottery types was recomputed. This lumping seemed war-
ranted by the absence of evidence of disturbance and the absence of
any indication that the entire site was not inhabited simultaneously.
The only consistent trend brought out by this effort is a decrease in
the frequency of Floripes Corrugated from 29 percent in the lowest
level (16-24 cm.) to 24 percent in the middle level (8-16 cm.), to 18
percent in the upper level (0-8 cm.). Since none of the other sites
are represented by similar stratigraphic excavations or even an
unselected sample, it is impossible to establish their temporal relation-
ship to M-3 by seriation.
391329—57——31
454 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
The pottery classification and analysis does show, however, an
interesting point on the popularity of decorated wares versus plain
wares in the habitation refuse, which is quite different from the other
cultures studied in this report. Of the 9,820 sherds from the five
strata cuts placed in Mound 1 of M—3—Acauan, 3,783 or 38.5 percent
were decorated sherds of one type or another. By far the most
popular decorated pottery type is Floripes Corrugated, accounting
for 2,012 or 20.6 percent of the sherds from these same cuts. This
high popularity of decorated pottery is unique in the habitation sites
of the Lower Amazon. The closest approach was a few cemetery
sites of the Marajoara Phase where the decorated pottery comprised
an average of 25 percent of the total sherds. This discrepancy is
somewhat modified if it is recognized that the most common decorated
pottery type, Floripes Corrugated, is probably more of an ordinary
utilitarian ware than were the other decorated types. Floripes
Corrugated vessel shapes include cooking jars and small open bowls,
probably used for cooking, eating or drinking; however, the time and
technique involved in carefully manipulating the surfaces must be
taken into consideration compared to the plain utilitarian wares of
the other Phases in the Lower Amazon.
As another effort to discover change within the pottery of Acauan
Phase, the corrugation on Floripes Corrugated was classified into
fine, large, and medium (pls. 93, 94) and the percentage occurrences
were plotted by levels. Again, no change through time was evident
and the differences in size of corrugations appear to represent varia-
tions of the individual potter rather than cultural change. A similar
effort was made with design elements of Acauan Excised and Carobal
Incised with the same negative results.
Since none of these approaches seemed to reveal any changes in
Acauan Phase pottery through time, a final effort to detect these
was made by classifying the rim sherds into generalized vessel shapes
and tabulating them according to their stratigraphic position. Only
Piryzal Plain had a sufficient number of rims to permit a percentage
analysis, and even in this type several of the less frequent shapes
could not be used. This tabulation revealed changes in the fre-
quency of some of the more common vessel shapes. Piryzal Plain
shape 6, a short-necked, round-bodied jar with an externally thickened
rim, shows a slight increase in popularity from the lowest to the upper-
most levels in the following cuts: cut 1 from 25 percent to 28 percent;
cut 2 from 20.0 percent to 27.8 percent to 45.4 percent; cut 4 from
20.5 percent to 25.2 percent; and cut 5 from 21.3 percent to 29.4
percent. The other jar forms either did not show consistent trends
from one strata cut to the other, or the sample was too small to be
BECSEP AND ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 455
considered accurate. The only Piryzal Plain bowl form to show any
consistent change is shape 2, a carinated bowl with an externally
thickened, flat-topped rim with rounded lip. This form tends to
decrease in popularity from the lowest level to the surface in the
following manner: cut 1 from 28.2 percent to 21.6 percent; cut 2
from 30.0 percent to 11.1 percent to 18.2 percent; and cut 4 from
38.3 percent to 9.7 percent. Cut 3 could not be used in either of these
two analyses. Although the second level had sufficient rim sherds for
a fairly accurate percentage calculation, the uppermost level had only
16 rim sherds with the result that the relative frequency produced an
exaggerated figure when converted into percentages.
The absence of any but these tenuous indications of ceramic change
at M-3 suggests that this site was occupied for a relatively brief
period of time. In an effort to check this conclusion, we applied the
formula for computing site duration on the basis of sherd refuse ac-
cumulation developed for comparison of the Tropical Forest Phases
on Marajé. Since this formula applies only to communal houses,
the sherd density at M-3 first had to be examined from this point
of view. Habitation sites of the Ananatuba and Mangueiras Phases,
which appear to have used communal dwellings, produce more
than 600 sherds per 15-cm. level in an excavation 1.5 by 1.5
meters. At M-3, the density for a comparable area and depth is
between 754 and 2,988 sherds, and although the sherds are generally
small, it does not seem possible that even allowing for this smaller
size such density could have been produced by a scattered individual
family house pattern. If such a house type was used, the dwellings
were so closely spaced that the effect would have been the same as
with communal dwellings.
The estimates from five excavations in Mound 1 and 1 in Mound
2 range from 20 to 115 years (table R). This extreme variation is
not as unfavorable to the use of the formula as it first appears. The
lower extreme is the duration from the single cut in Mound 2, which
appears to be a brief extension of the village. The upper extreme
is an area near the sink where sherds are unusually abundant, and
inspection of the results from the other 4 cuts on Mound 1 shows
that this density is not typical of the site. The other 4 estimates
range from 58 to 71 years, giving only 13 years’ variation. Averaging
these gives an estimated duration for M-3 of 66 years.
A means of evaluating this conclusion comes from evidence of
contact between the Acauan Phase and the Mangueiras Phase (pp.
540ff.). Thisis discernible at the Mangueiras Phase sites of C-3, J—17,
and the conclusion of J-5. The estimated duration of C-3 (averaging
the results from the 2 cuts) is 74.2 years (table F). J-17 is probably
456 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULE. 167
at least partly contemporary with C-3, and J—5 immediately precedes
it. Thus the durations of the influencer (the Acauan Phase) and of
the Mangueiras Phase sites showing influence are reasonably com-
parable.
Taste R.—Duration of the Acauan Phase village site of M—3
Dimensions | Total sherds} Estimated
Strata cut of cut from cut duration in
years
Meter
IMO Hee Ctr plea ene ee eee ee 1.5X1.5 1, 826 71.0
AVE UTA TS CU em ee ee 1.5X1.5 1, 508 58.0
AIayO EROS (tp Ai ee a he ee eee eles 1.5X1.5 1,696 65.3
i ieyenevol sls (qb hgy. Ys Soe ee eS ee ee eae 1.5X1.5 2, 988 115.0
INSTAL Th OD SS Sets ee a eae 1.5X1.5 1, 802 4
Mound: 2:;cuti62 8-2 2 ae ee eee 1.51.5 5 20.1
DIAGNOSTIC FEATURES OF THE ACAUAN PHASE
The definition of the Acauan Phase depends upon one well-pre-
served habitation site in the center of Mexiana and two other sites
now destroyed by erosion, one of which is on the south coast of Mexi-
ana and the other on the north-central part of Marajé. One site is
located on a marsh, another on the coast, and the third on a small
river, revealing no consistent settlement pattern. The village layout
as represented at M-3 is an area 350 by 15 meters. Sherds are abun-
dant to a depth of 24 cm. No cemeteries were found, or any other
evidence of the method of disposal of the dead.
The ceramic definition of the Acauan Phase is provided by one plain
ware, Piryzal Plain, a sherd-tempered, orange to gray surfaced pottery
typically with a gray core, and by several well-defined decorated types.
These comprise 38 percent of the total sherds and include a well-exe-
cuted type of corrugation (Floripes Corrugated), excision in standard-
ized motifs (Acauan Excised), incision (Carobal Incised), and scraping
(Paciencia Scraped). Except for a slight decline in the popularity of
Floripes Corrugated, none of these types show any consistent trend
that can be used to distinguish temporal differences within the Phase.
Ceramic artifacts include figurines (M-3 and J—12), a circular stamp
with a handle (M-3), and a round, solid, perforated object that may
be a spindle whorl (M-3). One stone artifact was found: a flake of
quartzite (M-3).
The duration of this Phase on the islands at the mouth of the Ama-
zon appears to have been short. Present evidence indicates that it
entered suddenly and left with equal abruptness. There is no indi-
cation that the Acauan Phase was in the area at the time of the arrival
of the Europeans in A. D. 1500.
seasepnerss> ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 457
THE ARUA PHASE
DESCRIPTION OF SITES AND EXCAVATIONS
HABITATION SITES ON MEXIANA AND CAVIANA
The major concentration of the Arué Phase is on the Islands of
Mexiana and Caviana. In addition to the habitation sites described
here, two were excavated on the north coast of Marajé (pp. 242-245)
and one in the southern part of the Territory of Amap4 (pp. 37-38).
Mexiana
M—2—PAPA CACHORRO
A rubber cutter noticed sherds washed out of the banks of a small
branch of the Igarapé Papa Cachorro, 2.5-3.0 km. from the south coast
of Mexiana and east of Fazenda Nazaré (fig. 150). Examination of
the area revealed an Arua habitation site on the right (west) bank of
the igarapé, which had been partially cut through by this small
branch (fig. 164). Sloughing of the bank along the branch had caused
the sherds to fall into the water from their original location below the
humus layer at a depth of from 18-22 cm. in the ground. The un-
disturbed area of the site revealed sherds in the loose, light gray clay
below which the clay continued light gray but became more compact.
Owing to heavy forest growth, the exact limits of the site could not be
defined, but sherds seemed to be primarily concentrated in an area
6 meters wide and 15 meters along the bank. Some of the sherds
from the water’s edge have a patina, but those from the main part of
the site are in fair condition. They include 976 sherds of Piratuba
Plain, 10 Nazaré Brushed, 25 Aberta Incised (pl. 102, a—f), 13 Un-
classified, and 13 miscellaneous clay fragments. Seven sherds of
Marajoara Phase deviation were mixed in with the Aru& Phase ware,
5 belonging to the Arari Excised class, (pl. 112, g-k), and 2 rim adornos
(fig. 165).
M—7—ABERTA
About 2 km. east of the mouth of the Igarapé Papa Cachorro is the
small Igarapé Aberta. Up stream, about 1.5 km. from the coast, the
igarapé has a cut across an old Arua occupation site (fig. 150) leaving
the potsherds in the muddy steam bed. They were recoverable only
at low tide when the igarapé drains completely. Tests along the top
of the banks, 2.5 meters above the bed, indicated a few sherds 25 cm.
below the surface on the left bank. On the basis of the area of greatest
concentration of pottery in the mud, it appears as though the site
originally extended for about 8 meters along the bank. The sub-
mersion of the specimens under water has given them all a patina
unnatural to Piratuba Plain. The sherds collected classify into these
458 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
“WATER: LIMIT
“AT LOW | -TIDE
“ SHERDS
“IN: BANK:
~ SHERDS
™\ IN- MUD
pina
ie :ON.: "A
\gureace~\
Fiaure 164.—Plan of M—2—Papa Cachorro, a habitation site of the Arua Phase.
pottery types: 131 Piratuba Plain, 8 Nazaré Brushed, 3 Aberta
Incised, 1 modeled bird (?) on the side of a pottery drum fragment
(pl. 111, 6; ef. pl. 111, c), 9 Unclassified (pl. 112, d-f), and 13 miscel-
laneous clay fragments.
Caviana
C—5—MORERA
One kilometer from the east bank of the Rio Pacaj4, about 7 km.
above its mouth, is an Aru@ village site (figs. 151, 166). It occupies
a slight natural rise in the forest, which protects it from inundation
during the rainy season. The forest stretches for a considerable
distance to the north, south, and east but is broken on the west by
MEGGERS AND ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 459
EVANS]
——————————————_-- Uae ———
a Ta |
———— ——- 5
——
—= i
= ae
| ;
4 |
: \ i
—
Figure 165.—Arari Excised vessel with adorno, a Marajoara Phase trade sherd
found at the Arua Phase site of M—2—Papa Cachorro.
a broad arm of campo 300 meters from the site. The soil is light-gray
clay, which was dry and packed hard at the end of the dry season,
and vegetation was like that in the surrounding forest. Sherds were
present on and below the surface over a roughly circular area 10-12
meters in diameter and from 5-12 cm. in depth. Exploration in the
vicinity revealed a few scattered sherds 30 meters southwest of the
main site, but extended excavation produced no more in this area.
The entire site was excavated, producing 606 sherds from bowls
and jars of Piratuba Plain, none of which have any type of decoration.
C—6—CROATASAL
This village site is approximately 1.5 km. west of C—5, near the
edge of a stretch of forest on the opposite side of the patch of campo
(fig. 166). An arm of the Igarapé Pacaj4 runs 250 meters from the
western edge of the site, which occupies a natural rise about 1 meter
above the level of the campo. Occupation refuse covers an area 75
meters long in a north-south direction by 15 meters wide, with the
larger concentration toward the north end. Sherds were present to
a depth of 15 cm. A group of jar bases occupying a small area just
north of the center of the site represents a burial spot designated as
460 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
Figure 166.—Location and environmental situation of C-5—Morera and C-6—
Croatasal, habitation sites of the Arua Phase.
section A (pp. 499 ff., for description). The soil was light-gray clay,
and not distinguishable from the sterile soil of the adjacent forest.
The growth on the site included small trees, spiny palm, and broad-
leafed croatd.
Surface sherds were gathered from all parts of the site and two 2 by
2 meter square tests were made, one near the north end and the other
near the south end. The collection includes 778 plain sherds and 31
fragments of applique or sherds with applique, all representative ex-
amples of Piratuba Plain. Most unusual of these is a chubby, four-
toed foot (fig. 167, 6) that may represent the foot of a cayman or land
turtle.
C-7—SAO DOMINGO
About 250 meters inland from the west bank of the Igarapé Pacaja,
almost opposite C-—5, is a small Arua habitation site (fig. 151) now
almost completely covered by a large anthill. It is on a large natural
elevation that protects it from inundation during the rainy season,
and covers an oval area 20 by 7 meters, with sherds to a depth of
20to35cm. The forest in the vicinity is thick, and contains abundant
spiny palm and cane.
Excavation was possible only at the edges of the site, because of
the large superstructure erected over the main portion by the ants,
which were still in residence. A sample of 607 Piratuba Plain sherds
Mngenks AND ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 461
—
—,
=
Co
Bs ! i}
= HH
?
Fiaure 167.—Arua Phase pottery animal feet. a, C-6—Croatasal, section A;
b, C-6—Croatasal.
was collected, of which 14 had applique decoration. Objects of
nonceramic material include:
Red ochre.—A small, irregular lump showing no evidence of use.
Polishing stone.—A small piece of diorite with two small facets produced by
rubbing.
Glass bead.—The post-European position of this site was established by the
finding of a tiny, blue, glass “‘seed’”’ bead comparable to those still used today
by the Indians. It has a diameter of 2 mm., a thickness of 1 mm., and is perfo-
rated by a hole too small to allow the passage of a fine needle. Although we
encountered no other trade objects, the caboclos asserted that this site had been
a popular hunting ground a few decades ago, and that a great many beads as
well as some silver spoons had been removed.
C—-8—PACAJA
This habitation site is directly east of C-—7, on the bank of the
Igarapé Pacaja (fig. 168), and covers an oval area 20 meters long by
8 meters wide. The soil was light-gray loam, filled with roots for the
first 10 cm., followed by sherds between 10 and 20 cm. below the sur-
face. Below 20 cm., it became light tan and sterile. At the time of
our visit, the area was an abandoned clearing beginning to revert to
forest, having been used recently by a caboclo as a dwelling site.
The whole area was tested to determine the limits of the Indian
site, and larger test pits were dug in three places toward the north,
south, and east edges, producing 646 sherds of Piratuba Plain, one of
which is decorated with applique.
c-10—SAO BENTO
On the west bank of the Igarapé Apani, 100 meters southeast of
the fazenda house of SA0 Bento and about 4 km. downstream from
C-9, is a relatively large Arua habitation site (fig. 151). It extends
462 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
eS 880°M TO. 61
ABANDONED CABOCLO. :
FLOOD PLAIN
Ficure 168.—Plan of C-8—Pacaja, a habitation site of the Aruaé Phase.
75 meters along the igarapé on the edge of natural rise of about 1
meter, which marks the limit of the flood plain. The sherds are
hidden by humus and a covering of small trees, and discovery of the
site was said to have been made some years before when pineapple
bushes were planted. The soil was light tan clay and very hard at
the end of the dry season. At this time of the year, the Igarapé
Apani is completely drained at low tide, although at high tide it
contains about 2.50 meters of water.
According to the residents, no jars or portions thereof had ever
been found at C-10, and testing confirmed this. Sherds were sparsely
distributed over the site at a depth of 5 cm. A surface collection
was made in places where the pottery had been uncovered by cattle
and by a path along the river side. This was enlarged by cutting
a section 6 meters long by 50 cm. wide in from the path. Occasional
streaks of burned clay were noted at the same level that produced
the sherds. The collection includes 315 sherds of Piratuba Plain,
1 small sandstone chip (2.5 by 2.5 cm.), and 1 stone ax.
Stone ax (fig. 169, a).—This specimen was acquired from the son of the owner
of the site, who claimed to have found it during the pineapple planting. Since it
MEGCERS AND ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 463
EVANS]
is a typical Arua ax, this seems likely to be true. The stone is fine-grained, pale,
gray-green diorite. Outline is trianguloid, narrowing from 7 cm. at the convex
blade to a rounded butt. Length is 10 cm., thickness 2.5 cm. The surfaces are
not well smoothed, so that some pecking marks and concoidal cleavage fractures
have not been erased. The best finishing is on the blade. The butt end was
considerably battered from use as a hammer.
C—13—-ALTA PIRATUBA
The Rio Piratuba is a large tributary of the east bank of the Rio
Goiabal. Site C-13 is about 3 km. from the south shore of the
south fork (fig. 151). The entire region is covered with forest with
Figure 169.—Arua Phase stone axes. a, C-10—Sao Bento. 6, C-13—Alta
Piratuba. c, C-14—Lim4ozinho.
464. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
considerably thicker undergrowth than in the Igarapé Pocoaté region.
The site occupies an area 30 meters north-south by 10 meters east-
west. The south half was a knoll about 25 cm. higher than the
north end, but sherds were most abundant on the lower part. Soil
was light gray and powdery in texture to a depth of 10 cm., where
it turned to compact, hard, gray clay.
About 30 sherds were picked up on the surface and after sampling
to determine the extent of the site, excavation was concentrated in
an area about 3 meters square near the center of the north half. The
majority of the sherds were 5 cm. or less below the surface, although
some were embedded in the clay hardpan. The collection is divided
into 724 sherds of Piratuba Plain, including 6 with punctate and 3
with applique ribs, and 8 irregular lumps of fired clay, 2 to 6 cm.
long. One stone ax was found on the surface.
Stone ax (fig. 169, b)—This ax departs from the typical Arua variety in being
of coarse, brownish granite with flecks of dark gray and black instead of diorite.
It is 10 cm. long, 4.8 cm. wide, and 2.7 em. thick with parallel sides and rounded
ends. One surface is flattened, the other convex. The blade is convex slightly
off-center, but fairly well sharpened.
C—14—-LIMAOZINHO
On a high spot on the south bank of the Igarapé Lim4ozinho, about
500 meters from its junction with the north branch of the Rio Piratuba,
is a small Arua habitation site (fig. 151, pl. 98, @). The bank is an
almost vertical rise of 2.5 meters at low tide, while at high tide the
water comes to within 25 cm. of the top. Sherds are limited to an
area 15 meters long by 8 to 10 meters wide on the water’s edge, with
a few washed down the sides of the bank. ‘The soil is dark-gray clay
for the first 10 cm., beneath which it becomes harder and more
compact.
Sherds were present on the surface of the ground and to a depth of
8 to 10 cm. The sample was collected from the surface and from
tests in all parts of the site. It includes 525 sherds of Piratuba
Plain, 39 irregularly shaped, fired-clay lumps, and 1 fragment of a
stone ax.
Stone ax (fig. 169, c).—This fragment represents the butt end of an ax of fine-
grained, dark brownish diorite. The surfaces are well smoothed and polished
and the end has been chipped by use. Existing length is 4 cm., diameter 3.8 by
2.9 cm. at the break, from which it tapers to the flattened end, measuring 1.6 by
0.7 cm.
C-15—PATAHUA
About 1 km. southwest of C-14, on the former bank of the Igarapé
Patahua is the remnant of a habitation site (fig. 151). Since its
abandonment, the zgarapé has cut an arm into the bank, and sherds
were limited to the muddy bed over an area 5 meters in diameter,
aaa ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 465
5 meters from the edge of the main stream at low tide (pl. 98, 6).
The sherds are covered with patina from long immersion and the
edges are rounded. The sample contains 126 sherds, all Piratuba
Plain.
CEMETERY SITES
Cemetery sites belonging to the Arua Phase have been found on
Mexiana and Caviana. Two on Mexiana and six on Caviana were
visited and excavated, and provide a detailed description of the
Aru Phase burial pattern.
Mexiana
M—-4—FUNDO DAS PANELLAS
The boundary between the central campo and the coastal forest
of Mexiana is irregular, with slender fingers of campo stretching into
the forest here and there. One of these along the south coast, near
the headwaters of the Igarapé Campinho (fig. 150), contains a small
clump of trees now densely intertwined with vines and underbrush
that was once an Arua burial place. The elevation of the ground
at this spot is 20 cm. above that of the surrounding campo, which
prevents its flooding during the rainy season. When the grass is
dry, the present caboclos set fires that sweep along with the wind
and may have reduced the size of the clump of trees slightly. This
is suggested by the fact that a few of the jars were found outside
the present tree area, which measures roughly 15 meters in diameter
(pl. 99, a). The distance from water and absence of features sought
in habitation sites suggest that the Arua selected for cemetery use an
area that would not need to be frequented by the living in the pur-
suit of their daily tasks.
The 46 vessels appeared to have an approximately circular arrange-
ment as they lay fallen and broken on the ground. Plotting by a
grid (fig. 170), however, suggests that they were originally oriented
in lines running north-south and east-west, with the majority con-
centrated in the eastern part of the area of distribution. Most of
the jars were half buried in the dirt and debris, and some were com-
pletely surrounded by and enveloped in roots and vines (pls. 99, 0;
100, a). Although none were completely undamaged, a few were
nearly intact and almost all were sufficiently preserved to make the
shape restorable. In having suffered so little destruction, M-4 is
unique among the Arua cemeteries thus far investigated.
Although many of the jars were in good condition, few appear to
have been provided with lids, and the contents were consequently
exposed to the elements. Occasionally, when the vessel had fallen
over and the bones were protected from direct weathering, a few
large fragments survived. In most of the vessels, white flecks in the
466 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
® @
Ficure 170.—Plan of M—4—Fundo das Panellas, an Arua Phase cemetery site,
showing the positions of the burial jars.
fine, black, powdery soil in the bottom were the only remaining
skeletal evidence.
All of the vessels from M-4 are Piratuba Plain. The excavation,
contents, and vessel descriptions present the following details:
Jar 1 (fig. 171, a), badly broken but reconstructible, had fallen on
its side and was leaning to the west. It was half full of black dirt,
roots, and small fragments of bone. The surface is badly eroded,
with large particles (4-6 mm.) of ground sherd temper sticking out.
The neck shows smoothing striations on the exterior but the wide
coils are not fully erased on the interior. The rim is thickened ex-
ternally, everted and tapered to a rounded lip, with a slightly flattened
upper surface 1.8 ecm. wide (Piratuba Plain shape 16). The rim is
3.5 em. wide and 2.0 cm. thick with a mouth diameter of 52 cm. The
vessel body is elongated and rounded with a prominent shoulder and
insloping constricted neck. The body height is 50 em., neck and
rim height 25 em. with the maximum body diameter 65 cm., base of
neck diameter 50 cm., the base diameter 14 cm., raised 1 cm. on a
pedestal (base type C—fig. 181). On the neck 6 cm. below the junc-
MEGGERS AND
aad) ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 467
a, —s
a
Figure 171.—Reconstructed burial jars from the Arua Phase site M—4—Fundo
das Panellas.
468 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
tion of rim and neck is a row of circle impressions, each one measuring
1.3 cm. in diameter and 3 mm. deep.
Jar 2 consists of only the base and neck; no rim sherds could be
associated with this form. It was half buried leaning toward the
northeast, with the contents scattered owing to its broken condition.
It has a round base, elongated ovoid body, measuring 43 cm. high
and 50 cm. in diameter, incurving sharply to form a constricted neck
whose existing fragment measures 34 cm. in diameter.
Jar 3 was completely smashed and not reconstructible.
Jar 4 (fig. 171, 6) probably at one time stood adjacent to jar 5, for
its base is only 20 cm. from this vessel. It was badly broken, with
the lower half buried in the ground, but contained skeletal material
in better than usual state of preservation. The arrangement of the
bones, with the skull on the south side, leg bones at the north and
the ribs and other bones in a pile between, indicates secondary burial
of a disarticulated young adult skeleton. The exterior vessel surface
is smoothed, but covered with deep crackle lines; the interior surface
reveals coil junctions in places, indicating coils 6 to 7 cm. thick. The
jar is globular with a maximum diameter of 48 cm. at a height of 32
cm. The sidewalls then inslope to a constricted mouth with an
everted rim 34 cm. in diameter. The rim is slightly thickened on the
exterior and measures 3.2 cm. wide and 1.6 em. thick (Piratuba Plain
shape 19). The vessel is asymmetrical especially around the base,
which is rounded; one side of base has a slight depression where the
coiling slipped, giving the effect of a pedestal.
Jar 5 (fig. 171, c) is one of the few burial jars which suffered little
damage even though the rim and part of neck had broken off. It
remained vertical, half-buried in the ground, filled one-third with
pitch-black, wet humus mixed in the upper part with decayed leaves
and twigs and in the lower part with fragments of long bones in a
very poor state of preservation, identifiable only as human, probably
femur, radius, and ulna. Two small broken bowls, vessels A and B,
were with the bones, as well as miscellaneous sherds. Loose sherds
around the outside of the jar base wedged it into a vertical position.
The large, elongated, rounded jar measures 57 cm. in diameter at the
waist, 32 cm. high to this point, and 37 cm. high from here to the
rim. The neck incurves to the rim where the lip is everted as a result
of adding a coil to a direct rim after some drying had already taken
place. The everted rim measures 3.2 cm. wide with a rim diameter
of 48 cm. (Piratuba Plain shape 18). A row of rings is impressed on
the neck 8 cm. below the rim. The rings measure 1.4 to 1.5 cm. in
diameter, spaced 2 to 3 cm. apart and are 2 to 4 mm. deep.
Vessel: A.—The small bowl was partially restorable, measuring 8.5 cm. high,
15.0 cm. in mouth diameter, and 3.5 cm. in base diameter. The exterior surface
Mreomne} AND ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 469
color of light tan, the interior a dark, drab gray, and a dark gray core speckled
with ground sherd temper particles are typical of Piratuba Plain. The interior
is scraped leaving a few smoothing tracks while the exterior is better smoothed,
but still rough and uneven with protruding temper particles. The rim is folded
over, slightly everted with a rounded lip. Rim thickness is 8 mm. compared to
the body wall thickness of 5-6 mm. and base thickness of 10 mm. Vessel A
represents a miniature variety of vessel shape 3 of Piratuba Plain.
Vessel B.—The fragments were sufficiently restorable to give the general shape
and measurement. The small bow] with a thickened, flat pedestal base measures
16 cm. in rim diameter, 12 cm. high, 6 cm. in base diameter, with a pedestal 8
mm. high, body wall thickness 5-6 mm., and base thickness 1.4 cm. The sur-
faces are badly fire clouded. Both surfaces are rough and irregular with some
crackle lines. The rim is unthickened and slightly outsloping with a rounded
lip. Sherd temper particles are fine to 2 mm. in diameter. The bowl represents
a miniature variety of shape 7 of Piratuba Plain.
Jar 6 (fig. 171, d) had been turned over and lay upside down with
the dirt filled with miscellaneous sherds, a few bone fragments and a
portion of the lower mandible. The exterior surface of the body of
the jar is crackled with the neck showing some floating, while the in-
terior is smoothed with the 3-cm. wide coils still distinct. The
everted rim is exteriorly thickened with a thick coil forming a flat
angular top rounded on the tip, measuring 3.5 cm. wide, 5 mm. thick
at the lip, with the cross section through the thickest part 3.5 cm.
(Piratuba Plain shape 15). The form is a rounded body with a
prominent shoulder and almost vertical neck walls. The vessel has
a body diameter of 54 cm., body height 30 cm., neck diameter 48 cm.,
total vessel height 75 cm. with a rim diameter of 54 cm.
The 110 sherds found inside include 2 bases, 6 rim sherds from large
platters measuring 26 to 38 cm. in diameter and representative of
shapes 1 and 5 of Piratuba Plain (which were sometimes used as lids
upon burial jars), 20 sherds from small to miniature vessels ranging
from bowls to small jars, with the rest of the fragments representing
miscellaneous body sherds. In spite of the quantity of sherd ma-
terial, there were insufficient pieces to reconstruct any of these vessels.
Jar 7 (fig. 171, e) leaned toward the south and was badly broken.
The black dirt inside contained a few large fragments of adult long
bones, a skull fragment and a molar, and two small vessels, A and B,
one of which also contained a few bone fragments. The round-bodied
and round-based jar has a folded-over rim, 2.8 cm. wide and 1.1 cm.
thick, rim diameter 21 cm., constricted neck diameter 19 cm., body
diameter 38 cm., and total vessel height 51 cm. (Piratuba Plain
shape 17).
Vessel A (pl. 105, a) is a small jar with a folded-over rim and rounded lip, a
globular body and a thickened flat base. Vessel slightly asymmetrical with di-
ameter of body 14.5 cm., height 10.5 to 11.0 cm., base diameter 6.5 cm., ex-
terior mouth diameter 13-14 cm., body wall thickness 4-6 mm., rim thickness
391329—57——_32
470 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
6 mm. and base thickness 1.2 ecm. Both surfaces uneven; color range from
whitish to gray to dusty brown with fire clouds.
Vessel B (pl. 105, c) is an extremely crude, asymmetrical, unsmoothed bowl
with the rim edge unsmoothed and with the body walls highly irregular in thick-
ness, ranging from 18 mm. near the base to 5 mm. on the upper walls. Rim
slightly everted with rounded lip. Mouth diameter 11 cm., rounded base 7 cm.
in diameter, height 8 cm. This bowl probably represents a crude, miniature
variety of shape 8 of Piratuba Plain.
Jar 8 (fig. 171, f), one of the smallest jars from the site, was found
half buried in the ground under a mass of tree roots. Inside were
the bones of a mature adult with the skull fragments arranged on the
bottom in the northeast side of the jar, a small crude offertory bowl,
vessel A, in the northwest side and the long bones laid parallel in
the south half of the vessel. The burial jar is smoothed on the ex-
terior but still very uneven, with smoothing striations still visible on
the neck and rim. Ground sherd temper grains are very distinct on
the eroded surfaces. ‘The interior of the neck is uneven with a few
coil lines still visible and with many crackle lines. The round-
bodied jar with a flattened base is 50 cm. in maximum body diameter,
39 cm. in rim diameter, with a pronounced shoulder where the slightly
incurved neck walls join the body. The neck length is 20 cm., total
vessel height 58 cm. The everted rim with a flat top measures 2.6
cm. wide, 1.9 cm. thick at the center, and 1.3 cm. thick at the rounded
lip which has an irregular groove around it (Piratuba Plain shape 15).
Vessel A is fragmentary, with one-half missing and belongs to shape 7 of
Piratuba Plain. The bowl is extremely crude and asymmetrical, the surfaces
unsmoothed, undulating and rough, with many ground sherd temper particles
protruding. Tannish-gray surfaces are spotted with fire clouds. Incurving
sidewalls give a maximum body diameter of 12 cm. with the mouth diameter
10.5 em., height 8.2 em. and slightly concave base 7.0—-7.5 cm. in diameter.
Jar 9 (fig. 171, g), lying on its side in the northeast part of the
cemetery with its mouth toward the north, was intact except for a
small fragment out of the rim, and empty except for an active wasp
nest and a little light-gray dust. The exterior surface is uneven with
the temper grains of ground sherd showing clearly and 4-cm. wide
coils still visible on the neck. The tall jar has a slightly rounded,
thickened bottom 27 cm. in diameter, an elongated, round body 63
cm. in diameter, a neck height of 41 cm. with a distinct lme where
its insloping walls join the body, a rim diameter of 48 cm., and an
everted, slightly thickened rim 3.2 em wide, 2.3 cm. thick, with a
body wall thickness of 1.2 cm. (Piratuba Plain shape 16). A deco-
rated rib 2 cm. wide and 1 cm. high runs around the neck 7 to 10 cm.
below the rim, with impressed circles 1.0 to 1.5 cm. in diameter,
spaced 1.0 to 1.5 cm. apart, and 4 mm. deep on its top.
Jar 10 (fig. 171, h) stood vertical with its base 30 cm. below the
ground, but with the upper portions of the vessel badly broken. The
So a ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 471
jar was filled with 25 cm. of dry, light-gray dirt and many small
fragments of decomposed bone. The neck exterior is well floated,
but the body surface crackled and eroded. Both the interior and
exterior surfaces of the vessel are rough and uneven with the sherd
temper particles standing out prominently. The rim is everted,
slightly thickened but not folded over, measuring 1.8 em. thick and
4.0 cm. wide and with a rounded lip (Piratuba Plain shape 16). The
body is elongated and rounded, 68 cm. in diameter, tapering to a
slightly flattened base 25 cm. in diameter and incurving to a con-
stricted neck 60 cm. in diameter with a rim diameter of 64 cm. The
neck height is 34 cm., the overall vessel height 79 cm.
Jar 11 was badly broken by a tree, 10 cm. in diameter, growing
out of the center, although light-gray soil with flecks of bone was
still in the bottom, which was buried 50 cm. in the ground. The rim
was missing and it was impossible to associate any of the miscella-
neous rims found in the site with this vessel. The body is ovoid,
measuring 68 cm. in diameter, 61 cm. in height to the neck, which
inslopes and has a diameter of 48 cm. at this point. Only 15 cm. of
the neck fragment exists. The neck and body are floated on the
exterior with smoothing striations still visible, while coiling marks
still remain on the interior of the rough and uneven neck.
Jar 12 (fig. 171, 7) had several large trees and roots growing through
the base, which had destroyed any evidence of its original contents.
Crackle and water-bubble pits are on the uneroded surfaces of the
exterior, with the coiling marks still present on the interior. The
everted, slightly thickened rim (Piratuba Plain shape 12) is 3 cm.
wide and 2 cm. thick, whereas the body wall thickness is only 1.4 cm.
The vessel has a long, gracefully curving, constricted neck 46 cm. in
diameter and 30 cm. long, with a pronounced shoulder where it joms
the round body, which is 66 cm. in diameter. Total height is 84
em., rim diameter 51 cm. A decorative row of impressed circles,
6 mm. in diameter and 1 cm. apart, extends around the neck, 8.5
em. below the rim.
Jar 13 (fig. 171, 7) was found buried 45 cm. in the ground, standing
in a vertical position and completely encircled with roots. Some
roots had entered the vessel, destroying the contents. A few large
sherds had been used as chocks around the slightly flattened bottom
to keep the jar upright. The exterior of the neck and body are well
floated with crackle lines very prominent on the rim exterior; on many
parts of the surface large particles of ground sherd temper protrude.
The everted, thickened rim tapers so that it decreases in thickness
from 2.3 cm. to 2.0 cm. at the rounded lip forming a rim diameter
of 52 cm. (Piratuba Plain shape 16). The vessel has a rounded body
472 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
68 cm. in diameter, a constricted neck 49 cm. in diameter, and a
total height of 78 em.
Jar 14 was crushed beneath a mass of tree roots so that it was
impossible to extricate anything except a few rim sherds. The
everted rim, thickened to 2.0 cm. from a body wall thickness of 1.6
cm., tapers to a rounded lip where it is only 1.6 em. thick. The
flat top of the rim is 4 cm. wide forming a prominent angle with the
slightly outcurving neck (Piratuba Plain shape 15). A row of circle
impressions, 6 mm. in diameter, 4 to 6 mm. apart, 2 mm. deep, extend
around the neck at a point 5 cm. below the rim, where the body wall
is slightly thickened by a low ridge. These circle impressions were
made with a hollow cane when the clay was so wet that some of the
clay from the center stuck in the cane leaving the center of the circle
1 to 2 mm. lower than the vessel surface. Both surfaces are crackled
and uneven, with smoothing marks from the fingers still prominent.
Jar 15 lay completely buried beneath the root mass of a large tree
and could not be extricated.
Jar 16 was also covered by the root mass of large trees; however,
it was measured and observed to be comparable in size, shape, and
form to Jar 12 (fig. 171, 2).
Jar 17 (fig. 171, k) had toppled,to. the southeast, breaking, spilling
its contents, and then the neck fragment had been encircled by the
roots of an adjacent tree. The interior surface is badly eroded with
deep crackle lines. The exterior is not only better preserved but
better smoothed, although remaining irregular and uneven, with the
crackle lines finer and more numerous. The 4-cm. wide, everted rim
increases from the body wall thickness of 1.3 cm. to 1.6 cm. and tapers
to a rounded lip (Piratuba Plain shape 12). Total vessel height is 91
cm., with the elongated, ovoid body 61 cm. long and 54 cm. in diameter
incurving prominently at the shoulder to the constricted neck with
gentle insloping walls, which measures 30 cm. high and 46 cm. in diam-
eter; the rim diameter is 52 cm. A decorative rib, 2 cm. wide, and
rising 7 mm. above the surface had been affixed 7 cm. below the rim
after the rest of the vessel had begun to dry, for this rib sloughs off
easily, leaving no sign of its point of attachment. Impressed circles
appear on the upper edge of the rib; they measure 1 cm. in diameter
and range from 1.0 to 1.5 cm. apart.
Jar 18 (fig. 171, 2) lay on its side with the rim and neck broken off,
but nearby. Both surfaces are irregular, heavily crackled with the
bright-orange temper grains of ground sherd giving a speckled appear-
ance to the light-tan to dull-orange surfaces. Smoothing tracks show
but the surfaces are still very uneven, almost undulating from failure
to erase completely the coil lines. The jar has a rounded body,
rounded base, and constricted neck. The folded-over, externally thick-
vue ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 473
ened rim has a thin, squared lip with rounded corners (Piratuba Plain
shape 17). The vessel is 68 cm. high, with a maximum body diameter
of 53 cm., a neck height of 16 cm., a neck diameter of 42 cm., and a
rim diameter of 51 cm.
Jar 19 (fig. 171, m) had tree roots growing through it that had
broken the vessel so that it lay partially upside down in 30 cm. of dirt.
The exterior surface where not eroded is uneven and irregular, although
smoothed, leaving broad (6-8 mm.), faintly concave marks from finger
smoothing. The same wide smoothing tracks are visible on the neck
interior. The exteriorly thickened rim curves outward (Piratuba
Plain shape 18). The lip is rounded, rim thickness 2.5 em., width 2.1
cm., rim diameter 52 cm. The body wail thickness is 1.4 cm. The
large rounded body is 45 cm. tall, 66 cm., in diameter, while the con-
stricted neck gracefully curving inward from the shoulders is 30 cm.
high and 41 cm. in diameter. Nine centimeters below the rim is a
row of impressed circles averaging 1.1 cm. in diameter and 0.8 to 1.3
cm. apart. The center of the circle is pulled up by suction of the hol-
low cane tool raising it 1 mm. above the level of the vessel surface.
The exterior line of the circle is very distinct.
Jar 20 (fig. 171, n) had been broken with the neck fallen toward the
west and the body smashed between the roots of a tree. The surfaces
are extremely uneven and irregular with abundant temper particles
visible, around which crackle lines have developed. The 5-cm. wide,
everted rim expands from a body wall thickness of 1.5 cm. to 2.0 cm.
at the lip which is squared with rounded corners (Piratuba Plain shape
12). The reconstructed vessel measures 45 cm. in height and 56 cm.
in diameter on the rounded body, with the constricted neck 33 cm. in
height, 36 cm. in diameter, and forming a prominent shoulder where it
joins the body. The mouth diameter is only 39 cm., but the rim
diameter reaches 50 cm. A low, decorated rib 7 em. below the rim
edge rises 2 to 3 mm. above the vessel surface. It is impressed with
circles 5 mm. in diameter, spaced 1.5 cm. apart. Faint traces of red
paint are visible on the neck below the rib of impressed circles, and
suggest a curvilinear design (fig. 172, a).
Jar 21 (fig. 171, 0) stood upright beneath a mass of roots. The
surfaces are poorly smoothed and temper grains of ground sherd show
profusely. The everted rim is exteriorly thickened, measuring 1.8 cm,
thick as compared to the body wall thickness of 7 mm., and is 3.2 cm.
wide with a rounded lip (Piratuba Plain shape 16). The ovoid body
with a rounded base is 50 cm. high, 63 em. in body diameter, with a
constricted neck, 22 cm. high and 38 cm. in diameter, forming a
distinct shoulder where it joins the body wall. The rim diameter is
44 cm. A narrow, pronounced rib, 1 cm. wide and 1 cm. high, runs
474 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
Figure 172.—Painted decoration on Piratuba Plain sherds from Aru& Phase
sites. a, Jar 20, M—4—Fundo das Panellas. 6b, C-6—Croatasal.
around the neck 10 em. below the rim, and bears a row of impressed
rings 7 mm. in diameter, 2 mm. deep and 5 to 7 mm. apart.
Jar 22 (fig. 171, p) was lying on its side with the mouth to the west,
half buried in the ground, partially broken and with dry, light soil and
many roots inside. The everted, thickened rim, 2.1 em. thick and
2.5 cm. wide, has a rounded lip (Piratuba Plain shape 16). The body
is ovoid, 57 cm. long and 54 cm. in diameter, with a prominent shoulder
where it joins the constricted neck, 42 cm. in diameter and 28 em. high,
ending in a rim diameter of 47 cm. <A decorated band 7 cm. below the
rim consists of a raised, pointed ridge with impressed circles, 6 mm. in
diameter and 1.2 to 2.5 cm. apart, on one side and vertical cuts, 5 to 7
mm. wide and 2 to 3 cm. apart, on the other side of the neck.
Jar 23 (fig. 171, q) stood upright with the lower half buried in the
ground. The round body measures 72 cm. in diameter and 42 cm.
high, with the total height of the jar 80 cm. The constricted neck is
56 cm. in diameter with the rim diameter 60 cm. The everted rim,
3 cm. wide, expands from the body wall thickness of 1.5 to 2.0 cm. at
the rounded lip (Piratuba Plain shape 12). A decorative band of
peecEeveno ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 475
small impressed rings, 6 mm. in diameter, encircled the neck 6.5 cm.
below the rim. One of the coil junctions near the waist was not
thoroughly erased, leaving a grooved depression.
Jar 24 (fig. 171, 7) had a dead, burned tree growing through it; the
bottom was completely smashed by roots and the fragments were half
buried. The surfaces are covered with crackle lines and sherd temper
particles protrude. Smoothing tracks appear on the exterior of the
neck with the surfaces of the vessel irregular and uneven. Coiling
lines, 2.0 to 2.5 cm. apart, are still evident on the neck interior. The
ovoid body is 68 cm. in diameter, 28 cm. high to the waist, with an
overall height of 54 cm. The short, constricted neck is 40 cm. in
diameter with the rim diameter 48 cm. The everted, exteriorly
thickened rim is 4 cm. wide, measuring from 1.4 to 1.7 em. thick with a
rounded lip (Piratuba Plain shape 17). Decoration consists of three
irregular rows of impressed solid circles, one on the rim exterior, and
two immediately below. The circles are 8 mm. in diameter and spaced
0.8 to 1.6 cm. apart.
Jar 25 (fig. 171, s) was broken, with the neck nearby and the base
standing vertical, the contents disturbed by roots. Both surfaces are
floated and smoothed, with fine crackle lines, and the large particles of
sherd temper are very prominent. The everted, thickened rim is 5 cm.
wide and tapers toward the lip, which is squared with rounded corners
(Piratuba Plain shape 15). The globular body is 56 cm. in diameter
and 26 cm. high, with a distinct shoulder where it joins the long,
curved neck. The 37 cm. high neck is 45 cm. in diameter at this
juncture, 43 cm. in diameter at the narrowest point, expanding to a
rim diameter of 51 cm.
Jar 26 (fig. 171, ¢) was half buried in the ground but remained ver-
tical even though the neck was broken off and fallen on the west side.
The interior was filled with 30 cm. of dirt containing flecks of bone,
miscellaneous sherds, and two fragments of a platter, lid A, beneath
the bone in the bottom. Abundant particles of sherd temper protrude
from the smoothed but uneven surfaces, which are covered with numer-
ous crackle lines. The jar has an everted rim 3 cm. wide, 1.2 cm.
thick with a squared lip with rounded corners (Piratuba Plain shape
19). The round body is asymmetrical, measuring 52 by 49 em., with a
rim diameter of 44 by 47 cm., a short constricted neck 38 by 41 cm. in
diameter, and an overall height of 57 cm.
Ind A consists of a large fragment of a large, flat, open bowl or platter, which
had probably been used in an inverted position as a lid on the burial jar. The
exterior surface is extremely uneven and irregular with the interior smoothed.
The rim is thickened on the interior with a flattened bevel 2 cm. wide, 1.2 cm.
thick as compared with the body wall thickness of 9 mm.; mouth diameter 46 cm.
(Piratuba Plain shape 5).
476 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
Jar 27 (fig. 171, w) was on the surface, lying on its side toward the
south, with the base broken and the contents missing. The neck and
rim are well smoothed and floated with fine crackle lines, but the body
is rough and irregular with deep, crackle lines and with very large
temper grains protruding from the surface. The 2-cm. thick rim is
everted, forming a sharp angle with the body wall and has a pro-
nounced, horizontal, flat top, which measures 5 cm. wide, with a
rounded lip (Piratuba Plain shape 15). The ovoid body is 48 em. high
and 74 cm. in diameter, with a pronounced shoulder where it joins the
gracefully incurving, constricted neck, 35 cm. high with a diameter of
47 cm. and arim diameter of 59cm. A ridge 3mm. above the surface
runs around the neck 7.5 cm. below the rim, and bears a row of small,
impressed rings 5 mm. in diameter and 5 to 7 mm. apart.
Jar 28 (fig. 171, v) was broken at the waist, standing upright in the
ground but with the contents destroyed. The exterior surface is
badly weathered with large crackle lines, protruding particles of sherd
temper and other irregularities. The entire vessel is asymmetrical,
with the round based, globular body measuring 65 to 70 cm. in diam-
eter, neck diameter 43 by 50 cm., mouth diameter 41 by 48 cm., and
rim diameter 52 by 58 cm. The everted, thickened rim is 1.5 em.
thick, 5 cm. wide with a rounded lip (Piratuba Plain shape 16). The
total height is 76 cm. with the sides insloping to a neck which has a
raised ridge 3 mm. high and 1 cm. wide, placed 8 cm. below the rim.
Tiny circles 5 mm. in diameter are impressed along the ridge, spaced
9 to 11 mm. apart.
Jar 29 was completely broken, with the fragments scattered outside
the tree line of the site. The exterior surface is crackled, temper
particles are prominent and, although smoothed, it is rough and
uneven. The fragments are not reconstructible to obtain body dimen-
sions, but the rim is everted, 3.0 cm. wide, and expands in thickness
from 1.4 cm. at the junction with the body wall to 1.6 cm. at the
squared lip with rounded corners (Piratuba Plain shape 12). The
mouth diameter is 56 cm. A row of impressed rings runs 6.5 cm.
below the rim. These are very irregular, made when the clay was
extremely wet. They are 6 mm. in diameter, centers 1 to 2 mm.
deep with the rings 4 to 5 cm. deep, and irregularly spaced from 1.5
to 2.1 cm. apart. After impression the loose clay around the circles
was smoothed over, which, in some cases, obliterates the clear outline.
Jar 30 was broken, with the base set in the ground and the
neck and rim lying nearby. The surfaces are uneven, with pro-
truding sherd temper particles and fine crackle lines. Its dimen-
sions are: rim to shoulder height 31 cm., neck diameter 38 cm.,
body height 46 cm., body diameter 62 cm., rim diameter 44cm. The
everted, exteriorly thickened rim tapers from 2 cm. thick to 1.2 cm.
Maceane) AND ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 477
thick at the squared lip with rounded edges (Piratuba Plain shape 15).
A row of impressed circles, 8 mm. in diameter, 2 to 3 mm. deep and
1.6 to 2.8 cm. apart runs around the neck 10 cm. below the rim.
Jar 31 was badly broken with the fragments lying in the campo
outside the limits of the trees; no rim fragments were identified. The
body is ovoid, with an insloping, constricted neck. The fragments
were not reconstructible.
Jar 32 was completely smashed, with the sherds so scattered and
buried beneath a large tree that its shape was not reconstructible.
Jar 33 (fig. 171, w) was broken and three-quarters buried against
the base of a tree 50 cm. in diameter. Fragments of a large, shallow
bowl, lid A, were found beside the jar, with a small tree growing out of
the entire mass. The jar surfaces are uneven, with temper particles
protruding. Coarse, deep crackle lines cover both surfaces. The
interior of the neck still shows the coiling marks. The exteriorly
thickened, everted rim with rounded lip and rim diameter of 40 cm.
is typical of shape 15 of Piratuba Plain. The fragments of the jar
reconstruct as a round body 50 cm. in diameter and 52 em. high, with
the vertical-walled, constricted neck 36 cm. in diameter.
Lid A consists of large fragments of a flat, open platter, which may have been
inverted over the jar as a lid. It measures 54 cm. at mouth diameter with the
body wall thickness ranging from 8 to 11 mm., thickening to 1.7 cm. at the rim.
The exterior is irregular and uneven, with coils 2.5 em. wide still showing, whereas
the interior is smoothed. The color, paste, and sherd temper classify the lid as
Piratuba Plain, but the rim is not one of the typical shapes of the bowls of this
pottery type.
