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Dr. Carolyn L. 5lair 

Dr. Carolyn Louise Blair, retired Professor of 
English and Academic Vice President and Dean of the 
College, came to Maryville College in 1948. She found 
a long and proud tradition of excellence in the English 
Department and a high standard of teaching at the 
College. She took it higher. 

A native of 
Leeds, AL, Dr. 
Blair graduated 
from Alabama 
College in 1943. 
She taught at 
Sylacauga High 
School for three 
years while 
studying during 
the summers at 
University and the 
University of 
Mexico. She then 
received her 

master's degree, and later her Ph.D. from the University 
of Tennessee. She joined the MC faculty as Assistant 
Professor of English in 1946. She was named 
Associate Professor in 1960, Professor and Secretary of 
the Faculty in 1962, and Dean of the College (title later 
changed to Academic Vice President) in 1972. In 1978, 
desiring to return to teaching. Dr. Blair became Chair of 
the Department of Languages and Literature, a position 
she held until her retirement in 1987. 

Dr. Blair was a Ford Foundation Fellow for Asian 
Studies in 1964-65 and a Visiting Scholar at the British 
Museum in 1969-70. 

At various times throughout her career. Dr. Blair 
served on the Maryville College All College Council, the 
Curriculum Committee, the Faculty Personnel Standards 
Committee, and the Faculty Liaison Committee to the 
Board of Directors. But Dr. Blair is best remembered for 
the qualities that led to her being named "Teacher of the 
Year' in 1981 and again in 1986. In 1991, the College 
honored her with the Maryville College Medallion. 


'Now faith is the substance of things hoped for, 
the evidence of things not seen." 

Hebrews 11:1 



Carolyn L. Blair 
Arda S. Walker 


-0^ Maryville, Tennessee 

© 1994 Maryville College Press. All rights reserved. No part of this publication 
may be reproduced without written permission of the publisher. Manufactured in 
the United States of America by Quebecor Printing Book Group, Brentwood, TN. 

This book is dedicated to 

our students 

in appreciation for their 

contributions toward our 

liberal education 


Recently in New York two insurance executives met for the first 
time. After finishing their business agenda, they turned to small talk. 
"Where did you go to college?" asked the older. "Oh, a little college in 
Tennessee that you never heard of' was the response. When pressed for 
specifics, the younger named Maryville College. One a native of East 
Tennessee and the other of Pennsylvania, they were surprised to tlnd that 
they shared an alma mater. 

This same scene with essentially the same dialogue has been 
played often, even in foreign countries, where Maryville College alumni 
have served as missionaries, teachers, diplomats, business executives, 
and military personnel. With an enrollment that has rarely exceeded 
between eight and nine hundred, the College has extended its influence 
throughout this country as well as to remote areas of Africa, China, the 
Middle East, and the Philippines. How does one explain such an im- 

In the first place, the College has deep roots in Christianity, com- 
munity, and the liberal arts tradition-roots established when the country 
was young. Of over two thousand four-year colleges now operating in 
the United States, Maryville is among the first fifty established, the third 
in Tennessee. Its reputation as a school where one could receive a sound 
education at a low cost brought a cosmopolitan student body as students 
from New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, and Ohio, along with inter- 
national students, joined those from Tennessee and other parts of the 

Yet Maryville remained small by design. In recent years studies 
have been made to determine why graduates of small colleges— and not 
necessarily those classified as elite-comprise a disproportionate num- 
ber of Who 's Who entries. The conclusion is that the environment of a 
small college is cohesive. Individuals who receive strength from their 
community are more likely to realize their potential. 

Maryville alumni insist, however, that Maryville College is more 
than simply a small church-related, liberal arts college. A Maryville 
senior, attempting to explain its uniqueness, concluded that the differ- 
ence could not be put into words. It lies in the people, she said, "and 
they have to be experienced." 


When President Richard Ferrin approached us about writing a 
history of the College for the 175th anniversary, our first thought was 
that the story of Maryville College had already been told twice--and told 
well- -by two former presidents who researched thoroughly and kept 
meticulous records. We could hardly improve on what they had done. 
But thinking of our own fascination with the varied personalities that 
had shaped the institutional personality, we decided to attempt a thrice- 
told tale with the emphasis on people. We believe with Emerson that 
"there is properly no history, only biography"; and with Ken Burns, who 
said when discussing his series on the Civil War, "It is important to relate 
history from the bottom up as well as the top down." At the same time 
we have tried to provide the backdrop against which the players have 
enacted their roles. 

In gathering materials we everywhere met with cooperation. To 
Edwin Best, Sr., we owe special appreciation for serving as our ency- 
clopedia for details about East Tennessee and College history. His death 
during the last months of our research left us even more keenly aware of 
his contributions. To Dr. Sarah McNiell we are grateful for material 
from her family archives and her knowledge of local history that added 
authenticity to the story. 

To Martha Hess we owe the organization that gave us access to 
materials in the Anderson Hall vault. She went beyond her duties as 
registrar to restore some semblance of order in the vault and to provide 
us with an inventory, without which we would have floundered. She and 
her staff were also ready to interrupt their work to furnish statistics on 
enrollments and information about students and faculty. 

Members of the Lamar Memorial Library staff were encouraging 
and cooperative. Director Joan Worley not only helped uncover sources 
already in the library but was on the alert to acquire additional journals, 
diaries, and biographies pertinent to Maryville College history. Chris 
Nugent, having recently assumed responsibility for the archives, helped 
to make the archival materials more accessible. Mary Gladys Pieper, 
after retiring from the New York Public Library, volunteered her 
experience and expertise to help organize the College archives. We are 
grateful to her and to volunteers Lynn Ann Best and Dottie Crawford, 
who worked with her in the initial stages. 

We are also indebted to Emily Yarborough, director of 


communications, for her suggestions and help in gathering pictures while 
she waited for the completed manuscript so that she could get on with 
her job of seeing it through the press. We are especially grateful to 
Libby Rankin, Dr. Arthur Bushing, and EUie Morrow for taking time to 
read the manuscript and make many helpful suggestions, and to Al Baker, 
72, for his assistance with the typesetting. 

Finally we are indebted to all who encouraged us and shared 
reminiscences. Our chief regret is that time and space did not permit 
inclusion of every person whose story deserves to be told. 

15 March 1994 

Carolyn Blair 
Arda Walker 



Preface vi 

PART I: The Beginnings 

Prologue: The Call of Abraham's God 1 

Chapter I: The Birth of a Seminary 2 

Chapter II: An Institution Constantly in Peril 32 

PART E: New Beginnings 

Chapter III: Out of the Ashes 51 

Chapter IV: Post-Bellum Student Life 71 

Chapter V: The Persistence of Controversy 95 
Chapter VI: Toward Financial Security and Expansion 1 1 5 

PART m: Into the Twentieth Century 

Chapter VII : The Dawn of a New Age 134 

Chapter VIII: The Pursuit of Academic Excellence 162 

Chapter IX: Student Life in the Wilson Years 187 

PART IV: Only Yesterday 

Chapter X: Weathering the Depression 217 

Chapter XI: World War II and After 243 

Chapter XII: The Sixties 276 

Chapter XIII: Into the Seventies 304 

PART V: And Now Today 

Chapter XIV: The Anderson II Years 326 

Chapter XV: Toward the Twenty-First Century 346 

Epilogue 366 

Notes 368 

Appendix: Honors and Awards 374 

Photo Index 379 

Index 380 



Prologue— The Call of Abraham 's God 

Toward dusk on the last day of June 1818 sixteen-year-old Eli Sawtell 
untied a handkerchief at the end of a stick and laid down his library—a small 
Bible. Watt's hymnbook. and Baxter's '^Saint's Rest." Four months earlier this 
young bootmaker's apprentice had heard the call of Abraham's God through His 
spokesman, the Reverend Eli Smith. The fiery preacher had "set the town of 
Mollis. New Hampshire, ablaze on the subject of pious young men, who had 
little or no means, going to Tennessee for an education." Six had responded to 
the call— three "Tor sure." But after parents had consulted maps and realized the 
dangers of the rugged terrain, swollen rivers, Indians, and rattlesnakes, weeping 
mothers had dissuaded all but Eli from the enterprise. 'Tike Job's messenger, 
[he] alone was left to bear tidings to Isaac Anderson." 

After walking seven weeks, Eli had arrived at his destination. Through 
the generosity of friends made along the way, the $ 14.60 garnered to cover emer- 
gencies had grown to ten times that amount, though he "neither begged, worked, 
nor stole." He felt ftilfilled. He was "entering the promised land." 

In the distance the setting sun was casting its brilliant colors over the 
blue and mauve mountains on either side of the promontor> where he stood. 
Below him along the route he had come were the pure waters of Pistol Creek, which 
he had just forded. At ever\ few rods, on either side, new springs burst forth. 
Scattered on and around the peninsula was the village of Mar>ville with its fifty 
houses and 250 inhabitants Across the creek, slightly to the east, he could see 
the palisades of Fort Craig, the bulwark against Indian raids only a few years 
before and the ultimate reason for locating the town here. 

To the north, in a flat w ooded area on the creek bank, was the old Camp- 
ground that Eli would come to know well. This would be the location of many 
a revival during which "its old woods were pra>ed over and watered with the 
tears of God's people.'' Behind him on the tableland lay the center of the set- 
tlement. There stood the log jail, the log courthouse, and farther on. at the 
comer of Main and Ccmeter\ Streets, the New Providence Presbvterian Church, 
made of logs covered with rived boards. Eli. awed by the setting of this "moun- 
tain gem." exclaimed. "This is the place for me!" Making his way along the 
creek bank toward the center of the village, he began looking for the log home of 
Dr. Isaac Anderson, pastor of the New Providence Presbyterian Church.' 

Chapter I— The Birth of a Seminary 

Dr. Anderson had initiated the call that led to Eli Sawtell 's long journey. 
The New Providence minister and his young friend, the Reverend Eli Smith, 
both concerned about the scarcity of ministers in the Southwest Territory, had 
agonized over possible solutions. When Eli Smith told of his plans to visit his 
old home in Mollis, New Hampshire, Dr Anderson asked him to persuade at 
least six ministerial candidates to come to East Tennessee, promising that he 
and two colleagues would educate two each in their homes. Although only one 
candidate came, the caliber of that one was cause for hope. 

The year after Sawtell 's arrival Isaac Anderson was a delegate to the 
Presbyterian General Assembly in Philadelphia. While there, he attempted to 
interest young ministers in coming to Tennessee. Having no success, he went 
on to Princeton hoping to recruit seminarians, again with no success. Their 
first questions, he reported, concerned salary, a priority that he could not 

Laying the Foundation 

During the long conversations on the horseback ride home, Isaac 
Anderson and James Gallaher, pastor of the Rogersville, Tennessee, Presbyterian 
Church, talked over the possibility of establishing a seminary in Tennessee. 
On 8 October 1819, at a meeting of Union Presbytery in Dandridge, they were 
ready with a proposal. Union Presbytery 
drew up an overture to the Synod of 
Tennessee for the establishment of a 
seminary modeled on Princeton and 
Andover A good omen was that the Synod, 
which at that time included a presbytery in 
West Tennessee, one in Mississippi, and one 
in Missouri, would be meeting in Maryville 
the following week. 

Twenty-one delegates, the majority 
from Union Presbytery, attended the 
meeting. On 19 October 1819 the Synod 
went on record as approving the plan for the 
Southern and Western TTieological Seminary. 
It drew up a constitution and prepared to apply to the Tennessee State Legislature 


for a chailer. The constitution provided for thirty-six directors, two-thirds of 
whom should be Presbyterian ministers and one-third Presbyterian laymen; 
but the Seminary would be open to students of all denominations, provided 
they "could give evidence of a saving change of heart," and were "of good 
moral and religious character." Professors were to be ordained Presbyterian 
ministers at least thirty years old, their eligibility determined by their declaration 
of "heaity approbation of the articles of the Confession of Faith, and the 
Presbyterian mode of Church Government." In addition to meeting the 
educational qualifications, professors must be "in good standing and of good 
report." Tenure provisions were simple: "The professors. . .may serve during 
good behavior." 

The three-year cuniculum was to include courses ranging from the 
Greek Testament and the Hebrew Bible to the Composition and Delivery of 
Sermons. Specific readings were prescribed: Locke's essays for the course in 
metaphysics, and Doddridge, Ridgley, and others as a preparation for writing 
on didactic theology. The calendar was based on two terms: the first of November 
thiough March, followed by a six-weeks' vacation.^ Without providing for 
endowment, buildings, or libraiy, and with no mention of salary, the Synod 
voted Isaac Anderson into the professorship of didactic and polemic theology, 
though his induction did not take place until 1 822 when the school was formally 
in operation. In 1 825 members of the first class, including a tailor, a blacksmith, 
a farmer, and a bootmaker, were licensed to preach: Elijah M. Eagleton, William 
A. McCampbell, William Minnis, Hilaiy Patnck, and Eli M. Sawtell. 

Doing Good on the Largest Possible Scale 

At the time of this appointment Dr. Anderson, like most ministers of 
that period, was already teaching in addition to preaching and faiming. One of 
seven children born into a deeply religious Scots-Irish family in Stockbridge 
County, Virginia, he had received a good, though somewhat informal, education. 
After his grandmother, Maiy Shannon McCampbell, taught him to read and 
spell, he attended a log school taught by a Scottish dominie. He later attended 
Liberty Hall Academy (since 1871, Washington and Lee). At seventeen he 
joined the church and within two yeais began to prepare for the ministry by 
studying with his pastor, the only route available to those in aieas without 
seminaiies. When, at twenty-one, he moved with his family to Knox County, 
Tennessee, he was fortunate in being able to study with two prominent 
theologians. Dr. Samuel Canick, the president of Blount College (later the 


1 Academy, "tlie Log College." 

University of Tennessee), and Dr. Gideon Blackburn, pastor of Maryville's 
New Providence Presbyterian Church. There is no record of when or where he 
acquired the honorary DD. 

In 1802, at age twenty-two, he was licensed to preach by Union 
Presbytery and in the same year established his own school. Union Academy, 
in Knox County. In 1 8 1 1 , having been called to succeed Dr. Blackburn at New 
Providence, he moved his academy to 
Maryville. At that time New 
Providence, with 209 members, was the 
largest Presbyterian church in this area. 
He was promised four hundred dollars 
a yeai\ but the congregation was not 
always able to meet the budget. 
Learning to adjust to this difference 
between promise and realization was 
useful preparation for his teaching 
career. Faced with financial problems, he simply drew more heavily on his 
inner resources. Within the next few years he achieved a reputation for amazing 
energy and zeal, a reputation that was to continue to grow until the decline of 
his physical and mental powers in the 1850s. 

Even a partial listing of Dr. Anderson's activities raises questions about 
how he kept up the pace. He was pastor of New Providence Church for forty- 
five years, organized Second Presbyterian Church in Knoxville and served as 
half-time supply pastor for ten years, organized at least eight other churches, 
and rode a 150-mile circuit one or two weeks a month, preaching twice a day to 
audiences of up to one thousand. His fame as a preacher spread. Many 
remembered his ability to deal with the most profound topics in the simplest 
language. His successor, President Robinson, recalled "his commanding form 
. . .his flashing eye, his powerful voice, his irresistible logic. . .[and] his 
unaffected sincerity." 

He was editor of the Calvinistic Magazine for five years and a prolific 
writer of sermons, articles for church publications, and student syllabi. Seven 
times moderator of the Synod of Tennessee, he also served Union Presbytery 
forty times as moderator, eleven years as stated clerk, and thirty-one years as 
treasurer. During the War of 1 8 1 2 he was chaplain of a Tennessee brigade; and 
many East Tennesseans remembered him best as the supervisor and paymaster 
of the macadamizing of the road over the Smokies to Franklin, North Carolina. 
(It was said that the Cherokees whom he supervised held him in such high 



esteem that "a letter of recommendation from Dr. Anderson would be the surest 
passport you could have to the confidence of the Cherokees.") Add to the list of 
his activities his service as president of Maryville College for thirty-eight years 
--teaching, feeding, and often clothing the students~for several years single- 
handedly-and credulity falters. 

So Teach Us. . . 

It was as a teacher, however, if teaching can be separated from the 
ministry, that Dr. Anderson was most influential and revered. In addition to 
this own academies he taught in the land-grant Porter Academy and the Maryville 
Female Academy, of which he was a trustee. Prior to the establishment of the 
Seminaiy he had educated a number of distinguished men: the Reverend William 
Eagleton and the Reverend Abel Peaison, two well-known, influential East 
Tennessee ministers; John Reynolds, a future governor of Illinois; Spenser 
Jarnigan, who would become a United States senator from Tennessee; and, to 
the degree that he was willing to accept formal education, Sam Houston, who 
would be the first governor of the Lone Stai" State. 

Dr. Anderson also taught George Erskine, a former slave who later 
went to Africa as the first foreign missionary from Union Presbytery. In 1815, 
upon the instiiiction of Presbytery, Isaac Anderson and Abel Pearson had bonded 
themselves to the Blount County Court for Erskine's good behavior in order to 
secure his freedom. At the request of Presbytery Dr. Anderson boarded and 
educated Erskine in his home for $32.35 a year.^ Evidence indicates also that 
John Gloucester, a black man who became a prominent minister and founder of 
a church for blacks in Philadelphia, was one of Dr. Anderson's students. 

The experience with students of different ages and backgrounds 
doubtless contributed to Dr. Anderson's later effectiveness when, as the only 
faculty member of a new institution, he had to design cunicula and teach on 
three levels: preparatory, college or literary, and seminary. John Reynolds left 
in his reminiscences an account of his experience at Isaac Anderson's Union 
Academy near Knoxville in 1809. He remembered studying Latin grammar, 
reading Caesar's Gallic Wars, and moving on to Ovid's Metamorphoses, in 
which were "philosophy, religion, and many great principles combined." The 
study of astronomy he found "pleasing and fascinating, yet much of the science 
was abstruse and difficult to comprehend." 

The exercise that made the greatest impression on young Reynolds 
was having to read compositions one Saturday and deliver orations the next, a 


performance, especially the delivery of the oration, that was "a great trial": 

The orations were committed to memory, and spoken to a full house of 
students, and others, with the venerable Ilsaac Anderson was almost 
thirty at this time] and learned preceptor presiding, with that noble dig- 
nity which seems to be the birthright of the Rev. Isaac Anderson. 

Reynolds also recalled the "exhibition" at the end of each five-months' session: 

A large audience attended; and the scholars not only exhibited their 
studies before the congregation, but also performed plays, something 
similar to a Theatre. The teachers from all the surrounding institutions 
were invited, and examined the scholars in their studies. 

The method Dr. Anderson used in his tutorial instruction of ministerial candidates 
was very similar to the one he used later in his seminary teaching. He gave his 
students a syllabus containing questions and answers on theology, along with 
an explanation of his expectations. They were then to take each topic, such as 
"Election," and read on both sides of the question. Afterwards they submitted 
essays for his comments. If their opinions corresponded with his, they could 
go on to the next topic. If not, he presented Biblical proofs supporting his 
different point of view. Recalling this process, J. J. Robinson noted, "If the 
students could not see as the Professor did on any point, he urged them to study 
the subject prayerfully, reminding them they were responsible to God for beliefs 
as well as for conduct." 

Although Dr Anderson could never compromise his principles or resist 
taking a strong stand on important issues, his students remembered him for his 
warmth and kindness, for "the sweet expression of his countenance," and his 
role as father to them. John Reynolds, for whom the reading aloud of his own 
essays was painful, was grateful for his preceptor's compassion: "His gentle 
and kind criticism on the pieces was more to soothe my perturbed spirit than 
otherwise." Who can estimate the impact of a sensitive and perceptive teacher 
on the career of this future governor? 

As to the impact made on hundreds of others, there is evidence in the 
surviving documents that continue to come to light. The fire that destroyed the 
Anderson home and hbrary in 1856 and the ravages of time and the Civil War 
took their toll on antebellum records. The Presbytery and Synod minutes remain, 
however, along with an impressive collection of papers that President Samuel 


T. Wilson gathered for the College archives; and occasionally new memoirs or 
biographies appear. These many sources provide a fairly complete picture of 
those early years. 

A Local Habitation 

Although the new seminary had a constitution, the sanction of the Synod 
of Tennessee, and an unpaid professor, the first three years saw few visible 
signs of progress. One reason for delay was of course finances. Another was 
doubtless indecision about the permanent location of the seminary. As late as 
1823 the Synod minutes indicate that the permanent location was still to be 
determined. It is easy to imagine, however, that though the Synod was indecisive, 
Isaac Anderson was not. In this eagerness to begin his work in 1 8 19 he rented 
what was usually referred to as "the little brown house" on Maryville's Main 
Street, across from the present Broadway Methodist Church. This house plus 
his own home and the New Providence Presbyterian Church provided classrooms 
until an unfinished building, purchased probably in 1820 and usually referred 
to as the Seminary, could be completed. A two-story brick intended for a 
female academy, it remained until Civil War soldiers dismantled it to build 
Dutch ovens. 

In 1 823, with enrollment growing, the directors presented the following 
report, duly recorded in the Synod minutes: 

The directors thought it expedient and necessary to devise a plan for 
reducing the price of boarding to the lowest terms possible. They could 
perceive no method so well calculated to effect this desirable object as to 
procure a boarding house. They accordingly purchased for the sum of 
four hundred dollars two buildings suitable for such a purpose, and a lot 
and a half adjoining the lot on which the Seminary stands, and em- 
ployed a steward to superintend the boarding house. 

That the campus was being developed on a shoestring is suggested in a 
letter to Willis K. Beecher, a Maryville College student in 1903. He had 
apparently sent his aunt a description of the Maryville campus of his day. The 
cattle and hogs which he described as plaguing the campus, she responded, 
could well be descendants of those that roamed the first campus and peered in 
the windows. "Had it not been for the numerous windows," she said, the 
buildings "might have been taken for cattle bams." 

James Gillespie, Class of 1 849, left a description of the second classroom 
building, known as the Frame College, which was started in 1 829 and completed 
in 1833. A two-story frame structure with six rooms, it stood facing Main 
Street (now Broadway). On the ground floor at the northeast end was a large 
room used for a chapel, doubling as a recitation room for the classics professor 
and as a place for prayer meetings and Sabbath school. Two small rooms at the 
southwest were used for recitation by the professor of math and sciences and 
- . for chemical apparatus. A 

stairway led from the 
chapel to the large room on 
second floor used as a 
meeting place for the Beth- 
Hacma Society. The two 
small rooms on the second 
floor were dormitory rooms 
for students. A belfry 
topped the building. 

The two-story brick 
seminary building, also 
with six rooms-three on 
the ground floor and three 
on the second-was used, 
except for the two large rooms, as dormitory space. The large first-floor room 
was for recitations, and the one above it a meeting room for the Beth-Hacma ve 
Bereth Society. Later, after partial completion of the new three-story brick 
building, the old brick seminary became a dormitory and a library housing six 
thousand books. 

The two small frame buildings purchased earlier stood to the south and 
southeast. Theone-story building was used by one of the literary societies. A. 
E. Tedford, a student in the 1 850s, remembered the other, a story and a half, as 
the place where "Aunt Polly Pope, of complexion somewhere between the raven 
and the dove, presided over the student-run boarding house." 

The Board report in 1 850 alerted the Synod delegates to the need for a 
new college building. Blount County citizens had already subscribed $3,000 
and would probably go as high as $3,500 or $4,000. Agents had been sent into 
the field to raise funds, and an appeal was made to Synod members to solicit 
funds from their own congregations. The following year the report to Synod, 
signed by Isaac Anderson, urged more aggressive ftind raising. "In the present 


state of prosperity and progress," he declared, an institution must have "buildings 
durable, neat and sufficiently attractive to influence young men from a distance 
to put themselves under its tuition and control." 

Without assurance of funds to complete the building, ground was broken 
in 1853. A three-story brick building much like the Anderson Hall built on the 
new campus in 1 870, it was still unfinished when the Civil War broke out. Of 
the ten rooms that had been completed, two were used for recitations and the 
others for dormitory space. 

Young Men Hopefully Pious 

Annual reports from the directors to the Synod contained many recurring 
phrases, the most frequent of which infroduced enrollment figures: "The number 
of students hopefully pious and having the gospel ministry in view that attended 

at the Seminary during the whole or part of last year is ." The numbers 

showed an upward trend for the first two decades. It is clear from the numbers 
enrolled in the literary or pre-seminary classes that most entering students lacked 
the background to enter seminary immediately, but it was assumed in the early 
years that all were preparing for the ministry. From five graduates in the first 
class of theological students the number rose to fourteen in 1832 and fluctuated 
between eight and nine until 1 839, when a downward trend began. In 1 856 and 
1857 there were no theology graduates, for reasons that will be discussed in 
another context. 

In addition to "hopefully pious," the terms "poor and pious" and 
"indigent and pious" appeared frequently, for many were "beneficiaries." Few 
paid the full cost. The majority were "gratuitously instructed" and "gratuitously 
boarded"-this in spite of there being no endowment and no faculty salaries. In 
addition to the boarding house set up in 1823 to reduce costs, Eli Sawtell 
campaigned successfully for $2,000 to buy a 200-acre farm south and west of 
the campus, so that students could pay for their board by working one day a 
week. In 1828, after a year's operation of the farm, Dr. Anderson reported to 
the Synod: 

We find that each student will cost us just $1.00 a month for boarding. 
Expenses for the house and farm have been $812.91. Proceeds of labor, 
of the steward and charity students, upon fair calculation, amount to 
$712.98. The difference between this and the total is $100, divided by 
1 1 [the average number of boarders] comes to $9.00, or one dollar a 
month for board. 

Doubtless the difiference between income and expenditure came from his own 

Further help came from churches and individuals who found it easier 
to make donations in kind rather than in cash. Each annual report to the Synod 
contained a careful accounting of donations, such as those from the New 
Providence Church in 1824: 

252'/4 bushels of com, 452 lbs. of pork, 331 lbs. of bacon, 9 bushels of 
sweet potatoes, 3 1 V^ bushels of Irish potatoes, 2 1 V2 bushels of turnips, 26 
lbs. of butter, 10 bushels of wheat, 26 loads of fire-wood, 1 barrel of 
flour, $18.27 cash, 12 pairs of socks, 5 yards of jeans, 20'/2 yards of 
cotton shirting, 1 waistcoat. 

Many "female societies," some from as far away as New York, sent contributions. 
The Maryville Female Society one year gave $12 in washing and $11.50 in 
sewing, yarn, and weaving. Contributions ranged from one vest pattern to two 
thousand books. 

The recipients of this largesse came from varied geographical and 
economic backgrounds. While the Seminary was the focus of the institution, 
many of the students came from the North. Two or three, like Eli Sawtell, 
walked all the way from New Hampshire to Tennessee, spending six weeks on 
the road. John W. Beecher, from New York, joined this group. Another 
contingent came from Pennsylvania, begiiming their walk in Baltimore. With 
the growth of the College Department, however, and the introduction in 1835 
of the Preparatory Department, most students came either from East Tennessee 
or surrounding Southern states. In the last pre-war year all forty-six students 
came from Tennessee or contiguous states. 

Among the early students were a few minorities, including Cherokee 
and Choctaw Indians from mission churches in lower East Tennessee and North 
Georgia. One of these was a member of an early 1 820s class. The report to the 
Synod in 1 826 contained this sad news: "One of the theological students reported 
last year is no more. John N. Brock departed this life at Will's Town in the 
Cherokee Nation the 7th of last December." There is evidence also that blacks 
were among the early students, but they have not been identified. 

Local women of this period took advantage of their proximity to the 
Seminary to advance their intellectual development. Minerva Cates, her sister 
Martha, and Elizabeth Jane Ghomley are known to have studied with Seminary 
professors. Minerva Cates remembered taking Latin, Greek, and English. "I 
was under Dr. Craig as my instructor from 1840 to 1847," she wrote in 1916, 


"and he called at my father's daily to heai- us recite Latin, Greek, and other 
lessons. I also took Hebrew with Dr. Anderson. . .and I find it of use yet, in 
some ways." From W. E. Caldwell's autobiography comes the information that 
Professor Fielding Pope taught both Caldwell and his future wife. A letter of 
inquiry from a Mrs. W. F. Love in 1926 suggests that a sister of an ancestor, 
.Tames R. Love, who attended the College in the 1840s, was also in attendance. 

A Faculty Sustained by Faith 

By 1 826 the number of students "hopefully pious and having the gospel 
ministry in view" had grown to forty. Di. Anderson was still the lone professor, 
his only relief coming from the seminaiy students who volunteered as tutors 
and the appointment of William Eagleton that yeai- as instructor. The report to 
the Synod at the 1826 meeting, signed by Chairman of the Board James Houston 
(brother of Sam), and the clerk, William Eagleton, was unusually long. It 
sounded a note of desperation, taking the Synod to task for the "entirely 
precaiious" situation of the boarding house and for allowing one man for six 
years "to attend to the aiduous and vaiiegated duties of the Seminaiy." 

It pointed out that Dr. Anderson had the chaige of two congregations 
and the boaiding house as well as all the instmction in literature and theology 
-"pressure which neither the body nor mind of any man can long sustain," 
pressure enough "to bring any constitution, even the most elastic and durable 
[,] to a premature grave." It ended with a series of rhetorical questions, followed 
by an impassioned appeal: "Let us bring the prescribed tithes into the Lord's 
storehouse that the windows of heaven may be opened and an overwhelming 
blessing may descend upon us and upon our children." 

Immediately came a motion to choose a professor of ecclesiastical 
histoiy and chuich government and a professor of sacred literature. The Reverend 
Robert Hardin was unanimously chosen for the first position, the Reverend 
William Eagleton for the second, a promotion from instmctor to professor. 
The treasurer's report that followed was not likely to have cheered the new 
appointees, and the report the following year indicated little change in finances: 
"The tuition and boarding of the past yeai" would have amounted to $ 1550," but 
"so much of this as amounted to $707 was afforded gratuitously by the two 

The reference to "two professors" raises a question about the third. 
Although Robert Haidin was reported to have accepted the appointment, he 
never joined the faculty. He appaiently chose instead to serve as an agent in the 


field. William Eagleton remained for three yeais, too short a time to find his 
way into student reminiscences, but he was reputed to be an eloquent, scholarly 
preacher and likely was an inspiring teacher. He left the seminary in 1829 to 
return to the ministry, where, one can assume, he had fewer financial worries. 
The Synod in 1849 again elected him to the chair of sacred literature, with the 
condition that he would receive the interest from the endowment, and if it were 
to fall short of $600 per year, "the faith of Synod is pledged to make up that 
sum yeaily." But William Eagleton had grown a wiser man. He chose to stay 
with his prosperous church in Murfreesboro, and the post went to the Reverend 
John J. Robinson. 

The Reverend Darius Hoyt, appointed professor of languages in 1829, 
replaced William Eagleton as the colleague of Dr. Anderson. Professor Hoyt 
was the son of the Reverend Aid Hoyt, missionaiy to the Cherokees, and brother 
of Judge Samuel Hoyt of Atlanta. Before his election as professor, he had 
served as a tutor in the Seminaiy. He was described as a much loved teacher 
and a fine scholar. In addition to his teaching, he published an early Maryville 
newspaper, the Millennial Trumpeter, which later became the Maiyville 
Intelligencer. He was also serving as an agent for the Seminaiy, his commission 
for at least one yeai' amounting to $7 1 .40, only $2.90 less than the budget could 
afford that year on his salary. His promising career was cut short by his death 
in 1837 at age thirty-thiee. 

With the appointment of the Reverend Samuel MacCracken as professor 
of natural science in 1831, the Seminary for the first fime had three faculty 
members, but MacCracken resigned after a year to give full time to the ministry. 
His successor was the Reverend Fielding Pope, professor of mathematics and 
natural philosophy in the College Department. A Kentucky native and alumnus 
of the Seminary, he followed Isaac Anderson as minister of the New Providence 
and Eusebia churches. The students were divided in their opinion of him. 
James Gillespie, Class of 1844, spoke of Professor Pope as always kindly 
disposed, indulgent, and beloved. John S. Craig, who knew him both as a 
teacher and a colleague, had a different perspective. Pope, he said, was 
"magisterial and overbeaiing and not liked like Hoyt." 

Craig was probably prejudiced by Pope's belonging to a different church 
facfion. Pope aioused dissension because of his pro-slaveiy stance and his 
membership in the Masonic Party. He also openly declaied lack of financial 
support as the reason for resigning from his teaching post in 1850 to become 
principal of the East Tennessee Masonic Eemale Insfitute. The Samuel T Wilson 
scrapbook contains an 1867 clipping about Pope's departure from Maryville: 


"During, or at the close of the War, he was constrained by the lawlessness of the 
so-called 'Unionist' forces of that section [Blount County] to become an exile 
of his old home and the scenes of his honored labors." He fled to Georgia, 
where he spent his last days. 

The resignation of Professor Pope in 1850 provoked Dr. Anderson's 
most serious indictment up to that time of the lack of support and cooperation 
from the Synod. In a letter addressed to Synod he said that he felt compelled to 
bring three facts to the group: (1) the low enrollment and consequent lack of 
income from tuition that had resulted in resignations like that of Professor 
Pope for more lucrative employment, (2) the declining enrollment in the 
Theological Department, and (3) the need of a new College edifice. Regarding 
the second point, which he obviously considered the most serious, he said that 
they were all aware of "the prevalence of a worldly spirit among all classes," 
which might account for the decline in theological students, but he laid the 
chief blame at the Synod's door: 

In the opinion of the faculty and Board, one great reason, and perhaps 
the most effectual of any, is the long delay, on the part of Synod, to fill 
the chair of Sacred Literature. Three years ago the promise of the Synod 
was given to the churches that the chair should be filled. Ever since, we 
have been patiently waiting for the fulfillment of the promise. Great 
expectations have been created in many portions of our church, but, three 
of our young men studying Theology, have, since the last meeting of 
Synod, gone to Union Seminary, N. Y. , and how many more in our bounds, 
and elsewhere, have, for the same reason, been deterred from coming to 
Maryville, we have not the means of knowing. 

The appeal of one who had worked so devotedly must have pricked the 
collective conscience of Synod, for Dr. John J. Robinson was appointed to the 
chair of sacred literature. It was the last time the old warrior was able to rouse 
himself for a fight, but this would not be the last time in the history of Maryville 
College that such feelings of frustration would surface. 

Of the antebellum faculty, John Sawyers Craig--or "Uncle Craig" as 
the students called him--had, after Dr. Anderson, the longest tenure, from 1 840 
until the closing of the College in 1861. In his history of the College, Dr. 
Wilson paints a memorable picture of Craig's arrival as a student in the mid- 
1830s. Of medium height, a red complexion, and sandy hair, "he was dressed 
in a suit of homemade and home-dyed blue cotton, and canied all his earthly 
belongings tied up in a red bandanna handkerchief." It was said that Professor 


Pope assigned him excessively long lessons, thinking it kinder to discourage 
him at once than to expose him to the ridicule of fellow students. In Dr. Wilson's 

To the amazement of Professor Pope, the lad gave him perfect recita- 
tions and seemed greedy for more; while the students soon found that 
"yellow head ' was abundanUy able to take care of himself. And so John 
Craig won his standing in a college of which he was to become one of its 
most brilliant graduates and professors.'' 

Dr. Craig's portrait reveals in the stern face the characteristics usually 
ascribed to him: inflexible, rugged, blunt. Like John Brown's face as described 
by Stephen Vincent Benet, its salient feature was the "Old Testament eyes." As 
could be expected, his students admired him but could not feel the same affection 
they felt for Isaac Anderson or Fielding Pope. James Gillespie commented on 
his being "greatly admired for his tough scholarship, [but] not possessing the 
kindly magnetism" of the other professors. Yet, Gillespie added, "he did what 
he could in his blunt way to make his classes understand the lessons." 

When Dr. Anderson was incapacitated and the College reached its lowest 
ebb, it was Professor Craig who held it together. In 1856 he was the only 
teacher. When war closed the College and Dr. Craig was the only avowed 
aboUtionist on the faculty, friends secured his safe passage through Confederate 
lines. He served as a minister in Indiana until his death in 1893. He married 
Sidney Neal Houston, one of the twelve daughters of James Houston. (Six of 
Houston's daughters married ministers, five of whom were Maryville graduates.) 

The last two members of the antebellum faculty, taken chronologically, 
were Dr. John J. Robinson and Dr. Thomas J. Lamar. The story of Dr. Lamar, 
who played the leading role in reviving the College after the War, is the subject 
for the second period of the College's development, but mention needs to be 
made here of his role as a student. He entered Maryville in 1844, graduated in 
1848, spent an additional year studying theology with Dr. Anderson, and in 
1849 enrolled in Union Theological Seminary in New York for three years, 
graduating in 1852. After four years in Missouri, where his family was then 
living, he received word that he had been appointed professor of sacred literature 
at Maryville College--a significant appointment for the future of the College. 

Dr. Robinson, Dr. Anderson's personal choice in 1850 for professor of 
sacred literature, was the only pre-Civil War teacher who was not an alumnus, 
except of course for the founder. Bom in Washington, Georgia, the son of a 


member of the Georgia Legislature, he graduated summa cum laude from East 
Tennessee College (later the University of Tennessee) in 1845 and from Union 
Seminary in 1849. One student remembered him as a pleasing speaker with a 
tenor voice (or "soprano" as it was then called). Quite fastidious, "he always 
carried a handkerchief with which to dust his shoes just before entering chapel." 
Tall, straight, and graceful, he "dressed in a way," said one student, "that made 
him look trim and slender." A study of his portrait suggests that he could have 
served as a model for the young men who paid court to Scarlett O'Hara, but he 
had inner strength as well as outer grace. Soon after his arrival the Board report 
was enthusiastic: "Robinson is already making a difference. . .a man of energetic 
mind and urbane manner." 

Dr. Robinson resigned his position after live years, probably discouraged 
because his salary was in arrears and also because of the general state of the 
College. In the last decade of his life, Dr. Anderson was partially paralyzed. 
Characteristically, he continued teaching and preaching but was forced to remain 
seated. Eventually the deterioration of his mind rendered him ineffectual. The 
inhuman burden he had carried for so long, combined with a series of 
controversies, including the threat to move the College from Maryville, had 
finally taken its toll. It was an awkward situation for the Board and Synod, 
who hesitated to replace him. In the meantime, only Robinson and Craig were 
left to carry the load, and the Seminary enrollment had dwindled to one. 
Although Dr. Robinson greatly admired Dr. Anderson, he was concerned about 
the College. His resignation in 1 855 apparently moved the Synod to action, for 
the September 1855 minutes included the following resolution: 

Whereas the Rev. 1. Anderson, D. D., the President of Maryville College 
and Professor of Didactic Theology, has become so infirm from age and 
disease, that he cannot longer efficiently discharge the duties of his sta- 
tion, therefore Resolved, that Synod recommend to the Board of Direc- 
tors of Maryville College at their earliest convenience to meet and elect 
the Rev. John McCampbell, of Mississippi, to be President of the Col- 
lege and Professor of Didactic Theology, to be associated with Dr. Ander- 
son as colleague during his natural life, afterwards his successor in of- 

Since subsequent minutes contained no further references to the 
Reverend John McCampbell, it must be assumed that he declined the 
appointment. In 1856 a fire destroyed Dr. Anderson's home, along with his 
library, manuscripts, records, and correspondence. As two of his students took 


him away in a chair to the home of a neighbor, he could say only, "My library 
is burned up." He died ten months later, 28 January 1857, at age seventy- 

The loss of his library followed by two years the death of his wife. 
Flora McCampt)ell Anderson, a blow from which Dr. Anderson never recovered. 
They were married in 1802, a year after the Anderson and McCampbell families 
left Rockbridge County, Virginia, to resettle in Knox County, Tennessee. Dr. 
Anderson described her as prudent, discreet, and kind--'Tirm and resolute in 
her purposes, prayerful, and a lover of God and of good men." She must have 
been wonderfully patient and loving to have mothered the destitute students 
whom her husband brought into their home. They spoke of her with reverence 
and gratitude. One student left an unforgettable picture of the Andersons in 
their last years, riding the circuit of the three churches he supplied, he on his 
beloved half-blind mare with his wife behind. 

Their relationship had been cemented by the sorrow they shared as, 
one by one, five of their children died in infancy. The one surviving son, 
Samuel Hoyse Anderson, lived to be married to Mary Reece Thompson, who 
bore him a son, Isaac, and a daughter, Rebecca. Samuel's widow, Mary, later 
married Isaac Caldwell, the brother of William Caldwell, whose autobiography 
has supplied so many details about the early years of Maryville College. It was 
Mary who took her father-in-law into her home after the fire and cared for him 
until his death. 

77?^ Second President 

At a meeting of the Board on the following 17 March 1857, the Reverend 
John J. Robinson was elected president of the College. He assumed office on 
7 April at the beginning of the summer term. President Robinson had the able 
assistance of Professors Craig and Lamar. There is evidence that students held 
all three in high esteem, though recognizing marked differences in their 
personalities and religious orientafion. A. N. Penland, Class of 1859, who 
studied with all three, left a perceptive comparative characterization: 

To Robinson, one would feel, God was an absolute sovereign in the higher 
Calvinistic sense. To Craig, God was in the hurricane, the noisy ruling 
spirit. To Lamar, God was a sull small voice~the peaceful spirit whose 
piercing look and keen eye would flash indignation, 'til rebels would 
soon cower in shameful submission. 


It was not a propitious time for President Robinson to 

begin his administration. The nation was in the throes 

of depression, churches were closing for want of 

financial support, rumors of war were creating fear 

and unrest, and the College was struggling to prevent 

its relocation. Nevertheless President Robinson was 

looking ahead to better days. With plans for moving 

the campus from its cramped, unsuitable location, he 

and Professor Lamar contracted for fifty acres just west 

of the present-day campus.^ Only four years into the 

Robinson administration, however, rumors of war were 

moving rapidly toward the reality of war. On 22 April 

1861, ten days after the firing on Fort Sumpter, Dr. Robinson announced the 

closing of the College, somewhat prematurely, some thought, but it would have 

been inevitable. Dr. Robinson left no doubt as to where fiis sympathies lay. 

After leaving Maryville he spent two years in Rogersville, Tennessee, as principal 

of a girls' school and pastor of a church there. Although the records are not 

clear, he apparently served for a time as chaplain in the Confederate Army. 

After the War he spent thirteen years as a pastor in Eufala, Alabama. An elderly 

church member who responded to President Lloyd's inquiries about his service 

there, said that she remembered Dr. Robinson as "tall and slender with a long 

white beard" and as being "very intellectual and a fine preacher." 

Later Dr. Robinson held pastorates in Atlanta, Rome, Roswell, and 
Lexington, Georgia; and finally Jacksonville, Florida, where a stroke 
incapacitated him, forcing him to spend his last two years as an invalid in 
Atlanta. He died in 1894 at age seventy-two. While in Roswell, he shared Dr. 
Anderson's experience of having to watch helplessly as fire destroyed his library, 
along with records pertinent to Maryville College history. 

Dr. Robinson was married three fimes. Two sons by his first wife, 
Margaret Ann Temple, died before maturity. His second wife, Margaret Ann 
Wallace, was the daughter of General William Wallace, a long-time Maryville 
College treasurer. She died young, leaving a daughter who was reared in 
Columbia, Tennessee, by an aunt. The third wife, Mary Alice Piatt, of Lexington, 
Georgia, survived her husband, but there were no children of that marriage. 
His daughter, writing to President Lloyd in 1935, named as his descendants 
one granddaughter; a great grandson, a professor at McGill University; and two 
great granddaughters, wives of aVanderbilt professor and a New York attorney. 

Dr. Robinson's participation in the College drama did not end with his 


departure in 1 86 1 . He was to cast himself in a prominent, though not aUogether 
admirable, role in the postwar period. 

Whatsoever Thitigs Are True 

When Dr. Anderson was the only teacher, he doubtless depended upon 
student assistants and extensive independent study and credit by examination 
to ease his load. Even with three teachers, the student-teacher ratio would have 
been high by modern standards. Students in the Collegiate Department, except 
for those who received exemption by examination, followed the standard four- 
year course outlined in the 1 854 catalog, one of only four catalogs that sui-vived 
the Civil War: 


Graeca Majora (begun) 

Cicero, de Oratore 

Cambridge Matliematics (begun) 

Exercise in Declamation and Composition 

Roman and Grecian Antiquities 




Graeca Majora (continued) 


Cambridge Mathematics (continued) 

Natural Philosophy 




Exercises in Declamation 

and Composition 


Graeca Majora (concluded) 


Cicero, De Officiis and De Amicitia 

Conic Sections 


Paley's Moral Philosophy 
Paley's Evidences 
Paley's Natural Theology 


Locke, On the Understanding 

Edwards, On the Will 


Hebrew or French 

Exercises in Declamation and Composition 

Political Economy 
Chemistry, Botany and 
Butler's Ana/o^y 
Vattel's Law of Nations 

Forty-six students attended Maryville College in 1853-54: twenty-three in the 
College Department, twenty-two in the English Preparatory, and one in the 
Theological Department. 

This catalog outline of the course of study makes clear that the 
undergraduate curriculum was largely classical. The courses were designed to 
be taken in sequence with no electives. The "Exercises in Declamation and 
Composition," listed as a requirement for each of the four years, followed the 
pattern already described in connection with Isaac Anderson's Union Academy. 
Usually open to the public, these exercises were an integral part of most school 
curricula throughout the nineteenth century. 

The theological curriculum as set forth in the Constitution was largely 
Biblical: the Greek New Testament, the Hebrew Bible, Jewish Antiquities, Sacred 
Chronology, Biblical Criticism, Metaphysics, Didactic and Polemic Theology, 
Church History, Church Government, Composition and Delivery of Sermons, 
and Duties of Pastoral Care. Additional courses were added as the curriculum 
developed. An interesting challenge to a twentieth century faculty would be to 
find three colleagues who could, among them, teach both the undergraduate 
and seminary curricula. 

Among the historical papers in the Maryville College archives is a 
textbook that belonged to A. A. Morrison, a student of Dr. Anderson in 1834, 
and purchased by President Wilson in 1915. The title page reads: ''Questions 
of the System of Didactic Theology Taught in the Southern and Western Seminary. 
By Rev. Isaac Anderson, D. D., Maryville, Tenn. Printed at the Intelligencer 
Office by Parham & Hoyt, 1833. Price $2.50." The Plan of Instruction is 
explained as follows: 

In didactic or Christian theology, the class have the subject given to 
them, as for example. Natural Theology. They are then directed to read 
such and such authors: if the subject is a controverted one, they read on 
both sides. After they have done reading, they then hear a lecture from 
the Professor; and are required to write an essay on the same subject, and 
then read it before the Professor for remarks. Afterwards the class are 
examined, according to the preceding questions, and such others as the 
Professor may think proper 

Designed to cover the three-year theological course, the book consists 
of questions and answers arranged under thirty-eight headings, such as "The 
Existence of God," "Humility," "Justification," "The Happiness of Saints 


Eternal," and "Perseverance." Under each heading are questions, as many as 
1 19 under "The Lord's Supper," as few as 1 1 under "Sabbath." For example, 
under "Baptism" is this question: "When the people repented what was John's 
duty, as a priest, and as one commissioned by Heaven to baptize?" The answer: 
"To baptize them according to law, which was by sprinkling. Had he baptized 
them in any other mode, instead of making strait the paths of the Lord, he 
would have made another crooked place." 

A library was essential. Fortunately the early agents, who had difficulty 
raising cash, found books more readily available. They flowed in from individual 
clerical and legal libraries. By 1827 two thousand books had been donated; by 
the time of the Civil War, six thousand. A list of gift books in 1826 illustrates 
the types donated: Dwight's Theology, three Greek lexicons, three Greek 
Testaments, a two- volume history of the Bible, Neal's five-volume History of 
the Puritans, a Greek Testament and lectionary, a Latin Dictionary, Caesar, 
Mair's Introduction to Hebrew Grammar, a box of twenty-two classics from a 
donor in Hunts ville, Alabama, a box of sixty books from an unidentified donor, 
and another miscellaneous collection of books and pamphlets. The College 
bought that year Mosheim's four- volume Ecclesiastical History, two volumes 
of Homer, and one of Cicero, for a total acquisition in 1826 of 222 books and 
38 pamphlets. Most were loaned to students. Some were rented. 

The College calendar established in the Constitution was followed until 
1850, when a petition to the Synod requested a modification to avoid the mid- 
September commencement, which, in the opinion of the petifioners, was the 
hottest time of the year. The approved change designated the whole of August 
and September as vacation, with commencement on the last Wednesday in 
July. The winter term then began the second Monday in October and closed the 
third Thursday of March. The summer term began the first Monday in April, 
creating an additional two weeks' vacation and uneven terms of approximately 
four months for the summer term and five for the winter. This was the first of 
many calendar changes in the history of the College. How many faculty meetings 
were devoted to making the first change is not a part of the records, but with a 
faculty of only three, consensus probably came more easily than it would later. 
The typical academic day began in the college chapel. Students sat on 
benches similar to those in country churches. A platform held a table and the 
president's chair, flanked on either side with chairs for the other two professors. 
One chapel service was held in the morning, another in late afternoon. The 
president always conducted the morning service. Student memoirs reveal that 
in the late 1850s Professor Lamar kept attendance, and President Robinson 


assumed responsibility for keeping order, frequently scolding students for 
making noise or spitting on the floor. The afternoon chapel began with a spelling 
bee, after which the students answered another roll call, each with his own 
honor report as to his daily conduct. 

Classes met Monday through Friday. A monitor for each class was 
appointed to make an alphabetical roll that he called each day before or after 
prayer. When class enrollment grew beyond the professor's ability to hear all 
the recitations, tutors, usually two or three at a time, were assigned to hear 

The grand occasion of the academic year was commencement, ft 
included public examinations usually attended by a committee from the Board 
of Directors, who reported back, somewhat perfunctorily, that the students 
performed in a manner that reflected credit on their professors. Orations by 
class members, debates, and sometimes plays were features of the festivities. 
W. E. Caldwell, who graduated in the same class as Thomas J. Lamar, recorded 
his memories of graduation: 

By the end of the session, September, 1 848, 1 had completed the 
College course of study, and was ready to deliver my graduating oration 
on "Immortality." [There follows a list of his five classmates] Gradua- 
tion day was a grand day to me and, of course to all the class. We all 
passed a creditable examination, and got through our orations with suc- 
cess. But, the glory of the occasion did, from the ending as from the 
beginning of our course, [show] how distance lends enchantment to the 

James Gillespie, who graduated the year after Caldwell, recorded his 
memories of the splendor and grandeur of the New Providence Church at 
commencement time. The ladies of the church, as was their custom, had 
cooperated in the decorating. In the evenings the only lights were usually 
homemade tallow candles, but on great occasions such as this commencement, 
Gillespie remembered their sending to Knoxville for sperm candles that they 
placed in a large homemade chandelier in the center of the sanctuary. It was a 
commencement to remember. 

Beyond The Classroom 

Literary societies in the nineteenth century were almost as important 
to college life as classes and were supported by the faculty as a means of 


promoting culture and sharpening speech skills. On most campuses at least 
two societies carried on friendly rivalry in debates, drama, and literary 
productions. Although societies also served a social function, at most colleges 
the emphasis was on the academic and cultural, as at Maryville where purely 
social activities were barred until the late 1920s. Members included not only 
students but faculty and alumni. 

At a student meeting in November 1 829 Dr. Anderson selected Charles 
A. Campbell and Philip Wood to alternate in dividing all the students into two 
equal groups to form rival societies. Wood's group, given the name of Beth- 
Hacma (House of Wisdom), had 35 active and 28 honorary members at the 
time. Gideon S. White was president and J. T. Hargrave the stated clerk. Among 
honorary members were local luminaries Judge Hugh Lawson White and Dr. 
Samuel Pride. 

The other society, the Sophirodelphian, either passed out of existence 
or was transformed into a new society sometime during the next decade. The 
name Sophirodelphian disappeared and the name Beth-Hacma ve Berith (House 
of Wisdom and Covenant) took its place. Joint anniversaries of the Beth-Hacma 
and Sophirodelphian Societies began the year after the founding; joint 
anniversaries of the Beth-Hacma and Beth-Hacma ve Bereth were numbered 
from 1846. Both societies were assigned choice meeting places where they not 
only met but housed their considerable libraries, which at times received more 
use than the College library. 

The weekly programs of the societies climaxed in a joint session at 
commencement attended by the entire citizenry of Maryville. The programs 
usually included prayer, music, oratory, and debate. Topics for orations were 
broad, as for example "The Progress of Science." Debate topics in the early 
years included "Has civil government a right to take life for any reason?" "Should 
the United States government aid Hungary in its struggle for independence?" 
"Should Roman Catholicism be suppressed by law in the United States?" With 
the approach of the Civil War, current controversies became topics for lively 

Occasionally students with a hidden agenda attempted to organize a 
society. In June 1836, at a time of considerable unrest over a discipline problem, 
forty-seven students (almost half the enrollment that year) signed a roll to 
organize the Philadelphians. The motive in organizing was apparently to have 
a base for calling attention of Synod and the Board of Directors to a miscarriage 
of justice in a town-gown altercation. Receiving no response from a petition 
requesting the faculty to lay the student grievances before the two bodies, they 


became discouraged and eventually dissolved the organization. The seed had 
been sown, however, for the advent of secret societies, already being organized 
by students in Eastern colleges to resist authority. The movement was much 
slower gaining ground in the church-related colleges in the South. 

The Way of Transgressors 

The Philadelphian episode was symptomatic of a serious problem 
developing between Maryville College students and townspeople, the type of 
conflict that began with the organization of universities in the Middle Ages. 
High spirited students tended to find outlets for their energy in pranks that 
disturbed the townspeople, who did not always welcome disruption of their 
peaceful lives by the intellectual elite. 

W. E. Caldwell, commenting that "the students got the credit for all the 
mischief done in town," recalled a caper in which he participated: 

It was about midnight—a number of us met at the head of the 
street, the principal one in the town, and somewhat inclined toward the 
creek and spring. We were divided into companies, each company hav- 
ing an empty wagon, cart or buggy. All started at once, one after the 
other, going down the street at full speed, whooping and yelling vocifer- 
ously, making a great racket with our vehicles. The sleeping citizens 
were startled, and in great wonderment and alarm, appeared at their 
doors and windows in night dresses to see the mysterious and phantom- 
like crowd disappear in the darkness and distance. 

A search for the culprits started immediately, but "no students were found except 
in their rooms, and in bed sleeping, to all appearances, a sleep of extraordinary 
sweetness and profundity." 

Not all the mischief was so innocent. In the case the Philadelphians 
were concerned about, students had vandalized a grocery. Prominent 
Maryvillians, including Dr. Samuel Pride and faculty members Isaac Anderson 
and Fielding Pope, paid the owner for the damage. Afterwards the students, 
two of whom were William B. Brown and John C. Craig-one to become a well 
known minister and the other a professor-drew up a resolution against the 
townspeople. Judging from the complaint that townspeople had "imputed to 
the whole improprieties of individuals," one concludes that the innocent had 
been punished along with the guilty. The conduct of many citizens they called 
"illiberal, unbecoming, unjust, and unchristian." The townspeople, they said, 


"affected to esteem students neither as citizens nor as respectable strangers." 
The petitioners wanted the Synod to know "of the true existing relations between 
students and citizens" and would submit to the wisdom of Synod "whether the 
designs of the churches could not belter be effected by the removal of the College 
from this place." 

After hearing from the faculty that if their petition "had been made in 
due form and provided in advance " it would have been presented to the Synod, 
the Philadelphians met to reword the petition. Realizing that the Synod meeting 
had now passed, however, they replied to the faculty in some pique: "We, 
reserving to ourselves the right of petitions and the right to be heard when our 
petitions and wants are presented in proper and respectful form, do, for the 
present, decline making the said request of the Professors." The minutes of this 
meeting record that the society then moved that their members "occupy hereafter 
the gallery of the church." 

Many of the budding theologians at Maryville fell somewhat short of 
the standard set by the Synod. A few survivals among the Anderson papers 
remind us plus qa change plus c'est la mcme chose. In 1828 a Moody Hall, 
who lived in Maryville, reported to the Board of Directors that "John W. Beecher 
committed an outrage from the window of the Rev. William Eagleton's home 
upon my possessions to no small inteniiption of my family and against the 
peace and dignity of the state." The letter was signed by three witnesses of the 

That same year James Ewing was expelled for intemperate drinking 
and rioting and "acts of immorality most nefarious and unbecoming." James 
appealed to the president to reconsider for the sake of his relatives, who would 
"feel the weight of the blows. . .and partake of the infamy." He warned that the 
"respectful body" condemning him would hear "the frightful whispers of your 
conscience when, morbid, they tell you that you have sent to the grave in disgrace 
a fellow-being who, but for you, might have felt the cherishing influence of 
prosperity's sunny beams." With a few quotations from Shakespeare and the 
Bible, he rested his case. Twenty-nine students, quoting from the same sources 
("the quality of mercy," etc.), appealed on Ewing 's behalf, and he was reinstated. 

Six years later, four students reported that Ewing and another, Nesbitt, 
had carried dirks, conducted themselves "immorally during the hours of public 
worship," and "intruded on Mr. Dcbsell with riots during study hours. . . ." Mr. 
Nesbitt had also thieatened "to bathe his dirk in the blood of the first man who 
dared to report him." 

In 1829 after a Mr. Boriand was expelled, he acknowledged his ertors 


and asked for reinstatement. In 1 833 twenty-three students appealed on behalf 
of a Mr. Dudley, whose transgression was charging Dr. Anderson with lying. 
They prepared a long, pious document sprinkled liberally with passages of 
scripture on mercy and forgiveness, ending with "Who shall cast the first stone?" 
It looked as if, like Browning's Fra Lippo Lippi, many of the seminarians could 
tolerate monastic life only so long before doing "these wild things in sheer 

Give Us This Day. . . 

A fuller social life might have reduced the discipline problems, but 
there was limited space for dormitory living and dining. Also many of the 
students-perhaps a majority-lived at home or boarded with relatives and friends 
in town. Those who lived in the cooperative boarding house had the best 
opportunity to form satisfying relationships. Again it is W. E. Caldwell who 
provides the example. Describing his college life as "in the main, a happy 
one," he gives an interesting account of how the boarding house operated. 

The first boarding house was located on the farm and partially 
provisioned by the work of students, who gave from one-half day to a full day 
a week for farm work. When the Old College was torn down to make way for 
the three-story brick building, the boarding house was located in the one-and- 
a-half-story frame building south of Church Street where Aunt Polly Pope 
presided as cook. It was operated by the students themselves in what was the 
first cooperative boarding arrangement in the College's history. 

Caldwell recalled that board cost sixty cents a week, and though they 
had few luxuries, they had plenty of healthful foods, including milk from the 
cow they kept. The operation was simple: 

We employed a cook (requiescat in pace), and by turns waited on her, 
bringing her supplies of wood and water. We supplied our provisions 
from the farms at home, each student getting credit for what he con- 
tributed to our stores, or we purchased from the country and the market 
near the college. A manager was elected each session, and in con- 
sideration of this dignity, he was not on the list of hewers of wood and 
drawers of water. But this distinction had its hardships. 1 was fre- 
quently superintendent or manager. 1 remember once to have walked 
four miles in the country in search of butter and returned with one pound 
and a half. But, what was this for twenty or twenty-five hearty and 
hungry students? 


Students who ate together usually became close friends. Caldwell, 
Sylvanus Howell, and Prior Lee Mynatt formed the Trio Society-Trio because 
there were three and trio was a play on try. Their objective was to improve 
their minds and conversational powers at mealtime. As in the old Greek 
symposia, each would present in turn a topic for conversation at each meal, 
giving them "some intellectual morsel on which to make a ^ feast of reason and 
a flow of soul.'" Their peers, who at first ridiculed them, eventually came to 
respect the Trio, and some joined in the conversations. 

Intimations of Mortality 

Epidemics of typhoid, smallpox, and meningitis, as well as 
miscellaneous diseases, took their toll. Reports to the Synod frequently 
mentioned those who had died during the year. In 1837 two students and 
Professor Hoyt died. In 1 842 two students, of a student body of sixty-two, died 
of typhoid. These occasions were observed by much mourning and elaborate 
funerals. Classrooms were draped in black, and students wore black armbands 
sometimes for a month after the death. 

In February 1844 W. E. Caldwell caught "a virulent disease, called 
putrid sore throat [that] prevailed in Maryville." In most cases this disease was 
fatal, but Caldwell, whose doctor was James Gillespie (perhaps the father of 
Caldwell's classmate by the same name), recovered because the disease 
concentrated in his throat and did not diffuse through his body. His graphic 
description reveals a common medical practice of the time: 

While studying my lesson in Cicero "De Offlciis" at ten o'clock at night, 
I was suddenly seized with a terrible headache and by four o'clock p.m. 
the next day the disease culminated in such terrible suffering as 1 never 
experienced before and probably will not again until my final dissolu- 
tion. The doctor arrived and opened a vein in the arm, the blood flowed 
freely. The disease seemed to flow out with it. Also I experienced in- 
stant relief In the condifion in which the doctor found me, he said it 
would have been impossible for me to have lived till morning. 

Caldwell's father was summoned from New Market to care for him until he 
recovered. By 1 March the patient was able to make the long walk home in one 


Excerpts from John Maxville Huffmeister's diary, discovered by a rare 
book dealer and acquired by the College library in 1993, contains an account of 
another student's experience with illness and death. In 1847 Huffmeister 
(changed later to Hotfmeister) watched helplessly through the illness and death 
one winter of two brothers and his betrothed. Their doctor was the same James 
Gillespie who treated Caldwell, but this time he was not so successful. 
Huffmeister had a friend who was "reading medicine" under Gillespie, which 
may explain in part why death took few holidays in those years. 

By Their Fruits. . . 

In the absence of complete records, one can only estimate the number 
of antebellum students who survived plagues, financial exigency, disciplinary 
action, and academic failure to earn diplomas and make their impact on society. 
One estimate is that by the time the College closed in 1861, there were at least 
250 graduates, approximately 120 of them ministers. Reminiscences, 
biographies, letters, newspaper articles, and other informal sources have 
furnished a surprising amount of information about individual alumni. 

The stories of those who stayed and paid a debt to their alma mater 
have become familiar: the Reverend Eli Sawtell and the Reverend Thomas 
Brown, who became successful financial agents for the College; Professors 
Craig, Eagleton, Hoyt, and Pope, who not only taught for a pittance but helped 
to support destitute students; and Professor T. J. Lamar, without whom the 
College would probably not be in existence today. 

A brother of Thomas Brown, William Beard Brown, known as a 
"wayward" student in the late 1830s~he was a leader in the Philadelphian 
episode-became a respected minister, as well as the progenitor of a direct line 
of four more generations of Maryville College students. In 1 867 he bought the 
Thompson house near the College to insure an education for his ten children, 
including Emma and Ella Brown, who became two of the first four women 
admitted to the College. A complete list of the Brown descendants who attended 
Maryville College is too long to include here, but especially deserving of mention 
is Ernest Chalmers Brown (Brownie), the College engineer who set a record of 
fifty-one years' service. The fourth generation is represented by the present 
History Department chair. Dr. Sarah Brown McNiell, and one of the first women 
Board members, Lois Brown Murphy; and the fifth by Helen McNiell Alcala, 
a 1984 graduate. 

Interesting information about other antebellum students continues to 


surface. Foster Park, in a 1 956 article for the East Tennessee Historical Society 's 
Publications, deals with four eaily East Tennessee writers who he thinks deserve 
recognition. Two of the four, he discovered, were educated at the Southern and 
Western Theological Seminary. Walter Marshall McGill, while a student in the 
mid- 1830s, began writing an epic to improve his standing in literature-perhaps 
the first creative senior thesis. Entitled The Western World and dedicated to 
Andrew Jackson, it consists often books in blank verse relating, in the words 
of the prospectus that appeared in the Knoxville Register in November 1836, 
"the glories and adversities of America from the landing of Columbus to the 
departure of Cornwalhs's British in 1781." The preface acknowledges his 
indebtedness: "I am bound to none more than the venerable president and woilhy 
professors of Southern and Western Seminary at Maryville." Park comments 
on McGill 's skillful handling of blank verse, interspersed with heroic couplets, 
though he finds few memorable lines. ^ But that a student on the frontier would 
have invoked John Milton's muse is in itself noteworthy. 

One of the four extant copies of The Westeni World is in the Rare Book 
Room of the Library of Congress, bought at an American Art sale in New York 
in 1924. On the flyleaf is a note: "Picked up at Murfreesboro, Ky. [sic] just 
after the Battle of Stone River by Capt. J. P. Willard, U. S. Aid to General 
Thomas, and given me in Feb. 1863 by him. O. C. Abercrombie." As McGill's 
biographer points out, McGill's son was killed in the Battle of Stone River at 
Murfreesboro, Tennessee, and probably had the book with him.^ 

The second writer, Charles William Todd, whom Dr. Anderson 
introduced to be taken under care of presbytery in 1828 as "a young man of 
good moral and religious character," has a claim to the title "Tennessee's first 
novelist." He wrote Woodville, or The Anchoret Reclaimed, published 
anonymously in 1832. The novel is said to be autobiographical, based on 
Todd's love for the daughter of an Old School Presbyterian elder who was 
bitterly opposed to Dr. Anderson, a New School Presbyterian. The animosity 
extended to Dr. Anderson's students. Park does not deal with the controversy 
but emphasizes the novel's claim as a first for a Tennessee writer and gives a 
sketch of Todd's stormy life. Park concludes that the novel is "excessively 
wordy and ornate," but "historically significant."^ 

A more recent East Tennessee Historical Society article deals with the 
Reverend Aaron Grigsby, who entered the Seminary in 1824 or 1825. A 
Maiyville native of well-to-do parents, he graduated with honors, was ordained, 
served several churches in Blount County, and later went into the Cumberland 
Presbyterian Church. He eventually moved to Texas and became a member of 


the Texas Constitutional Convention. Being an eloquent speaker and a man of 
strong convictions, he made so many enemies that, feaiing for his life, he fled 
to California, where he prospered, eventually returning a wealthier man to rejoin 
his wife and thirteen children in time to see the family split by the Civil War. 
Some of his seven sons fought for the South, others for the North.^ 

Another of Dr. Anderson's students whose stand on moral issues led 
him into controversy was William H. Davis, who graduated from the Seminary 
in 1836. According to his obituary he entered the Southern and Western 
Theological Seminaiy, "founded and sustained by Tennessee's benevolent 
pioneer. Rev. Isaac Anderson." The obituary speaks of the waim relationship 
between teacher and student. During his four yeais in the Seminary William 
Davis taught a large Sunday school class for the colored people of the 
community; and when he accepted a pastorate in South Caiolina, he received 
permission of the Session to reserve the evening service for slaves. Soon, 
however, his concern about slavery and zeal in the temperance movement caused 
such disruption that he resigned, though the experience did not prevent his 
following his conscience in all future pastorates."' This kind of conflict was 
common among those who had come under Dr. Anderson's influence. 

Many of the eaiiy graduates entered law and politics: .lohn Hennigar 
Reagan, .lesse Wallace, Piyor L. Mynatt, Milton Preston Jarnigan, and Lycurgus 
Leven Stanford. Reagan inteiTupted his studies at Maiy ville to enter the Mexican 
War. The War over, he became district judge and representative to the Texas 
Legislature, and he defeated Sam Houston in the race for a term in Congress. 
Like most of the non-ministerial alumni, he supported the Confederacy during 
the Civil War, resigning his position in the Federal Congress to become Jefferson 
Davis's postmaster general. After imprisonment along with Davis, Reagan 
returned to Congress and served seven terms. His statue stands in the Texas 

Judge Jesse Wallace served in Jefferson Davis's cabinet as attorney 
general for the part of Tennessee under Confederate rule. Pryor Mynatt amassed 
a handsome fortune as a corporate lawyer in Georgia, where he won some 
landmark decisions and was elected to the 1877 Georgia Constitutional 
Convention and later the Georgia State Legislature. Milton Jarnigan, a major 
in the Confederate Army, practiced law in Knoxville bc^th before and after the War 
and became the first president of the National City Bank of Knoxville. 

Captain Lycurgus Leven Stanford had the honor for several years before 
his death in 1917 of being Maryville's oldest living alumnus. Born in 
Stanfords ville, Georgia, in 1 83 1 , he was reaied on a farni and received a primaiy 


education in an academy near home. He then attended the College Department 
at Maryville, graduating in 1854, and Cumberland Law School, graduating in 
1 859. He served four years in the Confederate Army and was a prisoner of war 
for thirteen months before he was able to return home to an active law practice 
and many honors. 

A brief biography of Captain Stanford, supplied by his son, reveals a 
great deal not only about the subject but about Dr. Anderson and Maryville 
College. When Stanford entered Maryville, he had only the equivalent of a 
sixth grade education, but he had read a great deal. After examining him, Dr. 
Anderson found that he knew grammar and some arithmetic. The biographical 
sketch continues: 

[Dr. Anderson] sent him to a drug store to buy a Latin Grammar and 
told him when he had committed it to memory to come to him at any 
time after regular class hours to recite. In three days he was prepared to 
recite one-third of the grammar and knew it. He completed it in three 
weeks—sentences and all, and also read De Amicitia in Latin and was 
assigned to a class in Caesar 

In brief, he graduated with honors in three and a half years. The son said that 
his father loved Maryville College. He remembered his college courses sixty 
years after graduation "and could read Latin and Greek more readily than some 
men read English." He added: "Captain Stanford spoke of Maryville College 
only a few hours before his death." 

Other alumni became journalists. Frederick A. Handy, after serving as 
an officer in the Confederate Army, became the first treasurer and a professor 
of higher mathematics at the Maryland Agricultural College. In 1 872 he bought 
the Richmond Enquirer, then sold the paper to become Congressional 
correspondent for the Richmond Dispatch. His subsequent career included 
positions on leading papers in New York, Baltimore, New Orleans, and Chicago. 
Carrick White Heiskell was also a Confederate Army officer as well as a circuit 
judge and district attorney in Memphis. As editor and publisher of the Knoxville 
Register, he set a longevity record in nineteenth century Knoxville, remaining 
longer than the publisher of any other Knoxville paper. 

Representative of those who went into medicine were Dr John W. Cates, 
Class of 1851, who served in the Confederate Army, and Dr. Alexander B. 
Tadlock, Class of 1859, who was a surgeon in the Union Army. In ah 1873 
cholera epidemic in Ohio Dr. Tadlock reported the housefly as a carrier ten 
years before Koch isolated the germ and well before others experimentally 


proved that flies were among the carriers. He was a professor in the Cincinnati 
Medical College and the Tennessee Medical College and later served as the 
city physician of Knoxville. His bequest to Maryville College on his death in 
1926 was the largest amount given up to that time by an alumnus or a Tennessean. 

In the field of education, in addition to those who remained to teach at 
the College, were Jeremiah Dumas Malone and Samuel Inman. Malone, who 
distinguished himself as a teacher in Georgia and Alabama, was the father of 
President Malone of Centenary College and grandfather of the eminent twentieth 
century historian, Dumas Malone. Samuel Inman, though not a teacher, furthered 
the cause of education through his influence and financial support. At the time 
of his death in 1915 the Atlanta Journal named him "First citizen of Atlanta." 
He gave more than a million dollars to Agnes Scott College and Oglethorpe 
University; and the establishment of Georgia Tech owed much to his interest 
and support. He was also a prime mover in the Cotton States Exposition, 
which was credited with a major role in Georgia's economic resurgence during 

Finally there was alumnus Alexander Kennedy, Class of 1859, who set 
a record of sorts by fathering 25 children. 


Chapter II— An Institution Constantly in Peril 

Professor Gideon S. W. Crawford, reviewing the College history in 1876, 
characterized Maryville as ''an institution constantly in peril." Much of the peril 
in the early years stemmed from lack of financial support. The body that brought 
the Southern and Western Seminary into being was so plagued with controversy 
that the welfare of the fledgling institution became secondary to creedal and turf 
battles being waged within the synods and presbyteries. Since the president, the 
professors, two-thirds of the directors, and many of the early students were min- 
isters or ministers-in-preparation, it is not surprising that the College was drawn 
from the outset into the theological controversies that raged around Hopkinsianism 
and Old School/New School Presbyterianism. The newly-formed Seminary also 
became embroiled in socio-political controversies—slavery, temperance, nullifi- 
cation and unionism, and denominational differences. 

Theological Differences 

In the late eighteenth century Hopkinsianism split the Presbyterian 
Church. Those who opposed the more moderate interpretation of the Calvinistic 
doctrines held by the influential New England theologian Dr. Samuel Hopkins 
(theological conservatives) became Old School Presbyterians. The chief tenet 
of Hopkinsianism espoused "disinterested benevolence." "Self-love"-even that 
aimed at saving one's own eternal life-was regarded as sinful. The South 
became involved in the controversy only gradually with no solid foothold except 
in East Tennessee. Many East Tennessee ministers, influenced by Hezekiah 
Balch, founder of Greeneville College, eschewed the stricter interpretations of 
Calvin and took a less fundamentalist view on the reading of the scriptures. 
They, including Dr. Anderson and his students, adhered to this "New School" 

A second matter promoting dissension within the denomination was 
the "Plan of Union" by which Presbyterian and Congregational churches, 
confronted by shortages of ministers on the frontier, had agreed in 1801 to act 
together in newly-formed frontier mission churches. Under this agreement, 
Congregational committeemen (ministers) could serve as ministers in 
Presbyterian churches and vice versa. Although Congregational ministers were 
not ordained as was required of all Presbyterian ruling elders, Congregational 
committeemen attended General Assembly and voted on a par with Presbyterian 
elders. Many Presbyeterians were critical of this laxness. 


Finally in the 1837 General Assembly, the majority (Old School 
representatives) dissolved the "Plan of Union" and expelled the "doctrinely 
tainted" co-mingled churches, presbyteries, and synods. In reply, those expelled 
formed a "New School General Assembly." All presbyteries in the Synod of 
Tennessee except Holston adhered to this Assembly. An overriding majority of 
all East Tennessee ministers were adherents of the "New School Divinity" and 
the "New School Assembly." 

Isaac Anderson emphatically expressed his view of the "Demon 
Discord" gripping the country. He called attention to the pecuniary and 
commercial interests "concerned with nullification, anti-nullification, slavery, 
perpetual and crazy abolitionism. . . . What is worse is that the Church has 
caught the pestiferous plague and sounds no notes other than conventions, 
divisions, separate assemblies, and down with herefics." He likened the dominant 
pariy of the General Assembly's high-handed measures to "the tyranny and 
oppression of the Reformation sectarians." He regretted that the Old School 
paily had gained a temporary majority and excised hundreds of ministers and 
thousands of church members and 173 churches to assure a "secure majority in 
all future assemblies without chaige, proof, or trial." He castigated the Old 
Rally's resolufion to dissolve the Synod of Tennessee and extend its borders to 
West Tennessee, "giving it our name."" It was this thieat to the College which 
hurt Dr. Anderson most. Samuel Doak and James Lyon of Holston Presbytery 
organized an Old School presbytery. 

Because of the slavery issue, the majority of the South remained Old 
School. That the Synod of Tennessee was the only Southern synod with a New 
School majority goes far toward explaining East Tennessee's adherence in the 
main to the Union cause and of major importance to the post-Civil War fate of 
the College. 

Because of its stand for abolition, the 1857 New School General 
Assembly drove nineteen Southern presbyteries into a new "United Synod" 
that severed all connections with the New School Assembly. The Synod of 
Tennessee, after a one-year independent status, joined with this United Synod 
under limited terms. In so doing, members of the Synod disavowed any paiticulai^ 
positions on slavery and excluded from their meetings any "agitation or 
discussion of the subject of slavery except as regaids the moral and religious 
duties arising out of relation of master and slave." 

The Southern and Western Seminary and then Maryville College, as it 
became in 1842, as an institution of the Synod of Tennessee was located in 
Union Presbytery, which had been born in 1797 in the schism over 


Hopkinsianism. When the Synod of Tennessee joined the United Synod in 
1858, it transfened the College to the United Synod with a reversion clause to 
be activated if at any time the United Synod should cease to exist. This important 
reservation was to become vital in keeping the institution from falling into the 
hands of the post-Wai" U. S. (or Southern) Presbyterian Church. 

Attempts to Relocate the College 

The contioversy over the location of the College added to the difficulties 
the directors were having in obtaining a charter. On 20 October 1819, the 
Synod had prepared a petition for a charter and instructed two members to send 
it to the State Legislature. Between 1819 and 1 842, when the Legislature finally 
acted, the Seminaiy was placed in a tentative position that created major problems 
in fund raising and left the school vulnerable to a change in the location. 

The fear was that Presbyterians were becoming too powerful in 
Tennessee. A writer to the Knoxville Register claimed that "it was the design of 
the South Western Seminaiy to send out missionaries who were to twine around 
the government, get into the state legislature, and have religion established." 
The Reverend James Gallaher answered the writer under the pseudonym "Valde 
Timidas," in withering satire--so strong that some claimed Gallaher's attack to 
be the cause of the writer's insanity soon afterwaids. Even though the College 
obtained a charter in 1842, the charges of its opponents continued to have such 
a strong impact that it was almost impossible for a Presbyterian to be elected to 
office in Tennessee, even as constable. 

While the charter question was pending and even after the charter was 
granted, attempts were made to remove the Seminaiy from Maryville. In 1819 
when the Seminary was established. Synod action located it "temporarily at 
Maryville." In 1820 letters were sent to other synods and presbyteries inviting 
them to cooperate in a seminary. Would they be more likely to cooperate if 
they saw an opportunity to locate the Seminaiy in their districts? In 1821 at a 
meeting in Nashville, the Synod passed a resolution defeiTing a decision about 
location until the Synod met in West Tennessee. A commission of three, 
including the Reverend Gideon Blackburn, was appointed to get the infomiation 
needed to make an intelligent decision. Another commission, also including 
Dr. Blackburn, was appointed to meet with the Synod of Kentucky to explore 
cooperative possibilities. In 1822 neither commission was ready to report. 

Forces in Middle and West Tennessee, organized to agitate for removal 
of the Seminaiy to the center of the state, gravitated aiound Dr. Blackburn, who 


was then living in Middle Tennessee. In 1 823 the Synod met in Murfreesboro, 
where a showdown between Dr. Blackburn and Dr. Anderson was anticipated. 
G. S. W. Crawford, addressing the alumni yeais later, said that "so great was 
the interest elicited that the Tennessee Legislature then in session at Nashville, 
adjourned to heai" the discussion between the two great champions, Blackburn 
and Anderson. The contest lasted for several days." (Is it possible that this 
interest in a Presbyterian debate lent some credence to other denominational 
chaiges during tfie charier dispute that the Presbyterians were seeking to establish 
a state religion?) Anderson won the day and Maryville was chosen as the 
permanent site for the College. Soon afterwards Blackburn left the state for 
Illinois, where he founded Blackburn College. 

In the following year a maneuver by the defeated forces of the 
Murfreesboro Synod sought to reverse the decision. They introduced a petition 
asking the General Assembly for a division of the Synod of Tennessee, the 
portion west of the Cumberiands to be known as the Synod of Tennessee (thus 
obtaining the College for Middle or West Tennessee) and east of the mountains 
to be known as the Synod of East Tennessee. Isaac Anderson, ever on the alert, 
amended the proposed petition and reversed the names for the sections-the 
eastern division to be known as the Synod of Tennessee and the western as the 
Synod of West Tennessee. In 1827 the Synod petitioned unsuccessfully to 
have the General Assembly take the Seminaiy under its caie, with the provision 
that the Tennessee Synod raise $10,000 for a professorship. 

A year later apostasy from within the Board of Directors led to the 
second attempt to move the College from Maryville. The Reverend Robert 
Haidin, a director, was appointed as agent to raise funds to cover major 
indebtedness. Professor Crawford's account to the alumni described Haidin's 
maneuvers: "On his way north, Haidin stopped at Danville, Kentucky, and 
entered into aiticles of agreement with the Synod of Kentucky to transfer the 
Seminaiy to Danville." Instead of going north he went to Virginia, obtained the 
signatures of members of the Synod in that state, then into upper East Tennessee, 
where he secured the signatures of all ministers except that of the Reverend 
William Minnis. 

Professor Lamar's account tells of Dr. Anderson's reaction when 
confronted by ihis fait accompli: "[He] cried like a child and signed the petition 
saying he would not stand in the way." Apprised of the situation by William 
Minnis, other members of the Board decided to raise $10,000 to endow a chair 
of didactic and polemic theology, provided the College stay in Maiyville. The 
College was saved again. 


The third location crisis came in 1 857, the year Dr. Anderson died. As 
pointed out earlier, his decline physically and mentally had weakened the 
College. It was in serious economic difficulty. It had begun a new brick building, 
never finished, and had an unbearable debt. Enrollment was in decline. The 
Seminary Department was practically extinct. Recriminations were rife. 
Professor Crawford enumerated the possible causes of this desperate state: "Some 
said the cause was a dishonest treasurer; some said the professors were rude 
and uncouth. Some said people of Maryville made unreasonable charges for 
goods and, finally, some said it was because the College was located at the 
wrong place." 

The Synod voted in 1855, 27 to 14, to establish a school at whatever 
place offered the best prospect for raising money~this despite an eloquent speech 
of William Minnis in opposition. The majority reported: "Maryville College is 
not such as to secure for it the patronage necessary for success." Among those 
voting with the majority were Maryville College graduates who had up to this 
time been strong supporters of the College: Andrew Blackburn, R. R. Bradshar, 
W. E. Caldwell, George Painter, D. Rogan, and Eli Sawtell. 

The outcome was the third and final attempt to move the College. At 
Rogersville a movement was already underway to build Caldwell College. A 
letter to the editor of the Knoxville Register, 8 January 1857, disclaimed any 
intention of demeaning Maryville College, which, the letter said, 

had labored zealously to rejuvenate itself, but friends had concluded that 
it was labor and zeal expended without prospect of ultimate success. 
Disguise the facts of the case as you may, all sensible men having knowl- 
edge of the facts know the ancient fame of Maryville has been waning, 
that her halls have been forsaken and that her buildings have gone to 
decay and that now it is in the sere and yellow leaf. 

Rogersville bid $35,000 for relocating the College there. This sum consisted 
of pledges for 140 scholarships at $250 each. The Synod, probably influenced 
by the loss of two professorships tied to the Maryville location, totaling $16,500, 
voted 44 to 26 to reverse its earlier decision. 

The issue was settled once and for all in 1858 when the Synod of 
Tennessee withdrew from die New School Assembly in Cleveland, Ohio, and 
attached itself to die United Synod of Uie Presbyterian Church in die U. S. A. 
When the new United Synod in April 1858 proposed to "receive under its care, 
a College [Maryville] in the hands of the said Synod [Synod of Tennessee] as 


soon as the members of the said Synod should agree among themselves upon 
one institution," the transfer was effected with four provisions: 

1 . Maryville College shall be the College of the denomination. 

2. The theological department will remain as at present, but if the de- 
nomination should choose later to develop a theological school on a larger 
scale elsewhere, it may. 

3. The property and funds of the College will revert to the Synod of 
Tennessee if the United Synod shall cease to exist. 

4. Once these terms are met, the Synod of Tennessee will transfer all 
powers and property to the United Synod in the U. S. A. 

In 1 869 the third provision was activated when the United Synod was 
dissolved and the Synod of Tennessee and the College returned to the General 
Assembly of the Presbyterian Church U. S. A. Thus was laid to rest the third 
and last attempt to move the College from Maryville. Even so, the codicil to 
the story was not to be written until after a lawsuit in 1872, which will be dealt 
with later. 

Slavery and Abolition 

While deeply involved in theological controversies and attempts to 
relocate the College, Maryville College personnel gravitated toward a moderating 
position on a number of national issues-abolition, nullification and unionism, 
and temperance. Seldom, if ever, does an institution take a united position on 
any social issue. Pre-Civil War Maryville College was no exception. 

The issue of slavery created wide division among College constituencies, 
whereas the issue of abolition raised an almost unanimous consensus against it. 
It was in fact the abolitionist stance of the New School General Assembly that 
had driven the Synod and the College into the United Synod affiliation. 

On slavery, Isaac Anderson, who in 1837 had dubbed the movement 
"crazy abolitionism," took a middle course. He was anti-slavery but not 
abolitionist. When the College was first established, Dr. Anderson had led the 
Board to adopt a rule interdicting students from political debates or interests in 
any matter not connected with their studies. The interdiction, however, failed 
to silence all the students. The 8 March Emancipator published a letter from a 
Maryville student to a lady in New England, showing how irrepressible some 


of the seminary students were: 

"We take the liberty to uphold and defend our sentiments, whether it is 
agreeable or not to the selfishness of the slaveholder ... We have some 
friends in the country around, among whom we have the privilege of 
distributing without fear a considerable no. of pamphlets. . . . About 
thirty students in the Theological Seminary at this place are preparing 
for the ministry, of whom twelve are abolitionists."'^ 

When one of the first graduates of the Seminary, E. M. Eagleton, a 
bold anti-slavery proponent like most Presbyterians in those days, became 
offensively vocal in denouncing slavery, intemperance, Sabbath breaking, and 
profanity, he was arraigned before presbytery and given the choice of apologizing 
or suffering the revocation of his preaching license. Declaring that "to 
compromise with sin was not palatable to [his] spirit," he lost his license. 

Eagleton complained to his teacher: "Dr., I have been silenced from 
preaching for the very things you have taught me. . . ." Dr. Anderson, though 
appearing on his behalf in the appeal to presbytery from the decision, was a 
man of compromise. He commented on Eagleton's excessive exuberance, fearing 
the effect it might have upon the slave-holding members of the church. 
Eagleton's license was restored, but two parties formed in the presbytery 
churches-the Conservatives and the Radicals (called fanatical by their 

Dr. Craig, himself no moderate, reflected Anderson's position on "this 
John Knox of Tennessee," declaring: "His weakest point was that he was too 
blunt and encountered opposition needlessly." It might be noted that college 
students gave up their summer vacations to remain in Maryville for the trial. 
Dr. Anderson stated his position in a letter to a relative, 14 August 1846: "The 
church is not commissioned to interfere with the relation of a king and his 
subject, or a master and slaves, but to instruct in mutual duties. . .required by 
the Gospel." Although some of his graduates were abolitionists, Anderson 
never embraced abolitionism. Despite evidence to the contrary. East Tennessee 
firebrand Parson Brownlow in his newspaper, the Whig and Rebel Ventilator, 
inveighed against "Dr. Anderson's nest of Hopkinsianism and abolitionism in 

Other professors took positions on either side of the slavery issue. Darius 
Hoyt was anti-slavery although one son became a Confederate and another an 
eminent jurist in the South. John Craig was "an avowed abolitionist," as Captain 


W. H. Henry later recalled, "always boldly and publicly declaring his convictions 
on that much mooted question." Always anti-slavery but, like Dr. Anderson, 
never an avowed abolitionist, T. J. Lamar actually held slaves. His first wife 
was a slaveholder and brought some of her slaves from Missouri to Maryville. 
One, and perhaps more, of these remained in the Lamar family after her death. 
One served as a nurse for the invalid child. A slave named Dick, in Professor 
Lamar's possession when General Bumsides came to Knoxville, ran away to 
the Yankees. 

William Minnis, the stalwart warrior on the Board of Directors, who 
fought all attempts to move the College, "trimmed his sails," according to Craig, 
"to suit the current on pro-slavery." In principle, he was anti-slavery. He was 
on his deathbed when the split over slavery occurred. Craig believed that "Minnis 
could come nearer than any other man in making the wrong side seem the right 
side." F. A. Ross, a graduate and Board member, was, as a young minister, an 
extensive slaveholder. Later he changed his views entirely and emancipated 
his own slaves. Reversing his stand and turning to the defense of abolition, he 
led the secession of the Southern presbyteries from the New School Assembly 
and organized the United Synod. G. S. White, an 1829 graduate and an agent 
for the College, stood solidly with the South on the slavery issue. A slave 
owner. White would have openly espoused the Southern cause had it not been 
that the majority of his church constituencies, including slave owners, were 
Union men, choosing their government rather than their slaves. 

Whereas a careful examination of the various constituencies of Maryville 
College indicates a wide spectrum of views on slave-holding, opposition to 
abolition was almost unanimous. They were at the same time united on the 
obligation to instruct parishioners on the Biblically-based charitable and 
Christian approach of masters in the treatment of slaves. Isaac Anderson once 
summarized his position: "Slavery is a great moral, social and pohtical evil." 
On the traffic in slaves he was adamant: "Any man who will chain together his 
fellow men and drive them like cattle to the market would sell the Lord in all 
his glory for filthy lucre and kidnap the angels in heaven." 

The Synod of Tennessee made clear its position in a pastoral letter in 
1858 to the churches under its care: 

In declaring adherence to the United Synod, we do not commit ourselves 
as a body or as individuals to any particular opinions on the subject of 
slavery or slave-holding. ... We simply take the broad view. . that the 
agitation or discussion of the subject of slavery except as regard to moral 
and religious duties growing out of relation of master and slave shall be 


excluded from our ecclesiastical meetings; that slaveholding not being 
mentioned in the Constitution of the Presbyterian Church, discussion 
and management of slavery, as a political institution, should be left to 
the state. 

Captain W. H. Henry recalled that President Robinson believed slavery 
to be "the recognized word of God and in the Constitution of the United States 
and therefore entitled to his moral and political support." He remembered that 
the twenty-eight or thirty alumni of the Robinson years "were with only one or 
perhaps two exceptions. . .pro-slavery advocates when they left the institution, 
and all of them except perhaps four became Confederate soldiers." 

Union and Secession 

On the question of secession Dr. Anderson was no trimmer. Dr. Lamar 
quotea him on this issue: "The Union is the hope of the world and promises 
under God to break down civil and religious tyranny. The man who silently 
thinks of such a thing [i.e., dissolving the Union] ought to be hung and if he 
speaks it, he deserves some severer fate." In 1849 Dr. Anderson wrote to a 
friend in Kentucky: "The Union is the only safeguard these states have against 
anarchy and civil discord. The Union is the hope of the world and promises 
under God to break down civil and religious tyranny. 'The Union One and 
Indivisible!' ought to be the motto of every American and every philanthropist." 

To Dr. Anderson and Maryville College must go the major credit for 
the support that East Tennessee, almost alone in the South, gave to the Union. 
Professor Lamar, in a flyer to raise funds in the North in 1866, claimed that of 
the six pre-War professors, "only one thought otherwise on this important 
subject." In a letter to E. D. Morris of Lane Seminary he wrote: 

The people of East Tennessee were notably distinguished from all other 
parts of the seceding states by their patriotic devotion to the Union. . . . 
This fact is traceable to the teaching and influence of Maryville Col- 
lege. There is no other reason except this why the mountainous parts of 
the adjacent states should not have been as loyal and patriotic to the 
union as East Tennessee, and there is no other reason why the Synod of 
Tennessee has been the only Synod in all the South to resume after the 
war organic relations with the old General Assembly. 


President Theodore D. Woolsey of Yale fully agreed. He endorsed 
Maryville College's fund-raising efforts with these words: "The stand which 
the Synod of Tennessee took in 1837, and the noble struggle for union and 
freedom in East Tennessee may be traced to Maryville College more than to 
any other influence whatever." The strength of Maryville's influence is further 
substantiated by a report as eaily as 1840 that "the majority of membership in 
all the Presbyteries of the Synod of Tennessee was made up of Maryville College 
graduates and that but for the Seminaiy, East Tennessee would have had no 
Synod." This adherence to the Union, and not the divisive issue of slavery/ 
abolition, deteraiined the direction the College and Synod took in the 1860s 
and after. 

Wine or Raisin Juice? 

In the 1820s and 1830s the temperance question was beginning to be 
debated as it was in England and elsewhere in American religious circles. The 
Temperance Banner, a monthly publication launched in Maiyville in 1837, 
described itself as a "friend of the female sex," proposing "to save their children, 
their husbands, and their fathers from the ignominy and horrors of a drunkard's 
life and a drunkard's end" and promising "to fill to overflowing their cup of life 
with domestic bliss." 

Dr. Robinson pointed out that Isaac Anderson's concern with this 
question centered on the use of wine in communion. Dr. Anderson, he said, 
was "so hostile to alcohol in all its forms. . .that he was wont to say, when 
'fencing' the communion table. . .that he would lose his right aim before he 
would invite to the Lord's table anyone who used intoxicating liquors as a 
beverage."^ ^ In later life he provoked controversy by introducing raisin juice as 
a substitute for wine in communion, fearing that the color of wine "might tempt 
some worshiping souls to wine in God's house." The chief objection of his 
congregation was to his substitute. They declared that it looked like cider, not 
blood; therefore it was an unfit symbol. 

Yet Dr. Anderson remained tolerant of his opponents on this as on 
other questions. In response to those who had charged the opposifion with 
disrespect for him, he declared: "It never entered my thoughts that those who 
disagreed with me, therefore treated me with disrespect. When Brother Minnis 
turned wild on 'free will' and on the subject of divine efficiency, it did not 
diminish ought of my respect for him." Tolerance was his rule in all questions, 
whether abolition, relocating the College, or using wine in communion. On 


the wine question, however, he lost the support of many students and Board 
members, as well as some of the faculty. 

The Long Apprenticeship to Poverty 

A brochure Dr. Lamai^ used in a fund-raising campaign after the Civil 
War called attention to Maiyville's "long apprenticeship to poverty." Its $16,000 
endowment, the brochure stated, "was gathered in small sums thiough42 yeais. 
. .and was largely supplemented by faith, prayer, and self-denying labor of Dr. 
Anderson and those associated with him in the work of instmction." From the 
perspective of the twentieth century the College's survival was a miracle. 
Antebellum faculty would also have used the term miracle, though attaching to 
it a deeper and more literal meaning. To them the miracle was a gift from God 
brought about by their abiding faith, a faith that produced works and unselfish 
charity. They truly believed that the College could not fail. 

As already seen in the story of those first years, the Synod established 
the Seminary with no provision for an endowment. Dr. Anderson's aversion to 
asking for money helps to account not only for his pafience in serving without 
compensation but for his contribufions from his own pocket of the sums 
necessary to sustain the program. Even when the Synod took steps to endow 
professorships, so small were the sums collected that the interest provided only 
token salaries. Had it not been for what Dr. Wilson called the "moral 
endowment"-that is, the sacrifice of the professors-the College could not have 

After seven years Dr. Anderson received one hundred dollars in 
recognition of his "disinterested devotedness." Only the year before, he had 
contributed $648 to the support of students. After eleven years, in 1830, the 
Synod established an endowment for the chair of polemic and didactic 
philosophy to begin paying him on a regular basis, but the combined income 
from fees and interest on the endowment did not approach the amount needed 
to cover his salary. In 1 832 the interest on the professorship endowment collected 
was $133,921/2. In 1833 the Synod minutes recorded total receipts of $896 for 
the year, $431 of which was divided among the thiee professors. The endowed 
professorship that year produced only $200. 

Three years after the establishment of a second endowed professorship, 
the Synod minutes reported no means of support for the Seminary Department. 
Even after naming Dr. Robinson to the professorship, the Synod let his salaiy 
fall in anears so that he decided to leave after four yeais. In 1854 the old 


refrain appeared in the minutes: "There are other interests due both professorships 
which we have not been able to collect." 

Despite this shortage, the Synod ordered at the same time that $1,000 
of College fiinds be loaned to publishers of the Presbyterian Witness. The 
following year it again ordered the treasurer to call in $5,000 of College funds 
to lend to the editor of the same publication. As to the professorship of sacred 
literature, the Synod resolved to leave it open until such time as "the interest in 
arreais due Robinson be collected and paid." Cleaily much of the problem 
stemmed from poor management and poor judgment. 

Custodians of the institution's finances were the Synod, the Board of 
Directors, and the treasurer. The Synod seems to have taken little responsibility 
for the fiscal health of the College, even at times, as seen above, working against 
it. The directors were generally loyal and supportive but not in a position of 
authority. The treasurer had the chief responsibility for investment, but was 
dependent on the Synod to give authorization and the agents to provide the 

Co/ lections: The Role of the Agent 

The use of agents for fund raising was a common practice in the 
nineteenth century. Whether arrangements in other insUtutions were as informal 
as at Maiyville is not certain. At least thirteen names appear as Maryville 
agents. The Synod appointed them to collect funds for the College in return for 
their expenses and a commission. Occasionally expenses exceeded collecfions; 
and it was not uncommon for the integrity of the agent to be called into question, 
as when the Reverend Moody Hall (the plaintiff in the discipline case mentioned 
earlier) claimed as a personal gift a horse, harness, and carriage worth $345. A 
letter from the donor to Professor Eagleton confirming that these were gifts to 
the College exposed the conflict of interests. 

The Christian Spectator reported in 1822 that two agents for the new 
Theological Seminary in Tennessee, the Reverend Robert Haidin and the 
Reverend Austin Dickinson, had obtained subscriptions for $34,498 payable in 
five years in annual installments. The report raises quesfions as to what happened 
to that much money--a sum that could have endowed professorships and solved 
some of the early financial problems. More than likely, most of it remained 
simply subscriptions. Subscribers were known to pay in promissory notes, and 
a great gulf often existed between subscripfions and collections. Hardin served 
again in 1828 as agent, this time, as noted earlier, using his position to try to 


obtain the removal of the College to Danville, Kentucky. 

Other agents proved trustworthy and effective. The Reverend Thomas 
Brown is credited with being the most successful antebellum agent. According 
to his biographer, he had the advantage of knowing every Presbyterian Church 
and prominent Synod leader in East Tennessee and Southwest Virginia. (Also, 
having been apprenticed to a blacksmith before attending seminary, he had the 
advantage of being able to shoe his own horse on his travels as agent and 
minister.) Brown was laigely responsible for completing the endowment of 
Professor Anderson's chair in 1835, and he raised $15,000 in subscriptions for 
the professorship in sacred literature. Since the laigest antebellum donation 
was $2,500, these funds had to be gathered in small sums. 

The most colorful agent was Eli Sawtell of the first Seminary class. 
He served both the antebellum and the reconstructed post-bellum College. His 
journal of his agency trips reads like a picaiesque novel and gives a graphic 
picture of the hardships and dedication of some of the early agents. Sawtell 
estimated that from 1826 through 1828 he had travelled on horseback 7,000 
miles through 14 states, the territories of three Indian tribes, and the District of 
Columbia--from the Gulf of Mexico to the banks of the Menimac in New 
Hampshire. Often, he said, he had to dismount and cut a path through canebrakes 
for his horse. 

On his first journey he stopped over in Nashville, where he spent two 
Sabbaths, one at the Hermitage with Andrew Jackson and his family. After 
preaching to a mixed congregation of masters and slaves, some of whom he 
reported to be "moved to teais" by his sermon, he spent the rest of the day with 
.Jackson studying scripture. After two days at the Hermitage he left for 
Huntsville, Alabama. On a hot .July day, his horse dropped dead, and he himself 
suffered from the "bloody tlux" for several weeks, but the Lord provided a 
refuge and renewed strength. 

His second journey took him once again through Tennessee, Mississippi, 
and Louisiana. Each Sabbath he preached, sometimes in towns, sometimes in 
villages, and sometimes thiough an inteipreter to Indian tribes. In Port Gibson, 
Louisiana, a Mr. Ross, who at first was somewhat cool, on hearing of Sawtell 's 
great preaching, tried to secure him as a minister Although Sawtell turned 
down the offer, Ross gave him $ 100 for his own personal use, most of which he 
used to pay off his eleven-year-old indenture to the bootmaker in Hollis, New 

After leaving Ross, Sawtell stabled his horse in Baton Rouge and took 
a steamer. The steamer struck a snag and sank. All the passengers except 


Sawtell lost their possessions. He lost nothing, a miracle that he attributed to 
Divine Providence as a blessing upon his mission. On the return trip to Maryville 
he encountered Luther Dunlap, a personable young man whom he invited to 
return with him to enter the Seminary. To solve the problem of a horse for 
Dunlap, he solicited a horse for use on the Seminary farm. When the horse 
turned out to be a maie and gave birth to a foal the next morning, Sawtell 
engaged in some horsetrading to the advantage of the institution he represented. 
His comment on the incident: "And did I not recognize the goodness of the 
Lord in all this?" 

Later trips took him north, where he spent some time collecting books 
for the Seminary libraiy before journeying back to settle in Maryville. But he 
was soon lured away to Louisville, Kentucky, to conduct evangelistic meetings. 
After founding two churches and suffering a breakdown in health, he went to 
France as chaplain to the British and French forces in Le Harve. During this 
time he published at least three books in England, one of which was his Treasured 
Moments, containing glimpses of early Maryville. 

Returning to the United States, he was twice more called to serve as an 
agent, in 1851 and 1854, to raise funds to complete the new building for the 
financially-strapped College. As late as 1876 he wrote to Professor Lamar: "I 
still hope to do something for Maryville College, but I have been cheated out of 
so many thousands of doUais by wicked men that I [have meager resources]." 
He intended to send something, he said, but asked that no allusion be made to 
it: "My family have an idea I give away too much." Only a short time before 
Professor Lamai's last visit with him, Sawtell had narrowly escaped death when 
a train struck his buggy. He was eighty-three and his mind was almost gone. 

How effective was Sawtell as an agent? When he turned in his account 
for the 1828 trip, he reported that he had collected $l,335.79'/2 plus $1,000 in 
subscriptions. From this he had paid $396. 12'/2 for expenses. Since much of 
his time was spent in revivals, he said, he would make no chaiges against the 
Seminaiy; and he asked the Board to accept his labors as a gift. 

The Presbyterian Education Society 

What the struggling Seminary needed was more agents like Sawtell 
and Brown. Instead it suffered setbacks at the hands of the very agency that 
should have been supporting it. The student work program, begun in 1826 
when Dr. Anderson bought the 200-acre farm, prospered until outside 
interference doomed it. 


In 1831 and again in 1832 the Presbyterian Education Society through 
its chairman, Dr. Cornelius, offered tuition assistance for Seminary students, 
though he recommended against the Seminary's accepting the grant. Dr. 
Anderson twice refused the aid. Then in 1 833, over his protest, a new chairman 
of the Society foisted aid upon the Seminary by appealing directly to the students. 
Once they received financial help, many students preferred boarding themselves 
by keeping bachelor's quarters rather than eating at the farmhouse. The Seminary 
had to close the house and set up a smaller one near the campus. By 1836 the 
Education Society was covering half the cost of the ministerial students, but 
the national bank panic the following year caused it to reduce its assistance. 
The outcome was the eventual loss of all outside assistance, as well as a 
practicable student work program. The best assessment of what happened 
appeared in the 1836 Synod minutes: 

It is due to the numerous friends of the Institution to account so far as we 
can, for its [the manual labor system's] failure. While a great majority 
of pious. . young men are willing, if there be necessity, to labor a part of 
the time on the farm. . if the necessity be removed by furnishing the 
means to meet their expenses, very few are willing to labor a part of their 
time regularly. 

A similar situation was to occur later in the life of the College. 

Ironically, at the same time the Presbyterian Education Society was 
destroying the student work program, it was attempting to interfere with the 
management of the institution. It advised concentrating on the Seminary and 
closing the College Department on the grounds that "competent literary 
instruction on moderate terms is furnished in the College at Knoxville." 
Following this advice would have spelled disaster, for within fifteen years 
Maryville had no seminary students. The coming of railroads had made it 
possible for ministerial students to attend the more prestigious seminaries in 
the North. At the same time, enrollment in the College Department was on an 
upward trend. 

77?^ Sale of Scholarships 

In 1853 the Board of Directors devised a plan to finance College debts 
by selling scholarships for $250 each. Acting as agents were the ministers, 
elders, and lay members of the Synod, each of whom was to receive ten percent 
of the face value of each scholarship sold. Twenty thousand dollars of the 


expected sum was to be used to endow professorships in mathematics and 
modem sciences. Each scholarship purchaser would be entitled to the regular 
course of instruction without charge, and the scholarship would remain valid 
for thirty years. For this time period the holder of the certificate could name a 
son, a designated person, or a succession of recipients to use the scholarship, 
provided there was only one scholar at a time.''* The Synod approved the plan 
in 1854. More than a year later, of forty scholarships promised by the Synod, 
only fifteen had been sold. 

Reasons for lagging sales were the rumors being spread about the 
character of the treasurer and reports of "disreputable merchants and citizens of 
Maryville." The Presbyterian Witness attempted to discredit the rumors. By 
this time, however, enrollments were down, Dr. Anderson was incapacitated, 
and the third attempt to move the College was gaining momentum. Some who 
had bought scholarships demanded and received a refund. In 1877 the 
scholarship subscriptions figured in a lawsuit pending against the College. 

In the decade before the Civil War, the treasurer, William Wallace, was 
presented with a number of investment and fiscal problems. Some of these 
were to resurface after the War and leave him under a cloud. Unpaid subscriptions 
to the second professorship and the scholarships plus debts on the unfinished 
building left the College in serious financial trouble. 

Lawsuits were also draining College resources. In 1852 the treasurer 
had to pay Horace Maynard and attorneys Lyon and Hynds for services in the 
case of a J. Kirkpatrick vs. the treasurer. In 1 863 a case that had been pending 
for eight years on the part of Professor John Craig on behalf of a C. Gillespey 
was settled with a judgment of $734. 12 against the treasurer and trustees. The 
College used the accruing interest on the two professorships to pay this judgment. 

It was the Synod that ordered the investments, but the treasurer was to 
bear the burden when questions of default arose after the War. In 1 855 the 
Synod decided in favor of investing funds in Tennessee State bonds. The treasurer 
boasted to the Synod in 1 863 that none of the moneys in his hands during thirty 
years as treasurer had been lost. Unfortunately, this record could not withstand 
the circumstances brought on by the War. Much of the endowment had been 
placed in Knox County and Confederate bonds and in Confederate notes. The 
trustees had not felt at liberty to refuse Confederate notes when debtors came 
forth to pay debts and to fund these in eight percent Confederate bonds. Wallace 

If any should complain of the funding of the moneys in Knox Coun- 
ty and Confederate bonds, the Trustees considered it the best investment 


that could be made at the time. The Treasurer has also pursued the same 
course with regard to Confederate bonds in his own private finance to 
the extent of his means. 

The War and personal defaults because of the War were to shifl the perspective 
on investments. 

Closing the College 

As the sounds of conflict grew louder in the late 1850s, they echoed 
through the College. In 1858, after making certain that Maryville College 
would revert to the Synod of Tennessee should the new Synod dissolve, the 
Synod of Tennessee joined with the United Synod. More and more College 
debates centered on questions of secession, nullification, abolition, and slavery. 
In 1860, there being no student from north of the Mason-Dixon Line, stridency 
of debate was muted; and as Major A. M. Gamble recalled many years later, the 
differences of opinion in general "did not rouse any feeling of hostility or 
bitterness among the students." At the same time, he said, a spirit of lawlessness 
was more and more manifesting itself. On the eve of the College's disbandment, 
a group of Mississippi boys became intoxicated and boisterous. 

Evidence that the students were becoming caught up in the war fever 
has recently come to light. In his reminiscences, Robert M. Rhea, a student at 
the College in 1 860-6 1 , told of his choosing for his Friday afternoon declamation 
"a part of one of Col. Wm. L. Yancey's fire-eating pleas for the establishment 
of a Southern Confederacy." As Rhea left the platform he was met with an 
angry rebuke from the professor: '"Well, young man, we don't want any more 
such foolish ideas as those in this College. And the next time, we will know 
beforehand what you are to declame [sic].'" (Rhea does not identify the 
professor, but there being a choice between only two, it was hardly necessary.) 
Rhea was disturbed, he said, for fear his fiery selection would "fire" him out of 
Maryville College. He was convinced that he was saved from expulsion only 
because of President Robinson, "the beloved President of the Institution, whose 
sympathies were decidedly Southern." 

As he remembered, most of the students and many of the town boys 
organized a military company that drilled nightly on the village green. He 
pointed out that statistics have since shown that "ninety-two percent of the 
students entered the army on one side or the other," but he did not indicate how 
many of the ninety-two percent fought on the Union side. His story of Maryville 
College's participation in the conflict concludes: 


I could name many of that Company on the green at Maryville who 
gained distinction in various arms of the service and on widely sepa- 
rated fields and many, alas, who were to lay down their lives for their 
cause. One, with handsome face and soldierly bearings, as Major of the 
37th Tennessee [identified as Major J. T. McReynolds] was to give up 
his life at Murfreesboro, another at Resace, Ga., another at Petersburg, 
and yet others at places scattered over the great war-map. But the veil of 
the future was not yet lifted when the College closed and that company, 
so full of life and enthusiasm, was dispersed among the members' homes. '^ 

The closing of the College brought to an end the function of the Maryville 
Company as a unit. Its members scattered to their homes to join local units. 
Robert Rhea went back to Blountsville and eventually joined Company F., 
63rd Regiment of the Army of Northern Virginia. 

That the faculty also had been making preparations is indicated by a 
certificate found among the papers of Captain W. H. Henry and sent to the 
College. Dated 21 April 1861 and signed by President Robinson "By order of 
the Faculty," it clarified the status of seniors, always a problem at the outbreak 
of war: 

In consideration of the distracted condition of the country consequent on 
the inauguration of war. and, inasmuch as the members of the Senior 
Class of Maryville College, having completed the Course of Study pre- 
scribed in said College, desire to return home before the regular Com- 
mencement Day, and as there is not a supply of Parchment Diplomas— 
this is, therefore, to certify that W. H. Henry is entitled to receive a di- 
ploma whenever he shall, hereafter, apply for it, on the payment of the 
usual fee of $5 and presenting this certificate. 

On 22 April 1861, ten days after the firing on Fort Sumter, Professor 
Robinson conducted morning chapel. Professors Craig and Lamar were away 
at Synod. After roll call, as Major Gamble remembered, Professor Robinson 
spoke of the impending conflict, stating that Southerners were "hot blooded 
and hasty"; Northerners, "slow to anger but very stubborn." After telling the 
students that if a majority wished the College closed, they should present a 
petition, he called off classes for the rest of the day because of the absence of 
the two professors. What happened when the two returned became a matter of 
dispute between Robinson and Lamar and is best saved for the post- War history. 

Most of the alumni who have been identified as participants in the 


Civil Wai- joined the Confederacy: Judge Canick W. Heiskell, Milton P. Jainigan, 
Robert Rhea, MD, Thomas L. Wallace, Gaiy N. Franklin, Frederick A. Handy, 
Judge Jesse Wallace, Prior L. Mynatt, the Honorable John H. Reagan, John W. 
Cates, MD, Isaac Hood, R. M. Saffell, and Samuel Inman. A review of the 
post-War faculty shows four, all of whom joined the Union Forces: Ben 
Cunningham, Dr. Phoebus Wood Lyon, J. A. Silsby, and Will McTeer. 

East Tennessee became a major center of conflict and destruction. 
Because of their sympathies with the South, a number of College and Union 
Presbytery people had to retreat to safety before the conflict ended. Among 
these were President Robinson and Professor Fielding Pope, as well as the 
Reverend Nathaniel Hood, who was driven by a mob to take refuge in the hills 
of Northern Alabama. Professor Craig received protection through the Southern 
lines on his way back to Indiana. The only faculty member to remain in Mary ville 
for the duration was Dr. Lamar. He temporized and remained to resurrect the 
College from its post-Wai" mins. 


Chapter III— Out of the Ashes 

The second phase of the Maryville College story centers on Thomas J. 
Lamar. His first wife and four- month-old daughter had died in 1860, leaving 
him to care for his three- year-old invalid daughter, Katie. Soon after the War 

began he and Katie moved into the home of the 
Rankin Duncans on the Duncan farm about a mile 
southeast of Maryville. Mrs. Duncan became a 
surrogate mother for Katie, and Professor Lamar 
undertook the education of his daughter and the 
three Duncan children. Throughout the War he 
pastored three churches in Blount County and 
eventually added four more in Jefferson County. 

This heavy schedule must at least have helped 
distract him from his personal problems and his 
sorrow over the fate of the College and the 
destruction in the town of Maryville. Although 
Maryville was not the site of major battles of the 
Civil War, its location made it vulnerable to encampments and minor skirmishes. 
Both armies in turn occupied the buildings of the old campus, and General 
Sherman's army took ewer the Duncan farm and the area where the present 
campus is located. From what is now College Hill General Sherman sent his 
famous message to General Burnsides in Knoxville: "Hold the fort, for I am 
coming." Anderson, Baldwin, and Memorial Halls were built on the ashes of 
the soldiers' campfires, and almost a century later bullets were found in campus 

It was the old campus, however, that bore the full brunt of the fighting. 
In an attempt to smoke out a Union garrison holding the courthouse, the 
Confederates under General Joe Wheeler not only bombarded the courthouse 
but burned the buildings on both sides of the street in the downtown area. The 
"Brick College" became barracks for soldiers and stables for horses. No glass 
remained in the windows, and sashes had become fuel for the soldiers' fire. 
The Federal troops demolished the smaller brick building to make chimneys, 
fireplaces, and ovens. The six thousand volumes in the library were either 
mutilated or "scattered to the four winds," and all records were lost except for 
the few that Professor Lamar managed to preserve, including a set of minutes 


which probably saved both the Synod and the College from extinction. In the 
struggle over the slavery issue when the Synod of Tennessee was absorbed into 
the United Synod, the minutes of the Synod of Tennessee constituted proof of 
the reversionary clause guaianteeing the return of the College to its original 
status in the event of the dissolution of the United Synod, which indeed happened 
in 1864. Fortunately Professor Lamai" could produce the minutes when Dr. 
Robinson and others instituted a suit against the Synod and the College in 

In reviewing for the Synod the status of the assets of the College, Dr. 
Lamar estimated the endowment in 1861 as "about $16,000, belonging 
exclusively to the Theological Department. This fund consisted of $5,000 in 
Knox County and Knoxville City Bonds. The remainder was loaned out to 
individuals here and there over the country." By the end of the War "about two- 
thirds of the Endowment Fund was inetrievably lost." A liberal estimate of the 
assets, he said, would be about $ 10,000. He then added the words that were to 
become familiar through their inclusion in a modified version in the College 
catalogs for the next decade: "But its chief and richest endowment was its 
precious history, and the prayers and tears and faith and self-denying labors of 
its founder and those who cooperated with him." 

It was surely the spirit of Isaac Anderson that emboldened the normally 
reticent professor to take a leading role in the revival of what appeared to be a 
dead institution, for Dr. Lamar shrank from leadership roles, suffered as a fund 
raiser, and always avoided center stage. Some years later when Wooster 
University (now the College of Wooster) invited him to receive an honoraiy 
degree, no amount of urging could prevail upon him to accept. Reticent and 
self-effacing though he was, however, he took the initial step of reorganizing 
the Synod, which met in New Market in October 1865. But according to the 
minutes, he gave a "profoundly discouraging report," which the Synod was 
inclined to accept as final until the Honorable Horace Maynard of Knoxville's 
Second Presbyterian church rose to urge the reopening of the College. His 
appeal turned the sentiment around. 

The Synod elected thirty-six directors, charging them to elect a tieasurer 
and redeem the College property that had been sold for debt. Not suiprisingly, 
Lamar was tapped to reopen the College and serve as an agent to solicit funds. 
Two months later, in December 1865, leaving Katie in the caie of Mrs. Duncan, 
he left for a four months' fund raising effort in the North. In April he returned 
with $125. His expenses had been $198. The one positive outcome of the trip 
was his meeting with financier William Thaw, who was much drawn to the 


quiet, dedicated, and unassuming man. As yet, however, Mr. Thaw had not 
begun the contributions that were to become so crucial to the welfare of the 
College and its students. 

The Postwar Curriculum 

Like Isaac Anderson, Thomas J. Lamar had received a divine 
commission with no visible means of support. Like Isaac Anderson, he 
proceeded on faith. A one-page circular distributed on 4 July 1 866 announced 
the reopening of the College on the first Wednesday in September The curricula 
outlined in the first postwar catalog seemed unnecessarily detailed for the thirteen 
hopeful scholars who responded. Some of them, like the majority of nineteenth 
century students who enrolled at Maryville College, were not ready for college 
work. Those who could not pass "a satisfactory examination in reading, writing, 
spelling, and the fundamental principles of arithmetic, grammar, and geography" 
were assigned to the appropriate level of the Preparatory Department. It offered 
a three-year course covering a combination of classical studies and basic 
mathematics, grammar, and geography. 

For those with the prerequisites the Academic Department offered the 
Bachelor of Arts in classical studies. Approximately half of the requirements 
were in ancient literature and history. The remaining courses included 
mathematics, the natural sciences, the social sciences, English literature and 
linguistics, and philosophy and ethics. Through the first semester of the junior 
year a course in one of the Old Testament books was required; and throughout 
the four years, in classes meeting once a week, students studied composition, 
rhetoric, and debate. 

A separate three-year curriculum, labeled "English Department," was 
designed, in the words of the catalog, "to occupy an intermediate place between 
the ordinary Academy or High School, and the scientific departments of Colleges, 
and to impact a thorough knowledge of the common and higher branches of an 
English education, and thus fit young men for any position in practical life." 
Completion of the course was recognized with a certificate of graduation. 
Usually the choice of those preparing for a teaching career, it included arithmetic 
and higher mathematics, grammar, geography, history, anatomy and physiology, 
logic and rhetoric, English literature and linguisfics, philosophy, and astronomy. 

Other departments-and here "department" is used to designate courses 
of study for degrees or certificates rather than areas of concentration-continued 
to be added throughout the century: the English-Scientific, the Latin-Scientific, 


the Ladies', the Bible Training, and Business. In 1872 the Preparatory 
Department added its own Ladies' course. Degrees and certificates proliferated. 
By 1 892 deviations from a prescribed course of study became so numerous that 
the Board of Directors felt compelled to act. It required the faculty to specify 
and strictly follow the requirements in a limited number of departments. 

The postwar calendar was divided into two terms, the fall term beginning 
late in August or in early September, and the spring term beginning about the 
first of February until 1872, when it was changed to begin the first of January. 
In 1899 the spring term was divided into halves. Two years later a three-term 
system was adopted. From 1867 until 1931 the College followed a five-day 
week with Saturday or Monday off. Classes were sixty minutes long until 
1886, when the faculty reduced the morning classes to forty-five minutes and 
afternoon classes to fifty and fifty-five. In 1 889 they all returned to sixty minutes. 

The First Postwar Students 

The thirteen students who gathered in the battered old Brick College in 
1 867 represented a wide range in age and background. Calvin (Callie) Duncan, 
one of the children who had been tutored by Professor Lamar, was only fourteen. 
Many years later Mrs. Lamar recalled the effect on his classmates when "the 
little fellow came stepping into college in his bare feet with his dinner basket 
on his arm and quietly took his seat." When the older students suggested that 
he was in the wrong school, he retorted, "I came here to stay. This is my 
school." And his school it remained. 