Jar 34 (fig. 171, x) was badly broken with the fragments half-buried
in the ground and all covered with heavy moss; however, the contents
still remained partially intact. A fragment of a small bowl (bowl B)
was on the west side of the interior, with the fragments of the long
bones beneath in a poor state of preservation. Miscellaneous sherds
from a lid (A) had fallen in on top of the bowl and bones, protecting
the latter from complete destruction. The interior of the jar is better
smoothed than the exterior, which is undulating and irregular with
occasional traces of coil lines and with fine crackle around protruding
temper grains. The rim is extremely thickened, increasing from a
body wall thickness of 8 mm. to 1.6 cm. at the thickest portion and
tapering to 5 mm. at the lip, which is 2.6 cm. wide and strongly everted
(Piratuba Plain shape 16). The elongated, ovoid body is 56 cm.
high and 57 cm. in diameter, incurving to form a constricted neck 42
cm. in diameter and 16 cm. high with a rim diameter of 50cm. Several
nubbins are on the shoulder of the jar body; they measure 3.0 cm. in
diameter and stand 2.5 cm. high. An incised circle surrounds the
nubbin 3.5 cm. from its base. Two rows of rings are impressed just
below the rim on the jar neck. The uppermost row encircles the neck
A478 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
6 cm. below the rim; the lower row is undulating, varying from 1.5
cm. to 6.5 below the first row with the long undulations 10.5 cm. in
length. The rings are 9 mm. in diameter, 2 mm. deep and from 7
to 12 mm. apart.
Lid A represents a large platter (Piratuba Plain shape 4), which probably had
been inverted as a lid over the burial jar. The exterior is very crude, irregular
and poorly smoothed with coils 1.5 to 2.0 cm. wide only partly obliterated, whereas
the interior is smoothed with prominent crackle lines. The body walls measure
1.5 em. thick and expand gradually to 2.2 cm. at the externally thickened rim with
a rounded lip and a mouth diameter of 54 em.
Bowl B was unrestored, but the large fragments permitted reconstruction of
shape. The small, open asymmetrical bowl measures 16 cm. in mouth diameter,
7.5 em. high, with a flattened base 4.5 em. in diameter. Body wall thickness
ranges 4-5 mm. and base thickness is 12 mm. The base is flattened so that
the crude vessel leans to one side. The surfaces are rough, with temper par-
ticles protruding, and tan to light brown in color except for numerous fire clouds.
Bowl B represents a crude miniature variety of shape 7 of Piratuba Plain.
Jar 35 (fig. 171, y) lay on its side on the surface in the northwest
part of the site with the neck broken off the body. The exterior
surface of the neck is well smoothed and floated, with the body rough
and crackled. Sherd temper particles protrude from both surfaces
but especially on the interior, which is very rough and poorly
smoothed. The jar has an everted rim expanding in thickness to a
squared lip (Piratuba Plain shape 12). Rim diameter is 50 cm.,
neck height 28 cm., neck diameter 38 cm., body diameter 55 cm.,
and total vessel height 75 cm. The body wall is thickened slightly
8 cm. below the rim to form a band upon which is impressed a row
of rings, 7 mm. in diameter, 3 mm. deep, and 6 to 10 mm. apart.
Jar 36 remained vertical, half-buried in the ground with the rim
broken off and fallen inside, along with other fragments from a lid A,
with an applique rib design on the rim. The jar had rich, black dirt
in the bottom, but all the bone fragments had disappeared. The
elongated, ovoid jar has a body diameter of 51 cm., with a small flat
base 18 cm. in diameter, a neck diameter of 43 cm. at point of promi-
nent junction with the shoulder, and an estimated overall height of
80 cm. The externally thickened, everted rim expands from a body
wall thickness of 1.0 cm. to 1.8 em. and has a rounded, slightly tapered
lip and mouth diameter of 46 cm. (Piratuba Plain shape 16).
Bowl A consisted of several large fragments reconstructible into a platter
bowl. The surface finish is extremely irregular and rough, with sherd particles
prominent, crackle and pits. It measures 36 cm. in rim diameter, with the
externally thickened rim 2.3 cm. wide, 1.8 cm. thick, tapering te a rounded lip
(Piratuba Plain shape 4). The exterior of the rim is adorned with a sinuous
applique coil 1 cm. wide and 5 mm. high, with irregular, uneven and rough lumps
or nubbins in the curve of each undulation. These nubbins average 6 mm. high
and are 1.0 to 2.0 cm. wide (pl. 111, a).
Bacar neareD ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 479
Jar 37 (similar to jar 17, fig. 171, k) was completely buried in the
ground with only a few centimeters of the neck and rim sticking
out; the base was broken by roots and the entire vessel badly cracked.
The interior was filled with fine gray dirt containing flecks of bone.
Excavation revealed that the main jar had been chocked in a vertical
position by several large sherds placed around the bottom. Coil
lines, 2.0 to 3.5 cm. apart, are distinctly visible on the interior of
the neck. Both surfaces are rough with fine crackle lines and par-
ticles of sherd temper protuding. The everted, thickened rim, 4 cm.
wide, expanding to 1.6 cm. from the body wall thickness of 1.0 cm.,
has a tapered rounded lip (Piratuba Plain shape 16). The elon-
gated, ovoid body is 30 cm. long, with a flat pedestal base 10 cm.
in diameter, a body diameter of 53 cm., and a pronounced shoulder
in the form of a step where the body joins the strongly curved neck.
The neck is 39 cm. in diameter, 28 cm. high, and the rim diameter
is 46 cm.
Jar 38 (fig. 171, 2) was badly cracked, with the base broken by
roots and the rim lying only 15 cm. above ground. White flecks of
bone and light gray, fine dirt were inside the vessel. Large sherds
had been chocked around the base to make the vessel stand vertical.
The exterior of the neck was well smoothed, with sporadic crackle
lines, but the coil lines, 2.0 to 3.5 cm. apart, are still evident on the
interior surface. The ovoid-bodied jar measured 53 cm. in diameter
and 30 cm. high to the prominent shoulder. The neck, 28 cm. tall,
slopes inward to a diameter of 39 cm. and then curves outward to
a mouth diameter of 46 cm. A prominent step 1 cm. wide marks
the junction of the neck with the body. The everted rim is 4 cm.
wide and increases slightly in thickness from 1.0 at the body wall to
1.6 cm. (Piratuba Plain shape 16).
Jar 39 was completely smashed and not reconstructible.
Jar 40 (fig. 171, a’ ) had fallen toward the west and lay half buried
in the dirt with the contents destroyed. The neck surface is well
smoothed but uneven, the body rough and covered with many fine
crackle lines. The rounded jar has a body 45 cm. in diameter and
34 cm. high where it joins the tall, constricted neck at a prominent
shoulder. The neck is 29 cm. tall and 30 cm. in diameter, with the
mouth diameter 35 cm. and the rim diameter 40 cm. The everted,
folded-over rim has a concave upper surface 2.5 cm. wide, a squared
lip with rounded corners, and a total thickness of 2.1 cm. (Piratuba
Plain shape 15).
Jar 41 (fig. 171, 6’) lay on its side with the neck and shoulder
broken and the contents scattered. Both surfaces are crackled and
rough, with sherd temper particles visible. ‘The externally thickened,
everted rim 2.0 cm. thick, tapers to a rounded lip (Piratuba Plain
480 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
shape 16). The body of the globular jar is 40 cm. high and 59 cm. in
diameter, with a prominent shoulder where the 30 cm. high neck joins
the body. The neck is 36 cm. in diameter with the rim diameter 43
cm.; body wall thickness ranges*from 1.0 to 1.5 cm.
Jar 42 (fig. 171, c’) had fallen toward the southeast with the neck
and rim broken off. Dirt inside contained white flecks of bone and a
small complete bowl (B) 8 cm. from the bottom resting on the dirt.
A large sherd covered the bowl and may be part of a former lid (A) of
the jar. Inside the bowl, protected partially from complete decom-
position by the sherd, were four scraps of large bone, probably femur
fragments of a child, but the condition of all bones in the urn was too
poor to permit conclusive statements. The vessel surfaces are uneven
with crackle lines and particles of sherd temper visible. The vessel
is only 48 cm. tall with a neck 15 cm. long and 32 cm. in diameter, an
everted, exteriorly thickened rim (Piratuba Plain shape 15), a body
diameter of 40 cm. and a decided groove where the neck joins the
shoulder. A decorative rib 5 mm. high and 10 mm. wide is applied
4 cm. below the rim. It bears a row of small rings, 6 mm. in diameter
and spaced 5 mm. apart. ‘The impression is so crudely done that the
rings are often incomplete as a result of being placed too near the
edge of the rib surface.
Lid A consisted of several large fragments of a bowl that may have been in-
verted over the jar asa lid. It measures 36 cm. in mouth diameter, 12 cm. in
diameter at the rounded base, 18 cm. in depth, and 8 mm. in body wall thickness.
The base is 1.6 cm. thick and the rim thickened on the interior to 1.6 em. with a
2.5 em. bevel tapering to a rounded lip with a small groove (Piratuba Plain
shape 1). The coil marks are not well erased, smoothing tracks are quite common
and all surfaces are irregular and uneven with many crackle lines.
Bowl B (pl. 105, b) was completely restored, forming a miniature bowl of shape
3 of Piratuba Plain. Itis slightly asymmetrical measuring 13.0 to 13.5 cm. in
diameter at the mouth, 8.8 to 9.5 cm. high, and 4.5 cm. in diameter at the flattened
base. Body wall thickness ranges from 4 to 6 mm., base thickness 8 mm., and
rim thickness6mm. Therim is formed by a slight folding over of the coil and has
a rounded lip. The exterior and interior surfaces are not grossly uneven, as is
typical of so many of the miniature vessels, but rather undulating and rough to the
touch from the protruding ground sherd temper particles. The vessel is so
asymmetrical that the sidewalls curve outward gently on one side from a flattened
but skewed base and are almost vertical on the opposite side.
Jar 43 (fig. 171, d’) had fallen on its side to the north and broken
into several large pieces, destroying its original contents. Both sur-
faces are badly eroded and moss covered. Although smoothed, they
are uneven and irregular with sherd temper particles protruding and
with many crackle lines. The exteriorly thickened rim is 2.5 cm.
wide, expanding from a body wall thickness of 1.2 cm. to 1.9 cm. and
then tapering to a rounded lip (Piratuba Plain shape 16). A decora-
tive row of large circles is impressed on the neck 11 cm. below the
yore ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 481
rim; they are 1.2 cm. in diameter, 2 mm. deep, and are spaced from
1.2 to 2.5 cm. apart. The low-waisted, round-bodied jar measures 50
cm. in body diameter and 38 cm. high to the shoulder, where it joins
the concave-sided neck 45 cm. tall. Minimum neck diameter is 38
cm. and rim diameter 46 cm.
Jar 44 (fig. 171, e’) had remained vertical in the ground, but was
badly broken and filled to the neck with light gray, fine dirt and roots,
which had destroyed all evidence of bone. Exceedingly coarse
particles of sherd temper are visible on the exterior surface along with
fine crackle. The neck and rim exterior are smoothed and floated,
but coil lines 6 cm. apart remain on the interior. The folded-over
rim has a flat top 3 cm. wide, with a rim thickness of 2.7 cm. tapering
to a squared lip with rounded corners only 1.3 cm. thick (Piratuba
Plain shape 15). The body wall thickness is 1.0 cm. The propor-
tions of this jar are such that the small, globular body is shorter than
the long convex-sided neck. The body is 33 cm. high and 59 ecm. in
diameter, with the neck 37 cm. high and 45 cm. in diameter. The
rim diameter is 50 cm.
Jar 45 consisted of the badly crushed fragments of a small jar com-
pletely surrounded by trees and roots.
Jar 46 was buried under a tree and impossible to reconstruct.
M-5—MULATINHO
Just inside the fringe of forest at the end of a long finger of campo
(fig. 150) along the left bank of the upper reaches of the Igarapé
Jacaré several large swmahuma trees, many spiny canes, and a net-
work of vines grew out of a mass of broken burial jars. Heavy forest
surrounded the cemetery, with the nearest campo 40 meters to the
northeast. All the vessels were badly broken and scattered, with
most of the smaller sherds completely buried. The ground surface
was very irregular, with the point of most concentration of sherds 50
em. above the elevation of the surrounding area. This high spot
measured about 3.5 meters in diameter and contained a tree 17 cm.
in diameter (fig. 173). The root mat of this tree extended 18 cm.
below the surface; beneath this mass, sherds of a great variety were
piled one on top the other to a depth of 48 cm., at which point the
soil became the sterile, heavy clay with orange flecks typical of the
island. At no place in this site did the fire-burnt clay lumps occur,
which are so common in habitation sites. Fragments of jars fitting
together and found close together suggest that a number of large jars
had at one time been concentrated in this spot. Now they lay in a
confused mass of jar fragments, large sherds used as wedging, and
contents which included miniature vessels, glass trade beads, two pieces
of nephrite, and a fragment of rusty iron. By careful excavation of
482 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
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TINY GLASS BEADS SCATTERED
IN DIRT,
Figure 173.—Plan of M-—5—Mulatinho, a cemetery site of the Arua Phase,
showing the position of the burial jars and other objects.
the basal fragments it was possible to plot the location of 25 large
burial jars with some of them 7 to 8 meters from the main concentra-
tion (fig. 173). The central grouping of vessels seemed to be along
a southeast-northwest axis. Jn addition to these vessels, hundreds
of sherds came from a 2- by 2-meter test pit, test A, on the highest
part of the site. Of these, 1,200 body sherds were counted and classi-
fied as Piratuba Plain and left in the field; all rim, base, and diagnostic
body sherds were brought into the laboratory. Tiny glass beads of
several types came from two main parts of the site; at one time these
may have been inside the various jars but their contents had long
ago been scattered. The damage to the site is not due to natural
factors of the encroachment of the forest, but appears to be the re-
sult of conscious and intentional destruction of the cemetery. It
was not possible to determine whether this was an early act aimed at
stamping out pagan beliefs or a more recent ‘‘amusement.”
The original pattern of burial jar arrangement and the associated
platterlike lids and small vessels, beads, and other offerings conform
to that found at M—4—Fundo das Panellas. The discussion will first
give the specific details about those large burial jars whose location
could be determined with some degree of accuracy, followed by a
wine ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 483
description of miniature vessel fragments and nonceramic objects
whose particular jar association was no longer apparent. All the
pottery fragments represent examples of Piratuba Plain. Reference
to the ground plan of the site (fig. 173) throughout the discussion will
help to clarify the scrambled mass and give an impression of the
burial pattern.
Jar 1 (fig. 179, 7), with many large broken fragments jutting 15 em.
above the ground and covered with moss, had been the cause of the
discovery of the site by a caboclo who was hunting in the area. The
vessel had fallen on its side to the northwest and large tree roots had
grown through it. A large mass of miscellaneous sherds came from a
position that indicated they formed the original contents. A large
rim and neck sherd from this jar were later uncovered 2 meters south
of this concentration. Although the neck is well smoothed the tracks
are still visible. The flattened base measures 12 cm. in diameter
with an ovoid body 59 cm. in diameter and 50 em. high, curving in-
ward from a prominent shoulder to a neck 44 cm. in diameter and 28
em. high with an everted rim 50 cm. in diameter. The body wall
ranges from 1.2—1.5 cm. thick with a stongly everted, thickened rim,
3.0-3.5 cm. wide and 2 em. thick, having a flat lip with rounded cor-
ners (Piratuba Plain shape 12).
An associated rim sherd is from another large burial jar with an
everted rim 4.4 cm. wide tapering from 1.9 cm. to 1.4 cm. at the
squared lip with rounded edges (Piratuba Plain shape 16). A thick-
ened rib 8 cm. below the rim carries a row of impressed circles 7 mm.
in diameter and 1.1—1.4 cm. apart.
Jar 2 (fig. 179, m) had been smashed and buried except for half of
the rim lying on the surface. Fragments of this jar were scattered
over several meters with portions of the rim at either extreme. The
base was still in position in the ground with fragments of bone, some
charred, mixed in the associated dirt. One bone scrap was large
enough to be identified as an adult femur. The vessel had a large
globular body measuring 76 cm. in diameter, with a flattened base 16
cm. in diameter. The 34 cm. high neck curved inward to a diameter
of 56 cm., with the total height of the jar 88 cm. Rim diameter is
70cm. The everted rim forms a sharp angle with the neck wall and
measures 7 cm. wide, tapering from a body wall thickness of 1.6-1.8
cm. to 2.5 cm. at the squared lip with rounded corners (Piratuba
Plain shape 12). An impressed row of circles, 9 mm. in diameter and
spaced 5-9 mm. apart, occupies a raised rib 6 mm. above the surface
wall and 9 cm. below the rim.
Jar 3 was so badly damaged, scattered, and buried underneath the
roots of a tree that it could not be completely reconstructed. The
fragments indicated a very poorly made jar, not only irregular on
484. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
the surfaces but asymmetrical in shape. Both surfaces show heavy
crackle, with large hunks of temper protruding. The thickened rim,
enlarged from body wall thickness of 1.8 cm. to 2.5 cm. tapers to a
squared lip with rounded corners only 1.2 cm. wide (Piratuba Plain
shape 15). The rim, which forms a sharp angle with the neck wall,
measures 3.8-4.3 cm. wide. Rim diameter is 52 cm.
Jar 4 (fig. 174) is an anthropomorphic vessel broken into many
pieces and mixed with the thicker body sherds of adjacent jar 24,
miniature vessel K, and jar 18. The whole mass was entangled in
roots. One ear and eye were found beneath the ground 1 meter to
the southwest of the first group of fragments. Upon reconstruction
the vessel body consists of large tiers 6-7 cm. wide formed by the
thickening of the body wall with an extra coil, rising 8 mm. above
the surface. The exterior surface is well smoothed and regular
except for a few slightly uneven areas and is more even than the usual
range of Piratuba Plain. Crackle lines are almost absent, but small
pits from water bubbles are quite common. Evenly distributed,
ground-sherd temper particles show on the surfaces. The anthropo-
morphic features are limited to the face, which is modeled with ap-
plique on the upper wall as it curves backward over the top of the
vessel. The jar mouth is at the back, its upper edge formed by the
diadem that rests on the forehead of the face. The ears are flat,
elongated strips that protrude diagonally 3.0-3.5 cm. above the sur-
face of the face. The lower edge is perforated for the attachment
of an ornament. The nose is a similar vertical strip, which projects
2 cm. and the eyebrows are less prominent, horizontal strips 10 mm.
high. The eyes are nubbins centered below the brows, and the
mouth is formed by a strip 5 mm. thick applied as an oval. The
dimensions are: greatest body diameter 30 cm.; height to top of
opening 30 cm.; opening width 8.5 cm., length 23 cm.; crown width
2.5 to 3.0 cm.; nubbin projections on crown 1.5 cm. high and 1.0 cm.
in diameter; right ear 3.0 cm. wide, 9.5 cm. long; left ear 3.5 cm.
wide and 8.5 cm. long; both ears perforated with 3-mm. hole 1.5 em.
from the bottom and 2.5 cm. from the face; applique mouth 3.5 cm.
long, 1.5 cm. wide, and 5 mm. thick and rising 1.2 cm. above the
body wall; the applique nose 6.5 cm. long, 1.5 cm. wide, 2 cm.
high; eyes 1 cm. in diameter, 7 mm. above body wall; eyebrows 3.5
to 4.0 cm. long, 6 mm. wide, 10 mm. high, and 2 cm. above the eyes.
Jar 5 (fig. 179, n) was located by the pieces of the rim and neck
projecting from the ground. The globular body, 44 cm. in diam-
eter with a flattened base, was buried in the ground. The body wall
thickness is 1.5 cm. with the surfaces covered with crackle lines,
smoothed but still uneven and irregular with the smoothing striations
quite visible. The neck walls slope inward from a prominent shoul-
485
ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON
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486 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
der forming a neck 34 cm. in diameter, 31 cm. tall, and with a rim
diameter of 38 cm. The thickened rim is 3.5 cm. wide, 2.2 cm.
thick, squared with rounded corners (Piratuba Plain shape 15).
Jar 6 is represented by several fragments from the neck of a large
jar scattered over several meters. No rim sherds or body sherds
were found.
Jar 7 is also fragmentary, consisting of a badly broken, slightly
flattened base.
Jar 8 (fig. 179, 0) lay broken with the neck at one point and the
body just to the northeast. Reconstructed, the jar has a depressed
globular body with flat base and a prominent shoulder where it joins
the neck. The surfaces are covered with crackle and fine pits, with
the neck exterior smoothed but extremely irregular. The everted
rim is thickened to 1.6 cm. but tapers to a rounded lip 5 mm. wide
(Piratuba Plain shape 16). Body diameter is 50 cm., neck height
20 cm., neck diameter 40 cm., rim diameter 42 cm. with the overall
vessel height reconstructed to 60 cm. A rib raised 2 mm. above the
neck wall and 7.5 cm. below the rim is impressed with a series of
circles 6 mm. in diameter and 4 to 9 mm. apart.
Jar 9 had the fragments badly scattered, and the shape could not
be reconstructed. Digging around the tree roots revealed a spot
where the friable dirt, flecks of bone, and some miniature vessel
fragments suggest materials associated with this jar. Vessels F and
G (p. 490) were probably inside this jar and the others nearby may
have been associated, but the disturbance is too great to permit a
definite determination.
Jar 10 had the base still in the ground, with the round body fragment
measuring 60 cm. in maximum diameter; no other neck or rim frag-
ments could be found.
Jar 11 (fig. 179, p) was upright, buried to the shoulder in the
eround and intact except for a large neck sherd that had fallen
inward over the mouth, protecting the contents from weathering.
The light gray, powdery dirt in the lower 25 cm. of the body con-
tained sherds and bone including large fragments of long bones and
charred bits of a skull. Above these, at 28 em., were sherds from a
small vessel. The remainder of the jar was filled with leaves, twigs,
and similar debris. Miscellaneous sherds had been wedged around
the small base to support it in a vertical position. The surfaces
showed marks of a smoothing tool, but remained uneven and were
covered with crackle lines. Coil junctions visible on the exterior of
the shoulder indicated coils 2.3 cm. thick. The elongated, ovoid
body measures 55 cm. in diameter and 44 cm. high. The neck forms
a prominent shoulder with the body; it measures 20 cm. long, 45 em.
in diameter, with the rim diameter 48 cm. The thickened, everted
ayanener ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 487
rim (Piratuba Plain shape 16) is 3.5 em. wide and 2.0 cm. thick as
compared to the body wall thickness of 1.5 cm.
Jar 12 (fig. 179, q) lay scattered over a 2 by 2 meter square area.
The surfaces have crackle lines and show evidence of smoothing, but
are still very irregular and uneven. Reconstructed, the vessel
measures 80 cm. tall, 59 cm. body diameter with the neck 38 cm.
high and 41 cm. in diameter, rim diameter 50 cm. The everted rim
is 4 cm. wide and attains a thickness of 1.8 cm. (Piratuba Plain shape
16). Arib, 8 mm. high and 1.0 cm. wide placed 8 cm. below the rim,
is impressed with a row of circles, 6 mm. in diameter and spaced 8
to 12 mm. apart.
Jar 13 was detected by a deep depression in the ground. Fragments
of the neck and body were scattered over an area of several meters
with the base in the ground, which was badly broken by roots; how-
ever, small fragments of bones were still visible inside. Unfortu-
nately, insufficient sherds were found to restore the vessel, which had
an elongated, ovoid body 38 cm. long and 60 cm. in diameter.
Jar 14 had fallen on its side toward the west, was badly broken and
had a tree growing in its midst. The neck was well smoothed but
coiling lines are visible at the shoulder. The rim is missing. The
body reconstructs to an elongated ovoid, 50 cm. high, 55 cm. in diam-
eter with a flattened base 18 cm. in diameter. The neck forms a
prominent angle where it joins the shoulder, with the existing neck
fragment measuring 35 cm. in diameter.
Jar 15 (fig. 179, 7) was broken, mixed with sherds from jars 2 and
4 and a group of fragments from unidentifiable jars. The surfaces
are irregular with a large amount of crackle. Sufficient sherds were
recovered to reconstruct it as a jar with a depressed-globular body,
a flat base, and a prominent shoulder where the insloping neck joins
the body. It measures 40 cm. in body diameter, 28 cm. in body
height, and 17 cm. in base diameter. The neck is 15.5 cm. high with
a diameter of 25 cm. and a rim diameter of 30 cm. The everted,
thickened rim is 2.5 cm. wide, and 1.3 cm. thick, with a rounded lip
(Piratuba Plain shape 15).
Jar 16 consists of the concave bottom of a large jar found west of
jar 14, with fragments of a rounded body broken and scattered over
several meters. No rim sherds are associated with these fragments.
Jar 17 is represented by a base found 40 cm. below the surface,
with fragments indicating a body 40 cm. in diameter. The rest of
the vessel is missing. Inside were dirt with flecks of bone and minia-
ture vessels E and H.
Jar 18 is another vessel represented only by a base buried 40 cm.
below the surface, filled with light gray, friable dirt, and miscellaneous
sherds. Miniature vessels A, B, and C were nearby.
488 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
Jar 19 is another base of a large vessel filled with friable gray dirt,
and found buried 25 cm. below the surface.
Jar 20 was shattered, with sherds scattered around jar 21. The
surface is well smoothed and more even and regular than typical of
Piratuba Plain from the site, with few crackle lines. The shape is
also deviant, with a strongly cambered rim, 3.3 cm. wide and tapering
from 17 mm. at the junction with the body wall to 7 mm. at the
rounded lip. The body diameter is estimated to be 40 cm. with the
rim diameter 22 cm.
Jar 21, a thin-walled, globular jar with a strongly out-turned,
thickened rim was found under some of the larger fragments of jar 20.
The shape is not reconstructible from the sherds, but the mouth
diameter measures 18 cm.
Jar 22 consists of only the flat bottom, 15 cm. in diameter, of a
large burial jar, buried 25 cm. below the surface near the mass of
badly broken sherds comprising jars 20 and 21.
Vessel 23 (pl. 106, e) is a zoomorphic, hollow figurine, complete
except for a small part of the face. It came from 20 cm. below the
surface, adjacent to jar 22 and above miniature vessel I. Although
it is difficult to identify the animal, the heavy legs, short ears, wide
mouth, and short tail suggest the capibara. ‘The vessel stands 11.0
em. high, with a total body length of 14.5 cm. The stumpy tail
is 3 cm. long and 2 cm. in diameter at the base; the hollow, cylindrical
legs are 3.5 cm. in diameter and 4.2 cm. long. ‘The ears are 2.5 cm.
wide and 1.5 cm. high, the mouth 4.3 cm. wide and 1.9 em. high.
Viewed from the rear, the animal leans slightly to the left, about 1
cm. from the vertical. The exterior surface is smooth but slightly
uneven and eroded, giving a light tan to gray color. There are a
few fire clouds on the legs. The uneroded surfaces are leather red
brown.
Jar 24 is represented by base fragments buried 15 cm. in the ground
(fig. 173-24B) and two adornos (fig. 173-24A and 24C) 75 cm. apart,
on opposite sides of the jar base. It was impossible to reconstruct
the large burial urn or to associate any rim sherds. The adornos are
faces with the modeling fairly well done and suggesting the bat (fig.
175). Each head had been modeled and then affixed to the jar when
fairly dry, hence they broke off easily leaving a smooth edge. The
surfaces are well smoothed. Although closely similar in appearance,
there is a slight difference in measurements. One is 8.5-9.0 cm. in
diameter at the base and 5.5 cm. high; and the other 8.8—9.0 and 6.0
cm. for the same dimensions. The ears are 3.0 and 3.5 cm. wide,
extending 1.3 and 1.5 cm. above the face. The eyes are slight impres-
sions made with the finger, measuring 4 mm. deep and 1.3 and 1.4
cm. in diameter. ‘The mouth is a raised nob of clay, 1 cm. high and
ere ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 489
Ss
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Figure 175.—Arua Phase zoomorphic adorno from jar 24, M—5—Maulatinho.
1.5-2.0 cm. in diameter, with an incision 1.5 cm. long and 2 mm.
deep. The nose measures 2.4 cm. long, 7 mm. high, and 7 mm. wide.
Jar 25 is another base of a large jar, containing light-gray dirt and
many sherds. The flat base, 12 cm. in diameter, lay upside down 30
cm. below the surface.
The miniature vessels probably all originally from inside or near
the various jars but now scattered throughout the site are described
in detail below. They all are examples of Piratuba Plain.
Vessel A (pl. 106, a) was buried near vessel B, 30 cm. below the
surface in light gray dirt, about halfway between the bases of jar 17
and jar 18. The interior surface is creamy white, the exterior slightly
grayer and spotted with a few fire clouds. Both surfaces are rough and
slightly irregular with traces of the 2.5-cm.-wide coils still visible.
The exterior surface is scratched and scarred and there is sporadic
protrusion of ground sherd temper particles. The rim 1.0 to 1.2 cm.
wide and 8 to 10 mm. thick is folded over and the fold partially obliter-
ated. The lip is squared with rounded corners. The flat base is
5.5 cm. in diameter. The vessel walls are slightly asymmetrical and
irregular in thickness,ranging from 5to7mm. The height is 9.2 cm,
exterior body diameter 10.3 cm., and exterior rim diameter 9.5 to
9.8 cm.
Vessel B (pl. 106, 6) has the same surface texture and color as
vessel A. The rim is unevenly folded over and the vessel walls are
slightly asymmetrical, ranging from 4 to 7mm. in thickness. The rim
is 9 to 13 mm. wide and 6 mm. thick, with a squared lip with rounded
corners. The flat base is 8 cm. in diameter, the body 11 cm. in
exterior diameter, total height 8.5 cm. and rim diameter 10.1 to
10.3 cm.
490 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
Vessel C (pl. 106, c) lay buried 30 cm. below the surface, 25 cm.
east of jar 18 near a fragment of jar 4. The surfaces are badly eroded.
giving a cream-white color, but some areas show the typical orange
tan of Piratuba Plain. The surfaces are smoothed but uneven, with
many ground sherd temper particles protruding. The bottom is
flat but not even, so the small vessel rocks slightly. The sides are not
symmetrical, one being more rounded and less angular than the other.
The rim is thickened on the exterior but not folded over. Height is
12.2 cm., body diameter 16.5 cm., base diameter 8 cm., mouth diam-
eter 12.5cm. Therim is 1.2 to 1.4 cm. wide and 6 mm. thick as com-
pared to the body wall thickness of 5 mm., and a base thickness of
12 mm.
Vessel D came from a spot not far from vessels A, B, F, and G,
buried 28 cm. below the surface and surrounded by soil containing bone
scraps and similar in texture to that found in the large burial jars.
The small shallow bowl measures 9.3 cm. in mouth diameter and 4.5
cm. high. The pedestal base is broken but the fragment measures
4 cm. in diameter and 2.2 cm. at the thickest point. The surfaces are
slightly uneven, but the vessel as a whole has good symmetry.
Vessel E was found intact inside the base of jar 17. It is a small
open bow] with outcurving sidewalls and an everted rim. The surfaces
are uneven and temper particles protrude. The rim tapers to a thin
lip and the mouth is poorly formed and asymmetrical. Exterior
diameter of the body is 13 cm., mouth diameter 17 cm., and body
height 7 cm.
Vessel F consists of several fragments of a small bowl found buried
near vessel G, 30 cm. below the surface, filled with small sherds and
surrounded by dirt flecked with bone particles. Although larger in
dimensions, the shape is similar to vessel A. The surfaces are smoothed
but still quite uneven, a trait characteristic of Piratuba Plain. The
rim is thickened on the exterior, forming a band 1.3 cm. wide and 7mm.
thick. Rim diameter is 16 cm., body diameter 18 cm. The height of
the existing fragment is 5.7 cm., with the total height probably
around 8 to9 cm. The basal fragments were not found.
Vessel G, associated with vessel F, did not have sufficient fragments
for complete reconstruction. The everted rim is externally thickened
with an extra coil measuring 7 to 8 mm. thick and 1.2 em. wide, with
a rim diameter of 12 cm. Smoothing marks parallel to the rim are
prominent on the exterior, which is uneven with occasional temper
particles protruding.
Vessel H, although larger than vessel B, is similar in shape and of
comparable asymmetry. It came from inside jar 17 in association with
Vessel E. The surfaces are very rough and uneven, with a few
smoothing marks parallel to the rim on the exterior. The externally
wat ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 491
thickened rim is 1.5 cm. wide and 6 mm. thick, with the body wall
thickness ranging from 4 to6 mm. The base is flattened, 4.5 cm. in
diameter, but so irregular that the small bowl does not stand firmly.
It is 12 cm. in mouth diameter and about 14 cm. high.
Vessel I lay beneath the zoomorphic figurine, vessel 23. Only rim
fragments were found, but they reconstructed into a miniature, open
bowl with slightly outslanting sides and an everted rim with a mouth
diameter of 16 cm. The surfaces are uneven and the upper rim edge
is highly irregular.
Vessel J (pl. 106, d) lay near a series of large sherds 15 cm. below
the surface. The small bowl is extremely crude, with uneven walls
ranging from 8 mm. to 20 mm. in thickness. The surfaces are highly
irregular with many small pits and protruding temper particles. The
flat base measures 6 cm. in diameter, the body diameter 10 cm., with
the mouth diameter ranging from 8 to 9 cm.,and the height from 7 cm.
on one side to 9 cm. on the other.
Vessel K was mixed with so many fragments of larger vessels that
it is impossible to associate it definitely with any one of them. It is
a small bowl with a finger-pressed ornamentation on the rim exterior.
The base is flattened and even, but the vessel as a whole is very asym-
metrical and the rim surface unlevel. Broad smoothing marks cover
the exterior except the bottom and suggest the use of a polishing stone
orseed. ‘The interior is as even as the exterior, but without smoothing
tracks. Height is 8 cm., base diameter 7.5 cm., rim diameter 13.2
cm., rim width 1.1 to 1.2 em. The body wall thickness varies from
4 to 7 mm. with the base thickness 11 mm. The rim is decorated by
pushing up the rim coil with the thumb in a counterclockwise direc-
tion, forming undulations 1 cm. wide and rising 2 to 3 mm. above the
vessel wall.
Vessel L came from inside Jar 11. Thesurfaces, although smoothed,
remain slightly irregular in places with the interior rough because of
protruding temper particles. The flattened bottom has a concave
center on the exterior and is thickened to 1.5 cm. whereas the body
wall thickness ranges from 4 to 6 mm. The rim appears to be a
separate coil measuring 6 mm. thick and 1.0 to 1.5 cm. wide. The
vessel is slightly asymmetrical. The mouth is oval, 11.5 to 13.5 cm.
in diameter, the maximum body diameter 16 cm., the vessel height
12.5 to 13.0 cm. and the base diameter 7.5 to 8.3 cm.
Several nonceramic objects came from M-5:
Nephrite pendant (fig. 176, 6).—A flat, semicircular piece of nephrite,
with a conical hole drilled from one side near the curved edge, was
found with sherds of jar 4. The stone is a pale, grayish-green nephrite
with a few lines of brownish impurities. The surfaces are well polished
and very smooth, with the edges polished smooth and rounded
492 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
Ficure 176.—Arua Phase nephrite pendants from M—5—Mulatinho.
slightly. The flat edge is straight, measuring 3.4 cm. long. Maximum
width is 2.2 cm., thickness 3 mm. at the lower, straight edge, tapering
slightly to 2 mm. at the upper edge. The perforation is 4 mm. in
diameter on one surface, tapering to 1.5 mm. at the exit on the
opposite surface. It is possible that this pendant may have been an
ornament for the perforated ear lobe of the anthropomorphic jar 4,
an idea further suggested by the location of this nephrite pendant
near one of the ear fragments of jar 4.
Nephrite object (fig. 176, a).—This fragment is probably part of a
rectangular pendant. The stone is slightly grayer than the other
nephrite object but is still within the light-green color range. All
surfaces are well smoothed. The sides are straight and parallel,
joined to the straight base by rounded corners. The fragment meas-
ures 2 cm. long and 1.3 em. wide. Thickness is 2 mm. at the broken
edge and 1 mm. just above the base, which tapers to a thin edge in
contrast to the flat sides.
Iron fragment.—This scrap is 1.4 by 1.8 cm. and 1 mm. thick. In
its present rusted condition, it is impossible to determine whether it
was acquired by European trade or is of more recent caboclo origin.
Glass Beads —Beads of European origin represent six varieties
(table S).
TABLE 8.—Glass beads from M-—5—Mulatinho
Color Description Count
orcelainswhitessss 2) seen aa Small ‘‘seed’”’ beads ranging in shape from flat disks to barrel 55
shape, with the largest 4 mm. in diameter and 2.5 mm.
thick, and the smallest 2.5 mm. in diameter and 1.5 mm.
thick.
Hhight:to dark plugs. s-- Small ‘‘seed’”’ beads, with the same shape and size as above---- 14
Clear glass “with .porcelain=||) Round>/8imm. in diamoters- 4 ese ee 1
white stripes inside.
Porcelainvwhitem ee ee Oval; length 6-7 mm., diameter 5mm.; diameter of perforation 5
.5 mm.
Skyiblue= so 22s. soot ee se ee Barrel shaped, 5 mm, long, 4 mm. in diameter-_--__-_._------- 1
Sky blues toons see eee Flat disk 3 mm. long, 5 mm. in diameter-_-_-_---_---------------- 1
Meee Ano ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 493
Caviana
C-1—TESO DAS IGACGABAS
This Aru& cemetery is 1 km. in from the southeastern shore of
Caviana (fig. 151) in the midst of one of the more densely populated
parts of the island. It has undergone considerable disturbance,
having been exploited by the caboclos for a number of years as a
source of sherds to pulverize for tempering their pottery. This site
is such a well-known source that one of the children accompanying
us was convinced that its renown had reached America and we had
come to get sherds for that purpose. Such continuous and systematic
removal of vessels, plus trampling by cattle and frequent burning of
the grass on the site have wrought considerable changes in the ceme-
tery and have reduced the vessels to a state of confusion that makes
it difficult to reconstruct the burial pattern or even the vessels used.
No surface indications of the existence of a site remained. Ex-
cavation revealed the cemetery to extend approximately 100 meters
east-west by 40 meters north-south, and to be limited to a slight
natural rise giving an elevation of 50 to 60 cm. above the adjacent
terrain. The soil was light gray, sandy, and well drained. Sherds
were present between 5 and 35 cm. below the surface. The southern
part of the site was covered with grass, while the northern part had
a light growth of cane and small trees.
The area covered by the cemetery was tested for sherds, and they
were found to exist with varying degrees of concentration, being most
numerous where the surface showed a slight depression. A 5 by 5
meter square near the center of the northern edge was given the most
thorough investigation and fragments of six jars were located. An-
other vessel, jar 7, with unusual modeled decoration (fig. 177) was
excavated 30 meters to the south. Details of these vessels, all ex-
amples of Piratuba Plain, are as follows:
Jar 1 was an intact portion of the neck and shoulder of a large jar, with the rim
broken off and the rest of the body unreconstructible. The diameter of the verti-
cal neck was,30 cm. It was found upright 5 cm. below the surface, with sherds
of various sizes inside, outside, and beneath it to a depth of 30 cm.
Jar 2 was a rounded base fragment resting upright 35 cm. below the surface.
Sherds associated indicated a concave neck, an exteriorly thickened rim with a
square lip, and mouth diameter of 28 cm. There were traces of a reddish finish
that may have been produced by rubbing the wet vessel surface with red ocher
before firing.
Jar 3 was represented by a base, upright 25 cm. below the surface, and fragments
of a body 25 cm. away. The base was slightly concave (fig. 181, B), 12 cm. in
diameter, with the walls sloping upward to a body diameter of 28 cm. at the
existing height of 22 cm. Sherds from the rim show considerable variation in
angle and width of the exterior thickening, but may belong to Piratuba Plain
shape 14. Mouth diameter was 54 cm.
494. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
40M
Figure 177.—Detail of modeling on jar 7 from the Arua Phase Site C-1—Teso
das Igagabas and a reconstruction of the vessel to which it belonged.
Jar 4 was part of a bowl (Piratuba Plain shape 7) lying upside down in the
ground. The surfaces were smoothed, but very uneven and irregular. Walls
curved outward and then upward to a direct rim with a rounded lip and a mouth
diameter of 30 cm.
Jar 5 was lying partly on its side 2 cm. below the surafce. The base was intact
and the dirt inside contained a few small bone fragments, all too badly disin-
tegrated for identification. No rim fragments were encountered. The base
was slightly concave (fig. 181, B), 24 cm. in diameter, and joined the walls at a
sharp angle. At the existing height of 35 em., body diameter was 56 cm.
Jar 6 was broken into large sherds and scattered over an area of 1 meter at a
depth of 5 to 10 em., mixed with sherds from other vessels. The jar had a flat
base of the pedestal type (fig. 181, C) 18 em. in diameter, a rounded body termi-
nating in a slightly constricted, exteriorly thickened rim with a rounded lip and
a mouth diameter of 24 cm. The body was ornamented on the exterior with ap-
plique pairs of strips forming irregular, undulating rows with applique nubbins
between them at intervals (pl. 110, a, b; fig. 199, a). Narrow vertical applique
strips occurred on the rim exterior. Associated with this jar was one of the shal-
.
pncones AND ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 495
low, flat-bottomed bowls or lids (Piratuba Plain shape 8), ornamented with 4
parallel rows of applique on the rounded lip.
Jar 7 was found with the lower part intact and upright in the ground, its upper
edge 8 cm. below the surface. The interior was filled with dirt containing many
sherds, including three with crudely modeled heads (fig. 177) and bone fragments
representing the femur, scapula, clavicle, and parts of the skull but no teeth.
These were examined by M. T. Newman (pers. comm.), who identifies them as
subadult or adult, with no evidence of more than one individual. The intact
part of the vessel had a flat base 19 cm. in diameter, sides outsloping to a maximum
body diameter of 54 cm., then curving inward to form a rounded shoulder. The
fragments with applique decoration found inside appear to have fit on the neck
giving it a convex profile (fig. 177), constricting just below the everted, exteriorly
thickened rim. Mouth diameter was 30 cm. Parts of a large bowl (Piratuba
Plain shape 4) with reddened surfaces and a mouth diameter of 38 cm. were
found 33 cm. to the south of the jar, and may represent a former lid.
C-—4—TESO DOS INDIOS
This badly damaged cemetery site is near the headwaters of the
Igarapé Pacaja, which flows toward the southeastern coast of Caviana
(fig. 151). It occupies the southern end of an area of slight elevation
that extends for about 1 km. toward the north. A small shallow lake
lies just to the south and a branch of the zgarapé passes within 300
meters of the site. The whole area is covered with forest and one
of the largest trees was a giant swmahuma (Ceiba pentandra) with
a 4-meter root spread growing in the center of the burial area (pl.
101, a). Much of the destruction to the jars was wrought by this
tree, and a number of sherds were embedded solidly in the wood.
Tests revealed sherds and broken vessels on all sides of the tree
except the west, the majority concentrated within a radius of 4 meters
from the center of the trunk (fig. 178). Nimuendajti reports removing
sherds and vessels from the west side of a similar tree on a site in
this area (cf. p. 522). It is probable that his site and ours are the
same, which would account for our failure to find anything on the
west side of the tree. No sherds were deeper than 20 to 25 cm.,
with most of the fragments on the surface. In spite of the damage,
it was possible to reconstruct 18 burial jars. Their style and the
character of the site indicate a pattern comparable to that at M-4—
Fundo das Panellas.
The detailed characteristics of the jars, all examples of Piratuba
Plain, and the circumstances of their discovery are as follows:
Jar 1 (fig. 179, a) had the neck and rim broken off, but the base had remained
vertical in the ground. Among the fragments was the rim sherd of a large shallow
bowl (Piratuba Plain shape 6) with a diameter of 32 cm., which may have been
part of a cover for jar 1 or jar 2. The jar had a flat bottom 15 cm. in diameter,
sharply demarcated from the body wall, an insloping neck and folded over-rim
(Piratuba Plain shape 17). Surfaces were even and regular except for the rim.
Maximum body diameter 33 cm., rim diameter 28 cm., reconstructed height
35 cm.
496 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
PARTS OF
SAME JAR
STERILE
STERILE
STERILE
Ficure 178.—Plan of C-4—Teso dos Indios, a cemetery site of the Arua Phase,
showing the location of the burial jars.
Jar 2 had fallen to the south and was badly shattered. The base remained
intact, and beneath it were preserved a number of skeletal fragments, including
pieces of the skull at the north, long bones piled along the south and west sides,
miscellaneous fragments of ribs and pelvis, but no teeth. The jar had a flat
base 20 cm. in diameter, a rounded body, and a crudely and irregularly folded-
over rim 36 cm. in mouth diameter (Piratuba Plain shape 19). The surface was
very uneven and rough to the touch.
Jar 3 (fig. 179, b) was represented by a base set at an angle in the ground, with
the bottom toward the west, and miscellaneous small sherds. The rim was crudely
folded over so that it formed a strip on the exterior varying from 2.0 to 2.8 cm.
in width. The surface was smoothed but remained somewhat irregular. As
reconstructed, this vessel is almost a duplicate of jar 1, with a base diameter of
13 cm., maximum body diameter 34 cm., mouth diameter of 28 cm. and re-
constructed height of about 35 cm. (Piratuba Plain shape 17).
Jar 4 was so badly broken and scattered by the adjacent tree root that it could
not be reconstructed. A fragment of the folded-over rim indicated a mouth
diameter of 40 em., and suggested Piratuba Plain shape 17.
Jar 5 was also destroyed by the tree, leaving only part of a flat base and miscel-
laneous small sherds.
Jar 6 was represented by a large fragment of the lower body leaning toward the
south. Base diameter was 18 cm., maximum body diameter about 38 em. and
existing height (to shoulder) 24 cm.
MEGGERS AND ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 497
EVANS]
ee:
eed
° 20 CM
VESSEL SCALE
SS i,
“a” 7G
Ficure 179.—Reconstructed jars from Arua Phase cemeteries. a—e, C-4—Teso
dos Indios. f-g, C-11—Vaquejador de Sao Sebastefo. h-k, C-12—Condino.
l-r, M—5—Mulatinho,
Jar 7, on the north side of the tree, designates sherds from the exteriorly thick-
ened rim of a thin-walled bowl (Piratuba Plain shape 3), found mixed with sherds
from jar 9. The surfaces are well smoothed and even. The rim diameter of 34 em.
indicates that it could have served as a lid for jar 9.
498 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
Jar 8 (fig. 179, c) was about a meter east of jar 9, with the base and part of the
body intact and lying on its side on the surface, with the bottom to the southeast.
Body sherds were scattered for 1.5 meters to the south. The only rim fragment
was 2 meters to the south and it is possible that it belongs to a vessel now buried
under the tree rather than to jar 8. Both surfaces were smoothed but left very
uneven so that the 2 em. wide coils remain distinguishable. The base, flat on the
exterior and slightly convex on the interior, has a diameter of 20 em. (fig. 181, A).
Maximum body diameter was 50 cm., existing height (to the shoulder), 35 cm.,
rim diameter 32 cm.
Jar 9 is represented by only three large sherds from the rim and neck. These
show a folded-over rim with a diameter of 30 cm. and a sloping neck 15 cm. in
height, separated from the large body by a slight constriction (Piratuba Plain
shape 18). Both surfaces were smoothed but slightly rough, with a few crackle
lines and fine pits.
Jar 10 (fig. 179, d), northeast of the tree, was bisected by a root so that parts
were on opposite sides (fig. 178). It had a flat base (fig. 181, A), large globular
body (indicated by numerous, gently curving body sherds), set off by a slight
constriction from the insloping, collarlike neck ending in a direct rim with a mouth
diameter of 28 cm. (Piratuba Plain shape 13). Both surfaces were smoothed, with
the exterior very even as a result of floating.
Jar 11, just northwest of jar 10, was largely destroyed by the tree. The few
remaining sherds indicate a flat bottom and an everted rim with a diameter of
34 cm. The curvature of the body wall below the rim suggests a globular jar of
Piratuba Plain shape 19.
Jars 12, 13, and 14 were indicated by large bases 5 meters southwest of the near-
est edge of the main concentration of the cemetery. Jars 13 and 14 were sideways
with their broken edges overlapping; jar 12 lay a little to the northeast and upside
down. Many thick body sherds were scattered in the surrounding dirt, but no
rims were recovered. Base diameters were 19.5 cm., 17.5 cm., and 20.0 cm.
Associated was a single nephrite bead (p. 499).
Jar 15, also badly broken, was on the southeast side of the tree. It had a flat
bottom 13 cm. in diameter and a slightly everted, folded-over rim with a mouth
diameter of 28 cm., suggesting Piratuba Plain shape 19. The surfaces are smoothed
but uneven.
Jar 16, east of jar 15, is attested by a flat base 13 cm. in diameter found upside
down 25 cm. below the surface.
Jar 17, 1 meter south of jar 15, had an everted, folded-over rim 30 cm. in mouth
diameter. The wall slopes outward to a diameter of 38 cm. at 20 cm. below the
rim (Piratuba Plainshape17?). Since the base is missing, it is possible that jar 16
is part of the same jar. The exterior is extremely uneven and shows many crackle
lines.
Jar 18 is incomplete, no rim sherds having been found. It has a flat base 25 cm.
in diameter, and a body diameter of 57 cm. at a height of 28 cm.
A large number of miscellaneous sherds were found in the circular
area between two root spurs on the east side, which also produced
jars4and 5. This was called section A, to distinguish it from section B
on the south side of the spur, where similar conditions prevailed (fig.
178). The sherds were present to a depth of 25 cm. and represented
fragments of a variety of large and small vessels. Those with identi-
fiable shapes were included in the analysis for seriation of the site
(fig. 201). Except for these two spots, there was no concentration
moa ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 499
of sherds that could not be identified as belonging to the burial jars
described above.