With three others of the original thirteen Duncan graduated in 1871 in 
the first commencement held in Anderson Hall. After two years as a tutor at the 
College, he spent three years at Lane Seminary. He later turned down an offer 
to return to his alma mater as professor of Greek, preferring the ministry, but he 
continued a close relationship with the College. By the time of his death in 
1933 he had the distinction of being the oldest living alumnus and the oldest 
living director. He had also received from Maryville a D.D. degree in 1 893 and 
a Doctor of Laws in 1928. 

Calvin Duncan's continued close relationship with the College was 
due in part to his good friend and brother-in-law, Gideon S. W. Crawford, also 
one of the original thirteen students. Gideon was seventeen when his father 
drove him from their Knox County home to enter Maryville College. As a later 
faculty member and one who almost literally gave his life for the College, his 
story will be told in greater detail in later chapters. The other two who graduated 


in 1871 were James A. Goddard and Charles E. Tedford. In addition to Charles, 
two other Tedfords, Joseph and Edward W., also entered school in September 
1866. (The latter was the brother of Martha Tedford, who was to become the 
second Mrs. Lamar.) The remaining members of the class were Frank M. 
Allen, George Bicknell, Ben Lea, Isaac A. Martin, William H. Porter, Edward 
W. Sanderson, and Hugh W. Sawyer. 

Records show that four of the thirteen had seen active duty in the Civil 
War, but it is not certain which ones they were except for George Bicknell. It is 
known that he enlisted in the Union Army and served with Sherman until the 
close of the War. After leaving Maryville he attended Lane Seminary, spent six 
months in the Cumberland Mountains as a minister and then served as a 
missionary in various counties of Missouri before moving to Oregon in 1907. 
He died on Armistice Day, 1 1 November 1918. 

Hugh Sawyer, the son of the Reverend Samuel Sawyer, an agent for 
the College in 1866, is another of the first postwar class for whom records are 
available. His graduation in 1869 suggests that he entered at a more advanced 
level than the other twelve. In response to Dr. Wilson's request twenty-nine 
years later for his impressions of his student years, he included a brief account 
of his careers in law, journalism, and education. He left Maryville for Kansas, 
where he intended to practice law, but a throat infection that left him almost 
without speech cut short that career. He then turned to journalism and became 
managing editor of the Daily Gazette of St. Joseph, Missouri. In 1895, at the 
time he wrote the letter, he had served four years as superintendent of the St. 
Joseph public schools-all a testimonial to the value of a liberal arts education 
in preparing one for career changes. 

Several students left their impressions of those first days in the old 
Brick College. That it had been redeemed by Treasurer John P. Hooke for 
$59.25 says all that is necessary regarding its condition. Without doors or 
windows it could keep out neither rain nor cows. One member of the class 
recalled the first chapel during which "we kept one eye open to watch the 
ceiling threatening to fall upon our devoted heads. Ours was a very literal 
fulfillment of the Savior's injunction, 'Watch and pray.'" Gideon Crawford 
remembered that '"everything was so horrible and disgusting that some of the 
students almost determined to leave in spite of the Professor's entreaties. But 
after attachments were formed and the number of students had increased, the 
school went on finely.'" His use of the words "after attachments were formed" 
expresses the essence of the appeal of Maryville College for students to come. 
Twentieth century alumni responding to questionnaires about their 


college experiences invariably name relationships as a chief benefit gained from 
their Maryville years. 

By the time the Synod met at the end of September, Dr. Lamai--acting 
president, professor of languages, and professor of mathematics, as well as 
janitor and registrar-could report that within a little more than three weeks the 
enrollment had increased from thirteen to eighteen, of whom two were studying 
for the ministry, and six or eight more were prospects. Before the end of the 
year emollment reached forty-seven: two in the College Department and forty- 
five in the Prepaiatory Department. Thioughout the yeai" young men continued 
to come: from the hamlets-Fork Creek, Forest Hill, Nine Mile, Tyner's Station, 
Mouse Creek, and Louisville; from East Tennessee towns-Dandridge, New 
Market, Athens, and Morristown; from embryonic cities— Knoxville and 
Chattanooga; and two from Americus, Georgia, the only out-of-state students. 

Those who were too far from home to commute had to make boarding 
arrangements in town. Gideon Crawford lived for a year in the home of Eli 
Nunn. For the remainder of his college yeais he boaided with the Duncans, 
where he came to know well not only T. .1. Lamai; but .lenny Duncan, his future 
wife. Hugh Sawyer and a few companions "with a contempt for the habits of 
civilized society occupied rooms on the second floor" of the old Brick College. 
Twenty-nine years later he could recall many of his cohorts: Edgar Alonzo 
Elmore, Andrew Sheddan, John Branner, .leremiah Inman, James Lowiy, William 
Francis Rogers, and Paris Shell. He added: "Old residents of Maryville will 
remember that the war whoop often rang out on the still breezes of the night, 
and many weird, strange, even blood-curdling traditions are associated with 
rooms occupied by the 'Indian Braves of Radical Row.'" 

At least two of those Indian Braves served the College well in later 
years. E. A. Elmore, seventeen at the time he entered the Preparatory 
Depaitment, remained for seven years, graduating in the Class of '74. He was 
a student teacher in 1873 and professor of Latin between 1884 and 1888. During 
one of the two years between the resignation of President Bartlett and the arrival 
of President Boardman, Professor Elmore, as chairman of the faculty, was the 
chief administrative officer. Resigning in 1888 to reenter the ministry, he kept 
his contact with the College by serving for thirty-nine years on the Board of 
Directors, fifteen as chairman. In addition he led the Febmaiy Meetings nine 
times (the record to date) and as a pailicipant in the centennial celebration 
delivered the commencement address in 1919. 

John Casper Branner, another of the Indian Braves, came from New 
Market in 1866 and remained until 1869. He afterwards transferred to Cornell 


University, which in 1869 was being advertised for its "spirit of innovation," 
where scientific students were encouraged. Considering his future as a scientist, 
it was probably a wise move, but he never ceased to express his appreciation 
for his Maiyville foundation or to show that appreciation in such tangibles as 
books (several hundred volumes on natural science), equipment, and the 
establishment of a loan library of natural science textbooks. He once said to 
friends, "I know of no institution in this country that is accomplishing so much 
for so little money, or doing its work better, or helping more worthy people, 
than is Maryville College." 

An internationally known geologist, Branner was the subject of an 
extensive aiticle in the Dictionary of American Biography cowering his geological 
expeditions in Brazil, his employment by Thomas Edison to search for a 
vegetable fiber suitable for use in incandescent lights, and his caieer at Stanford 
University, culminating in his election to the presidency in 1913. The ailicle 
also includes reference to his work as a linguist, a tianslation from the Portuguese 
of an important book on the Inquisition. In 1909 Maryville College awarded 
him the honoraiy degree of Doctor of Laws. 

Expansion of the Faculty 

With the increase in enrollment came the necessity for additional faculty. 
During the first year Professor Lamai", with the aid of student tutor Isaac Martin, 
assumed responsibility for all forty-seven students. The Reverend Peter Mason 
Bartlett, then serving the New Providence Church as stated supply for six months, 
had taught a Ladn class during the year; and it had been agreed that he would 
continue full time the following yeai". Doubtless Lamai', eager to be relieved of 
administrative dufies, intended for Bartlett to become president as well as 
professor. The two had become friends at Union Seminaiy, and Professor Lamar 
had been instrumental in securing the New Providence Church position for Dr. 
Bartlett. "For unknown reasons," however, as Dr. Lloyd expressed it in his 
history. Dr. Bartlett returned to the North unfil 1869.^'' 

Peter Mason Baitlett was born in Connecficut in 1 820 and moved when 
he was thirteen to Johnstown Township, Ohio, where his father was a farmer 
and wagon-maker. He attended Faimington (Ohio) Academy, entered Oberlin 
as a freshman in 1840, inteniipted his studies after two yeais to teach school, 
and then returned to finish his junior yeai* at Oberiin. Here he studied under 
Charles G. Finney, the noted abolitionist. In 1845 he maiTied Eliza Higgins of 
Farmington. They had one child, Mary Elizabeth. He taught school until 


1848. His wife having died in the meantime, he returned to his native New 
England to finish his degree at Williams College. There he formed a close 
relationship with his teacher, Mark Hopkins, and graduated with honors in 
1850. His years at Union Seminary (1850-1853) brought a B.D. and his 
ordination as a Congregational minister. He served churches in Circleville, 
Ohio, Lansingburgh and Flushing, New York, and Windsor Locks, Connecticut. 

During the Civil War Peter Bartlett was chaplain of the New York 
Mounted Rifles under Colonel Dodge, son of William E. Dodge, a future 
benefactor of the College. It was William E. Dodge who recommended that 
Dr. Bartlett accept the presidency of Maryville College rather than a pastorate 
in a wealthy church in the North. Early in his eighteen-year presidency, on a 
mission to find a music teacher in Georgia, he found in one person both a 
music teacher and a wife, Florence Alden, whom he married in 1872 after a 
brief courtship. A daughter born in 1 878 died in infancy, but they had two sons 
who survived them, Mason Alden and William Thaw. There were no 

Commanding in appearance, outspoken, often abrasive, enthusiastic, 
eloquent, President Bartlett seemed to attract and thrive on controversy. Although 
his presidency, especially in later years, was turbulent, his personality apparently 
played well in the classroom, where he taught all of the senior class courses. 
Edgar Elmore wrote of him in 1902: "There is but 
one feeling among his old students-that we all owe 
him a debt of gratitude. I always felt I learned more 
about how to preach from him than anything I ever 
received in Seminary." 

His presidency was marked by the building 
of Anderson Hall and the first two dormitories on the 
new campus, buildings that he helped design and see 
through to completion; the initiation of February 
Meetings and the organization of the YMCA; and a 
steady growth in students and faculty. When the 
College administrators grew tired of banking in 
Knoxville, he helped to found the Bank of Maryville 
and served as its president until his death in 1901 . At the same time he seemed 
to be constantly stirring up controversy, as will be seen in other connections. 

When Peter Bartlett was unable to fulfill his commitment to come to 
Maryville in the fall of 1 867, his brother Alexander, younger by six years, took 
his place, arriving in October to begin his position as professor of the Latin 


language and literature. This appointment proved providential, for he seemed 
satisfactory in every way. Dr. Wilson cited the opinion of Alexander Bartlett's 
colleagues that he was able to teach almost any course, '"his scholarship so 
general and so thorough and his genius so versatile.'" Dr. Wilson added: "His 
students felt the profoundest respect for his learning, his industry, his kindhness, 
and his sterling Christian character."^^ 

Alexander Bartlett, like his brother, was born in Connecticut. He was 
seven in 1833 when the family moved to Ohio. There he received his early 
education as well as degrees from Oberlin College and Theological Seminary. 
He was married in 1 853 to Laura Salome Merrill. They became the parents of 
six children, four girls and two boys, who became known on campus for their 
intellectual achievements and their participation in every phase of college life. 
The sons were Addison Merrill and the Reverend Dr. Robert Alexander Bartlett. 
The daughters were Edith Miriam, later the wife of the Reverend Dr. E. A. 
Elmore; Nellie Eugenia, who became the wife of the Reverend Arthur B. Cort 
and served for a time as a dormitory matron; Cora Cecelia, who taught at the 
College before going as a missionary to Teheran, Persia; and Clara Lyon, who 
married a Dr. Swabey. This was the family that occupied the first house built 
on Fagg Hill, the site of the new College campus. Dr. Bartlett served sixteen 
years until his sudden death in 1883 at fifty-seven. In addition to his teaching 
he was stated supply pastor for New Providence between 1870 and 1876. 

The College catalog for 1867-68 lists two professors, Thomas J. Lamar 
and Alexander Bartlett, and an instructor in mathematics, Thomas W Hughes. 
Other sources indicate that the mathematics instructor was the Reverend Davis 
Shoop, probably a last-minute replacement. At any rate, progress had been 
made toward providing more adequately for the sixty-three students who 
enrolled. Hugh Sawyer's comment on the faculty of that second year doubtless 
expressed the consensus of the students: 

It is but justice to say that no faculty ever labored more zealously or more 
efifectively with the appliances then at hand than these devoted spirits 
labored in the early days after the dawn of peace. Of all these Prof. 
Lamar seemed closest to me. Not that he was a better instructor, for he 
was not. but he was so gentle, so patient, so liberal in dealing with my 
wild, wayward nature, that 1 instinctively loved him. 

In 1875 the professorial staff was increased to four with the promotion 
of the Reverend Gideon Crawford from tutor, a position he had held for one 


year, to professor of mathematics. As a member of the first postwar class, he 
graduated in 1871. After spending two years at Union Seminary, he completed 
his seminary training at Lane. In June 1874 he came home to many Jennie 
Duncan a few weeks after his good friend T. J. Lamai^ married Martha Ann 
Tedford. The two families built homes on the campus. '^ The Lamar home was 
where the Margaiet Bell Lloyd Residence stands today, and the Crawford home 
a stone's throw away, where it presently serves as headquarters for the Life 
Enrichment Program. 

Both Lamar and Crawford overtaxed themselves in their dedication to 
the College, which was usually in aneais with their salaiies, making it necessary 
for them to take on other jobs. There was reason for optimism, however, in the 
early seventies as each year brought increases in students, faculty, and financial 

A Campus on the Hill 

The growth of the student body and faculty was heartening, but it made 
even more urgent the need for adequate facilities. Whereas the ideal education 
might be regarded as Maik Hopkins on one end of the log and the student on 
the other, both clearly had other needs. It was difficult to ignore the discomforts 
of the dilapidated buildings and limited space. As if to focus on the inadequacy 
of the physical plant, an outside wall of the old Brick College collapsed on an 
April afternoon in 1870. Fortunately no one was inside. 

Plans turned again to building a new campus on the southeastern hills 
where Isaac Anderson had hoped to build and where, before the War, President 
Robinson and Professor Lamai" had given their personal notes for an option on 
fifty acres. In October 1867 at a cost of $1,69 1.50--$ 1,000 in cash and a note 
for the remainder~the College acquired Fagg Hill, the first sixty acres of the 
present campus. The building had to wait unfit more funds were available. 

The cash paid to the owner, Julius C. Fagg,^" was the gift of Wilham 
Thaw, the Pittsburgh philanthiopist who would be the College's leading 
nineteenth century benefactor Although Professor Lamai's fund raising efforts 
in the North two years eaiiier had seemed to fail, he had attracted the attenfion 
of Mr Thaw, who was as careful about his philanthiopic investments as his 
business investments. 

The Thaw wealth came from a transportation company that William 
Thaw and his brother-in-law formed. The company eventually owned and 
controlled the Pennsylvania and Ohio Canal Line. When the Pennsylvania 


Railroad made canal shipping obsolete, the company was ready with a system 
to control the freight traffic of the Pennsylvania Railroad west of Pittsburgh. 
The company continued to prosper. 

A devout Presbyterian, William Thaw tithed his time as well as his 
financial resources. He met personally and worked with all those who sought 
his help. It was said that his waiting room was filled eveiy morning with 
people he interviewed one by one to ascertain their needs. Long letters to 
Professor Lamar discussing solutions to Maryville's problems indicate the depth 
of his interest in the College, an interest sparked by its Chiistian orientation 
and its stand on integration. 

In addition to the large sums he gave for endowment and buildings, 
Mr. Thaw asked for a list of students who needed small amounts for tuition 
bills. In a cover letter he wrote: "This is what I like to see--the names of those 
struggling to equip themselves for life, and to feel that I am lending a little help 
to certain individual students." Another example of his interest in the students 
was his contribution of $2,000 towaid the building of a larger New Providence 
Church so that the students would have more adequate facilities. His first 
contributions to the College in 1867 and 1868 came at an opportune time. 

The Thaw support combined with that of other major individual donors 
and the contributions of the Freedmen's Bureau made possible a new campus 
and eased the burden of the administrators. The other early benefactors were 
William E. Dodge and John C. Baldwin. Dodge, father of the Colonel Dodge 
under whom Peter Baitlett had served as chaplain during the War, was also 
closely associated with O. O. Howaid, head of the Freedmen's Bureau. Howard, 
as a member of Sherman's aimy, had encamped neai" Maryville and probably 
came to know Professor Lamar in meetings with officers stationed at the Duncan 
farm. These relationships doubtless influenced Dodge's gift to Lamar in 1866- 
-one of the few that Lamar received on that trip~and opened access to the 
Freedmen's Bureau funds. Dodge, like Thaw, soon began making annual 
contributions for cuirent expenses and was to be a chief contributor to the 
$100,000 endowment raised in the 1880s. John C. Baldwin of New York, who 
became interested in Maryville after reading an article about the College, gave 
over $25,000 for the erection of the new buildings. 

The first building on the new campus was a home for the Alexander 
Bartlett family, financed by a Thaw gift and built in 1868 on the edge of the 
College Woods. (Burned and rebuilt in 1904, it was removed in 1970 to make 
way for the health and physical educaUon building.) In 1 869 ground was broken 
for Anderson Hall. In February 1870 a proud President Baillett wrote to his 


friend and former teacher, Mark Hopkins of Williams College: 

They are putting the roof on the College building which some sup- 
pose the best in the state. It is nicer than anything at Amherst with the 
exception of their new building not yet completed and my "Dear Mother" 
has nothing so grand except Goodrich Hall. (It cost $25,000— in 
Williamstown. it would cost $45,000.) 

He added that $50,000 had been raised for new dormitories. Dr. Lamar, 
reporting to the Board in 1 874, estimated the cost of Anderson at $22,000 and of 
the two dormitories at $ 12,000 each. The total for the grounds, three new build- 
ings, and furnishings he estimated at "something over $60,000." 

The new roof being completed was a shingle roof that was to be replaced 
thirty years later with a covering of Virginia slate. The building itself was 
modeled on the Indiana State University academic building. The bricks had 
been fashioned by men in two mud mills at the David Jones pond near the 
campus. A sixteen-year-old boy who worked for the contractor, Alford 
McConnell, many years later described how he and his father every Sunday at 
midnight began the seven-mile 
walk from Crooked Creek to the 
pond to make the bricks. Several ""^'^ 

colored boys, hired at fifty cents 
a day, carried the newly molded ifl-, ' '" 1, 1 L Ia, J^ ' r.* 

bricks and Stacked them out to ^If », • -^ r'"^.'^- '' '' M 

dry, after which a "yoke of 
cattle" hauled them to the 
building site. 

Anderson Hall served ^^ 
for all academic, administrative, 
and social needs for the next 

twenty years. It contained a chapel forty by fifty feet, six classrooms (or 
recitation rooms), and two society rooms. It housed the library and the practice 
rooms for musicians. The science department and adjunct services somehow 
managed to function within its walls. The chapel, lighted by oil chandeliers, 
served equally well as the running course for the popular game of snap, or 
draped in black, as the scene of campus funerals. By the early nineties, however, 
the chapel was too small for commencement crowds and the annual society 
programs, making necessary a move to New Providence Church or a limitation 
of audiences through the distribution of tickets. In 1892 the Fayerweather 
Annex to Anderson Hall more than doubled its capacity. 


1\vo new three-story dormitories, Baldwin for women and Memorial 
for men, which opened in 1871, provided rooms for 130 students. Ten small 
rooms in the basement of Memorial and six in Baldwin were reserved for those 
who preferred to do their own cooking. Baldwin also had a kitchen and provision 
for communal meals. Baldwin was named for the benefactor whose gift of 
$25,400 covered the cost of both dormitories, and Memorial Hall commemorated 
the union of the Old 
School and New School 
Presbyterians. In 1928 
Mrs. Mary A. McLean 
outfitted the two buildings 
with sprinkler systems, 
improved the lighting and 
ventilation, and put in 
hardwood floors-all as a 
memorial to her husband. 
Nelson W. McLean. Upon 
her death in 1936 the name 
of Memorial was officially 
changed to McLean Memorial. Depending upon need, it was occasionally 
used as a women's residence. Hundreds of alumni have fond memories of life 
in Baldwin and Memorial and regretted their removal in 1968 and 1975 

The Arrival of Women 

By the time the new campus was ready for occupancy in 1 87 1 , Maryville 
had been coeducational for three years. Hugh Sawyer recalled what it was like 
in 1868 when the new students arrived: 

And the girls? They were our strongest and best companions, for by 
their bright faces, winsome ways and cheerful presence they refined our 
manners until the war whoop gradually died away, and the Indian Braves 
of Radical Row were known no more forever. School girls then, they 
wove for us a garland grown greener with the circling years. "Maidens 
then, mothers now, the flowers they pinned upon us were forget-me- 

Whether all the men were as enthusiastic-or waxed so poetic~no one 


knows, but it is likely that the only complaint was that so few women enrolled 
that year. Thiee were in the Ladies' Course: Clara Parker and Nancy Jane 
Tedford from Maryville and Lucy Cowan Tipton from Knox County. Maiy 
Ella Brown was listed under "Ladies" in the junior class of the Prepaiatory 
Department. The following year Emma Brown and Mary Wilson entered the 
Preparatory Department as juniors, and five "ladies," including Edith and Nellie 
Bartlett and Jennie Duncan, were enrolled in the English Department. 

When Professor Lamar announced the extension of educational 
privileges to women, he called attention to the woeful neglect of women's 
education in the past and emphasized the importance of its being equal to that 
of men. In view of his strong statement and the women's access to the Classical 
and English Courses, a separate Ladies' Course would seem unnecessaiy. 
Whatever the rationale behind it, it did not appear to be watered down. To the 
twentieth century eye it looks sufficiently formidable. It was filled with Latin, 
mathematics, science, history, English literature, and French courses, and a 
concentration in the senior yeai" of courses in philosophy, theology, and political 

Not until 1 875 did the first women graduate. Mar\' Wilson, sister of the 
fiature MarvTille College president, followed the regular Classical Course and 
became the first woman to receive a Bachelor's degree from a Tennessee col- 
lege. That same year Ella and Emma Brown. Nannie McGinley. and Linda 
Tedford received certificates for completing the Ladies' Course. Two of the 
participants in that commencement left accounts of the week's activities. 

Examinations conducted by the faculty and attended by three 
representatives from the Board continued to be routine. Monday evening, 
according to Mary's diary, she attended a social with "snap" as the focal point. 
Tuesday evening the young ladies held debates in the chapel, with the attention 
given to the question, "Does the Bible allow a woman to preach?" Wednesday 
evening the graduates heard a lecture on liberty. Thursday, graduation evening, 
the students delivered their orations, and Mary's was singled out as one which 
"showed much thought. . .sufficient to give her a high rank among literary 

Showing the sense of humor and independence that has come to 
distinguish Maryville College alumnae, the graduates chose to debate, in addition 
to serious questions, what had become known as "the calico question." It grew 
out of official Board action recommending that young ladies at Maryville College 
wear nothing more stylish than calico. The young ladies debated with great 
humor. Twenty years later Emma Brown, who had become Mrs. T. T. Alexander 


and was a missionaiy in Tokyo, recalled the festivities. Not only did they 
debate the calico question, but they defied the Board, she remembered, by 
dressing "in white swiss muslin, all puffs, ruffles and lace, with overskirts 
short and round in front and long and round at the back." Because of rain that 
evening the five women graduates were conveyed to the church in a brown 
spring wagon. President Baillett called each to the stage for her diploma. As 
they left the stage, four male graduates in black followed them.^'^ 

The following yeai- Mary Bartlett, daughter of the president, received a 
Bachelor's degree. In the later years of the Ladies' Course, which was 
discontinued in 1885, the graduates received the B.L., or Bachelor of Letters 
degree. In 1888 the English Course was replaced by the English-Scientific 
Course for the benefit of those whose fime was limited. It was two yeais 
shorter than the Classical Course and one year shorter than the Latin-wScientific 
Course. It led to a Bachelor of Science degree. Women had the same choices 
as men. Fortunately by 1900 the system was simplified, and for the next thirty- 
two years, Maiyville College offered only one degree. 

Except for records of commencement honors there is little evidence as 
to the academic performance of women. According to the 1 885 Adelphic Mirror, 
the average grade in Greek that year was 90, but two ladies received 99.5. In 
algebra final examinations, the report said, "Examples assigned were put on 
the board in good shape, especially by the ladies," the beginning of a trend that 
has persisted throughout the twentieth century with women receiving a 
disproportionate share of graduation honors. Also occurring early was the 
election of women to leadership positions. At the turn of the century Sarah 
Pearl Andrews was twice president of her class, and Emma Brown served as 
president of the important Adelphic Union. 

Although little evidence exists for discrimination against women 
students, the social rules, following the trend of the fimes, were more rigid for 
women than for men, a condition that would prevail for another hundred yeais. 
In athletics men had the advantage of better equipment and facilities. A church 
agent visifing Presbyterian colleges in 1892 called attention to inequities in 
"equipment for instmction and culture of young ladies." One hundred and fifty 
ladies, he reported, were asking to use some special appliances that had 
apparently been off limits to them; and he emphasized the need for a hall to 
accommodate their large literary societies as adequately as the men's were 

As alumnae many women made names for themselves. Two eighties 
graduates, Elizabeth Winter and Emily Maiston, earned MDs. The Maiyville 


Times reported that Miss Phi Smythe, Class of 1899, "one of the brightest 
women ever to graduate, is the first of our coeds to enter politics. As a Democrat, 
she ran for County Superintendent of Schools in Washington County and won." 
Early in the twentieth century Nancy Broady, Class of 1906, would become the 
first and, until recently, the only woman superintendent of schools in Blount 

In the late nineteenth century five women entered the home mission 
field in Utah, where sacrifices rivaled those of foreign missions: Mary and 
Elizabeth Clemens, Nellie and Ann Blackburn, and Nellie Bartlett. Among 
those in foreign missions were Emma Brown Alexander and her daughters, 
Emma and Mary, Sara Silsby Tedford, Cora Bartlett, Dr. Elizabeth Winter,Dr. 
Emily Marston, Margaret Henry, Jessie Magill Jones, Lois Alexander, Nora 
Adeline Crawford, and Erances Porter.'' 

Many entered teaching. In her short life Mary Bartlett taught Erench 
and English at the College, where she was considered an excellent teacher, but 
was forced to give up teaching because of ill health. Later while living in 
Georgia she wrote a serial novel for the Savannah News and became well known 
as an elocutionist and pianist. Her cousin, Cora Bartlett, with a new AB from 
Maryville College, stayed on for a short time in the eighties to teach Greek and 
mathematics. Two others who taught briefly before becoming invaluable College 
staff members were Margaret Henry and Mary Ellen Caldwell, whose stories 
come later. 

Representative of many who became wives and mofliers was Jessie 
Heron Parker. After attending college for two years she returned home after the 
death of her mother to care for her father and her siblings. An undated letter 
published in the Continent tells how much a Maryville education meant to a 

I went with my brother from a quiet country manse to a co-ed institution. 
A noble Christian man was its ruling spirit. . . My life is wider, broader, 
deeper, than it would have been, for 1 have spent more than twenty years 
of married life upon a farm. Studies of the natural sciences in college 
make this more enjoyable. Wild flowers are more enjoyable when one 
has studied botany. ... I see sermons in stones, for geology is my hobby 
and collections made in college days are still preserved. . . . The liter- 
ary society where 1 first, in fear and trembling, learned to speak on my 
feet has been of most practical benefit. ^^ 

Mrs. Parker's reference to learning to speak on her feet is a reminder 


that Maryville was a leader in attempting to provide equal educational 
opportunities for women. From the beginning they were included in all the 
academic activities open to men. One requirement of the Classical Course, as 
specified in the catalog, was "Declamations, Debates and English Compositions 
thioughout the Course," with certainly no suggestion that women candidates 
for the A.B. degree were exempt. As soon as the women candidates organized 
their own literary society in 1870, they began activities similar to those of the 
men's societies, with emphasis on public speaking and debate. 

Other colleges in the nineteenth century were more repressive. Oberlin, 
which had the distinction of being in 1837 the first college in the country to 
admit women, placed some odd restricfions on them. Women were not allowed 
to make public speeches. One coed refused to write a commencement speech 
since she would not be allowed to read it. Some man would read it for her. 
According to recent research, the same situation existed in most colleges at that 
time.-^ In contrast, an ailicle in the May 1876 Maryville Student mentions 
Mary E. Baitlett as "the second lady graduating in the regular course of our 
college. Her commencement essay was 'Truest Tmth the Fairest Beauty,' closing 
with the Valedictory. . ."; though perhaps by this time other colleges were 
becoming more liberal. 

Nineteenth Century Faculty Women 

Whereas women students were integrated quickly into college life, the 
role of faculty women was less cleai'. Professor Alexander Bartlett announced 
the opening of school in 1870 with the news that "a competent female teacher 
will be employed to superintend the Education of Young Ladies, and have charge 
of their general deportment." Having admitted women as students, the professors 
could hardly exclude women from the faculty. There is evidence that, being 
gentlemen, they were gracious, but they did not accept women as equals. The 
history of women in education shows that in the eaily nineteenth century, society 
was opposed to women teachers, but by the end of the century women 
predominated--at least in public education-though they rarely received even 
half the salaries of the men. It was usually about one-third.-^ Each year 
newspapers regularly announced salaiy scales, one scale for men and another 
for women, regardless of credentials. As late as the 1920s the annual reports to 
the Boaid showed that Maryville College operated openly on two different 
salaiy scales. Aftei-wards, for several decades, no salaiy scale was reported, but 
the continuation of the double standaid was no secret. 


A subtle reminder of the prevalent attitude toward women occurs in 
Dr. Wilson's history of the college. In describing the College as he found it in 
1873, the year he entered the Preparatory Department, he discussed the new 
campus and the qualifications of President Bartlett and Professors Lamar and 
Bartlett. In summary he rhapsodized: 

Did we not have three great three-story buildings. . . ? Did we not have 
a president, two professors, three lady teachers, one graduate tutor, 
namely, Thomas Theron Ale.xander. and two student teachers, Edgar 
Elmore and Monroe Goddard?" 

Having already identified the president and the two professors, he 
thought it important to identify by name the male tutor and student teachers. 
Perhaps only a feminist would notice that the "three lady teachers" were left 
nameless, even though one of them was Florence Alden Bartlett, the wife of the 
president and a very accomplished woman. She had studied piano in New York 
and Paris. She had taught Loraine Foster, a well-known opera star on both 
sides of the Atlantic. Her strong musicianship was a major influence in town 
and College. But the catalogs from that period indicate that she posed a problem. 
From 1 872, her first yeai; until 1 878 she was listed below the tutors and assistant 
teachers, a position probably logical for one teaching private lessons. (Also the 
birth of her three children during those years might have prevented her teaching 
full time.) From 1879 to 1884 she became "Faculty," a category reserved for 
professors, though she was not accorded the title. In 1885 she was listed as 
assistant teacher, and the "Faculty" once more became all male. 

Through the century and later, male teachers enjoyed the title of 
"professor"--or "doctor" as soon as an honorary degree could be conferred. 
Women were always "Miss," "Mrs.," or "lady teachers." In 1930 when the 
College awarded its first honorary degree to a woman, Susan Allen Green, she 
continued to be called "Miss Green," although the men who had received 
honorary degrees immediately became "Dr." Knapp or "Dr." Orr. (It is interesting 
that when, near retirement age. Miss or Dr. Green married Mr Louis Black, her 
male colleagues had no problem changing to "Mrs. Black.") Suffice it to say 
that this mind set was obviously unconscious and not peculiar to Maryville. 
Good Queen Victoria, born only five months before Maryville College, saw 
nothing inconsistent with choosing Tennyson over Elizabeth Barrett Browning 
as poet laureate because, as she insisted, a woman's place was in the home. 

Victorian women, particularly academic women, were not so concerned 
about status as they were about salaries. The Synod minutes in 1872 listed 


three professors at annual salaries of $1,000 each (dependent of course upon 
the state of the treasury), one lady teacher at $400, and another lady music 
teacher whose salary was determined by the amount she earned teaching private 
lessons. The May 1899 Board minutes revealed a plan for all professors to be 
paid $1,000 a yeai" and the president, $1,500. Teachers' salaiies were to be set 
by a committee of male professors, with the result that male instmctors Gill 
and Walker were paid $700 and $500 respectively; Miss Amanda Andrews, 
instructor in French and German, $450; and Miss Margaret Henry, after 16 
years, $400. These sums covered "whatever service they gave for twelve months 
a year, in-term or during vacation, with required classroom teaching not less 
than 25 hours per week 'if necessaiy.'" 

During the second half of the nineteenth century male professors usually 
held A.B. and seminary degrees, while assistants had A.B.s with an occasional 
M.A. (achieved as an honorary degree after successful work for three years 
beyond graduation, or confeired on those who three years following graduation 
presented a thesis to the college awaiding the degree.) Miss Amanda Andrews, 
mentioned above, had a Ph.B. and took leave without pay to study abroad. 
Miss Leila Ferine, a music teacher, had studied at German music centers; and 
Miss Belle Smith, an art teacher and talented artist, studied art in Italy and 
other centers abroad. This additional study was not recognized in the salaries; 
and sabbatical leaves with pay were available only to professors, all of whom 
of course were male. 

77?^ Women Benefactors 

Although the contribution of women donors to Maryville College did 
not peak until the twentieth century during the presidency of Samuel T. Wilson, 
the contributions of women were crucial in nineteenth-century fund raising. 
After the Civil War, when T. J. Lamar turned to Northern financiers to keep the 
College afloat, it was Mrs. Thaw who called the attention of her husband to 
Lamai". Mr. Thaw gave Lamar letters of introduction to the other three 
philanthropists--Dr. Willard, Mr. Preserved Smith, and Mr. Dodge--who, among 
them, guaranteed the endowment that saved the College. After the deaths of 
Thaw, Willard, and Dodge, their wives continued the interest and contributions; 
and daughters Caroline and Georgiana Willaid made contributions to the new 
dining room in the Boardman Annex and the completion of Bartlett Hall, 
textbooks in Bible to be rented to students, and later, in 1898, $1,000 for the 
first of twenty scholaiships the College sought to fund. 


Mrs. Cyrus W. McCormick, whose primaiy interest was Tusculum 
College and McCormick Seminaiy, nevertheless gave several thousand dollars 
for the building and equipping of Bartlett Hall. Funds for the Voorhees Chapel 
came fiom Mrs. Voorhees' family. Widows were generous with memorial gifts. 
Mrs. Lamai- made repeated gifts in memory of her husband and son. The Bates 
Bible Prize came from an endowment made by the widow of the Reverend 
John C. Bodwell and named for the Reverend William H. Bates, who delivered 
the bequest. Also to be counted was the legion of unnamed women of Sunday 
school classes, missionaiy societies, and the Daughters of the American 
Revolution, who gave substantial support to the College. 

In the eaily twentieth century Maigaret Henry was to become the 
College's most effective fund raiser. Her efforts were appreciated--if not with 
salary, with words, the most effusive of which were Dr. Wilson's: "The record 
of Miss Henry's life of distinguished usefulness is one of Maryville's 
imperishable treasures. Happy is the institution that can number among its 
faithful builders so devoted and brilliant a toiler as was our 'Miss Margaret.'"^^ 
Yet she was never given an honorary degree, and the only salary recognition 
was in the form of a bonus (not to be counted as salaiy because a change in 
salaiy would raise the base upon which future salary increases were calculated). 

Life on the new Maryville College campus, however, was too absorbing 
to allow for concern about the role of women. That would become a twentieth 
century problem. In the meantime, women were swelling the enrollment and 
having an impact on all of college life. 


Chapter IV— Post-Bellum Student Life 

No student in the 1870s could have appreciated his opportunities at 
Maryville College more than young Samuel Tyndale Wilson, who was a 
freshman in 1874. There he joined his sister Mary who, as noted earlier, at the 
end of the year would become the first woman to receive an A.B. degree from 
a Tennessee college. They were the son and daughter of the Reverend and Mrs. 
D. M. Wilson, former missionaries to Syria, who had buried a son on the slopes 
of Mount Lebanon and a daughter in the Atlantic off the Irish Coast. Now 
living in Athens, Tennessee, they were sending the two remaining children to a 
college they knew well. D. M. Wilson, a prominent minister in Union Presbytery 
and a member of the Maryville College Board of Directors, had helped to set 
its policies. 

The parents could expect the College to play a strong in loco parentis 
role. They would have been familiar with the few but firm rules listed in the 
catalog, covering class attendance, demerits, and required daily chapel and church 
attendance (revised in 1 873 to add that students must also "connect themselves 
with Bible Classes in some of the Churches in town"). Nothing was said about 
alcohol (innocence on the part of the faculty?), but the smoking rule was clear: 
those who smoked were not allowed to live in the dormitories. Within a few 
years this rule was strengthened to require a signed pledge that one would not 
smoke. The catchall statement precluded any misunderstanding: "Students can 
be dismissed if, in the opinion of the Faculty, they are pursuing a course of 
conduct detrimental to themselves and to the College." These conditions having 
been understood, "the privileges of the Institution are open alike to all 
denominations of Christians. No particular religious belief is demanded of any 

The College had already established a reputation for providing a sound 
education, which would have been reassuring to parents; and each catalog 
brought new announcements about improvements in faculty and facilities. The 
1874-75 catalog announced: 

The most valuable and complete apparatus ever brought to East Tennes- 
see has been purchased. Many of the instruments are costly and supe- 
rior. The College can now illustrate the principles of the sciences, and 
thereby give a beUer education than can be obtained without experi- 

In the same catalog came the announcement of the opening of the Normal 


Department for the better preparation of teachers. In charge would be the 
Reverend E. Z. Shaip, "a popular and successful East Tennessee teacher." 

Two years later came a list of the scientific equipment acquired recently, 
including a barometer, a compound microscope, a hydraulic press "of great 
power," a telescope, a superior spectroscope, an aiipump, a Holz electrical 
machine, and an induction coil imported from France. Cleaiiy scientific studies 
were being emphasized. A notice also appealed calling attention to a reading 
room that, "through the liberality of Mr R. D. Barkley of New York," had been 
equipped with twenty-five newspapers, secular and religious, and eight 

That all of these advantages could be acquired at such a reasonable 
cost must have been reassuring to patents. The entire expense, they were 
promised, would not exceed $ 1 25 per yeai", or $62.50 per term, for those rooming 
and boarding on campus. Broken down into five-months terms, the totals were 
tuition~$10; room~$2.50; boaid in the College boaiding hall~$40; and fuel, 
lights, and wood~$10. The total amounted roughly to 42^! a day. Students 
who wanted to cut expenses could take advantage of the basement kitchens and 
reduce the boaid bill by half, approximately $20 a term, or $1 a week. Maiy 
Wilson, who eniolled before the dormitories were completed, had found room 
and board in town, which was somewhat more expensive. vSamuel lived in 
Memorial Hall and ate in the boaiding hall in Baldwin. (The students had 
rechristened the two halls "Dan and Beersheba.") 

Amenities in the dormitory were few. Except for stove, table, and 
bedstead, the men had to provide their own necessities. By the end of the 
decade, the destmctive tendencies of males being difficult to curb, the College 
had imposed a thiee-dollai' fee to cover damages in Memorial. An announcement 
two yeais later informed Memorial residents that they would thereafter be 
responsible for providing all the furnishings for their rooms. Charles M. 
Alexander recalled that when he was fifteen (in the 1880s) his father took him 
with bed and supplies from Cloyd's Creek to Memorial Hall, where he lived for 
eight yeais. These he called "days of plain living and high thinking." He 
chopped wood for himself and his sister Ida, who in turn cooked and served 
meals to him in Baldwin basement. The wood stoves created frequent 
excitement. Baldwin occupants were reported to have been frightened in the 
middle of the night by shouting and stamping. Later the same night a bed 
almost burned up. Amazingly, the campus experienced no major fires until the 
twentieth century. 

Mary and Samuel Wilson, both having a literary bent, left diaries 


chionicling their college days. Samuel's is especially helpful in its depiction 
of dormitory life. For heat, he said, he was at the mercy of a stove for which he 
had to secure wood from a woodpile behind the dormitory. He spoke of the 
"meny ringing of axes" and the "fire of hickory roaiing up the stove pipe on a 
winter's night" but failed to comment on a complaint in the student magazine 
of the "mindless chopping of wood on the dormitory floors." 

Some fifty yeais later the then President Wilson recalled his old 
dormitory room with its rag caipet and calico curtains. To enliven his quarters, 
Mary helped him plant geraniums and mignonettes in window boxes. He 
decorated the walls with two pictures which together had cost him less than a 
dollar--a representation of Longfellow's "Maidenhood" and "The Huguenot 
Lover." In the corner of the room stood his father's Civil Wai" tmnk, behind 
which he had stashed his baseball bat ("by far the best bat in Maiyville"). A 
split-bottomed chair stood at a table covered with a red cloth. 

Although Samuel ate in the Baldwin dining room with fourteen other 
students who prefened that boarding airangement, he occasionally bought snacks 
from Blackburn and Ross's store--a nickel's worth of chestnuts or goobers in a 
pint tin cup. If especially affluent, the boys bought cakes from John Oliver, a 
colored baker who advertised in the Wilson-Silsby publication. The Maryville 

While the women students were advised to wear nothing more 
extravagant than calico, the men were left to choose their own wearing appaiel, 
usually suits of homemade jeans. If "aiistocrats," they wore jeans dyed with 
walnut hulls to a Quaker brown; if "commoners or democrats," a violet blue 
dyed with indigo. 

Some of the students could barely afford even jeans. At the time of Dr. 
Wilson's death, a Maiyville Times editorial recounted the story of a student 
who came to the campus one autumn morning from the Southern depot carrying 
a cheap valise and wearing pants that stopped above his shoe tops and a coat 
with sleeves fai" too short. When some of the better dressed students began 
ridiculing him, he turned back towaid the depot. At that point Sam Wilson 
spoke kindly to him and persuaded him to return to the campus. The point 
made in the editorial was not only that the young Wilson demonstrated his 
characteristic compassion, but that he saved for the future a distinguished 
alumnus who for a time held an official position with the College. 

Mary Wilson's diaiy began with the story of the resurrected College 
while it was still on the original campus: the first postwar and last graduation 
on the old campus with only one graduate, Hugh Sawyer; the commencement 


program with the debate as to whether Christians should engage in war; the 
afternoon she spent chmbing the scaffolding to the third story of Anderson 
Hall; the fifty-first anniversary exercises in 1870. 

The following fall Mary recorded the preparations being made for the 
move to the new campus, such as President Bartlett's dismissing history class 
so that he could go to Knoxville to buy stoves, and the arrival of the new organ 
after it had been misdelivered to Maysville, Kentucky. She described the first 
Christmas celebration in Anderson Hall; the arrival of Mrs. Mary L. Taylor, 
teacher and writer, who was the first to move into Baldwin in April 1871; and 
the opening of the boarding establishment in Baldwin basement under the 
supervision of Mrs. Sarah Tedford. In May she and other students boxed up the 
library books on the old campus and moved them by human chain to the Hill. 
She was on hand to watch the hanging of the new chandeliers in the chapel and 
to attend the first graduation there, when four of the first postwar class graduated. 

Social Life 

If Mary was ever bored, she gave no indication of it. Her social life 
revolved around taffy-pulling, charades, and snap. Dancing was of course 
forbidden. Since snap was the favorite game and the official mixer for all 
College social functions well into the twentieth century, it needs an explanation. 
The players— usually at Maryville a large group including both students and 
faculty-formed a circle. A couple stood in the center holding hands, right to 
left and left to right. The boy starting the game ranged the group, selected a 
girl, and snapped his fingers. She accepted the challenge by giving chase. He 
dodged in and around the center couple, who could raise or lower their hands to 
aid either the chaser or the chased. When the girl caught the "snapper," he took 
the place of the boy in the center, who in turn retired to the sidelines. The girl 
who had just been snapped chose a boy to snap, and the chase began again. 

In some versions of the game, the kissing of the girl was an essential 
feature, but not at Maryville. By the end of the century, however, the game got 
rough. In 1 885, a writer for the Adelphic Mirror, reporting on a social fiancfion, 
said, "Snap was not played; it is a boisterous and dangerous game from falls 
and collisions and wears out shoe leather" A Maryville Times account of a 
game of snap described the race track made in the long chapel, with Frank 
French running "as if he were trying to run a razorback out of a corn patch." 
One young woman collided with another and got a black eye. On another 
occasion a young man broke his arm. But not unUl the 1930s did snap begin to 
lose its appeal as a mixer. 

Because of the very cold winters at the turn of the century, ice skafing 


and playing shinny on the ponds was a favorite pastime when the mercury fell. 
Young women held "Home Sweet Homes" (forerunner of the twentieth century 
open house in the domiitories), to which they invited men friends and entertained 
them with party games such as crokinole or bean bags until the matron (or 
house mother) banned the gatherings in 1892. Townspeople and faculty gave 
parties for small groups. The Maryville Times was faithful in recording the 
College social events such as the taffy pull in 1897 that the Misses Huddleston 
and the girls who lived in their home gave for the men, who in turn were 
assigned the task of making aprons for their respective ladies. One party in 
1899 featured a night possum hunt for nine women and ten men. The faculty 
took a dim view of the event and disciplined the participants, but not before 
they had bagged one possum and treed four more. 

The Proffitts held cookouts and Easter egg bakes. The Mcllvaine farm 
was a favorite destination for party-going students. Faculty gave parties. 
Professor Newman, the Latin teacher, who had been favored with a cake on his 
birthday, returned the favor by having the entire freshman class to his home. 
As entertainment he distributed Latin quotations-two from each author. Before 
students could approach the supper table they had to pair up by authors and 
translate their verses. 

The students always looked forward to Thanksgiving. Samuel Wilson 
and his friend John Silsby, writing for the Maryville Student, described an 1 875 
Thanksgiving observance that began with a "too long" religious service at the 
Friends Church, followed by turkey wherever students were invited. They spent 
the rest of the afternoon in parlor games, then convened in the chapel for an 
evening social where they played charades, presented tableaux, and ended with 
snap. The folk^wing Saturday night they pulled taffy in the Baldwin kitchen. 

For some, science provided entertainment--a public exhibit of hydrogen 
and oxygen in 1876 or the showing of botanical views on the magic lantern. 
Members of a science club in the 1880s collected over a thousand items for 
display in the Lamar Libraiy museum. Other diversions, according to Samuel 
Wilson's diary, were walks in the woods and gathering wild flowers for the 
girls. He was always escorting an attractive companion or a group of young 
ladies to and about the campus. Sometimes he picnicked in the woods, once 
referring to the picnic as a "feast of reason, a flow of soul." In his senior year 
he saved evenings to play chess or logomachy with Hattie Silsby, a long-time 
family friend whom he eventually mairied. 

Music was also an important source of diversion for young Wilson. He 
practiced the organ and took voice lessons, daily retiring to his secret wooded 


haunt to practice his singing. In 1 876 Memorial Hall counted among instruments 
that "discoursed music" to its inhabitants an accordion, a violin, a guitar, a 
flute, a piccolo, a flageolet, and a jews haip. By the end of the century the 
mandolin was the instrument of choice. John Colbert became the proud 
possessor of a new Edison phonograph and the center of student popularity. He 
invited friends to his home to listen to bands, orchestras, minstrels, and vocal 
solos. He also enriched the YMCA treasury with phonograph concerts, 
presenting such renditions as "The Battle of Manassas," "The Holy City," "The 
Cuban Hymn," and "Casey Going to Washington." Other outlets for musical 
interests were glee clubs and bands. 

The First Athletic Teams 

Before the advent of intramural and intercollegiate sports there was a 
great deal of informal, spontaneous participation in favorite games and pastimes. 
Croquet was popular, as were skating and bicycling. The Maryville Times 
reported in 1897 that Miss Maitha Boaidman was learning to ride a wheel and 
was "sitting very gracefully." The Times also reported two yeais later that the 
junior faculty had organized a golf club and laid out some links which began at 
the turnstile, made a circuit of the campus, and cut down Indiana Avenue across 
several lots to a privately owned field. These maneuvers permitted a nine-hole 

Inter-class sports intensified rivalries, which before the faculty curtailed 
them, climaxed in the next century in violence similar to that experienced in 
inter-fraternity fights on other campuses. It was not until the twentieth century 
that the societies sponsored sports teams, probably because the members were 
too busy debating. 

Samuel Wilson's enthusiasm for debaring, music, and reading did not 
prevent his wholeheailed participation in baseball, the first of the major sports 
to develop. It was probably no coincidence that in his sophomore yeai' the first 
College baseball team was organized. All year long, after classes, he slugged it 
out as shortstop on the "Reckless Baseball Team." The matches were primaiily 
with other Blount County teams, against whom they amassed huge scores, 
such as the 45 to 6 against the "Crooked Creekers." The College team appaiently 
had no trouble winning the Blount County championship. 

Some forty years later Shortstop Wilson, now President Wilson, writing 
for the Maryville College Bulletin, noted the laige number of that first baseball 
team who were sfill living and still maintaining the friendships formed on the 


diamond. He could not resist bragging: 

We Reckless ball-players were toughs~that is we were toughened to the 
hardest ball~for we never were guilty of the use of such efiFeminate 
softnesses as gloves or mitts in playing baseball; though, if truth must be 
told, we did sometimes get the mitten in our social relations. But that 
was another matter and entirely beyond our control. 

With Wilson's graduation in 1 878 the games with outside teams stopped 
and were not resumed for more than a decade. The formation of the Maryville 
College Athletic Association in 1 890 and the arrival in 1888 of Kin Takahashi, 
who organized the first football team, renewed interest in athletics. 
Intercollegiate baseball was played in the early nineties. Basketball had to wait 
until 1 898 when the Bartlett gymnasium was completed. The first intercollegiate 
football game was in 1 892 with the University of Tennessee. The first full-time 
coach, S. A. "Diamond" Lynch, was not hired unfit 1903. He coached football 
in Uie fall and baseball in the spring.'^ 

The growth of interest in sports led to the adoption in 1891 of the first 
college colors, orange and garnet, and the first college cheer, "Howie, Howie." 
In December 1898 when Professor Newman filed his quartet onto the stage to 
introduce "Make the Welkin Ring," the chapel rang with the approval of the 
audience. The lyricist, then a senior and later Professor John Ritchie, revised 
the words unfil they became the "Alma Mater" as it is sung today-with three 
stanzas and a chorus. "Lift the chorus, wake the echoes / Make the welkin 
ring" became the third stanza, as well as a source of intellectual inquiry as the 
uninitiated scurried to their dictionaries to find out what a welkin was. 

The Literary Societies 

Literary societies at Maryville, as at most colleges in the nineteenth 
century, were a focal point for extracurricular activities, including debates, 
dramatic skits, music, readings, and declamations. The faculty encouraged them, 
recognizing their educational value and seeing them as a healthy substitute for 
fraternities and sororities. One Maryville faculty member gave them this strong 
endorsement: "A student who passes through college without availing himself 
of one of the literary societies loses at least one-fourth of his college training." 
T Worsley Maguire, an immigrant from England who, after graduation from 
Maryville, went to Australia to help build the first railroad engine there, wrote 


to Dr. Wilson about his satisfaction with his Maryville education, including 
extracurricular activities: "The Adelphic Union, the Literary Society and the 
Y's. . .all prove I was right in giving many precious hours to much that was not 
in the curriculum and expected of me. . . ." 

As noted earlier, it was Dr. Anderson who, soon after the College was 
founded, promoted the organization of the entire student body into the Beth- 
Hackma and Beth-Hakma Ve Berith Societies. After the reopening of the College 
the societies were revived under new names. The Animi Cultus, organized in 
1866,^^ was the first for men. The Athenian Society for men was organized in 
1868. As Hugh Sawyer explained in his lefter to Dr. Wilson: 

The parent literary society was known as the Animi Cultus. When its 
members appeared in a public exercise the people wondered from the 
name, if they were cultivated animals. For this and other reasons, 
Crawford. Goddard and others, with the writer, seceded and organized 
the Athenian society. The students, without exception, were proud of 
their respective organizations and a generous rivalry resulted in good, 
strong societ> work. 

According to Mary Wilson's diary, she and five other women 
organized the Calliopean Literary Society in 1 870. The name was later changed 
to Philadephian, then to Bainonian, and eventually, in the mid-twentieth century, 
to Chi Beta. The date for the organization of Bainonian is usually given as 
1875, probably the year 
the name was changed 
from Philadelphian. In 
1882 the Animi Cultus 
became Alpha Sigma; 
and in 1894, the sister 
society, Theta Epsilon, 
was organized. All 
functioned jointly as the 
Adelphic Union, which 
gave an annual public 
entertainment during 
commencement week. 
Separately they were keen 

rivals, vying for superiority in debates, dramatic skits, mid- winter entertainments, 
and competition for members. Rush week was a highlight of the beginning-of- 


school activities. 

Each society eventually had its own room in Anderson Hall, where it 
met every Friday evening. Accounts of society activities in the 1890s gave 
some indication of declining interest. The Orange and Garnet in December 
1897 reported that Bainonian had been brought back to life after two dead 
years and had given a reception for new girls, as well as a mid-winter 
entertainment. Athenian reported having held a lively, well attended moot court 
in the chapel; and Alpha Sigma reported good attendance every Friday evening 
for its programs of speeches, orations, and debates. 

Samuel Wilson's diary provides proof of the value of society activities 
and the seriousness with which students pailicipated. He spent many hours 
prepaiing for the Friday evening Athenian programs, estimating that in his five 
yeais at Maiyville he debated 180 times. Among the topics were "Should the 
Civil Rights Bill Become Law?" and the benefits versus the injuries of secret 
societies. He supported the sister society, Bainonian, by playing four different 
male roles in a play that netted forty dollars for the "ladies." He wrote of a 
"moral drama" entitled "The Drunkard or the Fallen Saved" that the societies 
presented at the New Providence Church. During the Boardman administration 
a rule went into effect forbidding students to participate in dramatic 
entertainment; but the debating, oratory, and extemporaneous speaking 
continued, giving Maiyville graduates valuable experience for the leadership 
roles they assumed in later life. 

Rules, Regulations, and Discipline 

The first appearance of the rule against participation in dramafic 
entertainments in the 1 89 1-92 catalog is puzzling in light of previous enthusiasm 
for dramatics and the subsequent short life of the nale. A study of the 
development of regulations at Maryville College shows a gradual accretion as 
the need arose, or as students tested the limits of faculty tolerance. By the end 
of the centuiy rules were generally those of most other colleges of the period. 

Oberlin, for example, required students to attend prayers at evening 
chapel and in the morning at their boarding places. Students had to attend 
worship twice on the Sabbath in addition to a weekly religious lecture. They 
could not use intoxicating beverages or tobacco products; nor could they play 
caids, checkers, chess, or other sedentary games. They could not travel on the 
Lord's Day, join secret societies, or frequent groceries, taverns or even railroad 
stations unnecessarily. Mairiage barred a student from college. 


Although Maryville College had adopted many of these rules-almost 
all by the end of World War I~up to the end of the century the College had no 
rules prohibiting sedentary games, nor were students forbidden to use tobacco 
except "in or about a college building" or in the dormitories. Not until the 
nineties did the rules forbid patronizing Sunday trains or Sunday arrival on 
campus, and not until the 1920s were grocery stores off limits on Sundays. 

Conduct in the eighties gave rise to rules against profane and vulgar 
language and against keeping firearms in dormitory rooms, conduct that up to 
that time had apparently not been anticipated. When students attending 
evangelistic meetings of Moody and Sankey in Knoxville became inebriated 
on other than the Holy Spirit, they were disciplined; although at the time no 
one had thought to include in the catalog a rule governing alcohol. It was in 
such cases that the faculty could invoke the all-inclusive statement covering the 
pursuit of "a course of conduct detrimental to themselves and to the College." 

With the opening of the Cooperative Boarding Club in 1892, a rule 
appeared prohibiting students from eating meals regularly in their dormitory 
rooms. Rules thereafter required approval for off-campus boarding. A report 
to the Board, May 1896, indicates the results of the enforcement of this rule: 

College disciphne may have seemed to some severe. A few left 
near the middle of the term because required to make a change deemed 
necessary for their moral good and for the reputation of the College in 
their boarding place which had been at Jackson House [a local hotel]. 
They were fair scholars and some had been especially interested in the 
religious meeting. 

When new bathrooms were inft-oduced in Memorial in 1894, rules were 
enacted to govern their use. Open only to Memorial students, the bathrooms 
were available Wednesdays, Fridays, and Saturdays from three to five p.m. and 
from eight to noon Saturdays. Every student living in Memorial was required 
to bathe at least once a week under penalty of delinquency if he failed to comply. 

When electric gong clocks were installed in the halls in 1894, bell 
ringers cut them off every night and turned them on at six a.m. The bell rang 
three minutes after each class bell marking the close of a recitation. Students 
not in their places at this three-minute bell received delinquencies. 

Some demerits could be~and frequently were-suspended if the student 
behaved properly for the rest of the term. Such were the demerits levied against 
Horace Ellis, Moses Gamble, and Kin Takhashi for unauthorized serenading. 
At the same time, Joe Broady had to bear the full force of his demerits given for 
"rudeness and talking." 



The Wilson diaiy tells of the first piinted student publication,-^ a monthly 
magazine entitled The Mcwyville Student, a product of the collaboration of 
Samuel Wilson and J. A. Silsby, whose missionaiy families had been long-time 
friends. The two young men announced their publication as a "literary 
magazine." The first issue in October 1875 solicited contributions, explaining 
that though the magazine was not under the guidance of the faculty it was 
faculty approved and was supported by ads and subscriptions costing fifty cents 
a year. The editors promised "contributions from the best writers among the 
students and alumni." 

Among its first offerings were a poem, "The Old Professor"; a humorous 
essay, "The Coldest Bath"; and an informative essay, "The Latin Language." 
Not surprisingly, there was a contribution from Mary Wilson, an essay entitled 
"Enthusiasm." Short items from other publications provided fillers. None of 
the articles related specifically to Maryville College. The same was true of the 
second issue except for some "personals," including the announcement of the 
birth of .John Calvin Crawford (son of Professor Gideon Crawford), news of 
the alumni Class of 1 874, Professor Crawford's plans to build a house between 
the Lamar and Bartlett homes, and notice of a temperance lecture by President 
Bartlett during which "panoramic views of a diiinkards's stomach will be shown." 

The May 1 876 issue of The Maryville Student carried the announcement 
that this would be the last. The editors could not do justice to their studies, 
they said, and continue the magazine. But printers ink must have seeped into 
their blood because in the summer of 1 877 Wilson and Silsby announced a new 
publication. The Dwarf {so named because of its size), which would cairy ads 
and offer printing services. Anyone who sent in ten cents and an address would 
receive a free copy. The editors' agent in town was Thomas Lillard, a black 

The graduation of the editors brought an end to the publishing for several 
years. For one yeai; 1884-85, the Adelphic Union published The Adelphic 
Mirror, chiefly to report on activities of the societies. The Orange and Garnet, 
similar in format and content to The Mai-yville Student, had a brief life in 1 897- 
98, ending with the graduation of its editors, J. W. Ritchie and Samuel O. 
Houston. In 1898 another monthly was launched, Tlie Maryville College 
Monthly, founded by Professor Elmer B. Waller, assisted by students. In 1907 
he turned it over to the students, who continued it as monthly until 1915, when 
it became The Higliland Echo, a weekly newspaper. A precursor of the Maryville 


College annual, The Chilhowean, appealed in 1897 as a viewbook containing 
pictures of President Boardman and the faculty and views from around campus. 
The first Chilhowean was published in 1906. 

Religious Life 

No student enrolled in Maiyville College in the nineteenth century 
could have been unawaie of what was expected in religious observance. The 
majority were from homes where the expectations were the same as those of 
the College. Although they might find some services long and dull, the students 
were generally compliant, and some, like Mary Wilson and her friends, went 
the second mile and organized their own prayer circles. Her brother, however, 
resisted the attempts to make him an active, professing Chrisfian. His experience 
as a junior at the time of the first Febnaaiy Meetings is an excellent example of 
the evangelizing so chaiacteristic of the period. 

Revival meetings during Isaac Anderson's presidency and thre)ugh the 
1860s were usually held at the New Providence Church or at the famous old 
campground on the creek east of town. In 1 877 the College, now having adequate 
facilities, inauguiated its own annual series that came to be known as the Febmaiy 
Meetings. For almost a hundred years, they occupied a central place in the 
College calendar. The first leader, later given the title "Father of the February 
Meetings," was Nathan Bachman, a Boaid member and benefactor of the College 
as well as an effective evangelist. Including prepaiation, ten days of intensive 
meetings on the campus, and the continuation at New Providence, the Meetings 
consumed six weeks. 

Young Wilson, who was recuperating from the mumps, recorded in his 
diaiy: "Meetings raging with unabated fury, 10 conversions and 12 inquirers." 
The "anxious seat" of the Isaac Anderson years had metamoiphosed into the 
"inquiry room," a locale (either literal or figurative) where Chiistians engaged 
non-Christians to persuade them to accept Chilst. Samuel remained obstinately 
immune to conversion appeals. One of the prayer meetings made him a special 
object of prayer Professors Silsby and Lamai- called on him. A constant parade 
of visitors pressured him to convert. Finally, on 3 Febmaiy, he recorded in his 
diary: "At 3:00 p.m. I thought I became a Christian, but, in the evening, clouds 
appeal" and I feel desperate." He sat up until two a.m. with Charlie Meirill, a 
sick friend. 

The next day he skipped breakfast, stayed with Menill until noon, 
skipped lunch, and then went to the College Woods in the afternoon. His 


feelings were "daik and gloomy without and within." That evening he went to 
church and then to bed-- "very muddy." Meanwhile an endless procession 
called on him. Professor Bartlett talked with him four times in five days. He 
listed as his other persuaders his sister Mary, Professors Lamar, Sharp, Crawford, 
Silsby and his son John, Jim Porter, George Moon, Callie Duncan, Dr. 
McDonald, Dr. Bachman, Hattie, Jim Rogers, and~by letter~his mother, father, 
and Will McTeer. 

On the evening of 12 February he made his decision. On 14 Febmary 
the diaiy entry read: "I pray in college prayer meeting for the first time in my 
life." T\vo days later he was nineteen. Professor Silsby wrote in a congramlatory 
note to Samuel's father: "Samuel for a long time has been trying to find salvation 
on his own terms instead of fully accepting God's terms." Wilson was to hold 
Christianity with even greater tenacity than that which he had resisted it~a 
truly Pauline Christian. 

On 2 March 1877, soon after the February Meetings closed, Wilson, 
John Silsby, and James Porter met in Wilson's dormitory room and formed the 
first College-based YMCA in the United States. "The aggressive Christian 
work of a year," they decided, "cannot be done in ten days revival. Revivals are 
good. Constant and aggressive Chiistian work is better. Both together are 
best." When a general meeting was called, twenty students responded and 
drafted a constitution, which fifteen signed. Of these, eleven became ministers 
and five, foreign missionaiies. The YWCA was established in 1884. 

For the rest of the century the two organizations busied themselves 
with receptions for incoming students, supervision of Bible study, social work, 
and training schools for new converts. They sponsored on-campus lectures, 
hikes and retreats, and intramural teams. They organized the Y-Stores, 
forerunners of the Student Center. During the Boxer Rebellion in 1900 they 
began the China Fund. Fred Hope, then a student, started the collection of $50 
to pay for a Chinese Chiistian worker airanged for by Dr. John Silsby. When 
Fred Hope went as a lay missionary to Africa, he took with him a student 
donation for the Frank James Industrial School, where he became the 
superintendent. Thereafter the annual mission gift from the College was called 
the Fred Hope Fund until the name was changed in the 1960s to Hope for 
International Understanding. 

The YM and YWCA were the dominant organizations on campus until 
they were supplanted by the United Campus Christian Fellowship in 1964. 
The Student Volunteers and the Ministerial Association, organized in 1894 and 
1901 respecfively, were also acfive in furthering the religious emphasis. They 


supported the College's effort to make every student a Christian. Dr. Elmore 
stated in 1895: "The aim is not only the conversion of every boy and girl in 
College but also that every student be an active memberof the YMCA and 
YWCA." A student the year before, noting that one of the first questions asked 
a new student was whether he was a Christian, expressed approval of the 
emphasis: "There is a sense of responsibility for each other—no hot house 
pressures or forcing of Christian life, but an atmosphere that encourages Christian 
life." Early twentieth century practice often went further. 

February Meetings were only one point in a year-long endeavor and 
total involvement of students and teachers. Planning for the new series began 
even as the follow-up for the last was taking place. In September the faculty 
met before the opening of school "to forecast in the sacred light of the Sabbath 
the sacred duties of the coming year and to engage in limited prayer for especial 
blessing." Each Tuesday evening students held prayer meetings "with the spirit 
of revival in them" in such large numbers th^tSiMaryville Times writer suggested 
that the College might have to put up a new building "to accommodate the 
large numbers who attend prayer meeting every Tuesday night." 

Mid-week Bible classes met in Baldwin throughout the year. A monthly 
Saturday missionary meeting was held in the chapel, and each Sunday, at least 
for a time, a mission band met in the local jail. Every New Year's morning 
from 1 879 to the end of the century, the College held a sunrise prayer meeting 
dedicating the year to God. 

Originally all faculty were expected to engage in prayer and exhort the 
non-Christians throughout the year. Later the "elder brother" plan was 
introduced, by which faculty were assigned to work with non-converts. College 
records contain long lists of students, their Christian status, and their "elder 
brothers" among the faculty. 

The 1899 series illustrates the way meetings were conducted in the 
postwar period. President Boardman, in an article for The Delineator, described 
how, after the faculty and college students had taken their seats, "from one to 
two hundred preparatory students marched in two abreast. . . . They entered to 
the tune of 'Onward, Christian Soldiers.'" In the first part of the final session 
Dr. Solomon Dickie, the leader that year, called on those over sixty to say a few 
words to the younger Christians. Students followed in large numbers with 
brief remarks. The congregation then divided for a second service in which 
folding doors separated men from women. In a third session the four to five 
hundred united, and Dr. Dickie asked every Christian to stand and be counted. 

Music played a major role in all the meetings. Volunteer orchestra and 


song groups and quailets raised emotions. Professor John G. Newman that 
year used Chapman's "Song of Praise and Consecration" as a theme song. 
Perennial favorites were "Thiow Out the Lifehne," "I Am Coming Home," 
"Just As I Am," "Almost Persuaded," "The Land Where Roses Never Fade," 
and "The Prodigal Son." 

When the Meetings closed on 23 February the student body 
accompanied Dr. Dickie to the depot, where he made "a touching farewell 
address" entitled "Christ Being on the Seashore in the Morning." As the train 
bore the leader away, students sang "Blest Be the Tie that Binds." Once the 
spiritual year passed its climax in February, students and faculty reviewed the 
experience and encouraged and instructed the new converts. Perhaps it is not 
an exaggeration to say that the College did not fully come into focus for a 
student until the Februaiy Meetings were in progress. 

The New Providence Presbyterian Church-and to a lesser extent all 
other churches in the area— cooperated in promoting a positive Christian 
experience for the students. In turn the College, as in the prewar era, supplied 
pastors for New Providence; and College faculty regularly filled the pulpits of 
Eusebia, Cloyd's Creek, Mt. Tabor, Bakers Creek, and Forest Hill. As mentioned 
earlier, the New Providence Church's connection with the College influenced 
William Thaw to contribute to the New Providence building fund. And since 
the New Providence building committee in 1 886 was composed of either teachers 
or treasurers of the College, it is not surprising that the College Boaid gave for 
the new church building the two downtown lots formerly occupied by the old 
campus buildings. The New Providence Annex Building Committee secured a 
$2000 grant from Maiy Copley Thaw, and the National Boaid of Church Erection 
also gave a gift because of the College. 

Strangely, Bible as a course requirement for all students was slow to 
enter the cuniculum. In 1890, after the arrival of President Boaidman, Maryville 
became one of the first colleges in the nation to require a systematic study of 
the Bible with assigned grades as a pai1 of the cuniculum. Professors Boardman 
and Henry Bassett taught a session in Bible to the entire student body. From 
1891 to 1907, when the Bible Institute was created as a sepaiate department, all 
teachers participated in teaching the required Bible courses, all scheduled at a 
specifically designated hour. 

In an 1883 issue of a church publication. The Watchman, Maryville 
College was referred to jokingly as "a missionary factory," indicating that it 
was establishing a reputation. In addition to the women already listed as 
missionaiies, numerous alumni were scattered over the world, most of them 


concentrated in the Far East. George W. Painter and John Silsby went to China 
and T. T. Alexander to Japan. John W. Heron, M.D., became the first medical 
missionaiy to Korea in 1885. Chailes Magill went to the Philippines, where he 
was the first to translate the Bible into Tagalog. Jessie Magill Jones and her 
husband, Robert C. Jones, were in Siam. The list is too long to continue. By 
the third decade of the next century the College could claim more than 150 
alumni in the mission field. 

The Arrival of Internationa/ Students 

The strong international flavor that Maryville College enjoys in the 
twentieth century must be attributed in laige pait to the alumni missionaiies 
and the vision of the early faculty. In the yeai" the College reopened, even two 
students from Georgia added a cosmopolitan dimension to a student body that 
came mainly from Tennessee, within a radius of a hundred miles. By 1873 
about a dozen students were from out of state. Professor Lamar's goal was to 
educate "above an intolerant, narrow sectional spirit," and he had the full support 
of his colleagues. 

By 1887 Professor Crawford was helping to settle a Syrian family in 
Maiyville. He had received a letter from the Reverend Heniy Jessup of the 
American Mission in Damascus telling him of a Syrian family who wished to 
emigrate to this country. An enclosed statement signed by Jusef Arbeeny 
(anglicized later to Joseph Aibeely) told of his background as a student and 
teacher of the Aiabic language and literature and of having taught Aiabic to the 
American missionaiies in Damascus. Managing only with difficulty to escape 
the Moslems in the 1860 Damascus Massacre, he and his family had taken 
refuge in Beimt. Not wishing to become subject to the Turkish mle there, 
however, he was asking for a place where they could "dwell in peace and safety 
fai' from this wretched land and its religious and political despofism."^'^ 

Joseph Arbeely, refening to America as "that land of happiness and 
security," was seeking a climate, he said, similai" to that of Syria and a place 
with good schools where his children could be educated. He listed the children 
in order of age, ranging from six to twenty-eight, giving the educational status 
of each. Of the thiee older sons, two were MDs and one was a tailor and 
shoemaker. All three were fluent in several languages. The fourth son, fifteen, 
was a college student studying French, English, and Arabic. The other two 
sons, twelve and nine, and the daughter, six, were in Protestant schools. The 
father explained that he had money for their expenses on the voyage and for 


starting life in America. He was hoping for "kind Christian love to the 

The location and educational opportunities in Maryville, as well as the 
kind Chiistian love, appaiently met the needs of the Aibeelys. Entries in Gideon 
Crawford's "Cash Book" indicate that at least one of the older sons practiced 
medicine in Maryville between 1880 and 1883, for the entries show payments 
to Dr. F. J. Arbeely for small sums for prescriptions and "Hugh's fmger."^^ The 
Maiyville College catalog rolls show that in 1878 thiee of the children were 
enrolled, Nageeb Joseph Arbeely in the junior class of the Preparatory 
Department and Habeeb Joseph and Naseem Joseph in the English Course. 
Habeeb and Naseem spent two years at the College. In 1883-84 Nageeb was a 
senior in the College Department, the same yeai- his young sister was enrolled 
in the English Course. While a student Nageeb was also an assistant teacher in 
French. No further records of the family's connection with the College exist. 

A monument in the New Providence Cemetery with inscriptions partly 
in English and partly in Arabic shows that the mother, Mrs. Mary Jos. A. Arbeely, 
died in 1880, at age forty-eight, only two yeais after her anival in the "land of 
happiness and security." Since she was the only one of the family interred in 
Maryville, it must be assumed that the family moved away a few years after her 
death, probably in 1884 after Nageeb's graduation and his sister Jumelia's first 
year at the College. 

Because of his later prominence it is possible to trace the main outline 
of Nageeb's career. In his junior year the Arbeely family was invited to 
Washington to pose for portraits in both Syrian and American costumes to 
represent the first Syrian family in America, portraits to be hung in the 
Smithsonian Museum. After posing for the portrait Nageeb continued on a 
lecture tour through Baltimore, Philadelphia, New York, and other Eastern cities 
before returning to Maryville. After graduation he had a distinguished caieer 
as a translator for the State Depaitment and was appointed U. S. Consul in 
Jerusalem for three years. 

In 1888 Nageeb was admitted to New York University's School of Law 
(which, like the School of Medicine, exempted Maryville graduates from 
entrance examinations). In 1894 he became the United States Commissioner 
of Immigration at Ellis Island, a position for which his fluency in twelve 
languages made him particularly qualified. Unfortunately he did not have long 
to serve. The May 1904 Board minutes contain the notice of his death. Nageeb 
was only the first of many international students to bring honor to Maryville 


In 1888-89 a Persian, three Mexicans, and two Japanese were enrolled. 
Little is known of the Persian and the Mexicans except that the latter came 
through the influence of Samuel Wilson, who, following his graduation from 
Lane Seminary in 1882, had spent two years as a missionary in Mexico before 
ill health forced him to return home. The two Japanese students were to leave 
a lasting impression, one because of his later career, the other because of his 
impact on the College while he was a student. 

The first, Sen Katayama, from Okayama, Japan, was encouraged by 
Christian missionaries to come to the United States. After arriving in California 
he enrolled at Hopkins Academy in Oakland, where he spent one of the 
unhappiest years of his life. His missionary mentors advised him to transfer to 
Maryville where, finding the students more serious and mature, he made friends 
and was much happier." The first year he was enrolled in the Preparatory 
Department and the following year was a freshman in the College Department. 
Dr. Wilson personally rehearsed him for his rhetoricals, and he seemed to be 
adjusting well, giving attention to his studies and serving as secretary of the 
Athenian Society. His later statement that it was at Maiyville that he first 
became interested in social problems gives evidence of his seeking a purpose 
for his life. 

At the same time, however, Sen Katayama was disturbed by the 
treatment of Negroes in both the College and the town, though he had no 
complaints about his own treatment. He concluded that "Maryville adhered 
only to the letter but not the spirit of the educational policy demanded by its 
financial supporters in the North." Becoming increasingly resfless, he moved 

After leaving Maryville he went to Grinnell College in Iowa, where he 
became a Christian socialist. He eventually 
arrived at Andover Theological Seminary 
and later earned a degree from Yale Divinity 
School. Returning to Japan in 1895, he 
became director of Tokyo's Kingsley Hall, 
Japan's first modern settlement house. 
Later, as an outgrowth of his activity in the 
trade union movement, he edited Japan's 
first trade union newspaper; and when 
Japanese politics became repressive, he 
became a pacifistic revolutionist. 

In his continued search for a 


solution to the world's socio-economic problems, Katayama became a Japanese 
ex-patriot, moved in 1914 to the United States, and pailicipated in socialist 
causes. With the eruption of the Bolshevik Revolution, he espoused Bolshevism. 
When he anived in Moscow in 1921, he received a hero's welcome. Regaided 
as a spokesman for the Asian masses, he was appointed to the Presidium of 
Communist International, the only Asian in his lifetime to receive this honor. ^^ 
Amid some feelings of doubt about the validity of the Communist principles, 
Katayama died in Moscow in 1933. A crowd of 150,000 gathered for his 
funeral. Stalin and other dignitaries of the Communist Party served as pall 
bearers. Katayama's ashes were interred in the Kremlin Wall.^^ 

If the picture of Sen Katayama emerges as a committed but tortured 
social reformer, that of Kin Takahashi shows one also determined to move 
society, but through gentle, joyous, enthusiastic leadership. The two spent one 
year together at Hopkins Academy. Kin remained for another yeai", by the end 
of which he had become a Christian. On hearing of his conversion, his Shintoist 
father and Buddhist mother, who had sent him to America to learn English for 
a commercial career, cut off all financial support.'^ It was at Katayama's urging 
that Takahashi transfened to Maryville, where they were both enrolled in 1 888- 
89.^^ Unfortunately no record of their interaction at Maiyville has surfaced. 

With no support from home. Kin Takahashi knew that he had to fend 
for himself. At five feet two and 123 pounds, he had no choice but to rely on 
his faith, his wits, his charm, his determination, and his resourcefulness-all of 
which he had in abundance-plus a sense of humor. Kin told the story on 
himself of how when he first anived in Maryville he managed to buy eggs in 
spite of his limited English. First he cackled like a hen. Producing no results, 
he crowed like a rooster. Only when it occuned to him to sketch an egg was he 
able to make his purchase. 

A natural leader, Kin became a positive influence and a productive 
worker in almost every aiea of campus life. Although he himself was struggling 
for survival, he set out to help his impecunious classmates. Having been given 
the use of land for a gaiden, he organized a self-help system, offering students 
an opportunity to grow vegetables for the College BoardingClub, thus reducing 
their own board bills. He promoted the idea of a student self-help work fund. 
He became involved in College publications and gathered news for local papers. 
He was a tireless worker during February Meetings. He organized the first 
field day in 1 892. And the stoiy of his introducing football to Maryville College 
has become legendaiy. 

No one has questioned how Kin leained to play football. Once having 


perceived a need, whether or not he had had experience, he found a way to meet 
the need. When he introduced football in 1889, a writer for the Maryville 
Times predicted that it would take the place of all other games on campus. As 
Kin taught it, it was apparently the unruly game of English football or rugby, 
inasmuch as the reporter commented that when they all closed in on the ball 
"with fifteen or twenty on each side, the kicking gets almost too lively to be 
pleasant." In time Kin brought more finesse into the game, illustrating plays 
by diagraming a gridiron over which he moved grains of com. In his book on 
early campus heroes, Joseph Cochran says of Kin's performance on the football 
field: "His lightning like dashes around the ends, puzzling the opposing teams 
with his catlike agility, are part of the athletic annals of Tennessee."^^ 

Kin was the prime mover of the nineteenth century excursion that topped 
all others— the trip made by a Maryville delegation to the Cotton States 
Exposition in Atlanta in November 1895. Developed under the leadership of 
pre-Civil War Maryville alumnus Samuel H. Inman, the exposition was a 
miniature world's fair designed to promote the industry and ails of the South. 
President and Mrs. Boardman shepherded, under Kin's direction, the 156 
Maiyvillians who entrained for Atlanta. Kin had aiTanged for the entire football 
team to go and tried, unsuccessfully, while there to schedule a game with the 
University of Georgia. But there were compensations. On the evening of 
aiTival, the students heard the famous evangelist Dwight L. Moody and his 
song leader, Maryville alumnus Charles Alexander. They saw the art collections 
and the government exhibitions. They listened to Sousa's band concert and 
enjoyed the midway, the Chinese exhibit, and the Japanese tea house. Total 
cost for the excursion, including train fare, gate fee, boaid and lodging was 
$8.45 a person. Kin had achieved another triumph. 

The accomplishment for which he is best known, however, is Baillett 
Hall. Although the story has been told many times, it bears repeating as an 
example of how the faith and persistence of one individual inspired and united 
an entire community. The yeai" before his graduation Kin declared his intention 
of showing his gratitude to the College. His two main interests being athletics 
and religion, he chose to provide headquaiters for both in a YMCA building 
that would house a gymnasium and swimming pool along with an auditorium 
and rooms for YMCA leaders. After receiving official approval in the spring of 
1894, he organized a kick-off chapel service to begin the fund raising. Dr. 
Peter Baitleti, wildly cheered by the students, addressed the assembly. By the 
end of the meeting, the students had subscribed $280, a sum they increased to 
$320 that evening. 


Still in the College archives are certificates from the campaign. In the 
upper right corner is a picture of Kin Takahashi, "suggestor and organizer of 
the enterprize." On the left is a sketch of the "scene of the general Brick Yard 
at Maryville College campus, where the College students manufactured 300,000 
magnificent bricks for the proposed Y.M.C. A. and Gymnasium Building, during 
the summer vacation of 1895." Donors were to fill in the blanks with their 
names and the number of bricks, at ten cents each, they were willing to pledge 
to the project. 

Some students contributed labor instead of money. Others worked 
during the summer making bricks 
for seven and a half cents an hour 
John Crawford, Sr., recalled that he 
and his brother Hugh, sons of t^- 
Gideon Crawford, worked ten 
hours a day pressing the bricks. By 
.Tanuary 1896 students had 
produced 300,000 bricks in a lot 
behind the space designated for 
Fayerweather. Local farmers gave 
and hauled the wood to heat the 
kilns, and the students transported 
the bricks to the building site. One 
day was set aside as "young ladies' day" when the women "manned" the shovels 
and wheelbarrows and posed for pictures. In the meantime the faculty was 
conducting its own fund raising campaign with an almost unanimous response, 
some giving as much as $100 each. 

In December 1895 Kin began a four-month campaign in the North, 
returning with some small gifts along with the "magnificent sum of $400," which 
he secured in Auburn, New York. In the summer of 1 896 he laid the cornerstone, 
using as the inscription "Christ is our Cornerstone." The building was named 
for the Bartlett brothers, Peter Mason and Alexander. 

Kin's second trip to the North met with some successes and many 
disappointments. He wrote, "I would rather take a whipping than solicit money, 
but someone must do it." In a letter to Dr. Wilson, 6 February 1 897, he expressed 
his elation on meeting Mrs. Cyrus McCormick: "I thought I was exalted to a 
higher being." He was impressed that she knew so much about Japan and how 
to pronounce "the most difficult Japanese names." He proposed to her that she 
give $3,000, which he would match with other gifts. She gave him the assurance 


of $1,500 if his project succeeded, a most generous gift, even so. 

Arrival in Pittsburgh for a previously arranged appointment with a 
church dignitary, however, left him greatly dismayed. "Since I came here," he 
wrote, "some of the so-called Christians treat me like a tramp. I actually shed 
a tear on American soil for the first time." A minister who had promised to see 
him remained upstairs in his mansion while he sent a colored servant to inform 
Kin that he could not see him. When Kin insisted upon waiting, the minister 
sent his servant back with a half dollar donation and told him to be gone. Kin 
burst into teais, then regained his composure, and waited until the minister 
finally condescended to see him. 

His reception from Maryville alumni like Dr. Elizabeth Winter in 
Philadelphia and Nageeb Arbeely on Ellis Island was much more pleasant. As 
of May 1897 he had $8,500 in subscriptions but lacked $1,400 necessary to 
complete the project and meet the terms of Mrs. McCormick's gift. He sent 
word that if every student would dispose of forty bricks at ten cents each, the 
required amount could be met. 

Kin had to return to Japan before the sum was raised. On 24 September 
1897, the hour following chapel was set aside for tributes and a faiewell party 
during which Kin was presented with a gold watch. He had devoted two years 
following graduation to raising funds for Bartlett Hall and received only his 
expenses and $300. After the agent appointed to raise the remainder failed 
completely. Professor Goff was released to gather funds for furnishings and 
equipment. To finance a bowling alley, students later used various fund raisers, 
such as stereoptican shows on the life of Chiist, Pilgrim 's Progress, and the 
wonders of nature, chaiging fifteen cents admission. The swimming pool 
remained only a dream until 1914, when another remarkable student picked up 
the challenge. 

Baitlett Hall was dedicated on 12 February 1898. In a procession led 
by the McTeer Peerless Band, students marched from Anderson to Baillett. A 
quartet sang the new College song. Following speeches by the dean and 
president, an alumnus spoke on "Athletics at Maryville in the Days Gone By." 
In January 1902, outfitted with 300 opera chairs, the new McCormick 
Auditorium was opened. The gallery and main floor were taxed to accommodate 
the audience at the Athenian Mid-winter shortly thereafter, but the acoustics 
were pronounced perfect. 

Kin had less that five yeais to live after returning to Japan, but even 
suffering physically as he was, he was determined "to die, if need be, doing 
something for Christ." He entered Christian social work in Japan, eventually 


becoming the YMCA Secretary in the Kanda section of Tokyo. ^^ In his last 
years-he died in 1902 at age 36--he organized a class for boys to discuss religion 
and to learn "to speak and debate after the dear old Maryville style." He drew 
a large following in Japan. His funeral, described by Dr. Wilson, testified to 
the impact he had made on his own people in those few short years: 

The missionary whom Kin had asked to conduct his funeral found~and 
the town was not a large one-three hundred of the principal people 
gathered at the home, while the streets were lined by hundreds, and on 
the hillside about the grave an audience of one thousand was awaiting 
the procession.^" 

Ironically his family arranged a Buddhist ceremony for his last rites. 

The end of the century brought other international students. Ching 
Bing Ding and Chin Moon Jet from Canton, China, enrolled in 1894-95. A 
faculty report to the Board in May 1896 noted that two "Sable Orators" were 
graduating-"two gentlemen descended from the nativeland of Moses, Hannibal, 
TertuUian and Augustine." No other references or evidence of their enrollment 
came to light. K. A. Nassour and Elias Mallouk, two Syrians who enrolled in 
1898, had been directed to the College by Nageeb Arbeely. From Manchester, 
England, came Thomas McGuire; and from Wales, William Roland Jones. A 
Greek who spoke six languages, Alexander Dilopoulo of Athens, entered the 
same year. Only eighteen when he arrived, he had already experienced a turbulent 
life, having lost an eye in the war between Greece and Turkey. Another veteran 
who entered a few years later was J. I. A. Shemel, from South Africa. During 
the Boer War he had been captured at the fall of Pretoria. It was as a seasoned 
soldier that he joined Maryville College's Cadet Corps. 

War Fever 

Maryville's Cadet Corps was growing. Even before the outbreak of 
the Spanish- American War in 1898 students were participating in military drill. 
When war erupted, the Athenian Literary Society unanimously resolved to 
commend Congress for its quick action following the destruction of the "Maine" 
and the loss of American lives. They supported a demand for a fifteen million 
dollar indemnity and freedom for Cuba. The Maryville Times reported: "War 
talk has been the predominant theme on College Hill for several days." 

When the first call came for volunteers, a number of students enlisted. 
Some joined the Fourth Tennessee U. S. Volunteers and sailed to Cuba for 


garrison duty. A visitor to Camp Taylor found five Maryville students serving 
as officers. Three were members of the regimental band. Eight students went 
to Camp Chickamauga with the YMCA to "carry on Christian influence where 
soldiers took turns getting six glasses for a quarter" and lying "hopelessly drunk 
in the public roads." Others let themselves be dissuaded from participation. 
The English student, T W. McGuire, later wrote to Dr. Wilson: "I had a strong 
temptation to leave college for a call of YMCA work in Cuba. Thank you for 
preventing me from making a mistake." 

In April 1898 a Maryville Times reporter warned: "If the war goes on 
and calls still come for volunteers, old Maryville College will be turned into a 
ladies' seminary, for every male member of the institution, professors and 
students, has his blood up and is getting ready to enlist." The War did go on 
and a number of students went to the Philippines. 

A side effect of the War was to open up a continuing interest in the 
Philippines. Charles N. Magill, D.D., who translated the Bible into Tagalog, 
started an unbroken line of alumni missionaries, including Luther Bewley, an 
educator about whom the Philippine Islands Herald said: "He is the public 
school system." Edwin Sheldon Cunningham, a career diplomat, played a major 
political role as Consul General of the Philippines before continuing his career 
in Japan. 

While enthusiasm for the "Splendid Little War" was still running high, 
the College established a National Guard Cadet Corps on the campus. The 
cadets practiced skirmishing and holding sham battles in the College Woods. 
In September they attended the encampment of the Third Regiment NGST at 
Tates Springs. While there, at the suggestion of Dr. Wilson, the Corps captain, 
Joseph B. Pate, raised the question of acquiring rifles for the Maryville Corps. 
Hie War Depaitment having discontinued the provision of equipment to 
educational institutions, the College had to wait until 1904 when Captain Pate 
had become commander of the National Guard. The cadets purchased their 
own uniforms. Later the officers were provided with U. S. regulation uniforms 
and the cadets with regulation fatigues. The equipment included a good supply 
of .45 caliber Springfield rifles, cadet swords, and two flags. Caps had the 
regulation gold-embroidered eagles. 

The listing of Maryville College in the Pettibone Bluebook of Military 
Schools brought almost a hundred inquiries from prospective students. By 
1908, however, the inability to find a new commander, combined with other 
difficulties, led the faculty to disband the military company until further notice. 
Thus ended Maryville College's only experience with peacetime military training. 


Chapter V— The Persistence of Controversy 

In the decades immediately following the Civil War, two issues 
threatened the College's growth and prosperity: the debate over ownership of 
the College and the integration problem. The establishment of an adequate 
endowment, without which the college could not continue to exist, depended 
upon a satisfactory solution to both. That the issues were not mutually exclusive 
suggests using an approach that would combine them. Claiity, however--if 
claiity is possible in the face of such complexity-dictates a separation, leaving 
the reader to make the cross references. 

An Administrative Nightmare 

The story of the ownership controversy begins with the second president, 
John J. Robinson, who, Lamar charged, had resigned the presidency at the 
outbreak of the Civil War. Robinson denied that he had resigned, citing as 
proof that at the time he dismissed classes there was no Boaid meeting and thus 
no avenue for submitting a resignation. He had spent the wai" years teaching, 
preaching, and serving as chaplain in the Confederate Army While Lamar was 
trying to rebuild the College, Robinson was filling a pastorate in Eufala, 
Alabama. In September 1872, without warning, he and eighteen other 
antebellum directors declaied themselves the legal Board, although most of 
them had since moved away from the area. They filed a complaint in the 
Chancery Court, naming as respondents President Peter Bartlett, Professors T 
J. Lamar and Alexander Bartlett, Recorder of the Boaid Ralph Tedford, and 
Treasurer John P. Hooke. 

The plaintiffs alleged that the respondents had taken possession of the 
College illegally and disposed of the assets to acquire a new campus and erect 
"valuable buildings." They asked for a restraining order and the return of the 
assets and control to the pre-War directors. As Dr. Lloyd pointed out in his 
history of the College, the plaintiffs ignored the reversionary clause providing 
for transfer of control back to the Synod of Tennessee if the United Synod 
should cease to exist; and they exaggerated the value of the property."^' 

Dr. Lamar's preservation of the minutes containing the reversionary 
clause seemed to place the Syncxl of Tennessee on firm ground legally in electing 
a new Board of Directors and reopening the College; though the United Synod 
--and this is a point that Dr. Lloyd's history omits-secured from the State after 
the transfer a new amendment that said nothing about the reversionary clause, 


thus indeed bringing back into question the legality of the reconstituted College. 
In short;, it was a legal muddle that could go either way. The following January 
the Chancellor ruled in favor of the defendants and dismissed the suit. An 
appeal to the Tennessee Supreme Court, however, resulted in seven years of 
litigation in which the College remained in limbo, hampered in fund raising 
and a badly needed increase in endowment. 

In the College archives are letters that shed light on the real motive 
behind the suit, letters not used directly by previous College historians. Dr. 
Lloyd summarized the story, commenting that his predecessors had omitted all 
explanation "perhaps because of the 'conflict among friends' that was 
involved.'"*^ A careful reading of the correspondence reveals deeper reasons. 

In a letter dated 12 May 1875, Robinson, challenging Lamar's claim 
that Robinson had resigned as president, denied it emphatically. He called for 
details to refresh his memory. Lamar's reply is not extant, but the second 
Robinson letter, 17 May, disputed the accuracy of Lamar's evidence and 
castigated him for the civil rights stance now espoused by the College, choosing 
to ignore that it was nothing new. He would prefer, he said, to see "the ruins of 
Maryville College and buildings crumbling to dust, or the property turned over 
to creditors than to see such an institution as you have there." 

While not questioning Lamar's sincerity or teaching ability, he 
continued, he abhorred "from the depths of my soul that cardinal principle on 
which the Institution is now conducted," declaring himself "utterly and forever 
opposed to every doctrine of Social Rights, miscalled Civil Rights, which leads 
to the co-education of the White and Black races." He repeated the all-too- 
familiar theme of equal but separate: 

1 am perfectly willing. . that the Negro should have and enjoy all the 
Civil Rights he is capable of enjoying. I am in favor of educating him; I 
would do what 1 could to elevate him politically, morally, and religiously 
within his own proper and divinely appointed sphere. But 1 can never 
aid and abet the infamous results of social equality by means of the schools 
of the countPr'. . . . You made an awful mistake in attempting to resusci- 
tate Maryville College when you adopted the double policy of co-educa- 
tion of the sexes and the races. Instead of bringing the College to life 
you have strangled it to death. 

Although some hint of these feelings surfaced during Robinson's pre- 
War connection with the College, the War apparently embittered him. When he 
weighed the implications of admitting black women as well as black men, the 


rancor increased: 

I wish for my part for the general good of the country that when you 
found the college dying you had let it die rather than employ such reme- 
dies to bring it back to life. . . . When it comes to associating white girls 
and black boys and black boys and white girls, 1 cannot bid you God 
speed. ... It is not the Maryville College that I knew. 

These letters manifest the root cause of the controversy--the issue of 
coeducation of the races and sexes, not the ownership of the College. The 
ownership was settled in 1880 when, for some reason, the plaintiffs decided to 
drop their suit and pay the court costs. The legality of the current Board members 
was settled in 1 89 1 with an amendment to the Charter clarifying the method of 
their election. But the underlying controversy continued until the Tennessee 
Legislature laid to rest the social rights question with its 1901 law barring 
integration in private as well as public institutions. 

In 1883 feelings about integration policies were running high in the 
community and among faculty and students. To satisfy Northern donors, the 
faculty had to reaffirm their adherence to integration. Discipline problems 
growing out of racial antagonism aroused conflict on the campus. President 
Bartlett began to show that his true feelings were closer to those of Dr. Robinson 
than to those of his colleagues, even though he had consistently led in confirming 
his openness to integration. His discipline of student offenders in racial matters 
grew lax. 

So much ferment prompted the faculty to seek an amendment to the 
Charter which would place the Synod of Tennessee and the Board of Directors 
on firmer ground. As recorder for the Board, Professor Crawford wrote to O. 
D. Eaton a letter reviewing the facts of the case. Judge George Andrews, 
requested to prepare in 1889 an opinion as to the present status of the College, 
observed that though the Synod of Tennessee after the War had no authority to 
elect trustees, it not only had elected them for more than twenty years, but they 
also had been recognized as the lawfully elected trustees of the Corporation. 
He concluded: 

This, in my opinion, constitutes them as Trustees de facto. As such, 
their acts are valid until they are removed by legal proceedings for 
that purpose. Outsiders and third persons have no right to inquire 
into their authority. As Trustees de facto they have had the power 
and right under the Corporation Act of 1875 [a state act] to apply for 


an amendment of the Charter and that amendment is valid. 

When the Synod of Tennessee had requested the Board of Trustees in 
1 883 to apply for the amendment, Judge Andrews was the attorney who drew it 
up for the College. On 19 November 1883 the State approved it, and it was 
subsequently accepted and adopted by the Board of Directors on 29 December 
1883. Therefore Judge Andrews' opinion in 1 889 was that the amendment was 

The question in 1 889 regarded the method of appointment of the trustees 
or directors. The 1883 amendment had vested in the Board, acting as the 
Corporation, the power to appoint trustees, removing that power from the Synod; 
although at its discretion the Board could pass a by-law delegating tothe Synod 
the power of appointment. In 1 889, the Board did so, providing for the election 
of twelve trustees each year: six by the Board, four by the Synod, and two by 
alumni. By-laws provided further that two-thirds of all members be ministers 
"in good and regular standing in the Synod of Tennessee, and one-third laymen 
in full communion with churches belonging to the Synod." 

The Board elected its quota in May of that year; the Synod, in October; 
and the alumni, the following May. In October 1890 Robert Sutherland, the 
hot-headed Canadian minister of Knoxville's Second Presbyterian Church, 
notified the Synod that if they continued this method of electing directors, he 
and "two eminent laymen [Hood and Washburn] would have a suit instituted 
against them in less than a week." The Synod panicked and submitted to a 
resolution sponsored by Sutherland and Washburn that "no trustees had been 
elected since 1887, and that Synod proceed 'instanter' to elect an entire Board." 
Once adopted, the resolution virtually repudiated the Charter of 1883, and the 
Synod's new Board was held to the antebellum Charter. Now the College had 
two "duly elected" Boards, albeit by different charters. 

Antagonists questioned the legality of the 1883 amendment on a 
technicality. Peter Bartlett, although originally a promoter of the 1883 
amendment, had shifted sides and was now deeply involved in this new legal 
threat. Prior to the arrival of the newly-elected president, Samuel Ward 
Boardman, Bartlett had written to give Boardman his distorted view of events. 

When Boardman declined to respond sympathetically, Bartlett handed 
him a twelve-page letter as Boardman departed for New Jersey after his initial 
visit to the campus. The letter served notice to Boardman that Bartlett would 
not cooperate with him, though there was nothing personal in his opposition. 


Bartlett quoted Judge Andrew's opinion out of context, reporting that the judge 
had declared that no action of the Board had been taken under a chartered right. 
Bartlett posed as simply concerned with putting the College on a legal footing.'*^ 

Professor Wilson noted in his diary, 18 January 1890: "We are having 
trouble securing the $7,000 left by Mr. Adams of New York. The reason is Dr. 
Bartlett's incredible fury." The "Mr. Adams" was Carson W. Adams, a seminary 
classmate of Lamar and Bartlett, through whom he had become interested in 
Maryville. He had left a legacy to Maryville providing that "if the College ever 
ceases to be controlled by the Presbyterian Church, then I direct that this fund 
be given to the Presbyterian Board of Aid for Colleges and Academies." Bartlett 
argued that his former colleagues had wrested control from the Presbyterian 
Church, and he encouraged the Presbyterian Board of Aid to attempt to get a 
ruling in its own favor. 

Gideon Crawford went to New York to counteract the Board of Aid's 
action, rightly viewing it as "outrageous." "History shows," he said, "that our 
General Assembly would have had no churches south of Kentucky today, if it 
had not been for the heroic stand that Maryville College took immediately after 
the war." The College's New York lawyer, John Parsons, obtained the bequest 
for Maryville, but the opposing lawyers reserved "for consideration whether if 
the By-Law is not amended or revoked, they will hereafter claim that the legacy 
has become forfeited." 

In December 1890 the death of Daniel B. Fayerweather, a wealthy 
New York merchant, brought a $100,000 legacy to Maryville, activating another 
concern. Should the plaintiffs win their case, returning the College to the pre- 
War charter, the Fayerweather endowment could not be received because the 
old charter restricted endowment to $100,000. Professor Crawford wrote to 
John Parsons, asking him to represent the College again. Referring to the two 
competing Boaids and the danger that a takeover of the Board elected under the 
1883 amendment might be attempted in the May Board meeting, he asked for 
Parsons' opinions on specified points. 

In a letter the same day to Dr. E. D. Moms of Cincinnati, he said he 
recognized that a large majority of the Synod-elected Boaid "are true and loyal 
friends of the College, but they nearly all doubt the validity of their election." 
He suggested that if Professor Smith, who was the executor of his donor father, 
Preserved Smith, would raise the question as to which Board should receive 
the interest accruing on the Smith bequest to Maryville, the majority would be 
glad to see "an agreed case" made of it. It could be submitted to the Federal 
Court and, if necessary, to the Supreme Court, thus settling the whole issue 


without having to submit the case to the Tennessee courts, which Crawford 
beheved to be prejudiced against the College. 

The threatened suit never materialized. Bartlett, in a self-serving and 
vitriolic open letter to the Maryville Times, 14 January 1 891, noted the reception 
of the Adams bequest: 

The other day more than $6,000 came to Maryville College from his 
estate. Had he lived to know the scheme which originated among some 
of the professors to take the College out from the Synod of Tennessee, he 
would not have given it one cent. The College is now under the Synod 
again, so that his will is realized and there the College must be to retain 
the gift. 

Bartlett obviously considered the case closed. Two Boards of Directors, however, 
still claimed governance of the College. 

To deal with this anomaly, the faculty leaders sought to compromise. 
They noted that most of the Synod- appointed Board members were loyal College 
supporters. In appointing them the Synod had merely been seeking a peaceful 
way out of a difficult situation. Crawford and Wilson reasoned that if the six 
Board-appointed members would resign, replacements could be appointed from 
the Synod-appointed Board. With an eye to the future the faculty submitted to 
the Synod an amendment to the 1888 by-laws confirming that the College 
would maintain its Presbyterian connection. On 24 December 1 890, the Board- 
elected members-James Bassett, H. J. Coile, Job Lawrence, A. R. McBath, 
David Jones, and Thomas Hart-resigned. Professor Samuel T Wilson set out 
on a "grand tour"-Mobile, Chattanooga, Decatur, Huntsville, and Cincinnati- 
to get signatures of all Board members to the amendment, which satisfied Synod 
dissidents. The Synod approved the compromise. The adminisfrative nightmare 
was over. 

Integration: A Continuing Problem 

Soon after the College reopened, the directors faced the question as to 
whether to make a statement declaring that persons of color would be admitted 
to Maryville College. Since the College had never excluded persons of color 
and since they were educated even during the days of slavery and were now 
numbered among the alumni, such a statement was considered unnecessary. It 
would imply, erroneously, that at one time such persons had been excluded. 

Reflecting the Board's decision, the Synod, in a hotly debated action 


in 1868, adopted by one 

vote Dr. Lamar's motion 

that "no person [italics 

ours] having the requisite 

moral and literary 

qualifications shall be 

excluded by reason of race 

or color." It is significant 

that most elders voted "no" 

while all but two of the 

ministers voted "yes." 

When the Synod opened ^^ WliiLsliK***^''' ji ^i^. 

the question again in 1 892 and proposed to rescind the 1 868 action, the motion 

received only two votes. A second attempt to rescind it in 1895 was tabled 


Although, as worded, the action was not restrictive as to gender, the 
renewal of the College's historic policy left open the question of admission of 
black females, as it did the admission of white females. In a November 1867 
issue of the Republican, a "colored" newspaper. Dr. Lamar announced that "the 
College faculty have resolved to extend advantages and privileges of this 
institution to females." The announcement made no differentiation between 
white and black females, nor did the catalog announcement of the admission of 
women make any distinction. 

It did not take long, however, for the public to raise a cry. A Christian 
Observer correspondent in 1870 was incensed that Maryville College was now 
admitting both sexes and both colors. The catalog showed, he said, that "there 
were actually three Negroes in the institution [though how he gleaned that 
information from the catalog is puzzling] and several white females--and it is 
understood that when, in like classes, these white and black, male and female, 
recite together."'" 

Opponents of the integration policy believed that the policy pertained 
to both sexes, as seen in Dr. Robinson's letter to Professor Lamar, already 
quoted. In 1872 a tasteless diatribe appeared in the Central Presbyterian: 

After a heated discussion in what they called the Synod of Tennessee, 
Maryville College was proclaimed and opened as a "mixed" school- 
mixed all through and mixed all over. The Synod is mixed, the faculty 
(though all about one color-bilious) is mixed-carpet baggers and scala- 
wags, and the classes are awfully mixed-mixed boys and mixed girls, 


mixed sizes, mixed colors, mixed sexes and now they have mixed them- 
selves up in the law. 

No answers to its critics appear in College records, nor did a policy 
explicitly admitting or excluding black women appear from College authorities. 
General statements of admission of both sexes and all races were publicized 
with no exclusions. No black women, however, were admitted in the nineteenth 
century~a fact for which the evidence is convincing. Any exclusion of black 
women then had to be de facto and not dejure. This leaves a question: Why did 
no black women enroll? The answer is related to the larger question of why, 
given the continued policy of admitting blacks, so few men--ten out of sixty 
who matriculated-remained to graduate, as well as why the percentage of black 
men remained so low. 

A number of conditions affected black enrollment: 

1. The geographical source of Maryville College students 
(whites as well as blacks). 

2. The relative scarcity of blacks in East Tennessee counties and Blount 
County in particular. 

3. The low general educational preparation of blacks in the College's 
recruitment area and the degree to which these were ready educationally 
and financially to accept higher education. 

4. The attitudes of the local community toward integration. 

5. The competition from area black institutions. 

Applied to black women, these conditions were intensified. 
Proportionately many more women than men were drawn from local homes. If 
black families educated their children, preference went to males. Fewer women 
would have been eligible for higher levels. Many black men, unlike the women, 
had received the rudiments of education in regiments during the War. A letter 
from Samuel Sawyer to the New York Independent, 1 1 July 1 867, supports this 

The colored men are conducting well. . . . Thousands of them have 
learned to read and write in the last two years. Taking one illustration, 
when the first colored artillery regiment, 1800 strong, was organized, 
each company employed a teacher appropriating so much monthly wages 
for the purpose. It was a grand travelling normal school. 


Recent studies have shown that the higher education of black women 
has come largely in the twentieth century. Although Oberlin, for example, 
admitted women beginning in 1833, the first black woman did not graduate 
until twenty-nine years later.^^ A chapter entitled "Jezabel or Mammy" in 
Deborah Gray White's Aren 'tla Woman ? has as its thesis that black women in 
general were regarded either as Jezabels (debauchers of white manhood) or 
mammies (who knew and kept their places and were revered by white families).^ 
Such attitudes would not promote literacy among black women. It was perhaps 
such an attitude that in the early twentieth century caused Maryville College 
officials to try to keep even black laundresses from the campus. 

In addition to these influences preventing the enrollment of black women 
is a strong indication of tacit discouragement by some of the faculty. The 
controversy over the termination of Dr. Bartlett's presidency lends credence to 
this view. It must be noted, however, that this evidence comes from Dr. Bartlett 
himself, who late in life, became an unreliable witness. He was convinced that 
the underlying reason for the attacks on him was that he had kept colored women 
from enrolling. To justify his views to William Thaw in a letter written in 
1888, he quoted Maryville donor Preserved Smith's opinion on integration: "I 
think where the colored people have schools of their own, they better go to 
them." Bartlett was quick to ally himself with Smith: 

This has always been my view & it is the matured conviction of our best 
and most intelligent citizens and Christians—excepting C. B. Lord, D. 
M. Wilson & J. Silsby. . . . Prof Lamar, my brother, and myself did not 
think it best to receive Colored girls: but C B. Lord [a Board member] 
has opened the way now for them to come in. . . . 

In his further self-defense, he complained that he had been considered 
for both the chancellorship of the State University of Georgia and one of the 
most important churches in the state, but because he was from a school that 
admitted blacks, neither wanted him, nor, he hastened to say, did he want them. 
He added somewhat petulantly: 

So here in Tennessee 1 am not good enough because I do not drum up 
negro recruits, and a little further off too mean because I am in an insti- 
tution that receives them. And as it was with our Divine Master, & I am 
content. It is enough for any servant to be as his Master. 1 send you a 
printed article which gives an exact [sic] of what C. B. Lord and his 
clique did. . . ."^ 


Dr. Bartlett was at this time bitterly criticizing both faculty and Board members. 
In open letters to newspapers he was advocating the exclusion of all blacks as a 
matter of policy. 

Reports vary as to the treatment of the black men who enrolled. On the 
one hand is the statement previously quoted from the Christian Observer that 
"whites and blacks, male and female recite together." An 1869 report of the 
agent of the Bureau of Refugees, Freedmen and Abandoned Lands(BRFAL) 
took a slightly different view: 

There are but three students at present in attendance and they are taught 
in classes separate from the white students. This was accounted for to 
me by saying that there are no other students in the college of the same 
degree of advancement. This may be true in their case.''^ 

Lester Lamon, in his 1991 study of the black experience at Maryville, 
found that these first blacks did interact freely with fellow white students and 
faculty in the politically powerful Union League of Maryville. By the 1870s, 
moreover, black students could be found in college dormitories and, if they 
chose, participating in sporting and literary societies.'^'^ The first black postwar 
graduate, William H. Franklin, participated in the YMCA, the Reckless Baseball 
Club, and the Athenian Literary Society. 

Dr. Lloyd's research showed that after 1880 no Negro students roomed 
in Memorial Hall, and none ever boarded in the dining hall. They were free to 
sit anywhere in classes but were seated as a group in chapel. Stating that he did 
not have "information about the unrecorded daily white-Negro contacts and 
attitudes of that period," he concluded: "It is obvious from the recorded practices 
just cited that there was some justification for the charge that Negro students 
did not receive all privileges received by white students."^^ Is it possible that 
all the Negroes were town students who could not afford room and board on 

The most explosive situation grew out of the determination of the Animi 
Cultus Society to exclude blacks from membership. In 1 872 when the Society 
received applications from three black students, their rejection launched a 
controversy that was to last over ten years and result in the faculty's dissolving 
the society. The bitterness lingered and merged with the dissension centering 
around President Bartlett's conduct in the late eighties, continued into the 
nineties, and contributed to the adoption in 1901 of Tennessee's Murphy Law. 


Throughout the seventies Animi Cultus continued to erupt into periods 
of divisiveness that reached major proportions in 1 880. According to the Blount 
County Democrat, 21 April 1 880, when W. H. Franklin, the first black graduate, 
was to receive his degree, a fellow student, Joe Rankin, a member of Animi 
Cultus, who was also to receive a degree, left school without graduating because 
he did not want to graduate with a black. The Democrat was edited by R. N. 
Hood. His assistant editor and printer, W. B. Scott, was a black man of 
considerable distinction. Not only did the paper attack "Little Joey Rankin 
[who] comes out like a little man and tries to make the impression that he did 
not leave the college because he did not want to graduate with a colored man, 
without expressly denying it," it also launched an attack on Peter "X" Bartlett. 

In a previous letter to the Maryville Index, 14 April 1880, President 
Bartlett, over the signature "X," had challenged the Democrat on its editorial 
praising the Freedmen's Institute for not being "mixed." In defense of the 
College's "mixed" policy, Dr Bartlett had stated that it was because of a solemn 
promise to the donors to aid colored people in getting an education. The 
Democrat accused him of lying, insisting that the policy of "mixing his school" 
was based on principle. 

Dr. Bartlett retorted that the editor was "mix[ing] himself with the 
blacks by employing colored people to print this newspaper [the Democrat]" 
and mixing "his own brain with the brain of an assistant editor who is a black 
man, not counting his own brains adequate to run his little paper" He ended in 
a crescendo, using offensive language.^' 

Hood responded in kind but with somewhat more dignity: 

Peter X" Bartlett. the so-called President of Maryville College, accuses 
us of mixing our brain with that of a colored man. . . It is true that a 
colored man helps us to run our paper. But that is not all the truth; we 
are only helping the colored man. It is his paper, not ours, and we are 
his servant and not our own as Peter 'X" well knows. So far as our 
friend Scott is concerned.. . if there is any difference in his color and the 
color of Peter "X.' it is all in Scott's favor" 

Bartlett seems to have revealed his true feelings in this exchange. 

In January 1882 the Animi Cultus Society broke into open defiance of 
the faculty. Professor Crawford wrote to Thaw in March to review the origins 
of the controversy. He noted that the Society had always been opposed to some 
degree to the College integration policy. The refusal to admit the three blacks 
had resulted in a protest of three Society members, two of whom transferred to 


the Athenians. In 1 879, fifty members of the Society requested President Bartlett 
to dismiss current black students and bar future admission to blacks. Under 
this pressure Bartlett weakened and explored with some of the trustees the 
possibility of ending integration. When the trustees demurred, Bartlett wrote 
to Thaw with a request that he continue his support even if the College dropped 
its interracial policy. This letter aroused apprehension among Northern donors. ^^ 

The loss of funds from such men as Thaw, Smith, Dodge, and Howaid 
would probably have meant financial iiiin for the College. The faculty, including 
President Bartlett, reasserted their fornier position and pledged to receive colored 
students "to an equal pailicipation with whites in all the benefits and privileges 
of the college." According to Professor Crawford, Professor Lamar and most 
of the faculty would have dissolved the Society at that time had it not been that 
a lawsuit was hanging over the institution, and they felt it would involve too 
great a risk.^** 

In the summer of 1881, the faculty had attempted to solve the Animi 
Cultus Society problem by asking the members to agree to placing in their 
constitution the clause "Any student of Maryville College sustaining a good 
moral chaiacter may become a regulai" member of the Society." Although the 
faculty meant by these words that no student possessing the requisite 
qualifications would be debarred on the basis of race or color, the students 
interpreted them to fit their own purpose. 

In Januaiy 1882, when a black student applied for membership, the 
Society rejected his application because of a grammatical error. At the urging 
of the Reverend E. A. Elmore, David Heron and Herman Goff sponsored for 
membership a black youth who was the son of a prominent Blount County 
landholder. He too was rejected. A few days later Animi Cultus expelled 
Heron and Goff, and twenty-seven members arrogantly sent a protest to the 
faculty asserting their sole right to control their own affairs. To justify their 
action, they explained that they inteipreted the word "may" to mean "may 
become a member if he is not voted out." When the faculty were meeting a few 
evenings later to consider this defiance, they heaid the culprits removing Society 
furniture and taking it to a hall they had rented in town. 

The next morning twenty-three prominent students were suspended, 
not to be readmitted until they signed an agreement to abide by College policies. 
The faculty at the same time dissolved the Animi Cultus Society. Over the next 
few days twenty students signed. The students who withdrew spread abroad 
their versions of the controversy, which reached newspapers as far away as 
New York and Chicago. The faculty maintained silence. As soon as the true 


story came out, support shifted to the facuUy. 

By 1883 all issues seemed to be settled. The racial policy seemed 
irrevocable, and the 1883 amendment to the College Charter had warded off 
the threat of another lawsuit. The question of President Bartlett's leadership, 
however, still remained. His vacillation during the Animi Cultus crisis left a 
faculty critical of his effectiveness in dealing with discipline problems. During 
the spring 1886 Board meeting the trustees, motivated by faculty criticism, 
voted to remove Dr. Bartlett from the presidency "because of his failure in the 
exercise of discipline and failure as an instructor." In return for a promise of 
$500 a year for the next four years (until he reached 70), Dr. Bartlett resigned. 
Professor Lamar, having had misgivings, persuaded the faculty three weeks 
later to reconsider. When the president promised that if he could remain just 
one more year, he would leave as a friend of the College, the faculty agreed to 
another year provided that 

1. He and his family would leave Baldwin Hall. 

2. He would cease his fight in the Kingston Presbytery and in the Synod 
of Tennessee. 

3 . He would abandon his interference with New Providence Session. 

4. He would bar the reinstatement of two disciplined students. 

Reluctantly, President Bartlett presented his resignation, effective May 1887. 

Dr. Lamar died two months before the date appointed for Dr. Bartlett's 
resignation. At faculty request the Board voted in May to extend the president's 
service as teacher, but not as president, for another year. At a meeting of the 
Board called on another matter in June, the Bartlett supporters promoted his 
reelection for two more years as president. Unfortunately for his cause. Dr. 
Bartlett spoke at length recounting his many virtues and services to the College, 
ending with a threat that if not granted the extension he would work against the 
College and influence Northern friends to withdraw monetary support. A 
reaction set in and the motion for reelection was rejected 13 to 7. Dr. Bartlett 
then took to the media with a polemic against the College, threatening to carry 
his case to the Synod and even to initiate civil action. 

By this dme the Synod struggle over the 1 883 amendment to the Charter 
and the ensuing by-laws was in full swing. The ex -president joined Synod 
dissidents. Meanwhile the College was without a president for two years. 
Chairmen of the Faculty Edgar A. Elmore in 1887-88 and James E. Rogers in 


1888-89 served in the interim. Elmore and Samuel T. Wilson, along with Board 
member Calvin A. Duncan, were chaiged with smveying the field for presidential 
candidates and presenting a name to the Boaid. At a called meeting in January 
1889 the Boaid unanimously elected the Reverend Samuel Ward Boaidman. 
He had been recommended by the Presbyterian leaders in the North, particularly 
by Dr. Sylvester Willard of Auburn, New York, where Dr. Boardman had served 
as pastor of the Willards' church. 

Dr. Baillett lived on in Maryville in the imposing home still standing 
today on High Street, preaching in aiea churches, serving as president of the 
Bank of Maryville until his death in 1901, and writing vimlent anti-College 
letters to the Maiyville papers. His letters to Dr. Boardman warning his successor 
of the problems the College was facing failed to elicit the response he had 
hoped for. To Boaidman's credit, he replied politely and went ahead with his 
plans to have Willard House completed by the time of his arrival in the fall of 

President Boardman was to have his own problems with the integration 
controversy. A sign of mounting racial tensions came again in 1 895 at the time 
of the oratorical contests. An anonymous donor had provided for an annual 
prize of fifty dollais to be divided among the three top speakers in the graduating 
class. The winner that yeai^ was Paiis A. Wallace, the son of a black faimer. 
Although the consensus was that the prize was fairly won, the friction it caused 
led the faculty to withdraw the recognition in the future. The faculty minutes 
show also the decision to awaid all future medals privately and to limit to 250 
words the student speeches made at commencement. 

Donors in 1897 became restive again. President Boardman received a 
letter "of anxious inquiry concerning the fidelity of the institution to the pledges 
made to former donors in respect to the education of colored students." He 
wrote a stiong, reassuring reply. He remained a staunch supporter of integration, 
with no wavering. In 1900 he reaffirmed his belief that '"admitting young 
ladies [black] as well as young men to all privileges for which the covenanted 
endowments were given, would have been and would now be the best policy, as 
well as best in ethics. '"^^ 

In October 1900 the faculty received a petition signed by 153 students 
requesting that blacks "either be excluded from the College or be given free 
and equal rights with white students, rights which they aie not enjoying at the 
present time." This was a cleverly worded two-edged sword that would have 
drawn to it both those opposed to integration and those who sincerely wanted it 
to work on the basis of absolute equality. The author of the petition was John 


Evarts Tracy, a bright young man from Crossville, Tennessee, and a cousin of 
Mrs. Boardman. After he became a prominent lawyer Tracy recounted in his 
autobiography the story of his role as "the leading actor in one of the most 
important events in the history of the College"--a somewhat inflated estimate 
of its importance (and his), but nevertheless a significant incident in light of the 
on-going controversy. 

The petition was motivated, he said, by the failure of the Negroes to 
take advantage of their opportunity, while at the same time the College's 
integration policy was preventing the attendance of children from the "better 
white families of the State," thus restricting the size and caliber of the student 

Tracy left a detailed account of the introduction of the petition in a 
Synod meeting, where the moderator ruled the petitioners out of order, and 
George McCulloch, pastor of New Providence Church, questioned "whether 
the right of petition could be refused in a Presbyterian Synod." After a "hot and 
furious" debate the petition was admitted and referred to a committee, deferring 
action for a year. As could be expected. Dr. Bartlett joined McCulloch and 
other student supporters and took the debate to the media again. In December 

1900 the readers of the Maryville Times were treated to a two-column assault 
on the faculty, which said in part: 

1 wish to say Maryville College has done very little for the colored race. 
Far less than it can do if it will send them to their own institutions and 
aid them in their education. . . . You may as readily roll back the waters 
of the Niagara as to expect to build up Maryville College by mixing the 
races together in it. . . . 