Only one object of nonceramic nature came from C-4:
Nephrite bead.—A well-polished, cylindrical bead of tan nephrite with a greenish
tint and streaks of darker brown was associated with jars 12, 13, and 14. It was
16 mm. long and 9 to 10 mm. in diameter. A hole had been drilled from one
end, emerging on the opposite end slightly off center, tapering from 3.5 mm. in
diameter to 2.0 mm.
C—6—CROATASAL, SECTION A
Approximately in the center of the habitation site of C-6—Croatasal
(pp. 459-460) was a small area of slightly greater natural elevation,
which produced a large number of burial jars as well as other sherds.
Half of the jar bases were along a north-south axis spaced approxi-
mately 1 meter apart; the remainder were up to 4 meters to either side
of this line (fig. 180). Sherds from a variety of other vessels were
abundant on the surface and to a depth of 20 to 35 em. in the loose,
light-gray soil. Often they were beneath the base of a large burial
MISC. ohonen
<— pases 4 Pik
LL ea
LIMIT OF SHERD
CONCENTRATION
Ficure 180.—Detailed plan of Section A, the burial area of C-6—Croatasal.
500 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
jar, offering evidence that the cemetery belonged to the latter part of
the village occupancy, the deaths perhaps being the cause for, or
contemporary with, its abandonment. The relative frequency of the
vessel shapes represented in this part of the site is shown on the
seriation chart (fig. 201).
The bases of 15 burial jars were excavated. Because of the badly
broken condition and the numerous other sherds associated, it was
Fiaure 181.—Base shapes of Piratuba Plain jars, Arué Phase. A, Flat. B,
Concave. C, Pedestal. D, Rounded.
impossible to reconstruct any of the vessels. All were Piratuba Plain
with coarse sherd temper, the grains up to 8 mm. long. Three dis-
tinguishable types of base are represented: (A) Flat, joining the walls
at a sharp to rounded angleof 45 degrees or more (fig. 181, A); (B) con-
cave on the exterior with a typically rounded junction to the walls
(fig. 181, B); and (C) flat and rising vertically for 1 to 2 cm. before
joining the outsloping walls, producing a slight pedestal (fig. 181, C).
Details of the jars and circumstances of their discovery are shown in
Table T.
Mncennsy nD ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 501
TaBLE T.—Base type and dimensions of burial jars from C-6—Croatasal, section A
Jar Base type Base diam-|} Body wall| Depth in
eter thickness ground
Cm. Cm
LA! op OO ORE + A OEE SRC BianGsC ae. .: fo ee ak eee 17 1.0 | 23cm
Po ln fa IS | © eee 11 1.0 | Surface
GHA = ue ae Sn ee DAE ee ee EE 16 1.0 | Surface
Ch ee ee ee ee ES erent eS 3 ae 16 1.1 |} 20cm
nee oe ee eee a eae Cee ee 2 ee 14 0.9-1.2 | 10cm
G2 ae - ee Pote oo (GNeckvonly)): 95-222 ot Fee ee ae 2 | eee eee Surface
ee en we ee eee eecal| On ceees ooo os oan eee ee 18.5 0.8-1.0 | 10cm
Sida Se RRR es eet Oe 21d (Oe ese ee ee ee ee ee ee 20 1.0-1.2 | Surface
eee eee 2 See eee OER sk De 18 0.9-1.2 | 10cm
LR SIS 7 OES ie 12 oe ee a Se ee 13 1.1 | 10cm
Dien ss SESS oe as (0) Stine Se ee Bee 20 1.3 | 12cm
ote Cee eo Ce oe ol NN Pe a ee ee een tsa 15 1.1 | 15em
1S ee Fe SE A CR re 86 8 a ee 21 1.5 | Surface.
1 Ce es eee ete! eee (Onna: £5 ee ee 14-16 0.9 | Surface.
ih po = ee eS ee Sos AU Neer Sue SA eS 14 1.1 | 5em.
The only jars with unusual features were jar 1, which retained a few
fragments of human bone inside, and jar 14, which had anthropo-
morphic features in the form of two hemispherical projections at one
side representing legs on which toes were modeled, and female genitalia
(fig. 182). Unfortunately, no fragments of the upper part of this jar
could be located.
Ta Faas aie teh Cx a ce on aies ule
Figure 182.—Arua Phase anthropomorphic burial jar from section A of C-6—
Croatasal.
C-6, section A, produced a wealth of sherds with applique decora-
tion, some of which seem to be parts of anthropomorphic vessels. In
addition, there was a seven-toed foot (fig. 167, a), a crude figurine, and
a cube of red ocher.
Pottery figurine (fig. 183, b). A very crudely modeled, approximately triangular
lump of fired clay, with three rounded points and intervening concave sides, was
found near the center of the burial area. One surface is slightly concave, the
other convex. It will stand upright only on the edge opposite the largest point.
Width at base is 6.3 cm., height 5.8 cm., thickness from front to back 3.5 cm.
Identification of its purpose remained uncertain until the excavation of C—12,
where the finding of an object of similar shape and size provided with a face
391329—57——-34
502 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
Ficure 183.—Arua Phase pottery figurines. a, C-12—Condino. 6, C-6—
Croatasal.
(fig. 183, a) established it as a figurine. Site C—6 is of somewhat later date than
C-12, and the more stylized and simplified figurine appears to be a degeneration
from the earlier form represented at C—12.
Red ocher cube.—A small, roughly cubical piece of red ocher with six polished,
flat to convex surfaces may have been used to produce the reddish color present
on the surface of many sherds. It also could have been used for body painting,
since the color is imparted easily if the skin or the cube surface is wet. The
surfaces vary from 1.7 by 2.2 cm. to 2.4 by 2.4 em.
C-9—FREI JOAO
A short distance north of the upper Rio Apani, the coastal forest
belt gives way to campo. Frei Jodo is almost in the center of a large
open area, the nearest forest being a finger 300 meters to the west
(fig. 151). The site is not differentiated by elevation or vegetation
from the surrounding terrain, and the existence at present of a com-
pact 10 to 12 cm. sterile layer over the sherds removes all cultural
evidence of its presence. Vegetation includes clumps of tall grass
changing to bushes toward the south edge. A few scattered trees
grow just outside the site limits.
Although this appears to have been an Arua urn burial cemetery,
the identification is rendered difficult because the contents have
suffered from various vicissitudes in recent time. The major de-
struction was caused by trampling cattle, there once having been a
corral on the spot, according to the present administrator of the
fazenda. It was visited by Nimuendaji in 1923 but not excavated
owing to hard ground (p. 521). Later, part of the site was excavated
by a priest, after whom it is now called ‘Frei Joao.”
The limits of the site are difficult to determine from the surface
examination. Sherds are sometimes revealed in the cracks of the
parched earth (visited during the dry season), and from this evidence
it appears to have occupied a roughly circular area about 20 meters
SCE eBSND ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 503
in diameter. Excavation was concentrated in a 5- by 3-meter test
between the center and the east edge. The bases of numerous large
jars were associated with an abundance of large sherds, stone axes,
and nephrite ornaments. Description of the four jars excavated will
illustrate the burial pattern:
Jar A is represented by a flat base (fig. 181, type A) resting upright 15 cm.
below the surface. Base diameter was 26 cm., existing height 7 cm. where the
diameter had increased to 36 cm., base thickness 2 em., body wall thickness 1.5
em. Fragments of bone appeared in the ground on the east where the wall had
been broken away. Further digging there produced a large stone ax (ax 1;
fig. 184, a) and other body sherds from the jar at a depth of 25 cm.
Jar B is another base fragment found 3 meters southwest of jar A and 15 cm.
below the surface. The existing fragment is in no way unusual, having a smoothed
interior but a somewhat uneven exterior surface and a base that is slightly concave
on the exterior with a corresponding convexity on the interior (fig. 181, type B).
Associated with it were a small stone ax (ax 2; fig. 185, c) and four nephrite orna-
ments (pp. 507-508; fig. 188).
Jar C represents the lower third of a large round-bottomed jar (fig. 181, type
D), which was resting 20 cm. below the surface and leaning to the northeast.
Although it had been shattered into small pieces, the hard, surrounding earth
held it in shape. At the maximum existing height of 27 cm., the body diameter
was 45cm. Asmall stone ax (ax 3; fig. 185, d) was found 24 em. to the southwest.
Also associated were fragments of two of the flat-topped bowls (Piratuba Plain
shape 8) with delicate relief decoration (fig. 186, a, b), and miscellaneous sherds.
Jar D was adjacent to jar C on the north side. Excavation revealed it to be
a large, hollow-rimmed bowl 42 em. in diameter (Piratuba Plain shape 10),
upside down and broken into large pieces. Since no jar sherds were associated,
this may belong with jar C as a lid. Fragments of a large, badly shattered, but
restorable stone ax (ax 4; fig. 184, b) were lying on and by the south edge of the
bowl. A smaller, complete specimen (ax 5; fig. 185, b) was a little northwest of
the first. Above the hollow-rimmed bowl were many sherds of different bowls,
mostly representing shapes 2, 6, and 7.
Nonceramic artifacts encountered in the excavation of C-9 included
stone axes, nephrite objects, and red ocher.
Stone axzes.—Seven axes of polished diorite were recovered from the
relatively small area excavated. Of these, 5 were associated with
the burials just described and 2 were isolated.
Ax 1 (fig. 184, a), associated with jar A, is made of coarse-grained, greenish-gray
diorite with dark-brown flecks. The butt retains pecking marks, as does the
slight groove along the sides. By contrast, the blade end is well polished and the
convex cutting edge sharp. Length is 13.5 cm., width at blade 6 cm., at butt
3.8 cm., thickness at center 5 cm.
Ax 2 (fig. 185, c), found with jar B, is of fine-grained, light gray-green diorite
with streaks of brown and white. It is somewhat asymmetrical, but well polished,
especially toward the slightly convex blade. Fracture lines are not completely
erased at the butt end, which is rounded and shows no signs of having been used
for hammering. Length is 6.4 cm., width at blade 4.5 cm., width at butt 3.2 cm.,
thickness 2.1 em.
Ax 3 (fig. 185, d), associated with jar C, is of fine-grained, light gray diorite,
and is trianguloid in outline, narrowing from 6.4 cm. at the blade to 2 cm. at the
504 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
it
ty
if
ff Piha &
Yh,
A/ fl
/
Ficure 184.—Arua Phase stone axes from C-9—Frei Joao. a, Ax 1. b, Ax 4.
butt, which shows concoidal cleavage in various planes, probably from use as a
hammerstone. The remaining surfaces are polished, but a slight indentation
toward the center of one edge was not obliterated. The convex blade is well
polished and sharp. Thickness is 2.8 cm., except where it tapers to the point.
Length is 8.5 cm.
Ax 4 (fig. 184, 6), associated with jar D, is of fine-grained, light gray diorite,
well polished on all surfaces except the butt, which showed evidence of use as a
hammer. The convex cutting edge is sharp, and the general outline symmetrical.
ereEe AND ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 505
Figure 185.—Arua Phase stone artifacts from C-9—Frei Joio. a, Asymmetrical
stone tool. 6, Ax 5. c, Ax 2. d, Ax3. e, Ax 7. f, Ax 6.
506 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
9
*» yo) 9 D
Ficurre 186.—Arua Phase decorated sherds from C-—9—Frei Joao. a, Modeled
and incised. 6, Modeled. cc, Incised.
Length is 14.3 cm., width tapering from 8.8 cm. at the blade to 4.5 cm., at the
flat butt, thickness 3.8 cm. for two-thirds of the distance from the butt, where
it began to taper toward the blade.
Ax 5 (fig. 185, b) of fine-grained, light-gray diorite is smooth and well polished
on the blade. The remainder of the surface is irregular, although lightly polished,
and the butt shows use as a hammer. Length is 7.3 cm., outline trianguloid,
tapering from 6.2 cm. at the convex blade to 1.8 cm. at the butt. Thickness
is 1.7 cm. just above the blade tapering toward the butt. This also was found
near jar D.
Ax 6 (fig. 185, f), made of fine-grained, gray diorite, is incompletely polished so
that the lines of concoidal fracture are not erased. Pecking at the center of both
sides forms a slight indentation or waist. It measures 9.8 cm. long, 5.5 cm.wide
at the convex blade and 2.3 cm. wide at the butt, with the thickness decreasing
from 2.5 cm. above the blade to 1.2 cm. at the butt.
Ax 7 (fig. 185, e) is a rectanguloid ax of fine-grained, gray diorite, only slightly
polished on all surfaces. The blade is badly chipped at both corners from hard
use, and the butt is chipped in concoidal fracture from use as a hammerstone.
The length is 7.0 cm., width 5.3 cm., and thickness 1.8 cm. at the center, narrowing
to a point at both blade and butt ends.
One of the miscellaneous sherds scattered throughout the site is
from a bowl of Piratuba Plain shape 10 with the modeled figure of a
bird perched on the hollow rim:
wane ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 507
Hollow rimmed bowl (fig. 187).—A large rim sherd bears a modeled, hollow
adorno in the form of a bird with a round head 3.8 cm. in diameter bearing two
large, ringlike eyes 1.5 cm. in diameter and a small, conical-based beak battered
on the end. This is set on a hunched body. The convex edges of the wings are
modeled on the front, with a narrow mark running vertically between them
down the breast. The figure is simply but effectively done, and strongly suggests
an owl. It is fastened to the outer edge of the hollow rim, so that it leans back-
ward but faces the interior of the bowl, which had a mouth diameter of about
16 cm.
Asymmetrical stone tool (fig. 185, a).—This piece of biotitic granite
with a naturally flat, D-shape, was probably used as a hammerstone
or chopper. It has a rough, scalloped edge as a result of use. The
tool measures 12.4 cm. long, 6.0 to 7.0 cm. wide and decreases in thick-
ness from 2.2 cm. on the flat edge to 0.3 cm. on the other edges.
Fiagure 187.—Arua Phase zoomorphie rim adorno in the form of a bird from
C-9—Frei Jodo.
Nephrite objects—Of the 5 nephrite objects from C-9—Frei Joao,
the first four were associated with burial jar B, while the fifth had no
associated material. The detailed descriptions follow:
Pendant A (fig. 188, a) is a flat, rectanguloid pendantlike object of well-polished,
pale-green nephrite. One end is carved in the form of a realistically modeled
bird’s head with a heavy, down-curved beak, which probably represents the
vulture. The skull is rounded slightly and is separated from the body by a
narrow V-shaped indentation from both sides to form a neck. The body is a
parallel-sided rectangle, except where the lower edge tapers toward the back.
A biconically drilled perforation, 2 mm. in diameter at the surface and 1 mm.
in diameter at the center, has been made 3 mm. from the front edge of the body.
Length 3.4 cm., width 1.75 cm. on the body, and 1.4 cm. at the head, thickness
3.0 to 3.5 mm.
508 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
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Fiaure 188.—Arua& Phase nephrite pendants and beads from C—9—Frei Jodo.
Pendant B (fig. 188, b) is a flat, rectanguloid pendantlike object of well-polished,
pale-green nephrite in the outline of a square-headed bird. The beak is hooked,
neck long, and the body is more birdlike than the other two, tapering from both
front and back toward a backward-turned, rounded tip. The perforation is drilled
in the front edge of the body from one side only, giving it a conical form with a
diameter of 2 mm. at its entrance and 1 mm. at the exit. Length 3.5 cm., maxi-
mum width 1.3 cm., thickness 2.5 to 3.0 mm.
Pendant C (fig. 188, c) is a flat, rectanguloid pendantlike object of well-polished,
pale-green nephrite with the crude head of a bird at the upper end. The head is
rounded and the heavy beak projects forward, but is not hooked. V-shaped
indentations separate it from the rectanguloid body, which has the lower, back
corner cut off. A biconical hole, 2 mm. in diameter on the surface and 1.5 mm.
at the center was drilled near the center of the body. Length 3.5 cm., width
1.2 cm., thickness 3 to 5 mm.
Bead D (fig. 188, d) is a flat disk of brownish-green nephrite, 1.7 cm. in diameter
and 2.0 to 2.5 mm. thick. A biconically drilled hole in the center narrows from
1.5 mm. in diameter at the surface to 0.5 mm. toward the center. The surfaces
are flat and parallel, one being well polished and the other rough.
Bead E (fig. 188, e) is of pale-green nephrite with a cylindrical form measuring
1.5 cm. long and 1.3 cm. in diameter. The ends are flat and have parallel surfaces.
mecenrs/ AnD ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 509
All surfaces are well polished. The hole is biconically drilled and narrows from
a diameter of 4 mm. at the surface to 2 mm. in the center.
Five lumps of ocher, including one red, two yellow, and two red
and yellow, were recovered from various places in the excavations.
Ocher.—One red and yellow, and one yellow fragment are small, irregularly
shaped concretions showing no evidence of use. The largest piece, a red and
yellow colored fragment, is slightly rubbed on one surface only; it measures 4.5
by 4.0 by 4.0 cm. The lump of red ocher has the form of a flat-based (4.2 by
3.0 cm.), flat-sided cone, with three of the faces polished from rubbing. A yellow
piece is long and thin with the upper and lower surfaces stepped and showing
scratches made with a fine-pointed tool on the largest flat area. The overall
length is 5.0 cm., width 3.4 cm., and thickness 1.5 cm. tapering to only 1 mm.
C-11I—VAQUEJADOR DE SAO SEBASTEAO
A narrow strip of forest runs east-west across the center of Caviana,
separating the campo into two parts (fig. 151). In 1908, a path was
cleared so that cattle could be driven from one campo to the other,
and a small Arua cemetery was discovered on the east edge about
1.5 km. in from the south campo. Our guide asserted that the jars
were unbroken then, but if this is true the thousands of cattle that
have passed through the path during the years since have reduced
them to an exceedingly fragmentary condition.
The cemetery is 4 to 5 meters in diameter, and occupies a slight
rise, 25 to 30 cm. above the surrounding area. The soil is loose, fine,
and light gray, becoming more compact and light tan below the sherd
layer. The surface root mat, 5 to 10 cm. thick, covered the refuse
deposit, which was 45 cm. thick at the center of the site, decreasing
to 25 cm. at the edges. Vegetation on the site included a small tree,
25 cm. in diameter, near the northwest edge, spiny reeds and small
brush. The major concentration of sherds was around the tree and
petered off to the south and east. Excavation included a thorough
testing of the northern half of the cemetery, with a smaller test
toward the south edge (fig. 189). The bases of 15 burial jars were
recovered, together with numerous sherds and associated material.
Unfortunately, the majority of the vessels were too fragmentary for
reconstruction. They all represent Piratuba Plain; their descriptions
follow:
Jar 1 (fig. 179, f), near the northwestern edge of the site, is represented by one-
third of the rim and neck, which were projecting upright 8 em. above the ground,
and by large fragments of the body and base in the nearby soil. The jar has a
concave bottom 20 cm. in diameter, walls rising to a slight, rounded shoulder, a
concave-sided neck, and a folded-over rim (Piratuba Plain shape 17). The sur-
face is not well smoothed, and undulations reveal where the 5-cm.-wide coils were
joined. Rim diameter is 40 cm., reconstructed height, 64 cm.; neck height, 14 cm.
Jar 2, one meter east of jar 1, is indicated by several body sherds from a large
jar with an applique rib at the junction of the body with the vertical neck. Dia-
510 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
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Ficure 189.—Plan of C-11—Vaquejador de Sao Sebastefo, an Arua Phase
cemetery Site.
meter here is 28 cm., with the globular body estimated at 36 to 38 cm. in dia-
meter. Body wall thickness is 1.1 em. The applique rib is 9 mm. thick and 8
mm. wide and is decorated with vertical notches, 1.0 to 1.5 cm. apart. No asso-
ciated rim sherds could be identified.
Jar 3 designates a crude and irregular fragment of a base, 12.5 cm. in diameter,
found upright against the north side of the tree and partly under the roots. It is
slightly convex on the exterior of the bottom and joins the walls after a vertical
rise of 5 mm. that produces a pedestal effect (fig. 181, base type C). Toward the
upper interior, the coil junctions are only partially obliterated. Inside were
several sherds, including parts of a small globular vessel with a rim diameter of
12 cm. and of a deep bowl with irregular, prominent, unsmoothed coils on the
interior, and three small, applique nubbins projecting from the exterior of the
rim, which had a diameter of 18 cm.
Jar 4 (fig. 179, g) was indicated on the surface by part of the base projecting 16 cm.
above ground. Digging toward the northwest, the direction in which the first
fragment was leaning, revealed 2 small stone axes lying side by side and a bowl
containing 2 pottery beads (pl. 100, b). The bowl was 30 cm. northwest of the
center of the base of the main jar. As reconstructed, the jar has a small, rounded
MEG RSP AnD ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON aL
bottom from which the walls expanded gradually to the rounded shoulder, a short
vertical neck and a slightly everted, folded-over rim (Piratuba Plain shape 17).
Neck height is 8 cm., rim diameter 30 cm., and reconstructed total height 48 cm.
Both surfaces were poorly smoothed, remaining irregular and uneven. The bowl
(fig. 190) that had apparently been inside it has a folded-over rim, 19.5 cm. in
mouth diameter, nearly vertical sides, and a convex bottom from which project
a series of hook-shaped ‘“‘feet”’ arranged in a circle 5 cm. outward from the center
of the base. Broken edges indicate that two similar feet occupied the center of
the base. They are relatively equally spaced and numbered 10 originally. In
addition, a row of small, conical appliques follows the lower edge of the junction
of the wall with the base. These project 1.5 cm. from the vessel surface and are
set, on the average, 1.5 cm. apart except where gaps of 4 cm. separate them into
2 groups, one of 7 and the other of 6 nubbins.
Jar 5, 1 meter east of jar 4, was represented by a base sherd 8 cm. below the
surface, with one moss-covered edge protruding. It is exceedingly crude, 19 cm.
in diameter, with a rounded junction to the body wall at one side and a 2 cm. high
pedestal type junction on the opposite side. Wall thickness is 5 to 7 mm., and
none of the other sherds encountered in the vicinity are thin enough to have be-
longed to the upper part. Inside was a large sherd from a deep bowl with a
direct rim, ornamented on the exterior of the body with two undulating applique
ribs, 0.8 to 1.1 em. thick.
Jar 6 fragments came from midway between jars2 and 4. This location pro-
duced a flat, pedestal-type base (fig. 181, C) 30 cm. in diameter and large sherds
from two jar necks. The one that seems most likely to belong to the base is
part of a rounded shoulder and vertical neck 32 cm. in diameter, with the rim
missing. The second sherd is from a large, globular-bodied jar with a constricted
mouth and upturned, direct rim 42 cm. in diameter (Piratuba Plain shape 20).
Jar 7 had been demolished to such an extent that only a large base lying on the
surface remained. The exterior is slightly concave and the edges join the body
wall at an angle of 75 degrees (fig. 181, type B). Base diameter is 30 cm., exist-
ing height 13 cm., at which the body diameter is 38 cm., base thickness 2.2 em.,
body wall thickness 1.4 cm. The exterior surface is better smoothed than the
interior.
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Fiaure 190.—Piratuba Plain bowl associated with Burial jar 4 from the Arua
Phase site C-11—Vaquejador de Sao Sebastedo.
512 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
Jar 8, another base, was 24 cm. below the surface. It is flat (fig. 181, type A),
20 cm. in diameter, with an existing height of 20 cm. at which the diameter is
40 cm.
Jar 9 was indicated by a base upside down 18 cm. below the surface. It is flat,
16 cm. in diameter, joining the body wall at a rounded angle (fig. 181, type A).
Jar 10 is a rim sherd from a large rounded bow! (Piratuba Plain shape 3) lying
on the surface. The rim, 34 cm. in diameter, bears two narrow, overlapping,
unsmoothed coils on the exterior, which provide a pair of irregular, parallel deco-
rative lines. No jars were found in the immediate vicinity.
Jar 11 is a pedestal-type base (fig. 181, type C), 16 cm. in diameter and 2 em.
thick at the center. Both surfaces are somewhat irregular, although the exterior
is better smoothed than the interior.
Jar 12 has a flat base with a suggestion of a poorly defined pedestal, an insloping
neck and a slightly everted, folded-over rim bearing thumb impressions along the
lower edge (Piratuba Plain shape 17). The base was upright 18 cm. below the
surface. Base diameter is 16 cm., rim diameter 26 cm., thickness at the center of
the base 2.5 cm., body wall thickness 1.3 to 1.5 em. Associated with this jar
was a large fragment of the base and body of a vessel built up of overlapping
coils that were smoothed on the interior but left to form a tiered profile on the
exterior (fig. 191). Body sherds were scattered as far away as jar 3. The bottom
is flat on the exterior and convex on the interior, with a diameter of 18 to 20 cm.
The coils are both closer together and more prominent at the bottom, increasing
from 2.5 to 6.0 cm. apart from the lower edge of one tier to the lower edge of the
next (proceeding from bottom to top), and decreasing from 1.2 to 0.8 cm. in pro-
jection from adjacent surface below. Enough sherds were recovered to recon-
soni)
val
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S
Ss 0 2CM
Fiacure 191.—Tiered jar of Piratuba Plain associated with Burial jar 12 from the
Arua Phase site of C-11—Vaquejador de Sao Sebastedao.
a ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 513
struct the height to 31 cm., which represents seven tiers. At this height the body
diameter is 40 cm. Only one rim sherd was found that might belong to the jar.
It is a folded-over rim, slightly everted, with a mouth diameter of 48 cm.
Jar 13 is a large base fragment, the upper edge of which was protruding 6 cm.
above the ground surface. It is the pedestal type (fig. 181, type C), 26 em. in
diameter, with coil lines clearly distinguishable on the bottom and in cross section
showing the steps in construction. The first coil of the wall was added around
the edge of a disk, which forms the center of the base. Then two smaller coils
were added outside of the wall to form the projecting pedestal; as a result, the
thickness of the wall at that point reaches 4.6 em. Both surfaces are very crude,
uneven, and irregular.
Jar 14 is another base, encountered 18 cm. below the surface. It has a flat
bottom, rounded pedestal 1.5 cm. high and widely flaring side walls (fig. 181, type
C). Base diameter is 20 cm., height of the existing fragment 13 cm., at which
the diameter has increased to 45 cm.
Jar 15, the lower part of a small jar, was upright with the upper edge protrud-
ing 7 cm. above the surface and covered with moss. The flat bottom is 12 cm.
in diameter, the rounded and poorly defined pedestal 9 em. high (fig. 181, type C).
The maximum diameter of the rounded body, 11 cm. above the base, is 24 em.;
body wall thickness 0.9 to 1.2 cm.
A quantity of miscellaneous sherds from Piratuba Plain bowls and
jars of various sizes and shapes was encountered scattered about in
the dirt. The relative frequency of the rim and vessel shapes can be
seen on figure 201. Noteworthy were a sherd from a platter or griddle
(Piratuba Plain shape 11) with an upturned border bearing a row of
impressed rings, and a body sherd from a large jar decorated at the
base of the neck with an applique rib bearing vertical nicks approxi-
mately 1 cm. apart.
Other artifacts from C-11 include:
Pottery beads.—Associated with jar 4 were two roughly circular pot-
tery objects, pierced slightly off-center, that may be crude beads or
spindle whorls. The larger (fig. 192, b) has a diameter of approxi-
mately 4 cm., a thickness of 1.8 cm., narrowing toward the rounded
edges, and a perforation 3 mm. in diameter. The second (fig. 192, a)
is of similar shape, but smaller, measuring 3.4 cm. in diameter, 1.4
1 CM
Figure 192.—Arua Phase pottery beads associated with Burial jar 4, C-11—
Vaquejador de Sao Sebastedo.
514 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
cm. thick, and pierced in the same way, by pushing a stick through
the clay while still wet. The surfaces are smoothed, but not well
enough to produce evenness or symmetry.
Stone azes.—Two axes of almost identical shape and size were
associated with jar 4.
Ax 1 (fig. 198, b) of fine-grained tannish diorite, worked by pecking and then
polishing the surfaces smooth. Pecking marks are still visible just above the well
ground, convex bit; the butt is flattened, but shows no use as a hammerstone.
Length 7.2 cm., width 5.2 em. at the blade, 1.5 cm. at the butt, thickness 3.3 cm.
Ax 2 (fig. 193, a) of fine-grained, tan diorite worked by pecking and then
polishing; pecking still visible on the butt end, which shows slight use as a hammer-
stone. The convex bit is well polished and sharp. Length 7.1 cm., 4.4 cm.
wide at bit, 2 cm. wide at butt. Thickness varies from 2.4 cm. just above the bit
to 3 cm. in the center of the poll.
FicurE 193.—Stone axes of the Arué Phase. a-b, Associated with Burial jar 4,
a Pm de Saéo Sebastefo. c, Associated with jar 8, C-12—
Yondino.
EVANS
MaSCEnSrAND ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 515
Polishing stone.—A cuboidal stone of fine-grained diorite with gray
flecks and tan spots has several well-smoothed surfaces that indicate
use involving friction. It measures 3.0 by 3.2 by 2.9 cm.
Jutahi resin.—An irregularly shaped lump of clear, amber-colored,
white-coated resin was found with the polishing stone, 15 cm. below
the surface. It is 3.5 by 2.0 by 2.0 cm.
Iron concretion.—This somewhat rounded but irregular concretion of
iron, 3.5 by 3.0 by 1.5 cm., possibly represents a natural inclusion in
the soil. It shows no trace of use.
Iron knife blade—The rusted blade of a small knife was found a
little north of the center of the site just below the surface. It in-
cludes the blade (11.5 cm. long) and a portion of the tang that fit
between the two sections of a wooden or bone handle, with two per-
forations for attachment. The cutting edge is convex, the back
straight; maximum width of the blade is 2.2 em., thickness 1 mm. at
the edge, 3 mm. at the back. Although oxidized, the iron is still
strong and all features of the implement are clearly discernible. It is
not possible to determine conclusively whether this is an article of
trade with the Aruaé or whether it is a relic of the construction of the
cattle trail. This cemetery seriates above M-5, which had contact
materials, and thus the knife would not be out of place; its condition
seems too good, however, to be consistent with several hundred years’
exposure to the elements.
C—12—CONDINO
Another Arua cemetery is located about 500 meters north of C-11
and 250 meters east of the cattle trail (fig. 151). It has been dis-
covered by our guide about 20 years previously while hunting and he
contended that at that time the jars were whole and standing on the
surface. At the time of our visit they were badly broken, with frag-
ments buried to a depth of 20 cm. The bases of the large jars were
arranged in an oval 10- by 5-meter area (fig. 194). The soil was light
tan, loose, and somewhat sandy, and was not distinguishable in
character or elevation from that of the surrounding area. Three or
four small trees grew toward the edge of the site, and there was a
sprinkling of cane, spiny palm, and small brush.
Nine concentrations of sherds, generally including the base of a large
burial jar, were scattered in the site area. The sherds were dispersed
over small patches typically 0.50 to 1.50 meters in diameter, with the
spaces between them sterile. The associations were as follows:
Jar 1 (fig. 179, h), at the southwest limit of the cemetery, was visible as an 8
em. projection of a broken edge above the ground. Excavation revealed the
lower half of a large jar, intact, leaning slightly to the west, with its base resting
23 cm. below the surface. The base, 18 cm. in diameter, had a low, rounded
pedestal (fig. 181, C); sidewalls flared outward, then curving inward to form a
516 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
STERILE OUTSIDE
DOTTED LINE
Figure 194.—Plan of C-12—Condino, a cemetery site of the Arua Phase,
showing the location of the burial jars.
pronounced shoulder at a height of 28 cm., and then sloping to a vertical neck
and everted rim with a mouth diameter of 36 cm. (Piratuba Plain shape 16?);
maximum body diameter 46 cm.
Jar 2A (fig. 179, 7), the lower part of a very large jar, was 1.5 cm. west of and
leaning slightly toward jar 1. Inside it, with bottom inside bottom, and body
sherds along the walls, were fragments of a second vessel, jar 2B. Sherds from
both jars and from several bowls were encountered in the surrounding dirt. The
close association between this and jar 1 makes it probable that the two vessels
represent a compound burial. Jar 2A had a small, slightly convex base (fig. 181,
type B), a large ovoid body and everted, exteriorly thickened rim (Piratuba Plain
awe ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 517
shape 15). An applique rib 1.5 to 2.0 cm. wide and 1.2 to 1.5 cm. high ran around
the body just above the maximum diameter. The upper surface was ornamented
with large thumb or fingertip impressions 3 to 7 mm. deep, and averaging 5 mm,
apart (pl. 108, g-h). Maximum body diameter was about 48 cm., rim diameter
54 cm., reconstructed height 61cm. Jar 2B had a pedestal-type base 16 cm. in
diameter (fig. 181, type C), from which the walls rise at an angle of 45 degrees.
The only rim sherd that could belong to this jar is one with an outflaring, direct
rim 40 cm. in diameter. This may be a misidentification, since no other jar with
this sort of rim was encountered at any other Arua site.
Jar 3 (fig. 179, 7) was signaled by a moss-covered broken edge protruding above
the ground. The bottom of the jar was intact except for the broken out base
and rested 23 cm. below the surface. A flat-bottomed, mildly carinated bowl
(Piratuba Plain shape 2) with a flat-topped, horizontal rim 30 cm. in diameter
and a base 22 cm. in diameter was resting right-side-up over the hole in the jar
bottom. Rim sherds from four other vessels were alsoinside. The jar had a large
rounded body, 62 cm. in maximum diameter, a short, almost vertical neck, 15
em. high, and a slightly everted, exteriorly thickened rim with a square lip, and a
mouth diameter of 40 cm. (Piratuba Plain shape 15). An applique rib, 1 cm.
high and 1 cm. wide, ran around the shoulder at the body diameter of 54 cm. Its
upper edge bore a row of impressed rings 1 em. in diameter and 3 to 8 mm. apart
(pl. 108, 2).
Jar 4, 50 cm. southwest of jar 3, also had the edge of a fragment projecting
above the surface. Digging beside this fragment uncovered a small, crude bowl
(A). Next to it, a second bowl (B) was inverted over a smaller jar (C). Exam-
ination of what was thought to be the main jar revealed it to be instead a flat,
thick platter or griddle (Piratuba Plain shape 11) with the impression of a thick-
ribbed leaf on the underside and an upturned rim with a row of circles impressed
with a solid stick along the inner edge (fig. 195; Meggers and Evans, 1954, pl. 3).
Diameter is 30 cm. Although the thickness is 1.5 to 2.0 cm., the impression
of the main rib of the leaf to a depth of 1.3 em. where the wall thickness was
only 1.6 cm. made the platter weak and fragile. The small associated vessels
are all exceedingly crude. Bowl A has a flat bottom 8 cm. in diameter rounding
out to vertical or bulging sides ending in a folded-over rim. The rim is not
level, so that the vessel height varies from 7.3 to 8.4 em. Mouth diameter is
12cm. Bowl B (pl. 105, d) has a flat bottom 9 em. in diameter, walls curving
outward and then inward to a constricted mouth with a direct rim and rounded
lip. Except that the rim is not level, the symmetry is good. Height 7.5 cm.,
maximum diameter 14 cm., mouth diameter 12 cm. Jar C (pl. 105, e) has a
flat bottom, walls outcurving to a diameter of 10.4 cm., then incurving be-
fore flaring outward to the rim, which varies from direct to folded over and
has a diameter of 9.3 cm. The base, 6 cm. in diameter, is flattened so badly
to one side that the rim is slanted and height varies from 4.5 to 5.5 em.
Jar 5 is represented by several rim sherds found scattered over a wide area.
Two were with jar 3, and although the fragments differ somewhat in degree
of eversion and mouth diameter, there is a possibility that all the rims belonged
to jar 3. This would explain the fact that no body sherds were found for jar 5.
A large neck sherd bearing an undecorated applique rib from location 5, how-
ever, belongs indisputably to a different jar, since its diameter is considerably
smaller than that of jar 3. The rib occurs at a body diameter of 40 cm., is 2
cm. wide at the base and comes to a point.
Jar 6 was broken into large sherds, with no identifiable fragments from the
rim. The base, 30 cm. in diameter, was of the rounded, pedestal type (fig. 181,
type C). The walls curved upward and then inward, forming a rounded shoulder
891329—57——35
518 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
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Ficure 195.—Piratuba Plain platter from the Arua Phase site, C-12—Condino. |
merging into an insloping neck. The point of junction was set off by a raised
rib, formed during the building of the wall and not added as applique. The rib
narrows from 2.4 cm. at its attachment to 8 mm. at its top, which is ornamented
with a row of impressed rings 1.1 cm. in diameter and spaced 1.5 to 2.5 cm.
apart (pl. 108, 7). Below the rib, body wall thickness is 1.2 em.; above, it
increases to 2.3 cm.
Jar 7 (fig. 179, k) was found with half its base protruding upside down above
the surface. Digging produced sherds from body, neck, and rim, as well as
parts of numerous thin-walled vessels, a possible lid and a small figurine. The
Brcenen Aro ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 519
jar has a flat bottom 23 cm. in diameter (fig. 181, type A), walls upslanting to a
rounded shoulder, insloping neck and a heavy exteriorly thickened, flat-topped
rim with a diameter of 44 cm. (Piratuba Plain shape 15). A low applique rib
2.0 to 2.5 cm. wide and 6 mm. high runs around the base of the neck. It is
ornamented with two rows of punctate circles 4 mm. in diameter, 2 to 6 mm.
deep, and 5 to 15 mm. apart, one row along the summit of the rib and the other
along the lower edge. Among the numerous associated sherds was one from a
large shallow bowl with a mouth diameter of 48 cm., which is large enough to
have covered the jar mouth. The rim was of the channel type and slightly
thickened on the exterior (Piratuba Plain shape 1).
Jar 8 is indicated by a base fragment of the pedestal type (fig. 181, type C),
17 cm. in diameter, found upright, 20 em. below the surface. A small grooved
ax was resting inside the bottom. The ground between this vessel and jar 1
was full of sherds so that it was impossible to tell which were originally asso-
ciated with which vessel. It may be that jar 8 was part of the complex burial
represented by jars 1 and 2.
Jar 9 was too fragmentary to be reconstructed. Its presence is attested by
body sherds from a large jar, which were scattered among sherds from a number
of smaller bowls and jars.
Objects of unusual nature from Site C—12 include:
Pottery figurine (fig. 183, a).—Associated with the sherds from jar 7
was a small figurine, with a cuboidal head, a trianguloid body, and a
convex base. The front and back surfaces are nearly flat, with a
slight constriction at the neck. The only modeling is on the head which
has a crude face with a deep gash, 1.2 cm. long and 5 mm. wide, for
the mouth, ring-shaped eyes made with the end of a reed 5 mm. in
diameter, and a modeled ridge leading up from the sides to a slight
peak over the nose, which is formed by a similar vertical ridge. A
perforation 2 mm. in diameter runs from side to side at the base of the
neck, and could have been used to pass a string through for suspension.
The figurine is 7.3 cm. tall, 6.2 cm. wide at the base, and 3.5 cm. wide
at the head. Thickness from front to back decreases from 4 cm. at
the base to 3 cm. at the head. The surface had been smoothed when
the clay was fairly wet, giving a slightly floated but still somewhat
uneven finish. The ware is Piratuba Plain.
Stone ax (fig. 193, c)—The only stone implement came from inside
jar 8. It is an ax of fine-grained, whitish-tan diorite with flecks of
gray. Pecking marks remain on the upper sides, but were polished
over in other areas. The sides are notched by working from the faces,
forming a continuous groove 4 mm. wide on one edge but not meeting
exactly on the other. The smooth butt rounds to a small flat end
1.5 by 1.2 em. and shows no evidence of use asa hammer. The bit is
convex, well sharpened at the blade and smoothed between it and the
notches. Length is 10 cm., width at the blade 6.2 cm., at the notches
5.3 cm., and at the butt 1.5cm. The cross section is oval, coming to a
point at the blade and flattened at the butt end; maximum thickness
3.5 cm.
520 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
DATA FROM OTHER INVESTIGATIONS
MEXIANA
Mexyiana Island has not been the subject of much archeological
exploration in the past as compared to either Caviana or Marajé.
Several sites in the interior of the island and on the north coast have
been found by various of the landowners and overseers, and one
cemetery was visited in the early 1930’s by Heloisa Alberto Torres,
then director of the Museu Nacional in Rio de Janeiro. No excava-
tions have been conducted in the past, but a few burial urns have been
brought out. The following descriptions are based on verbal informa-
tion and our inspection of these specimens.
M-€6—RECREO
This cemetery site is located in the campo of the Baixa Grande, just
north of the Pirizal Guard (fig. 150). The area is accessible only at the
peak of the dry season and then only if the high grass growth of the
baixa has been recently burnt. At the time of our visit no one on the
island had been to the site in recent years, but enough corroborating
data came from the caboclos and the past landowner, Sr. José Ambrosio
Pombo, that there is little doubt of its location and use as an aboriginal
cemetery. A large number of burial urns are said to occupy the spot.
Photographs of the type of burial jars from M-4 and M-5 were shown
to various people and they stated that the same type of large jars with
impressed circles on a raised ridge on the neck was found at Recreo.
Sr. Pombo remembered that small, glass, red, white, and blue ‘‘seed”’
beads had come from a smaller vessel at the site.
M-8—LIMAO DA FORA
A peculiar, tubular pottery vessel at Fazenda Nazaré, Mexiana, had
been picked up in 1947 when a portion of the bank near the mouth of
Igarapé Lim4o da Fora had caved in. No more specific provenience
data could be obtained but the absence of large fragments of burial
jars suggest that this must have been a habitation site.
Tubular pottery drum? (pl. 111, c).—The tubular pottery object tapers slightly
from the wide mouth with rounded edges to the narrow end from which a rim or
lip had broken off. One side of the cylinder has two small applique nubbins, the
other, two modeled and incised birds. The wear on the nubbins suggests that the
object had been placed on its side, resting on the two nubbins so that the two birds
areontop. Since the rim is broken off, further evidence for such a position is lost.
The crudely modeled, applique nubbins measure 1.0 to 1.2 cm. in diameter, 1 cm.
injheight, and are spaced 6 cm. apart. One bird is complete; the body is modeled
applique 2.5 em. long and 1.2 em. high, with a long, slightly curving bill, 2.6 cm.
long and 6.mm. high. The two eyes are shown by small punctates and the wings,
2.0 to 2.5 cm. long, and legs, 3.5 cm. long, by incisions made when the clay was
still very wet. The combination of modeling and incision makes a very effective
drccana, Arp ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 521
representation. The other bird is not complete now, for its body has been broken,
but it is of the same type and of the same general proportions, spaced 8.5 cm. from
the first. The surface color is light orange with areas that are light gray to black
as a result of firing differences. Vertical striations on the exterior and interior
were made by a hard polishing tool when the clay was leather hard. Although
well smoothed, the surface has a slightly rough texture. The paste is characteristic
of Piratuba Plain. The vessel is 18 cm. in diameter at the broad end with a
rounded direct lip and tapers to a mouth diameter of 8.5 cm. at the opposite end,
where the existing, broken fragment of the rim is 12 em. in exterior diameter.
Total length is 34cm. The similarity in shape to pottery drums from other areas
(Lothrop, 1950, fig. 68) and evidence of horizontal position suggest a similar usage
for this specimen and a more fragmentary one from M-—7—Aberta (pl. 111, 6).
M-9—CHAPEU
Three burial jars have been brought from this cemetery; in 1949, one
was in the Museu Nacional, Rio de Janeiro, one in the Museu Goeldi,
Belém, and one at the main house of Fazenda Nazaré on Mexiana.
The site was visited by Sr. Pombo and Heloisa Alberto Torres in the
1930’s. At that time no excavations were made, and no further sam-
ples were taken other than the complete vessels. Sr. Pombo assured
us that the site is in an environment similar to M-4—Fundo das
Panellas, with the burial jars concentrated in a small patch of forest
near Baixa de Chapéu. ‘The jar at Fazenda Nazaré has the following
features:
Jar 1 consists of the neck, rim, and shoulder with the base and lower part of the
body missing. The surfaces are extremely crackled, with smoothing striations
running horizontally on the neck and vertically on the body exterior, and with
the coiling lines still visible on the neck interior. Coarse, ground-sherd temper
particles protrude from the surfaces. It is a typical example of Piratuba Plain
shape 16, with an everted, rounded, slightly thickened rim. The mouth diameter
is 60 cm., neck height 29 cm., neck diameter at point of junction with body 50
cm., maximum body diameter 71 cm., and a reconstructed body height of 60 cm.
Hight centimeters below the rim an applique rib, 5 mm. high, is impressed with
an uneven line of circles, 5 mm. in diameter and pressed 3 mm. into the clay.
CAVIANA
In the fall of 1923, Curt Nimuendaji visited Caviana and excavated
in a number of sites; the next year, he returned for further work. Ex-
amination of the descriptions and places compiled from his field notes
by Rydén (MS.) permits identification of all of them as Arua. Al-
though the names have changed and the geographical locations, often
based on landmarks like houses, are sometimes obscure, it appears that
one of the sites he visited but did not excavate because of the hard-
packed soil was our C-9. Two others can be identified as C-4 and
C-8. The caboclos had lost track of the rest of his sites on the Pacaja
and Apani by the time we came 25 years later.
522 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULD. 167
Since the majority of the sites reported by Nimuendaji produced a
considerable quantity and variety of European trade material in con-
trast with those we excavated, they are of importance in extending the
description of Arua culture forward into historical times. The follow-
ing brief summaries have been abstracted from Rydén’s (MS.) com-
pilation of Nimuendajt’s field notes and Rydén’s description of the
pottery:
CAMPO REDONDO
This cemetery is in a large strip of forest near the headwaters of
the Rio Apani. In Nimuendajti’s words:
The urn-site I visited is situated near the edge of a forested Teso, The rims of
some of the urns projected from the ground like mouths of cannon; others were
buried as deep as 1 m. Numerous urns of all sizes were placed so close together
that it was necessary to dig between them with a knife-blade, and it was impossible
to lift one out without damaging several others. Between the urns a lot of frag-
ments not belonging to them were placed. [Rydén, MS.]
The jars were plain and contained bone fragments representing second-
ary burial. A long glass bead with blue and white stripes was found in
one jar. One urn had a crude bow! lid.
SAO DOMINGO
A site of uncertain character is on the right bank of the Rio Pacaja,
300 meters southwest of a house occupied in 1924. Nimuendajii was
refused permission to dig, but concluded from superficial examination
that the cemetery had been destroyed. He notes, however, that the
owner insisted that nothing but sherds had ever been found, although
other people claimed that human bones and teeth, greenstone beads,
and European objects like white beads and iron implements had been
dug up. This may be the habitation site we designated as C-8—
Pacaja.
TESO DA SUMAHUMA
In the large, forested elevation between the Rio Pacaja and its
tributary the Igarapé Paric4, is an Arua cemetery. It occupies the
most elevated portion of the ground and is marked by a large tree with
widely radiating, exposed roots. At the time of Nimuendajit’s visit,
the tree trunk was 2 meters in diameter and the roots covered an area
of more than 6 square meters. Broken jars were visible on the west
side in the niches formed between the roots. Twelve uras were iden-
tified from the fragments; some of them retained traces of bone and,
in two cases, teeth. One vessel had an anthropomorphic face on oppo-
site sides of the neck (Nordenskiéld, 1930, pl. 22, c) and another was
decorated with applique strips in straight and undulating rows. There
were no objects of European origin associated.
ane ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 523
The location and description of this cemetery closely resembles
that of our site C-4—Teso dos Indios. The probability that the
same site is involved here is increased by the fact that the only side
of the tree where no pottery was found on our visit was the west,
where Nimuendajt describes excavating 12 urns (fig. 178).
ESPERANGA
Farther up the Paric4, on the right bank, were traces of another
Arua site. Plain sherds were lying on the surface and excavation
produced a few small glass beads and a rusty chisel.
TESO DOS INDIOS
This name applies to the entire forested area bounded on the south
by the Rio Pacajé and on the east by the Parica. An Aru& cemetery
is located toward the western edge. Fragments of 19 large burial
jars, up to 63 cm. in diameter, were visible on the surface and 8 smaller
vessels were found in excavation. The jars were all undecorated and
contained black dirt, sometimes with bone fragments (only one in-
cluding teeth) and often burial gifts of either aboriginal or European
origin. Fragments of lids in the form of large bowls were associated
with three jars and complete bowl lids with two.
Objects of Indian origin included: an ax 12 em. long, of grayish-
green, fine-grained diorite; a flat pendant 2.2 cm. long, of green,
semitransparent nephrite; a similar pendant 3.0 cm. long; 6 nephrite
beads (8 illustrated by Nordenskiéld, 1930, pl. 43, b-d); 8 teeth, of
which 4 had been used as beads; a lump of jutahi resin; 4 lumps of
red ocher, and a small lump of raw rubber. European trade material
was represented by a pair of scissors, 2 chisels, a fragmentary iron
knife, an iron chopper, 2 brass bells, a fragment of a glass mirror, 2
iron table knives, an iron ring, and an abundance of beads of many
types and colors. These had been placed in the urns or in smaller
vessels beside them, or were loose in the earth. The objects of
Indian origin were always associated with those of European manu-
facture; other jars contained only European goods.
BACABAL I
The Rio Pracutuba, on the eastern end of Caviana, flows through
an area characterized by long, low natural elevations covered with
dense forest. Three cemetery sites, called by Nimuendaji Bacabal
I, I, and III, are located on one of these elevations between the Lim4o
and Bacabal, tributaries of the Rio Pracutuba. Bacabal I is by far
the largest of the three and produced some two dozen vessels, a few
of which retained traces of painted decoration in red and black.
Applique was present on two small jars and one was incised with
524 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
vertical lines on the upper exterior. The associated objects, all of
Indian origin, included three stone axes with nearly parallel sides and
convex blades, and a cylindrical, nephrite bead.
PESQUEIRO
About 1 km. northeast of Bacabal I, on the upper Igarapé do
Pesqueiro, is a habitation site marked by abundant surface sherds of
a thick and coarse pottery. No decorated examples were found.
These characteristics are typical of Arua village sites.