The Board, having placed the petition on its agenda for the January 

1901 meeting, set up a five-man commiftee to consider it. In the meantime a 
reporter present at the Synod meeting had distributed an account of the 
proceedings to every daily newspaper in the state, and pressure was being brought 
to bear on the Tennessee Legislature to take action on integration. Before the 
Board Committee could report in the May meeting, the Legislature on 13 March 
had passed the Murphy Law, making it illegal under threat of fine and six 
months' imprisonment for any teacher after 1 September 1901 to instruct white 
and colored students in the same classroom or building. Dean E. B. Waller 
called the legislative action "an unfavorable beginning of the twentieth century's 
interpretation of the brotherhood of man." 

Ironically, the Murphy Bill, named for the Knoxville legislator who 


introduced it, was drafted by a Maryville alumnus, later a member of the Board 
and a state political leader. This student, according to Dr. Lloyd's account, had 
confessed to him long afterwards that he had postponed his graduation for a 
year to avoid graduating with a black classmate. ^^ (Another student of that era, 
who was later on the faculty, commented that the confession failed to mention 
that the black student was his competitor for the top grades in the class.) 

In response to the Murphy Law seven black graduates proposed to the 
faculty that they build an annex for colored students, adding: "We believe that 
Maryville College has unconsciously done more to allay unreasonable prejudice 
of the white man toward the colored than any other influence in Tennessee... ." 
Upon legal advice the faculty had to turn down the proposal. 

problem was what 
to do with the 
funds entrusted to ^ ^ ^ 

the College for the I'B^^Mifii^- - - . ^ il * 
education of 
blacks. On the 
basis of the ratio 
of twenty to one, 
the ratio of whites 
to blacks in the 
student body, the 
directors decided 

to divide the endowment "in compliance with the principles of equity and 
generosity." Donors and heirs were consulted. The Smiths and Dodges wanted 
no division of their money. Mrs. Thaw wanted a fourth or a third of the Thaw 
money to go to a black endowment. Mrs. Willard had no suggestion and deferred 
to Dr. Boardman's opinion. Craighead heirs assured the faculty that it was in 
keeping with the donor's will for the College to retain his gift for the education 
of poor whites. 

The final decision of the directors was to set up a Negro educational 
fund of $25,000--a little more than a tenth of the endowment--and turn it over 
to the use of the Swift Memorial Institute in Rogersville, Tennessee, founded 
and headed by Maryville black alumnus W. H. Franklin. The trustees of the 
Presbyterian Church U.S.A. administered the fund until 1954, when Maryville 
was able to return to its original interracial policy. The College lost some 


pledges of other funds. The Maryville Times reported in December 1902 that 
"a northern gentleman had subscribed $25,000 for the library," which he withdrew. 

Local critics argued that integration had kept enrollment low. A rapid 
increase during the year immediately following the enactment of the Murphy 
Law tends to support the view. A writer for the Maryville Record, 9 December 
1904, claimed: "Since the negro has been eliminated, the College has made 
rapid strides toward the front." This perceived gain may have resulted in part 
from the efforts of a vigorous new president. Whatever the reason, the College 
prospered as it turned its attention, while waiting for the national conscience to 
awaken, to the education of disadvantaged Appalachians. 

No one, however, reviewing the record of the Maryville black alumni, 
could fail to appreciate the achievement of the eighty-two years of integration 
allowed the College. A pamphlet prepared by Dr. Lamar in 1881 gave the 
figure of thirty young blacks whom the College had already sent out as teachers 
and preachers, "scattered over eight states working for the good of their race." 
W. H. Franklin, in addition to founding the Swift Memorial Institute for Negroes, 
promoted blacks on juries and integration in public education until near the end 
of the century, when he became involved with the attempt to unite the 
Presbyterian Church U.S.A. with the Cumberland Presbyterian Church. The 
insistence of the Cumberland Church on segregation caused Franklin to throw 
his influence toward segregated black institutions. He remained active in the 
Maryville College Alumni Association and served on the Board of Directors 
from 1893 to 1901. At the last commencement prior to the activation of the 
Murphy Law, the College awarded him an honorary degree. 

Job C. Lawrence, a contemporary of Franklin who graduated from the 
English Department, was born to a slave mother. His father was a farmer 
named Wallace who, burdened with gambling debts, sold the mother and son 
when Job was seven. Job eventually became a houseboy for a Maryville 
merchant named Lawrence, whose name he took. Job Lawrence entered 
Maryville in 1 872 and remained until 1 877. From Maryville he went to Howard 
University, where he earned a divinity degree in 1879. He held pastorates at 
Shiloh Presbyterian Church in Knoxville and several other churches in East 
Tennessee. He was appointed to the Knoxville School Board, from which he 
resigned when public reaction set in against blacks; and he was one of the 
members of the College Board of Directors who resigned in 1891 to heal the 
schism of the Board." 

The College has records of other black graduates: William Henry 
Hannum, who went on for graduate work at Columbia; Frank Marion Kennedy, 


who became a Chattanooga teacher; Paris Arthur Wallace, who became a bishop 
in the A.M.E. Church in Washington, D. C; and Thomas Bartholomew Lillard, 
whom local historian Edwin Best, Sn, believed to be the first Maiyville College 
student to study abroad. After graduating from Maiyville, Lillaid went abroad 
for graduate work. The Maiyville Record, 31 May 1905, described him as "a 
brilliant scholar and doing well at a German university when he became ill." 
He died in Germany in 1905.''** Charles P. Whitlock, described as a brilliant 
Maiyville College student, was one of Maiyville 's first black lawyers. Another 
Maiyville black graduate, unnamed, continued with graduate study at the 
University of North Carolina. Of the sixty known to have enrolled, at least 
eighteen became teachers and fourteen became ministers. Two went as 
missionaiies to Africa in 1881. 

During more than thirty yeais of controversy following the Civil Wai", 
the Maiyville College faculty must often have had second thoughts about the 
integration of the sexes and races. How much simpler it would have been to 
conform to the accepted practices of the times. Their courage in keeping the 
faith set a high standard for their successors. 

The Curse of the Grog Shops 

In the second half of the nineteenth century students and faculty formed 
a solid tiont on one issue. The first Board of Directors petitioned the Tennessee 
Legislature to prohibit the sale of liquor within two miles of Maryville. The 
Legislature responded with its own modification forbidding the sale "within 
four miles of an incorporated school except in an unincorporated town." 
Maiyville had been incoiporated since 1837. The only recourse left the College 
community was to agitate for repeal of incoiporation. 

The issue came to a head early in 1879. Five hundred and fifteen 
citizens signed a petition to abolish incorporafion and "push the Whisky business 
out." The petition bore fmit. The city was unincoiporated 24 March 1879. 
One unexpected result was that the open range law, permitting animals to roam 
at will, ruled in unincorporated areas. Now pigs, instead of drunks, fouled the 
streets, and pigs and cows became campus nuisances. 

Liquor advocates increased their efforts to return incoiporation. 
Editorials and letters to the editor filled the newspapers. The majority came 
from the College, with the combative president leading the resistance. He 
raised the ire and remonstrance of Squire C. W. Henry by his statement that 
"Chiist made and drank wine." Baillett's aigument was for temperance, not 


prohibition. In a column the editor entitled "Sophistries of Prohibition," Bartlett 
debated at length with Squire Henry, who, he said, "never heard until my article 
appeared that our Savior was a brewer." Explaining at length the difference 
between brewing and wine-making, he pointed out that a recent Supreme Court 
decision did not call cider- and wine-making a nuisance to be abolished as it 
did other brewed beverages. "Sensible men," he said, "can discriminate between 
proper and improper uses of liquors as they do with regard to opium, quinine, 
or arsenic." 

Bartlett 's position, in short, was for legalization on the basis that brewing 
liquor was not a sin in itself, hs indiscriminate sale was. He would shut all 
saloons "and keep them shut through everlasting ages." He offered to defend 
by the Bible "the right to make and sell what the world wants and needs" but 
emphasized that "the Bible condemns all forms of intemperance." Enamored 
of his own syllogisms and logic in refuting Squire Henry, he filled six columns 
of newsprint. The editor granted him the space but added a note: "We will be 
obliged to compel correspondents hereafter to confine remarks to one column." 

When the threat of a saloon arose again in 1884, students and faculty 
drew up a resolution against "the curse of a grog shop and rum-hole." The 
saloon, despite these protests, opened on Christmas Eve. Fesfivities that night 
left one man near death. Yet, as the Adelphic Mirror reported, "The hell-nurtured 
truck [went] on." A month later, in the same publication, there appeared the 
affirmation that "in no institution of learning is there more unanimity among 
the students in opposition to the worship of Bacchus than in Maryville College." 

The controversy over reincorporafion peaked in 1 889. Maryville College 
Treasurer Will McTeer took up the fight. In a letter to the Maryville Times, he 
recalled that under town incorporation 

there was five times more crime and rowdyism than at present. . . Nights 
were made hideous by bands of lewd women and sensual men, all in- 
flamed with liquor, parading the streets. ... On public days, ladies 
could not walk the principal streets without hearing blasphemous and 
rude language. 

In the same edition his wife, Mary Wilson McTeer, secretary pro tern of the W. 
C. T. U., communicated resolutions passed by her organization protesting 
incorporation, which "brings disaster and ruin into the homes. . .and compels 
us on public days to remain in our homes, else hear vile and profane language 
and witness affrays and public anests." 

On the Hill most of the students competing for the Demarist Medal for 


oratory were choosing prohibition as the topic for their orations. The Times 
reported that between speeches the choir provided excellent temperance music. 
Women's temperance groups became active on campus. In March 1890 Samuel 
Wilson recorded in his diary: "Opposed incorporating the town because of liquor 
—won the day." 

Prohibition and repeal on the national level were still ahead. As late as 
World War II the student body, in a vote of 429 to 129, petitioned the Secretary 
of War to prohibit the sale of liquor in Army and Navy camps. The intervening 
years have brought more divergent views. Other issues blaze up, are 
extinguished, and forgotten. The alcohol issue may lie smoldering for a time, 
but the potential for live sparks is constant. 


Chapter VI— Toward Financial Security and Expansion 

In 1 875, less than ten years after the re-opening of the College, Professor 
Lamar's report to the Board contained the usual dismal statistics. The only 
way to balance the budget was to postpone payments to the faculty. On paper 
the report showed a balance: $3,388.60 in income and $3,388.60 in expenditures. 
It was the explanation that was unsettling: 

This account leaves a deficit on salaries for the last year of $1566.48 
and, in addition to this, there is due the President and one Professor in 
back salaries an aggregate of about $3000. This leaves a debt due teach- 
ers in all about $4566.48. This is the total debt of the institution. 

The debt had already exceeded current income, which was primarily 
from endowment ($798) and tuition, room rent, etc. ($959.80). This having 
been the year of the 1 873 financial panic, income from other sources had totaled 
only $630.60. Benefactors Thaw and Dodge had been contributing a total of 
around $3,000 annually for current expenses, but the panic had temporarily cut 
off that source. Clearly the College was facing another crisis. It was equally 
clear that the solution lay in increasing the endowment since raising tuition 
would close opportunity to those who most needed it. In fact, it was an increase 
in enrollment that had brought on the crisis. Students were increasing at the 
rate of twenty-five to thirty percent a year. The more students, the greater the 
need for increasing faculty and facilities, which the $20 to $25 annual tuition 
could not support. 

Up to this time the drives for endowment had focused on faculty chairs. 
Only the year before, the Reverend J. W. Healy had been appointed as agent to 
secure an endowment for the Professorship of English Literature and Pastoral 
and Evangelical Theology, with the promise that he would "enter upon the 
practical duties of the position when he shall have secured an endowment of at 
least $20,000." Even with this incentive, he had made little progress. 

Professor Lamar would have been all too conscious of his own failure 
in fund raising in the North in 1 866. Since that time four more agents had been 
sent into the field with a little better result, but still discouraging. Lamar would 
have realized also the handicap of attempting another fund drive while the time 
and energy of the faculty were being absorbed by suits over ownership and 
control-to say nothing of the wariness of contributors who were being fed the 
propaganda of the opponents. It was not until the end of the decade that an all- 


out campaign was launched. 

The endowment at the beginning of the campaign in 1880 was $13,300. 
The goal was set at $100,000, the limit established by the original Charter. At 
six percent interest an annual income of $6,000 would be assured. (The first 
suggestion of amending the chailer to raise the limit met with raucous laughter, 
though by 1891, in anticipation of the Fayerweather bequest, the Charter was 
amended to empower the Board to hold property in the amount of a million 

Responsibility for the campaign fell again to Professor Lamar, the one 
most reluctant to approach prospective donors; but the approach had to be made. 
In November 1 880 he left for New York. His task was made even more difficult 
when, within a month, he was called home by the death of two-year-old Ralph 
Max, his only child after the death of Katie at thirteen. 

In January he made a second start. Since his 1866 trip he and the 
College had acquired influential friends so that the first subscriptions came 
more easily. William E. Dodge pledged $25,000 and William Thaw and 
Preserved Smith, $20,000 each. For the remainder Lamar had to cultivate new 
sources. He found four more friends who made substantial pledges: Thomas S. 
Hastings, Henry Kendall, Edward D. Morris, and Hemy A. Nelson. Payment 
of the pledges was dependent upon Lamar's ability to raise the total $100,000 
in pledges by 31 December 1883. Under the pressure of securing sufficient 
pledges, he wrote to Gideon Crawford: "I feel like Jehoshaphat when his enemies 
came against him in such force that he had no power to meet them. 'Neither 
knew I what to do, but mine eyes are on the Lord.'" 

On December 3 1 Lamar was sitting in Dr. Kendall's office totaling the 
pledges. Mr. Smith, who had raised his pledge to $25,000, had died, but his 
family was committed to the full amount. Tennessee friends and alumni had 
pledged $5,000; and Dr. Sylvester Willaid, $5,000. Other smaller sums helped 
to raise the total to $90,000, but no other prospects were in view. As he grew 
more uneasy, two telegrams arrived. Dr Willard was doubling his pledge, and 
Mr. Thaw was adding another $5,000. The ordeal was over. He could go 

77?^ Changing of the Guard 

Professor Lamar's homecoming was saddened by the sudden death a 
month earlier of his faithful and esteemed colleague, Alexander Bartlett, at age 
fifty-seven. The two had formed a bond in the eaiiy years when they were the 


only faculty, and Professor Baillett had always carried a heavy load of teaching 
and preaching, making financial sacrifices even though he had a large family to 
support. The inscription on his monument in the College Cemetery is a fitting 
tribute: "Faithful unto death." It looked as if three of the first four postwar 
faculty had literally given their lives for the College. They all died within an 
eight-year period, from 1883 to 1891. As already seen, the fourth, President 
Bartlett, was in the same period forced from office. 

Thomas J. Lamai- died in 1887, four years after he had secured the 
endowment. Like Alexander Baitlett he too was cairying a superhuman load 
and was at the same time providing financial support. Realizing in 1885 that 
the College was in debt to him for $6,640 for salary in arrears plus his loans to 
the institution, he canceled $5,000 of the debt by setting up the College's first 
annuity. The gift was to be held by the College, which in turn would pay to 
him $300 a year during his lifetime and the same thereafter to Mrs. Lamar until 
her death. 

Dr. Lloyd was the first to tell the story of how Dr. Lamar had quietly 
signed a note in 1873 for the 187 acres that now comprise the College Woods. 
In 1 880 when the infamous lawsuit was won and College property was no longer 
in jeopaidy, he and his wife deeded the land to the Maiyville College Board for 
one dollar, "stating that the original purchase money had been paid by the 
Parties of the Second Part (the Directors of Maryville College)." Dr. Lloyd 
added: "Professor Lamar more than once during the preceding quailer of a 
century had assumed personal risk and expense for the College."^'' 

Lamar's personal finances remain a mystery. Some of his support came 
from the local churches he served, and his salaiy for the two years he was 
superintendent of public instruction in Blount County was laiger than his 
teaching salary. He had also mairied two women of substance, whose estates 
doubtless contributed to his income. Whatever the sources, he seemed to be 
free of the financial concerns that plagued his colleagues (though someone did 
make a note on the draft of a Lamar manuscript that he made his own quill 

Not unfit he was dying did he draw up a will. According to the Maiyville 
Times account of his death, upon being told on a Sunday morning that his time 
was growing short, he asked if he could live until Monday since he did not 
want to do anything "secular or unnecessary on the Sabbath." The reply being 
negative, he summoned Treasurer Will McTeer from church, dictated his will, 
and died soon afterwards. 

Dr. Lamar's death occuired at the height of the integration controversy 


and the determination of the faculty to remove President Bartlettfrom office. 
Torn between his long friendship with President Bartlett and his fear for the 
future of the College, he was trying to effect a compromise when his death 
came on 20 March. Letters exchanged the following summer between Gideon 
Crawford and Calvin Duncan show how complicated the issues were and how 
they temporarily divided even close friends.^° 

Gideon Crawford died in 189 1 at only forty-two, leaving a young family 
of six children. The College catalog that year included an "In Memoriam" 
page that spoke of the "manifest ability" that "led others to entrust him with 
many cares and responsibilities." In addition to his "faithlul and efficient service" 
as professor of mathematics, the memorial pointed out, he served as registrar, 
assistant treasurer and recorder of the Board, and stated clerk of the Synod of 
Tennessee. He carried a heavy committee load, filled the pulpit in some area 
church all the years of his connection with the College, and served one year as 
state superintendent of education. 

Four strong men for more than a quarter of a century had guided the 
College through its rebirth, the establishment of a new campus, financial 
exigency, lawsuits, and finally the dawn of financial stability. Death had removed 
three of them, and bitter controversy, the fourth. The future of the College was 
in the hands of a new team. 

The Fourth President 

The President's office remained vacant for 
two years. Before accepting the call to the 
presidency. Dr. Boardman visited the College and 
participated in the February Meetings that year. His 
foiTnal inauguration the following September was 
the first to include the pledge created as a result of 
three decades of conu-oversy, by which the president 
promised to work for the peace and prosperity of 
Maryville College under the agreements and 
contracts made with the donors by the Board of 
Directors. Later a similar pledge was exacted from 
all Board members, in which they promised to honor the policies established 
by past history and the agreements "now existing between the College and 
those who have contributed funds." 

Samuel W. Boaidman brought impressive credentials to the office. Bom 


in Vermont in 1830, he spent his boyhood and youth there. After receiving a 
B.A. degree from Middlebury College and a B.D. from Andover Theological 
Seminary, he earned Master's degrees from both Middlebury and Dartmouth. 
Middlebury elected him as an alumnus to Phi Beta Kappa. He held an honorary 
D.D. from Hamilton College (1870) and an honorary L.L.D. from Middlebury 
(1890). After teaching rhetoric, English literature, and intellectual philosophy 
for several years at Middlebury, he filled pastorates in Vermont, New York, 
Illinois, and New Jersey. 

Dr. Boardman was mairied twice. His first wife, Jane Haskell, and the 
son born to that mairiage both died. A second maiiiage, to Saiah Elizabeth 
Greene, daughter of the ^Secretary of the American Board of Commissioners 
for Foreign Missions, produced four sons and five daughters. In his letter 
accepting the presidency of the College, Dr. Boardman said that God had taken 
from him "five beloved children in the bloom of childhood whom we had 
consecrated, if God should spare them, to the upbringing of Chiist's kingdom 
on earth." Aiding in the spiritual growth of students, he added, would help to 
substitute for the lost children. He was to take his in loco parentis role seriously. 

Two of the Boardman sons graduated from Maiyville: Samuel Waid 
Boardman, Jr., who became a successful lawyer, and Roger Sherman Boardman 
(Mrs. Boardman was the great granddaughter of Roger Sherman, a signer of 
the Declaration of Independence), who earned a graduate degree from Harvard 
and had a distinguished career as an editor with Charles Scribner & Sons 
Publishers. Their younger sister, Martha, was a sophomore at the time of her 
father's retirement and presumably moved back north with her patents to 
complete her education. 

Administrative Reorganization 

By the time of President Boardman's arrival in 1889 the enrollment 
was approaching three hundred. The faculty had grown to six professors, 
including the president, and ten instructors, four of whom in 1890-91 were 
women. (The designation "instmctor" had replaced "assistant teacher" in the 
1890-91 catalog.) The College was fast approaching the stage at which it could 
no longer function with the loose, informal organization that had sufficed in the 
past. Boaidman's presidency saw the genesis of professional administrators as 
distinct from faculty and an increased emphasis upon faculty quality. In 1 890 
the president ceased to be chairman of the Board, and a professional recorder 
was retained to keep the minutes and record documents. In 1895 for the first 


time, the College reimbursed Board members for their travel expenses. 

Most important to the new president was shedding some of his teaching 
duties. He was not only president but also Professor of Mental and Moral 
Science and of Didactic Theology. Complaining that the president should not 
be teaching sixteen weekly recitations in ten subjects, he asked for a new teacher 
for such courses as International Law and Civil Government. Even with some 
relief he still carried a teaching load that ranged from psychology to Bible to 
social and moral sciences. In addition he was expected to be dean, fund raiser, 
plant manager, and disciplinarian. 

The delegation of responsibilities to other faculty began. Professor 
Wilson, already designated as librarian and registrar, became the first dean of 
the College Department in 1 89 1 . The next year Professor Jasper Barnes became 
the first principal of the Preparatory Department, a step toward a more distinct 
separation from the College Department. 

Shifting responsibility from the president to faculty members relieved 
the president but did little to free the faculty for their primary duties, which 
were heavy. Each teacher taught five courses in one-hour classes, five days a 
week. Many taught Sunday school or preached on Sunday, and all were required 
to attend chapel, Sunday school, and church services. If for some reason 
vacancies occurred in the classroom, other teachers filled in. Many classes 
were large: sixty-three in beginning algebra, seventy-two in physical geography, 
and forty-five in Dr. Wilson's history class. 

Regular faculty meetings for the small group ranked as professors were 
held once a week to keep the organizational machinery running smoothly. A 
list of assignments growing out of one of those meetings in the 1890s gives 
insight into some of the faculty's extracurricular activities: 

Professors Goff. Wilson and Newman appointed to see about changing 
sliding doors in the Chapel. 

Professor Waller appointed as a committee on opening the window in 
Baldwin Hall. 

Professor Wilson appointed to have the mistake of the company sending 
desks rectified. 

Professors Sherrill and Fisher appointed as a committee to provide room 
in Anderson Hall for a telephone. [The first telephone connection be- 
tween Maryville and Knoxville came in April 1883.] 

Mr. Warfel appointed to care for the telephone at a salary of $10 a term. 
The telephone is to be used only by the Faculty and by students whose 
messages are to be sent through by Prof Warfel. 


Professor Waller appointed to prepare rules and regulations for bath- 

In addition to these necessary but somewhat trivial pursuits, the faculty was 
busy with curriculum revision. 

Changes in Curriculum 

Significant curriculum changes began in the mid-eighties with the 
establishment of separate academic departments as they are understood today. 
In 1 884 when Samuel Wilson returned to his alma mater to teach, the Adelphic 
Mirror announced that he would occupy the newly established Chair of English 
Language and Literature. The aim of the new department, the announcement 
said, was to teach the English language as other departments taught Latin and 
Greek. The students would study the English classics, the Anglo-Saxon 
language, and the rhetorical laws of English. Professor Wilson, the article 
continued, had just returned "from an extended tour among Northern Colleges, 
where he has posted himself in the different methods of instruction in his 
department. . . ." One of the ideas he brought back was the plan for a required 
course in rhetoric, outlining, and systematic discourse, thus laying the foundation 
for the superior performances in speaking, writing, and debating that came to 
be the hallmark of the Maryville College graduate. 

Changes had also been occurring in the teaching of science. The 
enlarged endowment made possible the establishment of the Chair of Natural 
Sciences in 1887 (divided in 1899 into two chairs, chemistry and biology). 
The credentials of the faculty in the later nineteenth century suggest that the 
College was placing emphasis on the natural sciences. Until 1900 only three 
faculty members had Ph.D.s (with no evidence as to whether they were earned 
or honorary). All three were on the faculty between 1887 and 1900, and all 
three were in sciences. 

By 1 890 the catalog could announce that the student, wherever possible, 
was to have a hands-on experience: 

Nature herself is interrogated no less than are textbooks. From the be- 
ginning of the course, the student investigates nature and its forces. 
Thereby, he acquires better knowledge and experiences a more pleasant 
life by his acquaintance with nature, by his forays into the fields and 
woods in search of specimens. 


Modem students would recoil from the methods employed to collect specimens. 
The 24 November 1890 Maryville Times carried a notice that the Science 
Department would pay ten cents apiece "for live grown cats delivered to the 
laboratory." When the local supply fell short of demand, sharks were shipped 
in from South Carolina. 

Speaking in 1 895 of the impact of the Fayerweather grant on the science 
program, Professor Newman declared: "Maryville College in endowment and 
equipment stands third from the top of the list of schools in the Southland." 
Maiyville science graduates had already begun bringing honor to their alma 
mater through their achievements in graduate and medical schools. Mention 
has been made of the number of doctors the College produced, including women 
doctors, and of the national reputation achieved by John C. Branner. In addition, 
Maryville graduates were winning high honors in state medical schools. W. E. 
McCampbell, Class of 1 876, took all the medals offered in a class of two hundred 
in his first yeai" at the University of Tennessee Medical School. After graduating 
with the two highest honors, he went on to occupy the chairs of anatomy and 
chemistry in the University of Tennessee Nashville Medical School. When W. 
A. Morton, after three years at Maiyville, graduated from the U. T Medical 
School in 1892 with first honors in a class of 125, the Maryville Times reported 
that for the last seventeen yeais, Maryville graduates had canied off the first 
honors there. 

Other departments were also making strides. Usually in church related 
colleges the stronger the religious emphasis, the stronger the programs in the 
fine arts, especially speech and music, so essential to those entering church 
vocations. Through the seventies and eighties Mrs. Bartlett helped give music 
a recognized place in the curriculum. In 1888 the College experimented with 
teaching all students, without additional fees, to sing. The experiment worked 
so well that the College began paying for voice instmctors instead of leaving 
them to depend on fees for private lessons. The Maryville Times observed in 
1 892 that "in Maryville College everyone is taught to sing as a matter of course 
as they aie taught to cipher." 

President Boaidman was especially enthusiastic about the arts. He 
engaged Agnes demons, a Maryville graduate, to head the music program. 
Students had at their disposal four College-owned first class pianos and an 
organ. In 1897 Leila Perine, a music graduate of Syracuse University, up- 
graded the Music Department by introducing the study of music theory. 

Musical groups began to spring up. Charles Alexander organized the 
Alexander Brass Band; and after studying at the Moody Bible Institute he 


returned to create the McTeer Peerless Band, which, judging from the pubhcity 
it received, was a popular performing group. In 1898 Latin Professor John 
Newman organized a men's glee club whose twenty members practiced four 
times a week. Boaiding the "Cannon Ball" in Maryville, the club made the 
circuit of Jonesboro, Morristown, Greeneville, New Market, and Knoxville. 
They billed their star performer, George Dilopoulo, from Athens, Greece, as 
one who "sang in six foreign languages and barbaric tongues." They were 
effective as good-will ambassadors and fund raisers. A traveling quartet served 
the same purpose. 

Dr. Boardman added elocution to the curriculum by bringing Byron W. 
King to the campus in 1894. From a base in Pittsburgh, Dr. King conducted 
the well-known "King School of Oratory and Elocution." He and his wife 
introduced the Delsarte method. Periodically they would spend a week or two 
at the College giving two elocution lessons daily to a class of seventy-five or 
more who paid tuition for the service. The Expression Department was 
established in 1 899 with the arrival of Nita Eckles West, whose long career 
extended to 1947. The name of the discipline changed with the time: from 
elocution to expression to speech and drama. 

Maryville's first art instructor was John Collins, a Quaker who held 
classes in the mid-seventies and left behind a priceless heritage of over 100 
canvases depicting nineteenth-century Maryville. Ten years later Miss Belle 
Smith, an artist of considerable talent who later studied in Italy, came from 
Williamstown, Massachusetts, to Maryville, where her sister Jennie had been 
teaching languages since 1 880. (They would be joined by a third sister, Jane,who 


became the wife of John M. Alexander and a much revered teacher of Enghsh 
and history.) Miss Belle's classes were enthusiastic as they drew their old 
oaken buckets from a "live" model. In 1891 Grace M. Sawyer taught drawing 
and painting. Also in the early nineties the Reverend Thomas Campbell, who 
had studied art in England and France--and in Italy under a noted teacher, 
Mariotti--was appointed to teach art. He taught for twenty-five years, combining 
teaching with his ministry in Knoxville. He became the first Art Department 
head paid by the College rather than through extra student fees assessed for 
private lessons. 

An 1897 curriculum revision introduced a five-year teacher education 
program: three years in the Prepaiatory Department and two years in the College 
Department. Added to the regular cuiTiculum were courses in theory and practice 
of pedagogy, psychology, civics, and methods of teaching. Students who wanted 
a B.A. degree added two additional years. The catalog heralded this as "the 
most thorough [program] offered in our state," and the Maryville Times was 
soon reporting: "The coips of teachers in Maryville public schools are all former 
Maryville College students." 

In the late nineteenth century the Preparatory Department offered 
vocational courses such as bookkeeping, commercial law, typing, shorthand, 
and accounting. In 1897 a Business Department was established. Before 
complefing their work, students had to serve internships, first in College offices 
and later in a bank, where they received practical experience in officeand banking 
procedures. In 1900 the faculty recommended to the Boaid that the Business 
Department be authorized to give diplomas similar to those conferred by business 
colleges. This department was short-lived, but bookkeeping continued to be 
offered as an elective. 

All of these innovations were obviously an attempt to meet the needs 
of the times and to stay competitive with other colleges that were offering 
similar programs. In the interest of flexibility, course work in 1887-88 began 
to be measured in hours rather than courses. A few electives, such as Hebrew, 
were offered in place of classical languages, and Spanish instead of French or 
German. Faculty meeting minutes for 27 August 1 89 1 show that Kin Takahashi 
received permission to substitute "English grammar and other academical studies 
for one year of his Latin and Greek." 

Students also had flexibility in entry and exit into college. To earn 
expenses many inteniipted their studies to teach in subscription schools in the 
aiea. In the early ninefies young Charles Marston taught in several rural schools. 
His salary of $35 a month paid for his room, board, and laundry (a total of $8 


a month), leaving him with a surplus for college expenses. To accommodate 
him and those in similar situations, the catalog announced a provision for testing 
into classes in progress, or credit by examination, a practice discontinued in 
1913 and reinstituted in the 1970s. 

A more unusual situation was that of Moses H. Gamble, Sr. Having 
entered the Preparatory Department in 1891, he dropped out as a junior in the 
spring of 1 896 to become the principal of Porter Academy. The following year 
he became county superintendent of schools. He was back in college in the fall 
of 1 897, but withdrew early in 1 898, lacking only four months until graduation, 
so that he could enter the race for representative to the Tennessee Legislature. 
After serving two years as representative he was elected a state senator in 1900. 
On completing this term he returned to college, earned his A.B. and taught 
several years in the Preparatory Department. Although it was unusual for an 
undergraduate to go to the Legislature, he was not the only Maryville College 
representative to serve there. In three successive terms in the 1880s Maryville 
graduates were elected as representatives. 

So much flexibility led inevitably to administrative headaches, and in 
the early years of the twentieth century the reins had to be tightened. Even by 
1900 a halt had been called to the multiplication of degrees with the Board's 
decision to offer only the B.A.. At the same time steps were taken to control 
the granting of honorary degrees. Maryville, like most colleges of that time, 
had been granting honorary Ph.D.s and A.M.s. In 1897 the Board Committee 
on Degrees recommended 

1 . That in view of requests of leading colleges we hereafter do not grant 
the Ph.D. as an honorary degree—and that until we are better prepared to 
give university work leading up to the degree, we do not confer the de- 
gree at all. 

2. That the degree of A.M. in course be hereafter conferred after three 
years of academic, collegiate. Theological Seminary or university 
work[and] the presentation of a thesis upon a topic assigned by the Fac- 
ulty—the thesis to be approved by the Faculty and finally upon the pay- 
ment of $5 for the diploma. 

Benefactors and Buildings 

The three campus buildings that had seemed so spacious in 1870 began 
to be crowded as new programs attracted new students. When the question 
arose from Professor Lamar's friends in the North as to a fitting memorial to 


him, his colleagues suggested a library, knowing that one of his last plans was 
to provide adequately for the growing book collection. Dr. Lamar's death was 
already stimulating an influx of gift books that would double the holdings. Not 
only was the collection outgrowing the small room in Anderson Hall, it was 
outgrowing the capabilities of a part-time libraiian~even one as conscientious 
as Samuel Wilson. 

Professor Crawford wrote to William Thaw, suggesting that the 
memorial library could be built for $5,000, or, better, $5,000 for the building 
and $5,000 for books. Pledges for the building were immediately forthcoming. 
Mr. Thaw led with $3,000. Mrs. Dodge and Mrs. Willard, now widows, pledged 
$1,000 each. The building was ready for occupancy within a year after Dr. 
Lamai's death. 

OlScially named the Lamar Memorial Library, it was modeled after 
the library of Lane Seminary. The plan provided for an expansion, when need 
arose, by the addition of 
wings on either side. 
Henry Kendall, of the 
national Presbyterian 
Church organization, said: 
"Let it never become 
necessary to abandon or 
take down the original 
Lamar Library." 

Dr. Lamar's 
brothers and sisters (he 
was one of fifteen 
children) rejected the 
proposal that their contribution be books. Instead they chose to contribute the 
stained glass window, "a thing of beauty and," its admirers hope, "a joy forever." 
Twelve by six feet, it was created by Wells Glass Company of Chicago and had 
drawn the admiration of thousands when it was on exhibition during the National 
Republican Convention in 1 884. It depicts the resurrection scene from Durer's 
wood engraving series, "The Great Passion." The original price was $500. (In 
1982 as the building was being prepared to become the Center for Campus 
Ministry, the window was sent to Mount Vernon, New York, for cleaning and 
re-leading at a cost of $14,500.) 

When the library moved to Thaw Hall in 1925 the Lamar Memorial 
building was used first to house the Preparatory Department and then the post 


office, the print shop, and the bookstore. In the late 1960s campus planning 
consultants, somewhat insensitive to art, architecture, and Maryville College 
history, recommended razing the building. Fortunately, few took them seriously. 
Today the window, the handsome oak woodwork, and the letters under the 
galleries reminding one of the classification system used in the original library 
all combine to give the building special charm and historical significance. Its 
use as the Center for Campus Ministry enhances its function as a symbol of the 
faith and unselfish service that are the heart of the College. 

By 1900 the library catalog listed 12,000 volumes, though student critics 
of the holdings were quick to point out the predominance of theological works 
and the lack of reference books. A major handicap for the reconstituted library 
after the Civil War was a lack of housing and equipment. Although a librarian 
had been appointed in 1875 to classify some 1,500 books, they soon fell into 
disanay. Both Gideon Crawford and Samuel Wilson had taken on responsibility 
as librarians. In 1880 Crawford sent out an SOS to the alumni describing the 
deplorable conditions: "The janitor has been occupying the Library Hall for 
years, and during all these years it has been, more or less, a place of resort for 
wandering students, so that it has been impossible for the Librarian to keep 
track of the books."^' All he was asking was for twenty-five dollars to fit up a 
room where the books could be catalogued and kept under lock and key. Two 
years later he gave up. Wilson was more successful in creating some semblance 
of order, but conditions remained less than satisfactory until the new library 
was completed. 

With the new building the librarian's job was much easier. Keeping it 
open six hours a day encouraged student use. By the time Dr Boardman arrived 
as president, however, the building was already crowded. He called for an 
enlargement, pointing out that initial plans had provided for expansion when 
needed. Perhaps because so many other building projects were in the planning 
stage, no action was taken on the expansion proposal. 

On Dr. Boardman 's initial visit to Maryville he began plans for a suitable 
residence for the president. Having selected a site on a rise that would provide 
a view of both the Cumberlands and the Smokies, he made Professor Crawford 
chairman of the building committee. On his return to New York he wrote that 
he would like the building begun at once, though admitting that he did not yet 
know where the first dollar was coming from. 

He probably already had a good idea, knowing of the generosity of his 
neighbors, the Willards, and of their previous support of Maryville College. 
Dr. Willard, a physician who had made a fortune in buttons, had recently died. 


When approached about 

financing a president's 

home, Mrs. Willard saw it 

as a fitting memorial for 

her husband. With 

$11,000 in hand, Dr. 

Boardman instructed 

Professor Crawford to go 

ahead with negotiations 

with the architects, Beaver 

and Hoffmeister, and the 

builders, Stephenson and 

Getez. The Boardmans 

arrived in the fall of 1 889 and lived in the Alexander Bartlett house until Willard 

House, or the "Presidential Mansion," as it came to be known, was ready. Not 

until December of the following year were they able to move into the imposing 

brick home with its turrets and windows looking out on the mountains, and not 

until March 1891 was the house ready for the memorial plaque to be put in 

place. As Gideon Crawford's last official act before his death, he placed behind 

the plaque a college catalog, letters from the Willards, and a number of college 


The financial windfall of the century came in the 1890s from the estate 
of Daniel B. Fayerweather. As a poor boy in New York City, unable to afford 
an education, he began working his way up from shoemaker to tanner until he 
eventually became a wealthy leather merchant. Remembering his own thwarted 
ambition, he asked Dr. Hitchcock of Union Seminary to name schools worthy 
of his support. On the strength of his knowledge of Dr. Lamar and Maryville 
College students. Dr. Hitchcock recommended Maryville. 

In 1 884 a letter came addressed to "The President of Maryville College" 
from a lawyer requesting the correct corporate name of the school on behalf of 
a client who was considering bequests to a number of "literary institutions." 
Two months later the client was identified as Mr. Fayerweather, who included 
Maryville among the twenty colleges chosen as his beneficiaries. Maryville's 
share was to be $100,000. The legal contest, mentioned earlier, involved not 
only a question as to the legality of Maryville's accepting a bequest beyond the 
limit established by the Charter but the contesting of the will by the Fayerweather 
family and the executors. 

The litigation continued for fourteen years, during which the estate 


grew from six to eleven million dollars. Finally the Supreme Court upheld the 
will as written, denying the claims of the contestants. Maryville's total eventually 
came to almost $217,000. In addition to an appropriation for permanent 
endowment, the bequest made possible the Fayerweather Annex to Anderson 
Hall and the Fayerweather Science Hall. 

The Anderson Annex, completed in 1892 at a cost of $12,000, doubled 
the facilities. It provided the space used today for the business offices on first 

floor and the classrooms 
and offices for the 
Language and Literature 
Department on the second 
and third floors. The 
addition almost doubled 
the size of the chapel, then 
on the second floor of 
Anderson, providing much 
needed space for the 
increasing number of 
students. Fayerweather 
Science Hall, also built at 
a cost of $12,000, with 
about $10,000 for 
laboratory equipment, was 
completed in 1898, giving a boost to the already outstanding science program 
and clearing classrooms in Anderson Hall for other disciplines. 

The 1893-94 catalog carried the announcement that during the past 
year the College had installed a heating and ventilating system at a cost of 
$10,000. A boiler house (later called the steam plant) between Anderson and 
Memorial contained two sixty-horse- 
power boilers from which underground 
pipes carried steam to all campus 
buildings. "Sufficient heated air," the 
announcement said, "is forced into 
every room to change the air in the 
room four times an hour, and 
ventilating ducts allow the vitiated air 
to escape." 

Another project in the 1890s 


was Dr. Boardman's campaign for funds to build an annex to Baldwin Hall to 
add dormitory space for women and dining facilities for the 160 students who 
in 1892 had organized the Cooperative Boarding Club. An idea conceived by 
Professor Elmer B. Waller, the Club enabled students to reduce boarding costs 
by helping with meal prepaiation and service and providing food which they 
either raised or brought from home. The advantage over the old system of 
students doing their own cooking was the supervision and control that guaranteed 
more balanced meals. From members of New Providence Church Dr. Boaidman 
received $1 ,300, which he supplemented with other gifts and his own personal 
donation for the tin roof, to make up the total $2,000 needed for the annex. 

The final building of the nineteenth century was Bartlett Hall, the story 
of which has already been told. There still remained much to be done to improve 
the campus grounds. A perennial problem for the faculty and students was the 
lack of a good walkway to town and church. President Bartlett had eailier 
gathered students who shouldered axes and, as reported in the Maryville Student, 
"marched into the woods, cut down and hewed off some trees wherewith to 
make walks on which the ladies, and they too [might] perambulate to town and 
church during the rainy season." This was perhaps on the site of the future 
corduroy (now the site of a concrete oveipass on the Lamai- Alexander Parkway). 
Ten years later complaints persisted that if two people met on the corduroy, 
"one must balance himself like a professional athlete else he will fall into the 
mud." The call was for a suspension bridge. 

In 1895 President Boaidman took the request to the Board. Although 
no bridge was built, a narrow landfill raised the corduroy to a level more 
accessible to neighboring hills. In the 1930s Mrs. John Walker, in her ambitious 
program of campus beaufification, saw through to completion the widening 
and conversion of the corduroy into a roadway. Another of Dr. Boardman's 
interests was securing a landscape gaidener. Money from the Fayerweather 
grant and a donation from Mrs. Thaw financed the surveying and mapping of 
the campus. In 1898 the Board appropriated $500 for a landscape gardener, a 
Mr Adams who for five years helped to effect some much needed improvements. 
He constructed a bicycle path, planted flowerbeds and shrubbeiy, and encouraged 
students to plant trees. As early as 1 885 seniors had planted a class fiee, an elm 
between Anderson and Baldwin. Beginning in 1889 it became the custom for 
each graduafing class to plant a tree. The Class of 1895 set a record for the 
most elaborate planting--a white pine surrounded by pansies, violets, and 

Concerned about the animals that plagued the campus (and his own 


yard), President Boardman arranged in 1891 for a fence to be erected. The 
fence would have helped had students learned to close the gates, but the problems 
persisted. The Board, noting in the May 1 896 meeting that the campus had no 
clearly delineated driveways, suggested laying out roads in an orderly fashion 
and confining "vehicles of every description" to those roads. The public, 
however, continued to drive horses and carriages where most convenient for 
them, causing ruts and hoof marks in soft ground. A Maryville Times article 
reported in 1896 that townspeople fed stock at noon on "the most prominent 
places" on the campus grounds-usually a grassy spotwhere they left rubbish to 
attract stray pigs. 

Each year in the nineties President Boardman's reports to the Board 
requested a janitor to get rid of the thousands of scraps of paper, or he asked for 
the planting of clover or bluegrass to replace the sedge. Occasionally a faculty 
member would mow the campus or the students would burn off the grass. Finally 
the president got action on at least one request. The new "Society for Self- 
Help" in 1897 hauled two hundred wagon loads of stone from ledges near the 
College spring. Student workers, according to an 1898 report to the Board, 
"gladly pounded the excellent limestone into foundations for elegant walks and 
macadamized drives." They paved ditches to prevent gullies after winter rains 
and built tennis courts. To the northeast of Baldwin they built an enclosed park 
for the women. 

All of this activity was indicative of the interest and high spirits of the 
students at the end of the century. A writer for the Orange and Garnet in the 
late nineties expressed the general mood: 

To the student who is undecided as to what college he shall attend we 
say. Why not try Maryville? Our endowment is large, only two colleges 
in the State having larger: our equipment is first class and we have a full 
corps of teachers, each a specialist in his department. Our musical de- 
partment ranks high, the influences both intellectual and moral are of 
the very best, and the expenses, we confidently say , are lower than in 
any other college in America having equal advantages. [Tuition was 
then $6 a term] 

The writer continued by calling attention to the achievement of Maryville's gradu- 
ates. It was a positive note on which to bring the nineteenth century to a close. 
Isaac Anderson would have been gratified. 


The Retirement of President Boardman 

In January 1901 President Boardman, now seventy, announced to the 
Board of Directors his plan to retire at the end of the academic year. He had 
planned, he said, to serve twelve years, a term that would be completed in May. 
Using the third person, he continued: 

And although he has scarcely lost a recitation in these twelve years and 
was never in better health than now, or did his work with more pleasure, 
hearing at the present time sixteen recitations a week, besides many 
other services; yet both inclination and judgment lead him, after forty- 
six years of continuous professional service, to seek release from so ex- 
acting duties. 

Other documents contain hints of some exertion of pressure for his 
retirement. The Board had set up a committee to establish an age limit for 
presidents and professors. The committee reported that "an unwritten law" 
that presidents retire after seventy should now be written and applied to professors 
as well. Inasmuch as no president had retired up to this time, the term "unwritten 
law" is curious. 

Although Dr. Boardman was scheduled to deliver the baccalaureate 
address in May of that year, he departed abruptly. His spring report to the 
Board came in the form of a letter from New York, dated 21 May 1901. He 
declared himself unable to provide details about the "general prosperity" of the 
past year: "The health of the President was quite broken down in February, and 
although he has heard the senior class till near the close of the term he has not 
been able to discharge his full duties." But he spoke of the good spirit of "the 
faculty and teachers" and a majority of the students and summarized as his 
accomplishments, in addition to material help through the Fayerweather legacy, 
"six new buildings, the heating apparatus, two provisions of water, the elaborate 
plotting of the grounds, later the great improvement of the campus, new teachers, 
enlarged and improved courses of studies, required and elective; students 
increased to an annual average of 400. . . ." 

The Maryville College Monthly at the same time quoted from his 
resignation letter: "It will hereafter be, so long as my life lasts, my deepest and 
earnest desire to promote so far as I am able the welfare of Maryville College; 
to secure an increase of its funds, its influence and its honor." The Board made 
him professor emeritus. He was to be paid $300 a year provided $5,000 be 
raised, the annual income from which would be used in the future to pay any 


emeritus professor elected by the Board. Predictably the directors then appointed 
Dr. Boardman as agent to raise the funds, with three percent of any excess 
above the $5,000 to go to him as added annuity. 

In light of what seemed to be an amicable retirement, Dr. Wilson was 
surprised to hear from Mrs. Thaw the following year that Dr. Boardman was 
undermining the College with donors in the North, especially Miss Willaid. A 
letter to Dr. Wilson from Professor Waller, who was in New York in the summer 
of 1902 attempting to mend fences, contained clues as to the source of the 
problem, which, not surprisingly, boiled down to finances. Miss Willard, Waller 
said, thought that Dr. Boardman has been "tapping" her too frequently. She 
had not known of the financial assistance he had received from other sources, 
including a house that his brother had bought for him. She and Mrs. Thaw both 
seemed satisfied with Professor Waller's explanations. That money was at the 
root of the matter was suggested by a 1915 letter from Elmore to Wilson, in 
which he commented: "I see that Dr. Boardman has sent another of his periodic 
appeals. I think the College paid him for all it got from him during his 

Along with these periodic appeals and registration of dissatisfaction 
with his treatment by the College, Dr. Boardman performed some helpful liaison 
work. In 1905, on behalf of the College, he headed a committee of three to 
seek appropriations from the Carnegie Fund for Retired Professors (admittedly 
not a disinterested gesture). In 1908 he gave a testimonial in favor of the 
College Forward Fund diive. In 1912, for the first dme since leaving, he returned 
to the College, where he stayed with the Wilsons, led chapel, and attended the 
Adelphic Union. 

Dr. Boardman apparently maintained cordial relationships with his 
colleagues. After his hasty departure in 1901 he wrote to the faculty from New 
York: "It was with deep regret that I was detained from your always genial, and 
often laborious, meetings for so long a fime." After expressing gratitude for the 
association he ended: "Allow me in conclusion to bid you all an affectionate 

The minutes of those "often laborious meetings" had for some weeks 
been prefaced with "Dr. Boardman absent," the last notation of his absence 
having been made on 28 May. On 31 May, with no explanation, "Professor" 
Wilson had become "President" Wilson. 


Chapter VH— The Dawn of a New Age 

Whatever the process through which the presidency was settled on 
Samuel lyndale Wilson, the choice could not have 
been better. Having once acknowledged that his 
poor health precluded service in the mission field, 
he returned to Maryville College and never looked 
back. His nephew, Wilson McTeer, wrote after his 
uncle's death that "always the College stood above 
his personal loyalties." Once it had been entrusted 
to his guardianship he accepted the trust as sacred. 
Soon after his inauguration the Board and faculty 
of Lane Seminary, also his alma mater and another 
to which he was emotionally attached, unanimously 
elected him president at twice his Maryville salary. 
After prayerful deliberation he graciously declined 
the offer, explaining to the president of Cincinnati 
University: "It is not that I love Lane less but Maryville more." 

Nor could national church offices attract him. In 1906 he was proposed 
for moderator of the Presbyterian Church USA as one most likely to promote 
union with the Cumberland Church. He declined both this nomination and a 
concerted effort in 1922 to nominate him again for moderator. When offered 
the secretaryship of the Presbyterian College Board of Education, a more 
lucrative and more prestigious position than the Maryville College presidency, 
he once more declined. 

The College also took precedence over family, a priority that Mrs. 

Wilson seemed to understand and accept. Mention was made earlier of their 

relationship while in college, when he enjoyed the society of many young ladies 

but always reserved evenings for chess or other pastimes with Hattie Silsby, his 

future wife. She was a long-time family friend and a sister of John Silsby, Sam 

Wilson's partner in the publication of The Maryville Student. It was nine years 

after Sam Wilson left college, however, that he was ready to take a bride. His 

diary for 8 June 1887 notes that a downpour dampened the newlyweds as they 

rode by wagon to the groom's home. On the honeymoon in North Carolina, if 

one can believe the diary entry, he read Faust. Theirs was to be a comfortable 

relationship based on love and shared values. 

Hattie Wilson had studied music at Oberlin and was interested in 


literature and the arts. As a faculty wife she became active in community 
affairs. In 1888 she was a founding member of the Tuesday Club, which became 
the most important music club in the area. After a trip to Chautauqua in 1891 
-where her husband distinguished himself by winning prizes in Anglo-Saxon 
History and American Government classes-Mrs. Wilson was inspired to found 
the Chilhowee Club for the enrichment of the education of Mary ville women. 
Intended at first for faculty women, it grew to be the most influential women's 
organization in Blount County. Its sponsorship of service projects, one of the 
earliest being a mountain school in Walker's Valley, and its continuing vitality 
after more than a century speak well for the need it filled. 

It was as mother and homemaker, however, that Mrs. Wilson made her 
most significant contribution. The Wilsons had two sons and four daughters, 
all of whom graduated from the College. While Dr. Wilson was away for long 
periods on fund-raising trips, his wife held the family together. Serious illnesses 
struck the children on occasion. When one of these threatened the life of the 
younger son, Mrs. Wilson, relieved only by faculty members for brief periods 
during the night, stoically kept watch. Against advice she refused to notify her 
husband lest he be distracted from his mission. She supervised the childlike 
letters the children penciled to their father while he was away, letters that the 
father carefully preserved in his files. 

Dr. Wilson's poor health always threatened to curtail his acfivities on 
behalf of the College. At the time he assumed the presidency, the Knoxville 
Journal announcement included a reference to his physical condition: "His 
body is frail and his health delicate, but he can and does do more mental work 
than can be endured by most people. He appears not to understand how to take 
a rest, but is constantly driving forward." Not only was he forced to leave his 
mission post in Mexico because of poor health, but in 1891 he had to take a 
year's leave from teaching; and again in 1896 when he went to the University 
of Chicago on a sabbatical, he fell ill and lost the major part of a year. In 1909, 
after the first major financial campaign of his presidency, the Board granted 
him a year's leave for recuperation. At retirement he took another such trip for 

Convinced of the curative powers of nature, he took extended trips 
with his son to the Northeast or the Southwest on his Excelsior motorcycle, 
keeping careful account of expenses. His diary records a 2'/2-month trip in the 
summer of 1920 that cost him $354.55, of which "Mrs. Thaw with her wonderful 
generosity gave me $275." Normally he spent his summers camping at Maple 
Springs on the Chilhowee Mountains, eleven miles from Maryville, commuting 


either on foot or riding his horse "Pieta" to attend to College business. 
Sometimes while engaged in fund raising he became ill. During an illness that 
lasted several months, Mrs. Thaw paid his expenses in the homeopathic hospital 
and moved him for recuperation to her home. 

These illnesses may be partially explained by his anxiety over College 
problems. On his first trip north he recorded in his diary: "Canvass all day and 
receive nothing. Some rebuffs. Hard and distastely [sic] work." But duty 
demanded that he persist. A diary entry in January 1921 reveals the heavy 
baggage of care he carried. The previous Thanksgiving a difficult discipline 
case involved the son of a family who had been strong supporters of the College. 
A fracas ended when the watchman in self-defense had to fire on the young 
man. Although evidence exonerated the watchman, the press dramatized the 
incident, viciously attacking the College. Dr. Wilson, now in New York, recorded 
in his diary: "The burdens of the College are almost unbearable. But silence. I 
do not often talk. Sleep is badly broken by anxieties." Several days later he 
was still disturbed: "Heavy burden of the Maryville shooting matter on my 
heart and nerves." His natural shyness and strict practice of keeping his own 
counsel militated against his peace of mind. From the 1880s on, his diary 
abounds with references to nervousness and recurring depression. 

Money was often a personal problem but never a personal goal for Dr. 
Wilson. No matter how tight his budget, the first obligation paid was his tithe. 
The diary at the time of his marriage contained the estimated value of the wedding 
gifts and a calculation of $12.55 as the tithe due. He frequentiy bore heavy 
debts, but he was never indebted for his tithe. 

Dr. Wilson was known to reach into his own pocket for expenses the 
College could not afford. In reply to Mrs. Thaw's inquiry as to whether he paid 
his own secretary, he replied: "I did until wiUiin a few months when I found it 
utterly impossible to do so in view of the fact that my salary was not paying the 
living expenses of my family. Since that time the College has assumed the 
payment of the secretary." A story that surfaced only much later through an 
older faculty member illustrates the financial sacrifice Dr. Wilson was willing 
to make for the welfare of the College. When a promising young teacher 
threatened to resign if he could not have a sizable raise, the president explained 
that the budget would not allow it. Then realizing that the younger man was 
prepared to carry out his threat, Dr. Wilson told him confidentially that he had 
found the money. What he did not say-and what the teacher probably never 
knew—was that it was coming from Dr. Wilson's own pocket. Numerous diary 


entries show that after paying visiting speakers out of College funds he would 
add from his own resources additional sums nearly equal to the honoraria. 

At the time of the inauguration the president's salary was $1500. He 
was willing to accept raises only if faculty salaries were being raised. He was 
the recipient, however, of some small and not-so-small personal gifts from 
women donors, the acceptance of which he never questioned. Until her death 
Mrs. Thaw continued to give him money to pay for such items as a new overcoat 
or a railroad ticket, and she saved him the cost of lodging by entertaining him 
in her home. In 1908 a Mrs. Corning sent him a personal gift of fifty dollars. 
Miss Cook, of Chicago, a generous benefactor of the College, paid his daughter's 
tuition to graduate school. She established the China Fund that for twenty 
years supported two Maryville College women, including Lois Wilson, in the 
mission field. Diary entries frequently recorded gifts from other women. 

When President Wilson died the Maryville Times tribute said in part: 
"Dr. Wilson was puritanical. Therein lay his greatness. His life was builded 
upon Christian principles, and he wanted to be a good trustee." Puritanism 
may or may not have been the source of his greatness, but no one could question 
its influence on his attitudes and lifestyle. His refusal to travel on Sunday was 
legendary. One Saturday while he was traveling to Morristown to deliver a 
commencement address the next day, his carriage broke down. Rather than 
violate the Sabbath, he mounted his valise on his head and walked the railroad 
tracks the seven remaining miles so that he would arrive by midnight. His 
administration saw not only the continuation of the rule prohibiting students to 
arrive on campus on Sundays, but a strengthening of the Sunday blue laws. 

Dr. Wilson's diary is filled with references to temperance: "Secretary 
Daniels put liquor out of the Navy" or "Peoria is a whiskey town"-a note made 
as his train passed through Peoria. He was outspoken about the violation of 
moral codes. He wrote to a housemother in Baldwin about her behavior: 

It is necessary to be very frank with you and I trust that you will pardon 
my seeming rudeness. Your amiability towards the young men, espe- 
cially toward Mr. Castile, has been such as to set all the tongues of gos- 
sip wagging. Wrongly or rightly the town people and students have 
insisted you enjoy the company of young men as much as do any of the 
girls under your care. . . . 

Let me ask you plainly two questions. Will you absolutely restrict your 
daughters to the severest interpretation of the rules of the Hall? and will 
you maintain such reserve in dealing with the young men of the College 
as will put an end to the gossip? 


The diary noted action against faculty who violated rules. A 9 December 
1912 entry read: "Sent our woman Phys. Ed. teacher away for violating our 
rules." The sternest and frankest letter surfacing in his papers was written to a 
Pennsylvania church about a former Maryville student, then a minister. He had 
violated the moral code by what Dr. Wilson called "impurity." The church 
officials, hoping to redeem the young minister, were considering continuing 
him on the staff. Dr Wilson used no euphemisms in advising against it. At the 
same time, if he believed in the potential of one who was temporarily off track, 
he was patient and helpful. 

Although he eventually achieved his goal of becoming a full-time 
administrator whose primary role was public relations and fund raising, he 
never abandoned his direct responsibility for students. Letters show that parents 
expected the president personally to look after health, grades, homesickness, 
and other crises. He served on request as personal banker, doling out small 
sums for clothing, board, and spending money. East Tennessee Attorney Ray 
Jenkins, who gained national recognition in the McCarthy hearings in 1954, 
recorded in his autobiography the story of his experience with President Wilson. 
Jenkin's father, having entered him in the Preparatory Department, said to the 
president as he left, "Take care of my boy," to which Dr. Wilson replied that he 
would. Jenkins affirmed that he did-by expelling him twice, once for riding a 
train on Sunday and again for becoming involved in a dormitory disturbance 
after curfew." 

Students were surprised not only that the president could call them by 
name, but that he knew much more about them than they believed possible. In 
response to an inquiry in 1903 about Maryville graduates, he wrote: "We have 
no general catalog of our graduates. I am personally acquainted with all, 
however, who have been here since the war. If your inquiry relates to any of 
them, write me and I shall take pleasure in answering." That same year he 
wrote another letter showing personal interest. Addressed to Fred Caldwell of 
New Market, who had dropped out of school, it was to the point: "My dear 
Fred: --Come back to college this year and graduate. You have long been an 
artful bachelor. Now become a Bachelor of Arts before you marry." 

This continued interest in faculty, staff, and students as individuals, 
even as he focused more directly on his primary function, helps to explain why 
those connected with the College during his administration developed such 
strong loyalties. 


A Merger Proposal 

Before President Wilson could settle into planning for the future, he 
was faced with what has come to be the perennial proposal for union or 
cooperation among Presbyterian colleges in East Tennessee. Five colleges had 
been founded under the aegis of the Synod of East Tennessee: Greeneville 
College, founded in 1794, opened in 1802; Washington College, chartered in 
1795; Tlisculum Academy, founded in 1818, renamed as a college rather than 
an academy in 1844, and consolidated with Greeneville; Maryville College in 
1819; and King College in 1866. All had a history of financial struggle. 