PRAINHA
A cemetery producing unusually shaped, painted urns is located on
another of the natural elevations in the Rebordello area. At the
time of Nimuendajiti’s visit, it was occupied by a small settlement,
and the attitude of the local people prevented any adequate exami-
nation. Nimuendajti was able to collect only two fragments, one
painted black-on-white, the other black-and-red-on-yellow. A painted
jar in the form of a squatting human figure, with the head forming the
lid, was said to have been found previously.
REBORDELLO
The farthest west of the natural elevations, the site of the village
of Rebordello, is the location of the largest urn-burial cemetery that
Nimuendajti encountered. Wherever houses were built, graves were
dug, or pigs rooted, fragments of pottery or complete vessels were
turned up. Most of the urns were plain ware, but applique and
painted decoration were relatively frequent, and a number of the
jars had anthropomorphic features. Examples have been illustrated
by Nordenskiéld (1930, pls. 19-22). The relatively good condition
of the bones in the jars permitted a more detailed description of the
burial pattern than was possible from other sites:
Generally, the urns contained only one skeleton, though occasionally there
were two skeletons. Often the bones, or the larger ones at any rate, were painted
red with Uruct. . . . Usually the long limb bones are placed vertically against
the wall of the urn in a pile. The skull lies on the smaller bones; the inferior.
maxillary bone was always detached. [Rydén, MS.]
The most common form of burial gift was a small vessel or vessels
placed beside the urn. Other objects encountered included a small
piece of resin, two bits of sandstone, two fragments of a cylindrical,
nephrite bead, and a few tiny, white and blue china beads.
MEGaERA AND ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 025
ANALYSIS OF MATERIALS OF THE ARUA PHASE
Potrery Typrp DESCRIPTIONS
The study of Arua Phase pottery is based upon specimens from the
Territory of Amap& and the Islands of Caviana, Mexiana, and
Marajé6, comprising a total of 12,589 sherds and 120 jars and small
vessels. Although numerous efforts were made to break down the
pottery into several groupings, it was impossible to arrive at any sub-
division of the plain sherds that proved meaningful. The Arua
Phase is therefore represented by a single plain pottery type. Decora-
tion is sporadic and infrequent and it seemed more functional to
consider occasional applique or circle impressions on the large burial
jars as minor variations in Piratuba Plain. After considerable de-
liberation, brushing and one type of incision were separated as distinct
pottery types because, although they are represented by a very small
sample, they are found only at early sites and are therefore important
as time markers. The pottery types are established according to the
currently accepted binomial system, the first name referring to a local
geographical proper name and the second term descriptive. The
detailed descriptions of each type are arranged in alphabetical order.
ABERTA INCISED
PasTE AND SURFACES: Incised designs were applied to occasional vessels of Pira-
tuba Plain; see that pottery type for details of color, temper, firing and surface
finish.
Form: All but one example of this type are body sherds; the single rim is from
a shallow bowl with an interiorly thickened rim and a flat top.
DeEcoORATION (pl. 102):
Technique: The incisions are composed of two major types of lines, which
are both present on the same sherd. Broad incisions, made with a flat-
ended instrument when the clay was partially dry, are most frequent.
They are 1-2 mm. in width and the depth is typically 0.5 mm., with some
occasionally as much as 1.0 mm. A smaller number of sherds have finer
and fainter incisions, which are often difficult to see on the rough and
irregular surface.
Motif: Most designs are composed of parallel, straight lines, either in pairs
or single lines. In several instances, these intersect a straight line running
at a slight diagonal. Less frequently, the lines are curved or scalloped or
in the form of large cross hatch.
TEMPORAL DIFFERENCES WITHIN THE TYPE: None.
CHRONOLOGICAL POSITION OF THE TYPE: Restricted to the early part of the Arué
Phase.
NAZAR BRUSHED
PastE: This decorated pottery type is on Piratuba Plain; see that pottery type
description for details of temper, color, texture, and firing.
SURFACES:
Color: Exterior and interior—Light tan to bright orange to brownish tan.
Treatment::
Interior—Surface floated in the smoothing process, but clay left very
526 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
irregular and uneven with the ground sherd temper particles causing
lumps on the surface. Many small holes from water bubbles indicate
the clay was worked when fairly wet.
Exterior—Treated as the interior first, then brushed.
Form:
Rims: Probably typical forms of Piratuba Plain; only 1 rim found. It was
externally thickened, from a vertical-walled vessel with a mouth of 22 em.
in diameter. The thickened area of the rim is 1.0 cm. thick and 1.2 em.
long.
Body wall thickness: 4-10 mm.; majority 7 mm.
Body: Globular or rounded.
Base: No sherds found.
Vessel shape: Sherds suggest rounded jars with slightly constricted mouths,
DEcoRATION (pl. 103):
Technique: Exterior brushed lightly with a bunch of sticks from the rim
downward to the base in a vertical pattern or sometimes horizontally
around the body. No diagonal brushing, but the brushed lines often over-
lap. Brush marks appear to be regulated by the dryness of the surface
when brushed, ranging from 0.5—-1.0 mm. deep, with individual lines aver-
aging 1.0-1.5 mm. apart.
Motif: No pattern, merely an effort to cover the exterior surface with vertical
brushings, sometimes placed parallel to the rim around the body. Appar-
ently limited to the body surface for only 1 rim or neck sherd was found
intact with the brushing terminating at the collar.
TEMPORAL DIFFERENCES WITHIN THE TYPE: None.
CHRONOLOGICAL POSITION OF THE TYPE: Early part of the Arué Phase.
PIRATUBA PLAIN
PastTE:
Method of manufacture: Coiling.
Temper: Fine to coarsely ground sherd, clearly distinguishable in 50 percent
of the sherds, where the temper comprises about 30 percent of the mixture;
otherwise, the temper blends into the paste so that it is invisible. Fairly
evenly distributed except that coarse particles tend to be clustered.
Texture: Generally compact and fine-grained in appearance but with an
angular, granular cleavage produced partly by the angular temper particles.
Harder to break than sandy pastes of other pottery, but still a relatively
soft pottery. Dull thud when knocked together.
Color: Medium to dark-gray core typical with band of light tan to orange red
extending 1-3 mm. inward from both surfaces. About 30 percent are fired
light tan to orange through the cross section.
Firing: Incompletely oxidized; fire clouds rare.
SURFACES:
Color: Light tan to light orange to bright orange to orange tan to brownish tan
to rusty orange on exterior and interior. On a single sherd or vessel the
color shows little variation. Some better-smoothed surfaces have a dark-red
film produced by rubbing with a lump of red ocher.
Treatment: Interior and exterior—Coil lines erased but smoothing superficial,
leaving a porous, pitted appearance and an uneven and irregular surface.
A small percentage are even and slick and these generally have a red film
left by the ocher used as a smoothing tool.
Hardness: 2-2.5.
ae ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 527
Form:
Rims: Everted, interiorly thickened or exteriorly thickened, folded-over
(junction of added coil with body wall not erased in cross section or
smoothed over on exterior), channeled, direct, ‘pinched,’ and hollow
with either rounded, pointed, or square lip (pl. 104).
Body wall thickness: 4-23 mm., majority 8-15 mm.
Bases: Bowls probably flat or flattened to some extent, rarely concave. Jar
bases are (A) flat, (B) concave, depressed to 1.5 cm. at the center of the
exterior, (C) pedestal, rising vertically for 5-20 mm. on the exterior before
joining the outsloping body wall, or (D) rounded (fig. 181). Flat bases
are generally thickened toward the center on the interior and may attain
2.5 cm. in contrast to 1.5 cm. at the junction with the sidewall. Because
a large percentage of vessel-shape classifications were made on rim sherds,
these base types cannot be distinguished as associated with any particular
rim type. It is probable that the first three are alternatives employed on
all the jar varieties.
Vessel shapes:
1. Shallow to deep bowls with expanded or exteriorly thickened rim
bearing a shallow to deep groove or channel on the upper edge,
often slanted toward the interior. Maximum diameter 20—48 cm.
(fig. 196-1).
2. Rounded or mildly carinated bowls with sharply everted rim,
flattened top horizontal or sloping toward interior and square or
rounded lip. Rim diameter 20 to 40 cm. (fig. 196-2).
3. Bowls with folded over rims, rounded to pointed lip; generally deep
and rounded on the bottom, occasionally shallow and flat bottomed
Rim diameter 18-42 em. (fig. 196-8).
4. Bowls with exteriorly thickened rim, rounded to squarish lip,
probably rounded bottom. Rim diameter 19-52 cm. (fig. 196-4).
5. Shallow, rounded bowls with rim thickened on interior so as to
produce broad, sloping, flat-topped, shelflike band along the
interior, 2-3 cm. wide. Rim diameter 16-46 cm. (fig. 196-5).
6. Bowls with outflaring upper wall ending in a direct rim with square,
rounded or pointed lip; bottom probably rounded. Rim diameter
22—46 cm. (fig. 196-6).
7. Bowls with straight or incurving walls, direct rim, square to rounded
lip, probably rounded bottom. Rim diameter 14-42 cm. (fig.
196-7).
8. Flat-bottomed bowls or lids with short, slightly outslanting walls and
ornate exteriorly thickened or flanged rim. Junction of the wall
to the base inset so the base projects up to 1 cm. Flat exterior of
base may be ornamented with thin applique strips and disks.
Generally circular, occasionally rectanguloid. Diameter of rim
exterior 12-24 cm. (fig. 196-8, drawn inverted as a lid).
9. Deep bowls with slightly everted upper walls “pinched off” just
below the tip to produce a small, sharply defined rim with a
rounded lip. Diameter 11—46 cm. (fig. 196-9).
10. Bowls with hollow rims produced by exterior or interior thickening.
Rim diameter 20-42 cm. (fig. 196-10).
11. Flat, heavy griddles with upturned or interiorly thickened rim,
usually ornamented with one or two rows of punctates. One
specimen has the impression of a leaf with a thick central rib on
the exterior. Diameter 34-45 cm. (figs. 195, 196-11, pl. 107).
g a Be coal <I> Pe Lamy, J J he
NWWtec> Slt. dle
528
mencanas, Aan ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 529
12. Large burial jars with rounded body, tall vertical neck and everted
rim expanding in thickness toward a square or rounded lip. Rim
projects 2-6 cm. beyond the neck and has a diameter of 50-70 cm.
All of this type were ornamented with a row of impressed circles
on the neck (fig. 197-12; pl. 109).
13. Burial jars with ornamental, overlapping coil or undulation in the
body wall 8-14 cm. below the folded-over (rarely direct) rim;
large rounded body. Rim diameter 26-32 cm. (fig. 197-13).
14. Jars with a cambered neck and exteriorly thickened rim with square
or rounded lip; probably large rounded body. Rim diameter
24-48 cm.; height of camber 6-11 cm. (fig. 197-14).
Lititis
Oo @ 16 24 cm)
Vesse! Scais
Fieure 197.—-Rim profiles and vessel shapes of Piratuba Plain jars, Aru& Phase
(Appendix, table 52). The vessel shape is a generalized version of a varying
form (cf. figs. 171, 179).
530
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
15. Jars with rounded body, vertical or insloping neck and everted rim
decreasing in thickness toward the lip, which is rounded or square.
Flat rim top joins the inner neck wall with a sharp angle. Rim
diameter 36-56 cm. Rare ornamentation with row of impressed
rings around the neck (fig. 197-15).
16. Jars with rounded body, vertical or insloping neck and everted,
unthickened or slightly thickened rim tapering to a rounded or
pointed lip. Rim diameter 32-64 cm. (fig. 197-16).
17. Jars with large body expanding from base to shoulder, then con-
tracting to join short, straight or concave-sided neck which
terminates in a slightly everted, folded-over rim with a square
lip. Rim diameter 26—50 em. (fig. 197-17).
18. Jars with rounded or elongated rounded body, insloping or concave
neck and exteriorly thickened rim with a rounded lip. Rim
diameter 18—52 cm. (fig. 197-18).
19. Jars with globular or ovoid body, constricted mouth and folded-over
rim with square or rounded lip. Rim diameter 18-40 em. (fig.
197-19).
“sana
Fiaure 198.—Piratuba Plain sherds with modeled decoration from various
Arua Phase sites. a, C-11—Vaquejador de Sao Sebasteao. b, C-12—Condino.
c, C-6—Croatasal.
MRCGRRA, AND ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 531
1CM
Ficgure 199.—Piratuba Plain sherds with modeled decoration from various
Arua Phase sites. a, C-1—Teso das Igacgabas. b-e, C-6—Croatasal.
20. Jars with rounded body, constricted mouth and direct rim, some-
times upturned 1-4 cm. below the rounded lip. Rim diameter
14-42 cm. (fig. 197-20).
Occasional decoration:
Applique: Ribs averaging 1 cm. wide and 1 ecm. thick, and conical
nubbins up to 3 cm. in diameter and 1 em. high occur throughout
the Arud Phase (figs. 198, 199, 200; pls. 108, 110, 111, a).
Impressed rings: The surface of the neck or of a low applique rib around
the neck or the shoulder of a large jar sometimes bears a row of rings
made by pressing the end of a hollow reed or cane into the wet clay.
The rings are not evenly spaced or placed in a straight row. Diameter
is 0.6-1.5 cm., with the depth varying from 3-5 mm. This type of
occasional decoration is most frequent in the earlier part of the Arua
Phase (pls. 108, 109).
Punctate: A row of punctates is sometimes substituted for the more
usual row of impressed rings on a rib or along the rim of a griddle
(pl. 107).
TEMPORAL DIFFERENCES WITHIN THE TYPE: There is a consistent improvement
in surface finish from early to late Aru&é Phase sites, including an increase
in the frequency of rubbing with red ocher. Bowl shapes 1 and 5 and jar
shapes 12 and 16 tend to be early, while jar shapes 13 and 14 are found only
in late sites. Jar shape 17 increases in frequency and bowl shapes 2, 3 and 6
show a decline. Bowl shape 7 increases in popularity from the early to the
middle part of the Phase and then declines (Appendix, table 52).
532 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
b
ey
Ficure 200.—Piratuba Plain sherds with modeled decoration from various
Arua sites. a, C-9—Frei Joao. en C-1—Teso das Igacgabas. d-—f, C-6—
roatasal.
CHRONOLOGICAL POSITION OF THE TYPE: The dominant pottery type throughout
the Aru&é Phase.
UNCLASSIFIED DECORATED
Several types of decoration used during the Arué Phase are either too poorly
defined or too infrequent to warrant the establishment of separate pottery types.
Most abundant is applique in the form of nubbins and fillets, which has been
considered as an occasional embellishment of Piratuba Plain and included as a
minor variant in the analysis and type description. -The same approach was
also used with rows of impressed rings which were frequently applied to applique
aie ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 533
ribs. Painting appears to become frequent in the late sites, but only two sherds
were found during our excavations and provided insufficient information for an
adequate description. Hence painted sherds are here included in unclassified
decorated. The other techniques left unclassified are punctate, a distinct type
of cord impression, fine incision, fine applique, and corrugation.
PAINTING:
1. Red-painted designs executed on the unslipped vessel surface.
a. Bowl interior with a narrow band of red along the rim interior and
a wider one (possibly covering the entire bottom) 4.5 cm. below,
the two connected with diagonal bands (fig. 172, 6). One sherd
from C-—6—Croatasal burial area (section A).
b. Exterior of burial jar with traces of curvilinear design in narrow
(2-4 mm.) red lines (fig. 172, a). One sherd from M-4—Fundo
das Panellas, Vessel 20.
2. Black designs executed on the unslipped vessel surface.
a. Curvilinear design utilizing concave-sided, triangular areas, with
lines of unequal width and carelessly applied. One sherd from
Prainha (Rydén, MS.).
3. Red and black designs on the unslipped vessel surface.
a. Single or paired lines (2 black or one red and one black) forming
rectangles or spirals. From Bacabal I (Rydén, MS.).
b. Areas of red leaving spirals and V’s of the original vessel surface,
giving a negative effect. Sometimes bordered by black lines and
accompanied by black bands. From Prainha (Rydén, MS.).
c. Geometric designs of broad black lines and fine red ones. Several
examples from Rebordello (Nordenskiéld, 1930, pl. 20; Rydén,
MS.).
PUNCTATE:
1. Rows of punctates of unequal size and shape, ranging from rounded to
elongated. Three sherds from M-—7—Aberta.
2. Occasional sherds substitute a row of punctates for the usual row of
impressed rings on a rib or along the rim of a platter (pl. 107). These
variants have been included with the impressed rings as occasional
ornamentation of Piratuba Plain and are considered as part of that type.
CorRD IMPRESSION:
1. The exterior thickening of a rim of Piratuba Plain shape 4 bears alternating
horizontal and vertical lines 2.0-2.5 mm. wide and 2.0 mm. deep made
by pressing a piece of cord into the moist clay. One sherd from A—23—
Ilha da Fortaleza, Conceigao.
INCISION:
1. Simple design composed of widely spaced pairs of fine incised lines, crudely
executed, with overshot corners and angular curves (fig. 186, c). Ex-
terior of a vessel from C-—9—Frei Jodo.
2. Concentric triangles of fine, unequally parallel lines, sometimes wavy
rather than straight, and with overshot corners (fig. 186, a). Flat
top or bottom of a vessel of shape 8, which also has applique decoration;
from C-9—Frei Joao.
3. Undulating line with shorter strokes parallel to it filling the curves.
Incisions fine and sharp, but lines slightly irregular and not consistently
parallel. Top and side of a vessel of Piratuba Plain shape 8 from C-9—
Frei Joao.
891329—57——386
534 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
FINE APPLIQUE:
1. Row of small nubbins, 2.5-3.0 mm. in diameter and 0.5 mm. high, orna-
mented with a small impressed circle or notch. Regularity of spacing,
regularity and delicacy of execution strongly suggest use of a die or
mold. Two examples from C-9—Frei Jo&éio, one with additional relief
decoration.
2. Low relief bands 1-2 mm. wide and 0.5 mm. high, forming parallel lines
or spirals. Execution is regular, even and uniform, and especially in
the case of the spirals strongly suggests the use of a mold (fig. 186, 6).
Two examples from vessels of Piratuba Plain shape 8 from C—9—Frei
Joio. One is also decorated with fine incised lines (fig. 186, a).
CoRRUGATION:
1. Irregular corrugations along the coil line, 8-12 mm. wide and rising 1-3
mm. above the surface. Two examples from J—2/3—Chaves Airport
(pl. 112, a—b).
2. Punchings with finger tip or stick producing a roughened surface with
shallow depressions and slight bumps. One sherd from J—2/3—Chaves
Airport (pl. 112, c) and 3 sherds from M-—7—Aberta (pl. 112, d-f).
Porrery ARTIFACTS
Pottery artifacts were found only in cemetery sites of the Arua
Phase. They include crude, trianguloid figurines (fig. 183) and crude,
solid beads or spindle whorls (fig. 192). Both types of objects were
associated with burials.
NoncrERAMIc ARTIFACTS
Characteristic of the Arua Phase, in contrast to the other archeo-
logical Phases at the mouth of the Amazon, are polished trianguloid
or rectanguloid, ungrooved or slightly nicked stone axes (fig. 169,
184, 185, 193). These vary somewhat in symmetry and complete-
ness of polishing, but typically have a convex blade and narrow to
a flattened or rounded butt. Length ranges from 6.4 to 13.5 cm.
Specimens occur occasionally in habitation refuse but were found
most frequently in association with burials in cemeteries.
Another type of stone object restricted to the Arua Phase is orna-
ments of nephrite. These include polished, cylindrical or flat, disk-
shaped beads (fig. 188, d—-e) and small, flat pendants or amulets with
one end carved in the form of a bird head, identified as a vulture
(fig. 188, a—-c). All of these have come so far from cemetery sites,
specifically M-5, C-4, C-9 and Nimuendaji’s sites of Teso dos
Indios, Bacabal I and Rebordello.
CERAMIC HISTORY
The ceramic history of the Aruaé Phase is based on the analysis
and classification of 12,589 sherds and 120 complete or nearly com-
plete vessels. This material is typified by an almost total absence
ae ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 535
of any type of decoration, and although there are certain differences,
particularly in surface finish, the gradation between them is so gradual
that it was impossible to make a breakdown into two or more plain
wares, whose relative frequency would be a guide to the chrono-
logical position of the sites. As a result, all but 3 Arua Phase sites
have 99-100 percent Piratuba Plain. Of the decorated types,
Nazaré Brushed, Aberta Incised, and painting turned out to have
temporal significance, but were too rare and present at too few sites
to be used for site seriation (Appendix, table 51). A further diffi-
culty in the establishment of a chronological sequence stems from
the fact that none of the habitation sites presented sufficient depth
in refuse accumulation to permit stratigraphic excavation.
Fortunately, there exist two lines of evidence that partially make
up the absence of stratigraphy, and make it possible to establish the
beginning and end of the sequence. The fact that the Arua Phase
is the first occupant of the Territory of Amap4 and the last occupant
of the Islands of Mexiana, Caviana, and Marajé and migrated from
the former to the latter makes it possible to define early character-
istics in the ceramics. On the islands, the presence of European
trade materials gives a post-Columbian date to the sites in which
they are found, and the amount and variety can suggest the readi-
ness with which such objects were available and through this the
intensity of Kuropean activity.
Since the seriation could not be carried out on the basis of differential
frequency of several plain wares, the attempt was made to substitute
a detailed classification of vessel shape. Since the majority of the
classifications had to be made from rim sherds, in which the exact body
contour could not be ascertained, and since evidence from cemeteries
with nearly complete vessels indicated no well-marked differences in
body shape, the main criterion used in establishing vessel shape cate-
gories was rim form. It was possible to distinguish 20 well-defined rim
types, of which 11 represent bowls and 9 jars. These were tabulated
for each Arua Phase site, and the percentage frequency computed
(Appendix, table 52).
Before the seriation could be undertaken by this method, however,
it was necessary to find a substitute for vessel shape in identifying the
earliest sites on the islands. Site A-8 produced no rim sherds, and A—5
such a small number that the percentages derived from them could
not be considered sufficiently reliable to be used as the initial basis for
the Arua Phase seriation. Fortunately, one of the rare decorated
types, Aberta Incised, occurs both at A-8 and M-2, and the sherds
are so similar both in surface features and decoration as to be almost
indistinguishable (pl. 102). This makes it reasonably certain that
M-2 is an early habitation site on the islands, and the vessel shapes it
536 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
produced are representative of the earlier part of the Arua Phase.
Sites with these vessel shapes were placed at the lower end of the scale
and those producing European trade goods near the upper end. This
gave a preliminary indication of the extremes, and the remaining sites
were seriated according to the way in which their vessel shape fre-
quencies best fit the trends (Appendix, table 52). Since it seemed
possible that the cemeteries and habitations might exhibit differential
percentages of certain vessel shapes that would distort the trends, they
were seriated independently. The validity of this procedure was
indicated when vessel shapes 10 and 12 were found to occur only in
cemeteries and shape 15 turned out to be considerably more abundant
in cemeteries than in habitations, while shapes 18 and 19 were most
numerous in the habitations. Other shapes showed a similar frequency
in both types of sites (fig. 201).
Several vessel shapes show definite time distinctions. Bowls of
shapes 1 and 5 and jars of shapes 12 and 16 tend to be early. At the
opposite end of the scale, jars of shapes 13 and 14 are present only at
the later sites. Jar shape 17 occurs at almost all sites, but shows a
tendency to increase in frequency. Bowl shape 2, present at most
sites, undergoes a slight decline, and the same appears to be true of
shapes 3 and 6, although the trend is less marked. Bowl shape 7
appears to increase and then decrease in popularity.
In view of the notable lack of any clearcut trends in vessel shape
frequency in most of the pottery types of the other archeological
Phases, these results might be suspected of having been ‘‘tailor-made”’
rather than being an expression of the actual situation. This reserva-
tion can be checked against the differences that can be observed in the
quality of Piratuba Plain in different sites and the occurrence of rare
types of decoration.
There is a consistent improvement in the quality of Piratuba Plain,
particularly in surface finish, during the Arué Phase sequence. At the
earliest sites on Mexiana, Caviana, and Marajé, as well as in the Terri-
tory of Amap4, the surfaces are poorly smoothed so that they remain
uneven and irregular and have a characteristically porous and pitted
appearance. Another indication of superficial smoothing is the uneven
thickness of the vessel walls. The whole effect is one of extreme
crudity. In the latter part of the sequence, reaching its greatest abun-
dance at Sites C-7 and C-6, an increasing number of Piratuba Plain
sherds have a well smoothed, even surface. Some are slick to the
touch, and these generally have a deep-red film, apparently the result
of polishing with a lump of red ocher. Sherds with irregular, poorly
smoothed surfaces are still typical, however, and about 85 to 90 percent
still have these characteristics even in the late sites.
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La ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 537
Decoration is less frequent in the pottery of the Aru& Phase than in
any of the other archeological Phases distinguished in the mouth of the
Amazon. What does exist is generally poorly defined and not suffi-
ciently consistent or abundant to permit classification as a separate
pottery type. One exception was made in the case of Nazaré Brushed,
because a considerable number of sherds bearing brush marks came
from two early habitation sites (M-—2 and M-7), and brushing had been
recognized as a common decorative technique in the earlier Tropical
Forest Phases. Another exception was made for Aberta Incised be-
cause of its temporal significance and its role in helping to establish the
close connection between early Arua sites on the islands and those in
the Territory of Amap4. Motifs are typically rectilinear and com-
posed of parallel or intersecting incised lines.
The most frequent method of decoration, and the Aa one that
extends over the entire Arua Phase sequence, is applique in the form
of strips or nubbins. These are often ornamented with rows of im-
pressed rings or finger impressions in the earlier sites, whereas in the
later ones the applique strips are sometimes manipulated to form
undulating rows, crude faces, or sprawling figures. Further evidence
of the predominance of this plastic tradition of ornamentation appears
in the occasional occurrence of crude anthropomorphic or zoomorphic
vessels and adornos or parts therefrom.
Except for one jar with traces of a linear design in red from M-4
and one bow] with a simple red-painted design from C-6, no painting
was detected on any sherds or vessels recovered from any of the Arua
Phase sites during the 1948-49 excavations. Sites on the eastern tip
of Caviana, reported on by Nimuendajti, however, produced a number
of painted examples (p. 533). Since the surfaces of sherds from
sites seriating in the latter half of the sequence were generally in good
condition and showed little or no evidence of erosion, the absence of
painting cannot be explained as a result of loss by weathering. These
sites in the Rebordello area of Caviana, are late post-contact, to judge
from the quantity and variety of European goods they produced. In
this period there was considerable contact with the Guiana mainland,
especially in the area occupied by the Aristé Phase, and it is possible
that the increased emphasis on painting is a result of Aristé Phase
influence. Contact also seems the best explanation for the similarity
between Piratuba Plain shape 14 and Aristé Plain shape 1.
Site C-9, although conforming to the general Piratuba Plain vessel
shapes, exhibits certain atypical features especially in decoration that
set it apart. The only well-executed example of naturalistic modeling
from the Arua Phase is a small, owllike bird used as a rim adorno
(fig. 187). Incised designs using fine lines and fine relief that suggests
the use of a stamp or mold are also represented only at this site.
538 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
DIAGNOSTIC FEATURES OF THE ARUA PHASE
Habitation sites of the Arué Phase have been encountered in the
Territory of Amap4 and on the Islands of Mexiana, Caviana, and
Marajé6. They are located on the bank of a navigable stream in the
forest, generally not far inland from the coast. The sherd refuse is
thinly scattered in a small, circular, or oval area, rarely covering more
than 300 square meters. The refuse deposit is almost entirely on the
surface, extending only a few centimeters at most into the soil, which
bears no trace of discoloration to distinguish it from that of the sur-
rounding forest.
Arua cemeteries, found on Mexiana and Caviana, are also located
in the forest, but farther inland and away from streams. Secondary
burial was practiced, the bones placed in large jars which were set on
the surface of the ground or in a shallow hole. The long bones appear
to have been laid along one side, but poor preservation prevented
recognition of any other details of skeletal position. Some bones
show traces of red paint. Although associated materials are not
typical, various burials produced small bowls, stone axes, pottery and
nephrite beads, pottery figurines, and in the late cemeteries, glass
beads and other objects of European origin. Burial jars were plain or
decorated with a row of impressed rings and/or a strip of applique.
Stone alinements are characteristic Arué Phase sites on the main-
land, but none have been reported from the islands, probably because
of the absence of native stone in sufficient quantity for their construc-
tion. The stones were set on end in a linear, circular, or triangular
arrangement, on an elevated spot. Except for occasional scattered
sherds, nothing has been found associated. The absence of indica-
tions of habitation or cemetery use leads to the assumption of some
ceremonial significance.
Ceramically, the Arua Phase is identified by Piratuba Plain, a sherd-
tempered, tan-to-orange surfaced ware, which accounts for 99 to 100
percent of the sherds at most sites. There is no well-defined tradition
of ceramic decoration. Simple brushing (Nazaré Brushed), crude
incision (Aberta Incised), and a row of impressed rings around the
neck or shoulder of Piratuba Plain jars are early techniques, while
painting is late. Applique in the form of strips and nubbins occurs
throughout the Phase as the most abundant form of ornamentation,
and is particularly frequent in the cemeteries (fig. 201).
Typical artifacts other than vessels include crude, trianguloid
pottery figurines, rectanguloid, and trianguloid axes of polished dio-
rite, and flat or cylindrical nephrite beads.
The termination of this Phase was brought about by the European
conquest and colonization of the islands. For several centuries after
ci eee ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 0039
A. D. 1500, the Arua fought a losing battle with the Portuguese, and
finally disappeared from sight through mass removal, depopulation,
acculturation, and racial intermixture by the early part of the 19th
century.
CONCLUSIONS AND INTERPRETATIONS
The Islands of Mexiana and Caviana produce archeological remains
that suggest that they were not occupied constantly or intensively by
ceramic-producing cultures until just prior to European times. By
contrast, the cultural sequence on Marajé is long and even that in the
Territory of Amap4 acquires some semblance of antiquity (fig. 205).
The failure of these islands to be permanently inhabited by earlier
cultures of the Tropical Forest Pattern, or, to put it another way, the
failure of the Tropical Forest Pattern to diffuse to Mexiana and
Caviana, cannot be explained by present archeological evidence. It is
probable that they were not uninhabited, and this assumption gains
some support in the fact that the Mangueiras Phase did not expand
over Caviana after it had gained a foothold but instead withdrew
again to Marajé. However, no direct evidence of any preceramic or
nonceramic inhabitants appears to have survived.
The earliest ceramic-producing Phase that can be given a specific
temporal position in the Mexiana and Caviana sequence is the
Mangueiras Phase, which is represented by one site on southern
Caviana. C-3—Porto Real belongs to the beginning of this Phase,
and is the only Mangueiras Phase site not located on the Island of
Marajé6. It appears to indicate a brief and unsuccessful attempt by
the culture to expand to another island. The subsequent history of
the Mangueiras Phase is confined to Marajé and has been discussed
with reference to the chronological sequence there (pp. 407-408).
Of the two remaining Phases on Mexiana and Caviana, the Arua
Phase is established as the latest by the presence of European trade
goods at all but the earliest sites and by documentary evidence
throughout the colonial period. There is no similar evidence that
the Acauan Phase was also in existence at this time. The major
site, M-3—Acauan, is surrounded by Arua& Phase habitation and
cemetery sites, and the avoidance of some kind of contact would have
been impossible. Neither Phase shows any ceramic evidence of
contact with the other, however, nor are any Kuropean objects
associated with the Acauan Phase remains.* The only conclusion is
that the Acauan Phase is pre-Arua Phase. More specific evidence
of its temporal position in the archeological sequence at the mouth of
the Amazon is not provided by stratigraphy and must be derived
from the analysis of possible relationships between Acauan Phase
35 The two examples of European pottery irom M-3 are modern, dating within the last 100 years.
540 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
pottery and ceramic features of the other archeological Phases in the
region. Among the distinctive Acauan Phase traits that can be used
for comparison are corrugation, excision, incision, and unusual vessel
shapes.
Corrugation .—Sherds with surface treatment resembling corruga-
tion came from sites of the Mangueiras Phase (C-3 and J—13), of the
Formiga Phase (J-4 and J—6), and of the Aruaé Phase (J—2/3 and M-7).
Except for Mucaj4é Corrugated of the Formiga Phase, these were too
nondescript and infrequent to be handled as pottery types. Careful
inspection of the sherds indicates that the majority fall into different
categories of corrugation than Floripes Corrugated of the Acauan
Phase. The examples from the Formiga and Arua Phases represent
finger punctation or pinching of the semismoothed surface (pls. 48,
a-h, 112, a-f) rather than the manipulation of the surface of each
coil as it is added, which characterizes true corrugation. One sherd
from the Aru& Phase (J-2/3) and 14 sherds from the Mangueiras
Phase (C-3), however, do resemble Floripes Corrugated. Since the
Acauan Phase appears to have been of short duration in the area, and
since these two Phases are respectively the latest and the next to the
earliest in the island archeological sequence, it is not likely that
both could have learned the technique of corrugation by Acauan
Phase contact. Before attempting to decide whether either could
have been so derived, it is better to consider other evidence which
may have bearing on the conclusion.
Excision —Excised decoration is typical of the Marajoara Phase
and four sherds in this technique came from one early Mangueiras
Phase site (C-3). Although the paste differs, some vessel shapes
and some of the design motifs of Acauan Excised, as well as the
technique with which they are produced, are very similar to those
of Ararf Plain Excised of the Marajoara Phase. Open, shallow
dishes or bowls are common to both Acauan Excised and Arari Plain
Excised and both types utilize a high percentage of externally
thickened, everted rims, but otherwise specific resemblances in shape
do not exist. The most striking correspondence is in decoration.
The designs, layouts, and motifs of Acauan Excised are typical
of the classic excision of the Marajoara Phase even to such details
as spirals, curvilinear units, “eyes” surrounded by curvilinear and
rectilinear designs, steps, alternating bands of cut and uncut areas
with incised borders, etc. (pls. 90, 91). Although the most frequent
technique of excision in Acauan Excised is a sort of pecking, the
gouging out or scraping away and cutting back the field evenly also
occurs, and both these techniques compare exactly to those methods
used in the Marajoara Phase. In the latter Phase gouging-out is
more common in Arari Plain Excised while the even cutting back
ee ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 541
is more frequent in Arari Red Excised. The Acauan Excised pottery,
however, lacks the highly complex variations of slipping, double
slipping, and white retouch found in the Marajoara Phase.
Excision is not a typical method of decoration in the Mangueiras
Phase. Of the 4 sherds from C-3—Porto Real, 2 came from mis-
cellaneous diggings and the surface of the site, 1 came from level 8-16
cm. of cut 1 and one from level 16-24 cm. of cut 2. None of the
sherds exceeded 2.5 cm. square and hence no indication of vessel
size, rim form, or details of design motif are available; nevertheless
the four specimens probably represent four different vessels. The
technique of excision is similar to the most common variety from
Acauan, a type of pecking and digging out instead of cutting back
and gouging out, with the exterior surface smoothed and slightly
floated before excision. With such small specimens and so few in
number, it is difficult to make specific comparisons; however, the
technique of excision seems to resemble more closely Acauan Excised
from M-3—<Acauan than it does any of the excised pottery from the
Marajoara Phase.
Incision.—The three earliest sites of the Mangueiras Phase (J—5,
C-3, and J—17) produced sherds with well-executed, fine, and broad
incised lines which resemble in technique the Carobal Incised of the
Acauan Phase. Designs utilizing zones filled with fine lines and
outlined by broader incisions are typical of Carobal Incised (pl. 92,
a and c) and also occur in the Unclassified Decorated from J—5 of the
Mangueiras Phase (pl. 47, 7). Notable in the incised examples from
both Phases is a lack of standardization in motif or execution, which
contrasts to the situation in nearly all the other decorated types
distinguished from the mouth of the Amazon.
Vessel shape——A distinctive vessel shape of the Acauan Phase is
a bowl with an internally thickened rim with a broad, flat, horizontal
or slightly insloping top. This form is represented by Piryzal Plain
shapes 1 and 2, Acauan Excised shape 1, and Carobal Incised shapes
2 and 3. A similar rim and vessel form occurs in the Mangueiras
Phase in Mangueiras Plain shapes 7 and 8 and Esperanga Red shape
1, all of which are typically early forms. Ornamental lobes on the
rim or an undulating lip are common methods of decoration on
Acauan Phase pottery and these also occur in the early part of the
Mangueiras Phase (J—5, J-17, and C-3).
In this analysis, the Acauan Phase appears to have possible affilia-
tions with two of the other Phases at the mouth of the Amazon.
The resemblance between motif and technique of execution of Acauan
Excised and the excised types of the Marajoara Phase is striking.
On the other hand, early sites of the Mangueiras Phase have produced
sherds with corrugated, excised and incised treatment that suggests
542 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
Acauan Phase types, and bowl rims of a common Acauan Phase rim
form. Since none of the other Phases show any comparable degree
of resemblance either in frequency of the trait or in fidelity of com-
parability, the problem of affiliation can be reduced to these two.
Since the Acauan Phase appears to have been of short duration in the
area, and the early Mangueiras Phase (which produces the strongest
resemblances) is separated by a considerable time interval from the
Marajoara Phase, it does not seem probable that both could have had
direct contact with the Acauan Phase during its existence locally.
A decision as to which may have had direct contact with the Acauan
Phase is important because of the implications it has for the temporal
position of this Phase.
At first glance, it seems unquestionable that the closest affiliation is
with the Marajoara Phase. The excised designs of Acauan Excised
are so closely similar to those on Marajoara Phase types as to preclude
completely any possibility of independent derivation. However, the
assumption of sufficiently close and prolonged contact in this region
for one of these Phases to have learned the detailed technique from the
other raises unanswerable questions. There is abundant evidence
that both Phases produced skilled potters who were competent in
several elaborate decorative techniques. Why, then, was excision
the only one exchanged? Why are the Acauan Phase excised designs
always on a plain surface, whereas the Marajoara Phase employs single
and double slips as well? Why did the Acauan Phase potters not copy
Joanes Painted, which is by far the most common Marajoara Phase
method of ornamentation? Why do no corrugated sherds appear in
the Marajoara Phase when this is the most frequent Acauan Phase
decorated technique? And further, why are artificial mounds, urn
burial, tangas, pottery stools, and other striking Marajoara Phase
traits completely absent from Acauan Phase sites? Conversely, why
have no pottery stamps come from sites of the Marajoara Phase?
If there was local contact sufficient to explain the similarities in excised
style, then the failure of any of these other features to be exchanged is
unaccountable, except in one possible way. By the last part of the
Marajoara Phase many of the outstanding ceramic features had been
lost or reduced to minor proportions. Arari Plain Excised was the
most frequent variety of excision and contact at this time could ac-
count for the adoption of this variety alone by the Acauan Phase
potters. The fact that pottery making was no longer a specialized
art might explain why a new technique like corrugation was not
accepted in the Marajoara Phase. Painting and tangas were still
much in use, however, as were artificial mounds and urn burial and
their failure to influence the Acauan Phase remains a puzzle. Further-
more, the existence of the Acauan Phase on Mexiana Island during or
anette ARCHEOLOGY Al’ MOUTH OF AMAZON 543
following the termination of the Marajoara Phase is not in accord
with other evidence. A few excised sherds from the early Arua site
of M-2—Papa Cachorro are of Marajoara Phase origin, and seem to
indicate some direct contact or trade between the two groups. If the
Acauan Phase had been extant on Mexiana at this time, there would
surely be some comparable evidencein the way of trade materials
of either Marajoara Phase or Aru& Phase origin. However, there
is none.
There seems to be only one solution to this paradox of the unques-
tionable affiliation between the excised traditions and the equally
definite but negative evidence of any other similarity between the
two cultures, ceramically or otherwise. That is that the Marajoara
Phase and the Acauan Phase acquired the knowledge of excision from
the same source, perhaps at about the same time, somewhere else in
South America. Thereafter, the two groups led an independent
existence and ceramic evolution followed a different path, even in
regard to the excised style. In the Marajoara Phase gouging out and
scoring became the typical techniques, and varying effects were
produced by the use of different colored slips. In the Acauan Phase,
the most common method of cutting back the excised areas was
pecking, and slips were never used. The design motifs did not alter
drastically, perhaps because they are well suited to the demands of
this technique. Although this reconstruction seems to employ a
double coincidence—an early contact in a remote area and a later
migration to the same part of the lower Amazon—this is not out of
line with other indications of widespread migration and diffusion in
northern South America (fig. 206). Although the evidence so far
discussed may not seem conclusive in discounting direct contact
between these two Phases at the mouth of the Amazon, one further
consideration makes this seem out of the question. This is the
occurrence of Acauan Phase features on the pottery of the early
Mangueiras Phase.
The most varied representation of Acauan Phase pottery types
appears in early sites of the Mangueiras Phase. Certain similarities
are outstanding. A few sherds from C-3—Porto Real closely resemble
examples of Floripes Corrugated. Four other sherds from the same
site display a technique of excision comparable to Acauan Excised.
Unclassified Decorated sherds from J—5, J-17, and C-3 cannot be
distinguished by technique or motif from Carobal Incised. Finally,
the typical bowl form of the Acauan Phase, with an interiorly thick-
ened, flat-topped rim and a lip ornamented with lobes or an undulating
edge, occurs frequently at J-5 and J-17. All of these occurrences are
unexplainable as independent inventions in the Mangueiras Phase,
not only because of their sparsity and infrequency, but because of
their degree of similarity to the Acauan Phase appearances. Further-
544 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
more, the Mangueiras Phase can be shown to be highly receptive to
ceramic influences by an examination of the acculturation that it un-
derwent after contact with the Ananatuba Phase (pp. 218-220). The
rapidity with which Ananatuba Phase methods of decoration (brushing
and incision) and vessel shapes (figs. 73, 74) were adopted even in
distant villages of the Mangueiras Phase is striking. This was a
completely one-way proposition, however, and there is no evidence
of Mangueiras Phase influence on the pottery of the Ananatuba Phase.
All of the details surrounding the contact of the Mangeiras Phase
with the Ananatuba Phase are duplicated if we conclude that the
earlier florescence of decoration is the result of contact with the
Acauan Phase. Both decorative techniques and vessel shapes were
copied. In both cases, incision was the major technique of ornamen-
tation involved. It is conceivable that the corrugated and excised
sherds are from trade vessels rather than Mangueiras Phase efforts
at duplicating the technique. This cannot be demonstrated conclu-
sively by examining the paste because of the similarity between
Mangueiras Plain and Piryzal Plain which is increased by differential
factors of preservation in moist or dry soil conditions. One interest-
ing implication stemming from the conclusion that there was contact
between the Mangueiras Phase and the Acauan Phase on the islands
is that Pocoaté Scraped and Paciencia Scraped, which have been
considered unrelated, may also be traced to a common origin. Borrow-
ing from the Acauan Phase would explain the fact that Pocoaté
Scraped appears in a very low percentage at the beginning of the
Mangueiras Phase and thereafter becomes more abundant (fig. 72).
The failure of these ‘“‘borrowed” features to remain long a part of the
Mangueiras Phase ceramic complex is paralleled in the more easily
measured history of traits adopted from the Ananatuba Phase. This
suggests that the Mangueiras Phase potters were eager for new ideas,
but once the stimulating source was removed interest was readily
lost.
In reviewing the evidence of Acauan Phase contact provided by the
Mangueiras Phase and the Marajoara Phase, the former case seems
far the stronger. Not only are all the major Acauan Phase pottery
features represented, but there is parallel evidence of a similar kind
of ceramic acculturation in the later history of the Mangueiras Phase.
Furthermore, there are no loose ends unexplained. Marajoara Phase
similarity is restricted to excision on a plain vessel surface, and all
of the other numerous and complex features of both cultures are
different. If we were to propose a direct connection, not only is this
situation incongruous, but then the Mangueiras Phase similarities
become equally puzzling. The difficulties are compounded and little
is explained.
eae ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 545
The most probable conclusion on the basis of present knowledge is
that the Acauan Phase arrived at the mouth of the Amazon approxi-
mately at the same time as the Mangueiras Phase. There was suffi-
cient contact to produce the influences noted on Mangueiras Phase
pottery. Both the short duration represented at M-3—Acauan and
the restriction of evidence of influence to the earliest part of the
Mangueiras Phase suggest that the period of Acauan Phase occupa-
tion of the islands was short. The reason for this is not supplied by
present archeological evidence, and the subsequent history of this
Phase is equally unknown.
There are several promising clues to follow in attempting to de-
termine the origin and affiliations of the Acauan Phase. In addition
to the techniques of excision and corrugation there is an unusual
ceramic artifact in the form of a circular, convex-surfaced stamp
attached to a handle. The tracing of the distribution of these traits
leads us far and wide over the continent of South America.
The distribution of excision has been reviewed in connection with
the Marajoara Phase (pp. 413-414), and only one occurrence is worthy
of repetition here because it is associated with other Acauan Phase
traits. This is the small collection from Oriximin4, at the mouth of
the Trombetas, which includes one modeled and excised sherd and
two sherds with parallel, zigzag lines similar to Vergal Incised of the
Acauan Phase, among the more abundant modeled adornos frequently
reported from this part of the Middle Amazon (pl. 88, a-d). Un-
fortunately, this site has not been excavated stratigraphically, nor
is it represented by an unselected sample, so the relative abundance
of the various types of decoration represented is not known. No
corrugated sherds have been reported from this area, so if this is the
path along which the Acauan Phase came, the introduction of corru-
gation must have come at a later time.
In attempting to trace the source of this influence, we find that
corrugated pottery is widespread in eastern and southeastern South
America. It is reported from coastal and southern Brazil, Paraguay,
Uruguay, and the northern part of the Argentine, in other words in
the area known to have been occupied historically by the Guaranf
Indians. Numerous collections from individual Guarani archeologi-
cal sites have been made (Métraux, 1948a, pp. 73-75; Baldus, 1951-52)
but as yet no thorough investigations or excavations have been made
of the entire Guarani problem. Two or three features distinguish
this pottery, but the only point of interest here is a ware called
“corrugated” or “fingernail impressed.”” In many cases the corruga-
tion is almost totally erased by a smoothing over, and in other cases
the decoration is very crude; however, some individual examples
resemble quite closely the technique of Floripes Corrugated (cf.
546 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
Métraux, 1948 a, pl. 11, top; Baldus, 1951-52, Tafel I, II). How-
ever, this similarity is limited to technique. There is not a single
vessel or rim shape of Guaranf pottery that even vaguely resembles
any of the forms of Floripes Corrugated or, as far as that goes, the
vessel forms of any pottery types of the Acauan Phase. If the inter-
pretation of the temporal position of the Acauan Phase at the mouth
of the Amazon is correct, this is several hundred years prior to the
arrival of Guarani tribes in this area from the south. This fact
alone would not rule out the possibility of some common southern
origin for the two groups. However, none of the other Acauan
Phase excised or incised styles seem to occur in association with
Guarani corrugated pottery, and other Acauan Phase affiliations seem
to eliminate the possibility of such a derivation. Although the cor-
rugated technique may turn out to have a single origin in South
America, there does not seem to be a direct connection between its
presence on Guaranf ceramics and in the pottery of the Acauan Phase.
The only other feature of the Acauan Phase of possible use for
comparison is a pottery stamp (fig. 157). The circular, convex-
surfaced head attached to a conical handle so that it fits firmly into the
hand forms a distinctive unit that is easy to discriminate from other
types of stamps. The varieties of roller stamps, flat disks, rectangular
or circular stamps with diminutive handles that can be held only with
the finger tips coming from sites in Mexico, Central America, and
northwestern South America can be eliminated from primary con-
sideration as having no direct relationship to the stamp from Acauan.
Although disks without handles or with stylized modeling on the
reverse, aS well as cylindrical forms, occur in the Antilles (De Booy,
1915, figs. 27-28 and pl. 9; Krieger, 1931, pl. 35, Nos. 1-5), stamps of
the Acauan Phase type also appear to be common there. A complete
example (fig. 202, c) and a fragmentary one were excavated from the
midden of Andres, Dominican Republic, by Krieger (1931, pl. 36
center top) and another stamp of the same style is reported from the
same part of the island by Fewkes (1907, pl. 86 b and b’). The com-
plete specimen is identical in shape to the one from the Acauan Phase,
but is slightly smaller, the former being 5.1 cm. long and 5.0 cm. in
diameter, while the latter is 7.0 cm. long and 6.2 cm. in diameter.
The designs are different but both are on a disk-shaped, convex sur-
face. The stamp head illustrated by Fewkes shows the point of
attachment where a handle has been broken off. The disk is 6.4
cm. in diameter and has a pattern of concentric circles (fig. 202, 5)
that is more comparable to the design on the Acauan Phase stamp
(fig. 202, a) than are the other examples just described. However,
the regularity of form and high caliber of workmanship it reveals are
not duplicated in the Acauan Phase specimen.
MBpEDEA AND ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 547
ae
“ir
FiagurEe 202.—Designs made by pottery stamps. a, Mexiana Island, Acauan
Phase. 6, Dominican Republic (USNM No. 220595). c, Dominican Republic
(USNM No. 349398).
Discoidal stamps occur frequently in Puerto Rican collections
according to De Hostos (1919, fig. 51, i-n), who illustrates six frag-
mentary ones. The faces are described as 7 to 9 cm. in diameter
(op. cit., p. 392) and bear crude incised and punctate designs. Another
fragment of a stamp having a disk end decorated with incised con-
centric circles is reported by Rouse (1952, pl. 10, b, and p. 360) from
the site of Llanos Tuna on the west coast of Puerto Rico.
Occasional reports suggest that the other islands of the Antilles
may also produce stamps of this style. Roth (1924, pl. 33, B) shows
one from the Grenadines with a conical handle and a simple design
of deeply incised lines on the convex head. A similar specimen is
reported by Fewkes (1914, p. 215) from Trinidad.