As early as the 1870s the Northern donors had suggested academy 
status for Tusculum/Greeneville, but realized the improbability of their 
relinquishing their first founding rights. None of the colleges except Maryville 
had significant endowments. The Thaws, Dodges, and McCormicks, all heavy 
contributors to one or more of these schools, were hopeful that consolidation 
could take place. In 1902, as discussions progressed, Mrs. Thaw, in consultation 
with Mrs. McCormick, proposed that Maryville be the one higher educational 
institution. Washington would become an academy for boys alone and Tbsculum 
a girls' school with college facilities. 

Presidents Samuel Coile of Tusculum and James Cooter of Washington 
modified the plan to place the three colleges under one Board of Directors. 
Maryville would educate men and women for the freshman year. After that 
year the women would transfer to Tusculum, an all-women's college, and 
Washington College would educate the men interested in industry and 
technology. The men following a liberal arts curriculum would remain at 
Maryville. The merged schools would be called Appalachian University. 

Dr. Wilson did not approve of the proposal but agreed to submit it to 
his Board of Directors without recommendation. On 10 November 1902 the 
Synod accepted the committee's recommendation. Mrs. Thaw immediately 
wrote to Dr. Cooter poinfing out the absurdity of suggesting that girls study at 
Maryville College for only one year: 

For the present, owing to the long distance between, both boys and girls 
should attend Maryville College. 1 would prefer to see Tusculum a sec- 
ond grade institution [a preparatory school] for a decade or more, but 
there may be such feeling against this that it should not be pressed. The 
funds on hand cannot be pooled' nor the income from the old endow- 


Mrs. Thaw's reaction was mild compared with that of Maryville students 
and townspeople. In a long ailicle in the Maryville Times, entitled "A Menace 
to the College and to Maryville," the writer termed the proposal "the greatest 
possible menace" to the prosperity of the town and College, pointing out that 
"poor mountain girls as well as boys have walked from the distant coves with 
their few possessions under their aim and have found the world's highest gift, 
a well rounded education." He called attention to the families that had moved 
to town because of the accessibility of a quality school and scoffed at the notion 
that parents would send their daughters to TYisculum, four miles from the railroad 
station. Finally, thieatening to move his family away if the Synod decision 
were allowed to stand, the writer called upon the Directors to stand by "faithful 
old Maiy ville College in the hour of its greatest need." 

Students were equally alarmed. When the Board anived in November 
to vote on the proposal, every student wore a ribbon inscribed "We want 
coeducation." A large number of women who met the Board members at the 
depot sounded out each as to his position. The Boaid, having received the 
message, passed a resolution that put the proposal to rest. A seven-page, carefully 
worded statement set forth the basis for the decision. Maiyville not only had 
twice the enrollment of the other two schools combined, but the Board was 
opposed to ending coeducation and to dividing Maryville's property and 
endowment, amounting to seven times that of the other schools. "Better no 
union than misunion," it proclaimed. "Sacrifice is noble, suicide is folly." 
Although the Boards of the other schools had approved the merger, it was dead. 

The attraction of consolidation, however, did not die. In 1905 when 
Ewing Jefferson College in the Holston Presbytery was floundering. Board 
representatives of Maryville College met with those from Ewing Jefferson- 
without result. As late as the 1970s, when many small colleges were folding, 
merger discussions took place with other Presbyterian and Methodist colleges, 
but none went beyond preliminary talk. Although grants continue to be made 
for the study of cooperative programs and purchasing among Presbyterian 
colleges in Appalachia, little has been achieved. The tenitorial imperative is 
too strong. 

In 1902, having warded off one more threat. Dr. Wilson could turn his 
attention to balancing the budget, revising the curriculum, and organizing for 
more efficient administration. 


The Development of an Administrative Staff 

As Isaac Anderson determined the direction of the College for the 
nineteenth century, Samuel T. Wilson determined the direction for the first half 
of the twentieth century. That the two were in harmony is clear Irom Dr. Wilson's 
report to the Board in 1910: 

As true as the needle to the pole is the old College to its purpose—namely, 
the training of leaders for the work of the church at home and abroad. 
To this end was it born, and for this cause, please God, it will stay in the 
world and accomplish its mission throughout the future. 

At the inauguration of President Wilson, Board member E. A. Elmore 
expressed a commonly shared conviction: "We believe Maryville College will 
live. God has a future for her. . . . If there should be opposition, she is accustomed 
to it. She has always sailed a stormy sea. She has not lived because it was easy 
to live, but because she could not be killed." 

Dr. Wilson was determined not only that Maryville should live, but 
that she should become a leader among church related colleges. To this end he 
must build a strong administrative staff and an outstanding faculty. He 
recognized, as did Dr. Boardman, that the president should not carry a full 
teaching load, nor should teachers be burdened with administration. During 
the Boardman years the catalogs listed five staff positions: librarian, registrar, 
matron, director of the Boarding Club, and janitor. Three were filled by teachers 
who took on administrative duties for a portion of their time. By 1920 the 
administrative staff numbered twenty-six, only two of whom also taught. 

The change came gradually. At first President Wilson carried three 
class hours per day plus correction of papers; handled all discipline; oversaw 
the plant management; and assumed responsibility for admissions and 
registration, including an average of seventy letters a month, all of the records, 
and the publication of catalogs and other bulletins; and made himself available 
for speaking engagements. With little time left for planning and fund raising 
he appealed to the Board: "We need a full-time administrator as President." 

By 1905 he had eased his burdens somewhat by employing Clinton 
Gillingham for stenographic and secretarial work. Gillingham, classified as a 
full professor with a professor's salary, also taught two classes a term. In 1907 
he became the registrar and moved from the president's office to the newly 
established personnel office. There he handled records, scheduled classes, 


conferred with students, prepared catalog copy, kept in touch with accrediting 
agencies, answered all mail related to admissions, and represented the College 
at national meetings. The introduction of quality points in grading added more 

The report to the Boaid in 1908 described the development of a card 
system, "the most comprehensive of any used in an institution of our country." 
Growing out of local experience, the system represented the evolution of methods 
"by which in thiee days 500 students could be matriculated, eniolled in classes, 
reported to teachers, supplied with textbooks, assigned lessons, and gathered in 
recitation classes for the first regular work." (Who needed computers?) In 
1914 the expansion of paper work took a quantum leap with the acquisition of 
a multigraph, which Dr. Wilson declaied "one of our best investments, already 
well nigh paying for itselfin printers' bills." (One form in 1915 required 40,000 
impressions to be produced on the manually operated machine.) 

The rapid growth of the student body, which more than quadrupled 
during Dr. Wilson's first twenty yeais as president, soon made additional staff 
necessary in that office. The personnel office had also begun keeping 
recommendations on file for all graduates. In 1915 an assistant registrai" took 
over the records. Neai" the end of the Wilson presidency the duties the registrar 
had performed as secretaiy to the president were given to an administrative 

Although Dr. Wilson had served as the academic dean in the ten years 
before becoming president, the records show no replacement until 1905, when 
Professor E. B. Waller was elected to that office. A graduate of Princeton 
Seminaiy, he had pastored the Elizabethton Presbyterian Church prior to taking 
G. S. W. Crawford's place as professor of mathematics. He soon became a 
popular teacher. One tribute to him called attention to his "overmastering love 
of fun" and "his rare and royal wit." More important, he proved to be creative 
and innovative. He planned and supervised the Cooperative Boarding Club 
and established and edited the Maryville College Monthly until it became a 
student publication. From his anival until his death he was secretary of the 
faculty, and during Dr. Wilson's frequent absences he became acting president. 
He was also president of the newly established Bank of Blount County. 

On 13 March 1913, while crossing the corduroy to his home on High 
Street, Dean Waller suffered a stroke. Professors Francis McClenahan and 
Edgar Walker, who were nearby when he fell, took him to his home, where he 
died during the night. Dr. Wilson's diary reveals the depth of his sense of loss: 
"And thus in a few hours, the best advisor I have and one of the best friends of 


the College is suddenly taken from me and the work. God help us all." The 
following Monday the solitary entry in the diary was a poignant "I break down 
in chapel." 

Dean Waller's successor was Dr. Jasper Barnes. A second generation 
American of English descent, he attended Muskingham Valley Normal School 
and received A.B. and M.A. degrees from Marietta College. He came to 
Maiyville in 1892 as principal of the Prepaiatory Department and professor of 
the Science and Ai1 of Teaching. In 1900 he received a Ph.D. from the College 
of Wooster. The following year he became chairman of the Psychology and 
Political Science Department. Using summers for graduate work at the 
University of Chicago and Cornell, he received a Ph.D. from Chicago in 1911. 
He was recognized as one of the nation's leading psychologists and received 
state recognition by being chosen as the Tennessee chairman of the Rhodes 
Scholarship Committee. His 39-year career, like his predecessor's, ended with 
sudden death. Returning in 193 1 from a meeting of the American Psychological 
Society in Toronto, he died as the train entered Cincinnati. 

Before becoming president Dr. Wilson had been an innovator in 
cuiTiculum. As president he encouraged and supported Dean Waller and Dean 
Barnes, likewise men of remarkable and progressive leadership. These in turn 
were to be the inspiration for Edwin Ray Hunter, the English professor who 
succeeded Dean Barnes and was to become the great cuiTiculum innovator of 
the Lloyd administration. 

Increasingly important to College development was the role of treasurer 
and business manager, filled from 1901 to 1914 by Major Ben Cunningham, a 
Civil War veteran who returned from the War with a bullet hole in his shoulder. 
By the end of the Wai" he was a lieutenant colonel in the Union Aimy but was 
always refened to as Major Ben. He served in the same regiment as Major 
McTeer, his predecessor as treasurer. After the War and during his tenure as 
treasurer, Major Cunningham was elected to terms as clerk of the Tennessee 
House of Representatives, as Blount County Court clerk, and as recorder for 
the College Board of Directors. 

Although the first full-time treasurer, he received only a nominal salary 
for what Dr. Wilson called his "whole-hearted devotion." One incident (among 
many) reveals his character. The College had loaned $300, amply secured, to a 
man who died soon afterwaids. The College claim was overlooked until after 
the statute of limitations expired. Without mentioning it to any person other 
than his successor, the Major paid the note personally and the College suffered 
no loss. Dr. Wilson said that the accountant who examined the books after 


Major Ben's death in 1914 found "every dollar accounted for, and every security 
in its place." 

Of Maryville College treasurers only General William Wallace of pre- 
Civil Wai- days served longer than Fred Lowry Proffitt, Major Cunningham's 
successor. He also held the second longest tenure as recorder of the Board. 
Proffitt 's family moved to Maryville from North Carolina to be near the College 
so that the children could be educated. From this remarkable family have come 
two Board chairmen; many strong leaders both as students and alumni; 
tremendous financial support; and leadership in the professional, business, civic, 
church and cultural life of East Tennessee. 

Fred Proffitt was the first of the Proffitts to enter Maryville. Having 
come from a fanri family, he embodied the virtues of an agrarian community 
--honesty, thiift, integrity, industry, loyalty, and compassion. After nine years 
as a student in the Prepaiatory and College Depaitments, he graduated in 1907. 
He taught for a year in a rural school before returning to his alma mater as 
instiTictor of physics and mathematics and proctor of the men's dormitory. Within 
three yeais he was principal and professor of education in the Preparatory 
Department. After the death of Major Cunningham he became treasurer and 
business manager and recorder of the Board, positions that he would hold well 
into the next administration. 

Both President Wilson and President Lloyd depended heavily upon 
Mr. Proffitt's financial acumen. Dr Wilson, who saw him as "the embodiment 
of the Maiyville spirit," credited him with achieving results for the College 
"that seemed utterly impossible." At the beginning of his presidency Dr. Lloyd 
echoed that opinion, adding that the College's closing each year without a deficit 
could be attributed laigely to the efforts of Mr. Proffitt, who "caiTied sufficient 
work to tax the strength and capacity of two men." 

Mr. Proffitt performed vaiied duties. Upon occasion he represented 
the College in the State Legislature. In 1923 it was primarily his speech that 
defeated a bill proposing to tax non-campus property held by colleges and 
churches. He represented the College in litigation. He was executor of wills 
for many donors. He was agent for the college in campaigns for wills and 
annuities. He assessed property of donors and property being acquired by the 
College. In 1 9 1 7 when a branch post office was established on campus, he was 
appointed postmaster at a salary of $200 a year, which went into the general 
treasury. And he was chief architect and manager of the annuity system that 
served the College well in building endowment until world economic 
developments and crises in the procurement of funds for current operations 


made the system untenable. 

It was Mr. Proffitt who was called out at night when problems arose. 
When a tire broke out in Pearsons Hall, he climbed on the burning roof to assist 
firemen and in the process fell and chipped a bone in his elbow, incurring a 
permanent injury. Early in his career he brought the athletic program under 
budgetaiy control-no small feat. A sports fan himself, he frequently traveled 
with teams to make sure they were worthy representatives of the College. 

The First Women Administrators 

One of the wisest decisions Dr. Wilson made was to involve two able 
women in fund raising. He was wary of using agents, many of whom had cost 
the College more than they produced, but he soon realized that he needed 
assistance. In 1902 when Professor Waller suggested that Miss Margaret Henry 
be partially relieved of her duties as teacher and matron so that she could go 
north to raise funds for student work scholarships, Dr. Wilson welcomed the 
suggestion. Thus Miss Hemy began thirteen years of what Dr. Wilson termed 
"magnificent work." 

The Henry family began their relafionship with the College when 
Margaret's mother, a Civil War widow, operated the College Boarding 
Department to help finance the education of her four children. Margaret's goal 
was to become a missionaiy, but after sustaining a spinal injury on her voyage 
to Japan, she was forced within a year to return home. She became a matron in 
Baldwin Hall and for three yeais taught English and German in the Preparatory 

Said to be a descendant of a brother of Patrick Henry, she gave evidence 
of having inherited the Henry gift of persuasion. She was so successful in 
telling the Maryville College story that she repeatedly received job offers from 
other organizations, the most tempting of which came from agencies of the 
Presbyterian Church. Two church boaids sought her at a larger salaiy A large 
school in the West offered her a presidency. A New York publishing house 
urged her to write a book. An Atlanta churchman, calling her "the wonder of 
Presbyterian Colleges," was determined to lure her away from Maryville. Her 
loyalty to the College, however, exceeded her interest in fame and fortune. 

In thirteen years she raised $123,000 that went primarily into 
scholarships and the self-help fund, but the work took its toll on her already 
precarious health. Her death in 1916, in Dr. Wilson's words, "staggered the 
College authorities, and it seemed to them as if the College could never recover 


from the blow that it had sustained in that death."" The $100,000 fund begun 
in 1916 to honor Miss Henry was finally completed in 1930, mainly through 
the efforts of her successor. Miss Clemmie Henry. As late as 1944 an additional 
gift of $1,000 was paid into the fund by a Philadelphia church. 

Two women kept the momentum going until a permanent replacement 
could be found. Alice Gillingham, who had been Miss Henry's assistant, and 
Dean of Women Mary E. Caldwell served until 1918, when Clemmie J. Henry, 
a distant cousin of Margaret Henry, became secretary of student-help. Miss 
Clemmie, as she was always called, proved more than equal to the challenge. 
For thirty-two years she continued the field work. She served for twelve years 
on the Board of Directors, for one as interim treasurer for the College. From 
1953 to 1962 she served as the first woman recorder of the Board. She always 
regretted that family circumstances had interrupted her studies and that she 
held no degree. In 1950 the College erased that deficit by awaiding her an 
honorary LL.D. 

To provide work for women students. Miss Clemmie began in 1920 a 
needlecraft program that Mrs. Kathiyn McMurray later developed into the very 
successful College-Maid Shop. As an active member of the DAR Miss Clemmie 
was effective in enlisting support from that group, including their major funding 
for the Margaret Bell Lloyd Residence for Women. She founded the College's 
rotating loan fund, which was unique for that time and became a model for 
others. Perhaps her most valuable contribution, though never publicized, was 
the level-headed counseling she gave to troubled students and fellow 
administrators. While raising more than half a million dollars for the College, 
Miss Clemmie made only a woman's salaiy-not enough, she regretted, to allow 
for clothes that would have made her feel more comfortable among the women 
to whom she was making her presentations. But by managing her own resources 
as carefully as she managed those of the College, she was able to leave at her 
death in 1976 a sizable sum to continue the work she and Maigaret Hemy had 
begun. Today's total in the Clemmie Henry Fund amounts to over $200,000. 

The First College Pastor 

During Maryville's first century no one questioned the absence of a 
pastor or chaplain on the staff of a college whose faculty was composed laigely 
of ordained ministers. Whether Maryville needed a pastor in 1917 was debatable; 
but when Dr. William Patton Stevenson offered his services at no cost to the 
College-and indeed the promise of considerable profit~the offer was promptly 


accepted. In an interview for the Alumni Magazine in 1945 Dr. Stevenson 
recalled how he came to contact President Wilson. Having just read the 
President's history of the College, he said, he found he could not put it down 
until he had read it through, inspired as he was by "the dauntless faith, tireless 
patience, heroic courage and martyr-like self-sacrifice." 

In 1917 he met Dr. Wilson in New York. His proposal was to come to 
Mary ville with $50,000 in endowment and build a home to be used in perpetuity 
for the College pastor. As could have been predicted. Dr. Wilson questioned 
him carefully and recorded the answers in his diary: 

He [Stevenson] would quit tobacco which he does not especially care 
for: is conservative in theology; does not travel Sundays; does not like 
dancing and cards. ... He was educated at Union and Allegheny Semi- 
naries. He is not a member of a secret order; has a salary of $5,000; 
would not need so much at Maryville. 

Stevenson told Wilson of his plan to ask two sisters (Mrs. Jamison and her 

sister Christine) to endow a pastorate with $50,000, $10,000 of which would 

go for a home. Mrs. 

Jamison became the 

anonymous donor of the 

"House in the Woods," but 

depression years prevented 

her carrying out her 

purpose to endow a 

permanent pastorate. 

Later Dr. Stevenson gave 

$20,000 toward the 


So this man who had played golf with John D. Rockefeller and would 
be returning to Washington for lunch and golf with President Harding and Senator 
Frank Kellogg gave his heart and energies to Maryville. The Stevensons took 
pride in their home and grounds in the middle of the College Woods. They 
landscaped and sloped off the lawn to the clear-running creek that curved around 
the edge of the yard. They kept the lawn immaculate. They built a gazebo and 
planted irises, roses, flowering shrubs, and trees in profusion. Dehghted with 
southern honeysuckle. Dr. Stevenson horrified the friends who came upon him 
while he was transplanting the "lovely vine" from the woods into his yard. 
Mrs. Stevenson, called "co-pastor" by her husband and "shepherdess" by the 
students, endeared herself to all. Her parties were famous and frequent. One of 


her greatest contributions was bringing to Mary ville her sister, Mrs. John Walker, 
who became a chief College benefactor in the thirties and forties. 

Dr. Stevenson preached twice a week at the College, at Sunday evening 
vespers and Thursday morning chapel. He made a deep impression on the 
students with his "pure English," his penchant for alliteration, and his amazing 
vocabulary. One student suggested substituting dictionaries for hymn books, 
and an alumnus claims still to be gripped by a description in one of Dr. 
Stevenson's Thanksgiving sermons: "our founding fathers, racked with coughs 
and wrenched by arthritis." Others remember "devoutly deprecate and deeply 
deplore" and "Success: Principle, Prudence, Push and Perseverance." 

In addition to this work at the College, Dr. Stevenson also preached at 
Shannondale Presbyterian Church every Sunday morning and one year 
commuted frequently to Birmingham, where he substituted at the Independent 
Presbyterian Church for Dr. Henry Edmonds, who was seriously ill. He retired 
in 1937 but continued to hold vespers. 

Brownie: College Engineer 

Another memorable staff member who began his career during this 
period was Ernest Chalmers Brown, the campus engineer whose service of 
fifty-one yeais on the staff set a record that is not likely to be broken. He 
bridged three presidencies. He knew all the faculty and staff and most of the 
students. The oldest of nine children of the Brown family already discussed as 
prominent in the early history of the College, Brownie, as everyone knew him, 
grew up on the Brown faim adjoining the campus. He entered the Prepaiatory 
Department as a seventh grader in Miss Maigaret Henry's class and continued 
into college. 

Throughout his school years he worked on the campus during the 
summers. In 1910 Major Ben Cunningham offered him a full-time job on the 
campus crew. For about thiee years. Brownie said, he operated a little dynamo 
that was the only source of light for the campus buildings. Then in 1916 he 
became the College engineer, and by the time of his retirement in 1961 he had 
helped with half the buildings then on campus. In the meantime he had married 
a Mary ville College student, Jessie McCulley. They became the parents of two 
future Maryville alumni, Lois Brown Murphy and Dr. Robert Brown. 

Brownie always had stories to tell, always laced with humor, about the 
buildings and the people. He recalled, for instance, the advice he had given to 
a student who was in trouble. The student wanted to make things right with Dr. 


Wilson but was undecided about how to approach him. Knowing that it was 
Dr. Wilson's custom to spend time in prayer in his office before beginning the 
day's work, Brownie suggested that the student time his visit to occur 
immediately after the prayers and offer his apology. It worked. And that was 
only one of the many times that Brownie quietly gave good advice to those in 
trouble. Until his death he remained a good friend to all and an excellent 
source of oral history. 

From Crisis to Crisis: Major Campaigns 

Dr. Wilson took office during a financial crisis. Because of the new 
law mandating segregation, the College had just turned over $25,000 of its 
endowment to the Negro College, Swift Memorial Institute, and for two yeais 
had sustained deficits. Given this problem, Dr. Wilson thought it imperative to 
launch the first Forward Fund drive, with a goal of $200,000 to be raised by 
1907-08. Having delegated many of his responsibilities to a competent staff, 
he was able to move into the field to direct the campaign, but he faced the task 
with the same reluctance and dread that Dr. Lamar experienced. His first trip 
was interrupted by an appendectomy complicated by phlebitis. To gain strength 
for the closing months of the campaign in the fall and winter of 1908, he spent 
much of the summer at Maple Springs. 

The possibility of adding $200,000 to the resources of a college in 
crisis, he said, was "enough to summon the best manhood we have to meet that 
crisis." He saw excellent prospects for large gifts, he told the Board, adding: 
"At the College Conference, Maryville was generally recognized as the leader 
in Christian work among Presbyterian Colleges~a pre-eminence, if it exists, 
for which we should be more thankful than for silver and gold." Mai^ville's 
new emphasis on educating the Appalachian poor was beginning to pay 
dividends. One of his projects that year was to prepaie for the Home Board a 
booklet entitled "The Southern Mountaineers," hoping "that some benefit would 
accrue to the college through the labor invested in it." 

He was also encouraged, he reported, by conditional pledges of $100,000 
from those without personal relations with Maryville. These included $25,000 
from Mr. Andrew Carnegie on the condition that $50,000 be secured from 
other sources. When the General Education Board of the Presbyterian Church 
appropriated $50,000 on the condition that a total of $200,000 be raised, the 
Carnegie pledge was raised by another $25,000. Dr. Wilson pleaded with the 
Board to "daily bear this burden with the president till December 3 1 , 1908, has 


closed and the providential outcome has been revealed." 

How well the Board responded to the plea is not on record, but students, 
alumni, and townspeople were responding. A letter from Professor Gillingham, 
written while Dr. Wilson was in Pittsburgh, described students enthusiastically 
writing and mailing literature to friends on behalf of the campaign. The senior 
class pledged $7,000, causing Dr. Wilson to worry lest their "enthusiasm run 
away with their discretion." Underclassmen subscribed an additional $1,000. 
The one contribution Dr. Wilson refused to accept came from Fred Hope, the 
Maryville alumnus who was beginning his important mission work in West 
Africa. In a letter returning a subscription for $100, Dr. Wilson explained: 
"Your salary is too small and the local demands too great to allow me to feel 
that it would be right for me to keep your pledge. I assure you that this is the 
only one I have returned during this whole campaign, and I think it will be the 
only one. ..." By December 1908 a total of $277,000 in subscriptions had 
been raised. In addition to the Carnegie gift the College received large gifts 
from John C. MaHin, Daniel K. Pearsons, and, of course, the Thaws. 

The second Forward Fund drive came in 1916-17 in connection with 
the centennial. The College was again in crisis. Cainegie Hall had just burned. 
World War I was inflating prices and diverting potential donors toward wartime 
projects. From 1918 for six successive years Dr. Wilson introduced his reports 
to the Board with some variation on "a difficult year, one of the most trying in 
history." Once more the friends of the College came through. Mrs. Thaw 
contributed $50,000 that would be used to build Thaw Hall. 

ConcuiTently with the major fund drives, others continued: the Isaac 
Anderson Scholarship drive in 1907, the Carnegie Hall drive, and the Emergency 
Fund drives of 1923 and 1925. Over a 25-year period one and a third million 
had been raised at a cost of only $4,000. 

Not counted in the funds raised through these drives was a large sum 
being invested in annuities, under the system designed by Mr. Proffitt. Dr. 
Wilson preferred annuities to wills, which could be changed or challenged. 
Mrs. Voorhees, who had given a laige sum for the chapel, willed an additional 
$100,000 to Maryville. Dr. Wilson claimed that this had been "queered" out of 
her will in the last month of her life by "trickery and fraud." A Yonkers, New 
York, donor left a bequest to the College. His nurse, who had secretly married 
the ninety-four-year-old man on his deathbed, contested and won a portion of 
the bequest. Even the Martin will providing endowment for Maryville's 
Depailment of Religion was contested by the family. These and other contested 
wills convinced Dr. Wilson of the superiority of annuities, which he claimed in 


1931 had never involved the College in court costs or inheritance taxes. 

Ironically it was just at this time that the College became involved in 
litigation over an annuity and will of Mrs. Charles Oscar Miller, the widow of 
the owner of a large department store in Connecticut. Mrs. Miller, a DAR 
friend of Miss Clemmie Henry, had replaced Mrs. Thaw as Maryville's largest 
donor. Her daughter, a missionaiy to China, having predeceased her, Mrs. 
Miller had been attracted to Maryville because of its mission orientation as 
well as her friendship with Miss Heniy. Over the five years prior to her death, 
she had given $140,000 on the annuity plan at seven percent interest. Most of 
the annuity was designated for the endowment of the president's salary. Annuity 
payments made by the College to Mrs. Miller before her death approximated 
the interest produced, so that when the then $141,000 became available, the 
entire amount went into endowment, but not before a lawsuit could be settled. 

As heir to the annuity and as one of the residual heirs of her $3,000,000 
estate, the College became involved in litigation when lawyers contested the 
will on behalf of Mrs. Miller's grandchildren. Dr. Wilson, Miss Heniy, and 
Mr. Proffitt had to submit to depositions in response to the lawyers' charging 
them with "undue influence" upon Mrs. Miller. The 74-year-old ex-president 
suffered a grueling ordeal in which outrageous chaiges were brought. His 
quiet and reasonable testimony, that of Mr Proffitt, and above all, that of Miss 
Henry, completely exonerated them of the chaiges.^"' Until the mid-1980s the 
College catalogs caiTied a notation stating that the president was "on the Mr. 
and Mrs. Charles Oscai" Miller Memorial Foundation." 

Financial crises, both major and minor, plagued President Wilson from 
the beginning to the end of his administration; but when he retired in 1930, he 
had the satisfaction of knowing that the endowment had increased sevenfold 
since 1901 and the campus by eight buildings. 

Physical Plant Expansion 

It is surprising that with the heating system then in use in College 
buildings the first major fire did not occur until 1904. In January of that year 
the Alexander Baitlett house, then occupied by Professor Oilman, burned to 
the ground. Most of the loss was covered by insurance, and the house was 
rebuilt before the end of the year. At the same time the second Baldwin Annex 
was under construction. The growth of the student body had led to overcrowding 
that could be relieved only by a continuous building program and eventually, in 
1920, a limitation on admissions. 



The chapel on the second floor of Anderson, even with the additional 
space afforded by the Fayerweather Annex, had long been inadequate. 
Frequently as many as ten or twelve students were forced either to stand or sit 
in the windows during services. And the elongated room was ill-suited to the 
needs of speakers who, as Dr. Wilson observed, were "not equipped with eyes 
located on [their heads] in alligator fashion." When the students received word 
in December 1904 that Mr. and Mrs. Ralph Voorhees of New Jersey had 
underwritten the building of a new chapel, they held a "jollification night" with 
bonfires, speeches, and yells. 

Completed in 1906 at a cost of 
$34,000, the Elizabeth R. Voorhees 
Chapel became an East Tennessee 
center for events such as lyceum and 
artist series, plays, conventions, 
commencements, and weddings. In the 
thirties and forties the annual 
presentation of "Messiah" filled it to 
overflowing. It also provided badly 
needed classroom and practice room 
space for the Music and Expression 
Departments and gave the YWCA a 

home base. Its most constant use, of course, was for daily chapel. It served 
well until 1947, when it was destroyed by fire. 

In 1910 three buildings were completed: the Ralph Max Lamar 
Memorial Hospital, Pearsons Hall, and Carnegie Hall. For many years, there 
being no hospital in town, the 
annual report to the Board had 
stressed the need for a College 
hospital and the appointment 
of a College physician. These 
recommendations usually 
followed the report of the 
number of deaths among 
students and faculty during the 
year. In 1906-07, for example, 
the Board learned of the death ^ 

of Mrs. Mary Allen Wilson, manager of the Cooperative Boarding Club, who 
"fell at her post"; the death of the senior class president of pneumonia; and the 


death of Miss Slaughter of Johnson City, who entered school ill and died in her 
room in Baldwin of typhoid. Otherwise, the report continued, the health of the 
campus had been good. Rumors circulating about the health conditions, however, 
had affected winter term enrollment and created "almost a panic among many 
of our friends." Mrs. Martha Lamar, awaie of the need of medical attention and 
a means of isolating those with contagious diseases, gave the necessary $6,000 
for a hospital in memory of the Lamars' two-year-old son, who had died in 
1880. It was dedicated on 4 May 1910. 

Pearsons Hall, built in 1910 at a cost of $20,000, was the gift of Dr. 
Daniel K. Pearsons. The building originally had only two stories. The 
Cooperative Boarding Club moved from its crowded quarters in Baldwin to 
occupy the first floor. A parlor, rooms for the women's literary societies, and 
dormitory rooms were on the second floor. As more space was needed, plans 

were drawn for a third story. By this time the 92-year-old Dr. Pearsons had 
given away all his money, according to his plan, and regretted that he could not 
fund the addition. Mr. Louis H. Severance gave $13,000 for two additional 
floors. The third floor opened in 1912. In 1918 the fourth floor, unfurnished 
up to that time, was made ready for use in September. (When Pearsons was 
rebuilt after the 1972 fire, the fourth story was eliminated.) 

The 6 May 1927 Echo bore the headline "Kitchen and Basement of 
Pearsons Scene of Fire," with the subtifle "Excitement and Confusion Reign as 
Flames and Smoke Pour Out. Quickly Subdued." In a somewhat satiric tone 
the writer described the hysteria of the girls and the efficiency of the Maryville 
Fire Department. The editorial commended Mrs. Coulter, head of the Boarding 
Club, for rising to the occasion: "Despite the seemingly hopeless ruin in the 
kitchen and dining room after the fire, she announced before the crowd had 


dispersed, and while the 
smoke and steam were still 
pouring out of the doors 
and windows that 
breakfast would be served 
in the morning. And it 
was!" Pearsons survived 
another forty-five years 
before the next fire almost 
demolished it. 

Funding for 

Carnegie, the new men's 
dormitory, came from the 
Andrew Carnegie 

contribution to the first Forward Fund. From the fime it opened it was crowded 

with the 1 35 students and two faculty families who lived there. It was the most 

popular dormitory on campus and, with the possible exception of Bartlett, was 

destined to have the most interesting history. In March 1916 a small fire was 

discovered and quickly extinguished. On the morning of 12 April, soon after 

chapel began, a fire broke out on the third floor of the west end. This fime, in 

spite of heroic 

efforts of students, 

faculty, and 

townspeople, the 

building was a 

total loss. 

In early 

May a committee 

of seventy-one 

businessmen of 

the Board of 

Trade undertook 

to raise funds for 

rebuilding. To rebuild and furnish a new Carnegie, the College needed $25,000 

in addition to the $30,000 insurance and that which could be salvaged from the 

burned building. The faculty subscribed $5,000; the First National Bank 

subscribed $1,000; and the students cleaned bricks. 

Leaders designated 22 May as "Maryville College Day." On this 


inauspicious rainy day soapbox orators, business leaders, and townspeople 
solicited funds. Students chanting yells created for the occasion led a parade 
through the mud up Main Street. Other students served free lemonade. Forty 
leaders at a noon luncheon at the Sanitary Restaurant brought the total 
subscription for the day to $17,000. 

An automobile canvass of the entire county raised the total funds from 
Blount County to $22,500. David W. Proffitt, a senior, assisted Dr. R. I. Gamon 
and Dr. W. R. Dawson in a state-wide campaign. By New Year's Day, 1917, 
the new Carnegie was ready for occupancy. Five stories instead of thiee, with 
room for 248 students, "it stood," said Dr. Wilson in his dedication speech, "as 
visible proof of partnership in well-doing." Because of the strong local support 
there was talk of calling the new structure Cainegie-Blount. Instead, a bronze 
tablet recognizing the contributions of Blount County was placed in the lobby, 
and door plates maiked the rooms paid for by special donors. 

The Blount County support for the New Carnegie was another indication 
of the close relationship between town and College. Shortly afterwaid the 
town also rallied round the College for the Centennial Fund drive. On President 
Wilson's return in 1919 at the completion of a successful campaign, all the 
automobiles in Blount County were pressed into service to escort him from the 
Knoxville station back to Maryville. In a letter to Mr. and Mrs. Ernest Koella, 
Dr. Wilson wrote: "I heard the story of Mrs. Koella's making the College banner 
and I saw it and old glory as I passed your house in Rockford during the parade." 
He added that Blount County's cooperation in the two critical periods of 1916 
and 1919 kept his nerves from breaking "beyond repair." 

This local support extended to the provision of capable contractors and 
workmen for each new campus improvement. Fayerweather received a third 
story in 1913 to 
create space for a 
Home Economics 
Raising the roof 
was becoming 
commonplace on 
campus, but as Dr. 
Wilson assured the 
skeptics, "in each 
case the roof was 
jacked up intact. 


and the new story was built under the roof without any injury being done to the 
rest of the structure." His opinion was that both Fayerweather and Pearsons 
were not only as strong as before but "much more symmetrical and imposing." 

The next project was the swimming pool. It had been included in the 
original plans for Bartlett but postponed for lack of funds. In 1914, when the 
students raised the question again, the faculty promised to contribute $3,500 if 
they would raise $ 1 ,500. The students circulated pledge cards and accumulated 
$700 in commitments. At this point Aubrey Williams, a sophomore, took charge, 
proposing to raise the remaining $800 in one week. Like Kin Takahashi, 
Williams had the enthusiasm and leadership ability to see a project through. 

The week was carefully orchestrated. On Sunday afternoon the YMC A 
and YWCA solicited divine assistance. Monday was designated as "Boys' 

Day." Setting a clock in the chapel to record gifts, they watched its hands move 
to $127. Tuesday, Town Day, saw students visiting businesses. The clock's 
hands advanced by $155. Wednesday the girls held a rummage sale, which 
produced $152. Thursday was Tag Day. Girls with tags attacked any "mere 
men" trying to get to breakfast. Ransom for their freedom produced $100. On 
Friday the students held a fete on Baldwin lawn. Uncle Joe Reagan donated ice 
cream, and the faculty entertained with a pantomime. The day added $122. 
Saturday the girls took their tags downtown to collect contributions. Two movie 
theatres gave the day's proceeds. TXvo hours before the week was up, the chapel 


clock indicator passed the goal. For the first time in history Dean Molly Caldwell 
allowed the girls to parade in town at night. 

Although the original plans called for a swimming pool in the basement 
of Bartlett gymnasium, the decision was made to put the pool into a separate 
building, 58' x 1 10', adjoining Bartlett. The final cost was $10,000. Dedicated 
in 1915, it gave a boost to athletic and social activities, as indicated by 
announcements of water cainivals in the new swimming pool. It received 
continuous use until it was replaced in 1970 by the modern facility in the new 
health and physical education complex. 

In the centennial year Mrs. Thaw opened the subject of financing a 
building as a memorial to her husband. It is surprising that the man who had 
provided funds to purchase the new campus and had backed the College thiough 
its postwai" resunection had not yet been memorialized. It was not neglect on 
the part of the College. A proposal had even been made to change the name to 
Thaw college, but Mr. Thaw would not consider it. And Mrs. Thaw resisted the 
use of the name for a building. One wonders if perhaps she shrank from publicity 
of any kind because of the notoriety the family had been receiving in the press. 

Since 1906 the national press had subjected the Thaw family to 
sensational coverage. On the evening of 25 June Hany K. Thaw, the spoiled 
youngest son of the ten children of William Thaw (five by his first wife, five by 
Mary Copley Thaw, Maiyville's benefactor), calmly pumped three bullets into 
Stanford White, America's foremost architect (designer of the Boston Public 
Library, the Pennsylvania Railway Terminal, the Madison Avenue Presbyterian 
Church). The murder, motivated by White's previous relationship with Evelyn 
Nesbit, the nightclub entertainer whom Harry K. Thaw had married fourteen 
months earlier, took place in Madison Squaie Garden in full view of a gathering 
of the country's elite. 

For the next decade the press had a field day as Mrs. Thaw, in an 
attempt to save her son, spent a half million in his defense and agreed to his 
lawyers' advice that he enter an insanity plea. When the first trial, which had 
cost New York $100,000, ended with a hung jury, the drama had to be played 
over again. Eventually Hairy K. Thaw was declared innocent by reason of 
insanity and sent to the New York Asylum for the Criminally Insane. After 
seven years he escaped, was recaptured, incarcerated for another seven years, 
and in 1924 was freed to begin another round of wild living. The case was the 
subject of a movie in the 1950s, "The Girl in the Red Velvet Swing," based on 
the book of the same title; and in the 1980s the public memory was refreshed 
with the publication of a new biography of Stanford White. 


The case has significance for Maryville's history because of the close 
relationship of Dr. Wilson with the Thaw family and the effect it had on Mrs. 
Thaw's support of the College. Dr. Wilson, although a frequent house guest 
throughout Mrs. Thaw's ordeal, was careful not to speak of it, even to his diary, 
except obliquely. His 1907 report to the Board contained only a brief statement: 
"Mrs. Thaw's troubles have prevented her payment of her annual subscription 
of $1,000." It was obvious from their correspondence that she was having to be 
more careful, not knowing what her own future expenses would be. 

Nevertheless her concern for relieving Dr. Wilson's financial burdens 
remained strong, and by 1920 she saw her way clear to one more large investment 
in the College. She 
and Dr. Wilson 
agreed on a new 
building to be called 
Thaw Hall. The 
original plan was to 
use the first floor for 
a dining room and the 
second floor for the 
Preparatory and 
Manual Training 
Departments. When 
Dr. E. A. Elmore made the dedicatory speech on Columbus Day, 1922, he 
spoke under the assumption that he was dedicating a dining room and classrooms 
for manual training, referring to the "cheap and wholesome food that would be 
served there" and the possibility of the cedars that crowned the hilltop being 
turned into hope chests. 

Plans for the building's use changed, however, within the next six 
months. Dr. Wilson noted in his diary in March 1922 that since there was no 
money to remodel Pearsons' first floor for classrooms, the dining room would 
probably have to stay there. The faculty were moving toward a decision to use 
first floor Thaw for the library and perhaps at a future date to move the dining 
club to the basement of Thaw. Thaw Hall was dedicated before any plans were 
definite, but by March 1923 college classes had moved to the second floor. The 
report to the Board in 1924 confirmed the decision to use the first floor for the 
library, beginning in 1925.^"^ Once the decision was definite, Mrs. Thaw gave 
$25,000 for library needs, including steel shelving for books and the museum 


It was not until she was seventy-eight years old that Mrs. Thaw saw the 
campus in which she had invested so much money and interest. Dr. Wilson 
reported to the Board in 1920: "After many hindrances from strikes, storm, and 
ill-health [but no reference to court trials], Mrs. Thaw was able to make her 
long-promised visit to Maryville, on May 14-18." She was enthusiastic, he 
said, and planned to return. She made her second visit, accompanied by her 
son, Josiah Copley Thaw, in November 1923, at which time she was a guest at 
the House in the Woods. Dr. Wilson's diary contains a full account of the visit. 

The diary also contains a reference to the unexpected appearance of 
Harry K. Thaw on 2 May 1925. Those on the faculty at that time recalled the 
long open car, the chauffeur, and the three friends who accompanied Thaw. 
They also remembered the discomfiture of President Wilson as Harry dropped 
his cigarette butts on a campus where smoking was tabu. Attorney Ray Jenkins, 
who encountered the group as they crossed the Tennessee River by ferry at 
Loudon, exchanged some conversation with them about Maryville College. 
He spoke of being haunted from that time on by the sad face and eyes of Harry 
K. Thaw.^^ An entry in the Wilson diary three weeks later read: "Harry Thaw 
on Broadway again and will probably be in trouble." 

After providing in her will for $5,000 to go to Dr. Wilson, or in the 
event of his death, to his family, Mrs. Thaw made one last gift to the College: 
$ 10,000 to cover the purchase of the Lamar property adjoining the campus. In 
June 1925 Mrs. Thaw was injured in a fall and remained in a comatose condition 
until her death in 1929. Dr. Wilson and Maryville College had lost one of their 
best friends. 

The last building of the Wilson presidency was the Alumni Gymnasium. 
When it became evident that the Bartlett gymnasium could no longer 
accommodate the 

growing student body ? 

and the expanding 
athletic program, the 
alumni agreed to take on 
the project of providing 
additional facilities. 
Professor Horace Orr, 
secretary of the Alumni 
Association at that time, 
spearheaded the 

campaign for funds. 


With over $ 16,000 in hand by 1923, Professor Edwin Hunter, another alumnus, 
undertook the supervision of the construction. On Thanksgiving 1923 the 
gymnasium was dedicated and for almost fifty years served not only for athletic 
events but for Bamwarming and other social events. After the chapel burned in 
1947, the gymnasium was quickly adapted for daily chapel, the Artist Series, 
and plays. 

A badly needed addition to the physical facilities came in 1930 with 
the construction of a vault in Anderson Hall for the protection of College records. 
Dr. Wilson's role as chronicler had alerted him to the value of the archives and 
their vulnerability to fire. During the previous Christmas holidays an electric 
stove left on in the bell-ringer's room on third-floor Anderson had ignited a 
fire. Fortunately students coasting in front of Baldwin Hall saw the smoke and 
turned in an alarm. The damage was less than $300, but the warning of potential 
loss led to action. The balance on hand from the library and museum fund 
given by Mrs. Thaw became the means of building a fire-proof vault. 

Campus Beantification Projects 

As the centennial grew near, the College community became 
increasingly concerned with the appearance of the campus. The Court Street 
paving, for which the College was assessed $7,500, took funds that otherwise 
could have been used for landscaping. Townspeople as well as College people 
were repelled by the "hideous red clay banks 
on the west and south, the dirt roads, the lack 
of concrete walks. ..." A report to the Board 
stressed the point: "For half a century now, 
Mary ville men and women have been longing 
for improvement of the grounds." 

Those concerned began to act. The 
Class of 1916 donated a fountain between 
Anderson and Fayerweather. The Class of 
1917 raised funds for pillars at the south 
entrance. A committee of friends from the 
community headed by Pete Hood and J. L. 
Glascock opened a drive for campus 
improvement in 1918 that called for asphalt 
pavements, concrete walks, and sodded 
terraces. Cifizens by 1920 had contributed 


almost $5,000. Landscape gardeners Wilkinson and Wilkinson were employed 
to draw up a five-year plan for the grounds. 

In the meantime the faculty assumed responsibility for maintenance. 
Professor E. W. Davis submitted five legal-sized, single-spaced pages listing 
defects in buildings and grounds. He called attention to the large number of 
cedar trees that were dying from blight (though not unfil 1936 did a systematic 
removal begin, revealing Civil War bullets deeply embedded in the trunks). He 
called for the removal of burdock and other weeds from around Bartlett and the 
principal walkways. In 1921 Professor EdgarWalker contacted seven nurseries 
in the North that donated trees for an orchard of peaches, apples, and plums; 
shrubbery; plants for a water garden; and sweet peas, chiysanthemums, dahlias, 
and gladiola. To add a water gaiden, he supervised the fourth year Preparatory 
Depailment class in building the Fayerweather lily pool. 

The first "Campus Beautiful Day" came in 1922. Students worked in 
groups to clean the campus. Gifts from the Classes of 1927 and 1928, 
supplemented by donations from interested community people, financed the 
building of roads. In 1930 the Student Council planned and carried out the 
building of new gravel walks. Supervised by College personnel, over 100 men 
students made walks while the women furnished refreshments. They also 
collected money for fifty iron benches marked with the names of the donor 
classes. In 1932 the College closed the road between the post office and the 
chapel and built a concrete sidewalk that some students and faculty soon 
preempted for roller skating. 

Within a hundred years Isaac Anderson's little log college had grown 
into an impressive looking institution. The stage was set for faculty and students 
to bring to new heights the spiritual and intellectual community the founder 
had envisioned. 


Chapter VIII— In Pursuit of Academic Excellence 

Even under the pressure of fund raising President Wilson could not 
relinquish altogether the role of teacher and dean. The steady strengthening of 
faculty and the academic program during the first three decades of the twentieth 
century owed much to his close attention to curriculum. The Southern 
Association of Colleges and Secondary Schools, established in the 1890s, was 
beginning a decade later to apply standard tests to schools. It was important 
that the Preparatory and College Departments both meet the standards of the 
new accrediting body. 

Equally important to Dr. Wilson was Maryville's position among 
Tennessee and Presbyterian Colleges. In 1910 he could report that in property 
and endowment Mary ville was outranked by only three Tennessee colleges and 
by only five of the fifty-five under Presbyterian control. In enrollment it ranked 
tenth among Presbyterian colleges, or first if one included the Preparatory 
Depaitment. With some pride he added: "At the recent General Assembly the 
college presidents gave the president of Maryville the first speech and double 
the time given the rest." Fifteen years later he could still claim a position for 
Maryville as one of the "Big Four" in Tennessee. With 609 students (after 
phasing out the Preparatory Department), Maryville was surpassed only by the 
University of Tennessee (1491), Vanderbilt (875), and Peabody (626). 

Early in his presidency Dr. Wilson spoke of the faculty pride in the 
curriculum, of which there was "not a worthier one in the South"; but he admitted 
that important adjustments must still be made when the endowment would 
allow it. The transfer of a portion of the endowment to Swift Memorial Institute 
had necessitated some retrenchment of faculty in 1902. Although the change 
to a three-term calendar that yeai- provided the rafionale for increasing tuition 
by charging the same $6 for the third term as for the two, the net gain was offset 
by a slight drop in emollment attributed to tuition increase and high academic 

Plans were made to send faculty out during the summer to recruit. The 
president also suggested that if the Boaid wished the catalog "increased in size 
and pretentiousness" like those of other colleges, the faculty would comply. 
He continued to emphasize that although duty demanded living within the 
income, the cuniculum must be broadened. 


The Senior Thesis 

One of the early innovations was the senior thesis. It had been the 
custom for all seniors to speak at commencement, but as classes increased in 
size, commencements became long and tiresome to audience and speakers alike. 
In 1905 two speakers, a man and a woman, were chosen to represent the class. 
The other seniors wrote theses on assigned topics. 

By 1907 degree candidates received carefully drawn rules governing 
theses, rules that resembled the later requirements for Special Studies/ 
Independent Study/Senior Theses. With approval of depailment heads sUidents 
chose an area of study and prepared an outline by 1 December of their senior 
year. Once outlines were approved by the Committee on Theses and Degrees, 
papers of not less than 5,000 words were submitted to department heads by 3 1 
Maich. Maiked "excellent, good, fair, or failed," the theses were returned to 
the candidates by 15 April. Failing theses had to be rewritten and approved 
before diplomas could be awarded. Each student provided a typewritten copy 
for the College files. 

The requirement was discontinued in 1910. Science teachers were 
especially critical of the program, and department heads complained of excessive 
work. The practice of having two senior orators speak at commencement endured 
until 1922, when both orators failed miserably. That disgrace brought the 
tradition to an end until it was revived in altered forms in the 1970s. 

77?^ Bible Training Department 

A gift from John C. Martin of $50,000, supplemented by other donors 
for a total of $150,000, made possible the establishment of the Bible Training 
Depailment in the fall of 1907. The faculty devoted the preceding summer to 
designing twenty-six new courses in Bible and religion, a pioneering feat that 
produced a pattern for other colleges. Though the Department offered no 
religious education degree, it did offer a certificate for completion of a thiee- 
year course of study. Or the student might opt for a B.A. from the College 
Department with a major in religious education. 

The Bible Training Department remained a separate division until 1926. 
That year A. W. Synott established a half million dollar trust fund with the 
Presbyterian Board of Education. Fifty thousand was to be held for Maryville 
provided $150,000 was raised to found a chair of religious education. Synott's 
conditions were met. The Bible Training Department became an integral part 


of the College as the Depailment of Bible and Religious Education. It offered 
twenty-thiee courses, two of which, ethics and theism, were taught by the 
president and required of all seniors. Sixteen hours of required Bible, religion, 
and philosophy continued until the major curriculum revision in 1967, when 
requirements were reduced. 

The 1910 Curriculum Revision 

Catalogs in the early 1900s called attention to the continued 
strengthening of standards: "While our College has been conservative to hold 
the best results of the thorough courses of the past, [it has been] ready to make 
a progressive movement along the lines of well-conducted liberality." In 1909 
Dr. Wilson said to the Board: "It is becoming more and more difficult for a 
shirk or laggard to remain a student at Maryville." 

The faculty were then in the process of a curriculum revision based on 
their own analysis along with a study of "catalogs of worthy institutions." The 
cuniculum that went into effect in 1910 retained the three-term calendar adopted 
in 1902, but credit was measured in courses rather than hours, with thirty-six 
courses required for graduation. The student took three courses each term, 
meeting each one five times a week in sixty-minute periods. Entrance 
requirements were raised and the freshman year strengthened with the addition 
of two new required courses, one with an emphasis on writing and the other the 
president's own course in aigumentation and public speaking, with emphasis 
on the mastery of outlining and delivery. The program in foreign languages 
was strengthened. Nine courses were required, with one hour a week devoted 
to class drill and conversation, usually with native instructors. The Bachelor of 
Arts remained the only degree offered until 1932. 

The Introduction of "Practical" Courses 

In 1910 Miss Lila Cook, who preferred to remain anonymous, opened 
negotiations for the establishment of a domestic science department. She 
requested that her pledge of $14,000 be called the Mary Esther Memorial Fund 
in honor of her mother. The following year Miss Cook made the pledge firm 
on the condition that the College secure $25,000 for a manual training 
depailment. Whatever Dr. Wilson's private views regaiding this vocational 
emphasis thrust upon a liberal arts college, his public announcement supported 
it: "The age and secfion in which we live demand not only the old literary line 


but also drill in very practical lines." He set about finding funds for manual 

The opportunity to add agriculture to the curriculum came when 
Treasurer Fred Proffitt established the College Farm. Twenty-three students in 
1918 enrolled in eleven courses offering field ^nd laboratory work in agriculture. 
But in 1920 the faculty reported to the Board that it had now become evident 
that there was no special demand among the Maryville constituency for a 
Department of Agriculture. By this time it also became evident that the 
constituency had little interest in manual training, which survived only as a 
branch of the student-help program. 

The Home Economics Department was more successful. It opened in 
the fall of 1913 with Miss Mabel Ryland, a graduate of Columbia University, 
as head. The same year, Miss Cook gave an additional $6,000 to add the third 
floor to Fayerweather Hall to house the Department. Sixty-five students, 
including fifteen postgraduates, enrolled; and by 1922 enrollment reached 155. 
Assistants became necessary, and the donor continued to add to the endowment. 
The addition of new courses brought accreditation under the Smith-Hughes 
Act, qualifying students to teach; but complying with all the Smith-Hughes 
regulations eventually made the program too expensive for the College to 

From 1920 to 1928 home economics flourished under the leadership 
of Mrs. Kathryn McMurray, the wife of Dr. J. H. McMurray, who in 1920 came 
to Maryville as chairman of the Sociology and Economics Department. A 
graduate of Oberlin and later an instructor there, Mrs. McMurray brought energy 
and enthusiasm to the job. 
She established a practice 
house in Thaw Hall in 
1924, and she and two 
assistants taught the 
clothing courses. Seeing 
the potential in the 
needlecraft program begun 
by Miss Clemmie Henry, 
she soon developed it into 
the College-Maid Shop, a 
profitable enterprise that 
became nationally known 
and made possible a college education for hundreds of young women. 


By 1928 the College-Maid Shop had developed into a ftill-time job for 
Mrs. McMurray, and Miss Ruth Sheldon replaced her as head of the Home 
Economics Depaitment. The following year the position went to Miss Elvera 
Meiselwitz. She wasjoined by her sister Gertrude. In 1930 Gertrude Meiselwitz 
became chairman. After a leave to earn a Master's degree from the University 
of Wisconsin, she returned in 1935 to resume the chairmanship and give the 
department vigorous leadership for the next twenty-five years. She opened the 
self-supporting College Tea Room in 1937 to sei-ve meals to faculty and visitors 
and to afford practical experience for the majors. Although the laige number of 
majors made it necessary to add faculty, Miss Meiselwitz was versatile enough 
to teach clothing courses as well as dietetics. 

The death of Miss Meiselwitz in 1964 hastened the movement already 
underway to phase out a major that was becoming increasingly expensive. 
Accrediting bodies were setting higher standards each year, and students 
seriously interested in careers in home economics were enrolling in university 
programs. By 1962 it was necessary to drop the major in dietetics and reduce 
the other offerings to those that could be handled by one teacher. 

The decision was hard for Miss Meiselwitz to accept. By that time she 
had given thirty-five years to building the major and had taken justifiable pride 
in the reputation it had achieved. Nevertheless she made an effort to maintain 
her enthusiasm until cancer stmck. The College made arrangements for the 
nineteen students still enrolled as majors to complete their work at the University 
of Tennessee. 

The End of the Preparatory Department 

In the nineteenth century students were enrolled in the Preparatory 
Department as eaily as the fourth grade. Although the faculty would have 
preferred to teach only college students, the lack of public schools and the 
scarcity of good private schools forced them to maintain the Preparatory 
Depaitment as a feeder for the College. Enough changes had taken place in 
public education by 1 894, however, to justify eliminating primary classes through 
the sixth grade. A decade or more later as public school standards improved, 
Maryville increased graduation requirements from thiee years to four and 
accepted no boaiding students under fifteen years old. The seventh grade was 
dropped in 1914 and the eighth grade two years later. Dr. Wilson declared the 
preparatory course to be as strong as the college course was fifty years earlier. 

Some prospective donors, however, were becoming critical of the 


support of any preparatory work. When the College applied for a $75,000 
grant from the General Education Board, the secretary voiced his objection to 
the size of the Preparatory Department and the acceptance of preparatory students 
from other states. The Cainegie Foundation expressed concern over the effect 
the Prepaiatory Department was having on the prospects for public high schools 
in Blount and sunounding counties. Parents who could send their children to 
Maryville so inexpensively were not likely to give enthusiastic support to public 
high schools. 

The College was also facing serious internal problems. Enrollment of 
more than 1,000 in 1920 was straining the resources of a school that charged 
only $6 a term for tuition. The higher the enrollment climbed, the more urgent 
it became to cultivate new donors. The obvious solution was to make Maryville 
a tme college by phasing out one prepaiatory class a year, beginning in 1922. 
The President's Page in the Alumni Bulletin for April 1924 warned of the 
approaching demise: "Within eighteen months, Maryville College will have 
parted forever with its greatly honored, greatly useful, but now no longer needed, 
preparatory school." In 1925 the last class of 62 students graduated. The next 
fall the enrollment dropped to 609, but it soon built up and passed 800 again in 

The Preparatory Department faculty, composed almost altogether of 
Maryville College graduates, were either absorbed into the College faculty and 
administration or lost through natural attrition. The gradual phasing out process 
made the transition easier for all concerned. 

The Establishment of Fine Arts 

Thomas Campbell, a practicing ailist and Knoxville minister, who had 
become the first head of the Ait Department in 1902, could give only part time 
to teaching. Under his leadership, however, drawing lessons were made available 
to all students without additional fees, and painting in oil and water color for 
only nominal fees. When Campbell died in 1914, Belle Smith again took over 
the instruction. She set about establishing tighter organization and at the end 
of World War I added an art history class that allowed the awarding of a three- 
year diploma in art. Art classes grew until they overflowed their assigned rooms. 
In the 1920s after Nan Bird became department head, the number of art students 
averaged around eighty, and by 1930 classes had again outgrown their quarters. 


From Elocution to Speech and Drama 

Mention has already been made of Nita Eckles West, who estabhshed 
the Elocution Department in 1899 and, except for a four-year leave in 191 1-15, 
taught and directed plays until 1947. In the early years remuneration for 
instructors in all the fine arts was tuition plus supplement. As inadequate as the 
financial incentive was, the College managed to attract first-rate teachers. 

By 1905 certificates were being awarded to students who fulfilled the 
requirements of programs that had been developed in elocution and music. 
While Mrs. West was on 
leave, her position was 
filled for one year by 
Wanda Bontrager and 
for three years by Edna 
Zimmerman (later Mrs. 
E.R.Walker). On Mrs. 
West's return in 1915 to 
resume her position as 
head of what had now 
become the Department 
of Expression and Public 
Speaking, the 

enrollment warranted two instmctors, and Edna Zimmerman Walker continued 

In 1920 the Department offered a three-year course with a diploma in 
either expression or public speaking, and Irene Bewley joined the staff. A 
Maryville alumna and a graduate of the Leland Powers School in Boston, which 
was acclaimed at the time as the best speech school in the nation, Irene Bewley 
was already a popular Chautauqua and lyceum lecturer. Leland Powers called 
her "the best woman imitator in the United States." She organized the Maryville 
College Players, a group that performed for churches, high schools, and civic 
organizations throughout East Tennessee. Students in a course in story-telling, 
added in 1926, gave performances for large community audiences. The Powers 
School recognized the Maryville speech and drama program in 1928 by accepting 
Maryville credits toward graduation there, a privilege not extended to any other 
college at that time. 

The twenties saw a keen interest in play production-four literary society 
plays annually, a senior benefit play, a commencement play, two one-act plays, 


short skits to entertain civic clubs, and dramas for such special occasions as 
May Day, the Easter Sunrise Service, and Christmas programs. In 1927 
Maryville was admitted to membership in Theta Alpha Phi, the national drama 
fraternity, becoming the only school out of fourteen applicants to be admitted 
during a thiee-year period. 

While speech activities in a church-related school were always 
encouraged, drama was often viewed with suspicion. It was not surprising 
therefore that this burst of dramatic activity brought on censorship of both the 
local productions and the lyceum programs. In a memo to the Committee on 
Lyceums Dr. Wilson urged that all profanity be eliminated from public 
entertainments and reminded the Committee that "kissing and hugging on the 
stage, and immodest dressing and dancing does not fulfill our supreme task- 
the making of clean Chiistian character" Until past mid-century censureship 
committees read all scripts, deleting vulgaiities and innuendoes. 