While it has been suggested that these stamps were used for the
decoration of pottery vessels (Krieger, 1931, p. 158), the authors
agree with De Hostos (1919, pp. 390-392), Rouse (1948, p. 508),
and Loven (1935, p. 651), who conclude that their function was
imprinting designs on the skin. This interpretation is supported by
the theoretical consideration that the convex surface of the stamp is
poorly adapted to imprinting designs on the convex surface of a
vessel and by the practical consideration that no sherds with stamped
designs have been found in the Antilles. The convex surface is
more in keeping with use on a flexible medium like the skin, and in
fact was found by experiment to be very satisfactory for body paint-
ing. The designs produced by one convex and one flat stamp from
Santo Domingo and by the stamp from Acauan are shown on figure
202. While there seems little doubt that the Acauan Phase stamp
belongs to the same tradition as those from the Antilles, its occur-
rence at the mouth of the Amazon is rendered somewhat anomalous
by the absence of any other similarities between the ceramics of the
two areas.
The effort to establish the affiliations of the Acauan Phase by tracing
the distribution of three distinctive features—corrugation, excision,
and pottery stamps—leads us in three different directions from the
548 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
mouth of the Amazon. Corrugation is found in the south, excision
in the northwest, and stamps occur in the Antilles. As a result it is
not only impossible to suggest a culture to which the Acauan Phase
might be related, but it is also impossible to specify on the basis of
comparative data the part of South America from which it might
have come to the mouth of the Amazon. On the basis of ceramic
criteria, including well smoothed surfaces on 85 percent of the sherds,
degree of standardization of rims both in form and diameter, and a
35 percent occurrence of decorated types representing complex and
competently executed motifs, the Acauan Phase must be considered
as representing a culture more highly developed than the Tropical
Forest Pattern. It appears to be an example of the same kiad of
intrusion that is attested by more detailed evidence in the Marajoara
Phase. Judging from known archeological remains, however, a much
smaller population movement was involved, and the people moved
on before any noticeable deterioration in the culture had taken place.
From where they came and where they went after leaving the mouth
of the Amazon are important problems because of the bearing they
have on the diffusion of corrugation and excision as techniques of
pottery ornamentation in South America. It is to be hoped that
future archeological work will bring the solution and so help to explain
the now isolated oecurrence of the Acauan Phase complex.
The Arua Phase, the final group to invade the Islands of Mexiana,
Caviana, and Marajé, has an immediate derivation on the adjacent
mainland, now known as the Territory of Amap4. Here too, however,
the culture is intrusive, as attested by the fact that it appears fully
developed. In attempting to trace a more remote origin, we have a
number of well-defined traits at our disposal. Characteristic of the
early Aru& Phase, as represented on the mainland or at early sites
on the islands, are stone alinements, polished stone celts, nephrite
beads and amulets, pottery griddles, pottery drums, pottery figurines,
and pottery decoration by applique, impressed rings, or punctates.
An examination of the distribution of these features should provide
a clue to the origin and affiliations of the Arua Phase.
A number of structures, best described as stone alinements, have
been reported from the Territory of Amap4 (pp. 38-43). These have
nearly all been badly disturbed by treasure seekers, but a few can be
discerned to have originally been composed of irregularly shaped
slabs of stone set on end to form patterns ranging from circles to a
long straight row. The majority have little pottery associated, but
what has been found is in most cases typical of the Arua Phase and
has led to the identification of these structures as of Arué Phase
eee Se ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 549
origin. The absence of village or cemetery association suggests a
ceremonial usage.
No similar structures have been reported on the mainland south of
the Rio Araguari or in the Amazon Valley. There are descriptions,
however, of stone alinements in the vicinity of the Ireng River, where
the boundary of Brazil joins British Guiana. Several located near
Korona Village in the Pakaraima Mountains are described by
Henderson:
Just outside the village we came on the remains of an undoubted stone circle,
about one hundred feet in diameter. Slabs of porphyry about two feet in length
were placed upright in the ground, but many of them had been knocked over.
We were told of the existence of two more of these circles in a much better state
of preservation, one on the Brazilian side of the Ireng River near Korona Falls,
and the other on the Brazilian side of the border, but not far away. [Henderson,
1952, p. 63.]
Other alinements are reported from the same general region by another
geologist, C. Barrington Brown:
After leaving Itabay ... we went... up a steep hill, through a wooded
country, to a small open-wooded plain. In the center of this opening there was
a circle of upright slabs of greenish felstone porphyry, through the center of which
the path led. The slabs were from two to three feet in height, and some five or
six feet apart, placed in a true circle of about thirty feet in diameter. They had
not been dressed, but their forms resulted from the manner in which they split
up on weathering, and they are portions of the rocks of the neighborhood. On
one was 2 frog-like figure, cut in deeply .... [Brown, 1876, pp. 144-145.]
The present day Indians of British Guiana have no information
about these structures (Henderson, 1952, p. 66) and no others have
been reported in British Guiana (Evans and Meggers, MS.). Although
Gillen (1948, p. 823) states that Chaffanjon found stone alinements
on the Cuchivero River, a tributary of the Orinoco, a check of the
primary source (Chaffanjon, 1889) does not corroborate this informa-
tion, No other accounts describe stone alinements of the Arua Phase
type in any part of Venezuela. **
Ceremonial structures of considerable variety occur in the West
Indies. While the most frequent type consists of earthworks faced
with stone, a few are more reminiscent of the Arua Phase alinements:
Ceremonial structures are common in Arawak sites. Most of them consist of
large flat areas alongside the refuse deposits, either circular, oval, or rectangular
in shape and lined with embankments, faced in some cases with upright stone
slabs. These are called “ball courts,’ although many of them may have served
primarily as ceremonial plazas, and several are so long and narrow as to resemble
roads. Some are accompanied by walks paved with flat stones and others by
megalithic columns known as “pillar stones.” Petroglyphs are common, occurring
on the slabs lining the ball courts, on the pillar stones, on boulders near streams,
and on the walls of caves. [Rouse, 1948, p. 507.]
sa In 8 survey of the Rio Orinoco between Puerto Ayacucho and San Fernando de Atabapo in February-
March 1957, two single stones were found by the authors and José M. Cruxent that appear to be part of
this stone alinement tradition.
391329—57. 37
550 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
Two alinements in the Dominican Republic, in which the stones are
arranged in a circle like those in British Guiana have been described
by Krieger:
. near the headwaters of the Chaquey . . . a circle of upright stones 300
feet in diameter surrounds a flat space overlooking the valley of the river. Two
entrances to this court are placed at opposite sides of the circle. At the exact
center stands a plain stone pillar 2 feet in height. A similar circle had been
erected by the Arawak at what is now known as San Juan de Maguana in the
Province of Azua. [Krieger, 1931, p. 46.]
Arua alinements tend to be located on elevated spots, and this is often
the case with Antillean structures, particularly those that cannot be
clearly identified as ball courts. Although no petroglyphs are asso-
ciated with the stones in the Territory of Amapd, one was mentioned
on an alinement in British Guiana. These similarities make it seem
possible that the Arua Phase alinements are a simplified version of the
ceremonial complex associated with the Arawak of the Antilles.
This conclusion is considerably strengthened when one examines
other aspects of Aru& Phase culture. The polished stone celts and
axes, although not so well finished or so symmetrical as those from the
West Indies (Krieger, 1929, pl. 5), are more closely related to the latter
than to axes from other parts of the Amazon, where parallel sides and
deep notches are more characteristic (Barbosa Rodrigues, 1876-78, pt.
I; Loven, 1935, pp. 135-210). Nephrite beads of tubular and disk
shape were recovered from Arua Phase cemeteries, and this material
appears to have been frequently used in the Antilles, although few
reports make specific mention of the type of stone employed in beads.
Krieger (op. cit. p. 71) states that “cylindrical beads of chalcedony,
greenstone, and other hard stones . . . are found on all the Greater
Antilles.” Rouse (1952, p. 537) speaks of a site on Puerto Rico which
was ‘‘visited many times by people seeking the greenish stone beads
and pendants which are plowed out of its soil. . .”, and dates it
ceramically as belonging to his Period IIIa. Small amulets of stone
with a perforation for suspension are also frequent, and although the
carving is typically more elaborate, it is not difficult to see a resemb-
lance between the most realistic of our vulture-head pendants (fig.
188, a) and the vulture head on an amulet from Trinidad (Fewkes,
1907, pl. 46).
Turning from stone to pottery, a few other correspondences can be
discerned. One of the most striking of these is the resemblance
between a figurine illustrated by Krieger (1931, pl. 55, right) from an
Arawak site in the Dominican Republic and the one excavated by us
in the Aru& cemetery of C—12 on Caviana Island (fig. 183, a). The
shape, size, and execution of the features are very much alike. The
Antillean figurine is part of a complex that ranges toward both
ayaa? ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON dol
simpler and more complex examples (ibid.). Although some are
identified as pestles, none appear to show any wear from such use,
which is also true of the Arua Phase specimens.
The total ceramic complex associated with Arawak remains in the
Antilles shows little resemblance to the pottery of the Arua Phase.
Vessel shapes are more elaborate and incised decoration is character-
istic. One vessel shape, however, is shared and that is a flat pottery
platter or griddle. The Arua Phase is the only culture at the mouth
of the Amazon that produced this vessel shape, and one of its typical
features is an interiorly thickened or upturned rim edge ornamented
with impressed rings or punctates. A vessel illustrated by Rouse
(1942, pl. 4 B) is almost an exact duplicate of the Arua type (fig. 195),
having the same interiorly thickened rim and row of punctates. It
comes from El Mango, a Sub-Taino site in Cuba.
Ornamentation is far more frequent on Antillean pottery than in
that of the Arua Phase, which is distinctive among the cultures of the
mouth of the Amazon in its paucity of ornamentation. Applique is
the most common Aru4 type, with the ribs often embellished with
punctates, nicks, or impressed rings (pl. 108, 109). Impressed rings
are also frequent on the necks of burial urns. Applique ribs are often
found on Meillac pottery from Haiti (Rouse, 1941, pls. 11, 12) and
frequently have punctate decoration. A row of impressed rings or
punctates is also employed around the vessel below the rim in this
culture (op. cit., pl. 13, figs. 8, 10, 12, 14). Other features of Meillac
ceramics are not duplicated in Arua Phase pottery.
In summary, the Arua Phase appears to share with Arawak cultures
of the West Indies a complex of traits that includes stone alinements,
polished celts, nephrite beads, and amulets, crude pottery figurines,
platters or griddles, and applique and punctate methods of pottery
decoration. In the Greater Antilles these traits are widespread and
developed to varying degrees. Rouse, who has conducted extended
field work in the Greater Antilles, has been able to reconstruct the
cultural sequence on the various islands in considerable detail (Rouse,
1951). An examination of the resemblances just cited within his
temporal frame of reference permits a better evaluation of their sig-
nificance.
Rouse divides his time scale into four main periods, of which only the
last two concern us here. Except in western Cuba, these two final
divisions correspond to a cultural division between Sub-Taino and
Taino, Period III being equivalent to Sub-Taino and Period IV to
Taino. Where specific identification of Arué Phase traits has been
possible, they appear to be with Antillean sites and cultures of Period
III. This is true of pottery decoration and platter shape. Green-
stone beads also occur in Period III. No ceremonial structures are
552 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
associated with the first part of this period, but several ball courts are
identified in Puerto Rico as Period IIIb. Stone amulets also begin to
appear at this time (op. cit., p. 257).
The simplicity of the stone alinements and the nephrite amulets or
pendants of the Arua Phase, as well as their atypical form in compar-
ison with the well-developed ceremonial complex of Period IV in the
Antilles, strengthens the conclusion that the relationship is with the
Sub-Taino, rather than the Taino, and possibly dates from the latter
part of Period III. An examination of the absolute dates derived by
Rouse (op. cit., p. 251) on the basis of refuse accumulation shows
Period IIIb to have lasted from A. D. 1317-1437. Using a different
method of estimation, we arrived at a date between A. D. 1300 and
1400 for the arrival of the Arud at the mouth of the Amazon River.
Although admittedly approximate and derived in both cases by some-
what arbitrary procedures, the reliability of these dates is strengthened
by the fact that the only two cultures showing any notable degree of
resemblance—the Sub-Taino of the Greater Antilles and the Arua of
the mouth of the Amazon—turn out to be contemporary.
There are sufficient differences between these two cultural complexes
to argue against any direct transfer of the Arua from one of the Greater
Antillean Islands. The absence of shell artifacts, which are charac-
teristic of the latter, can be explained by the absence of suitable raw
materials in the Lower Amazon. Other differences, including the
absence of common Antillean vessel shapes and incised decoration in
Arua ceramics, and the absence of secondary urn burial (except for an
occasional child’s grave) in the Antilles suggest that the relationship is
more in the way of a common origin. In Rouse’s reconstruction
(op. cit., p. 259), Period III is marked by the expansion of the Arawak
from the Lesser Antilles and Puerto Rico into the Greater Antilles.
It is possible that in addition to this major movement north and west,
some Arawak also moved back to the mainland and down the coast,
accounting for the Aru& Phase at the mouth of the Amazon. This
hypothesis explains the failure of this complex to be more widespread
in northern South America, as would be expected if it had developed
on the mainland. More light may be shed on its reliability when field
work is carried out in the Lesser Antilles, which are now little
known archeologically.
An early Arua Phase trait that appears to have no parallel in the
Antilles is the pottery drum. Two specimens, one nearly complete
and one fragmentary (pl. 111, 6-c), have been recovered from early
sites on Mexiana (M-7 and M-8) identified as Arua Phase habitations.
If these are indeed drums, then one must look for comparable objects
to Middle America, where they are reported from Panama, Costa
Rica, Nicaragua, and Maya sites in the Department of Peten, Guate-
plea Nias ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 553
mala (Lothrop, 1950, p. 48). Since the form is to some extent dic-
tated by the usage, it is possible that the general resemblance between
these examples and those of the Arua Phase is accidental. This is
further suggested by the fact that no other Arua Phase features seem
to be related to the western part of the Circum-Caribbean area.
After their arrival at the mouth of the Amazon, the Arua occupied
successively the mainland coast (Territory of Amap4) and the ad-
jacent islands. The cultural complexes in the two areas show two
striking differences: (1) The presence of stone alinements on the
mainland and their absence on the islands; and, (2) the presence of
large urn cemeteries on the islands and their absence on the mainland.
In the case of the stone alinements, a simple explanation can be found
in the almost complete absence of suitable stone on the islands. The
loss of the associated ceremonial complex is not necessarily implied
because substitutes could have been constructed of perishable mate-
rials. The lack of urn cemeteries on the mainland is more puzzling.
It is possible that this is simply a failure of reporting, but this does not
seem likely in view of the numerous records of Aristé Phase cemeteries
in spite of the fact that these are secreted in caves and underground
chambers. It may be that secondary urn burial, which is a relatively
minor method of disposal of the dead in the Antilles, became an
important Arua trait only after their settlement on the islands. More
information is needed on the Arua occupation of the Guianas before
this problem can be answered satisfactorily.
The unusual abundance of well-polished stone axes and nephrite
objects, and the sudden appearance of several new pottery features
at C-9—Frei Jofo, an Arua Phase cemetery on Caviana, suggests a
foreign influence on this site, which seriates in the middle of the
island sequence. However, the attempt to trace the source does not
give definite results. Hollow rims make their appearance here, and
the vessels on which they occur are also superior in symmetry and
workmanship to typical Arua Phase wares. One hollow-rimmed
bowl has a naturalistically modeled figure of a bird on the rim (fig.
187) which, in its sculptured simplicity, suggests certain Barrancas
representations of human faces. Hollow rims, however, do not
occur in Barrancas ceramics, nor do the small, flat-topped or flat-
bottomed vessels (Piratuba Plain shape 8), which often have low
relief decoration that gives the suggestion of being made with a
stamp or mold (fig. 186, a, b). The only conclusion that can be given
at this time is that there was an influence on the Arua Phase at the
time represented by C—9—Frei Jodo, that this came from the north
(suggested by the vulture-headed nephrite objects, the hollow rims,
the naturalistic modeling) and that it was not sufficiently strong to
cause a permanent modification on Arua ceramics. Hollow rims turn
554. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
up at one later site C-6—Croatasal (fig. 201), but naturalistic model-
ing never becomes a characteristic of Piratuba Plain.
Toward the latter part of the Arua Phase, painting becomes an
important method of pottery decoration. It is also typical of the
Aristé Phase, which was a contemporary occupant of the northern
part of the Territory of Amapé, and although not identical, the
designs from the two cultures show some resemblance. ‘Trade be-
tween the two areas existed in post-European times, and by that
period the activity had become traditional. As reported by Caetano
da Silva:
They [the Cayenne Indians] have known from time immemorial and by tradi-
tion that there was in the middle of the mouth of the Amazon River an island
much larger than that of Cayenne which the Portuguese, the Aroua Indians,
inhabitants of that island, the French, the other neighbors and also the Galibis
under the domination of the king had always called Hyapoc, where all the Indians
of Cayenne had perpetually traded and trafficked; and that the natives of the
aforementioned country of Hyapoc of the river Amazon had always had com-
merce without difficulty with the inhabitants of Cayenne and the Indians depend-
ent thereon. [Caetano da Silva, 1861, para. 171.]
Although the archeological evidence does not substantiate the
assertion that the Aru& inhabited the islands “from time imme-
morial,” there are scattered ceramic indications of contact going back
to the early period of their settlement. One of the most undeniable
of these is a rim sherd of a typically Aristé Phase vessel shape (Aristé
Plain shape 1) from the Aru& cemetery of M-5—Mulatinho on
Mexiana Island. This situation, coupled with the artistic resem-
blances, makes it probable that the increasing emphasis on painted
pottery decoration evidenced in both of these Phases has an inter-
related history. The source of this technique is undetermined, how-
ever, and at the present time an equally good case can be made for
either Phase as the initiator, or for an influence from an outside
source.
The conclusion of the Aru& Phase brings us to the end of the
archeological sequence at the mouth of the Amazon. After the
initial, sporadic exploration and trading of the 16th century gave way
to the 17th-century settlement and disputes over sovereignty, the
aboriginal cultures began to disappear. The Aru& seem to have
persisted in a relatively unacculturated state longer than the Indians
of the Mazagao and Aristé Phases on the adjacent mainland, although
evidence of European trade is found in almost all of the island Aruaé
village and cemetery sites. However, with the growth of the cattle
industry, those Arua who had not fled to the Guianas or who had not
been transferred by the Portuguese to distant parts of the Amazon
disappeared into the “melting pot’? where they mixed with other
racial and cultural ingredients to produce the modern resident of the
ean ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 5935)
area, the caboclo. As late as 1816, there are reported to have been
279 Aru& remaining at Rebordello on the eastern tip of Caviana, but
it is not known how much of the aboriginal culture was still preserved
(Nimuendaji, 1948, p. 197). By 1948, “the Indians” had become
legendary people of the past, known to their modern descendants for
two principal characteristics: they were not Christians, and they made
better and stronger pottery than the modern caboclos can produce.
The sequence of culture on the Islands of Caviana and Mexiana and
its probable affiliations can be summarized as follows:
1. Caviana and Mexiana appear to have been only briefly occupied
by pottery-using or Tropical Forest Pattern cultures until just prior
to the coming of the Europeans in A. D. 1500.
2. Although there is no positive evidence of preceramic groups in
the area, the failure of pottery-using cultures on Marajé to expand
permanently to these islands suggests the presence of nonceramic
groups.
3. The only major pre-Arud culture, the Acauan Phase, is judged
to be contemporary with the early Mangueiras Phase on Marajé
because of the presence of sherds of Acauan Phase decorated pottery
types in these Mangueiras Phase sites.
4. The Acauan Phase is of very short duration at the mouth of the
Amazon, and neither its origin nor its subsequent history can be
traced at present.
5. In late pre-Kuropean times, the Arua moved from the Territory
of Amap4 onto the islands and archeological evidence suggests that
the most concentrated occupation was on Mexiana and Caviana, al-
though historical documents also speak of the Arua as one of the dom-
inant tribes on Maraj6.
6. Arua culture shows numerous affiliations with Arawak remains
in the Greater Antilles, and it is hypothesized that this reflects a minor
movement into the Guianas contemporary with the major Arawak
spread from the Lesser to the Greater Antilles.
7. Archeological evidence confirms archive reports of contact and
trade between the Arua and tribes of the Guianas during post-Euro-
pean times.
THE HISTORICAL AFTERMATH
CHRONOLOGY OF EUROPEAN CONTACT
There is only one date that the archeologists working in the vicinity
of the mouth of the Amazon can hope to know precisely, and that is
the year of the first European contact. Even that, however, is dis-
puted. The man immortalized by history as the discoverer of Brazil
is Pedro Alvares Cabral, who sighted land on the 22d of April, 1500.
Nevertheless, at least three Spanish explorers, Alonso Ojeda, Vincente
Yanez Pinzon, and Diego de Leppe, visited the same general area in
1499 and 1500. There is also the possibility that the first contact
was considerably earlier, dating from the voyage of a Frenchman
named Jean Cousin in 1488 (Reis, 1947, p. 31).
If the one date that might be expected to be known with certainty
is thus in dispute, it might be predicted that the course of events in
the centuries following would be equally obscure and contradictory.
Such is indeed the case. The names of many soldiers, explorers, and
traders have been recorded, often as recipients of royal concessions to
explore and colonize the Amazon area, but rarely is there any infor-
mation on where they went, what they accomplished, or whether they
even went at all. When an unusual trip has been recorded, like the
descent of the Amazon from Ecuador to Para in 1637 by a handful of
men, the information is disappointing. According to Acufia,
The two Lay-Friers and the Souldiers were inquir’d of about their long and
strange Voyage, but they were all eight of ’em so stupid, that they had made no
particular Remark on anything. [Acufia, 1698, p. 34.]
Archive information is often so vague that there is ample room for
disagreement on the location of many of the forts and on the dates
of their initiation or abandonment. Some of the names recur in the
accounts of different writers, but it is difficult to evaluate whether this
is confirmation or merely repetition of material from a single source.
The situation is equally uncertain regarding citations that occur in
only one source. Transposition of names from one language to an-
other results in confusion also, the most shining example of this being
the Torrego-Taurege-Tucujii problem. The amount of conflicting
testimony as to whether these settlements are synonymous or inde-
pendent, whether they are on the Ilha de Gurupé or the mainland,
whether they were destroyed in 1625 or founded in 1628, is astonish-
ing. Where colonies are located on a map, or descriptively as along
a certain river, the inaccuracy of the map and the long-since altered
556
Mncanns AND ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 557
river names often reduce the location to a very rough approximation.
The apparently fortuitous survival of some manuscripts mentioning
small settlements or plantations leads to the suspicion that other,
similar plantations have gone unrecorded.
In spite of all these difficulties and drawbacks, an effort to recon-
struct the chronology of European colonization in the lower Amazon
is a necessary prelude to an evaluation of the latter part of the arche-
ological sequence. From the first, the Europeans came not only to
see and to conquer, but to trade with the Indians. Their reports
sometimes tell what they brought, and the appearance of these objects
in the archeological sites links them with the post-European period.
The chronology of contact should give some idea as to how long the
Indian cultures could have survived in relatively unaltered form, how
strongly they resisted the efforts of missionaries and colonists to draw
them by persuasion or by force into the “‘new regime,’’ how soon they
succumbed to acculturation or to the newly introduced diseases.
The account that follows is a brief summation of the main events
and type of activity engaged in by the Europeans from 1500 until the
middle of the 18th century. A more complete listing is available in the
chronological table (table U). A map (fig. 203) is included to aid in
correlating the geographical distribution of the European colonies with
that of the archeological Phases. These do not pretend to be de-
finitive, but only to give some idea of the new conditions facing the
peoples of the region as they emerged from the archeological into the
historical horizon. There is little doubt, however, that the error
exists primarily in omissions and that the European activity in the
area was if anything even greater than the surviving records show.
TasBLeE U.—Chronological sequence of European exploration and settlement
Year Event Source
WARS ete Possible first contact of northeastern South America by | Reis, 1947, p. 31.
a Frenchman, Jean Cousin.
ADO ee ee Spaniards Diego de Leppe and Vincente Yanez Pinzon | Ibid.
visited the east coast of South America.
500 seas ee Alonso Ojeda (Spanish) and Pedro Alvares Cabral (Por- | Ibid.
tuguese) reported to have visited the Guiana coast.
1501-1604- ----- Concessions of territory and authorization to explore the | Reis, 1947, p. 32.
Amazon area granted to various individuals by Carlos
V and Felipe II; none carried out.
1502-13. ..=..:- Portuguese exploration and trade on the northeastern | Ibid.
coast of South America; Joio Coelho, Joao de Lisboa,
Diego Ribeiro, Fernam Froes.
1541 es Descent of the Amazon completed by Orellana_______-_- Braga, 1949, p. 18.
I54§etoe Exploration of the lower Amazon and Guiana coast by | Braga, 1949, p. 14.
Joao de Melo da Silva.
150322 cee eee Expedition to colonize the Capitania do Gr&o-Par4 ship- | Braga, 1949, p. 19.
wrecked off Maranhao.
VOSsoee tA ses = French ships begin to enter the Amazon to trade with | Braga, 1949, p. 21.
the Indians.
T5962. 0k os Keymis explores the Guiana coast under Raleigh’s order | Caetano da Silva, 1861, para.
and is shipwrecked at the mouth of the Rio Araguari. 399,
Williamson, 1923, p. 85.
3 sh ty Aen rs 2 Peonard Berry and Thomas Masham explore the Guiana | Williamson, 1923, p. 185.
rivers.
15982 en ose Se First Dutch expedition to the Guianas__---.----.----.-- Ibid.
169022 Dutch ships in ever increasing numbers reach the Guiana | Edmundson, 1903, p. 642.
coast; trade assumes ‘“‘large proportions.”
558
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[BULL. 167
TasLe U.—Chronological sequence of European exploration and settlement—Con.
Year Event Source
1599-1600------ Founding of Dutch colonies of Nassau and Orange on Williamson, 1923, p. 95; Ed-
the lower Xingt. mundson, 1903, D. 642.
1604-06_....-_- Charles Leigh’s aalone on the Rio Oiapoque------------ Williamson, 1923, p. 185;
Caetano de Silva, 1861,
para. 16.
1607-09. .__._____| French attempt to colonize the Rio Oiapoque ----------- Harris, 1928.
GUE) {Ge Michael Harcourt explores the Rio Araguari___--_------- Caetano de Silva, 1861, para.
401.
GOON Ae ses Robert Thornton explores the Guiana coast; Thomas | Braga, 1949, p. 23.
Tyndall and William Clowel explore the mouth of the
Amazon.
1609-12__.--__- Harcourt’s colony on the left bank of the Oiapoque_-__-_-- Williamson, 1923, p. 185.
Charles des Vaux explores the Tocantins__-__-----------
Dutch plantations and forts in the region of TapujussGs
(Tucujtis) between the Rio Jari and Macapé.
Roe’s exploration of the Amazon and Guianas___--------
Roe’s establishment of a colony on the Amazon__-_-
City of Para (Belem) founded by the Portuguese___-----
Dutch fort near mouth of Rio Gurupa___-_--------------
Braga, 1949, p. 23.
EAE aia p. 23; Vianna, 1905,
p, 2
Williamson, 1923, p. 185.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Vianna, 1905, p. 229; Edmund-
son, 1903, pp. 652-653 (Cae-
tano da Silva, 1861, para. 41,
says 1616).
Williamson, 1923, p. 68; Reis,
1947, p. 34.
Pereira, 1904, p. 256.
Williamson, 1923, p. 185.
Reis, 1947, pp. 37-39.
Williamson, 1923, p. 186.
mundson, 1903, p. 657.
Williamson’, 1923, p. 96.
Williamson, 1923, p. 93; Ed-
mundson, 1903, p. 657.
Reis, 1949, p. 18.
mundson, 1903, pp. 652-653.
Vianna, 1905, p. 241; Braga,
1949, p. 65; Edmundson,
1903" pp. 657 and 661.
Williamson, 1923, p. 186.
p. 240; Reis, 1947, p. 42.
Vianna, 1905, p. 247; Caetano
da Silva, 1861, para. 19.
Edmundson, 1903, p. 660.
actane da Silva, 1861, para.
6.
Caetano da Silva, 1861, para.
20.
Reis, 1947, p. 5
Edmundson, 3903, p. 662.
Ibi
Vianna, 1905, p. 241.
Vianna, 1905, p. 242.
Reis, 949, p. 18.
Williamson, 1923, p. 125.
Captane da Silva, 1861, para.
Williamson, 1923, p. 187; Vi-
anna, 1905, p. 249 (Caetano
da Silva, 1861, para. 63 says
1632).
Reis, 1949, p. 18.
Vianna, 1905, p. 241; Caetano
da Silva, 1861, para, 51.
Edmundson, 1903, p. 663.
1616-23 55-2552: Agrianeen Anglo-Dutch settlement 6 leagues above the
io Para.
OIG Nee een Dutch at Cabo do Norte: 2 forts and 2 sugar mills__-----
cy eS ee ee Edward Harvey plants a colony in the Oiapoque_-__-----
((7() ae aes go cee oe English fort at Cabo do Norte__----=--b-2e2-22-s--=----
1619-20 Soe Subjugation and extermination of Tupinamb4 of Rio | Braga, 1949, p. 61.
Tocantins for attack on Belém.
Before 1620____| English and Irish settlers in the Amazon--_--------------
162082 So-eee ee North plants a colony at the mouth of the Rio Pard, Williamson, 1923, p. 96; Reis,
after exploring up the Amazon to the Tapajoz. 947, D
1621S Bose) Establishment of the Dutch West India Company with nance 1908, p. 651.
exclusive franchise for trade on the Amazon.
(9) eae See a BY Sapanapoca, an Anglo-Irish settlement on Ilha dos Porcos.| Williamson, 1923, p. 93; Ed-
G20-D5 ews se ee Gaspar Chillan’s Irish settlement on the Amazon_----_--
1623 a eee Tilletille and Warmeonaka, English plantations on the
Rio Cajari.
16232 -2-25-- Dutch settlements on the XingG and Ilha de Gurup4é | W illiamson, 1923, pp. 95-103;
destroyed by the Portuguese under Luis Aranha de
Vasconcellos and Bento Maciel Parente.
1693. 22 Seer Portuguese found Fort Mariocay opposite former Dutch | Williamson, 1923, p. 186; Ed-
fort at Gurupa.
O24 2 eae Irish colony of Torrego (Taurege) at the mouth of the
Rio Maracapucu.
1624-25________ Influx of English, Dutch, and Irish colonists__--_-------
TG ee see ae Dutch fort of Mandiutuba on the Xingi near Gurupé | Braga, 1949, p. 64; Vianna, 1905,
destroyed by the Portuguese.
16253232 2 ae) Dutch colony established on the left bank of the Rio
Oiapoque.
1625.25.22 English settlements on the Rio Cajari destroyed by the
Portuguese.
16262 suk te French colony on the Rio Sinamari-----_----------------
16274 see Dutch fort on the left bank of the Rio Oiapoque-_-_-_-_----
W627 Military expedition to the Tocantins _____--_--_--------
1628 a Dutch settlement on the Island of TucujG____--_--_-----
16209 Seas eee Tucuji settlement destroyed by the Portuguese--__-_-_---
LO20R Seta eee Dutch-English fort of Philippe between the Rio Aeauera-
pucu and Rio Matapi.
HOQOL aS eee Fort Cumau established two and a half leagues south of
Macapa by the French.
16299222 Torrego taken by the Portuguese---____________---------
1620 ooo Sees Establishment of an English colony, Pattacue, on the
island of Tucuja.
1630b=2 French colony on the Conamana_.___--_-.--_------------
[631s asi. seca Cumau taken by the Portuguese-_-_._-..-.-.-------------
163134 FS Pattacue taken by the Portuguese_-_----._-.------------ Williamson, 1923, p. 126.
W631 Seek ee. Bee North’s fort taken by the Portuguese----.-_.------------
631+ S4 cee Ses Philippe taken by the Portuguese__-._-....-------------
L631 Cee ex ee Termination of Dutch trade in the lower Amazon_-_-_-_-_--
1632S sce Nheengaiba Indians of Marajé castigated by Feliciano
Coelho.
Reis, 1947, p. 50.
Meeemns: AND ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 509
TaBLe U.—Chronological sequence of European exploration and settlement—Con.
Year Event Source
1684-4 +.) £2 French;colony at/Cayenne..--t-=-c£ to. 12--t.2-. Pactanp da Silva, 1861, para.
1635.(?)) L2u cect @aniet4 fouridedst e424 idles ee gotten od Braga, 1949, p. 67.
GBT Es ee eee Fort Desterro erected by the Brazilians________________- Racteng da Silva, 1861, para.
1GAD Mee Te S32. Shipwreck of Portuguese vessel on eastern Marajé Island_ Ferreira Penna, 1885, pp. 109-
10.
1643-44. _.____. Second French colony at Cayenne--.-_.-_..-_-._-_______ Caetano da Silva, 1861, para.
1614s see First mission on Marajé Island (vicinity of Soure?)-___.__ Ferreira Penna, 1885, p. 110.
1646S. tae Pes Dutch colony near the mouth of the Rio Mayacaré; | Vianna, 1905, p. 247 (Reis, 1947,
expelled by the Brazilians in the same year. Dp. 63 says located on Rio Ara-
Sees and conquered in
1647).
164722 S843. Fe Anglo-Dutch colony on the upper Rio Cassiporé con- | Reis, 1949, pp. 18-19.
quered by the Portuguese.
1652-54... ___ Third French colony at Cayenne---_____________.-__-_-- actanp da Silva, 1861, para.
Gh 4 I Arua and Nheengaiba Indians on Marajé castigated by Reis, 1947, p. 51,
Joao de Bittencourt Muniz.
16549. 3i0 £1) Portieuese of Paré ascend the Rio Jari and subdue the Paateno da Silva, 1861, para.
ndians. :
1654-64___.____ Dutch'colony,atiCayennes 2226. + paseo. 2h 4. . sees Caetano da Silva, 1861, para.
89-91.
1GhOPE A Pe. ett Ebate treaty between the Portuguese and the Indians of | Braga, 1949, p. 85.
arajo.
1660 8so-2 0. _ 2a Brazilian fort on left bank of Rio Araguari; ephemeral | Vianna, 1905, p. 248; Caetano
because of poorly chosen location. da Silva, 1861, para, 84.
16S. = S25- = 534 Hors aeBans below Val de Caes, guarding the channel } Vianna, 1905, p. 250.
o Belém.
HOSS: . Stee ts French at Cayenne invade Indian villages of Ilha de | Reis, 1947, p. 73.
Gurupa to take slaves.
LESH. -¢2 2 Pee _ & “Tratado provisional’? between French and Portuguese | Reis, 1947, p. 197.
suggests Indian villages still numerous in the disputed
(northern) part of the Territory of Amapé.
LG le Portuguese fort established on the left bank of the Rio | Vianna, 1905, p. 248.
Azpeuart, on the west side of the mouth of the Bata-
outo.
1688-1738_ .___- Santo Antonio de Macapé, erected on the site of the | Vianna, 1905, pp. 243-245; Reis,
earlier Fort Cumau. 1947, p. 57.
TOOO Seo op 2! Portuguese king forbids his subjects to make war against | Reis, 1947, p. 92.
the Indians of the Cabo do Norte, to avoid their ally-
ing themselves with the French,
Gy eee eee Desterro destroyed by the French, and also Toheré on | Vianna, 1905, pp. 246-247.
eee bank of the Amazon at the mouth of the Rio
oheré.
DEY pe eg Forts founded at Obidos and at Almerim (Fort ParG)____| Vianna, 1905, pp. 252, 262.
Ly {te ee eee Aruf uprising near Soure on Marajo__--.________________ Nimuendaji, 1948, p. 196.
WGOZE a sane = Aru& and other tribes on Marajo castigated for killing of | Reis, 1947, p. 53.
two missionaries.
De (UE A: See Aru& of the Rio Ganhofio removed to the Rio Uruba, | Nimuendaji, 1948, p. 196.
farther up the Amazon.
722 R27) 8s. doen Aruf take the offensive against the Portuguese, with the Ibid.
aid of the French.
17233. Vase Aru& seek refuge on the Oiapoque from the Portuguese | Reis, 1947, p. 132.
at the mouth of the Amazon.
LACE ae More than 400,000 head of cattle on Marajé Island________ Reis, 1947, p. 58.
GY ae re sae town at Chaves missionized by a Friar of Santo | Municipio of Chaves records.
ntonio.
1764-8250. 214 Construction of Fort Séo José de Macapé at the site of | Reis, 1949, pp. 50-51,
the present town of Macapa.
1784-98_......- All Indians between the Amazon and the Oiapoque re- | Nimuendaju, 1948, pp. 196-197.
moved to Belém by the Portuguese.
1795 2 Ser. 22 tet Aru& on Marajo (at Chaves) removed to the lower | Nimuendaja, 1948, p. 197.
ocantins.
SIG tire. 2 279 Aru& remaining at Rebordello, eastern Caviana; no Ibid.
Indians left on the other islands in the mouth of the
Amazon,
Following the initial voyages of discovery, the Portuguese seem to
have been the ones who pursued the exploration of the Guianas and the
Amazon most actively. One historian lists several voyages between
1502 and 1513:
. . . several Portuguese visited certain parts of these coasts, some charged officially
to explore them, others with a commercial goal. Details are lacking on these voy-
560 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
ages and it is only possible to cite a few names of explorers: Jofio Coelho, in 1502
or 1503; Jodo de Lisboa; Diego Ribeiro, killed by the Indians; Fernam Froes who
was accompanied by the pilots Francisco Corso and Pero Corso. These last three
were stopped by the Spanish at Santo Domingo after having traversed the north
coast of Brazil south of the equator, and probably the mouths of the Amazon .. .
[Rio Branco, quoted in Reis, 1947, p. 32.]
From this period until the last two decades of the 16th century there
is little information. Although numerous concessions were granted
by the Spanish kings, none were acted upon. It is recorded that
Orellana completed his descent of the Amazon in 1541, and that in
1546 the lower Amazon and the Guiana coast were explored by Luiz
de Mello e Silva, who encountered some of Orellana’s men (Braga,
1949, p. 18). An expedition to colonize the Capitania do Grao-Pard
in 1553 was shipwrecked off Maranh4o (op. cit., p. 19). These were
desultory efforts, however, the main concern of the Portuguese being
the conquest and colonization of the Brazilian mainland from Maran-
hao south, and that of Spain, the wealth of Mexico and Peru.
Other European powers began to explore the resources of the
Guianas and the Amazon toward the end of the 16th century. In
1583 French vessels started to frequent the area to trade with the
Indians (Braga, 1949, p. 21). This was also the period of the begin-
ning of Dutch interest. Edmundson describes the growth of the
their operations:
Dutch seamen first made acquaintance with the coast of Brazil, either serving
on Portuguese vessels or through connivance of the Portuguese government, as
early as 1580. Towards the end of the sixteenth century the scanty records that
survive show us an ever-increasing number of ships from Holland and Zeeland
making their way westward. Their first objective was the coast of Guinea; then
crossing the Atlantic to Brazil it was their habit to creep along the shore, visiting
the various river estuaries for the purpose of bartering goods with the natives,
until they reached the famous salt mines of Punta de Araya, a short distance
beyond the Orinoco. Having taken in a freight of this precious commodity, they
returned home by way of the West Indian Islands. The well-known Zeeland
merchant Balthazar de Moucheron was one of the first pioneers of this traffic,
which already in 1599 had assumed large proportions. [Edmundson, 1903, p.
642.]
The English were also arriving. In 1596 Lawrence Keymis was sent
by Walter Raleigh to explore the Guiana coast between the mouth of
the Rio Araguari and the Orinoco.
The first records of colonization date from the advent of the 17th
century. Priority goes to the Dutch, who constructed two small
forts called ‘“‘Nassau”’ and “Orange” on the lower Xingtii between
1599 and 1600. In 1604, the English planted a small settlement on
the Rio Oiapoque under Charles Leigh, but the venture was not a
success and the colony was abandoned the next year. During the
following decade the French, English, and Dutch all attempted to
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MEGGERS AND ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 561
EVANS]
create a permanent settlement on the Oiapoque, with rather indifferent
success.
By 1610 the Dutch had erected forts and plantations in the region
between the Rio Jari and Macap4 (Braga, 1949, p. 23; Vianna, 1905,
p. 229), and the English had established a colony on the Amazon
under Roe (Williamson, 1923, p. 185). By 1615 or 1616, the Portu-
guese had founded the town of Par& (Belém) and the Dutch the fort
of Gurup&, on the island opposite the modern town of that name
(Vianna, op. cit., p. 229; Edmundson, 19038, pp. 652-653; Caetano da
Silva, 1861, Para. 41; Williamson, loc. cit.). The Dutch also had two
forts and two sugar mills in the vicinity of the Cabo do Norte (Pereira,
1904, p. 256). In 1620, North planted a colony at the mouth of the
Rio Parti on the lower Amazon, after exploring as far as the Rio
Tapajés (Williamson, 1923, p. 96; Reis, 1947, p. 35). About this time
there was an Anglo-Irish settlement called “SSapanapoca”’ on the north
end of the Ilha dos Porcos and a French traveler of 1623 reported two
English plantations, Tilletille and Warmeonake, on the Rio Cajari
(Williamson, 1923, p. 93).
In addition to these settlements, there appears to have been some
infiltration of Europeans among the Indians, where the former prob-
ably adopted the Indian pattern of life to a large extent. One source
relates that:
There was transported thither, Sixe yeares since [i. e. 1621] a Hundred persons,
Gentlemen and others, who found that some of his Majesties Subjects, had lived
safely amongst the Indians divers yeares before their comming: Many of these
men are at this time remaining dispersed without government amongst the
Indians, raunging about a spatious Country, and have learned the Languages of
severall Nations . . .; These Indians also house them, worke for them, bring
them victualls and commodities,. . . their payment is in glasse beades, Iron
worke, or some such other like contemptible stuffe. [Anon., 1627.]
In 1623 the Portuguese began their campaign to oust the other
European powers and to consolidate their own position in the region.
In that year they destroyed the Dutch settlements on the Xingt and
at Gurupdé, and to insure permanent domination, founded Fort
Mariocay opposite the former Dutch Fort of Gurup4, in the vicinity
of the present town of Gurupd (Williamson, 1923, pp. 95, 103, 186;
Reis, 1949, p. 13; Edmundson, 1903, pp. 652-653). The English
settlements on the Cajari were destroyed in 1625 (Edmundson, op.
cit., p. 660), and the Irish fort of Taurege (Torrego) in the same area
met a similar fate at about the same time (op. cit., p. 661). In 1631,
the newly established English fort Cumau, 2% leagues south of the
present town of Macap4, was taken by the Portuguese, as well as the
Dutch-English fort of Philippe between the Rios Anauerapucti and
Matapi and the English colony on the Island of Tucujtii (now [ha
Grande de Gurup4). These raids largely put an end to “foreign”
562 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
activities in the lower Amazon. The French and English retired to
the north, above the Rio Oiapoque, and what little trading the Dutch
undertook was limited to the vicinity of the Cabo do Norte (Edmund-
son, 1903, p. 662).
Although they had accomplished the expulsion of their competitors,
the Portuguese had plenty to occupy themselves in maintaining their
supremacy. The Indians of Marajé were a source of much difficulty,
aroused as they were by Portuguese mistreatment. Fearful of a real
invasion, the government sent a troop of soldiers to subdue the
Nheengajfbas, but the latter conducted themselves with such skill and
cunning that the expedition returned in defeat to Para.
The state of hostility was maintained for a decade and a half before
conditions of expediency forced the government to take steps to end
it. Word was received from Europe of preparations for new inva-
sions of the Amazon, and the governor was ordered to prepare for
and to prevent such attempts. Having finally learned that ‘‘he who
has the Aru& and the Nheengaibas on his side, holds the key to the
Amazon,” he was prepared to risk much to restore the peace. Father
Antonio Vieira, at that time Superior of the Jesuits in Paréd, offered the
services of his organization as intermediary. A missionary was dis-
patched in August, 1659, to make the peace offer to the Nheengaibas,
and they, also weary of the fighting, accepted (Ferreira Penna, 1885,
pp. 110-111). To prevent the reentry of other Europeans, forts were
constructed at Desterro, near the mouth of the Rio Part, in 1638; on
the Rio Araguari in 1660; and at the site of the earlier Fort Cumau, in
1688 (Santo Antonio de Macapé). After that, with few exceptions,
the conflict over the boundary between Brazilian and French territory
in the Guianas continued primarily on a verbal level.
By the beginning of the 18th century, the consolidation of the
conquest was almost complete. An Aru& uprising in the vicinity of
Soure was put down with a punitive expedition of 60 soldiers and 200
Indians, and some 200 captives were taken. To forestall similar
incidents, the Arua of the Rio Ganho4o on the north coast of Marajé
were transferred to the Rio Urubt farther up the Amazon. Indicative
of the effective dispossession of the Indians is the fact that by 1751,
Marajé had already become established in cattle production, with
more than 400,000 head (Reis, 1947, p. 58). Most of the Arua mi-
erated to Cayenne and the Rio Oiapoque, where the French aided and
abetted their quarrel with the Portuguese. After trying by ‘Toyal
decree’ to bring the Arua back, or to get the French to send them
back, the Portuguese between 1784 and 1798 bodily removed all the
Indians between the Amazon and the Oiapoque and deposited them
at Belém. Although large numbers escaped and braved the danger to
Leos aaa ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 563
return to the Guianas, the resistance was broken (Nimuendajt,
1948 b, pp. 196-197).
For an evaluation of the effect of the European conquest on the
native peoples, it is necessary to consider not only the times and places
of the contact, but also the nature and extent of the relations between
the two groups. In the lower Amazon, the Indians had a variety of
opportunities to acquaint themselves with the newcomers, some of
which they welcomed and others of which they resisted.
The earliest type of intercourse between the Europeans and the
Indians was on the comparatively superficial level of exchange of
material goods. Although commercial enterprise was carried on from
the beginning of the 16th century, it consisted mainly of infrequent
and brief encounters that would not have caused much interference
with the aboriginal way of life. However, the fact that goods of
European manufacture were available to the Indians from A. D. 1500
onward is of importance in the dating of the sites with contact ma-
terials. Unfortunately, there appear to be no records of the items used
for trade before Harcourt’s account of 1613, but several lists for the
17th century are sufficiently similar so that they can probably be
taken as a sample of what was available during the preceding century.
Harcourt’s list provides considerable variety:
The things which the Indians desire from us by way of trade . . . are Axes,
Hatchets, Bil-hookes knives, all kinde of Edge tooles, Nailes, great Fishhookes,
Harping-irons, Jewes Trumps, looking-glasses, blew and white Beades, Christall
Beades, Hats, Pinnes, Needles, Salt, Shirts, Bands, linnen and woolen Cloathes,
Swords, Muskets, Callivers, Powder, and Shot: but of these last mentioned, wee
are very sparing, and part not with many, unlesse upon great occasion, by way
of guift to speciall persons. [Harcourt, 1613, pp. 105-106.]
A French enumeration of 1654 includes a few additional items:
They will give you cotton, hammocks, agave fiber, gums, oils, medicinal
roots, precious stones, pelts of diverse kinds, and land and water animals in very
great number; and you will give them chisels, center bits, fish hooks, awls, bells,
brass rings, glass beads and other baubles that they call Caracoulies, and which
they hold in great esteem. [Boyer, 1654, pp. 333-334.]
La Barre, in 1666, gives this advice to prospective settlers:
And to trade with the Indians, one only needs bill-hooks, axes, knives, old white
linen to make shirts to cover their bodies, white glass beads, and no other color,
and cristal beads from number 30 to number 44, a few old hats that are not
completely worthless, and steel for fire-making. All the rest of the gewgaws that
most people bring they are unable to dispose of since they have no trade value.
[La Barre, 1666, p. 52].
With the inception of colonization in 1600, contact between the two
groups became more intimate, with consequently greater opportu-
nities for acculturation. Initially, the Indians showed themselves
cooperative and receptive. Harcourt, whose account of his travels in
564 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
Guiana was published in 1613, paints them as eager to adopt European
beliefs and practices:
Moreover, the good inclination of the people towards our Nation, being willing
to trade with us, and become subjects of his Majesty, our Soveraigne; their
loving and gentle entertaining of us, desiring to have us live and abide amongst
them; and their tractable conversation with us, not refusing to be instructed in
Christianitie; and coveting to imitate and learne any trade, or worke, that they
see used or practised by our men; are no small motives to persuade the prosecution
of this action, and plantation in Guiana. [Harcourt, 1613, pp. 130-131].
One of North’s men gave a similar report of the friendliness of the
Indians on the Amazon:
The Christians which live in this Countrie take no paines nor labour for anie
thinge; the Indians both house them, worke for them, bring them victualls, and
theire Commodities for a small reward and price, either of some Iron worke or
glass beades, and such like contemptible things . . . [MS. of 1622-23 quoted by
Williamson, 1923, p. 88.]
Contact of this sort must have resulted in a certain amount of
acculturation.
A more radical disruption of native life came from the practice of
levying large numbers of Indians to supplement the rather small
European forces on voyages of exploration and in their conflicts with
one another. The siege of the English fort Cumau in July of 1631
was laid by 11 Portuguese and 5,000 Indians (Vianna, 1905, p. 242).
When Teixeira ascended the Amazon in 1637, he took with him
“seventy Portuguese souldiers, and twelve hundred Indians to row
and to bear Arms, who together with their Wives and Servants made
two thousand Persons” (Acufia, 1698, p. 36). It is probably need-
less to add that large numbers of Indians perished in these under-
takings.
Acculturation was implemented by the transplantation of whole
villages to the vicinity of forts, where the native labor could be ex-
ploited more readily. This situation is described by Pedro de Azevedo
Carneiro, who advocated its adoption for the maintenance of the
newly constructed fort of Santo Antonio de Macapé at the end of the
17th century:
And for the conservation of this fort and its inhabitants your Majesty should
order brought down two villages bound to the service of the fort, so that the
Indians can do the farming and serve the inhabitants for the latter’s
payment, and serve the fort by fishing and hunting for the infantry
and principally by paddling the canoes that may be necessary for the
aforesaid fort, and be advised that without the aforesaid Indians it is impossible
to maintain it; as all those that have been built and should still be built greatly
require that each have a village nearby, as there is at the forts of Gurupd and
Part, because there is great detriment in going to fetch Indians from various
villages to come help at these forts. ... ([Reis, 1947, p. 45; ef. Vianna, 1905,
p. 244.]
ee ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 065
Most violent and inhumane of all was the slave trade, and in this
the Portuguese were the most relentless. One of the major figures
was Bento Maciel Parente, who is characterized by one historian as
“the foremost persecutor of the Indians, wrenching thousands of
unfortunate Indians from the forests by steel or fire, to take them to
the markets of Belem” (Braga, 1949, pp. 61-62). The Nheengafba
of Marajé were roused to such a frenzy by this treatment that they
not only revenged themselves on Portuguese on their lands, but even
organized canoe attacks on all who came within view of their coast
(Ferreira Penna, an Hartt, 1885, p. 110). This state of affairs was
lamented by Vieira:
Although distant only a day’s journey from the city of Pard, 39 years of Portu-
guese residence have not brought the light of Christianity to this island. On
the contrary, such are the relations that have existed with these Indians, that
where we found them gentle and polite not long ago, they are today barbaric
and ferocious. Because of this scandalously bad treatment, they have conceived
such hatred and dread of the Portuguese nation that they wish neither peace
nor commerce with us. Instead, they trade with the nations to the north, who
often come this way, because they say they find them more trustworthy and
need not fear the loss of their liberty. [Vieira, 1925, p. 393.]
Finally, much confusion and disruption of the Indian culture was
accomplished by the transplantation of large numbers of Indians from
one part of the Amazon to another. This included not only the
removal of groups from the islands and the Guiana coast mentioned
above, but the bringing of others into the region. Two accounts will
serve as examples:
Indians were brought from the Rio Negro, the Tocantins and the Amazonas
in 1764 to build the fort at Macapd4 because all the native population of the
region had fled to the interior. [Reis, 1947, p. 50.]
- in 1754 the intrepid adventurer, Francisco Portilho de Melo, brought 500
savages from the upper Rio Negro to the Ilha Sant-Ana, transporting them in
32 canoes. [Anon., 1946, p. 148.]
Certain generalizations can be made from this chronology of co.1-
tact to distinguish the periods and areas. During the century from
1500-1600, contact was limited to sporadic trading vessels, which
provided the Indians with various articles of European manufacture
in return for products of the woods and streams; otherwise, their life
continued as it had in aboriginal times. From 1600-1620 numerous
forts and plantations were established along the north bank of the
Amazon, principally between the present town of Macapé and the
mouth of the Rio Part, on the Ilha de Gurup4, and at the mouth of
the Xingi. Another focus of colonization was the Rio Oiapoque and
the region to the north now occupied by French, Dutch, and British
Guiana. There appear to have been practically no European setile-
ments between the Cabo do Norte and the Rio Oiapoque.
391329—57——38
566 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
This period of relatively peaceful colonization, during which the
Indians appear to have been regarded rather as friends than as in-
feriors, was interrupted by the Portuguese decision to sweep com-
petitors from the Amazon region and establish sole jurisdiction. In
the fights that ensued, Indians took sides or were levied to increase
the manpower of all claimants. During the decade that this conflict
was in progress, it is probable that considerable disruption of Indian
culture was accomplished. After 1630, the British and Dutch re-
treated north of the Oiapoque and the Indians of the mouth of the
Amazon were left at the mercy of the Portuguese, who decimated
their numbers by punitive expeditions and slave raids. Although
the only record of the depredations of disease appears to be Beten-
dorff’s account (1910, pp. 586-587) of a smallpox epidemic on Marajé
in 1695, diseases must have taken their toll from the beginning.
Between 1700 and 1800 there was widespread migration, both volun-
tary and compulsive, from the islands to the Guiana mainland, and
from both to distant parts of the Amazon.
ETHNOHISTORICAL INFORMATION
TERRITORY OF AMAPA
TRIBES
The effort to reconstruct the tribal picture in the southern Guianas
(French and Brazilian) runs into considerable complexities as a result
of the wholesale confusion of river, tribal, linguistic and family or
individual names. The use of different of these units by different
writers has produced a wide range of designations, varying from a
handful to several dozen, as well as contradictions as to the tribe
occupying a givenregion. For example, according to Harcourt (1613,
p. 132) the Rios Maicary (Mayacaré) and Connaxini (Cunanf) were
occupied by Yaios and Caribs, the Rios Cassiporogh (Cassiporé) and
Arracow (Arucaua) by the Arracoories. La Barre, however, desig-
nates the group inhabiting “part of the Rio Aricary, and the Maricary,
Vninamary and Cassipoure” as Palicour (1666, p. 35). In another
place he speaks of the ‘“‘Aracarets and Palicours who inhabit that
coast,’ referring to the region between Cabo do Norte and Cabo
Orange (op. cit., p. 14). Biet (1664, p. 148) says that a small tribe
called the Racalet live along the Rio Maricary as well as a few Pali-
cours, who apparently occupy the area between here and Cabo Orange.
In French Guiana are the Galibis (La Barre, 1666, p. 36) or the Caribs
(Harcourt, 1613, p. 1382). Harcourt designates the occupants of the
Rio Oiapoque as ‘‘Yaios and Arwaccas’’ (ibid.), and notes that the
Caribs north of the Rio Oiapoque are ‘“‘mortal enemies” of the ‘‘Yaios,
Arawaccas, and other nations their allies” (op. cit., p. 85). Keymis
pi lad ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 567
(1596) also mentions that the Oiapoque was inhabited by Arawak.
In contradiction to this differentiation between Carib and Arawak is
Biet’s statement that all the tribes between the Rio Maricary and
Surinam “have almost the same language, except for a few words”
(1664, p. 151).
In spite of the intensive settlement in the region south of the Rio
Araguari, there is little information on Indian tribes. Harcourt (1613,
p. 132) lumps the groups inhabiting the Amazonas, Arrapoco and
Arrawary under the label “Charibs.’”’ The general region south of
the Rio Matapi was known as the “Province of Tucuji,” after the
Indians predominating there. One version of tribal distribution is
shown on figure 204, reproduced from a map compiled by William
Delisle and published in 1703.
Harcourt recounts an experience that suggests an absence of exten-
sive contact between the Indians of this region and those to the north.
The exploration of the Rio Araguari was undertaken in 1609 by
Michael Harcourt, who was accompanied by Indians from the
Oiapoque region. They spent several weeks in exploration, living
primarily by hunting and fishing, added to the provisions of manioc
they had brought along. However, they had to turn back before
accomplishing all they wished because the manioc supply dwindled
and could not be replenished locally since the ‘‘Arrawaries”’ who lived
on that river “would not freely trade with them [the Oiapoque
Indians] upon this first acquaintance, but alwaies stood upon their
guard, on the other side of the river, where they inhabited” (Harcourt,
1613, p. 112).
The identifications made by the chroniclers do not correlate well
with more recent ethnographic or linguistic maps. Gillen (1948) lists
22 tribes inhabiting the coastal area between the Rio Jari and Cayenne
in historical times. These include the Tucujii along the coast
between the Jari and the Matapi and, continuing northward, the
Palicur, Paracoto, Aricari and Palicur, Mayé, Yao, and Galibi.
Linguistically, they embrace Arawak, Carib, Tupi, and unidentified
stocks. Rowe (1948), on the other hand, classifies the Indians of the
Brazilian Guiana coast into five tribes: the Apurui and Paikipiranga
south the Rio Araguari, and the Emerillon, Palicour, and Marawan
to the north.
Mason’s linguistic map (1950) of South America shows the entire
coast as Arawak, except for a Carib enclave in the vicinity of the Rio
Matapi and some unidentified languages at the mouth of the Oiapoque,
plus a late historical influx of Tupi on the coast north of the Araguari.
His identification of the Palicur as Arawak is in contradiction to
Biet’s statement quoted above that the same basic language was used
by the Indians on both sides of the Oiapoque, and with Harcourt’s
568 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
, Mer tout iP y
Gent Papisieey weeaers f 2 Acuranes
que lap part des ' Pays nayee
Autheurs plasent. le
Lac de Parime et la F « irious p 9 02 &
ao Palic Se 234
{Ville de Manoa del Aramufas Pi -— dey Coufears ant i : bee -
Dorado { Bite “9th
eo °°
Maprouanes Marones : ~<
Marigourse
| Moroux peuples
| Sort barbarer ot fa Warabouy ree
|
i
Armagotes mM TO eens Re
re RCARS“Aroubss Maronte 3 5
mune Jd Argert .
Eqgumnoctale
a Agquayras
eye staes
Caniliuras
Fieure 204.—EKarly map of the tribes inhabiting the Guiana coast published
by William Delisle in 1703.
be i ea ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 569
information that the Yaos were the enemies of the Caribs, who lived
to the south and west of them (1613, p. 87).
These conflicting statements can be partly laid to the extreme dis-
ruption of the area in the years following the contact, and this
situation makes it virtually impossible to arrive at a reliable
reconstruction of the aboriginal picture from ethnohistorical sources.
POPULATION
As far as we have been able to discover, there are no contemporary
figures on population density for Brazilian Guiana. Vague state-
ments, like “the Palicour . . . are a rather large nation” (La Barre,
1666, p. 35), “the eastern Aricarets are not very numerous” (ibid.),
and “their Countrey was full of inhabitants” (Harcourt, 1613, p. 76),
are not very helpful. A few hints are provided by incidental observa-
tions. Biet (1664, p. 355), for instance, states that Galibi villages
contained up to “thirty or forty men with their wives and children.”
The Galibis, who were the most powerful group in the area and gave
the French much opposition, were so diminished by 1666 that “all
those who live between the Aprouague and the Marony cannot furnish
twenty war canoes armed with twenty-five men each” (op. cit., p. 36).
Population figures for the area between the Oiapoque and the
Amazon disputed between the French and Portuguese are quoted by
Crevaux (1880, pp. 81-82) from the journal of a French Catholic
mission, which gives ‘“‘not less than 200,000 inhabitants.” Unfortu-
nately, no date is given for this estimate. In 1880, Crevaux believes
that the total was not over 3,000 (ibid.).
A calculation of the aboriginal population of the Guianas as a whole
has been made by Steward (1949 b, p. 663). His figure of 213,750 is
based on a density of 15 persons per 100 sq. km., or half again the
present density. In another place (op. cit., p. 666), he gives the
Indian population of the Guianas in 1500 as 90,000, which apparently
includes only the coastal area.
CULTURE
The fullest descriptions of Indian culture are by La Barre (1666),
Biet (1664), and Laon (1654), and these are unfortunately mainly
devoted to the Galibi who inhabited the French Guiana coast, just
north of the area examined archeologically. However, most of the
information is sufficiently general that it could apply to almost any
tribe belonging to the Tropical Forest Pattern of culture, and so it is
probably safe to conclude that it applies equally well to the prehistoric
tribes of Brazilian Guiana. At least, there is no archeological evidence
to the contrary. A further indication that this is true is provided by
570 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
Biet (1664, p. 390) who, in specifying that burial practices differ
widely, implies that other aspects of culture were more uniform.
Subsistence.—Both maize and manioc were grown by the Guiana
Indians, according to Harcourt. Of maize, he reports that “in the
space of two or three houres one man may set as much of this wheat, as
may sustaine him, and many more a whole yeare” (1613, p. 151). In
another place (op. cit., p. 94) he says that maize “‘yeeldeth admirable
increase, even a thousand or fifteene hundred for one, and many times
much more.”’ As to its use: “It maketh excellent meale, or flower for
bread; and very good malte for beere or ale, and serveth well for
sundry other necessary uses for the reliefe of man”’ (ibid.).
The preparation of bitter manioc is described in detail by Biet:
Bread is made in the following way: this root is scraped as one would do with a
turnip and then grated with a grater of iron or copper, which is locally called a
greige. After being grated, it is put in bags, which are placed in a press to remove
the juice, which is very dangerous. When the juice has been completely removed,
this flour is converted. It is taken from a shallow vessel and spread on a plate of
iron the thickness of a finger. This is placed over a small fire, and when it is cooked
on one side, it is turned to the other. It is immediately cooked, and one person can
make at least sixty of them in a day. [Biet, 1664, p. 336.]
The abundance of game in the area also made a great impression on
Harcourt:
The other thing to bee observed heere, is the store and plenty of victuals in
Guiana; where sixty foure persons togeather in one company, without any provi-
sion of victuals (bread and drinke excepted) before hand made, could travell
abroade for six weekes space, most commonly lodging in the woods, seldome in any
towne or village, and yet in all places wheresoever they came, could readily get
meate sufficient for them all. [Harcourt, 1613, p. 113.]
Several techniques were used in hunting:
They used only the bow and arrow for hunting, whether of four-footed game or
of birds. . . . They also have dogs, which they train to corner pigs. They use
no traps, but they understand very well how to lie in wait for game. [Biet, 1664,
pp. 357-358.]
Arrows were specialized according to the type of use they would
receive. Laon (1654, pp. 90-91) lists five types, one each for fish,
animals, birds, and war, and one with a blunt, button tip for stunning
paraquets and monkeys. Harcourt (1613, p. 89) notes that arrows
were frequently poisoned.
The fishing resources were so rich that they were exploited by the
Europeans not only for their own immediate use but for trade (Biet,
1664, p. 148). According to La Barre (1666, p. 14), the Aracaret and
Palicour hunted the manatee with a harpoon and traded their catch to
the French, English, and Dutch. Biet (1664, p. 358) reports fishing by
bow and arrow and by drugging streams among the Galibi who
inhabited the Cayenne area. The latter technique is also described
by Acufia (1698, p. 67) for the same tribe.
————
beep re ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 571
The method of preservation of meat is given in some detail by Laon:
As soon as they have killed something, they smoke it, because meat does not
remain fresh for more than a day and a half; the smoking grill is sometimes made
of a half-circle of stones a foot high, across which they lay sticks, placing the meat
above and the fire beneath. Another kind of grill, is that in which they put half a
pig or deer on a wooden spit laid on two forked sticks. Then they make a fire on
both sides, which roasts the meat without it being turned, and this method of
smoking produces a very agreeable taste; they never use salt, and for seasoning
they have only pepper. . . [Laon, 1654, pp. 91-92.]
Another variety of the babracot, used for preserving fish and game by
the Galibi, is described by Biet:
The smoking grill is made with four forked sticks two feet long, which they set
in the ground and on which they lay twigs to form a grill, on which they place the
fish, making a fire below, turning it from time to time until the fish is done. So
that it will keep, they expose it to the fire every day. They do the same with meat,
such as deer, pig, armadillo, agouti, etc., which they roast in the hide. [1664, p.
358.]
The general subsistence of the Guiana Indians is summarized by La
Barre:
In general, all the Indians live by agriculture, to which they only apply them-
selves sufficiently to produce what is needed for subsistence. They are extremely
adept at all kinds of fishing, and prefer fish to meat. They eat moderately, but are
great drinkers of several kinds of beverages that they make, and which the French
have imitated. Vwacou is made with cassava that is moistened and allowed to
ferment. This drink is quite good and very refreshing. Paliuot is made with
burned cassava and tastes somewhat like beer. Maby is made with boiled potatoes,
and is like unfermented white wine; it is very pleasant to drink, but is a little
flatulent. [La Barre, 1666, pp. 37-38; the preparation of these drinks is also
described in Biet, 1664, p. 356.]
Laon’s description of Indian hospitality gives an indication of the
composition of a feast:
. when you visit them, they receive you with open arms, and make you a
feast after their custom, where the table is the ground; women come from all parts
of the house each bringing you a dish, one deer, another pork, one fish, another
bird, one crabs, which they estime greatly, with pzmentade, which is a sauce made
with pimento and water . . . their bread is cassava. They also bring you three
kinds of drink one of which is called vuacou, which they use ordinarily; it is a thick
beverage, composed of a paste ground by the women between their teeth and mixed
with pure water . . . they have also two other kinds of beverages, which they call
maby and palinot, the latter intoxicating, which are used mainly in their ban-
quets. . . [Laon, 1654, pp. 86-87.]
Dietary restrictions and taboos were in force in certain situations.
They were observed by fathers before childbirth (see p. 576) and by
shamans and war leaders (see pp. 575, 578).
Setilement pattern.—Choice of a village location appears to have been
determined by two factors, the wet season conditions and defensibility.
Biet describes the determinant of the Racalet village location as the
former:
. . . the habitations of this nation are three leagues from the sea, because
572 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
nearly all the land is inundated. Their houses are on little hills, and it is almost
impossible to go from one to another, principally during the rainy season, except
in canoes. [Biet, 1664, p. 374.]
While comfort during the wet season was undoubtedly always a factor
in the choice of a site, defensibility appears to have also been a strong
consideration. Harcourt describes one settlement in the Oiapoque
region as strategically located:
When I had thus setled my company at this village, I went out to view the
situation of the place, and the advantages for defence thereof. It is a great rockie
Mountaine, not accessable by reason of vast woods, and steepe rockes, but only
in certain places, which are narrow foote-paths, very steepe and easie to be de-
fended: whereby we were lodged as in a Fort. . . [Harcourt, 1613, p. 78.]
A similar comment was made by Biet on the care with which the
Indians concealed the access to their villages:
. . the paths that lead to these habitations are so narrow that only two men
can walk abreast. The savages do not wish to make them wider for fear their
enemies will discover them, and one can only reach their villages after many
detours. [1664, pp. 166-167.}
The Galibi used two types of locations:
They usually live on small hills, clearing a large area around their houses, or
else on flat ground, always close to a creek or small river, or to a spring to supply
their needs. [Biet, 1664, p. 354.]
There are a few scattered clues to house type. Laon’s description
of Indian hospitality quoted above suggests a communal house type,
while Biet (below) implies individual family houses were used in some
places. La Barre (1666, p. 15) remarks that the low swampy coast
of the Aricary, Vnimamary, and Cassipoure rivers is so unsuitable to
habitation that the Indians there “for lack of high land on which
to build their houses, are forced to place them in trees, where they
look more like the nests of huge birds than the abodes of reasonable
creatures.” Laon gives a few details of house construction and
equipment:
Their houses are made of wood and covered with the branches of palms, which
is a very good covering, and when they travel, their equipment consists of a cotton
hammock, which they attach to the first trees they encounter when they wish to
sleep, a bow, a bundle of arrows, and a little basket in which there is a comb and
a mirror. [Laon, 1654, p. 98.]
The composition of a Galibi village is described in detail by Biet:
They have a large, well-cleared plaza so that there will be plenty of room for
dancing and other exercises. In the center of this plaza there is a large hut,
sometimes more than 150 feet long, . . . It is open on all sides, having only a
roof of palm supported by forked sticks and posts. It is here that they spend
the day together conversing about their affairs, seated on their beds which they
call Accadots or Amacs, and carrying out their tasks, like making bows, arrows,
clubs and similar objects, when they are not occupied with bunting or fishing.
Around this shed, at a distance of about 20 feet, are the houses where they go to
sleep at night. Some of these are fortified with a double row of posts well-fastened
Po al ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 573
together, through which arrows cannot penetrate; this is for protection when
they are surprised by their enemies. [Biet, 1664, pp. 354-355.]
Village size is generally unspecified. Harcourt (1613, p. 76) speaks
of one as “‘small.’’ Biet (1664, p. 168) gives an account of the burn-
ing by the French of an Indian village, which was first ransacked of
useful goods including 48 hammocks, suggesting a comparable popu-
lation. A Yao village on the Oiapoque contained 35 to 40 persons (La
Barre, 1666, p. 35). Galibi villages numbered up to 40 families (Biet,
1664, p. 355).
Transportation.—All of the tribes made dugout canoes, which they
used for fishing and for traveling. That rather extensive voyages
were undertaken is indicated by an account of a Galibi expedition
through enemy (Palicour) territory to the Rio Mayacaré to negotiate
for an alliance with the Racalet who inhabited that river (Biet, 1664,
pp. 371-6). Going took 17 days, partly because the wind was unfavor-
able, but also because a week was taken out for a feast to raise morale
depleted by nervousness over the possibility of attack. The return
took only 5 days, the wind making possible the use of sails, which
speeded progress.
Manufactures——Archive sources report arts and crafts similar to
those in use today. The Galibi produced baskets of many kinds in-
cluding strainers for manioc flour and tipitis (Biet, 1664, p. 355).
Pottery jars up to 30 gallons in capacity were made by coiling (op.
cit., pp. 364, 355-356). Cups for drinking were made by halving tree
gourds (op. cit., p. 365; Laon, 1654, p. 87). Hammocks were in gen-
eral use and made a strong impression on the Europeans because of
their convenience and suitability to the climate. These activities,
together with the manufacture of bows and arrows, were men’s work
(Biet, 1664, pp. 355-356).
By 1652, the Galibi were so acculturated that Biet (1664, p. 336)
describes the use of a grater of iron or copper for shredding manioc
and of an iron griddle to bake cassava bread. He notes, however,
that at the time of their discovery, these Indians ‘“‘had no instruments
for cutting and similar activities except sharp and pointed stones’”’
(op. cit., p. 153).
Other manufactures included stools 6 inches or less in height, and
musical instruments such as small drums, flutes, and horns (op. cit.,
p. 365). Numerous items of dress and ornament were also made.
Dress and ornament.—Although all the descriptions of the Guiana
Indians begin with the statement, “they go completely naked,’’ this
appears to be a relative rather than an absolute evaluation impelled
by the extreme contrast with the European dress. The three most
explicit sources all describe some type of pubic covering worn by at,
least part of the population. Among the Galibi, the men wore a piece
574 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
of cloth as a loincloth and the women a “skirt as wide as two hands,
woven of glass beads,” while children and old people went nude (Biet,
1664, p. 353). Laon (1654, p. 89) designates those who wear a “skirt’’
as the ‘‘young people,”’ which generally agrees with Biet, and observes
that this is done ‘‘more for finery than for modesty.’”’ Harcourt
reports the use of a pubic covering only by males:
. . although the better sort of men (especially the Yaios) doe cover their priv-
ities, by wearing over them a little piece of Cotton cloth pretily woven after their
manner; yet did I never see any of their women covered in any part, either above
or beneath the waste . . . [Harcourt, 1613, pp. 72-3.]
The hair was worn long and care was taken to keep it well combed.
Facial hair was removed except by old men (Biet, 1664, p. 352).
In contrast to the paucity of clothing, ornamentation was extensive
and included both painting and the wearing of decorative objects.
The Galibi practice is described in detail by Biet:
To make themselves more attractive, they paint their bodies in various patterns
with black and with the juice of the Genipa apple, which is dark blue that dis-
appears on the ninth day. ‘They redden themselves in certain places with urucd,
a kind of paint that grows in the country. They oil their hair with special oils
to make it more glossy. The majority have their ears and lips pierced, where
they insert gems and other pointed objects. They wear chains of beads with
eighteen or twenty strands, which they call Caracolis, placing them at various
places on their arms and legs. They have other chains of small rings of very
small bone, which they call Otlarabis. Those who make them spend much time
at it; the former are made from the shell of a mollusk .... They think very
highly of them and spare nothing to own them; they are their greatest treasures.
There is also a certain green stone that they estime greatly, which comes from the
Amazon and is retrieved from a lake with great ceremonies. These stones have
special virtues: it is said that they cure epilepsy and bloody flux. The women,
besides these things, prize bits of crystal [glass beads?], which are their most
beautiful ornaments. They also greatly estime thimbles, which they pierce to
hang them on their hair.
It is primarily at their social gatherings that the women don all of these
gewgaws, ... . In addition to these jewels, the men make marvelously
beautiful hats of multicolored feathers, and also belts in which they carry their
weapons. [Biet, 1664, pp. 353-354.]
Laon’s account (1654, p. 99) differs slightly in mentioning nose as
well as lip and ear ornaments, and in describing the tinting of the hair
as well as the skin with red uruct. The use of feathers and beads is
noted also by Boyer (1654, pp. 280-281).
Social organization.—Villages were composed of extended families
or lineages. Biet explains that, ‘There are as many houses as the
family is large, and there are settlements where there are thirty or
forty men with their wives and children . . .” (1664, p. 355).
Social stratification was generally absent. The early accounts
speaking of ‘chiefs’ or “kings” reflect a projection of European ideas
LL ot ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 54D
into the aboriginal situation. Later, more discriminating writers
recognized the limited powers of the leaders:
They are all equal, although they have leaders who are like village chiefs,
whose orders they obey on occasion: nevertheless they are no higher than the
rest, and carry no sign of their rank except the club, which they place on their
hammock, by which one recognizes them if one sees them in their house. They
have no kings, as stated by Moquet, who was in this country 60 years ago, unless
he gives the name king to the one who is their principal leader in time of war,
who is ordinarily the most experienced, the one who has done great deeds among
them, and who is the oldest ... . He is the one they generally consult in the
most important matters, and they defer greatly to his advice. [Biet, 1664, pp.
361-362.]
Boyer gives the same kind of information:
The Indians have no rulers, chiefs or lords, and recognize no superiority among
themselves. The oldest members of each family are respected as the leaders of
that family ... . They have several subordinations for command in war,
electing for this purpose a general who sets the time and place of the assembly,
the order of the march and of the attack and combat, after which he has no more
authority. |Boyer, 1654, p. 38.]
The question of how a man qualified for the position of a war leader is
answered in several ways by different authors and it is difficult to
decide whether these are tribal differences or simply faulty observa-
tion. Biet, as quoted above, says that he is the oldest and most
experienced man. Boyer (ibid.) makes the choice seem wider by
describing a special meeting of village leaders to decide upon the
course of action and the “election of their general.’’ Both Biet and
Laon, however, give detailed accounts of a period of fasting and
ordeals undergone by those who wish to become “captains.” This
trial lasts ‘‘more than 15 days’ according to Laon (1654, pp. 92-93)
and 6 weeks according to Biet (1664, p. 379). During this time the
initiate is confined to his hammock, maintains a partial fast, under-
goes a daily whipping to test his endurance, is subjected to biting
ants to test his courage, and is made to submit to other ordeals. The
use of the plural suggests the possibility that this ordeal is a puberty
rite required of all males rather than one restricted to the war leader,
whose selection would be a relatively rare event.
All the important issues are discussed in council, apparently com-
posed of the adult males of the village, each of whom gave his opinion.
The decision accepted was the one recommended by the older men,
whose greater experience was considered to have given them greater
wisdom (Biet, 1664, pp. 352-353).
Division of labor was on sex lines, with tasks apparently carried
out wherever possible in the company of others. Some activities
were communal, such as clearing of gardens and house building, with
the owner providing a feast in payment (Biet, 1664, p. 364). The
576 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
festivities, comprising 2 to 3 days of drinking and dancing, preceded
the work.
More important occasions for social gathering were the death of a
leader, and the preparation for a raid or its successful conclusion.
These events brought visitors from other villages, involved special
preparations of food, drink, and shelter, and lasted as long as the
refreshments held out (Biet, 1664, pp. 364-365). On these, as on
other occasions, the men ate first, and were served by the women
(op. cit., p. 366).
Recreation.—All social gatherings were accompanied by dancing
and music, in which “they make the air reverberate with the sound
of their little drums, their flutes and their horns’”’ (Biet, 1664, p. 365).
The dancing appears to have been reasonably energetic: “Their
method of dancing is in a circle, without joining hands, but executing
amazing postures, all in the same way and to the cadence of their
instruments’’ (ibid.).
Infe cycle-—Food taboos were in force prior to birth, at least among
the Galibi:
When a married woman discovers that she is pregnant, she informs her husband,
who then does many superstitious things for fear that the child she carries may
die. He refrains from eating many things and observes a strict penance. He is
afraid to touch large fish, like the manatee, the turtle and other such. They do
not wish to come near to anyone who fishes for them, for fear, they say, that their
children may die, and their souls enter into those fish. [Biet, 1664, p. 389.]
Immediately after the birth of the child, the mother bathes it and
herself in a nearby stream and then resumes her ordinary activities
(Laon, 1654, p. 97). The husband on the other hand, immediately
takes to his hammock. In one account, he remains there for 3 weeks,
complaining to visitors that his stomach aches (ibid.). Another
account gives 6 weeks as the period of duration of the couvade, during
which time the man eats so little that “‘he arises as thin as a skeleton,”’
and specifies that he must kill a species of bird as soon as it is over
(Biet, 1664, p. 390). Children were greatly desired and affection-
ately treated:
The women are crazy about their children, they love them so much. They
bathe them every day in a spring or river. They do not swaddle them, but lay
them in a small cotton hammock made especially for them, leaving them always
naked . . . these people never strike or correct their children, allowing them to
live in great freedom, without doing anything that angers the parents . . . They
never let them out of their sight, taking them on all their voyages and even
when they go to war. [Biet 1664, p. 390.]
Marriage could be polygynous, and was apparently easily entered
into or dissolved (Laon, 1654, p. 90; Boyer, 1654, p. 279). The
ceremony described by Boyer (ibid.) involved a week of festivities
vow ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 577
including dancing, singing, and drinking. Biet goes into somewhat
greater detail:
When the father of a girl promises her to the one who has asked for her hand,
he places the two back to back and they give each other food and drink recipro-
cally. Then they both are placed in a new hammock, while the other young
people dance and drink to the health of the new husband, who has provided the
refreshments. [Biet, 1664, p. 388.]
Old age was rewarded with certain exemptions from customary
behavior, such as freedom to allow facial hair to grow among men
(Biet, 1664, p. 352), and freedom to dispense with the pubic covering
on the part of both sexes (op. cit., p. 353). Elderly people were
regarded with respect and consulted for advice.
Funeral practices and methods of disposal of the dead varied
greatly even between adjacent groups, according to Biet (1664, p.
390). He describes the funeral ceremony of the Galibi as involving
singing, dancing, and weeping. A similar account is provided by
Harcourt:
. . at the death of any of their Cassiques, Captaines or great friends whom
they esteeme, they will make a solomne feast, (their chiefest provision being of
their best and strongest drinke, which they call Parranow) which feast shall
continue three or four daies, or as long as their liquor lasteth, spending their
time in dancing, singing, and drinking excessively . . . during this solemnity of
their drinking, some women being neerest of kin unto the party dead, doth stand
by and cry extreamely. [Harcourt, 1613, pp. 91—92.]
Cremation, either of the body or of the bones, is the only method
of disposal of the dead mentioned in any of the sources, but the details
differ in each account. Biet (1664, p. 39) describes the erection of a
funeral pyre on which the corpse was placed, together with such
utensils and weapons as he had used during life. The dancing and
drinking continued until the body was entirely consumed. An al-
ternative practice was the burial of the body until the flesh was gone,
followed by cremation of the bones, mixture of the ashes with water,
which was drunk and rubbed on the legs (op. cit., p. 392). Laon
(1654, p. 87) also speaks of cremation, specifically denying the use of
jars for the preservation of the ashes.
Sacrifice of other individuals to accompany the deceased into the
next world is described by Harcourt and Boyer. The former restricts
this practice to chiefs, and specifies the victim as preferably a slave
or prisoner of the deceased, or failing such, a servant (1613, p. 92).
Boyer, however, says that ‘‘they sacrifice to their parents and friends,
the latter’s wives, children and servants, to wait upon them in the
next world .. .” (1654, p. 267). Since these practices have no
parallel among existing Tropical Forest tribes, and conflict with the
fact that little deference was paid to chiefs during life, they may be
considered somewhat suspect.
578 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
Religion.—Although the ethnohistorical accounts begin almost
unanimously with the statement that the Indians are completely
devoid of religion, they all continue with a description of certain well-
defined concepts of the supernatural. La Barre (1666, pp. 38-39)
says that they recognize the devil as the cause of their misfortunes
and fear him, but offer him no veneration. The sun and moon
were believed to be alive, according to Harcourt (1613, p. 91), but were
accorded no worship or sacrifice. Biet (1664, p. 360) describes two
major supernatural beings recognized by the Galibi, and the same
general information is also given by Laon:
They perform no religious acts, although they believe in a god and a devil.
The god they call Tamoussi Cabou, which means old man of the sky . . . and the
devil is referred to as Iroucan. They believe that all the good that comes to them
is the work of Tamoussi Cabou, and that all their misfortunes come from Jroucan.
The result is that, since Tamoussi Cabou is naturally good, and consequently
can do them no harm, i¢ is not necessary to pray to him, but they pray to Jroucan
so that he will never destroy them. [Laon, 1654, pp. 97-98.]
Shamans were the intermediaries between the people and the super-
natural. They were obliged to submit to an ordeal comparable to
the one undergone by warriors to prove their fitness. Afterward
they observed extensive food taboos in order to preserve their powers.
According to Laon,
. . their profession obliges them to observe troublesome laws concerning food
and drink, and there are many delicate meats that they do not dare touch, like
manatee, butter, cheese, porpoise, dolphin, beef, tortoise and all kinds of fat
meat. The smallest fishes are the tidbits of these individuals; crabs and small
birds roasted in their feathers on coals constitute their greatest delicacies. [Laon,
1654, p. 94.]
Their major function was the curing of illness, which they did by
typical methods involving dancing, blowing, and sucking out objects.
They did not treat injuries incurred in warfare or accidents; this was
done by the women, who used herbs (Biet, 1664, pp. 385-387).
Life after death appears to have been vaguely defined. The dis-
posal of personal effects with the body suggests a conception of an
existence much like that on earth. The Galibi thought that the
souls went “up above.’”’ The same group also believed in a kind of
transmigration of the souls into large sea mammals, like the manatee,
which they avoided eating as a consequence (Biet, 1664, p. 361).
There is no indication that the souls of the dead were regarded with
apprehension or that a house or village was abandoned at death.
Warfare.—Alliances and hostilities of long standing appear to have
been in effect in the Guianas. The Galibi, in the Cayenne region,
were traditional enemies of the Palicours, who occupied the area just
to the south. Smaller tribes sided with one or the other, or tried to
maintain neutrality as did the Racalet (Biet, 1664, p. 148).
MBGGERS AND ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 579
HVANS]
Weapons of war are described by Harcourt as including:
. Bowes and Arrowes, long staves sharpened at the point, and with fire
hardened; wooden Swords and Targets [shields] very artificially made of wood,
and painted with Beasts and Birds . . . their arrowes are oft-times poisoned
[1613, pp. 87, 89.]
The favorite method of attack was at night, on a sleeping village:
They do not attack each other in pitched battle, but try to surprise each other
in their villages, and when one or the other is victorious, they beat to death and
slaughter all those who are unable to escape the fury of the winner. They pardon
no one except a few small children and young women whom they take back to
their country in great triumph to serve them as slaves. And when they take
one of the men alive, ore keep him and fatten him, after which they kill him in
a@ very cruel way. . [Biet, 1664, p. 148.]
Harcourt eves? p. 87) describes a Carib raid on a Yao village, in
which 200 Caribs burned and destroyed the houses and took many
prisoners. The primary motivation seems to have been retaliation
and revenge, with cannibalism being one way of accomplishing this.
In spite of the constant danger, precautions were unusual. At-
tempts were made to select defensible locations for settlements, and
access trails were concealed (see p. 572), but there were no village
stockades, and more interestingly, no watch was kept:
During the night they sleep without fear, even when they are in the middle of
enemy country. It is not their custom to be on guard, or to post sentinels, as
a result of which they often pay dearly for their rasbness, being surprised by their
enemies. . . . [Biet, 1664, pp. 373-374.]
The selection of war leaders has already been described (see p. 575).
Lore and learning.—A knotted cord was used to keep track of time
between an invitation to a gathering and the date of its occurrence.
Such a cord, containing as many knots as there were days intervening,
was sent by the host to the heads of each village. One knot was
undone each day ‘‘and in this way they never failed to arrive on the
correct day”’ (Biet, 1664, p. 363).
THE ISLANDS
Information on the Indians occupying the islands in the mouth of
the Amazon is sparse, indefinite, and difficult to evaluate. Much of
it consists of lists of tribes and the part of the Island of Marajé they
inhabited. Details of culture are exceedingly rare, and occur as inci-
dental or even accidental inclusions in accounts of missionary or
other activity. There are no long descriptions of Indian customs like
those written by some of the early colonists in the Guianas.
TRIBES
One of the earliest enumerations of the tribes of Marajé is 2
Vieira. In a letter written in 1654, he says that the island is “‘s
580 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
large that it contains more than 29 nations, with languages as dif-
ferent as German and Spanish.” Later, in 1659, he was more
specific:
In the large mouth of the River of the Amazons is an island longer and wider
than the whole kingdom of Portugal, and inhabited by many nations of Indians,
which because their languages are different and difficult, are called by the com-
mon name of Nheengafbas . . . The nations with different languages introduced
here were the Mamaiands or Aruans and the Anajds, which includes Mapuas,
Paucacds, Guajards, Pixipixis and others. [Vieira, 1925, pp. 556, 567-568.]
According to Ferreira Penna—
The principal tribes inhabiting the island during the time of conquest and
colonization were: the Aruans in the north and east, the Mapuds, Anajds, Gua-
jards, etc., in the south and west. Scattered in the center and at various points
along the south and east coast were the Mamayands, Sacards, Jurunas, Muands,
etc.
All these tribes and other sub-tribes comprised the population that the Portu-
guese called by the indefinite term ‘“‘Nheengahibas”’ because each of them, it is
said, used a separate dialect. [In Hartt, 1885, p. 109.]
Other authors specify 7 tribes as occupying Marajé, some of which
differ from those listed above. According to Betendorf,
There lived there seven nations, each with a different language, so that although
living on the same island in the middle of the river, they could not understand
each other and wars were frequent between them. The names of these nations
are: Joannes, Sacacas, Aruans, Mapudzes, Mamaiandzes, Pauxis and Boccas . . .
[Betendorf, 1910, p. 90.]
Other names recorded are the Aruanazes in the vicinity of Soure,
and the Goyanazes in the vicinity of Villar (Pinto, 1930, p. 351); the
Amanajiés and the Mocoées (Ferreira Penna, op. cit., p. 112); and
the Combocas (Vieira, 1925, p. 561).
There is no specific information on the linguistic affiliation of the
Marajé tribes. The derivation of the word ‘“‘Nheengaiba”’ suggests
one stock that can be eliminated. This term was applied to the In-
dians of the island by the Tupinamba, in whose language it meant
speakers of an unknown, unintelligible or confused language (Vieira,
1925, p. 556; Tocantins, 1876, p. 57), which would presumably be
non-T upian.
In Ferreira Penna’s opinion, the Arua at least were Carib:
In the mouth are two large islands facing the sea—Caviana which like the
plains of Marajé was occupied by the Aruan tribe at the time of the coming of
the Portuguese, and Mexiana, occupied by the Alexianos, as they were called by
the Franciscan missionaries.
These Alexianos entertained frequent relations with the Caribs of Cayenne,
who were their relatives, and instigated by the latter and abetted by the French
colonists, they waged heavy war on the Aruans, to whom they were also related,
but from whom they had separated for various reasons .. .
The Aruans were related to the Alexianos, who were Carib according to the
Franciscan Missionaries, and it appears that the Tocujas who had the same
eee Ne ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 081
origin and occupied the part of the Guyana between the Cajary and Maracé4 to
the ocean were also Carib. The Aruan language, if it was not the same as that
of the Tucujts, at least was perfectly understood by the latter, while it differs
considerably from that spoken by the Tupinambds, although many words were
introduced from the language into that of the Aruans. [Ferreira Penna, 1879,
p. 65.]
This conclusion is disputed by Nimuendaji, who examined the
vocabulary collected by Ferreira Penna in 1877 from an old shaman
living at Afué. He designated it as “clearly Arawakan, though quite
different from that of the true Arawak of the Guiana Coast and of
the Palicur’”’ (1948, p. 195). Since Afud is in the Nheengaiba zone
rather than the Arua, it may be that the vocabulary is not Arua. If
this were true, there would not be any necessary discrepancy: the
Arua could be Carib and the Nheengaiba, Arawak. Unless some
of the lost works in the Aru& language produced by the missionaries
in the 18th century are recovered, the question will have no possi-
bility of solution since the language has become extinct with the
extinction or acculturation of the speakers.
POPULATION
Bento Maciel Parente, writing between 1627 and 1632, mentions
that there are ‘‘many islands populated with many people’ in the
mouth of the Amazon (Reis, 1947, p. 66). The only estimate comes
from Vieira’s account of the conclusion of the peace treaty between
the Nheengahiba and the Portuguese. The Indians gathered at the
meeting place and—
The number of souls cannot be said with certainty; those who know least say
that there may have been 40,000, which included a principal of the Tucujts,
which is a province apart on the shore of the River Amazonas, opposite the
island of the Nheengaibas, and it is reported that they exceed the latter greatiy
in numbers, and that they comprise together more than 100,000 souls. [Vieira,
1925, p. 568.]
Julian Steward has attempted to reconstruct the native population
of South America based on the earliest account available for each
tribe or area. His figure of 30,000 for Marajé is based on a hypo-
thetical density of 60 persons per 100 sq. km., which is the density
prevalent among the Coastal Tupi (1949 b, p. 662).
CULTURE
Settlement pattern.—T he Nheengaibas, or some of the tribes included
under this designation, built houses along the rivers during the wet
season (winter), whereas during the summer they roamed in the forest
on their lands (Vieira, 1925, p. 568).
391329—57——39
582 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
Watercraft-—The Nheengafbas had “light and well-armed canoes”
which permitted them to harass effectively the Portuguese (op. cit.,
pp. 566-7).
Manufactures —Vieira mentions the use of bows and arrows by the
Nheengafbas (ibid.). The Arua had strong, broad-ended clubs for use
in war (op. cit., p. 393). ‘Trumpets, horns, drums and other instru-
ments’’ were used by the Nheengaiba (op. cit., p. 566-7).
Social organization.—D’Azevado describes the difficulties encoun-
tered in trying to acculturate the Indians to mission life and in so
doing gives some details on division of labor and family composition:
Quitting their forests, the Indians came into the settlements administered by the
missionaries, where they gradually exchanged their ancestral customs for those
belonging to the new existence. Communal houses and group living gave way to
the initial separation of the sexes and a separate house for each family. The men
passed from a leisure interrupted only by warfare to daily work interspersed with
religious instruction: beginning in the morning with mass, confession, doctrine
and often processions, ending at night with telling of the beads or litany; working
in the manioc gardens and other projects for the support of the community; con-
struction, beginning with the church, a simple thatched hut like the rest, but with
its images and adorned inside with tinsel finery, brightly-colored cloths and
barbarous paintings; expeditions into the forest to collect products, the sale of
which contributed to the expenses of the church and of the community, .
and in addition, prepared at all times to carry out the demands of the government
or of individuals. ‘The women were not obliged to work as hard as they had in
their aboriginal state: besides domestic tasks, they spun and wove, leaving to the
men the fatiguing agricultural work which had formerly been theirs. After the
initiation of this Christian life, by baptism and moral instruction, the great prob-
lem was to eliminate polygyny, which met with resistance from the neophytes,
who considered this the most intolerable of the sacrifices exacted of them. Forced
to choose one among their wives for perpetual matrimony, they wavered between
the most beautiful, the most diligent, the most skillful, the latest and the youngest.
The rejected wives, in their turn, had to find a husband among the bachelors.
This resulted in much displeasure and no moral victory, since the former relations
were frequently reestablished, to the scandal of the missionaries, who did not fail
to correct the adulterers. These and other derelictions were promptly punished,
because the priests ruled in the patriarchal manner and prisons and corporal
punishment constituted effective means of maintaining discipline. [D’Azevado,
1918, vol. 1, pp. 322—323.]
Life cycle —An account of an elaborate ceremony associated with the
taking of a name and thus gaining adult status among the Arua is
given by a soldier who claimed to have been a witness to it in 1643.
There is no way of discovering whether any or all of the story is a
fabrication, or whether this was the actual fate of the shipwreck vic-
tims captured by the Arua in that year. The soldier reported that the
ceremony began with the binding of captives to a post set upright in
the center of the clearing. This done, the Indians—
. .. gathered around them with great festivity and shouting, each with his
“killing stick’? in his hand. These are broad-ended clubs, strong and well-made,
wore ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 583
and used as weapons of war. Thus armed, they circulate around the victims,
jumping and singing until they are no longer able to control their frenzy. Then
they let go their clubs, vying with one another for the honor of smashing the skull
of a prisoner. The first blows are always directed at the head rather than
another part of the body, because these heathens cannot have or receive a name
until they have cracked the skull of some enemy, and the greater the rank of the
person or of the nation to which he belongs, the more honorable the name that is
acquired. For this ceremony, it is not essential to kill an enemy but any person
will suffice, even one dying a natural death. Asa result, they often travel many
leagues and enter the villages of their enemies under the protection of darkness, or
remove a skull from its sepulcher and take it victoriously to the plaza of their
village where they break it with the same festivity and ferocity as if it were a living
victim and thereby take a name. [Vieira, 1925, pp. 393-394.]
Warfare—The Nheengaiba developed a strategy in fighting the
Portuguese, that made excellent use of the natural advantages of their
habitat:
The island is covered with a confused and intricate labyrinth of rivers and
dense forest, the former with infinite entrances and exits, the latter with no en-
trance or exit at all. There is no way to surround, to find, to follow or even to
see the enemy, who makes the trees the line of defense from which he aims and
releases his arrows. And, so that this kind of violent and invisible warfare would
not be hindered by homes, wives and children, the first act of the Nheengaibas
after resolving to go to war with the Portuguese was to dissolve and destroy the
villages in which they lived, spreading the houses at great distances from each
other so that one could warn the others of any danger and they would never be
simultaneously attacked. In this way they inhabited the whole island without
occupying any particular part, all the forests serving as their walls, the rivers as
their trenches, the houses as their watch-towers and every Nheengaiba as a
sentinel and their trumpets as signals of alarm. [Vieira, 1925, pp. 557—558.]
Of the island groups, the Arua appear to have been the more warlike.
According to Ferreira Penna, they were feared by their neighbors:
The plains of Marajé, like those of the two large islands in the mouth of the
Amazon [Mexiana and Caviana], were in the path of the migrations and disper-
sions of these famous conquerors who, by virtue of their warlike spirit, their
courage and the superiority of their race, were prepared to overcome and dominate
each and all of the other peoples who chanced to appear and dared to offer them
resistance. . . . Their neighbors greatly feared the Arua, who killed them or
harassed them continuously with thefts and wars. [1879 a, p. 65; 1885, p. 109.]
ETHNOHISTORICAL-ARCHEOLOGICAL CORRELATION
With archeological documentation for the Islands of Marajé,
Mexiana, and Caviana and the Brazilian Guiana mainland, and with
relatively detailed contemporary observations by the early settlers in
the northern part of the mainland area, it should be possible to elabo-
rate considerably the cultural picture of the contact tribes. Two
faults combine to minimize the success of this attempt: First, the
almost complete absence of any ethnohistorical information on the
584 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
Arua, who have been shown archeologically to be the dominant and
probably the only tribe on Mexiana and Caviana in 1500, and second,
the predominance on the mainland of data on the Galibi, who oc-
cupied the area just north of that included in the archeological in-
vestigation. A detailed comparison of the information from both
sources is valuable, however, because it aids in the proper evaluation
of both and suggests explanations for apparent contradictions.
The archive accounts of the islands specify that Mexiana, Caviana,
and the north and east coast of Marajé were inhabited by the Aru4,
at once the largest and most warlike of the tribes. This area corre-
sponds to the one determined from archeological evidence, with a
stronger concentration of sites on Mexiana and Caviana than on
Marajé. The relatively simple culture indicated for the Arua finds
confirmation in the archeological evidence. As far as the Nheengaiba
are concerned, no comment is possible at this time. No archeological
material has been recorded from the Nheengaiba area, except possibly
central Marajé, where the known sites are of an undisputably pre-
contact nature. Whether this is because the Nheengafba were a
non-pottery-making group or simply a failure to discover the sites
cannot be settled until a more concentrated effort is made to look
for them.*®
The ethnohistorical picture in Brazilian Guiana seems at first
glance to be completely contradictory. There is a gross and irrecon-
cilable discrepancy between the picture of two homogeneous cultural
Phases with distinct geographical distribution demonstrated by arch-
eology, and the hodge-podge of tribes belonging to numerous linguistic
stocks haphazardly distributed through the Territory of Amapé,
documented by the archive sources. Fortunately, this need not be laid
to error on either side, but rather to the tremendous disruption and
transplantation of Indian groups, either voluntarily or involuntarily,
from and into the region in postcontact times. From the point of
view of the archeologist, however, the situation has been hopelessly
scrambled by these events, and attempts to relate prehistory to
history can never have more than hypothetical results. All that can
be said in this connection is that the ethnolinguistic classification
most in accord with the archeological picture is that by Rowe (1948).
His areal distribution for the Apurui conforms roughly to the Maraca
ceramic tradition, the Paikipiranga to our Mazagao Phase, and the
Emerillon, Palicur, and Marawan to the area included in the Aristé
Phase. It seems reasonable to conclude that the archeological divi-
sions must represent some major difference, perhaps of a linguistic
nature, and that the ethnographic or linguistic reconstruction that
most closely parallels it is more likely to approximate tbe aboriginal
%6 A third possibility is that the Nheengaiba ‘‘tribes’’ are deculturated remnants of different Marajoara
Phase villages. In view of the suggested origin of the Marajoara Phase, this interpretation fits the implica-
tion that the Nheengaiba were linguistically unusual in the lower Amazon.
ma. ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 585
condition. Such archeological commentary makes it possible to
recognize that the multiplicity of names present on some maps, like
that prepared by Nimuendaji (Gillin, 1948, p. 800), and in the archive
accounts represents a recent disruption rather than the aboriginal
condition, and often a clan, village or chief’s name rather than a tribal
or linguistic unit.