No activity at Maryville had a longer history than forensics. Debates 
started with the organization of the first literary societies in the early Anderson 
years and constituted Uie main feature of society meetings throughout the century. 
Samuel T. Wilson, by his own count having participated in 185 debates while a 
student, became a strong proponent as teacher and president. His introduction 
of the systematic discourse approach laid the foundation for the subsequent 
success of Maryville College debaters. 

Indications are that intercollegiate debating at Maryville began early in 
the twentieth century. In 1903 Alpha Sigma elected W. C. Vaught and Fred 
Hope to represent them in a debate with Caison and Newman (as it was then 
known). Dr Wilson, speaking to the Athenians on the history of their society, 
told them that the Athenian challenge to the Columbian Society of Carson and 
Newman "was the initial step in the intercollegiate debate movement." The 
Maryville College Monthly claimed 2 April 1909 as the date for the "epoch- 
making first intercollegiate debate," when the fifty students accompanying the 
Carson-Newman team helped to swell "one of the largest audiences ever 
assembled in Voorhees Chapel." From that fime until the early seventies when 
debate was dropped, intercollegiate debating was confinuous. 

A triangular league composed of Maryville, Carson-Newman, and 
Tusculum sponsored rounds of debates with the three colleges alternafing as 
hosts. Presidents of the host colleges entertained the visitors royally, and laige 


audiences attended. Judges were men of prominence. The Hope Jewelers 
donated a silver cup for the school winning the largest number of debates, the 
understanding being that it would become the permanent possession of the first 
school to win it in three successive years. Within the first three yeais it came to 
rest at Maiyville. 

When Professor Southwick, the debate coach, was called into military 
service during World Wai- 1, other professors rallied around to keep debate alive. 
Professor Knapp was the coach for delivery; Dean Barnes directed research in 
political science; and Professor Bassett took care of correspondence. Wartime 
conditions, however, made scheduling difficult. By 1920 colleges in Virginia, 
Tennessee, and North Caiolina had organized an intercollegiate league in oratory 
and debate. The central event was an annual oratorical contest. Also for the 
first time in 1920 Maryville College women participated in intercollegiate 

The period between the two World Wars was the golden age of Maryville 
forensics. Professor Edwin Hunter, who assumed charge of the program in 
1920, formulated the Maiyville debate policy: "not to concentrate on a few 
winning teams but to equip a large number for public speaking." In his first 
year as coach Maiyville won seven out of eight debates. In 1922 the College 
received the Tennessee Alpha chapter of Pi Kappa Delta, the first and largest 
intercollegiate forensic league in the nation. The next yeai' thirty-five debaters 
travelled to four states, and the following year seventy students turned out for 
debate and oratory. By 1927 increased interest necessitated a half-time instiiictor 
for forensics. From 107 students, evenly divided between men and women, a 
squad of forty-two was chosen. Professor Verton Queener, an alumnus, was 
added to the faculty primaiily to coach debate. That year at the National PKD 
Tournament at Heidelberg College in Ohio the Maryville debaters reached the 
fifth round of a five-round elimination tournament. In 1929 Maiyville speakers 
won the PKD regional tournament as the undefeated men's team placed first, 
the women's team placed third, and Maryville speakers took top honors in 
oratory and extempore speaking. Maryville debaters would set new records in 
the next three decades. 

The Establishmefit of the Music Department 

Music activities that in the early twentieth century were largely 
extracurricular began to be incorporated into the academic program. A College 
bulletin announced in 1914 that the Department of Music "has been reorganized 


and placed under the leadership of a responsible head." The head was Miss 
Laura Hale, graduate of the Cincinnati Conservatory. Within a year the 
department was enrolling over one hundred students in piano and forty in voice. 
Miss Hale added violinist Mildred Butcher to the faculty and opened a violin 
department in 1916, the same year she produced the first Easter Cantata. 

One of the first projects of the new chaplain, Dr. Stevenson, was to 
organize, with the assistance of Misses Hale and Staater, a vesper choir in 
1917. Scholarships paid to choir members, the faculty told the Board, provided 
"a wonderful incentive for attendance at Sunday evening services." Financially 
the Music Department was a success. Six years after its establishment income 
from the 56 1 students enrolled in music more than covered the cost of instruction. 
The Cincinnati Conservatory began admitting Maryville diploma graduates to 
its degree program at the junior level. 

But problems arose. Facilities in the Voorhees Chapel were becoming 
overcrowded. Practice room conditions were poor and lacked proper ventilation, 
light, and heat. In 1926 came a recommendation from the faculty that the 
Board apply to the Presser Foundation for a music building grant. Complaints 
began to be heard that Miss Hale neglected some areas of music and that her 
demands upon students' time and upon the limited facilities were causing 
disharmony among music, expression, and ai1 teachers. This would not be the 
last time such complaints were heard, but better days were in store for the 
Music Department. 

Lyceum, Artist and Lecture Series 

In 1902 the YMCA brought under the one umbrella of the Lyceum 
Series all lectures, concerts, scientific demonstrations, travelogues, and 
magicians that had entertained the nineteenth century college audiences. The 
proceeds were to go to finance the YMCA operations. The programs included 
concerts by musicians of note, nationally known interpreters like Leland Powers, 
Byron King, and Montaville Flowers, and lecturers like Tennessee ex- 
Congressman and ex-Governor Alf Taylor. The series still offered a few wizards 
and humorists. 

In 191 3 responsibility for choosing programs fell to a faculty committee 
considered better judges of quality than the YMCA commiUee. In 1921 the 
College assigned approximately a fifth of its recently assessed activity fee to 
pay for student attendance. The practice was to bring four outstanding programs 
a year. 


When Chemistry Professor George Howell became chairman of the 
Lyceum Committee in 1927, the series reached its peak in quality. In his first 
year he brought to the campus a well-known Metropolitan Opera star, an 
instrumental trio, and a play, Drinkwater's Abraham Lincoln. The series brought 
in $14,000 that year. Typical fare in succeeding years included Metropolitan 
Opera singers, ensembles such as the Cherniavsky Trio and the Don Cossacks 
Chorus. To keep the series solvent, the Committee supplemented these with 
lecturers, impersonators, cartoonists, and other inexpensive performers. Howell 
had a talent for securing performers such as Iturbe and Horowitz in the years 
before they became famous. The Artist Series under his management was to 
make the College an East Tennessee cultural center in the years before other 
colleges had developed programs of their own. 

Accreditation and Reputation 

The constant attention to the educational program paid dividends. In 
1913 Maryville was approved by the Association of American Colleges and in 
1922 was accredited by the Southern Association. The Wilson presidency also 
saw approval by the American Council on Education, the American Medical 
Association, the Tennessee College Association, and the Presbyterian Union. 

The performance of alumni was gratifying. As early as 1902 the faculty 
reported to the Board that "three of our graduates have taken a Princeton degree 
in one year's additional study, and better yet, have been first honor men in their 
classes." In 1916, at an East Tennessee Education Association meeting. 
University of Tennessee President Dr. Brown Ayres commended Maryville 
College for sending more students to graduate school than any other college in 
Tennessee. Usually behind every successful student stands a strong teacher. 
Maryville had more than its share of strong teachers during these years. 

Faculty Standards and Salaries 

Most of the faculty in the nineteenth century were graduates of the 
College. In his inaugural address in 1901 Dr. Wilson noted that over half of the 
teaching force at that time were once students in his classes. Dr. E. A. Elmore 
wrote him a few words of caution: "You will have to be careful about your 
teaching force. . . . Cheap teaching means a cheap school." Specifying the 
language courses and the biology and music chairs, he called for thoroughly 
competent teachers lest the College "lose the class of students that we ought to 


win. Makeshift teachers won't do." 

A faculty committee appointed in 1 883 to "find and recommend to the 
Board suitable persons for teachers" relied for half a century primarily on its 
own graduates who had gone on for advanced study. Many of these became 
talented and enthusiastic teachers. Although Dr. Elmore was right in principle, 
one wonders if in those early days the College would have retained its special 
character and spirit without a core of its own graduates. 

While some saw that spirit as deriving from the small size and the 
dominant Scots-Irish heritage, John C. Crawford, a student at the turn of the 
century, saw the spirit as originating in the 
student-teacher relationship: "We learn a 
more important and more vital and enduring 
lesson from their lives among us than from 
their work in the classroom. . . . These men 
are working not for dollars and cents, but 
because they here can stretch out more 
hands than elsewhere." 

Crawford pinpointed a major 
reason for the predominance of Maryville 
graduates on the faculty. From the earliest 
days most Maryville students sensed that 
their teachers were motivated by values 
worth emulating. Salaries were secondary. 
Non-graduates who joined the faculty either 
caught the spirit or moved on to other 
positions. It was not that the faculty were 
complacent. Their unremitting efforts to 
advance the College negates that notion. 
Their motivation stemmed from a wholehearted belief in Maryville's mission. 

Most of the Maryville graduates who joined the faculty began teaching 
in the Preparatory Department, many before completing the BA degree. Men 
seriously interested in professional careers either took time out to earn a seminary 
degree or attend graduate school during the summers. Through the first decade 
of the twentieth century the prospects for advancement discouraged women 
from pursuing graduate work. The ministry of course was closed to them, as 
were professorial positions at Maryville College. When they did move into 
college level teaching, regardless of advanced study, they retained their former 
status and salary. 


By 1920 conditions for both men and women had improved. The 1920 
catalog shows a College faculty of fourteen (excluding fine arts, which served 
both the College and the Preparatory Department) and a Preparatory faculty of 
twenty-six. Of eight in the professor rank, one held an earned Ph.D.; six, the 
MA; and one (the French professor) the "Brevet Superieur" from the Sorbonne. 
The highest degree for the five associate professors was the B.A. or B.S.. The 
one instructor, a native Spanish teacher, had no degree. (There was no assistant 
professor rank until 1939.) Only half of the Preparatory faculty held degrees, 
all Bachelor's. Of the fourteen faculty in the College Department, one-half had 
earned undergraduate degrees at Mary ville. Two professors and three associate 
professors were women, a significant gain during the past decade. 

All faculty were grossly underpaid for the first half of the twentieth 
century. The U. S. Department of Commerce reported that in 1905 the average 
salary for male professors was $1,200 to $1,500 as compared with $1,200 for 
physicians, $900 for ministers, and $250 for public school teachers. The average 
for Maryville professors was around $ 1 ,000. 

Two years later Dr. Wilson complained to the Board that for many 
years Maryville professors had been receiving $1,000 a year "without house 
rent or other financial advantage." None were extravagant, he said, and all but 
one had families depending upon them. He added: 

They are also by virtue of their profession and position required to keep 
up with the profession. Summer terms at Cornell and Chicago, and the 
purchase of technical books require more money than they can spare. 
The only way they can save is by keeping up an insurance policy, and 
that requires another expenditure. 

While salaries remained the same, he pointed out, cost of living had increased 
by 33% or more. It saddened him to think that colleges similar to Maryville 
were paying their professors $1,200 to $1,800: "Even Cumberland University, 
with almost no endowment, pays $1 ,200 to each professor." He failed to mention 
the plight of men~and women-below the professor rank, who were supporting 
families on salaries as low as $650 and $750. 

World War I brought on further increases in the cost of living. And 
with the Southern Association evaluation approaching, the need to upgrade 
faculty credentials and raise salaries was growing urgent. Salaries of professors 
with Ph.Ds and/or several years' tenure had reached $ 1 ,800. A grant of $5,000 
from the General Educafion Board of the Presbyterian Church made possible 
further raises in 1921 in preparafion for the Southern Association evaluation 


the following year. The Committee on Professors and Teachers recommended 
that the fund be used to increase salaries of the executive faculty from $ 1 ,800 to 
$2,300; associate professors from $1,200 to $1,500; and assistants (all other 
teachers) from $750 to $1,000. At Vanderbilt at the same time full professors 
were making a minimum of $3,000, and state colleges and universities had set 
$2,400 as the minimum salary for full professors. 

There was little job security. One of the first references to tenure was 
in a letter Dr. Wilson wrote to a prospective teacher in 1903, telling him that 
election was for three years, "at the end of which re-election will mean tenure 
during satisfactory service." Officially the phrase became "of good behavior 
and efficient service," the violation of either standard becoming cause for 
dismissal. Fringe benefits were rare. Any health problems, disability, or 
retirement provisions had to be met out of the faculty member's own resources. 
During the last part of the nineteenth century the College extended free tuition 
to faculty children as well as to ministers' children. Sometime later, perhaps 
when fewer professors were ministers, this privilege was dropped for all except 
ministers' children. Free tuition was not available to faculty children—unless 
the faculty were also ministers --during the twenties or during the Depression, 
when it was most needed. The reinstitution of grants for all faculty children 
did not come until September 1965. 

Professors, even so, were in a better position than "teachers," most of 
whom were women who automatically received lower salaries than their male 
counterparts. One curious exception almost occurred in 1906 when the 
Committee on Professors and Teachers reported that Miss Mary Kennedy 
(biology) had been elected to a professorship at a salary of $1 ,000. It represented 
for the recipient an unheard of raise— either for man or woman— of about 40%. 
Apparently Miss Kennedy, who was considered an exceptional teacher, had 
received an attractive offer from Mt. Holyoke. Records indicate that in spite of 
the sudden generosity of the Committee, she did not return the following year. 

The next financial report confirmed that Miss Susan Allen Green, a 
Massachusetts native with an A.B. from Smith College and an M.A. from the 
University of Chicago, had assumed the biology position at $650. Tracing 
Miss Green's forty-four year history at Maryville College provides concrete 
evidence of the status of women in the first half of the twentieth century. At the 
end of her first year Dr Wilson, who always in his reports to the Board mentioned 
each faculty member by name and tried (sometimes desperately) to say 
something positive about each, spoke of how well Miss Green had filled Miss 
Kennedy's place. 


The second year he reported that she was upgrading the curriculum: 

Miss Green introduced a strong course in Elementary Geology in the 
Senior Preparatory Year, in lieu of the Geology of Tennessee, making 
the latter work collateral reading in the new general course. Miss Green's 
work is so eminently satisfactory that it was with great pleasure that the 
faculty learned that she would continue in charge of her department for 
the coming year. 

The last sentence sounds as if she might have been considering a change, but 
by this time she probably was won over by the enthusiastic response of the 
students and the secure place she enjoyed among the faculty. 

Her salary increased at the rate of $50 annually until 1909, when she 
reached a plateau of $850. In 1912 it was raised to $900. In the meantime she 
was spending her summers for marine laboratory work in Massachusetts, study 
in Europe, and travel in Mexico, Canada, and the American West. 

A slight breakthrough for women occurred in 191 3 when the Committee 
on Professors and Teachers adopted the following resolution: 

1 . That hereafter both men and women acting as Heads of Department 
shall be designated in our Catalog as "Professors." This, however, will 
not constitute them as members of the Executive Faculty, which shall 
continue to be composed of the men regularly elected to fill chairs under 
the existing regulations of the Board, and of such other teachers as shall 
be invited to the seats by the Executive Faculty. Nor shall it have any 
effect in fixing the amounts of the salaries to be paid. 

2. That acting heads of departments not holding a degree higher than 
the Bachelor's degree, shall be termed "Associate Professors." 

The resolution was a positive move toward increased status, doubtless 
motivated by the recogmzed absence of logic in elevating a man with a B.A. into 
the professor category while women with M.A.s serving as department heads 
remained 'lady teachers." But promotion in rank for women did not affect their 
salaries. In the early twenties. Miss Green's salary was $1,600. A young sci- 
ence teacher, a Maryvillc alumnus with an M.S. from the University of Chicago 
and in his third year at Maryvillc, was making $1,900. 

Almost as degrading as salary discrimination was the refusal of a voice 
in policy-making. The Nineteenth Amendment was having its impact on both 


women students and women faculty members. In 1921 a "ladies Council" 
petitioned for women professors to be made members of the Executive Faculty. 
Dr. Wilson drafted a response: "The Faculty Council is large now, but the women 
heads of department aie welcome to our faculty meetings when they have matters 
concerning their departments." He confided to his diary that he read his drafted 
letter to five male leaders of the faculty. Having received their approval, he 
sent the letter to the women and was satisfied that they had accepted it as final. 

What apparently disturbed Dr. Wilson most about elevating salaries 
and ranks of women was the budget strictures he faced. He was in the vanguard 
of those in the church working for gender equality. The Congregational Church, 
with which the Presbyterian Church had affiliated in the early nineteenth century, 
had by 1904 accepted women ministers. In 1920 Presbyterians approved an 
overture towaid permitting women to serve as elders and deacons. Retiring as 
moderator of Union Presbytery in 1929, Dr. Wilson spoke at length on behalf 
of equality, pointing out that Presbyterian overseas missions had granted women 
"equal rights with their brothers and the missions have not met with disaster 
since those rights were granted." He regretted that the foreign field was "more 
generous in giving open doors to recently Christianized heathen women than 
the home Church in dealing with Chiistian women whose characters have been 
enriched by the Christian culture of a millennium." 

He confinued to urge, with well chosen Biblical teachings, that the 
church remove "all its age-long restrictions of the rights of Christian 
womanhood." Opposition within the national committee that considered his 
overture, however, was so strong that voting had to be postponed. Meanwhile 
back at the College, budget restrictions were militating against equality. 

In 1928 when questions again arose about staying in compliance with 
Southern Association standaids, the Boaid adopted a salary scale that added a 
total of $8,000 to the salary budget. The explanation as to how it would be 
distributed was drawn up in the form of a resolution. Male heads of depaitments 
and the director of athletics would receive salaries of $3,000. Women heads of 
departments and men acting heads-plus one who was not an acting head- 
would receive $2,000. Male associate professors, "according to experience, 
availability, degrees, and value to the College, as decided by the Committee on 
Professors and Teachers, [would receive] from $1,600 to $2,500." The salaiy 
for women with a Master's would be $ 1 ,500 and for women without the degree, 
but especially experienced, $1,300. Instructors' salaries would range from 
$1,000 to $2,000, "according to experience, availability, worth, and efficiency." 

In short, the salary scale was flexible enough to allow for whatever 


personal considerations the Committee chose to bring to bear on its decisions, 
as illustrated by the decision that year regarding a young coach, a recent graduate 
of Maryville. He received a contract for "$1,150 with a dormitory room plus 
$840 for work in the Department of Physical Culture." No one was expected to 
notice that his salary together with the extras would exceed the $2,000 paid the 
veteran head of the Biology Department. But, then again, it was unlikely that 
anyone would have questioned it. 

From the perspective of the 1990s the entire procedure seems 
hypocritical. From the perspective of the 1920s it was sensible and practical. 
None of the men--certainly not Dr. Wilson and obviously not the examining 
committee of the Southern Association-would have found the salary scale 
questionable except for the inadequacy of salaries for family men. In matters 
of salary and governance Maryville 's treatment of women followed the 
established pattern of the times. In showing appreciation and respect for women 
in other ways, Maryville was probably exceptional. 

One of Dr. Wilson's last acts before his retirement was to confer upon 
Susan Allen Green, as she completed her twenty-fourth year at Maiyville, the 
honorary degree of Doctor of Humane Letters. The citation read in part: "For 
the first time, but not for the last time, in the history of Maryville College, a 
Doctor's degree has been conferred upon a woman, and a queenly woman at 

Giants in Those Days 

Susan Green had not been at Maiyville many years before the students 
showed their appreciation by dedicating the yearbook to her. Her picture shows 
a bright young face with a hint of a smile and a quizzical expression. Her 
students testified to her enthusiasm for life in all its forms and her ability to 
infect them with the same enthusiasm. Her colleagues found her equally 
stimulating. At mid-century she was still entertaining her friends with stories 
of her earlier days at Maiyville, including accounts of the visits of the Thaw 
family. Dr. Edwin Hunter, who was associated with her for thirty-two years, 
listed her in his memoirs as one of Maryville 's finest teachers. 

Dr. Hunter himself was one of the giants of the Wilson and Lloyd 
administrations. As student, young teacher and debate coach, dean, seasoned 
teacher, and elder statesman-a caieer, like Dr. Wilson's, covering over a half a 
centuiy-he left an indelible mark. He also left reminiscences of his colleagues. 
Along with his published criticism and poetry, he wrote a small volume, still in 


manuscript form, entitled That Man 's Scope, intended as a companion to his 
published poetry, This Man's Art. It contains personal recollections and 
comments on many of the twenty-eight faculty members who came during the 
Wilson Administration and stayed at least twenty-five years, helping to shape 
the future of the College. 

Though he would have denied it. Dr. Hunter probably contributed more 
than any other faculty member to shaping mid-twentieth-century Maryville. 
He spent three years as a student at the College, having transferred from 
Greenville College in his native Illinois. After graduating in 1914, he earned 
an M.A. at the University of Chicago and taught high school for a year. In 
1918 he returned to Maryville to teach English, arriving in time to put his 
considerable creative powers to work on an elaborate centennial pageant. A 
leave of absence in the early twenties enabled him to complete his doctorate in 
medieval literature at the University of Chicago. 

Back at Maryville in 1925 he headed the English Department and 
coached debate. When Dean Barnes retired in 1930, Dr. Hunter became the 
dean of curriculum, a position he held for twenty-six years before retiring to 
spend his last ten years full-time in the classroom. During his years as dean he 
carried a half teaching load; published books, articles, and monographs; attended 
every drama, music, and sports event on campus; and taught a large Sunday 
school class of college students at the New Providence Church and later at the 
newly established Highland Presbyterian Church (1953). In the summers he 
was often a visiting professor at Duke, Peabody, Emory and Henry, or the 
University of Tennessee. 

The young Edwin Hunter who arrived at Maryville in 191 1 came under 
the influence of the first great teacher he had known. Here, he said, he found 
many competent teachers but only one master who was "inspiring and 

The Master teacher. . was Samuel Tyndale Wilson. ... He was a vigor- 
ous and thorough teacher who was great mainly because he believed 
what he had to teach was important. Foremost in his scale of values was 
personal religion, and his teaching was scarcely separable from his dy- 
namic belief 

Dr. Hunter elsewhere defined a great teacher as "one who believes and loves his 
material and lets his feeling for it go out to his students." Having learned from 
Dr. Wilson's "Systematic Discourse" the satisfaction derived from order and 
precision applied to writing and speaking, he passed on the love of logic to his 


debaters, to students in his English classes, and to his younger colleagues. 

Even more contagious was his enthusiasm for Chaucer, Shakspere [the 
spelling he insisted on], Keats, Faulkner, or whatever writer he happened to be 
teaching at the moment. When he was able in 1947 to broaden the English 
Department core courses from English and American literature to Western World 
literature, his teaching reached new heights. A sophomore in the early fifties 
left a glimpse of Dr. Hunter in the classroom: 

He opens the book with a quiet reverence and begins to read, savoring 
the beauties, forgiving the faults. "Isn't that delightful?" he will chuckle, 
and we discover that it is indeed. 

The spirit of the poet flows through him to us; and when we leave the 
classroom we know that our souls have been made a little wider; for we 
have come to love what the poet loved, and we have seen something that 
was in his heart. 

Dr. Hunter's capacity for appreciation was not confined to literature. It 
enveloped all the life around him. He loved interaction with students and the 
stimulation of exchanges with his colleagues. Throughout his life he champi- 
oned the St. Louis Cardinals and the Democratic Party. 

One of his early colleagues had also been one of his teachers, Mrs. 
Jane Bancroft Smith (Lady Jane) Alexander, the sister of the art teacher Belle 
Smith. Mrs. Alexander was educated at Wellesley with summer study at the 
University of Vermont and Harvard, lecture courses at Columbia, correspondence 
courses from the University of Chicago, and a year's study at the Sorbonne. 
After her marriage to the Reverend John M. Alexander, a Maryville alumnus 
and for a time pastor of New Providence, she came to live in Maryville. She 
resumed the teaching career that was spread over fifty-one years, thirty-three of 
them at Maryville: 1883-1885; 1892-1893; and 1904-1934. She first taught 
French and German, then in 1905 became head of the History and Literature 
Department. In her later years she taught mainly literature courses. 

At the end of her first year as department head. Dr. Wilson, following 
his custom of speaking posiUvely of the faculty in his annual reports, told the 
Board: "Mrs. Jane B. S. Alexander has established in one year a history 
department that cannot go backward, but must hereafter advance in importance," 
a statement subject to one's interpretation. But there was ample evidence of 
her effecfiveness as a teacher. 

A student petition found among Dr. Wilson's papers asked that Mrs. 
Alexander rather than Dr. Lyon be assigned to teach the Shakespeare class 
because "judging both from our own experience in the classroom and from the 


opinion expressed by others who have had this course at Maryville during the 
past two years, we beheve that we could derive much more benefit if the course 
were taught by Mrs. Alexander." Dr. Hunter's assessment was that she was "a 
great lady, a lover of beauty (one of its names was Browning), and an inspirational 
teacher." Her memory is perpetuated through the Alexander English Prize. 
She and her husband established a fund, the annual interest from which was to 
go each yeai- to the senior English major with the highest average in English 

Among the faculty on Dr. Hunter's "outstanding" list was George 
(Daddy) Knapp. A New Yorker with B.A. and M.A. degrees from Hamilton 
College, he had taught at Park and Olivet before coming to Maryville to teach 
mathematics, physics, and astronomy. As a widower with three children he 
was concerned about suitable housing. He wrote President Wilson asking help 
in finding a house with seven rooms, including a bathioom with haid and soft 
water. This was in 1914. Dr. Gillingham, who was handling the mail while the 
president was in New York, notified the president that he might have to vacate 
Will aid House to satisfy George Knapp. On his anival, however, it was clear 
that the newcomer would settle in quite satisfactorily in a house on Wilson 

Everyone who knew him had a favorite George Knapp story about his 
wit, pranks, or practical jokes. Miss Anna Jones, the registrai; known for being 
meticulous about her permanent record cards, returned to her desk one day to 
find an ink blot on one of them. Before she succumbed to apoplexy. Dr. Knapp 
deftly brushed away the offending blot--a celluloid simulation that he had placed 

In the days before astronauts and space exploration, when the mysteries 
of the heavens were still largely unsolved. Daddy Knapp noticed one of his 
students, a notorious bluffer, beginning to nod; and, to get his attention. Dr. 
Knapp asked abmptly, "Mr. Johnson, what does the other side of the moon 
look like?" After a pause came the reply: "I knew that when I came into class, 
but I can't seem to remember"; whereupon Dr. Knapp put his head down on his 
desk and, with shoulders heaving, gasped: "The only man in the world who 
knew what the other side of the moon looked like. . .and. . .he's. . .forgotten!" 

Dr. Hunter described Dr. Knapp as being "of spare build, erect, quick- 
stepping, meticulously well groomed, generally dressed in gray." Dr. Knapp's 
friends, he said, knew to watch for the sparkle in his eye that was a prelude to 
a humorous word or simply a message in itself. It was agreed that he taught 
mathematics brilliantly and that with the scantiest equipment he could open the 


door to the wonders of the heavens. He was also a surveyor and used his 
expertise to survey and direct the levehng of the first good baseball field on 
campus. He promoted the intercollegiate forensic program, was one of the 
organizers of Alpha Gamma Sigma, supervised the Chilhowean for a period, 
and led early morning bird watches. Perhaps no greater tribute could be paid 
him than by the student who confessed that he followed Daddy Knapp around 
campus just to be able to walk in his footsteps. Dr. Knapp retired in 1938, at 
age seventy-eight, after twenty-four yeais at Maryville. As late as 1979 an 
anonymous donor sent $5,000 to establish a loan fund in his honor. 

A year after Dr. Knapp came to Maiyville, Midwesterner Edmund 
Wayne Davis, with an A.B. from Missouri Valley College and an M.A. from 
Haivard, arrived to teach classics and remained for thirty-four yeais to teach 
classics and much more. As secretary of the faculty he taught his colleagues to 
become caieful listeners. They never knew when a joke was apt to surface 
thiough his dry, deliberate reading of the minutes. 

His students also learned to listen for the parentheses, and they marvelled 
at his range of interests. He played the clarinet in the College orchestra. Duiing 
World War I when the football coach left for the Aimy, E. W. Davis became the 
substitute coach. He thereafter followed all sports with the eye of a professional. 
Occasionally the students could lure him away from Greek or Latin into a 
discussion of the stock market, a favorite topic. Those who wanted to ask him 
a question after class, whether about the ablative absolute or the Dow Jones 
average, had to be sure they had no other appointments for the next hour. But 
slow and deliberate though he was, they considered their time well spent. 

Horace Eugene Orr, who returned to his alma mater in 1919 to teach, 
had come under Dr. Wilson's influence in his formative years. He knew enough 
about his mentor's views to realize a few yeais after his anival that his own 
religious beliefs were moving in different directions. With his characteristic 
integrity he wrote a letter of resignation that he delivered in person. Dr. Wilson, 
refusing to look at it, dropped it on the fire in the open grate. In Dr. Orr's 
words, '"He hoped, he said, that I would stay at Maryville until my hair turned 
as white as his. He added that if at any time I myself decided I was "going to 
the devil," I might quietly obtain a job somewhere else and announce that I was 
withdrawing to accept another position.'" 

That one scene explains the atmosphere of academic freedom enjoyed 
in those days before the AAUP drew up its guidelines. The one principle was 
"Select the faculty very caiefully and then tmst them"~a procedure probably 
easier for administrators in the earlier years than in the late twentieth century 


when the hiring process has become more complex. 

Dr. Orr remained for thirty-nine years, eventually becoming the key 
member and chairman of the Philosophy and Religion Department. Stalling as 
an English teacher, he first agreed, on Dr. Barnes' death, to teach the ethics 
class, though with some trepidation. He told an Echo reporter: '"So I find 
myself listed in the catalog as Professor of Religion and Philosophy. I felt 
flabbergasted. . . .'" He added: '"I have always been pushed into things that I 
was interested in and could not do well. One thing is certain. I have loved to 
teach and I never claimed to be a philosopher. . .except in one humble respect: 
I would love to have wisdom and understanding and would love to impart it if 
I had it.'" 

He did impart his wisdom and understanding, and like all great teachers 
he watched his best students develop into independent thinkers, some of them 
following his own example of diverging from the views of the mentor, but few 
remaining untouched by his teaching. One of his students was probably speaking 
for many when she said that she became so absorbed in his lectures that she 
forgot to take notes. 

The sciences in the latter part of the Wilson years were in the hands of 
Maryville alumni who had continued their education in graduate school. 
Professor Edgai" Roy Walker, in physics, mathematics, and geology, had been 
connected with Maryville since his elementary school years, walking eight 
miles a day round trip from his farm home to the institution that would enable 
him to fulfill his ambition. When he graduated in 1909, he showed his 
appreciafion for what the school had meant to him not only by teaching in the 
Preparatory Department but devoting long hours to the extras: landscaping the 
campus, counseling with students, and setting up for athletes in 1916 the first 
training table in the dining room. On special occasions students were often 
surprised to find fresh flowers on every dining room table, but they had no 
trouble guessing who put them there. 

With the closing of the Preparatory Department Professor Walker moved 
into college teaching, establishing a near record of forty-six years in the 
classroom. Four years before Professor Walker's retirement, Carson Seeley, 
after interviewing him for the Echo, wrote: "Many science students have little 
doubt as to who 'the grand old man of M. C is." Calling him "a veritable 
storehouse of interest," the reporter summarized his characterisfics as a teacher: 
"fair-mindedness, tolerance, and self-control." 

Professor George Dewey Howell, already mentioned for his valuable 
contributions to the cultural life of the College, returned to Maryville in 1922 


for a tenure record that tied Professor Walker's. During the twenties and early 
thirties he not only taught chemistry but filled in for several years as dean of 
men. He became head of the Chemistry Department and, following Dr. Davis's 
retirement, served as secretary of the faculty. He was a conscientious teacher 
and a quiet, behind-the-scenes worker. 

His colleague in chemistry. Dr. Albert (Hiro) Griffitts, was more colorful. 
A Maiyville graduate and a faculty member from 1925 to 1968, Doc Griffitts 
was chairman of the Science Division in his later years. In addition to teaching 
he managed the bookstore and post office, served as advisor for student 
publications, chaired the Discipline Committee for many years, was active in 
professional organizations, served on evaluaUon panels for the National Science 
Foundation, and remained on call as an expert witness in court cases that involved 
questions about chemistry. 

Chapel-goers remembered Dr. Griffitts for the photographic memory 
that enabled him to "read" long passages of scripture without a glance at the 
Bible. His memory made him invaluable on choir tours and at alumni events, 
for he could recall names of students from his earliest days on campus. As he 
neared retirement age, he took a leave of absence to teach in Ghana as a Fulbright 
lecturer in chemistry and after retirement continued to teach as a visiting 
professor at other colleges. 

It is to the credit of the science faculty that Maryville College suffered 
no fallout from the "Monkey Trial" that was taking place in 1925 in nearby 
Dayton, Tennessee. On the last day of the "grand assize at Dayton" Dr Wilson's 
friend Albert Shaw wrote to him to learn how the College stood in the debate 
on evolution in science courses. Wilson replied, sending also his sermon 
"Science and Religion Are Sisters." He pointed out that thiee hundred students 
had taken biology that yeai- and he had not heaid any reaction against either 
religion or science. "Polemic extremists on both sides," he added, "greatly 
embarrass many of us educators who believe in both of God's gracious voices 
-that of nature and that of revelation-and who rejoice in their unison and 

Verton Queener was a native Tennessean who had served nineteen 
months in the Navy during World War I and afterwards entered Maryville to 
continue his education. The maturity he showed and the leadership record he 
established while a student plus the need for a debate coach made him an 
excellent candidate for a teaching position. He was the first president of the 
Student Council, organized in 1924, a charter member and first president of Pi 
Kappa Delta, and editor of the Echo. After graduate work at the University of 


Tennessee and three yeais of high school teaching, he returned to Maryville in 
1929 to teach European history and coach debate. The following year he manied 
Evelyn Norton, Maryville 's popular physical education teacher, whose lively 
personality complemented his outward seriousness, relieved at the most 
unexpected times by his dry wit. 

Except for leaves to complete his doctorate at the University of Indiana 
and to work in the Department of Agriculture with the War Food Administration 
during World Wai" II, Dr Queener was on the faculty until 1958. In December 
of that year he and Mrs. Queener were returning from a sabbatical in England, 
a gift from his loyal students, and had stopped for a visit in New York with 
former students and colleagues, Mary Gladys and Archibald Pieper, when he 
was stricken with a heai1 attack and died before he could return home. 

Cathaiine Wilkinson, who holds the record for tenure as a teacher, 
belonged to a local family that produced five generations of Maryville College 
students. Three of her great uncles studied under Isaac Anderson, and her 
father and grandfather were students at the College. She, her brother, and sister 
attended, as did two nephews. In recent years the family has been represented 
at the College by her great nieces. In 1919 Miss Wilkinson began teaching a 
schedule that included French, algebra, history, and Latin. After time out for 
an M.A. from Emory and a summer at the Sorbonne, she began to concentrate 
on French and became head of the Language Department. Up to the time of her 
retirement in 1970 Miss Wilkinson never lost her enthusiasm for teaching, for 
the College, or for entertaining students in her home. 

Misses Almira Jewell and Almira Basseft were cousins for whom 
Maryville was also a family institution. They graduated in 1908 and 1909 
respectively. Miss Jewell began teaching in the Prepaiatory Department in 
1911 and remained for thirty-four years, making the transition to the College 
History Department. Miss Bassett, having taught elsewhere after graduation, 
did not return to Maiyville until 1926, but it was not long before she became a 
favorite teacher for the creative and thorough method with which she brought 
mythology and Latin to life. Her brother, Dr Henry Bassett, a Maryville 
alumnus, was on the faculty during the early and middle years of the Wilson 
administration, taking sabbaticals to study in Italy and complete his doctorate. 
Before his sister returned to the College, he left to take another teaching position. 
The Bassett family, including the mother and another sister, moved from Kansas 
to live neai- the campus while Almira was in school and Henry was on the 
faculty. Their home was the scene of many social activities, usually combined 
with lectures on Roman history. 


Miss Jessie Heron, a graduate of the College of Wooster, came in 1919 
to teach English and remained for thirty-eight years. She had a reputation for 
toughness and a sharp tongue, but her love of football gave her infinite patience 
with the football players. After teaching English all day, at three o'clock she 
was on the football field as the unofficial coach, a schedule she kept up until 
her retirement. During World War II she kept track of her "boys" in the military 
service, conesponding faithfully. One of the highlights of her life was seeing 
her team receive a bid to the Tangerine Bowl in 1946. Her notebook contained 
a rare collection of boners from freshman themes: "A slaying or caroling party 
are always lots of fun"; "their health [that of women missionaries] is more 
affected by the climate than men"; "a good coach is one who uses physiology." 

Kathryn McMurray, already mentioned in connection with home 
economics and the College-Maid Shop, was a dynamic force on campus. The 
career of her husband. Dr. J. H. McMuiTay, was cut short by his death in the 
late thirties, but he was one of Maryville's most respected teachers. Before 
coming to Mary ville in 1920 he had been president of Lincoln College in Lincoln, 
Illinois, for thirteen years and field director for the Red Cross for two. A 
personal friend of Orville and Wilbur Wright, he enjoyed recalling that he had 
made fun of them for experimenting with a flying machine and had declined 
their invitation to go gliding. He also enjoyed remembering Wilbur's prediction 
that the plane would never become practical. 

Others on the staff during these years will be discussed in other 
connections. Suffice it to say that the number of outstanding faculty and staff 
who bridged the Wilson and Lloyd years was phenomenal. Their length of 
service, considered from the perspective of an age of increasing mobility, was 
even more phenomenal. 


Chapter IX—Student Life in the Wilson Years 

Early tAventieth century college students were witnesses to exciting 
changes within the course of their lifetime: the coming of the automobile and 
airplane, the advent of radio and television, the trauma of wars, and revolutions 
in manners and morals. In the twenty-nine years Samuel T. Wilson reigned over 
Maryville College, the country moved from the Age of Innocence through the 
Jazz Age and to the brink of the Great Depression. Changes in college life were 
inevitable. At first almost imperceptible, they accelerated with World War I and 
its aftermath. 

Freshman entering Maryville College during the first decade of the twen- 
tieth century found a campus and 
program little changed within the 
preceding twenty-five years. Miss 
Nellie McCampbell, Isaac Ander- 
son's great niece who began her 
freshman year in 1905. left her 
memories of the college experience 
in a letter to her own great niece. 
Sarah Babeley, Class of 1968. She 
wrote about packing for college, 
filling her new trunk with shirt 
waists, skirts, a few dresses, win- 
ter clothes, curtains, a pillow, 
sheets, pillow cases, and quilts plus 

washbowl, pitcher, and chamberpot. Whether the trunk held everything she did 
not say, but she had to pack careftilly for the sixteen-mile train trip from Knox- 
ville to Maryville on one of the two daily trains that connected the towns. 

As the train pulled into the Maryville station, the YWCA and YMCA 
representatives greeted her with the college yell: 

How We How We, Chill How We 
Maryville, Maryville, Tennessee 

"One good soul" arranged to have her trunk delivered to Baldwin while 
others tried to make her feel welcome, but she had no sooner reached the dormi- 
tory than homesickness set in. She went to bed before the arrival of her room- 
mate. Almira Bassett, who was coming all the way from Moran, Kansas. In 
good Maryville tradition, as soon as Almira arrived, they began their sixty- 
three-year friendship, and the homesickness began to dissipate. 

Nellie described her room, "Old 16," fiimished with an iron double bed 
at the foot of which the roommates placed the two trunks. The trunk tops served 
as dresser tops; the trunk trays, as dresser drawers. There was a shelf, a small 


mirror, a shirtwaist box pressed into service as a window seat, a large table with 
a chair at each end, and a washstand for the bowl and pitcher. There was also a 
small closet, "too small." she said, "when Henrietta Muecke, in our room during 
study hours, tried to hide in it when she heard Miss Mollie. our matron, com- 

This room was typical of the rooms in Baldwm and luxurious compared 
w ith those in Memorial, where the men had to furnish even their own springs and 
mattresses and pay a refiindable dollar deposit as a pledge that the room would 
not be abused. As late as 1913 Memorial rooms contained only iron double 
bedsteads and "deal tables." which had been in use smce 1883. 

The catalog for 1905 described the rooms in Baldwin and Memorial as 
being heated by steam, lighted by electricity, supplied with water on every floor, 
and fitted out with new bathrooms. Memorial had needle showers. Nellie 
McCampbell was not enthusiastic about the Baldwin accommodations—two tubs 
and long lines. The girls in the tubs, she complained, had usually promised 
others they could be next: "Maybe you got a bath and maybe you didn't before 
the lights flashed for preparation for bed." All other bathing depended on the 
pitcher and washbowl. She described the outhouse as being behind Baldwin 
with room for six or eight at a time, adding: "The plumbing was excellent, never 
out of order." Another part of the Baldwin backyard contained the laundry— two 
tubs and a large stove to heat the irons. A year later Nellie doubtless was happy 
to hear the report that "sewer connections and closets have been placed in Baldwin 

With the building of Pearsons and Carnegie, conditions improved. Dr. 
Wilson, concerned about the students sleeping two in a bed. had found fiinds to 
replace double beds with singles. By 1910 residents, except those in Memorial, 
were provided with single bedsteads, comfortable cotton mattresses, chiffoniers, 
chairs, and tables with bookcases built into each end. Within another decade the 
catalog could state: "All the dormitories are heated with steam and lighted with 
electricity, and are fully supplied with wardrobes, baths, and toilets." In addi- 
tion to other furniture, dressers had been added "for young women." The 1930 
catalog contained the same description as the 1910 catalog. 

Spartan though the living was, the students had little cause to complain 
about expenses. Nellie's expenses in 1905-06 would have ranged from $88 to 
$125 for the year, depending on the room rent, which varied according to the 
accommodations, and the number of private lessons in music, expression, or art. 
Tuition was a straight six dollars per term or eighteen for the year. Although the 
board bill could not be calculated until the end of the month, the average cost 
was estimated at between five and six dollars a month (as compared with 
Harvard's fourteen dollars a month). Four hundred students that year were 
eating in the Boarding Club. On the first floor of Baldwin, it had two doors, one 


for women and one for men. Early in the term, on ''tag day." congenial groups 
formed to eat together throughout the term~and sometimes throughout four years. 

Many of the students, like Nelhe, were able to reduce the cost of board 
by working in the kitchen or as waiters and waitresses. Her job through all four 
years was washing glasses and putting them back on the tables for the next meal. 
The kitchen was in the basement, and a dumb waiter conveyed the food to the 
first floor dining room. Nellie described the hot rolls for which Old Mary, the 
cook, was famous and the scramble by waiters and waitresses to get the most for 
their tables. (This was probably the same ''Aunt Mary," whose son Clarence 
used a storage area under the kitchen for his special brew, which, when discov- 
ered, ended Clarence's relationship with the College.) She also recalled that on 
every table were two bottles, one of vinegar and one of syrup. "Pass the old 
man" meant vinegar; "pass the old lady" meant syrup. 

Student help, careful buying, and the preserving of food during summer 
months kept expenses low. Managers bought com and wheat directly from farmers 
and stored it in mills until it was needed for flour and meal. They canned fruits 
and vegetables bought from area farmers. And when the College later acquired 
the dairy, it became the source of milk and butter. Payment for student help 
ranged from five cents an hour when the Club was first established to twenty- 
five cents an hour during the 1930s. The Club cost the College nothing and even 
paid a moderate annual rent to compensate for wear and tear on the building. 

The cooperative feature of the Boarding Club ended in 1922. Changes 


in procedure followed. The Student Council in 1928 requested that a trained 
dietitian be appointed and that the College increase the cost of board to offset her 
salary. A faculty committee turned down the request, citing as the chief reason 
a question as to whether many students could afford the increased cost. The 
professional dietician did not come until 1934. 

Tuition during these years increased gradually. In 1920 it was the same 
eighteen dollars it had been in 1902. but by 1930, it was fifty dollars. Room 
rents also rose. The new Carnegie was the most expensive. When the increase 
in the number of women made necessary the refurbishing of Memorial to house 
them. Memorial rates rose, although all were relatively low. The town students 
enjoyed the best bargams in education. Messina Howard, who lived at home 
during her college years, 1 928- 1 932, kept a strict account of expenses that showed 
a total cost of $350 for the four years. 

It was in the mid-twenties that David S. Marston arrived at his "family" 
college, where, since its founding, his relatives had enrolled. "It was almost 
preordained," he said. His father. Charles Marston, and his mother, Mary 
Katherine Caldwell, had met as college students, and Charles had taught at 
MaryviUe before deciding to become a minister. David's account of his trip to 
Maryville from his Ohio home shows the changes that had taken place in the 
twenty years since Nellie McCampbelFs arrival and the thirty years since Lee 
Howard, father of Messina, had complained of the high cost of horseshoes that 
added to his expenses as a commuting student: 

So it was that in September. 1925, 1 gave up my electrician's job, packed 
a steamer trunk full of things I would need and a lot of things I found I 
didn't need, roped the trunk securely and took it to the Railway Express 
oflTice to be shipped to Maryville. With my parents and siblings. I fol- 
lowed in the family car—now a used Willys-Knight which had replaced 
the Model T. 

Times were changing and most students were coming by automobile. 
But usually the trunks couldn't come with them. There were no rental 
trailers, and most cars still had soft tops, so trunks came to college the 
same way they had been coming for years—they were shipped by Rail- 
way Express. And this agency, for some reason, required all trunks to be 
securely bound with a stout rope (which meant that college men— on the 
day college opened- often found it necessary to spend a lot of their time 
in the girls' dormitories, helping coeds untie trunk ropes. )^^ 

While modes of transportation had changed, college men had not. 


Thou Shalt Not 

During the Wilson years the College had no rule about the possession of 
automobiles. It was unnecessar\'. Rules developed as the faculty perceived the 
need. Thus in 1 909 Nellie McCampbell and nine of her friends, men and women, 
who were exempt from final examinations, spent Senior Week at Montvale 
Springs, chaperoned by Mrs. Jewell. Almira Bassett's aunt. They "jolted the 
nine miles to the Mountains'' in a two-horse, three-seated hack and spent the 
week climbing to Look Rock, playing games in the evening, or just looking into 
the fire. By 1924 a rule forbade commencement or after-commencement trips or 
parties involving mixed company. 

Faculty meeting minutes do not contain clues as to what incident prompted 
the new rule. One can only speculate as to why, in 1914, the minutes recorded 
the decision "to discontinue the habit of turning off lights in the chapel during 
entertainment,'' and why, two years later, a faculty committee was appomted "to 
pass upon the dresses that the young ladies shall wear in public." In 1925 the 
minutes noted that "action was taken prohibiting the wearing of women's trou- 
sers, breeches and overalls by young women of the College in their general 
social intercourse on or off the campus." 

In the early years of his presidency Dr. Wilson was somewhat sanguine 
about conduct and discipline, his reports to the Board becoming a litany of praise 
for the "'remarkably orderly body of students this year"~though he might have 
just suspended five or six. In 1 902 he reported: "They deserve the highest praise 
for their subordination. Some rules have been tightened, and yet no trouble 
(excepting always anxiety) has resulted." He was inclined to place some blame 
for misconduct on outsiders: "The president would like to have a resolution from 
the Board of Directors giving him the moral support of the Board in preventing 
young men of the town from trespassing on the College grounds and especially 
from prowling around the young women's hall at night." 

In 1904 he was beginning to recognize another source of his problems: 
"The only serious trouble given is usually caused by those who have been sent to 
Mar>'ville on account of its reputation for building up character." He took seri- 
ously his personal responsibility for maintaining standards: "Very rarely does a 
case get to the faculty, the president disposing of most cases in his office." He 
continued to report, however, as he did in 1907, that ""the character of the stu- 
dent body is steadily improving." 

Nevertheless the rules were being tightened, especially those governing 
"moonshining," a term that originated before lights came into common use. des- 
ignating times when there was enough moonlight to permit dating. Men and 
women were separated in chapel, in the library, and in vespers. "All young 
ladies in the dormitories" were warned to return from church by way of College 


Street or forfeit all privileges. Any student "remaining outside during the hour 
for service [would be] severely dealt with." Although moonshining was even- 
tually permitted during the noon hour on campus, it was restricted to center 
campus and open spaces. Couples could not walk behind Thaw Hall or go 
inside any of the buildings. They could not attend movies together or walk in the 
woods without a chaperon. 

Ever>' day was carefully scheduled from the rising bell at six until lights 
out at ten. Rules were stricter in the women's halls. Those for Baldwin in 1903 
specified study times, quiet times, and exercise times (an hour's daily exercise in 
the gym or in the open air required). Many of these rules were apparently deemed 
necessary- because of the many preparatory students in the dormitor\'. but they 
applied nevertheless to college students. Young ladies were allowed to go to 
town once each week unless the privilege was abused. Strolling or visiting with 
young men on the campus except during the designated times was forbidden. 
The skating rink was off limits to ladies, and the pool room, by state law. to all 

Women's dormitory supervision first fell to part-time instructors desig- 
nated "'matrons ' In the late nineteenth centur>' Margaret Henry and Mary Ellen 
Caldwell C'Miss Molly") doubled as teachers and dormitory supervisors. Later 
they became fiiU-time administrators. Miss Molly left for several years of pub- 
lic school teaching, returning to Maryville in 1904 and remaining until her re- 
tirement in 1936. She had Dr. Wilson's complete confidence for her ''magnifi- 
cent work as matron of 125 young ladies." She was rewarded in 1913 with 
appointment as the first dean of women. 

No one doubted that Miss Molly was in control. She tolerated no frivol- 
ity. The students called her, among other names, "the field marshall of the 
Christian Forces in Baldwin." Rachel Higginbotham Ferguson, Class of 1924, 
remembered her from her years in Pearsons. Ever\^ night Miss MoUywas accus- 
tomed to stride out on Pearsons balcony and. with arms crossed, watch to see 
that her wards returned safely to their rooms. Especially vivid in Rachel's memory 
was Miss Molly's stem reprimand on Rachel's bidding a fond good night to her 
steady boyfriend: "Young lady, when you're married is when kissing begins." 

Typical of Miss Molly's heavy hand in discipline was the aftermath of 
what Dr. Wilson called "the Election night runaway.'' Sevent\'-five women without 
permission paraded through the movies and drug stores in a victory celebration 
for Herbert Hoover. Sevent\'-five letters went out to parents notifying them that 
each one involved had received three demerits. Several days later the Student 
Council sent follow-up letters to the parents. While admitting that the faculty 
letter was "literally, absolutely and utterly true." the Council differed with Miss 
Molly's statement that she would have granted permission had the young women 
requested it. The Council letter made four points. Parading had taken place in 


a group and was absolutely moral. No one left the group. The party left the 
dormitory at 7:20 and returned by 8:30. The celebrants had not requested per- 
mission because "knowing the rules, a girl would have been 'reckoned crazy' 
had she suggested that permission might have been granted." 

Many who served as matrons during these years became legendary but 
none more memorable than Miss Molly. Her chief rival for legendary status was 
Mr. Mac. Eulie E. McCurry. who came to Maryville as a work/study student 
before World War I. After an interval away to work on the family farm, he 
returned in 1920 to finish his Maryville degree and work toward an M.S. at the 
University of Tennessee, receiving the latter degree in 1937. During this time he 
was proctor in Carnegie and later supervisor of men's residence, a position he 
held until his retirement in 1959. 

Mr. Mac's style was as subtle as Miss Mollie's was brash. He could 
walk into a room knowing that smoking was taking place, but innocently carry 
on a long conversation while the culprit remained in the awkward position of 
trying to hide a cigarette with the smoke curling up behind him. The irony 
resulting from Mr. Mac's manipulation of appearances versus realit\ delighted 
all who came to understand what he was doing. Carnegie Hall under his regime 
was never a model dorm—given the spirited residents it attracted, it never could 
have been—but it provided rare memories, many of which have been collected 
into a small volume edited by Lloyd Shue, Class of 1946.^^^ 

Troubled Times 

Once having adjusted to academic life, students usually settled into a 
comfortable routine. That routine, however, was subject to disruption, espe- 
cially in the early twentieth century, occasionally by fire, but more often by 
epidemics of virulent diseases— meningitis, smallpox, and typhoid. The College 
was ill equipped to cope with even the common diseases until 1910. when Mrs. 
Lamar financed the building of the hospital. Before 1910. when students with 
contagious diseases had to be isolated, tents and hastily constructed huts, or pest 
houses, had to suffice. Usually patients were dependent on classmates to nurse 
them between visits of the overworked local doctors. In 1903 Fred Hope, a 
YMCA leader, initiated a drive to provide a hospital room. One room in Baldwin 
was equipped for that purpose, and President Wilson set aside a room in Willard 
House that as late as 1918 was still used for the temporary housing of smallpox 
victims. In the event of an epidemic, the situation became critical. Major epi- 
demics occurred between 1908 and 1919. 

In early March 1908 Blount County had fifteen cases of meningitis. 
Three Maryville students, one of them a town student, contracted the disease. 
One student in the Preparatory Department was reported as recovering but in 


danger of losing her eyesight. In Memorial Hall when John Shelton was stricken, 
his classmates, including Archie Sabin, rallied around. Then Sabin became ill, 
and five classmates were nursing Shelton and Sabin. Eventually three of them 
were prevailed upon to withdraw, but, as was reported to President Wilson, then 
in New York. "Souder and Edgar Walker would not think of leaving the stricken 
boys." Shelton died, but Sabin seemed to be improving. Dr. Wilson received an 
encouraging telegram from Dean Waller. Garbled in transmission, it read: "Sa- 
tan [Sabin] still alive, condition much improved." Upon receiving it, Dr. Wilson 
commented: "Don't they think I know that?" Although Sabin recovered from 
meningitis, he was so weakened that he succumbed a few weeks later to bron- 
chial congestion. 

The same year, a student boarding with five others in a house on Indiana 
Avenue contracted small pox, and all were quarantined. Vaccinations were pro- 
vided at College expense for all who wanted them. Only two actually became ill. 
but the effect on the College was devastating. An exaggerated account in the 
Knoxville News-Sentinel caused the withdrawal of over half the students. 

Letters from anxious parents inundated the campus, asking Dr. Wilson 
personally to look after their sons. One appealed to the president to get her son 
out of the pest house and back into a house on campus. Another asked. "Would 
you personally look after Adolphus, he being so young he would not know the 
wise thing to do." Some parents requested the president to give their children 
money to enable them to return home. Having waited to be sure the danger had 
passed. Dean Waller sent out a letter on 6 March giving parents the facts about 
the outbreak, including statements from Mary-ville and Knoxville doctors and 
two Maryville health officers declaring it safe for students to return. 

Smallpox broke out again in March 1911 when a boy in gym class fell 
ill. College officials ftimigated the gym with twenty pounds of sulftir. Two tents 
were pitched on the Reagan place near the campus, another in Willard House 
yard, and one by the College cemetery, all equipped with barrels of water and 
stoves. These provided for eight students. Others were moved into a detention 
camp as a quarantine. The following year small pox reappeared. The facult>' 
reported to the Board that the first victim was a young man in Memorial for 
whom they had to rent a house, secure a nurse, and provide board for patient and 
nurse. Two other cases appeared among young men at intervals of two weeks or 
more. When a young woman in Baldwin contracted smallpox, a two-room house 
"was run up in a day and night. . in the field back of the [water] tanks." An- 
other young woman, apparently a town student, also contracted smallpox. No 
deaths were reported, and only three or four students left the campus, but fear 
kept others from enrolling. 

Another epidemic occurred in 1919-20 when the influenza virus that 
took so many lives at the end of World War I reached Maryville. In the fall of 


1919, the month after school opened 250 students fell victim. One died. Most 
of the teachers were ill. For fourteen days the town placed a quarantine on the 
College, but school was not dismissed. The following year saw another out- 
break, striking two hundred women and causing two deaths. Ten years later an 
outbreak in the spring was serious enough to warrant dismissal of classes a 
week early. 

The College and community learned to accept illnesses and death as 
routine. The records contain accounts not only of the epidemics, but of acciden- 
tal deaths, nervous prostration, attempted suicides, and appendectomies, many 
of which resulted in death. A young faculty member from Ohio, the first patient 
in the new hospital, died after a three-week bout with typhoid fever. Following 
a service in the chapel the students and faculty, as was the custom, accompanied 
her remains to the railway station for the sad journey home. 

In 1909 the Board authorized the faculty "to employ a doctor to give 
free medical consultation to out-of-town students, provided it cost the College 
no more than $100 a year." During the 1909-10 school year two local physi- 
cians, Drs. Ellis and Gamble, provided that service, giving advice or treatment 
sixty-nine times in their twenty-nine visits at a cost of only twenty-nine dollars 
to the College. 

Until 1926 trained nurses operated the hospital. That year the College 
employed Mrs. E. A. Hall, the widow of a doctor, as matron to supervise medi- 
cal care. Local doctors were available for serious cases. Mrs. Hall and later her 
daughter. Thelma Hall, a trained nurse, operated the hospital efficiently until 
Mrs. Hall's retirement in 1958 and Thelma's in 1973. She was the last resident 
nurse. Eventually, after unsuccessftil attempts to establish a scaled-down infir- 
mary, students who needed medical care went to nearby Blount Memorial Hos- 

Where There 's a Will 

Maryville's practice of never turning away a deserving student except 
for lack of space made possible an education for even the most destitute. Kin 
Takahashi's establishment of the self-help work fund in the 1890s had planted 
the seed for Dr. Wilson's drive for work and scholarship fiinds. During the first 
decade of the twentieth century the College offered "needy and deserving stu- 
dents" an opportunity to work on campus at seven and one-half cents an hour. 

Donors had established five scholarship ftmds m addition to the Stu- 
dents' Self-Help Loan Fund. By 1920 three hundred students had found work 
on the grounds, in janitorial service, in offices, in the library-, and in laboratories, 
as well as the Cooperative Boarding Club. In 1920 the catalog listed three full 
pages of scholarships. By 1930 there were too many to list individually. Five 


hundred students, in addition to those working in the College-Maid Shop, were 
participating in the work program. 

The College-Maid Shop was a unique self-help program, begun when 
Miss Clemmie Henry organized forty young women in 1920 into a sewing group 
and marketed their products. After a successful year she turned the project over 
to Mrs. Kathryn McMurray, head of the Home Economics Department. Under 
Mrs. McMurray 's supervision the Shop branched out into the production of 
dresses, industrial uniforms, regulation nurses uniforms for government hospi- 
tals, gym suits, pajamas, choir robes (including velvet robes for the Westminster 
Choir), and the velour stage curtains for Voorhees Chapel. Its success led to 
feature stories in national publications. 

Typical of the 
publicity was an article in 
the August 1925 Ladies ' 
Home Journal. From the 
South, it said, came an 
enterprise that attempted 
"to combine the years of 
education with the actual 
money-making, worth-ev- 
for-it-in-the-market." The 
author described two ex- 
pertly made aprons hang- 
ing in her kitchen: 

In the pocket 

of each, when they came, was a little printed slip bearing these words: I, 
a College Maid, earning part or all of my expenses in Maryville College 
by sewing in the College-maid Shop, have honestly tried to make this 
garment well. 

The College itself received praise: 

Behind those aprons lies a story, educational, industrial, human. 
Maryville College, in Tennessee, is another old college that came into 
existence a hundred years ago in "the Land of Do Without," where it 
gathered boys and girls from valley and mountain to be taught by profes- 
sors who were willing to earn their living by some side work, and to go 
without salaries in order that they might have the privilege of helping 
those who were poorer and younger than themselves. That is the tradi- 
tion behind Maryville. 