One very interesting hint that the Rio Araguari-Amapari did func-
tion as a boundary line as suggested by the archeological situation is
given by Harcourt (1613), who reported that the Indians on that river
looked upon those from the Oiapoque area with distrust, they being
strangers and therefore unpredictable in their behavior. Although
it is possible to read more significance into such statements than is
intended, this does not seem likely here in view of the archeological
situation and the fact that intercommunication existed between
other tribes separated by no greater distance than is involved here.
In respect to the cultural description of the Galibi and tribes in
the northern part of the Territory, there is good agreement with the
archeological evidence. It will be remembered that the definition of
the Aristé Phase based on the archeology suggested a semisedentary
culture, with the composition of the sites themselves indicating a
village of individual family houses occupying a relatively large area,
but seeming to represent little duration in time. Both Sites A-9
and A-12, Aristé Phase habitation sites, were located on small rises
adjacent to a stream. Except for polished stone axes, the tools and
weapons must have been made of wood or other perishable material.
Although the pottery included a higher percentage of decorated
types than similar pottery types in the Tropical Forest Phases on
the islands, the general crudity and poor technical quality does not
suggest that it was a specialized craft. One aspect that finds greater
elaboration on the archeological than on the ethnological level is
burial practices, which in this case involve cremation, with the
ashes placed in pottery jars, usually ornamented with painted designs,
and set on the floor of small caves or rock shelters. These were
sometimes accompanied by offerings, particularly of glass beads.
The ethnohistorical accounts reveal a culture based on agriculture,
hunting, and fishing, with villages frequently located on small hills
and always near a stream or spring. Houses were individual or
communal, and villages averaged about 50 people. Arrangements
for concealment included narrow and winding paths. Houses were
constructed of wood and thatch and occupied principally during the
night. Clothing was at a minimum, but ornaments of feathers,
shells and glass beads were profuse, and body painting in red and
black was customary especially on festival occasions. Except for
pottery, the material culture was primarily of a perishable nature.
During the day, activities included hunting, fishing, garden clearing,
586 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
basketry weaving, potterymaking, and the manufacture of bows
and arrows, which are reported to be male occupations. Women did
the gardening, prepared the food and drink, collected firewood, took
care of the children, and waited on the men. Except for shamans,
there was no division of labor except along sex lines. Social stratifi-
cation was also absent. The head man of a community was the
oldest male, and although his advice was respected there was no
compulsion to act upon it. The life cycle included prenatal food
taboos, the couvade, polygyny, with marriage being easily entered
into or dissolved, relaxation of certain restrictions in old age, and
cremation at death, without the preservation of the ashes. Beliefs
in the supernatural were rudimentary and involved no offerings or
sacrifices. Warfare was quite prevalent, motivated by a desire for
revenge, which was partially accomplished by cannibalism practiced
on the captives.
When the information from these two independent sources is com-
pared, it is evident that except for the historical account being some-
what fuller regarding social and religious organization, there is a
good agreement. The only item in the documents that does not
parallel what can be demonstrated or inferred from the archeological
remains is the failure to preserve the ashes of the dead, although
the method of disposal of the body is cremation in both cases. This
may indicate a breakdown of the aboriginal pattern soon after Euro-
pean contact. One interesting bit of negative evidence appears to
strengthen the conclusion reached on slim archeological evidence
that the stone alinements commonly found in the northern part of
the Territory of Amapé are Arua Phase and not Aristé Phase. With
their interest in the spiritual life of the Indians, it is not probable
that the Europeans would have failed to know about such structures
if they had been built and used by the contemporary Indians.
When one turns to the dating of the sites producing glass beads,
the problem of evaluation becomes more complex. Beads are obvi-
ously post-1500 and constitute evidence of European contact, but it
would be desirable to know how far into the postcontact period the
culture survived, since this might shed light on the rate of ceramic
change. A review of the chronology and nature of the contact
detailed on pages 556-566 reveals two points bearing on this question:
one, the intensity of the contact, and the other, its localization. On
the first point, it has been shown that the first hundred years following
the discovery were occupied with commercial activities, which brought
European goods to the Indians but probably had little other impor-
tant influence on the aboriginal way of life. Settlement began in
1600 and continued peacefully until about 1620, with the plantations
and forts concentrated in the mouth of the Amazon proper and in
was ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 587
the northern Guianas. This brought more intimate contact with
the Indians, but it seems to have been on a friendly, mutual-aid
level, apparently involving no fundamental disturbance of the cul-
tural pattern. However, the wars that filled the decade from 1620
to 1630, when the Portuguese rose to expel the other European
powers from their footholds in the area, wrought considerable havoc
on the aborigines. Large numbers of Indians were recruited or of
their own choice joined the small European forces. As a result,
village life was probably disrupted and the culture pattern so broken
down that those who survived the battles must have found it difficult
or impossible to reassemble the bits. The situation was not ma-
terially remedied when the Portuguese gained exclusive dominion,
because they were famous for their slave raiding, and in addition
sent punitive expeditions to subject tribes that showed resistance.
Disease also took its toll from the first, but probably was more preva-
lent after 1600, with the beginning of close and extended contact.
Between 1700 and 1800, widespread migration was characteristic,
with the Indians on the islands fleeing to the Guianas, and with the
removal of large groups by the Portuguese from and into the area.
The two facts that emerge from this summary are: (1) Of the area
under archeological consideration, the most intensive and earliest
European contact was in the region occupied by the Mazagaéo Phase;
the Arua and the Aristé Phase peoples were more remotely involved,
having few if any early colonial settlements on their lands; and (2)
the warfare from 1600 to 1630 must have destroyed almost completely
the aboriginal culture of the Mazag4o Phase or at least altered it so
that it would be noticeably different from the precontact condition
even as seen archeologically. This strongly suggests that the contact
sites of the Mazagao Phase are not likely to be later than about 1630,
although they may be as early as 1500.
The terminations of the Aristé Phase and the Arua Phase are not
-as readily defined. Since European activity was less intense in these
areas, the cultures may have been able to preserve their integrity for
a considerably longer time, in fact conceivably into the 18th century
on the islands at least. This raises the possibility that sites may
lack trade materials and still be post-European in date. Although
there is no archival evidence that less trading was done on the islands
than in the south part of the Territory of Amap4 prior to 1600, the
seriated sequence of the Aru& Phase intersperses sites with trade
materials between sites at which none are found. The large number
of post-European sites in this Phase in contrast to the Aristé Phase
and especially to the Mazagao Phase is further evidence of a longer
survival for the Arua. Phrased in guess dates, this means that whereas
the Mazagao Phase contact sites may represent a period of about 120
588 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
years after A. D. 1500, the Aru& Phase contact sites probably span
at least 250 years. The termination of the Aristé Phase probably lies
somewhere between these two extremes.
It might be expected that some light would be shed on this situation
by analysis of the trade materials from the sites. In view of its
potential importance it is unfortunate that so little information is
available on the type of beads used by different European powers at
different periods for trading with the Indians. A considerable range
of sizes, shapes, and colors were recovered, and samples were sent to
Glenn A. Black, Kenneth Kidd, and Arthur Woodward for evaluation.
Their reports (pers. corres.), made independently, agree in placing
the period of distribution from early 17th to early 18th century, and
suggest that the earliest date would be around 1650. It is immedi-
ately evident that this is out of line with the terminal date suggested
above for the Mazagdo Phase, and would imply that trade materials
from 1500 to 1650 did not include beads, which is very unlikely. The
most reasonable explanation for this situation appears to be that
Black, Kidd, and Woodward base their estimate on the dates given to
similar material excavated from North American sites, where extensive
contact was of a considerably later date than in the mouth of the
Amazon. Consequently, until more definite data can be obtained
regarding the time of manufacture of the various bead types in Europe,
evidence from this source must take second place to more specific local
historical records.
IMPLICATIONS OF THE CULTURAL SEQUENCE AT THE
MOUTH OF THE AMAZON
In tracing the origins and affiliations of each of the archeological
Phases at the mouth of the Amazon, we have been led to distant parts
of northern South America. Perhaps the clearest result of this
research has been the conclusion that the cultures in the vicinity of
this delta cannot be understood except as reflections of events taking
place in vital centers elsewhere on the continent at an earlier time.
As far as we can determine, there were no significant local innovations.
Each successive archeological Phase is a culture with an independent
origin that moved into the area from somewhere else, occupied it for
a brief length of time, and then was displaced or absorbed by the next
invader. The result is not a cultural continuity such as exists in
parts of Peru, but rather the somewhat arbitrary assortment of
cultures oriented into a temporal framework shown on figure 205.
The relative positions of the archeological Phases have been deter-
mined from stratigraphy or from ceramic evidence of contact. The
lengths of the bars represent differences in the relative duration of the
cultures, computed on the basis of refuse accumulations (pp. 253, 421).
Since the detailed archeological sequences and the evidence concerning
the affiliations of the various cultures have been discussed at tbe
conclusion of each of the three geographical sections into which this
report is divided, only the highlights will be repeated here. The
reader interested in a fuller account is referred to the more detailed
discussions.
The archeological record at the mouth of the Amazon begins with
the Ananatuba Phase, a pottery-making culture that appears to have
arrived on Marajé Island after the beginning of the Christian era.
Prior to this time the ared was probably inhabited by preceramic
groups, but nothing remains of their perishable culture to provide
positive evidence of their presence. The arrival of the Ananatuba
Phase represents the introduction of a more advanced level of culture,
which appears to have been comparable to the Tropical Forest Pat-
tern as it is known ethnographically. It does not, however, represent
the origin of this type of culture, if we may judge by the technological
level achieved in pottery making. Although the surfaces are not
typically well finished, the vessels are not always symmetrical and
most of the ceramics are plain, the product is well made and durable,
and shows degree of competency in the handling and firing of clay and
589
[BULL. 167
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
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in design execution far beyond what would be expected of a group
just learning the art of pottery making. Three types of decorations
occur: brushing with a bunch of twigs (Carmo Brushed), incision with
well-defined motifs sometimes employing zoned cross hatching (Sipé
Incised), and rarely, a band of red paint (Ananatuba Painted). The
pattern of refuse accumulation suggests a village composed of a single,
communal house, probably raised on piles. There is no evidence of
the method of disposal of the dead. This culture appears to have
been the sole pottery-making occupant of much, if not all, of Marajé
Island at this early period, and the long duration of the villages on a
single spot as well as the uniformity of the ceramic remains suggests
a peaceful and undisturbed existence for many decades.
The termination of the Ananatuba Phase was brought about by its
conquest and assimilation by the second culture to make its appear-
ance on Maraj6 Island. The earliest sites of the Mangueiras Phase
are found somewhat west of the Ananatuba Phase distribution and
the two cultures appear to have existed contemporaneously for some
time on different parts of the island. After an initial period of settle-
ment, the Mangueiras Phase underwent an era of expansion, in which
it spread briefly to southern Caviana as well as eastward and south-
ward on Marajé. As a result of this expansion, it came into contact
with the Ananatuba Phase and succeeded in dominating it. This may
have been an initially hostile collision, but after assuming the role of
conqueror, the Mangueiras Phase planted a settlement at the Anana-
tuba Phase village of J-7—Sip6 and the two peoples lived side by side
until cultural evidence of the Ananatuba Phase gradually disappears.
The superiority of the Ananatuba Phase pottery was recognized by the
conquerors, and both vessel shapes and techniques of decoration were
copied by them. Pottery here reveals a fascinating tale of accultura-
tion, which may have been paralled in other more perishable traits
(pp. 218-221). The unusual susceptibility of the Mangueiras Phase to
such influence is further attested by pottery features it took over at
an earlier time when it had some contact with the Acauan Phase.
The Mangueiras Phase is distinguished from its predecessor by both
ceramics and settlement pattern. Although characterized by the
same qualities of crudity as Ananatuba Phase wares, the pottery differs
in surface color and in other details. Decoration consists of brushing
(Croari Brushed, Bacuri Brushed), scraping (Pocoaté Scraped), red
coloring of the surface (Esperanga Red), and after Ananatuba Phase
contact, a more or less accurate copy of the latter’s Sipé Incised
(Pseudo-Sipé Incised.) Mangueiras Phase villages appear to have
been composed of one or more communal houses. There is no evidence
of burial pattern.
592 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
Partly contemporary with the Mangueiras Phase, and possibly also
with the end of the Ananatuba Phase, is the Formiga Phase. Like
its two predecessors, it belongs to the Tropical Forest Pattern of
culture. Pottery is simple, sherd tempered, and even less formalized
in decoration, with brushing (Satiba Brushed) the most consistent
technique. Contact with either the Ananatuba or the Mangueiras
Phase is indicated by the presence of Sipé Incised motifs on occasional
sherds (Pseudo-Sip6 Incised), and another as yet unidentified influence
is reflected in the sudden appearance of finger pinched surfaces
(Mucaja Corrugated). The village composition is less consistent than
in the other Phases but appears to have included several large houses,
which in two of the three villages excavated, were built on low artificial
mounds. In contrast to the two previous Phases, Formiga Phase
villages are located on the campo rather than io the forest. One burial,
a cremation without associated artifacts, was encountered in the village
refuse.
For none of these cultures do we have any specific evidence of deri-
vation. They appear on Marajé Island fully developed, and cannot
therefore be indigenous. They have not been found on Mexiana,
Caviana, or in the Territory of Amap4 with the exception of a single
Mangueiras Phase site already mentioned. Scattered pottery samples
that have been collected at various points along the Amazon (Barbosa
Rodrigues, 1876-78) seem to indicate that incising is the typical form
of decoration on the archeological horizon. We would like to hazard
the guess, in lieu of a more substantial basis for an opinion, that these
early cultures on Marajé are the result of a slow diffusion of the Trop-
ical Forest Pattern, which was characterized ceramically by sherd tem-
pering and brushed and incised decoration, from the west to the east
along the Amazon.
During the time that the above events were taking place on Marajé
Island, there is only one indication of a pottery-making culture on the
other islands or in the Territory of Amapd. This is the Acauan Phase,
the major site of which is on Mexiana. The pottery of this culture is
remarkable for the abundance, variety, and complexity of its decora-
tion, which includes excision (Acauan Excised), incision (Carobal
Incised), and corrugation (Floripes Corrugated). Although there is
no stratigraphic evidence of its temporal position, certain features of
the unclassified decorated pottery from early Mangueiras Phase sites
suggest influence from the Acauan Phase, and on this basis the two
cultures have been considered contemporary. After a brief sojourn
in this area, the Acauan Phase disappears. The reason for this is
unknown, but no evidence exists to indicate that its removal was
precipitated by hostile relations with other tribes.
MEGGERS AND ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON _ 593
EVANS]
Except for this single, short-term occupation by the Acauan Phase,
the period of the Ananatuba, Mangueiras, and Formiga Phases on
Maraj6 is not represented by comparable pottery-making groups in
the Territory of Amap4é or on Mexiana and Caviana. It must be
concluded either that these areas were unoccupied or that they were
inhabited by hunting, fishing, and gathering groups. The reason for
this is uncertain, and does not appear to be related to the suitability
of the land for agriculture, since Marajé6 is not superior to these other
areas in this respect. One is tempted to fall back on the conclusion
that there was little population movement and consequently little
population pressure exerted by tribes with a Tropical Forest type of
culture in this part of South America until almost the historic horizon.
Indeed, the remaining history of the cultures at the mouth of the
Amazon would seem to bear this out.
Next in the Marajé Island sequence is the Marajoara Phase, which
has such close and numerous affiliations with the northwestern part
of South America as to suggest a direct derivation from that region
(figs. 146, 148). All the archeological evidence indicates that it repre-
sents a culture of the Circum-Caribbean or Sub-Andean level of devel-
opment, with a technology and sociopolitical organization far in ad-
vance of its predecessors and successors in the lower Amazon area.
The large earthworks erected as habitation sites and as cemeteries im-
ply the organization of labor and of leadership to direct it. Social strat-
ification is more directly revealed in the differential treatment of the
dead. Division of labor is also suggested by the elaborate and varied
pottery art, which combines a variety of decorative techniques—inci-
sion (Guajaraé Incised, Anajds Plain Incised), excision (Arari Plain Ex-
cised), scraping (Goiapi Scraped) and painting (Joanes Painted)—
with a variety of slipped and double slipped surfaces (e. g., Pacoval In-
cised, Anajds Red Incised, Arari Double-Slipped Excised). The result
is an array of wares, some of which demonstrate a degree of skill and
craftsmanship that leaves no doubt that experienced workmen were
involved in their production. Other indications of the relative richness
of the culture are found in the numerous pottery artifacts, including
stools, spindle whorls, ear plugs, spoons, and tangas. Although there
are no temples, the existence of idols and of elaborate burial practices
indicates a well developed religious system.
This culture appears to have arrived on the Island of Marajé at the
peak of its development, and its local history as revealed in the
archeological record is one of slow deterioration. The pottery becomes
less varied and elaborate, and the complex types of decoration that
remain become less competently done, implying the loss of pottery
making as a specialized occupation. The breakdown of the social
594 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULE. 167
structure is reflected in the disappearance of differential treatment of
the dead. These and similar clues left in the archeological record per-
mit us to trace the path of deculturation to a point where the once
elaborate Marajoara Phase remains come to resemble archeologically
those of the Tropical Forest Phases.
In attempting to discover the cause for this situation, the most
obvious line of investigation is environmental. An analysis of the
subsistence resources of the tropical forest in general, and of Marajé
Island in particular, leads to the conclusion that these are not sufficient
for the maintenance of a highly developed culture. The demands of
the Marajoara Phase were thus out of balance with the normal food
producing capacity of the environment, and when the latter was taxed
beyond its resources, the resulting impoverishment was reflected in
the content of the culture. Since the environment could not be
molded to meet the demands of the culture, the culture had to submit
to the limitations of the environment, which meant a simplification
to a level that was adapted to the subsistence resources.** ‘This is
what happened to the Marajoara Phase, and this was the state it had
finally reached when the island was invaded by the next and final
archeological Phase.
Of the many new traits introduced into the lower Amazon by the
Marajoara Phase, only two—secondary urn burial and painting of
pottery—ever became an important part of the Tropical Forest
Pattern. The Marajoara Phase is the first in which painting be-
comes a prominent method of ceramic decoration, the primary colors
in this case being red and black, employed singly or in combination
on a white-slipped surface (Joanes Painted). Secondary burial in
large urns, with the bones of the deceased painted red, makes its
appearance as the method of disposal of the dead. The fact that
these traits are not early in the archeological sequence at the mouth
of the Amazon and that they have their initial association with a
culture that is unquestionably non-Tropical Forest in character sug-
gests that they may not be of Tropical Forest origin or even old in
the Tropical Forest area of South America.
While the Marajoara Phase was feeling the effects of the tropical
forest environment on Marajé Island, the Territory of Amapa re-
ceived its first invasion by a pottery-making culture, the Arua Phase.
This is the only group that occupied the lower Amazon whose origin
can be traced to the north. In keeping with this, the greatest con-
centration of sites is in the northern part of the Territory of Amapé.
Those so far reported consist primarily of stone alinements, which
the absence of habitation or cemetery association suggests had a
36a For a more detailed discussion of the relationship between Tropical Forest culture and environment, see
Meggers, 1954.
ee ASD ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 595
ceremonial significance. Pottery of the Arua Phase is sherd tem-
pered. Decoration is rare and most frequently in the form of applique
ribs or nubbins; other types are brushing (Nazaré Brushed), simple,
broad incisions (Aberta Incised), and painting. Arua Phase villages
are reconstructed as having been typically composed of a single,
relatively small, communal house.
After occupying this part of the mainland for a short time, the
Aru& Phase abandoned it for the islands in the mouth of the Amazon.
There are indications that this was not a voluntary removal, but an
expulsion brought about by the advent of another group, the ances-
tral Mazag4o-Aristé Phase. To judge from the number of sites and
the amount of ceramic change, the duration of the Arué Phase on
Mexiana and Caviana Islands was considerably longer than it was
in the Territory of Amap4é. A new trait appears, namely, secondary
burial in large urns placed in groups on the surface of the ground.
Offerings in the form of small vessels, stone axes, and beads were
occasionally included. While these cemeteries may occur in the
Territory of Amap4é as well, their failure to be discovered seems
remarkable in view of the numerous, better-concealed cemeteries of
the later Phases that have come to light in that region.
_ Shortly after becoming established on the islands, the Arué Phase
shows evidence of European contact in the form of glass beads asso-
ciated with burial vessels. The absence of any other effect on the
culture that can be discerned archeologically over a considerable
period of time suggests that there was at first little active disturb-
ance of the aboriginal life on Mexiana and Caviana. This seems to
be confirmed by the absence in archives of any but casual mention
of these islands. However, the Aru& on Marajé6 attracted more
attention, probably because their island was never out of sight as
the Portuguese laid their plans for achieving supremacy in the Ama-
zon. <A little more time, however, was all that the inhabitants of
Mexiana and Caviana gained. Bit by bit they were decimated, by
disease, by removal to other parts of the Amazon, by slave raids,
by warfare, and by intermarriage, until by the middle of the 19th
century no Arua were left.
There are several points concerning the Arua Phase that are worthy
of particular note. One is the stone alinements. This trait is with-
out parallel in the regions around the mouth of the Amazon. One
good reason for its absence on the islands immediately comes to
mind, namely, the absence of stone in sufficient quantity. However,
there is more to such a practice than the availability of stone. Assum-
ing that the function is ceremonial, it implies a religious development
of some degree of formality, with special rituals and this feature
596 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
supports the specific material evidence linking the Aru& with the
Circum-Caribbean area.
The origin of the Arua Phase trait of painting is obscure. It
becomes well developed and common only in very late post-European
sites, and is most readily explained as the result of contact and stim-
ulation from the Aristé Phase. Documentation can be found for
the existence of such contact, and supplementary evidence for it can
be seen in vessel shape. This conclusion leads to a circularity of the
reasoning, however, since a case can also be made for the develop-
ment of painting in the Aristé Phase as the result of Arua Phase
influence. The two manifestations are undoubtedly related. The
main problem, and one which cannot be answered on the present
evidence, is: From where did the idea of painting come? If the Arua
Phase came in contact with the Marajoara Phase on its arrival on
the islands, it might have acquired the technique of painting from
the latter. However, if this had been the case, painted pottery
should make its appearance immediately after the arrival of the
Arua on the islands, rather than a hundred or so years later, toward
the end of the Phase.
Into the Territory of Amap4 on the heels of the fleeing Arua came
a culture we have designated as the ancestral Mazagd4o-Aristé Phase.
The fact that the early pottery of what soon became distinguishable
as two separate Phases—the Aristé north of the Rio Araguari and the
Mazag4o south of that river—has been found in most concentration
at both extremes of the area makes it difficult to reconstruct the
direction of movement, but what is known of the other Guianas seems
to rule them out as a place of origin and to put the preference on the
lower Amazon. Indeed, it is less difficult to see a relationship between
the incised styles of this area and Uxy and Uaga Incised, than it is
to find a resemblance between lower Amazon styles and those of
the early Phases on Marajé Island.
The Mazagéo Phase, which occupied the region between the Rio
Araguari and the Rio Jari, is characterized ceramically by the use of
sand and crushed quartz temper, and later of cariapé, it being the
only Phase in which the latter temper was used. Decoration is
typically by incision, with a slight amount of scraping (Jari Scraped)
present at the earliest sites and occasional crude modeling. The
village area suggests that the houses were of the individual family
type. Burial was secondary, in small jars interred just below the
surface of the ground and occasionally associated with miniature
vessels or glass beads.
The Mazagdéo Phase did not enjoy the undisturbed existence that
appears to have been the lot of the earlier groups at the mouth of the
Amazon. Not long after its settlement in the area, it received a
aii ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 597
strong influence that was reflected in a sharp alteration in the style
of its incised decoration, which changed from the somewhat casually
executed Uxy Incised to the simple, parallel lines of Pigaca Incised
and the precisely drawn, chalk-filled lines of Anauerapuct Incised.
A further event to upset the even pursuit of existence was the advent
of the Maraca tradition, remains of which are found concentrated on
the Rio Maracd, near the center of the Mazagado Phase territory.
That there was some contact between the two groups is indicated by
the discovery in Mazagéo Phase cemeteries of anthropomorphic
urns copying the Maracd style. However, the copies are not accurate,
suggesting that there was not opportunity for detailed observation,
and implying that relations between the two groups were not close.
The Aristé Phase, once it moved to the northern part of the Terri-
tory of Amap4, appears to have lost all contact with its “relative”
to the south. The earlier sand temper and incised (Uagd Incised)
or scraped (Flexal Scraped) decoration are replaced by sherd tempering
and painted designs (Aristé and Serra Painted). Villages appear
to have been composed of individual family houses. Burial practice
was cremation with the remains placed in small vessels grouped on
the floor of a small rock shelter or cave, or in a cave artificially hol-
lowed out of the earth. Burial gifts were rare, but sometimes in-
cluded a few glass beads.
The Aristé Phase is significant in that it represents the second
important appearance of painted decoration (contemporary with the
Arua Phase) at the mouth of the Amazon, and this (as in the Arua
Phase) becomes well developed only in post-EKuropean times. In
sites seriating prior to contact, the designs are primarily confined to
broad bands of painting around the rim or vessel circumference.
Only in the late period rectilinear and curvilinear motifs make their
appearance and painting takes on some degree of complexity. The
Aristé Phase also establishes cremation as an important method of
disposal of the dead, although this was briefly employed earlier by the
Marajoara Phase just prior to its termination.
The northern part of the Territory of Amapé appears to have been
less strategically placed both in regard to aboriginal routes of migra-
tion and European interests than the south. There is no evidence
of the kind of intrusions to which the Mazag4o Phase, restricted to
the southern part of the Territory of Amap4, was subjected, and which
are reflected in abrupt changes in the pottery of the later part of the
Phase. The history of European activity in the Guianas and the
Amazon suggests that the Aristé Phase in the north enjoyed a con-
siderably longer period of aboriginal existence than did the Mazagao
Phase, which was unfortunate enough to provide the main battlefield
for the Portuguese struggle for mastery of the Amazon.
3913295740
598 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
The data and inferences just summarized provide the basis for
wider interpretations of the development and dispersal of culture in
the greater Amazon area. Perhaps the best documented conclusion
that can be set forth is that neither Marajé Island nor any of the
other areas included in this investigation had any role in the origin
or development of any of the cultures or traits that have characterized
them archeologically. Rather, they were frequent and long-term
“borrowers” of cultures and traits from near and far. Another fairly
reliable result is the complete absence of any indication along the
coast of the mainland that it was part of a major route by which the
Tropical Forest Pattern of culture spread down from the north and
up the Amazon as has been suggested by Steward (1949 c, p. 762).
This conclusion is based on negative evidence: the absence of northern
affiliations for any of the archeological cultures except the Arua, and
the general lateness of the total sequence encountered at the mouth
of the Amazon. Expressed in positive terms, this conclusion leads
to the following reconstruction of the diffusion of the Tropical Forest
Pattern.
Up until relatively recent times, the area around the mouth of the
Amazon was either unoccupied or occupied by non-pottery-making
cultures. The latter case seems more likely, in view of the good
hunting and fishing opportunities, but the perishable nature of the
material culture rules out the likelihood of any positive identification.
The first cultures of the Tropical Forest Pattern, characterized arche-
ologically by settled villages and the manufacture of pottery, make
their appearance on the Island of Marajé at a time estimated as some-
where around A. D. 700. Since these occur earlier on Marajé than in
the Territory of Amap4, the introduction could not have come down
the coast from the north. Nothing is known of the temporal position
of ceramic cultures south of the Amazon, but what general knowl-
edge is available does not suggest that any innovations are to be ex-
pected from that direction. The known antiquity of pottery making
in western South America and the vitality of that area as a general
source of diffusion over a long period of time makes it seem a safe
guess that the early Tropical Forest Phases on Marajé Island represent
the result of a slow filtration of the Tropical Forest Pattern of culture
from west to east down the tributaries and along the main course of
the Amazon River. That this was a gradual diffusion, probably im-
plemented by the migration of a few groups into what had formerly
been Marginal areas, is suggested by the situation at the mouth of
the Amazon. Here the Territory of Amapé presumably supported
Marginal cultures for a considerable period of time after Marajé Island
had been taken over by cultures of the Tropical Forest Pattern. It is
perhaps a significant fact, in what is otherwise almost wholly unsup-
mengorns ¢xD ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 599
ported hypothesis, that the characteristic technique of decoration in
the earliest pottery horizon found at the mouth of the Amazon to date
is a broad-line incision, frequently employed in zoned patterns. AlI-
though the resemblance is neither close nor detailed, the pottery
known as Sip6 Incised shares some of the features of early pottery
horizons in Peru and Central America. Strong (1943, p. 32) along
with others has commented upon the similarity between the pottery
of Playa de los Muertos in Honduras and the Chavin horizon in Peru.
It seems more than coincidence that the pottery decorations of the
early horizons in these three widely separated areas should all include
a type of incision utilizing with frequency broad lines and zoned
patterns. The Ananatuba Phase is, however, about 1,000 years later
than Chavin and so if any relationship does exist, it has been greatly
diluted by time and space. None of the subsequent archeological
cultures at the mouth of the Amazon reveal any affiliation with the
Peruvian Andes. Tello’s interpretation of Chavin and Marajoara as
having a common source (Willey, 1951, p. 105) does not seem war-
ranted, now that both the total content of Marajoara culture and its
position in the chronological sequence are better known. While the
Marajoara Phase shares many ceramic features with the general
Andean area, these features appear to be most typical in cultures
that are later in time and farther north in space than the center of the
Chavin horizon, and that have never been suggested as having affii-
ations with Chavin.
If this reconstruction of the spread of the Tropical Forest Pattern
is correct, it points to the western part of the present Tropical Forest
area as the one in which most of the diagnostic material culture traits
arose. Our conclusion that the basic direction of movement was
eastward (down river), with a source of origin in or near the Andean
foothills (fig. 206) coincides with that reached by Cruxent (1951, p.
153) on the basis of completely unrelated evidence. In analyzing
the possible sources of Venezuelan cultures, particularly La Cabrera
and Barrancas, he outlined three potential routes of diffusion from a
source of the Peruvian Andes:
(a) descent of the Amazon, followed by movement up the Rio Negro and
down the Orinoco; (b) more directly, from northern Peru through Ecuador and
Colombia, so as to enter Venezuela from the west: and (c) descent of the Amazon
to its mouth and then movement north along the coast to eastern Venezuela
The first two of these appear the more probable . . .
Both routes (a) and (b), which Cruxent favors, are generally east-
ward and thus coincide with our evidence as to the prevailing direction
of movement of culture in northern South America, although the case
seems to be somewhat stronger for route (b).97 The third alternative,
37 Loven (1935) also traces an eastward diffusion of a number of traits from an origin in Peru, Ecuador,
and Colombia into Venezuela or the Guianas and then into the Antilles (e. g., pp. 209, 664-665).
[BULL. 167
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descent of the Amazon followed by movement northward along the
coast, receives no support from the archeological evidence at the
mouth of the Amazon. The Aristé Phase has slight affiliations as far
north as Dutch Guiana, but fades out there. In any case, it has no
resemblance to the cultures of eastern Venezuela.
We are on relatively secure ground if we consider the three
earliest archeological Phases at the mouth of the Amazon as repre-
sentative of the early content of the Tropical Forest Pattern. Al-
though these are late in actual time, by the theory of diffusion they
should reflect one of the early impulses that began the movement of
traits out from their center of origin. On this assumption, we can
conclude that sherd tempering, and incised, brushed, and scraped
decoration of pottery are early Tropical Forest traits. By the same
token, the absence until later times of cariapé tempering, painted and
modeled decoration of pottery, and secondary urn burial indicates
that these are late traits and if they are of Amazonian origin, it was
not in the eastern part (cf. Willey, 1949 b, p. 143; Howard, 1947, p. 85).
This local situation is confirmed to some extent by the fact that
archeological material recovered from scattered sites in the Amazon
area (see particularly Barbosa Rodriques, 1876-78) is generally char-
acterized by incised decoration, while on the ethnographic horizon,
pottery decoration is almost exclusively by painting. Although this
sequence may not be universally established, we see no evidence that
painting is of greater antiquity than incision, as has been suggested
(Howard, 1947, p. 86). Nordenskiéld (1930, p. 34), on the basis of
familiarity with lowland Bolivian material, suggested an evolution in
ceramic decoration from modeling and incision to painting, which he
attributed to influence from the Andean area. Our evidence indi-
cates that, although this may be correct for the lowland Bolivia, it is
not strictly true for more distant parts of the Amazon. The actual
sequence at the mouth of the Amazon was from incision to painting
and modeling, with the latter partly contemporary but becoming an
important method somewhat later than painting.
In addition to these changes in technique of pottery decoration,
there is archeological evidence of alteration in other aspects of the
culture. There is a notable lack of uniformity between some of the
Phases in village permanency. The two earliest cultures on Marajé
Island, the Ananatuba Phase and the Mangueiras Phase, are represent-
ed by deposits of village refuse up to a meter in depth, and conversion
of this into the number of years estimated as necessary to produce
them (tables E and F) gives figures of up to 147 years per village, with
durations of 50 or more years being more typical than shorter terms
of occupancy. By contrast, the late archeological Phases, which
include the Mazaga&o and Aristé Phases in the Territory of Amapaé
602 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
and the Aru& Phase on the islands, produced refuse deposits that
never exceeded 45 cm. in depth and were most frequently less
than 10 cm. thick. In the case of the Arua Phase, conversion of
this figure into years gives a maximum of 19 years for the duration
of an individual village (table G). Our investigations in British
Guiana in 1952-53 seem to reveal the same decrease in village per-
manency in that area. The explanation for this situation is not
clear. One possibility not yet sufficiently investigated to permit
an evaluation of its significance lies in the fertility of the soil in a
tropical forest situation where the agricultural technique is by slash
and burn. The initial occupant of a given area would have the ad-
vantage of being able to exploit completely virgin land for agricultural
purposes, and this might have given the fields a higher productivity
for a longer time than could be later achieved even after a period
of fallow in which the area returned to high secondary growth. It is
a fact that the fresher the soil, the higher the production (Wagley,
1953, pp. 67-68), but the critical limit above which there is no further
increase in fertility has not been established. Another possibly
significant factor in the case of Marajé Island is the relatively abun-
dant supply of wild game and fish, which properly exploited could
support a small sedentary population for a considerable period of
time.
Before any reliable answer can be given to this problem it will be
necessary to know how widespread this decline in village permanency
is throughout the Tropical Forest area and under what specific
environmental conditions it has occurred. It may turn out to
reflect simply the introduction of new concepts of the supernatural,
which lead to the abandonment of the village at the death of an occu-
pant. Another cultural factor that may be involved is a difference
in emphasis placed on the desirability of having the fields readily
accessible to the village. Where this was considered important,
the village would be moved as the nearby fields were exhausted;
where it was not, villagers might go considerable distances to raise
and harvest their crops.
Another aspect of the archeological situation suggests an alteration
in diet. This is the presence of griddles only in sites of the Arua
Phase, which is one of the latest at the mouth of the Amazon. This
implies an absence until this time of cassava bread, which is a staple
food among the aboriginal peoples of the Guianas today, and suggests
that this is a relatively recent method of utilizing bitter manioc flour
in this part of South America. It is not necessary to conclude that
bitter manioc was not grown, since it can be consumed in other
forms (e. g., Lipkind, 1948, pp. 181-2), but it is also possible that
only the sweet variety was raised by the first food-producing Phases.
atkins ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 603
Although the botanical situation in the Amazon drainage with
reference to plant origins is about as little known as the archeology,
Sauer (1950, pp. 507-509) has discussed the problem of the limited
distribution of bitter manioc as compared to sweet manioc. He
notes that while both sweet and bitter manioc occur in the tropical
regions of Brazil, Venezuela, and the West Indies, only the sweet form
was found in the upper tributaries of the Amazon Basin when the
Spanish first arrived there. Sauer’s conclusion is that climate alone
does not account for the more restricted distribution of bitter manioc,
and that this must indicate that the bitter variety was either a late
form which did not have time to diffuse or there was some lack of
receptiveness to it on the part of some cultures. If this distributional
evidence of lateness cannot be conclusively demonstrated by the
archeological results, it is at least not in disagreement with them.
A nonceramic trait of material culture whose history can be traced
archeologically is the use of stone axes. These do not occur in the
three earliest Phases on Marajé Island. Their appearance coincides
with the arrival of the Marajoara Phase on Marajé and of the Arua
Phase in the Territory of Amapé. Only in the later Arua Phase on
the islands and in the Aristé Phase in the Territory of Amap4,
however, can they be considered relatively abundant. Since the
availability of local stone did not alter, this must be considered as a
purely cultural innovation. It is interesting to note that stone axes
are late rather than early in the cultural sequence at the mouth of
the Amazon.
_ Having considered the evidence as it pertains to the content and to
the place of origin and direction of diffusion of the Tropical Forest
Pattern, there remains the problem of how this type of culture
originated and how it is affected by the natural environment. The
one and only important effort to reconstruct the origin of Tropical
Forest culture has been made by Steward (1949 c, p. 762), who
derived his theories partly from a comparison of the cultural similar-
ities and differences between the Circum-Caribbean and Tropical
Forest cultures, and partly from the evidence of what occurred in
the Circum-Caribbean area under the disrupting influence of European
contact (op. cit., pp. 765-766). Steward’s hypothesis was that the
Tropical Forest Pattern developed by degeneration from Circum-
Caribbean culture, retaining the general technology of the latter
but losing the more advanced sociopolitical and religious traits,
which could not be maintained in adapting to the subsistence re-
quirements and limitations of the new environment. Two routes
of movement were postulated, by which this declining culture spread:
(1) down the Guiana coast and up the Amazon, and (2) up the
Orinoco and down the Negro. Since Steward placed primary em-
604 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
phasis on the first of these routes, our archeological investigations
are strategically located to test the validity of this reconstruction.
The evidence they provide is negative both concerning this route of
movement and this derivation of the Tropical Forest Pattern of
culture. As already noted, no evidence was found either of a direct
nature (in the form of sites) or of an indirect nature (in the form of
influences on the local cultures) to support the conclusion that an
important route of migration passed down the coast of the mainland
and up the Amazon River. Nor do the earliest pottery-making
cultures give any indication of having deculturated from a more
advanced level. Furthermore, the lateness of this type of culture
at the mouth of the Amazon rules out any possibility that the Tropical
Forest Pattern could have originated either by evolution or decul-
turation in this part of the lowland forest area.
Although there appears to be no evidence in support of Steward’s
hypothesis deriving Tropical Forest culture by deculturation from
the Circum-Caribbean level in northeastern South America, this,
of course, does not automatically rule out the possibility such a
process could have taken place at the opposite end of the continent.
We feel, however, that such theory is not needed to account for the
similarities that exist between the two culture areas, and that to
resort to a process of degeneration is to move on less safe ground
than if one were to think instead in terms of evolution. Looking at
the problem from this point of view, the general Andean area of
Peru, Ecuador, and Colombia becomes the center of origin and
dispersal of generalized and specific traits, ranging from the idea of
agriculture to special techniques of metallurgy. These moved
north and south within the Andean area and probably also eastward,
beginning probably in very early times. In the Tropical Forest
area only the earliest and most basic inventions were accepted and
adapted for local use. Otherwise, the culture is mainly composed
of special items suited to the requirements and the materials available
in the forest and river environment. These same early inventions—
agriculture and pottery—diffused to the Circum-Caribbean area,
but here environmental limitations are less severe and cultural
evolution was able to progress further, although it did not reach
the heights of technological and political development attained in
the Central Andes. Steward (1949 c, p. 762) made a similar sug-
gestion as an alternative to his basic hypothesis of the origin of
Circum-Caribbean and Tropical Forest culture, namely, ‘‘that the
Circum-Caribbean cultures were in reality Tropical Forest type
cultures with an Andean overlay” instead of the reverse, but he
gave this possibility little consideration.
38 Willey (1949 b, p. 161) concluded that this was the primary center of South American pottery origins.
mn eane AND ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 605
EVANS
This brief sketch suffers from oversimplification. There were
undoubtedly innumerable and constant interchanges between indi-
vidual tribes in all of the areas concerned, so that the place of origin
of many traits has been obscured. It seems doubtful, however,
that any other part of the South American continent will produce
a sequence of the same antiquity and the same evolutionary complete-
ness as has been outlined in the Andean area, and a reasonably
safe guess that this general area stimulated the evolution attained
to a lesser degree in neighboring regions. Although proof is lacking
at this time, we would prefer to see the Tropical Forest Pattern
as having evolved from an earlier hunting, fishing, and gathering
culture with the aid of techniques diffused from the west where a
similar evolution had taken place some time before. We do not
believe that the Tropical Forest Pattern as a whole is derived by
deculturation from the Circum-Caribbean level of development,
although there can be no doubt that some of the tribes now falling
into this classification are the end result of the unsuccessful penetration
of the lowland forest by a more advanced culture.
If Steward’s hypothesis for the origin of the Tropical Forest
Pattern of culture does not find support in our archeological evidence,
the foundation of his theory, namely that a culture of the Circum-
Caribbean or higher level of development cannot maintain its ad-
vanced sociopolitical organization in the face of the limited sub-
sistence potential of the tropical forest (Steward, 1948 a, p. 13),
finds an excellent demonstration in the fate of the Marajoara Phase.
This culture arrived on the Island of Marajé with every indication
of possessing a culture of the Circum-Caribbean or Sub-Andean
level of development, with an advanced sociopolitical organization
characterized by occupational division of labor, social stratification,
and well-defined leadership. The archeological record reveals that
in the tropical forest environment of Marajé Island this culture
underwent a gradual but persistent decline, in which those traits
more advanced than the Tropical Forest level were lost. Although
largely “‘non-material,” they are reflected in such material ways as
the loss of differential treatment of the dead, and the disappearance
of complex and time-consuming techniques of pottery ornamentation.
The Marajoara Phase is a particularly good case for the demonstra-
tion of this leveling effect of the tropical forest environment, since all
other possible causes can be eliminated by comparative evidence.
Were the Marajoara Phase the only intrusive culture, it might be
argued that this transplantation in itself was the cause of the decline.
But, since no fewer than four other cultures made the same transfer
successfully, this reasoning cannot be accepted. Although isolation
might be evoked here to account for the decline, this could not be
606 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
used to explain the same result of other similar penetrations of the
lowland forest (e. g., Steward, 1949 c, pp. 759-760), and it is highly
probable that a single cause is behind them all. Having seen the
environment, analyzed the archeological cultures, and observed the
modern problems of maintaining a productive subsistence economy,
we are thoroughly convinced that the limited potentiality of the
tropical forest environment for permanent local food production is
the answer.
The bearing of the archeological record at the mouth of the Amazon
on these general and theoretical interpretations of the prehistory of
lowland South America, which had been derived primarily on ethno-
graphic evidence, is perhaps the most important outcome of the
1948-49 fieldwork. There is another result, however, of more local
significance, although it may represent a situation that was duplicated
over a larger area. This is the sharp contrast between the archeolog-
ical picture of aboriginal Brazilian Guiana and that reconstructed
from ethnographic and archive sources. The region between the
Rio Oiapoque on the north and the Rio Jari on the south produced
three distinct archeological Phases, the Mazagao Phase, the Maracad
Phase, and the Aristé Phase. Each of these is internally consistent
and suggests a homogeneous, well-integrated unit that does not seem
possible without corresponding linguistic and tribal unity. However,
from the time of the earliest identifications in the 17th century, the
historical records seem to reflect only diversity, which at its most
extreme form identifies each river as inhabited by a separate group.
Careful analysis can resolve a great deal of this contradiction. In
the early records, there appears to have been a confusion of the names
of villages or headmen for tribal or ‘‘national’’ differences, partly as
a result of linguistic difficulties and partly because of a lack of under-
standing on the part of the Europeans of the aboriginal social and
political systems. In more recent times the Guianas became a refuge
that attracted tribes of different linguistic, tribal, cultural, and
historical background from near and distant parts of the Amazon
basin, giving a real tribal and linguistic diversity, but one that is
unrelated to the archeological, pre-European horizon.
The realization of these situations resolves much of the conflict
between the archeological and ethnographical pictures, but not all.
What remains forces us to raise the question as to what an archeolog-
ical culture or ‘‘Phase,’’ as used throughout this report, actually does
represent in ethnographic terms. When he is dealing only with the
precontact horizon, it is easy for the archeologist to assume that his
cultural units with temporal and spatial distribution correspond to
“tribes,” which, on the ethnographical level, are linguistic or more or
less loosely integrated sociopolitical units. This correlation can only
ae ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 607
be tested on the historical horizon. Sometimes it is confirmed, as it
appears to be in the case of the Arué. However, at other times there
is the lack of correspondence mentioned above. The Aristé Phase
especially seems to include several distinct linguistic groups, which
imply tribal differentiation. This appears to indicate that a homo-
geneous archeological complex can represent several tribes, which
are not only sociopolitically distinct but also linguistically unrelated.
The conclusion that tribal or linguistic divisions do not necessarily
correspond with material cultural ones was confirmed during our
archeological research in the interior of British Guiana in 1952-53.
Here we encountered Indians who considered themselves members of
different tribes, linguistically distinguished by anything from a minor
dialectical variation to a separate linguistic stock, but which exhibited
no greater difference in material culture than might be found in
separate villages within the same tribe. This being the case, the
apparent lack of correlation between the historic and the prehistoric
horizons in the Territory of Amapé can be understood. It would be
interesting and perhaps significant to discover what sets the areal
limits on homogeneity in ceramic style and other aspects of material
culture, since the barriers do not appear to be of a linguistic or tribal
nature. An ethnologist who would view living groups as ‘“‘arche-
ology alive” and conduct a material culture survey along archeological
lines could make an important contribution to the useful integration
of archeological and ethnographical results.
The Tropical Forest Area of South America is one of the least
known regions of the New World, archeologically speaking. It also
contains the last large concentration of unacculturated or slightly
acculturated aboriginal groups. Consequently, it provides an un-
rivalled opportunity for archeologists and ethnologists to collaborate
in the solution of these and other problems that will not only improve
our understanding of local cultural development, but also have broader
theoretical significance. In many parts of North America ethno-
graphic information needed for an adequate archeological interpre-
tation has long since vanished with the acculturation of the living
representatives of the cultures. We have a chance in South America
to profit by this example and to record the information that hindsight
has shown to be essential. If archeologists and ethnologists will
develop an awareness of the kind of assistance they can render to
each other, then the only result can be profit to both specialties and
the advancement of the general field of anthropology.
In attempting to interpret the cultural sequence at the mouth of the
Amazon into the larger framework of the development and diffusion
of culture in the continent of South America, we have pushed beyond
the demonstrable into the hypothetical. We have done so because
608 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
we have found the hypotheses of those who have preceded us valuable
and stimulating leads, and if we have shown some of them to be
wrong it is because we have had evidence at our disposal that was
not available before. It is our hope that our tentative reconstructions
will be similarly suggestive to others, and will stimulate them to go
in search of the facts in the unknown regions of lowland South America.
With each theory that is corrected, the science of anthropology takes
another step forward.
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DG.
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TABLE 2.—Frequency of rim and vessel shapes of Anauerapucti Incised in sites of
the Mazagdao Phase (fig. 16)
Form 1 Form 2 Form 3
Site Papen eee ste] Pe Le St Eh ee || He
Count | Percentage | Count | Percentage | Count | Percentage
Cemetery sites
YA Pee Spee ee SS an Ss 1 20.0 3 60.0 1 20.0 5
BS) ccncenckeec see e ened 4 40.0 4 40.0 2 20.0 10
Habitation sites
Bal 2 once ciccocscedas been eee oe eee Cae ee cee | aac easerems Siena | aoe eee oee 1) eee 1
Ax6 ohooh eS eS ae | See eee iL cece eos eee ee eee Se ee 1
A=) Outil idevell0-(hiem)isse-=selaoaneeee | see nese IS eee Fe eres te 4
A-2: Surface and broadside_------ 1 6.3 6 37.5 9 56.2 16
A-2: Cut 2 evel O=liiem,)aee2o2= | eee eee Vande codec eee. oe eee 2
A-2: Cut 2 (level 15-30 cm.) _-----|--------|------------ ) es) ee eae ae ke be See 1
A=2: Out 1 (level 15—-s0\eml:)— 22223) - aaa eee 2) ee 1 I ee 3
POU foe Se cee eee eee fy Pe eee a Bee See bb ll eee 43
TaBLe 3.—Frequency of rim and vessel shapes of Camaipi Plain in sites of the
Mazagao Phase (fig. 17)
Form 1 Form 2 Form 3
Site pe ee bee Fate Totals
Count | Percentage | Count | Percentage | Count | Percentage
Cemetery sites
1. eee rn eaeys Hae ERS e 11 69.0 2 12.5 3 18.5 1
AH3\2 25s 22 ee 7 53.7 4 30.9 2 15.4 13
Habitation sites
p. ) eee nees Sennen e eas Se eeee | |e Semen a eee 2 2 fern |p ee Se 5 a ee 1
1 ae eee Coes a eee Ol a eae 1B eee (eee eee | kee Ae 3
A-2: Cut 1 (level 0-15 cm.)--._--- 2 sane eee i} | Lescoo. Be SASS SS eee 3
A-2: Surface and broadside------ 5 35.7 3 21.3 6 43.0 14
A-2: Cut 2 (level 0-15 cm.)--_-__- Ow 3) e eeeeces | Ee oe Se Ee | eee cee 2
AC ae ees eee ene i 2 Ps ee 10 (80 nl (eS 5) IE area ee Te 4 28. 5 14
Total os22 tenes SO) See as ees Ws |\saecencecase 16;| 2-0 ees 66
TABLE 4.—Frequency of rim and vessel shapes of Jari Scraped in sites of the Mazagéo
Phase (fig. 18)
Form 1 Form 2
Habitation sites poeeee, SD Sipe 8k See ee NTIS
Count | Percentage | Count | Percentage
Poe ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 621
TaBLe 5.—Frequency of rim and vessel shapes of Mazagaéo Plain in sites of the
Mazagdao Phase (fig. 19)
Form 1 Form2 | Form’ Form 4
oD <3) Oo i?)
i oD oo oD oo
Site ie - : E g ’
~ ~ ~~
[-8) et
a r= aN = 8 = =
°o Do o oD o i) ° oO °o
ie) Ay ie) Ay 6) Ay ie) Ay a
Cemetery sites
UN Lees 8 See py Se ee Se PD eee ae ee eee 3 | 37.5 5 ie 1] 12.5 37.5 8
JN 5 papetE 4 gets Sk Spa SS SRS Ae TRS PRE Pen aree cee renee ee 12 | 30.0} 8] 20.0] 9] 22.6 | 11 | 27.6] 40
Habitation sites
cil 50,55: eae SiR ee ee ee ee eee 1] 20.0} 1] 20.0] 2] 40.0] 1] 20.0 5
LAE SS SESE SAT Re ee Bee ee lt oe ae Se ee 5 | 45.4 1 9.1 3 | 27.3 2; 18.2 ll
Aso Out) Cevell0-lsiem)e's. 23-38 Stk eo coco cece lebce tales leecadel ss | Seeds s|loa 24a oe 2
UNDER iy eae val a) ors Cot) (a (ee SS ee 20.| 67.8) 2| 5&7] 7) 20.0) 6/|17.0] 35
AKI Outs (evel: 0-U5icem)/=- 25. Jos sas el esos secesee ee BAO ees lew cece O87 21a ee S| |S ae 9
A=2:.Out/2 (level 15-30! em:) 2. 2e soe e oie el decane Te eee! (Ce eee Beery |: eres a ee 3
AHO MOUE (leVvello-cO|GIN:) sas nocsecnases ene aoe=co=e gL) Ue Sea | Sa eae pS etalon BS i i) eee 4
Rar ONG I (eVeld0-40 CWls) = 22. esc encccoLeSucesevenac= Deez aaae pass bee aeleat | Sear es | poeeleee eee. 1
boo Beak ee ae eee ee eee ee eee Ga GOLON ease | eeese sl Wa LOsOn | Ss) |po0L0) |, 10
REG WONG esto et ace vies aaewae Sone ahaa ease wens ene Belvidere esas | cease boc sees 2 | 28.5 7
Isfoyeel IDC eee eee ae a ae Se eee ee Giddy Oulaase |e 1} 14.2 1} 14.2 7
A TPAlegre: Cesm. oo Net | ape se oS estes ak OAM | no A al |S ae | SR Lea [ee a ene 2
Vee ened scene are peau asabuecus ee anee ae See oko 4 uSOr0) |22e2| Sto s2lte oe eae ace! 1 | 20.0 5
hotaleasceese eee een ease ne eee een aes G0 |Seseee 137 | Peon 251 eae 32) |e 149
TaBLE 6.—Frequency of rim and vessel shapes of Pigacé Incised in sites of the
Mazagao Phase (fig. 20)
Form 1 Form 2 Form 3 Form 4
Oo oO Oo Oo
i -7)) oo 1-7) a0
Site : : = g
~~ ~ ~_ ~~ Y
= ea (ale a= fan =
° D 5° D ° D °o i) io)
ie) ot 12) Ay 1@) Ay oO Ay &
Cemetery sites
J Nat ne cael Sebo arte Bet Se ayy ee as eee Sees Poe 5 | 50.0} 3] 30.0] 1/100] 1] 10.0} 10
LAER a eS aE ESS ee ee Sete at Sees 6 545.5) 44) 36548 |e ee oS ee Te ort 10
Habitation sites
aT gy 52h a ys lp pak ep A pap a Brea pA (earns (Ne Saeed cael Ih Fee ios pene ee 2
Lede S Gos SST SS As iS SE ee eee eee 8) A255 4067s ieee | eee eee (eee oe 7
Je Biol ade IS Gi) | ee ee ee eee pL) (Re ar ee Pe | Ee ee 1
LNA PM Sot CET Ih) 0) Coe Fo fc (ae Se ei 3°) 0050) |) (2) oordaleacaleeeeee 1| 16.7 6
JN PTC Oy gl (Eh) UG Salih ci0 F) ee aaa ee ee eee Se 0 el eal ered teed sec at eases 1
AS OUb Le evel Lb-30 Clny) 25 none ase ee eens sen eeeee Th PES ae ae es See ee ee |e | ae 1
PASE CEE a ee a nS a AS TE Sey Se | etiea| oe eeee| (eRe eS ps eae (RE | 1
622 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
TABLE 7.—Frequency of rim and vessel shapes of Uxy Incised in sites of the Mazagao
Phase (fig. 21)
Form 1 Form 2 Form 3 Form 4
Site
Percentage
Count
Percentage
Count
Percentage
Count
Percentage
Totals
A=2:) Surface andsbrogdside eases. = see eee ee CN tes Pee i Uy eee ee eerie is 4
NaN ee pee oe tee Se SCE ie Ro ee eee 4 | 40.0 4} 40.0 2 2050 uses eee ee 10
DAO TORO = 24 O52 oe RA op Sa ee a ee 5 | 38.4 4] 30.8 3] 23.1 1 reat 13
‘Bom Destino = ae 3 Yee Se es ae a eee 9 | 56.3 | 2] 12.6 4) 16525) oA e25: Oat P16
Alto'Alegre . 2-28 de 22 ee ee dAleeeete na (eee 2 i Cy aes tees) Eee tty EOE 3
5 ee ee ee Aeneas Sep ee Se ee ae 5 pee eee ee 5 | 55.6 3 | 33.4 1 Ta oa Ut Jp ee ee Se 9
Totals 32> elk Bie Os v2 Se Ba es ene oe 7 | Ree as} eee &..| 54. 5 |e 56
TaBLE 8.—Frequency of rim and vessel shapes of Vilanova Plain in sites of the
Mazagao Phase (fig. 22)
Form 1 Form 2 Form 3
Site eee ei neereroene (teens Seen Ne NUE
Count | Percentage | Count | Percentage | Count | Percentage
A-2: Cut 1 (level 0-15 em.).______
A-2: Surface and broadside_-_____
A-2: Cut 2 (level 0-15 cm.)_______
A-2: Cut 2 (level 15-30 cm.) -___-_-
A-2: Cut 1 (level 15-30 em.) _-____
A-2: Cut 1 (level 30-45 cm.) _-_____
penccens, AND ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 623
TaBLE 9.—Reduction of the individual rim and vessel shapes of Mazagéo Phase
pottery types to common vessel shapes (fig. 24)
Form A Form B | FormO | FormD |} FormE |} FormF
Pottery types (carinated |(jar; thick-} (tall, cy- | (pedestal- (open (jar; out- Form G
bowl) ened rim) | lindrical | basin lid) bowl) curved (flat lids)
jar) rim)
Aasierapuek Sins) Porn 22-2 Sloss. 8 ee oh ee orm 1222] orm Se eee ee eee SER
cised.
Oamaipt-Plain=-—-|-2-~.--.._-..5 Horm 122-|" Form 2.- 415. <.------2 Rormige-:|2 22-28 e enna oe
Mari Herapod.—=.2-\es 2s. 220. Se eo ae a eset Horm tl") orm. sien aes Tee
Mazacho: Plain: __-|s...=-+-..42- Morn 12- oe orm 25-4) eens lke Form 4___} Form 3___| Rare Form 2.
Riracainelsed S22 |? Worm 3:22 stees Se ed orm) 2224) Hormy12..\)ormi4: 22/222 Seo. eae
Uxy Incised--__---- Hormatiand’ |S vegas eer ee De ea eee eee ee Form 4___]| Form 3.
Form 2.
Vilanova) Plaine =ss|2o. 2-222. -4e4 orm ise |( Norm) 25 4|200 soe Or Sasa ee aoe SBE ee 2
TaBLeE 10.—F requency of common rim and vessel shapes irrespective of pottery types
an sites of the Mazagao Phase (fig. 24)
Form A | Form B } FormC |} FormD | FormE | FormF | FormG
(carinated (jar; (tall, (pedestal- (open (jar;
bowl) | thickened |cylindrical] basin bowl) joutcurved | (flat lids)
rim jar) lid) rim)
Site aps Se Sool Co i ee ee oe ee
oo oo a0 =") a0 i=") on
» $s » = ~ F ~ # > : | 3 wa
~_ ~
SI 3 8 is] 3 8 |'3
BY eB 1ei ele) 28181218} 818) 8 12] 8 le
12) Ay 12) Ay 1@) Aa ie) Ay 1e) Ay Lo) Ay 1.2) Ay &B
Cemetery sites
J ae ee 2 4.2 | 20 | 41.7 4 8.3 6 | 12.4 | 14} 29.2 2 A Dil see 48
AB. Soot se so 3 3.5 | 24 | 28.3 | 16 | 18.8 8 Or Anza dy 28.201 10 Nes 2) et lee 85
[BULL. 167
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
624
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BE EERSPATD ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 625
TABLE 12.—F requency of rim and vessel shapes of Aristé Plain in sites of the Aristé
Phase (fig. 38)
Form 1 Form 2 Form 3 Form 4
Site Totals
Count | Percent- | Count | Percent- | Count | Percent- | Count | Percent-
age age age age
Cemetery sites
A-10 (outside) _____- 1a [see Peee eS PS ee epee = aa. | lanier meena (EER Ot PTS Jee 3
A-10 (inside) _ __---- 8 44.5 3 16. 6 3 16.6 4 22.3 18
A=T1* (Oave!2_-- 2. 3 33.3 3 33.3 2 22.3 1 Thea! 9
A-11: Cave 3_.----- ) 1 (eee Se 2) Pe eee (eee es DN es oe Sea es 3
A-11: Cave 1___-_-- 4 66. 6 2 BS a A ee ee ne! [Seen a] Peceereccrers Se 6
Habitation sites
JN inh apse epics teense oul beers setae | perme teal lve oe mee 113) (eee ge? eae oe |e SER Meare ee eae ul
YA) ee ee oe LS Ee en eee ee ee Eee er | eee eee eee nel ee ee 1
/\ DLE ee ee 1 20.0 2 40.0 2 A050) |e es el 5
YN CLES ree eae 1 11.1 5 55.5 3 8 Tee US [ee Se 9
Jee | ge ae ee Baltes a ate ees cated necks cts | eae ee els | ea Ae Bee 2
Totaly aoe Lose 5 al Se eee slr (p| eee eee 14> 22252 By | eee 57
TaBLE 13.—Frequency of rim and vessel shapes of Aristé Painted in sites of the
Aristé Phase (fig. 39)
Form 1 Form 2 Form 3 Form 4 Form 5
=) q » =| ~ q » 8 » g a
Se es ae a eee re |g
iS) By 3 5 } 3 3° 5 } 3 °
ie) Ay 12) Ay 12) Ay 12) Ay 16) Ay B
Cemetery sites
A-10 (outside)- te epee Pal se epae [e earl pes Sem [oe Ean Ieee Oe ore 4
A-10 (inside) - 3 | 37.5 P55 1 | 12.5 1} 12.5 2 | 25.0 8
A-11: Cave 2- 3 | 23.0 2115.5 Ge a7 3 | 23.0 4] 30.8 13
A-11: Cave 3. | i Le eed 2 |: | a roo |: ek 5 A em [eas (eee
ASV SOaVveles 3 2 ees ees 1 | 16.7 Onsar3 TS MGs7seeass eee 2 | 33.3 6
TABLE 14.—Frequency of rim and vessel shapes of Davi Incised in sites of the Aristé
Phase (fig. 41)
Form 1 Form 2 Form 3 Form 4
Site can neers | RNa eee as MA eA aloe WES a hace
Count | Percent- | Count | Percent- | Count | Percent- | Count | Percent- | Totals
age age age age
Cemetery sites
A-l1: Cave 2..-___- 1 Ul ASN Mepis ge paeee| (os cS ea Ze | |S SR Wh) [A a ar (| 1
Habitation sites
fot pe et
Go
626 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
TABLE 15.—Frequency of rim and vessel shapes of Flexal Scraped in sites of the
Aristé Phase (fig. 42)
Form 1 Form 2 Form 3 Form 4 Form 5
Site e e & ep &
a r= - | ies a = | - r| 2
= ROS Of Ven) P= el ber OE C=) PR) SO ea
3 S ° By ° 3S ° 3 ° S Ss
1@) Ay {@) Ay 1o) q, 12) Ay 1@) Ay &
Cemetery sites
A-11: Cave 2___- Mi 2 | 33.3 2 | 33.3 1 | 16.7 pA (Be Sa a | a fa Se 6
A=": '@avedesss2c-22s2snesee eee We -S- 3-2 loa cae |ne con | Sa eee bees ee ee 1
Habitation site
BX ae er ee Oe ek Se eel eee (eee ee Baer ecard eee eee ne Been yh aire 1
Totals ae 22 2-04 220 ase py eee eres 2 esse e i Ne Sere b Uy | eee : (eee 8
TaBLE 16.—Frequency of rim and vessel shapes of Serra Plain in sites of the Aristé
Phase (fig. 43)
Form 1 Form 2 Form 3 Form 4 Form 5
ne en er noes © © ©
Site S Ey 3S Ey S
eles tie-| a lie | elle le a) esol
i ia a =a = ee Spt
So Oo o D i>) D S [-7) 9° i) i)
12) Ay ie) Ay 12) Ay 12) Ay 13) Ay B
Cemetery sites
IA=1Gb 2 2 SD 3S oe Es Soe ee Al Ee (ee) ee ee 21)\. = Seeks ee 4
oN ae ee ee eee pV So ee ee ll ee 5 eee ere fee 2
A=10"(OUTSICO) base eae 3 | 43.0 ga tes Vs a) Seer (Eee 2 | 28.4 1] 14.3 re
A=10 (inside) Se nec ee ee sant en saceee|ooeees 3 | 33.4 2 | 22.2 Pel Nie-2- 2) 2272 9
Habitation sites
UNA. | eee eee OY eee 7 Ee Eee See 7 Ee ee Bee ee eee | aes 4
py pees ee nes ae ee Py) eae ee eee S| Bee pe ee 5 he eee | aes hee 4
Y.\| ees eee ie ee ee See 4 | 23.6 1 1.2 6 | 42.8 3. | 21.4 -)sosees|-ateess 14
D7 Ee ees ee eee see OD) (ee etal fe ate, (eon EE b Mpa pe ees 3
Aq91 22 Fae eee eee ones Daf ae 2S ae ea Se Sr ee ea | ee se | | ee 7 i) Pal Se 4
yO | Eee Eee ees eee ee 2] 13.3 3 | 20.0 6 | 40.0 yl a ie fl ae | 15
A=1RU 2. See NE REES Se 8 | 47.0 1 5.8 5 | 29.5 2) 1S 1 5.9 17
A= 1G) 2 ee ae eee | see e S| sane nn eee eee 24 | 3-224 7 Ae) el (ae at een [eine 4
Totaleo cs osas-seeensss=-a-5 207 | see LN Eee 7 | eee 20 eeeee a eet 87
sengenna: AnD ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 627
TABLE 17.—Frequency of rim and vessel shapes of Serra Painted in sites of the
Aristé Phase (fig. 44)
Form 1 Form 2 Form 3 Form 4 Form 5
Site
Percentage
Percentage
Percentage
Count
Percentage
Count
Percentage
Count
ENG SS A eee a, ae fee Seale ies Sera
Tei es 2 SR ae ee ee
Siti ag ee ee
A-10 (outside)
A—10)(Gnside) = 23222 Fes
SAS DEAL Op ees ae el
Habitation sites
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TREO SAS Tepper be Oe | a ee ee
NS a SS I Le EO UE ae
NO Getler oe oe Sa
TABLE 18.—Frequency of rim and vessel shapes of Uagé Incised in sites of the
Aristé Phase (fig. 45)
Form 1 Form 2 Form 3
Habitation sites Totals
Count | Percentage | Count | Percentage} Count | Percentage
JAE Ss See oe ee ee 4 pee eee eee 119 Ee aera Se) ee See I Se a 3
LX SAS eee ee ee ee 3 42.8 3 42.8 1 12.4 MZ
FO Gal rere eee see ee bi] |e eee eee ee el ps Se ea 1 | Se ae ee 10
[BULL. 167
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
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636 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
TABLE 27.—Frequency of 3 jar shapes in the Ananatuba Phase plain wares
which influenced the pottery of the Mangueiras Phase (figs. 73 and 74)
Common jar shape
Total rims
Form 1 of Anana- | Form3of Anana- | Form 5 of Anana- of both
Sites tuba Plain and tuba Plain and tuba Plain and Ananatuba
form 1 of Sororoco | form 3 of Sororoco | form 5 of Sororoco | Plain and
Plain Plain Plain Sororoco
Plain
Count | Percentage} Count | Percentage | Count | Percentage
J-7: Cut 1—
Level 0-15 ecm___...._.-__ A a ee, SP ee a ee ee | eee | 11
Level 15-30 em__-_____-_- 7 USO | = pee | re Ses Se 4 8.7 46
Level 30-45 em_...-2__-__ 7 1 Ty EY | Ne ae, Ne ee Se 6 9.8 61
Level 45-60 cm_____-__-__ 11 CAs Dn (eee ae ee Se, 3 18.7 16
J-7: Cut 2—
Mevell0=t5iem= sess ees Dafoe i ate = ratte ge Sera ete ee 13
Level 15-30 cm____-_-___-_ 4 16.7 2 8.4 2, 8.4 24
Level 30-45 cm______-____ 9 14.5 4 625 7 ie 62
Level 45—60 cm _.._--____ 42 15.4 5 1.8 28 10.3 273
Level 60-75 cm___----____ 20 10.9 6 31.8) 13 Ta 183
Level 75-90 cm_____--____ 5 16.6 1 3.3 1 3.3 30
Totals at Site J-7_.-____ 98 13.6 18 2.5 64 8.9 719
J-10: Cut 1-
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Level 45-60em-____________ 9 19.6 2 A Teg (ete Ee (IS Ge Se 46
Level 60-75 cm__......-_- 17 28.4 4 6.ial aes eee 60
Level 75-90 cm_-_-____-____ 8 18.6 4 Ch) Seas) ae eee 43
Level 90-105 em__________ 13 32. 6 3 1 {Stitt aes Sl |, SS 40
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J=82 Surtaceand!test > 2-22 aa eS ee 2 | Pea ee a al (os See |e 6
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Level 30-45 cm__ 39 28. 2 8 5.8 2 1.5 138
Level 45-60 em__ 16 34.8 5 TOS8 | 22 2c bee eee 46
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paenes; AND ARCHEOLOGY AT MOUTH OF AMAZON 643
TABLE 33.—Frequency of three jar shapes in the Mangueiras Phase Plain Wares
showing influence from the Ananatuba Phase (figs. 73 and 74)
a
Common Jar Shape:| Common Jar Shape:| Common Jar Shape:) Total rims
Form 1 of Anjos Form 3 of Anjos Form 2 of Anjos of both
Plain and form 4 of | Plain and form 3 of Plain Anjos Plain
Sites Mangueiras Plain | Mangueiras Plain and Man-
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Plain
Count | Percentage} Count Percentage | Count | Percentage
Uses oseecscceececcececees| | (OI! 9 SINE sag} eee en 31
J-7: Cut 1—
Level 0-15 em._.-....-_.- 8.1 74
Level 15-30 em_-__-_---_-- 3.6 56
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652 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 167
TaBLE 41,—Adjusted frequency of plain pottery types from 17 Marajoara Phase
cemetery mounds (fig. 141)
| Camutins Plain TInaja Plain
Sites Eo ES oh oe Ss ee ee Corals
Count | Percentage ; Count | Percentage
Wurinho; surface. 2- 22 2-822 2W a eee eee eS 17 63. 0 10 37.0 27
J-15: Mound 17, surface 137 60. 4 90 39.6 227
J-14: Mound 1 1_______- 99 60. 0 66 40.0 165
J-15: Mound 1, surface__- 83 58. 6 60 41.4 143
J=14; Mound) 2,isurface: 62222 8 ae ee eee 12 50.0 12 50.0 24
Teso do Gentil: Mound 1, surface_-_------------------ 10 50.0 10 50.0 20
Sante ‘Bricida: suriace-- 2 2 Sta = = SS ee 55 44.8 68 55. 2 123
Teso dos China: Mound 1, level 0-15 em_-_------_----- 19 41.4 29 58.6 48
Tha doswWichosmsuriacess 225-2 ee ee 9 37.5 15 62.5 24
Cuiciras}:surfaces 2222 eimit eee a ee 17 34.7 32 65.3 49
Teso dos China: Mound 1, level 15-30 em_--_---------- 5 31.3 il 68.7 16
Teso dos China: Mound 2, surface _-_.._--------------- 30.0 14 70. 0 20
Fortaleza; surface. 8 5202 ee ee ee ee 194 26.0 552 74.0 746
Pacoval (Peabody, Harvard Collection), surface__----- 79 25. 0 234 75.0 313
Teso dos China: Mound 4, surface-_-_--_---------------- 3 17.5 14 82.5 17
Teso' do. Severino Suraces-o= aes se ee eee 21 14.4 125 85.6 146
Pacoval (Hilbert Collection) surface_-_..--.----------- 43 14.0 264 86.0 307
Caratatéuaxcuriaces 2 es Sao et eee eee 4 9.1 40 90.9 44
Pacoval dos Mello; surfaces 2-2-2225 =-22- 5 See 6 8.0 65 92.0 71
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BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
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TaBLE 43.—Frequency of decorated potiery types at 4 Marajoara Phase cemetery
mounds (fig. 143)
Fortaleza
Pacoval
(surface col- | (surface col- | Camutins Guajaraé
lection _|lection Univ.) (surface col- | (surface col-
AMNH and| Museum, |lection J-15:)lection J-—i4:
Peabody, Pa.) Mound 1) | Mound 1)
Decorated pottery types Harvard)
: ET |:
= oo = oo b= oo =| oo
eg SS ee a Mal ame =| eae |S
2 o So o iS) o iS) o
\e) Ay ie) AY ie) io ie) Ay
Anajis Incised:
AmAjis Plain Incised 2222 f=: hee eee 103° |) 7.6 26) 5.4 69 | 22.6 19} 18.7
‘Anayjas/ Red incised: 22202822 See eee 49 | 3.7 8) 137 Sty 1.6) |e eee
Ama asnvihiteukncised esses eee 287 | 21.2 82 | 16.9 al) La6 1 .9
Anajas Double-Slipped Incised _-____---_--------- 28) |) 9251 1 2 |e eee
Arari Excised:
ArarivPlain EXCised = se She to= = oe = ee eee 7 ei Oye ae) 62 | 20.2 30 | 29.5
Arari Red Wxcised2o= se s02 2 eee 63 | 4.6 AOU metae Oh i PAA) 2 1.9
‘Arari-Wihite Excised = 220 = Seo oe ee oe eee 28 | 2.1 || Ie 6) 1.6 22 Sas
Arari Double-Slipped Excised _---_-------.------ 62 | 4.5 Gal aS 3 oS
Arari Red Excised, White Retouch_------------- 39) ||) 2.9 6 |) 152 2 od 1 a)
CarmelotRed= 2222 ant ee ee ee 5 4 3 AG yi eeae ss |e 1 9
Golapl'Scraped® 22.02 Soto. Gee as De ae 16°), 1.2 20 | 4.2 24 | 7.9 5 4.9
Guaiardiincised essa) toe Se ee ee ks} [Ve walee! 3 6 13 | 4.3 9 8.8
Joanes Painted:
Red-on-Wiite:.=02. eo: 2 eae | 174 | 12.8 84 | 17.3 9] 2.9 16} 15.8
Black-on-White-__-...----- se becwseteoreescutesns 14 eal 1 $2) @o222=|so2s22]enee ae leeeeee
Red and! Black-on-=W hites: {= -=_- -2sSeee = ee 93] 6.9 1 42 7. 2530 |222cee | See
White (‘Slipioniyi 20525 ee eee es 75 5.5 154 | 31.8 93 | 30.5 18 var
Pacoval' incised...) Re 221 | 16.3 | 54 | 11.2 | 4 Ol ae
Totalsio 2. 2-8 5 ee ae eee ee 1, 253 |100.0 484 |100.0 | 306 |100.0 | 102 | 100.9
TaBLe 44.—Frequency of unusual pottery artifacis and adornos at four Marajoara
Phase Cemetery Sites (fig. 144)
Camutins Guajara
Pacoval Fortaleza J-15: J-14:
(surface (surface Mound 1 Mound 1
collection) | collection) (surface (surface
collection) | collection)
Pottery artifacts and adornos Total
my my a 2
2 88) @ ae 4 boal aoe
Bile] 8 |2es] 8 | ee] 8 | es
So oD °o o o o . io) o
1e) Ay 1e) Ay oO Ay io) AY
Stools: . 3. S262 2 ee ee 45 3.3 15 2.0 5 V5 Wheel eee 65
Spoons: 205 2 ee as ee eee 12 .8 4 .5 it a eee eee 17
HolowsRims. 23-22 2552S) ee ee eee 25a eS 1 pay Es Iie Be | Meee eee S| ee 26
Anthropomorphie and zoomorphie rim
OITNOS2 = Sen 26 52.6 ee ee eee 218 | 16.1 8 Tal 4 1.2 2 iti 232
Geometriciriniad ormos 2) seen eee ee 66 | 4.9 IDA 16 133 e480) See ee oe eee 91
andlesc = 2k er ae ae ee ee a £2, 9 1 pull 2 .6 2 ath 17
Total... -.2-s52-222e ee eee] G8 78h ase == 41 | ee Pa ee 4) poe 448,
Percentage based on the total number of
sherds from the surface collection of
SUES era RIES eT aT Bee) eee a 7460| sul 3250 eee 264. |. | een
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BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 167 PLATE 1
Views of the Rio Araguari above its junction with the Rio Amapari, Territory of Amapa.
a, Steep hill typical of those that occasionally break the low shore line. 6, Rapids in the
early rainy season when a few rocks still protrude.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 167 PLATE 2
Arua Phase stone alinement at A-S—Aurora in the central part of the Territory of Amapa.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 167 PLATE 3
Mazagao Phase sites in the southern part of the Territory of Amapa. a, Vicinity of A-6—
Ilha das Igacabas; the habitation site is located just inside the area of trees. 5, Detail of
excavation at A-4—Valentim, showing vessels of Burial Group 2 in situ.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 167 PLATE 4
Aristé Phase habitation site of A~9—Relégio and its environment in the central part of the
Territory of Amapa. a, Looking toward the site, located in the trees on the left. 5,
The Rego do Caja showing the typical shallow lake and swamp vegetation on this part of
the Territory.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BUEEEGRIN 167) (PEATE 5
Aristé Phase burial site of A-10—Montanha da Pluma in the northern part of the Territory
of Amapa. a, Tree-covered hillside with granite outcrops in which the site is located.
b, Closeup of the cave mouth during excavation of the broken vessels.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 167 PLATE 6
(4
:
i #
?
Ariste Phase sites in the northern part of the Territory of Amapa. a, A-11—Montanha de
Aristé, Cave 1, with broken burial urns along the base of the nearly vertical face of a
large granite outcrop. b, Habitation site of A-12—Cruzeiro, with the Igarapé da Rasa
in the foreground. The site and the surrounding area have been cleared for modern
cultivation,
BULLETIN 167 PLATE 7
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
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BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 167 PLATE 8
Camaipi Plain vessels collected by Lima Guedes from the Rio Vilanova and now in the
Museu Paraense Emilio Goeldi.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 167 PLATE 9
Mazagio Phase vessels collected by Lima Guedes from the Rio Vilanova and now in the
Museu Paraense Emilio Goeldi. a-c, Mazagao Plain. d, Vilanova Plain.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 167 PLATE 10
Mazagao Plain sherds showing coarse quartz temper and typical applique decoration.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 167 PLATE 11
Type sherds of Anauerapuca Incised, Mazagao Phase.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 167 PLATE 12
Type sherds of Pigaca Incised, Mazagao Phase.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 167 PLATE 13
Type sherds of Uxy Incised with rectilinear motifs, Mazagao Phase.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 167 PLATE 14
Type sherds of Uxy Incised with curvilinear motifs, Mazagao Phase.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BUELCERIN 1675 PEATE 15
Decorated pottery types of the Mazagao Phase. a, Uxy Incised bowl exterior from the
site of Uxy, Rio Iratapurt. b-g, Type sherds of Jari Scraped.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 167 PLATE 16
a a ae
) 2 3 CM
Unclassified decorated sherds from the Mazagao Phase. a, d, 1, Modeled and incised. 5,
f, h, Modeled. c, Punctate. e, Flat sherd with perforations. g, Spindle whorl.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 167 PLATE 17
Zoomorphic burial urns of the Maraca Phase from Ilha do Para. a, University Museum,
Philadelphia, No. SA 1477, collected by W. C. Farabee. 6, Museu Paraense Emilio
Goeldi, collected by Lima Guedes.
BULLETIN 167 PLATE 18
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
‘ule[g ‘9 ‘speaq ssv]3 uradoiny yatm ourds pue wie uo pozedooap pur Moja pu Yovyq poyuled “¢ “9I1YM puv YoeIq powuled “P “Ipja0d)
OlWy, osuavIeg Nasnyy 9yI UI MOU PUL voeIeP Oly 2Y1 Wor sapancy vu] Aq paqoaT[oo ‘aseyg vovIeTA ay} FO susn yeling s1ydiowrodom Uy
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 167 PLATE 19
<=
Lid heads of Maraca Phase anthropomorphic burial urns in the collection of the Museu
Paraense Emilio Goeldi. a-d, Type 1: straight-sided, truncated cone with flat disk top.
e, Type 2: dome-shaped. f, Type 3: rounded with flat top and constricted neck, with
shoulders widening out to the diameter of the jar mouth.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 167 PLATE 20
Ariste Plain burial vessels from A-11—Montanha de Aristé. a, Cave 2, vessel N.
b, Cave 2, vessel B. c, Cave l. d, Cave 2, vessel D.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 167 PLATE 21
Decorated pottery types of the Aristé Phase. a, Aristé Painted; A-11, Cave 2, vesselI. 5, Aristé
Painted; A-11, Cave 2, vessel L. c-f, Type sherds of Davi Incised.
BULLETIN 167 PLATE 22
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
ne
Cave 2
Fragmentary vessels of Flexal Scraped from the Aristé Phase cemetery of A-11—Montanha
de Aristé,
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 167 PLATE 23
Type sherds and a complete vessel of Serra Plain from Aristé Phase sites. a, Jar rim with
simple appliqué decoration. b, c, e, Jar rims with slight exterior thickening. d, Bowl
with deeply grooved interior, possibly used as a grater. f, Vessel 10 from Cunani site,
excavated by Goeldi and now in the Museu Paraense Emilio Goeldi.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 167 PLATE 24
Vessels of Serra Painted from cemetery sites of the Aristé Phase. a, A-11, Cave 2, jar neck
with painted bands. 6, A-11, Cave 2, vessel K, painted red. c, Cunani Site, vessel 15,
Museu Paraense Emilio Goeldi. d, Cunani Site, vessel 14, Museu Paraense Emilio
Goeldi. ¢, Cunani Site, vessel 8, Museu Paraense Emilio Goeldi.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 167 PLATE 25
b
Serra Painted jar from A-—15—Vila Velha and a sample of the glass trade beads found inside.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 167 PLATE 26
Pottery types from the Aristé Phase. a—b, Serra Painted figurines and adornos from
A-16—Ilhas do Campo. cc, Serra Plain figurine or adorno from A-16. d-g, Type sherds
of Uaca Incised.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 167 PLATE 27
Aerial views of Marajo Island. a, Forested western part with numerous rivers and streams.
b, Vegetation pattern of southeastern Marajo with modern garden clearings visible in
the forest bordering the river. (Courtesy United States Army Air Force.)
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 167 PLATE 28
Aerial views of Marajé Island: a, Alternation between forest and campo typical of the region
west of Lago Arari. b, Open campo with trees in small isolated clumps and fringing the
rivers, typical of eastern Maraj6. (Courtesy United States Air Force.)
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 167 PLATE 29
Typical environment on northern Maraj6. a, Campo sprinkled with trees in the vicinity
of J-7—Sipé. 6, Forest and campo in the vicinity of J-J—Ananatuba and J-10—
Sororoco.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 167 PLATE 30
Habitation sites of the Tropical Forest archeological Phases on Marajé Island: a, J-7—
Sipd, Ananatuba Phase. 6, J-13—Bacuri, Mangueiras Phase.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 167 PLATE 31
a
Formiga Phase sites in the campo of northern Marajé: a, J-4—Mucaja, visible as a
darker band in the grass at the right. 6, J-6—Formiga with the mounds appearing as
bands of darker growth at the right. c, J-6—Formiga, Mound 1 during excavation.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 167 PLATE 32
Marajoara Phase habitation mounds on the Igarape Camutins, central Marajo: a, J-135,
Mound 11 from midstream at the end of the rainy season. 6, J—15, Mound 14 with
flooded campo in the foreground.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 167 PLATE 33
Marajoara Phase cemetery mounds on the Igarapé Camutins, central Marajo: a, J-15,
Mound 1, Camutins from upstream at high water. 0b, J-15, Mound 17, Belem from down-
stream at high water. The south end of the mound has been cleared by a caboclo for
his house.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 167 PLATE 34
Marajoara Phase cemetery mounds on the upper Rio Anajas, central Marajo: a, J—I4,
Mound 1, Guajara from midstream at the end of the rainy season. 5b, J-14, Mound 2,
Monte Carmelo from the flooded river bank.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 167 PLATE 35
Type sherds of Ananatuba Plain showing rim variation and handle con-
struction, Ananatuba Phase.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 167 PLATE 36
pene |
Type sherds of Carmo Brushed, Ananatuba Phase.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 167 PLATE 37
Type sherds of Sipé Incised, Design Type 1: row of scallops, Ananatuba Phase.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 167 PLATE 38
Type sherds of Sipo Incised, Design Type 2: zoned, fine crosshatch, Ananatuba Phase.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 167 PLATE 39
‘Type sherds of Sipé Incised. Ananatuba Phase. a-—b, Design Type 3: zoned, large crosshatch. c-e,
Design Type 4: diagonal crosshatch.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 167 PLATE 40
Oo 1 2 33 0M
Kaw
\ : ae
Type sherds of Sipé Incised Design Type 5: zoned, parallel lines, Ananatuba Phase.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 167 PLATE 41
Type sherds of Sipé Incised, Ananatuba Phase. a—d, Design Type 6: broad, parallel lines
or grooves. ¢, Design Type 7: circles along rim.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 167 PLATE 42
5 CM
Miscellaneous pottery from Ananatuba Phase sites. a, Miniature Ananatuba Plain jar
from J-10—Sororoco. 6-c, Unclassified decorated sherds with punctate ornamentation,
from J-7—Sipé and J-9—Ananatuba. d, Worked and partially drilled sherd, possibly
a spindle whorl from J-7—Sip6. e, Unclassified decorated sherd with pinched surface
resembling corrugation from J-8—Maguari.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 167 PLATE 43
Type sherds of Bacuri Brushed, Mangueiras Phase.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 167 PLATE 44
Type sherds and miniature vessel of Croari Brushed, Mangueiras Phase.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 167 PLATE 45
Oo 2..3°CM
Rim sherds from vessels of Mangueiras Plain, showing rim form and occasional notched or
lobed decoration.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 167 PLATE 46
Type sherds of Pocoaté Scraped, Mangueiras Phase.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 167 PLATE 47
Decorated sherds from the Mangueiras Phase. a—g, Pseudo-Sip6 Incised. h—i, Unclassified
decorated with punctate ornamentation. j—n, Unclassified decorated with incised designs.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 167 PLATE 48
Decorated pottery types of the Formiga Phase. a-h, Type sherds of Mucaja Corrugated. I-n,
Type sherds of Pseudo-Sipo Incised.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 167 PLATE 49
Trade sherds of the Marajoara Phase excavated at the Formiga Phase site of J-6—Formiga: a-e,
Arari Excised. fj, Guajara Incised.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 167 PLATE 50
Type sherds of Anajas Double-slipped Incised, Marajoara Phase.
Natural History.)
(American Museum of
BULLETIN 167 PLATE 51
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
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pesisuy ure
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1
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BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 167 PLATE 52
Vessels of Anajas Plain Incised, Marajoara Phase. (American Museum of Natural History.)
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 167 PLATE 53
Type sherds and vessels of Anajas Red Incised, Marajoara Phase: a, J-15, Mound 14.
b, University of Michigan Museum. c—h, American Museum of Natural History.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 167 PLATE 54
Type sherds of Anajas White Incised, Marajoara Phase. (American Museum of Natural
History.)
BULLETIN 167 PLATE 55
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
‘erydjapepiyg ‘uinasnyy Ajisiaatuy) “4 . *¢ avl ‘7 dnory yeng ‘, punoyy ‘s[-[ ‘ ‘aseyg vivolereyy ‘sjassaa pastouy o1y A sefeuy
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 167 PLATE 56
Type sherds of Arari Double-slipped Excised, Marajoara Phase.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 167 PLATE 57
Arari Plain Excised vessels. a, J-14, Mound 1, cut 1, lid of jar J; diameter 15 cm. 3,
J—14, Mound 2, surface, rim diameter 19 cm.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 167 PLATE 58
Type sherds of Arari Plain Excised, Marajoara Phase.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 167 PLATE 59
Type sherds of Arari Red Excised, Marajoara Phase.
BULLETIN 167 PLATE 60
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
sayv1g peluy ‘9
"mud ¢¢ IYSIEY £7/06$ “ON wWhasnyy [euoneNy
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BULLETIN 167 PLATE 61
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
punoy “s{-f[ ‘9
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BULLETIN 167 PLATE 62
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
"ud 97 IYySI9Y £99ST VS ‘ON ‘eIydjepeltyd “wasn ArIss0
ORT 7) ‘Wd 77 1ysIey ‘Z6SI VS ‘ON ‘e1ydjapellyd ‘unasnyf/y AVISIOATU/) *SUIJNUIL) Oy
AlU() :SUIyNUIeD)
‘yp :aseyg vivolvivyl ‘sjassaA pasioxy poy Weiy
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 167 PLATE 63
Type sherds of Arari Red Excised, White-retouched, Marajoara Phase. (American Museum
of Natural History.)
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 167 PLATE 64
Rim sherds of Camutins Plain and Inaja Plain bowls and jars from Marajoara Phase
habitation mounds.
a
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 167 PLATE 65
Rim sherds of Camutins Plain and Inaja Plain bowls and jars from Marajoara Phase
cemetery mounds.
BULLETIN 167 PLATE 66
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
‘wd ¢7-ZZ JoloWKIP WIT UNUIXxeU fPAy Jel fo syuaquOD *T yno *] punoyy ‘FI-f fureyg vleuy ‘p “wo oT JoJaWeIp wnwIxew ‘yy sel jo
$]U9}U09 *] punoyy ‘FI-[ Sule[g sunnwmey ‘9 ‘wo g] JojoweIp tuntuixetm Spy el wosz [MOG JaMO] *] Ind *] punoyy “FI-f[ Sulelg eleuy ‘q¢ “wd [7 Joyo
-ureip WNUIxXe UL el ef WoL, [MOG soddn Tl aq) =i punoj\y ‘p1-[ SUIe[ eleuy “D
“STeling Issey vivolviryy YUM PIVIIOSSe¥ S[OssoA ULL] | SUTIN) pue eleuy
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 167 PLATE
Vessels from Marajoara Phase cemeteries: a, Jo
maximum diameter 18 cm. }, Inaja Plain;
20 cm. c, Camutins Plain; J-14, Mound 1
45-46 cm.
anes Painted; J-15, Mound 1, cut 2, jar B,
J-15, Mound 1, surface; mouth diameter
, cut 1, contents of jar K; rim diameter
67
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 167 PLATE 68
Large rim adornos from Camutins Plain and Inaja Plain Vessel Shape 4, Marajoara Phase.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 167 PLATE 69
Rim adornos from Camutins Plain and Inaja Plain Vessel Shape 4, Marajoara Phase.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY , BULLETIN 167 PLATE 70
Type sherds of Goiapi Scraped, Marajoara Phase.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 167 PLATE 71
Sherds and vessels of Guajara Incised, Marajoara Phase. a-—g, J-14 and J-15 excavations.
h-j, University Museum, Philadelphia.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 167 PLATE 72
Type sherds from Joanes Painted bowls with red-on-white designs, Marajoara Phase.
(American Museum of Natural History.)
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 167 PLATE 73
Vessels of Joanes Painted, Marajoara Phase. a, Red-on-white; height 22 cm. Pacoval;
American Museum of Natural History, No. 41.0/1443. 6, Red-on-white; height 38 cm.
J-15, Mound 1, Burial Group 2, jar B. c, Black-on-white; height 20 cm. Pacoval;
American Museum of Natural History, No. 41.0/1442. d, Black-on-white; height about
23 cm. Museu Nacional, Rio de Janeiro, No. 9303.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 167 PLATE 74
Neck sherds from large Joanes Painted burial urns, Polychrome Type B—red and black on
white; J-15, Mound 1, surface.
BULLETIN 167 PLATE 75
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BE Pea
“89ST VS “ON ‘elydjepeplyg ‘Wnasnyy AUIS IOATU Ll) $BZ9][BIIO,J “UID cg 1ys10y
{f asHll Sip atin) ‘T punoyy ‘F[-[
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BULLETIN 167 PLATE 76
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
"w2/q “IP]PO
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D
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BUEEERING167 PEATE 77.
Type sherds of Pacoval Incised, Marajoara Phase. (American Museum of Natural
History.)
BULLETIN 167 PLATE 78
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
Petpog-punory eo) *‘Ip[e0r) OIfITW yy IsuseIv | NIsNy]/y SOULI9ARG op OST,
pestouy [PAOIRg YIM Jef “qd
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“IP[P0H Ollwy asusvieg nasnjyy “Wd ¢*7Z 1ySr0y fief
wd ¢9¢ JYySsIey fuel stydiowodoiyjuy ‘v
"Wd QZ WYsIay SApoq dy} UO pasiouyT 214 AA seleuy puv yoou 9Y} UO UOI]eIODEp
‘aseyd vivolviry ‘sjassaa pasiouy [eAoovg
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 167 PLATE 79
Pottery figurines from Marajoara Phase cemetery sites. a, Joanes Painted; J-15, Mound
1, surface. b, Joanes Painted; J-15, Mound 1, surface. c, Joanes Painted; University
Museum, Philadelphia, No. SA 2113. d, Anajas Plain Incised; University Museum,
eric ae No. SA 2136. ¢, Joanes Painted; University Museum, Philadelphia, No.
A 1682.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 167 PLATE 80
23 CM
Miscellaneous pottery objects from Marajoara Phase cemetery sites. a-—f, Spindle whorls;
Pacoval; American Museum of Natural History. g, Spindle whorl; University Museum,
Philadelphia. h-j, Fired clay with cord impressions, J-14, Mound 1, surface.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 167 PLATE 81
Pottery spoons from Marajoara Phase sites showing range in size and position of “spout.”
a and c, University Museum, Philadelphia. 4, d, f, American Museum of Natural History.
e, J-15, Mound 17, cut 1. g, United States National Museum, No. 233339,
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 167 PLATE 82
Pottery tangas from Marajoara Phase burial urns. a-b, Red-on-white; J-15, Mound 1.
c, Plain; J-14, Mound 1, cut 1, contents of jar L. d, Red-slipped; associated with
Camutins Plain vessel from J-15, Mound 1, cut 3, level 75-90 cm. ¢, Red-slipped; as-
sociated with jar L from J-14, Mound 1, cut 1.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 167 PLATE 83
Pottery stools and stool fragments from Marajoara Phase sites. a, Inaja Plain; J-15,
Mound 10. #4, Arari Plain Excised; University Museum, Philadelphia. c, Anajas White
Incised; American Museum of Natural History, No. 41.0/1476. d, Anajas Plain Incised;
University Museum, Philadelphia, No. SA 1948. ¢, Arari Red Excised; American Museum
of Natural History, No. 41.0/1462. f, Ararf Plain Excised; American Museum of
Natural History. g, Arari Red Excised; American Museum of Natural History, No.
41.0/1468. h, Arari Red Excised; American Museum of Natural History, No. 41.0/1401.
1, Anajas Plain Incised; American Museum of Natural History, No 41.0/1455.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 167 PLATE 84
Painted pottery stools. a, Marajoara Phase; height 11.5 cm.
Museum, No. 36535. 5, Cerro Narrio, Ecuador; height about 2
United States National
8 cm. Duran collection,
Ecuador. (Photograph courtesy Chicago Natural History Museum.)
oa 4
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 167 PLATE 85
Small pottery vessels with large, grotesque, ‘“‘wing’ adornos. a, Costa Rica; height 5.2
cm. United States National Museum, No. 59972. 6, Colombia; height about 7.5 cm.
Photograph courtesy American Museum of Natural History, No. 41.1/8137. c, Mara-
joara Phase; height about 6cm. (American Museum of Natural History.)
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 167 PLATE 86
Sherds with incised and excised designs from Arauquin, Venezuela. (University Museum,
Philadelphia.)
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 167 PLATE 87
Vessels with incised and excised decoration from Colombia: a, United States National
Museum No. 24243. b, United States National Museum, No. 233918. c, United States
National Museum No. 233915,
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 167 PLATE 88
Decorated sherds from the Lower Amazon. a-—d, Excised and incised sherds from Oriximina.
(Collection of Fritz Ackermann, Belém.) e-f, Incised sherds from Itacoatiara. (Collection
of Frederico Barata, Belém.)
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 167 PLATE 89
Acauan Phase site of M-3—Acauan. a, Sink with the site in the background. b, Tree at
east end of site with the typical tree-sprinkled campo in the background. Note the
slightly more luxuriant grass growth on the site.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 167 PLATE 90
Type sherds of Acauan Excised with rectilinear motifs, Acauan Phase.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 167 PLATE 91
Type sherds of Acauan Excised with curvilinear motifs, Acauan Phase.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 167 PLATE 92
2 3CM ~~ aii 0
Acauan Phase pottery. a-k, Type sherds of Carobal Incised. -o, Unclassified decorated
sherds from M-3—Acauan.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 167 PLATE
Type sherds of Floripes Corrugated, coarse variety; Acauan Phase.
93
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 167 PLATE 94
Type sherds of Floripes Corrugated, fine variety; Acauan Phase.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 167 PLATE 95
EAE On ae |
0 1.2 3.0M
Ornamental rims of Piryzal Plain, Acauan Phase.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 167 PLATE 96
Decorated pottery types of the Acauan Phase. a1, Type sherds of Paciencia Scraped.
i-s, Type sherds of Vergal Incised.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 167 PLATE 97
— 7
2 3 4 56M
a-d
ie)
Decorated sherds from the Acauan Phase site of J-12—Jurupuci. a, Corrugated body
with band of incision below the rim. 6, Unsmoothed coils on the interior of a jar neck,
incised on the exterior. ¢ and e, Carobal Incised bowls. d, Jar body fragment with
dentate stamping covering the exterior.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 167 PLATE 98
Arua Phase habitation sites on Caviana Island: a C-14—Limaozinho. 6, C-15—Patahua.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 167 PLATE 99
Arua Phase cemetery of M-4—Fundo das Panellas. a, Tree-covered area containing the
site. b, Closeup of jars showing the unexcavated condition.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 167 PLATE 100
Arua Phase cemeteries. a, M-4—Fundo das Panellas, Mexiana, with the vegetation
cleared from a group of jars. 6, C-11—Vaquejador de Sao Sebastedo, Caviana, with
the contents of jar 4 in situ.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNCLOGY BULLETIN 167 PLATE 101
Arua Phase site. a, C-4+—Teso dos Indios, Caviana, showing the large tree covering the
center of the site. 6, A-5—Cafezal, Territory of Amapa, with the large jar in situ.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 167 PLATE 102
Type sherds of Aberta Incised, Arua Phase. a—{, M-2—Papa Cachorro, Mexiana. g-k,
A-8—Aurora, Territory of Amapa.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 167 PLATE 103
Type sherds of Nazaré Brushed, Arua Phase.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 167 PLATE 104
O 5 CM
Rim sherds of Piratuba Plain, Arua Phase, showing typical thickening and folded-over
treatment.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 167 PLATE 105
Small Piratuba Plain vessels associated with Arua Phase burial jars. a, From inside jar 7,
M-4—Fundo das Panellas. b, From inside jar 42, M-4—Fundo das Panellas. c, From
inside jar 7, M-4—Fundo das Panellas. d-e, From inside jar 4, C-12—Condino.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 167 PLATE 106
Piratuba Plain vessels from M-5—Mulatinho, Mexiana: Arua Phase. a, Bowl A. b, Bowl
B. c, Bowl C. d, Bowl J. ¢, Vessel 23.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 167 PLATE 107
CO. 412 3. CM
Sherds from Piratuba Plain platters or griddles with punctate decoration around the rim;
Arua Phase.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 167 PLATE 108
Piratuba Plain sherds with impressed ring decoration or appliqué ribs; Arua Phase.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 167 PLATE 109
Piratuba Plain sherds with impressed ring decoration from M—4—Fundo das Panellas burial
jars.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 167 PLATE 110
Piratuba Plain sherds with appliqué decoration. Arua Phase.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BUPEERINGI67 PEARE iil
Fragmentary vessels of Piratuba Plain, Arua Phase. a, Rim of large Bowl A with appliqué
on the exterior from inside jar 36, M—4—Fundo das Panellas. b, Pottery drum fragment
(?) from M-7—Aberta. c, Pottery drum from M-8—Limao da Fora.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 167 PLATE 112
*
Miscellaneous sherds from Arua Phase habitation sites. a-f, Unclassified corrugated.
g-k, Arari Excised trade sherds of the Marajoara Phase from M-2—Papa Cachorro.
“WML
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