This kind of publicity in addition to announcements in church bulletins 
and some well placed brochures soon brought in more orders than the Maryville 
workers could fill. A notice appeared in a New York City church bulletin advis- 
ing parishioners of the availabilit>' of College-Maid products at Lord and Taylor's. 
A College-Maid Christmas gift, it said, would bring three-fold joy: (1) to the 
buyer, who would receive full value for her money and the satisfaction of help- 
ing a student: (2) to the recipient, who would learn about "this novel means of 
helping enterprising girls on their way to college training": and (3) to the college 
girl, for whom the sale meant an education. 

In addition to Lord and Taylor's, retail outlets included Marshall Field's 
in Chicago. Webbs and Miller's in Knoxville, and Pizitz' and Loveman. Joseph 
& Loeb's in Birmingham. Orders for choir robes, academic robes, and repeat 
orders for uniforms kept the sewing machines humming. 

When orders outran the abilit\' of Mar>'ville students to supply them. 
Mrs. McMurray farmed out work to other schools—Berea. Tusculum. Parsons, 
and the College of the Ozarks. Garments were cut in the Maryville Maid-Shop, 
sent to a sister college for finishing, and returned to Maryville for inspection and 
delivery. Three hundred Mar\^ille women were employed at the peak of pro- 
duction between 1924 and 1930. They received seventeen cents an hour for 
specialized work and were paid by the garment for most items ~twent\'-five cents 
for a gym suit, thirty cents for a dress, and fifty- cents for a nurse's uniform. 
They could produce a dress in thirty minutes, whereas a nurse's uniform usually 
required an hour. Pa\Tnent for piece work was forty-one percent above prevail- 
ing wages. 

Such a large operation brought on fiscal problems. The capital bor- 
rowed to begin the operation showed up as part of the College deficit. In order 
to collect forty thousand dollars due it from the General Education Board in 
1924-25. the College had to remove its overall deficit. Consequently the Maid- 
Shop was forced to cut its salar\' budget to less than half and could not increase 
the $10,600 loan at six percent. The president warned that if the debt had not 
been removed by the end of the 1926 school year, the Shop would be closed. He 
was upset by Mrs. McMurray 's farming work out to other schools without first 
consulting him. ''We are giving away." he said, "a Maryville College product at 
no risk to Berea. while our end of the deal is not an assured success. The 
fijmishing of capital for another college is uneconomic.'' 

After pushing to remove the deficit Mrs. McMurray offered in April 
1928 to purchase the Maid-Shop. She proposed to take over the $10,600 in- 
debtedness and pay it off at $1,000 a year plus six percent for the loan left 
outstanding until she had paid the purchase price. In return the College would 
continue to ftimish in Thaw basement the room. heat, light, and power. After 
consulting with local businessmen. Dr. Wilson decided in favor of the status 


quo. The previous year the Shop had almost broken even. In stock were salable 
garments worth $5,000. Half of the indebtedness was from the first two years of 
operation. The other half was covered by unsold garments and the $2,000 in 
donated capital equipment. Moreover, besides helping to finance a college edu- 
cation for three hundred students, the Maid-Shop was paying for equipment and 
maintenance in the rapidly growing Home Economics Department. 

The next year ended with a clear profit of $ 1 .000. Mrs. McMurray, a 
shrewd businesswoman, had secured several sizable annuities, one of which was 
a $5,000 gift to capitalize the Maid-Shop on an annual basis. The Maid-Shop 
paid the $500 annual annuity to the donor. When the donor died in 1928 the 
money was freed for capital investment during the slow summer months. Defi- 
cits were at an end. 

During World War II when women could find other employment and no 
longer wanted to sew. the Shop had to hire non-students to fill the orders. After 
Mrs. McMurray 's death in 1949 other supervisors carried on a small operation. 
Margaret Hennemuth. Class of 1949. who had worked in the Maid-Shop as a 
student and later joined the College business staff, supervised the final operation 
when the Physical Education Department in the sixties made one more request 
for gym suits. 

A short-lived male counterpart of the Maid Shop was the Manual Train- 
ing Shop housed on the second-floor Thaw. In 1 923 sixty-three students pro- 
duced bedroom suites, dining room suites, and odd pieces such as cedar chests. 


porch swings, tables, and chairs. The products were sold to the public. The 
closing of the Preparatory' Department brought an end to manual trainmg, but 
many other opportunities were open to those who needed to work. 

Students with tight budgets also found help through the loan libraries 
established in the nineteenth centur\'~the James R. Hills and the John C. Branner 
libraries. These made textbooks available for rent at a fraction of the original 
cost, and the small rental fee went toward keeping the stock current. Although 
all of these projects involved additional admmistrative responsibility, they were 
accepted as another means of continuing Isaac Anderson's goal of doing good 
on the greatest possible scale. 

Fwi and Games 

Work and study did not interfere with fun in the close, self-contained 
communit>\ Often social events included both students and faculty. Nellie 
McCampbell said of the all-College affairs in Bartlett: "Our one common glori- 
ous social event was the game snap." Ten years later snap was still a favorite. 
An Echo account of a reception given by the faculty for students reported that 
the faculty afterwards "indulged themselves in a game of snap with Miss Molly 
chasing Dr. Wilson."" They also played charades, another favorite. 

The faculty scheduled annual mountain trips, chartering a special train 
for a day's outing at Elkmont in the Smokies or Sheep-Pen Cave near Louisville. 
A train trip to Sunshine was organized for a Friday holiday in October 1917. 
An Echo reporter anticipated much group singing ("I'm Tired of Living Alone," 
"Sweet Adeline." "Alfalfa Hay") and then the usual activities: "Ever\'body will 
climb the mountains, drink from the big spring, throw stones in the river, click 
the kodaks in front of interesting scenes, and so on and so on. All will return 
good and hungry Friday night and the 'old lady* may look out for she will be 
consumed as never before." 

There were reports of basketball games pitting faculty "girls" against 
senior girls and faculty "boys" against senior boys. Listed among the partici- 
pants were Miss Green. Professor Davis. Professor Walker. "Dad Jim" Brittain, 
and Professor Perkins. Another article praised the professors for the grace they 
added to the snake dance on the football field, but expressed regret that "Profes- 
sor Bassett seemed to find it hard to keep hold of Professor Johnson's coat-tail." 

Professor Bassett 's short stature and handlebar moustache were fre- 
quent sources of jokes. The Echo, reporting his chapel talk on his experiences in 
Italy, asked, "What's next. Professor? My Italian Romance?" and the following 
week carried the announcement that "Professor H. J. Bassett will be unable to 
speak on 'My Italian Romance' for lack of material and illustrations." The 
professor retaliated with a poem in the next issue entitled "The Charge of the 


Hash Brigade," describing the students' charge into the dining room. 

Strong class spirit gave rise to class parties and rivalries, the latter oc- 
casionalh leading to violence: but for the most part the fun was harmless- 
Halloween parties, tacky parties, "feasts." athletic contests, and spirited debates. 
Nellie McCampbell remembered that the refreshments for parties were some- 
times stolen by other classes. Regarding class rivalries and class flags, she said 
that on the evenmg of a debate between freshmen and sophomores, two members 
of her class (sophomores) sawed off the lock of the passageway into Anderson 
tower to be able to raise their flag if they won the debate. The next morning as 
their crimson and white flag fluttered from the flagpole, a fight took place be- 
tween the boys of the two classes. Her roommate, overcome by so much excite- 
ment on an emptv stomach, fainted. The class of 1909 became more sedate, she 
said, in the junior year. 

Often the faculty entertained in their homes, and the townspeople in 
general were ver\ hospitable. The Walkers gave a party in their Carnegie apart- 
ment. Each girl, according to the Echo account, was "escorted by two worthy 
gents" and enjoyed "a ver>' elaborate luncheon served of rare quality and quan- 
tity." The seniors had a taf!> pull at the home of Dr. and Mrs. Earle Crawford 
on Washington Avenue. The Stevensons delighted in entertaining groups at the 
House in the Woods. When the house was finally completed, a housewarming 
on New Year's Day gave everyone an opportunity to see it in all its splendor. 
There was a big log fire and ''quaint and charming colonial ladies" serving gin- 
gerbread, cocoa, and coffee. 

The Stevensons' party in 1 9 1 8 for Bainoman and Theta. the two women's 
societies, was duly reported in the Echo with a description of the bonfire, the 
singing, the games ("Farmer in the Dell," "Marching 'Round the Level," cha- 
rades), and readings by a representative of each society'. The party ended with 
yells for Theta. Bainonian. Miss Molly (attending as chaperon, of course), new 
girls. Dr. and Mrs. Stevenson, and Mary-ville College. 

The two movie houses in Maryville. the Dreamland and the Palace, did 
a thriving business. Advertisements in college publications kept the students 
apprised of the offerings: Theda Barra in "A Darling of Paris" and Charlie 
Chaplin in "The Adventurer" at the Palace in October 1917 (and a reminder that 
a war tax of one cent on each five-cent or ten-cent ticket would be added). A 
timely feature at the Dreamland the same month was Dorothy Dalton in "The 
Kaiser's Shadow," the stor\' of "a plucky American girl who puts up a fight 
against German intrigue." Announced as "coming" were "My Four Years in 
Germany" and "Pershing's Crusaders." 

Many Maryville men of this period claimed to have led a horse or cow 
to Anderson Tower or to third floor Carnegie. All had stories to tell about 
disrupting chapel, such as David Marston's account (he did not admit to being 


involved) of stringing "a bunch of preserved cats from the biology lab. . well up 
in the air across the auditorium. . .just hanging there dripping formaldehyde" to 
greet early morning worshippers. Alarm clock disruptions were perennial. The 
challenge was to conceal one or more clocks set to begin ringing during the 
chapel service. Every generation experienced the stealing of hymn books from 
the chapel and silverware from the dming room, and many freshmen remem- 
bered upperclassmen attempting to sell them their chapel seats. 

Organizations and Traditions 

Student publications were subject to the same faculty scrutiny as social 
activities. The Faculty Committee on Publications closely supervised the 
Chilhowean, the yearbook, begun in 1 906, and the Echo, the name given the 
Maryville College Monthly when it became a weekly newspaper in 1915. Com- 
petition for staff positions was keen. The Chilhowean, published first by the 

senior class and later 
turned over to the junior 
class, attracted well-quali- 
fied, conscientious staffs, 
as did the Echo. Twenty- 
one candidates sought the 
Echo editorship in the 
spring of 1925. In time, 
under Dr. Hunter's super- 
vision, a system of appren- 
ticeships for staff" positions 
evolved to insure experi- 
enced leadership. The fac- 
ulty and student body took 
justifiable pride in both 

The "big 
six" among organizations contmued to be the four literary societies and the YWCA 
and YMCA. But clubs of all kinds proliferated. Some were pre-professional or 
discipline-related, such as Pre-Med, Law, Political Science, the Ministerial As- 
sociation and the Student Volunteers, the Chemistry Club, the International Re- 
lations Club, and the language clubs. 

Athletes had their M-Clubs. Drama was represented by the Maryville 
Players and music by glee clubs, the brass band, and male and female quartets. 
In 1914 the MC Monthly announced that new organizations were constantly 
springing up on campus, the latest being the "Victor Talking Machine Club," 


whose purpose was "to create and promote a desire for music, especially rag- 
time, and to be able to skillfully render instanter any of the latest song hits." The 
Hughes Club, organized in 1916 and by its nature destined to be short-lived, was 
the only Tennessee affiliate with the National Republican College League. A 
student-faculty group, the Writers' Workshop, held its first meeting in 1921. 
With membership limited by election and requirements of productivity' it became 
strong and remained active for the next forty years. 

State clubs, whose primary purpose was to meet twice a year, once to 
organize and once to have pictures taken for the Chilhowean, numbered thirteen 
by 1919. including the Buckeye Club, organized in 1904 by young ladies from 
Ohio, and clubs for all the states significantly represented in the student body. 
Others were focused on varied geographic configurations: the Middle Tennes- 
see, the Yankee, the Dixie, Knoxvillians, and Club Table Twent> -three. 

The Chilhowean found space for the mavericks, such as the Non-'Tlu" 
Club, founded in 1 9 1 9. Its motto was "Never have anything you don't have to." 
Its flower was the caster-bean. The officers were the usual, but also Nurse, 
Doctor. Janitor, and Undertaker, the last position filled by David ("Sheeny") 
Briggs, fiiture chairman of Maryville's Psychology Department. There were the 
Liars, the Crammers, and the Kitchen Kabinet. with the motto "Eat and the 
world eats with you: starve and you starve alone." 

The first decades of the twentieth century saw the establishment or 
strengthening of traditions. In 1900 graduating seniors continued a custom be- 
gun in the nineteenth century of planting a tree. This year it was a buckeye, 
beneath which in a sealed glass case they placed the senior colors, the class yell, 
a phonograph record, and a lock of hair furnished by every member of the class 
(except one). 

In 1906 some of the entertainment features of commencement were as- 
signed to the first Class Day. It included the reading of the class history, proph- 
ecy, "class grumblings." and the last will and testament. Sometime in the early 
part of the century caps and gowns began to be used for commencement. The 
1908 class rebelled against the practice and was severely censured by the stu- 
dent editor of the Maryville College Monthly. He pointed out that the practice, 
now institutionalized by leading universities, had considerable merit: "It removes 
inequalities of appearance and adds dignity' which will be lost when any senior 
class refuses to wear caps and gowns." 

The academic procession was first suggested by English Professor 
Phoebus W. Lyon in 1910 and inaugurated in 1911 with Dr. Lyon as marshall. 
The faculty and non-graduating student body, neither group wearing academic 
regalia, and the garbed seniors formed a procession at Lamar Library and marched 
by way of Bartlett past Anderson Hall and on to Voorhees Chapel. Faculty 
meeting minutes for April 1913 show that plans were made for the purchase or 


rental of caps and gowns for faculty. The commencement procession that year 
was confined to the faculty and instructors, the senior class in academic cos- 
tume, and the directors in "citizens' clothes." The first daisy chain, according to 
Dr. Wilson's diary, was in 192 1 . Women chosen from the junior class held daisy 
chains on either side of the central aisle of Voorhees as the line processed to the 
front of the chapel. 

The May Day celebration apparently began early in the Wilson presi- 
dency and grew more elaborate as time went on. In 1914 the festival consisted 
of two parts—athletic exercises with readings, followed by a minstrel show, a 
Maypole dance, and songs. The YWCA, which sponsored the event, collected 
admission that went toward the support of the new swimming pool. An account 
of the 1916 May festival on Baldwin lawn describes an elaborate program under 
the sponsorship of physical education instructors Arda Martin and Homer 
Weisbecker. whose classes were the participants. May Day continued to be 
under the sponsorship of the Physical Education Department, but it was to be- 
come in time increasingly dramatic and colorfial. 

With Dr. Stevenson's arrival the Easter Sunrise service came to be a 
central event of the spring. The announcement of the service in 1918 promised 
music by the orchestra, a double mixed quartet, and a soloist: a reading by Miss 
Creswell: and a ten-minute talk by Dr. Stevenson. The College bell rang early 
enough to arouse the campus. With the building of the amphitheatre in the 
College Woods, both May Day and the Sunrise Service moved to a new location. 

On Highlanders 

With a former athlete as president it was not surprising that the athletic 
program developed rapidly, but the president's motivation went beyond his love 
of sports: ''It gives students a way to use surplus energies in orderly exercise 
instead of disorderly conduct." But an athletic program brought on additional 
problems: financing, finding acceptable coaches, and purging teams (both 
Maryville's and the opponents') of "ringers" or professionals. 

Dr. Wilson wrote to the president of Wabash College in 1 904 asking for 
help in finding a football coach. The reply was not encouraging: "We have been 
wrestling with the same problem and have found it exceedingly difficult to se- 
cure a man whose character is satisfactory The really capable coaches are 

getting exorbitant salaries. . as much for their two months work as the regular 
professor gets for the entire year." The competition started early. 

Coaches at Maryville came and went. Interest among the students in 
the athletic teams remained constant. Five hundred or more students travelled to 
Knoxville to see Maryville play the University of Tennessee in football. In 1912 
students paraded at half-time and released homing pigeons wearing College col- 


ors. An Echo editorial in the fall of 1915 urged finding a name for Maryville's 
athletic teams other than the Blount Countians and suggested the Highlanders, a 
name that was immediately adopted and used for the first time in the report of 
Mar^'ville's scoreless tie with Tusculum in November 1915. 

Reports to the Board continued to emphasize ethics and morality among 
the players. Area schools formed an athletic league to safeguard the character 
of intercollegiate athletics. The College organized the Athletic Association and 
the Board of Athletic Control. On the recommendation of the latter, the direc- 
tors voted an athletic and forensic fee of one dollar and a half a semester to 
support two of Maryville's most important programs. 

The Athletic Board, under the chairmanship of Fred Proflfitt. met almost 
daily "to prevent both debt and dishonor." but debt was persistent until Chaplain 
Stevenson took matters in his hands and. according to the Echo in 1918. brought 
the Athletic Association out of debt for the first time in years through "the gen- 
erosit>' of friends of the College acting through the agency of the College Pas- 
tor."' Athletic Board members travelled with the team to assure the students' 
"good conduct away from home." The coming of war doomed football and. to a 
lesser extent, other athletic activities. 

When a full athletic program resumed in 192L the colleges and univer- 
sities in the area formed the Appalachian Intercollegiate Conference, which 
Mar^'ville joined. Costs increased in the inflationary' period. On their own 
initiative students petitioned for doubling the athletic and forensic fees for travel. 
The faculty eventually decided on a fee of ten dollars to be divided among the 
lyceum series, the Echo. YMCA and YWCA, music, athletics, and forensics— 
the lion's share of six dollars going to athletics and forensics. By this time 
Coach Lombe Honaker had arrived (in 1921) to become associate professor of 
physical training and director of athletics. He stayed for thirty-eight years. His 
long tenure at one school, as well as his record in three major sports, brought 
national recognition. He built a strong coaching staff, many of whom, like Bob 
Thrower and J. A. Davis, were recruited from his owti successfiil teams. At 
mid-century Coach Wallace Wade of the University of Alabama called Honaker 
"the best baseball coach in the South." 

Mar>'ville alumnus Kenneth Kribbs has written a full histor\' of Maryville 
athletics, covering the period from the beginning into the 1960s, but a few high- 
lights deserve mention here. The oldest competitive sport at Mar\'ville was 
baseball, which began with the "Reckless Baseball team." on which young Sam 
Wilson played. Once the team found worthy competition, it prospered. In 1914 
and for a number of years thereafter, the Maryville team played some of the 
Major League baseball teams on their way north from spring training in Florida. 
Six hundred Maryville students, who were granted a half holiday for the occa- 
sion, joined fourteen hundred other spectators in Knoxville's Chilhowee Park to 


see the College go down to defeat to the New York Giants, nine to one. Even so. 
Maryville scored six hits against the Giants, and proceeds from the game en- 
riched the Maryville Athletic Association by $225. 

The postwar baseball team attracted a squad of sixty-five in 1 92 1 . These 
divided into four teams for practice. Games went well for the College until the 
University of Tennessee defeated the team in a ten-inning game, five to four, and 
destroyed morale. The season ended with fourteen wins, four ties, and six losses. 
That year the College lost to the Chicago Red Sox, fourteen to one. The follow- 
ing year was better, with a five-to-two loss to the New York Giants. The years 
1927-29 were banner years. The Maryville team won all but six of thirt>'-eight 
games played. John Stone was pitcher in 1928 and led the team to state and 
conference championships. Stone later became a pitcher for the Washington 

In football the legendary' game of the early years was that played in 
1903 against the University of Tennessee, usually referred to as "the Six Sec- 
onds Football Game." Maryville's Jim French began the game by kicking the 
ball over the U. T. goal line. John Kelly, a Maryville back, ran down the field 
and fell on the ball behind the line. The referee, operating on a new rule, called 
the play a touchdown for Maryville. An hour-and-a-half wrangle ended with the 
refusal of U. T. to continue play. Officials then ruled that Mary-ville had won by 
a score of six to nothing. Appeal to higher authority' confirmed the ruling. 

Through the 1920s and into the 1930s Marv-ville continued to play U. 
T. Vanderbilt, and the University of Kentucky, but most of the wins came against 
high schools and colleges of comparable size. In 1900 U. T. won by twenty- 
three points: in 1902 by thirty-four points (Mary-ville's only loss that season). 
On the famous road trip in 1906 when Mar\'ville was playing ever\' two or three 
days, the team lost to Ole Miss and Alabama, but tied Georgia Tech and Au- 
burn. A few days after returning to Tennessee, Maryville won over the Univer- 
sity of Tennessee, eleven to nothing. 

In 1921 Maryville joined the Appalachian Conference and frequently 
took the Conference championship. In 1926 and 1927 the only losses were to 
the Universities of Tennessee and Kentucky, and those only by a narrow margin. 
The 1927 game with U. T. was the first Mar\'ville game to be broadcast on 
radio. The students paid ten cents each for a seat in Voorhees Chapel to hear the 
Broadcast by Knoxville's WROL. The first night game was in 1929. when 
Maryville defeated Tennessee-Wesleyan, twenty-seven to nothing. 

Basketball, essentially a tsventieth centur>' game, was a latecomer in 
intercollegiate sports. Maryville's men's basketball team began outside compe- 
tition and a winning season with a game at the Knoxville YMC A in 1 903 Two 
years later an undefeated Maryville team won the East Tennessee championship. 
During World War I, basketball, like other sports, was primarily intramural. 


With the resumption of intercollegiate competition in 1 92 1 . it became the most 
popular sport on campus. Sixty reported for the team, only twenty of whom 
were needed. Basketball continued to enjoy winning seasons until the Depres- 
sion took its toll, as it had on other sports. At the same time, individual compe- 
tition—track, tennis, wrestling, and swimming—rose in popularity. 

In the early twentieth century Maryville had a women's basketball team 
that sought intercollegiate competition, but very few schools had women's teams. 
In a series with U. T. from 1903 to 1906 Maryville women won all the games. 
Then U. T. dropped intercollegiate play for a number of years, as did most other 
schools in the area. In 1911 Maryville women sent twenty challenges to schools 
in Chattanooga. Nashville. Knoxville, and Atlanta and received only two accep- 
tances. U. T. reported that it had "no team and no prospects of one." Only a few 
area high schools responded. After the War when more schools resumed inter- 
collegiate basketball, the Maryville women had a number of good seasons, in- 
cluding 1 92 1 when they were undefeated. The twenties saw a growing emphasis 
on intramurals. and from 1929 until the 1960s all women's sports were intra- 

During the War students had a choice between swimming and military 
drill to meet physical education requirements. Eighteen men and eighty-five 
women chose swimming. Soccer, introduced by Evelyn Norton in 1926. became 
popular with women and with a few men at that time. Women athletes also 
played tennis, softball. and speedball ( a combination of soccer and basketball). 

Track competition grew out of a field day held in 1 892. The first inter- 
collegiate field day was in 1904 when Maryville's track team placed second to 
U. T.'s first. Tennis, introduced as a recreational sport at Maryville in 1886, did 
not become intercollegiate until 1910. It declined along with the other sports 
during World War I. When Maryville players wanted to resume intercollegiate 
competition, they could not find other schools with teams. By the 1940s, how- 
ever, they had a fijll intercollegiate schedule: and twice, in 1940 and again in 
1949, undefeated Maryville teams took the state championship. Wrestling, in- 
troduced in 1929, became one of the College's most successfial sports in the next 
three decades. 

Blest Be the Tie 

In an article on evangelism, printed in the Assembly Herald in 1 906, Dr. 
Wilson wrote: "Conversion is the paramount aim of the College: planned, prayed 
for, worked for and attained. Consecration and training follow." The religious 
program during the Wilson and Lloyd presidencies was careftilly planned to 
implement this objective through chapel, strict Sabbath observance, prayer meet- 


ings, religious organizations, and, above alU February Meetings. 

Each year with Httle variation in wording until late in his administra- 
tion, the president reported to the Board a healthy growth in religious life and 
spiritual power: "The time-honored policies of the College have been carried out 
during the entire year, and every effort has been made to win all the students to 
love and loyalty to the Lord and Savior.'' 

Central to the spiritual life was daily chapel, during which the com- 
munity came together not only to worship but to hear announcements, welcome 
visiting dignitaries, and occasionally give three cheers for an athletic team or for 
the president when he returned from a successful Forward Fund drive. Fre- 
quently the chapel service ended with a high-spirited snake dance from the chapel 
to the librar\' or athletic field. When donors or important visitors appeared, they 
might expect to be greeted with a few cheers followed by a snake dance. 

The program followed a pattern. The custom was for all male faculty in 
rotation (alphabetical order) to lead in the reading of scripture and follow in 
prayer. Twice a week especially chosen male faculty, administrators, or visiting 
speakers delivered ten-minute addresses. Often before a holiday visiting alumni 
from Lane or Princeton Seminaries would be invited to speak. And on rare 
occasions the speaker would be a celebrity like William Jennings Bryan who. in 
April 1917. delivered his famous lecture "The Making of a Man.'' 

April 1914 was a memorable month. Mrs. L. O. Stratton. lecturer and 
a Women's Christian Temperance Union organizer, spoke on the subject ''Life is 
a measure to be filled and not a goblet to be drained." The next week Mrs. J. W. 
Bailey, of the Middleton. Connecticut. Daughters of the American Revolution, 
addressed the assembly on "Early Days of New England." Then on 23 April, 
chapel time was increased to an hour to celebrate the 350th anniversary of 
Shakespeare's birth. Professor Lyon and Mrs. Alexander, of Maryville College's 
English Department, made addresses. 

The students suggested through an Echo editorial that chapel might be 
enlivened through an "open morning" each week, with an invitation to each 
department to entertain. The suggestion must have met with some approval, for 
two months later the Echo reviewed under the heading "An unexpected Pleasure 
Last Friday" a program presented by the Music and Expression Departments. 
David S. Marston's memoirs contain a story- about another variation introduced 
by Dr. Wilson. In his zeal to train Christian leaders he invited prominent stu- 
dents to lead chapel from time to time. The captain of the football team seemed 
an obvious choice. According to Marston's story, the captain made a brave 
start, stumbled through the scripture, and then fell into a dead faint, thus ending 
probably the shortest chapel service on record. 

With the arrival of Dr. Stevenson as ftill-time chaplain in 1917. the 
pattern changed. He preached twice a week, once at a lengthened chapel service 


on Thursday mornings and once at Sunday evening vespers. His organization of 
the Vesper Choir gave music a more prominent place in the services, though the 
Maryville student body had long been known for its outstanding congregational 
singing. With the end of the separation of the sexes at vespers in 1929. atten- 
dance increased noticeably. 

The observance of Sunday had not changed since Dr. Wilson's student 
days. Required Sunday school and church attendance continued. No travel was 
permitted. Sunday afternoons were reserved for YWCA and YMCA meetings. 
Both organizations were growing in power and influence. The building of Bartlett 
had given the YMCA a center of operation, providing rooms for the officers, 
who had control of the building until 1912 when, much to the relief of all con- 
cerned, it was placed under College control. The YM officers continued to live 
there, however, and in 1915 set up a reading room that was open to the entire 
community. The many revenue-producing activities of the two Ys enabled them 
to sponsor a fiill outreach program. The Ministerial Association ('"Sky Pilots") 
and the Student Volunteers sponsored Bible study and prayer meetings and vol- 
unteer services in the local churches and the larger community'. 

Februarv- Meetings followed the format established in the nineteenth 
century, but with even more planning and organization. In 1925 fifteen commit- 
tees were appointed, bearing such titles as '"Order Indoors." ""Order Outdoors," 
"Attendance." ""Health." '"Disinfection," ""Heating and Flag-raising." '"Recep- 
tion." and '"Music." The ushers. Dr. Wilson assured them, were very important 
to the success of the Meetings, and for that reason were appointed from only the 
most reliable among the faculty. Their job was to intersperse Christians and 
non-Christians so the non-Christian would feel isolated from like-minded asso- 
ciates. By providing '"God's pure air." even the janitor played an important role. 

The president allowed no activity that might interfere with attendance 
so that, in his words, '"the line is kept absolutely clear for the Gospel train." 
With two long sessions a day. it was necessary to keep class assignments to a 
minimum. The basketball team took a two-week vacation, and no social activi- 
ties unrelated to the Meetings could be scheduled. 

A typical Meeting took place in 1912 under the leadership of Dr. Will- 
iam Thaw Bartlett, v/ho was the second son of the former president. After 
seminary and a stint as a professional baseball player, he returned anumber of 
times to conduct February Meetings. His reputation in the Southern League 
combined with his powerflil physique and magnificent voice caught the flill at- 
tention of the campus. He always received a rousing response to his request for 
a "How-We-How" for Jesus Christ. 

On the next-to-last morning of the 1912 series, he made an emotional 
appeal that brought students forward in earnest commitment of their lives. By 
the night meeting every student in the College Department but one had made 


open confession. The next 
day just before the benedic- 
tion this last freshman, 
"speaking brokenly, ac- 
cepted the Savior." Dr. 
Wilson kept a tally of the 

During the 
early years written confes- 
sions were the norm. 
Usually m pencil on "Big 
Five" notebook paper, they 
ranged from contrition for 
such peccadillos as anger 
or procrastination to that of 
a young lady who con- 
fessed, "I enjoy the com- 
pany of evil men and do not 
reject them." Will Bartlett mtroduced a commitment card that was used until 
mid-century. Its form varied but began with a simple statement: "Trusting 
in Jesus Christ for salvation, I now accept him as my personal Savior." Some 
students only after much resistance would succumb to the appeal of faculty and 
leaders. In Dr. Wilson's papers is a note dated 2/21/21 from a young lady: 
"There's no use. I am sorry and appreciate your interest very much." Appended 
in Dr. Wilson's handwriting are the words: "Became a Christian 2/23/21." Un- 
doubtedly he was reminded of his own conversion experience in 1877. 

Dr. J. M. Broady, another alumnus, led the Meetings in 1917. The 
Echo report was enthusiastic, describing "twelve soul-stirring, character-form- 
ing and purpose-fixing days" with messages "strong, virile, frank, firm, coura- 
geous." Seventy-one students began the Christian life, and over two hundred 
reconsecrated. The report continued: 

When the call came for commitment, one senior started, then all fol- 
lowed. So quickly and so steadily did they "hit the trail" that the Presi- 
dent of the College. Dr. S. T. Wilson, who had been through forty such 
campaigns, was overcome with joy, buried his head in his hands, and 
wept like a child. 

There followed yells for Dr. Broady, Mr. Hammontree, and February Meet- 
ings, then the singing of "God Be With You Till We Meet Again," and the twelve 
days ended. 

Changing times brought changes in February Meetings. As early as 


1925 when Will Bartlett was leader for the fourth time. Dr. Wilson sensed a 
different attitude toward conversion. The aftermath of World War I was having 
its impact on the countr>'. and the termination of the Preparatory Department 
had resulted in a more mature, sophisticated student body.^^ 

Stars and Stripes 

By tradition patriotism was strong at Man^-ville. The introduction in 
1 902 of elective military training under United States Army officers attracted 
about fifty cadets annually until 1908, when it was discontmued. On the out- 
break of war in Europe in 1 9 14 the administration advised all young men to take 
military training. Major David Britain, assisted by a captain for each of four 
men's companies, conducted military drill, which replaced gymnasium drill. When 
women asked to participate, two companies were formed under Captains Elinor 
Crum and Marion Henry. Women also formed four classes for training in Red 
Cross work. 

In the fall of 1918. at the request of the War Department, the College 
acquired a Student Army Training Corps, with Major Clinton Gillingham as 
commandant. Eight facult}' members served as academic instructors. Sevent\'- 
four college men were sworn in and composed Company A. One hundred oth- 
ers, primarily from the Preparatory- Department, who were too young for regu- 
lar training, were organized as Company B. The College turned over the staff, 
the plant, and equipment for the program. 

A flag was raised on an eight>'-foot flagpole in front of Carnegie, which 
served as barracks. Bartlett was headquarters for officers and some of the men; 
Pearsons became the mess hall, and Lamar Memorial Hospital and second floor 
Carnegie were deployed for ill soldiers. In 1918, at the height of the influenza 
epidemic. 150 were confined to their beds. 

The presence of troops on campus strained campus rules. The Corps 
was instructed in the general regulations of the institution. Students living in the 
barracks were under the control of lieutenants. Professors had to report rule 
violations of enlisted men to the commanding officer, who in turn had to report 
to the dean violations of those not enlisted. Like the cadets, those not in S.A.T.C. 
had to have passes to leave campus. 

Many faculty members either volunteered or were drafted. Among the 
first were Professors Britain. Gillingham, Johnson, and Southwick. Miss Frances 
Postlethwaite. the hospital nurse, joined the Red Cross in a special ceremony 
held on campus. Male students, said the reports, were leaving in such numbers 
that "the men's side of the chapel is sparsely inhabited while the women's side is 
more populous than ever." The service flag designed and sewn by home eco- 
nomics students held 258 stars at the time of its dedication in February 1918. 


By June there were four hundred, and it was estimated that the number would be 
five hundred if the College could secure the entire list. 

The first two gold stars were for Claude Lowe of Knox County, an 
aviator killed in Florida, and Cleland K. Ratcliflfe, of King George, Virginia, 
drowned when his ship sank. In October 1918 the report came that Marine 
Corporal Francis (Frank) McClelland was recovering from severe gassing re- 
ceived in an attack by the Huns. Reports of injuries and deaths came regularly. 
By the War's end 658 students or former students had enlisted and twenty-two 
had given their lives to make the world safe for democracy. 

Students were eager to become involved in the war effort. A special 
chapel service to appeal for help in raising the four million dollars pledged by 
the national YMCA netted $2,253. The Expression Department gave a repeat 
performance at a local theatre of its highly successfiil production of "Daddy 
Longlegs," with proceeds gomg to the Red Cross. The Equal Suffrage League 
adopted a young French war orphan whose father was an early casualty. When 
the YWCA challenged the suffragettes to a debate in which both sides could be 
presented, the suffragettes responded that their time was "so taken up with Red 
Cross and war work that it would be unpatriotic to spend precious time in quib- 
bling over a question that has been conceded by the great men of all countries to 
be undebatable." 

As elsewhere over the country, a great deal of knitting was going on. 
Under the title "A Military Problem" the Echo printed the following parody: 

"What are you knitting, my pretty maid?" 
She purled, then dropt a stitch. 
"A sock or a sweater, sir," she said, 
"And darned if I know which." 

The financial disruption caused by the War was a tremendous burden. 
Earlier the College had been promised a $75,000 matching grant from the Gen- 
eral Education Board only to have it withdrawn when the Board suspended all 
grants except those for war-related causes. Steeply inflated prices for coal, 
which rose ten-fold, and other necessities played havoc with the budget. Unen- 
cumbered current gifts fell to $9,000 in 1918. 

To meet expenses the faculty, as noted earlier, eliminated intercollegiate 
football and curtailed other programs. The swimming pool was closed during 
the winter term, and one dollar a term was added to room rent with a warning 
that changes from catalog quotations might be necessary. Some energy costs 
were reduced by the daylight-savmg law that went into effect in March 1918. 
The senior play was canceled as were the Alpha Sigma and Athenian mid-winter 
performances because so few men remained. The four societies arranged to 
have joint programs. 

Dr. Wilson, discouraged, told the Board in 1918 that "God's voice is 


heard saying. ' Speak unto the College that it go forward/" The College did go 
forward. The General Education Board reinstated the matching grant, and de- 
mobilization in December 1918 resulted in the largest enrollment in the history 
of the College, appropriately on the eve of the Centennial. In 1920 when the 
enrollment reached 1.003 (452 college and 551 preparatory' students), the deci- 
sion was made to limit the freshman class to 300 and the total enrollment to 800. 
The College's financial condition would not permit more, nor did a larger stu- 
dent body seem desirable. On the surface all seemed well, but subtle signs told 
a tired president that alien forces were mobilizing to attack. 

Into the Jazz Age 

The November 1 922 College Bulletin carried a stor\' about R. L. Hous- 
ton. Class of 1905, known better as "Big Bob." He was a star Southern League 
player who was offered a generous contract with a Big League team. Although 
sorely tempted, he turned it down to go into the ministry' at $1,000 a \'ear. ex- 
plaining why he did not succumb to temptation: "I could never look the Lord and 
Dr. Wilson in the face. ' 

This stor\' is one of the many testimonials to the love and respect Dr. 
Wilson inspired as teacher and president in spite of~or more likely in those 
years, because of~his strong ideas about discipline. Believing that "discipline is 
one method of preparing the way of the Lord." he could be blunt, as in a letter to 
a parent inquiring about the renewal of her daughter's scholarship. It would be 
renewed, he assured her, but "Miss Nancy" must be more obedient: "She thought 
too much of the boys to keep the rules as well as she should." 

Ever>' catalog contained the statement "The College welcomes all stu- 
dents that are earnest and law abiding." The president frequently explained that 
an institution afifording such advantages at costs no higher than the incidental 
fees of some other institutions had a right to expect conscientious study and 
obedience to the rules. 

For the first two decades of his presidency the student response was 
overwhelmingly positive. When he returned in 1910 from ten months" travel 
abroad, an enthusiastic crowd met him at the station; and. led by a brass band 
and torch-bearers, they escorted him to a surrey decorated with college colors 
and drawn by athletes for the ride back to the campus. 

Several accounts of the Carnegie fire focused on the student impulse to 
comfort and rally around their president. J. Edward Kidder, a senior in 1916. 
recorded his memories of the end of that devastating day as the students deter- 
mined to look ahead. They began singing and instinctively headed toward Willard 


As we encircled the entrance to the home of Dr. Wilson and the reverend 
man came out on the porch to greet us, we sang with a new pathos, but 
just as bravely. There was a tremor in his voice as he began to speak, 
but he pushed it aside with maximum resolution. There was a deathly 
stillness in the crowd. There was a glitter in many eyes. For a long time 
our dear president poured out the secrets of his heart. A more eloquent 
address could not have been delivered with many months of preparation. 
And the great theme of his speech was "The building will be rebuilt." 
Already that afternoon he had taken down the plans of old Carnegie and 
had been thinking out ways of improving them. It gave us a new thrill 
when he said in his determined way. "To-morrow if the bricks are cool 
enough~we will begin clearing up a site for a bigger and better Carnegie." 
And up went three cheers for "New Carnegie." 

Soon afterwards, however, a darker side of the students appeared, the 
prelude to a changing mood that at first seemed to be local, but was eventually 
recognized as national. After the fire a group of students demanded rebates on 
their room rent although the College and townspeople had provided rooms for 
them—and although, ironically, at least one of the group was on a scholarship 
that covered his rent. In his diary Dr. Wilson named the leaders, "all men who 
have been covered with favors by the College," and he unburdened his feelings 
about their "cruel ingratitude": 

Worse than Irish rebels, clubbing us in the back while we were fighting 
for them. We decide to pay [the rent rebatesjfrom faculty subscriptions. 
I announce the fact. The rebels held a meeting in the woods and ac- 
cepted our ofiFer. 1 have never before held so much resentment. . . . Ugly 

Later that spring the faculty meeting minutes referred to hazing and 
class riots. By 1918 the faculty was spending disproportionate time in such 
business as meting out demerits to five women and eight men for dancing in a 
public dance hall and to two men and two women for going to the movies to- 
gether. The agenda for the first faculty meeting of the 20s decade was to launch 
a campaign against "the alleged moral decline of students." A few years later 
the first known case of unauthorized automobile riding resulted in nine demerits 
and removal of social privileges for each of the two men and three women in- 
volved. The report to the Board in 1924 noted "an unprecedented amount of 
immorality." Six students were expelled for "confessed impurity." 

Regarded as even more insidious was the organization of Maryville's 


first known secret society. Other colleges had long been plagued with subver- 
sive groups. Forty Princeton students were expelled in the nineteenth century 
for violating an oath, required since 1875, not to join secret societies. The diffi- 
culty faced by Masons or former Masons seeking ordination was a manifesta- 
tion of the fear at that time of any type of secrecy. Maryville College had taken 
the first official action in 1900 when the faculty passed a resolution stating that 
no secret society would be allowed and no organization permitted without ap- 
proval of the faculty. 

This action probably came in response to the suspicion of subversive 
activity, a suspicion that seemed confirmed in a 1 969 letter to President Copeland 
from ninety-year-old alumnus E. J. Kitchen. Identifying himself as the only 
living member of a male fraternity organized in 1900, he enclosed a picture of 
the members. They included Henr>' Gibson, who ran for governor of Florida, 
and John Tracy, professor of law and philosophy at the University of Michigan. 
The group centered around Tracy, mentioned previously as author of the petition 
presented to the S>Tiod in 1900 asking for a definitive statement of the College's 
integration policy. 

In 1924 the DUDs. the earliest secret society still in existence, was or- 
ganized. Alumnus Jackson Wheatley, ex28. visiting the campus in 1989 for the 
sixty-fifth reunion of the DUDs. identified himself as one of the five organizers 
and one of those expelled for his involvement. Asked about their purpose, he 
said they wanted to change things, particularly the convent conditions under 
which the women lived. Judging from the group who returned in 1974 for the 
gala fiftieth reunion of the DUDs. the organization was dominated by athletes. 
The sister society, the SPADEs. came later, as did other smaller and more exclu- 
sive groups, such as the Dukes. 

It was hard for the majority of the faculty to comprehend what was 
happening, especially when the students started agitating for a student council, 
leaving Dr. Wilson as incredulous as he had been when faculty women peti- 
tioned for a voice. Speaking to the Board in 1924 about "the appalling lack of 
modesty and purity" and the outbreak of disorder in Carnegie just before the 
holidays, he could only call it "a most peculiar development." 

The problem, he told the Board, stemmed from the attendance of YMCA 
leaders at all-male conferences in Blue Ridge (1924-27). where doctrines of the 
Youth Movement were promulgated "to such a degree that they have felt they 
were called by duty to be crusaders to brush aside what they do not fancy in 
college order and discipline, and to believe that they were bom to set all college 
matters right." That he was rankled by outside interference is indicated by a 
diar\' entr\' in 1926: "The YMCA seems to be captured by 'Modernism.'. . . 
After all my struggles to keep the College true to God. it is pathetic to see my 
work neutralized by men that have no connection with Mar\ville College. God 


have mercy on us." 

The conferences continued to bear fruit. A rebelhon began when the 
YMCA circulated an inflammatorv' broadside in chapel. Dr. Wilson had all the 
copies collected and spent two hours counseling with the YMCA president. He 
wrote in his diar>' that night: "I have enough enemies today to kill a man." At 
four the next morning he rose to prepare notes for an appeal for the support of 
the YMCA Cabinet, an appeal that elicited "some excellent reaction, some bru- 
tal." He then met with the YMCA Executive Committee and arranged tenta- 
tively for them to rescind their assault upon discipline. This meeting he called 
"one of the bitterest trials of my life. Cruel ingratitude." 

Forced to leave for the General Assembly the next day, he sought relief 
through his diary: "Heart suffering intensely. May God Almighty lead us out of 
rebellion." and later. "Heav\ laden still." An additional cross to bear was an 
interfering teacher who championed students in disciplinary' cases. The disci- 
pline cases increased. Students were expelled. Parents protested. Blue Ridge 
leaders again pressured students to push for rule modernization. 

After a period of negotiations the Student Council began functioning in 
1924-25. It first codified and published the rules in a small booklet and corre- 
sponded with other colleges on the perennial topic of honor codes, cheating hav- 
ing been such a problem that even students were alarmed. The Council then set 
about to modernize the rules, focusing initially on the emancipation of women. 
It was proposed that women be allowed to go to supper by the fountain and post 
office, to go unchaperoned to the movies and to town any time during the day. to 
be allowed to entertain relatives and friends on Sundays and to leave the campus 
for Sunday dinner. It was pointed out that in all fairness the punishment for 
moonshining should be the same for women and men. 

Dr. Wilson remained adamant, answering simply: 'The facult\' recognizes 
that it is responsible to God for the framing and enforcement of Mary'ville's 
rules" and "It is the faculty's responsibility which cannot be transferred to stu- 
dents who are transients in Maryville College, or to outsiders." The annual 
college-wide mountain trip was canceled because, as the faculty explained (doubt- 
less using the president's words), 'in the distressing immoral conditions that 
have existed this year, it is our duty to throw every possible safeguard around 

Dr. Wilson's growing anger, his self-pity, and his obsession with "cruel 
ingratitude" link him with King Lear. Whether he consciously thought of him- 
self as a tragic hero or unconsciously appropriated the Shakespearean phrases 
and moods with which he was so familiar, the resemblance is striking. His 
complaint to his diary in 1928""Uneasy his. the head of a College that stands 
for righteousness"~recalls another Shakespearean king. Few would deny that, 
like King Lear. Dr. Wilson was "every inch a king" ruling with dignity and 


compassion over his small realm for twenty-nme years. But the age of kings 
was rapidly closing, and he was not prepared to abdicate his authority while he 
was still in office. 

Even after he decided it was time to retire, the Board persuaded him to 
remain another year. He had the pleasure in his last years of receiving homage 
from the majority through such gestures as the celebration of his birthday with 
appropriate gifts and tributes and the continuing adulation of alumni. He also 
had the satisfaction of having given the last full measure of devotion to his alma 

He had seen Maryville College grow in numbers and in reputation in 
academic circles. He had raised her total assets. The endowment had risen from 
a third of a million dollars to two million. Buildings had increased by eight: 
Carnegie (twice), Voorhees Chapel, Pearsons Hall, Thaw Hall, the Alumni Gym- 
nasium, the Ralph Max Lamar Memorial Hospital, the House in the Woods, and 
the swimming pool. More important, he had seen hundreds of graduates go into 
the ministry and missions—and others prepared spiritually and mentally to per- 
petuate the ideals of the founder. 

Like King Lear, Dr. Wilson experienced the diminution of his mental 
faculties in his last years. His friends in 1944, at the time of his death, could 
have said appropriately of him what Edgar said of Kmg Lear: 

The weight of this sad time we must obey, 
Speak what we feel, not what we ought to say: 
The oldest hath borne most; we that are young 
Shall never see so much, nor live so long. 



Chapter X— Weathering the Depression 

In June 1930 while the country was still reeling from the stock market 
crash. Ralph Waldo Lloyd received an invitation to become the sixth president 
of Maryville College. President Emeritus Samuel T. Wilson was preparing to 

sail in September for nine months of recuperation in 

Syria, his boyhood home and now the home of his 
daughter Lois, a missionary there. English Depart- 
ment Chairman Edwin R. Hunter was temporarily 
occupying the president's chair. 

Four months passed before Dr. Lloyd made 
his decision. It must have been difficult for him, for 
he was happily situated as pastor of the Edgewood 
Presbyterian Church in a suburb of Pittsburgh. Still 
in his thirties, he had already had a variet>' of expe- 
riences. Since graduating from Maryville in 1915, 
he had taught at Westminster College in Utah, served 
as a field artiller>' officer during World War I. re- 
turned as assistant to the president of Westminster, 
and for a time had been an assistant sales manager 

with the Fulton Sylphon Company in Knoxville before entering McCormick 
Theological Seminarv' in 1921 . While in seminary and later, he served churches 
in Indiana and Illinois. In 1929 he received an honorary doctorate from Marv-ville, 
the first of eight he would receive from various colleges during the course of his 

In 1917 he had married Margaret Anderson Bell, a Wilson (Pennsyl- 
vania) College graduate who was a colleague at Westminster. At the time of the 
invitation from Maryville they had four children under twelve years old. Not 
only must they have been reluctant to make another move, but the financial state 
of the country in 1930 posed increasing challenges for college presidents. Ralph 
Lloyd decided, however, in Maryville 's favor. In September he wired his accep- 
tance and his intention to be on the campus by Thanksgiving. 

The response at the College was enthusiastic. An Echo article recalled 
his having led February Meetings four years earlier and listed his college hon- 
ors: the presidencies, the editorships, the athletic achievements m football, bas- 
ketball, and tennis. Dr. Hunter, who went to Pittsburgh for consuhation and 
planning with the president-elect, brought back a picture of an attractive family: 
Mrs. Lloyd, characterized by ''her charm and kindliness": Vernon, "a sixth- 
grader and budding football player"; Hal, eight years old and "a genuine live- 


wire": Ruth, age five, "a charming httle kindergarten miss whose principal in- 
terest [was] that everyone see and properly appreciate her baby sister, Louise 
...eighteen months old and a world of energy." All four of these children within 
the next twenty years would graduate from Maryville and by the late sixties send 
some of their children back to earn Maryville degrees. 

The Lloyds arrived in Maryville, somewhat later than planned, at the 
end of November. Introduced by Dr. Hunter in chapel, they received a warm 
welcome. Board Chairman Dr. William R. Dawson spoke about the reasons for 
the Board's selection, the contributions of previous presidents, and Dr. Lloyd's 
charge to uphold the Maryville tradition. Dean Barnes welcomed the new presi- 
dent on behalf of the faculty: Richard Strain, on behalf of the students. Presi- 
dent Lloyd responded with his first three-point presentation: (1) a word of ap- 
preciation, (2) a word of explanation, and (3) a word of request (for patience and 

Cheers and yells followed as Mrs. Lloyd was presented with flowers. 
Dr. Hunter's service as interim president was recognized by Dr. Lloyd. Judge 
M. H. Gamble expressed the appreciation of the community: Donald Benn. that 
of the student body. Three days later the students held an informal reception in 
the Alumni G\Tn. and the following day Dr. Lloyd and Dr. Hunter left for the 
annual meeting of the Southern Association of Colleges and Secondary Schools. 
Thereafter the Echo saved space each week for an article on the president's 
travels, for he was to become Maryville 's first frequent flyer. 

A heavy travel schedule, pressing administrative problems, and Dr. 
Wilson's absence from the countr\' all probably influenced postponement of the 
fonnal inauguration until the fall of 1931. Two days. Thursday and Friday, 
October 22-23. were devoted to speeches and discussions. Thursday's theme 
was "The Story of World Progress During the Lifetime of Maryville College": 
Friday's was "the Christian Liberal Arts College in Present Day Thought and 
Life." Speakers included Berea President William J. Hutchins: American Bible 
Society President George William Brown: and Birmingham-Southern President 
Guy Suavely, former president of the Association of American Colleges. Dr. 
Wilson spoke on 'The Output of Man^'ville College." and Dr. Lloyd brought the 
proceedings to a close with the inaugural address, 'The College and Character." 

Organizing an Administrative Staff 

Two new administrative offices with light oak furniture were prepared 
in Anderson Hall for the president and his secretary. The former president's 
office was refurbished for Dr. Hunter, who. on the retirement of Dean Barnes in 
January 1931. had been named dean of the College. Treasurer Fred Proffitt had 
a redecorated office for his crucial work. Miss Clemmie Henrv; bridging the 


tvvo administrations as student-help secretary, occupied a new office carved from 
space, as the reporting Board member described it. "formerly used for promiscu- 
ous classes." These four would assume the heaviest load in steering the College 
through the Great Depression. Other administrators from the Wilson years con- 
tributed to a smooth transition: Dr. Stevenson. College pastor; Miss Anna Jones, 
administrative secretary' and registrar: and Miss Molly Caldwell, dean of women. 
Professor Howell, in addition to teaching chemistry and managing the lyceum 
series, was serving as dean of men. 

Dr. Lloyd added new staff members, though the frequent change in titles 
makes it difficult to determine the exact number. The official count at this time 
was seventeen administrators and staff. In 1 935 he changed administrative titles 
to ''director." Dr. Hunter became director of curriculum; Miss Henry, director 
of student-help: Miss Caldwell, director of women's residence: and Mr. McCurry, 
director of men's residence. Dr. John Cummings. whose promising career was 
cut short by his death in 1936. a year after his appointment, joined the staff as 
director of personnel. By 1939 titles were changed again. Dr. Hunter became 
dean of curriculum, and Dr. Frank McClelland, who had replaced Dr. Cummings 
as director of personnel, was now called dean of students. Miss Caldwell's 
successor remained director of women's residence. The title of dean of women 
was not used again until 1947, when Frances Massey received the appointment. 
The title dean of men was revived in 1957 when Arthur Bushing agreed to divide 
his time between the English Department and administration. 

The year of Miss Molly's retirement. 1936. marked the end of an era in 
student affairs, much to the relief of many students, who despaired of change as 
long as Miss Molly was in control. Those close to Miss Molly testified to her 
sense of humor, but the humor for the women under her strong hand came mainly 
from such satire as a Chilhowean piece entitled "One of Miss Molly's Bi-Weekly 
Lectures." It pictures a sorrowful Miss Molly pleading with her girls to follow 
the rules: "I tell you, girls, it is when the experiences of life come to you, when 
you have seen life as I have seen it. that you realize the importance of building a 
good, solid character. So these rules must be enforced." As she enumerates the 
rules that have been broken, sobs break forth from the guilty ones. Ever>' col- 
lege during this period doubtless had its own "Miss Molly "--enjoyed most in 

Following Miss Molly's retirement, Mrs. Grace Pope Snyder, the widow 
of a Presbyterian minister, became director of women's residence. After her 
husband's death she had returned to the University of Illinois for a Master's 
degree and had both taught and held a responsible government position before 
coming to Maryville. She remained at the College ten years, combining the 
teaching of history and Bible with administrative duties. 

Dr. McClelland's appointment first as director of personnel and then 


dean of students brought change and stabihty in student affairs. The son of a 
Presbyterian minister, he attended Maryville College for two years but returned 
to his native Pennsylvania to graduate from Grove City College, where he also 
received a Master's and an honorary doctorate. During World War I he served 
with the Marme Corps in Europe. After a school principalship in Pennsylvania 
he taught at Pikeville (Kentucky) College, later becoming dean of students and 
president. Except for a leave for service in the Marme Corps in World War II, 
he devoted the rest of his career to Mar^'ville College, becoming academic dean 
in 1957 and. after his official retirement in 1967. remaining for a number of 
years as assistant to the president. 

The College was also fortunate at this time in attracting other capable 
long-term staff members. Viola Lightfoot, a 1934 graduate who as a student 
had worked with Miss Jones, remained after graduation as assistant in the per- 
sonnel office. She and Dr. McClelland made an efficient team, working together 
in admissions and registration. When he became dean of the College she became 
registrar. During her forty-plus productive years she acquired skill in dealing 
with students and adjusting to faculty eccentricities and parent frustrations. 

One notable example was her technique with a member of the Religion 
Department, a stimulating teacher handicapped by a volatile temperament that 
led him to express his displeasure with unresponsive students by refusing to 
teach them. Each time he burst into the registrar's office, slammed his class 
cards on the counter, and demanded that she remove all the students from his 
class. Miss Lightfoot never argued but simply put the cards awa\ until he could 
call for them in a cooler mood. Each year when everyone left for Christmas 
vacation, she stood by while Professor Edmund Wayne Davis (with Mrs. Davis 
waiting in the car) agonized over Greek and Latin grades one more time. When 
Gertrude Meiselwitz demanded rescheduling to accommodate home economics 
majors, then changed her mind without notif>'ing the registrar, Viola said that 
was just Gert's way. When parents arriving for commencement learned that 
their son had failed a course and they blamed his failure on the registrar, she 
reasoned that they needed an outlet for their disappointment, and she listened 
patienth'. Before her retirement m 1974 the College recognized her unique con- 
tributions with an honorarv' degree. 

No one who frequented the dining room between 1934 and 1973 can 
forget Margaret Susanna Ware, the College's first resident dietitian. Dissatis- 
faction with food reached a near-revolutionar\' stage in the early thirties. The 
resignation of the Boarding Club managers. Mrs. Sarah Coulter and Miss Lulu 
Darby, in January 1934. was the impetus for retaining Miss Ware, a North 
Carolinian with formal training in dietetics. 

The dining room under new supervision took on a different atmosphere. 
Miss Ware still served grits and okra but diversified the menu b\' adding such 


K... mmJH 



1 ... , i 



delicacies as shrimp, which the majority failed to appreciate. She insisted on 
cleanliness and correct service, though she was sometimes known to give up on 
careless waiters and waitresses with an "I swear and be damned." She was also 
inclined to be excitable, as demonstrated one Sunday evening when a waitress 
lost her contact lens in a bowl of lettuce being prepared for the evening meal. 

As far as budget would allow—and sometimes when it would not—she 
kept the dining room attractive with fresh flowers and plants and touches of 
color. When a young artist was commissioned to do an oil painting for the 
dining room. Miss Ware was vaguely dissatisfied with it. Then, realizmg that 
the colors did not harmonize with her decor, she bought some small cans of paint 
and touched it up. Rumor had it that the artist was not happy, but no one dared 
question Miss Wares jurisdiction in the dining room. She encouraged formal 
dinners with candlelit tables, attractive table decorations, and music. 

Miss Ware had a valued assistant, Agnes Henry, who had preceded her 
on the staff by eight years and by the time of her retirement would spend forty- 
nine years at the College. Her father, bom in slavery, was the son of a Cherokee 
Indian; her mother, the daughter of English parents who settled in Blount County. 
Miss Agnes attended the Freedman's Institute before beginning her work in the 
dining room. Although she usually stayed in the background, she knew foods 
and knew how to handle both kitchen staff and students, taking much of the 
burden off Miss Ware. They became close friends, formed an efficient team, 
and retired together in 1973. 

Louis A. Black arrived in 193 1 to fill the newly created post of business 
manager. A native of Canada, he had spent his entire career in YMCA work 
before coming to MaryviUe from Colorado, where he was executive secretary of 
the Estes Park Association. One of his greatest challenges as business manager 
was keeping the dining room budget balanced. The College archives contain an 
exchange of letters in 1935 between Dr. Lloyd, who was in Europe, and Mr. 


Black, who was in Mar>'ville struggling with the budget. The correspondence 
shows the frustration of two men faced with a twenty-thousand-dollar deficit in 
the dining room budget and a dietitian for whom a balanced budget was appar- 
ently of little concern. 

The appointment of Josephine Hunter as head of Baldwin Hall in 1932 
indicated administrative interest in ^HMk ^--^.'^ 

employing staff specifically trained 
for their positions. After an under- 
graduate degree from Cornell, she had 
earned a Master's in college person- 
nel work from the Universit>' of Pitts- 
burgh. Although marriage to Frank 
Potter cut short her career at 
Man^-ville. the College continued to 
profit from the services of her younger 
sister. Nancy, also a Cornell gradu- 
ate, who came in 1 936 as secretary to 
the president and remained through- 
out Dr. Lloyd's tenure, keeping the 
office running smoothly during his 
absences. Miss Hunter's own love of 
travel made her an effective good-will 
ambassador for a college with gradu- 
ates all over the world. 

Budgets and Deficits 

Regardless of the efficiency and capabilities of the staff, the depression 
brought financial problems for which there were no simple solutions. Deficits 
occurred in fourteen of the first twenty-five years of Dr. Lloyd's administration 
and had reached half a million dollars by the time of his retirement. The Depres- 
sion dried up large individual gifts, one of the three major sources of income in 
previous years. No one came forward to take the place of the Thaws, the Fayer- 
weathers, and the Pearsons. Not until the fifties did Maryville again become the 
recipient of large individual gifts. 

The second source of income—tuition and fees—offered little or no re- 
lief They provided only a part of the cost of educating a student. A decision to 
raise tuition in 193 1 was abandoned in the realization that Maryville could not 
remain faithful to its mission if it priced itself out of reach of students who most 
needed help with their education. On the other hand, financial exigency necessi- 
tated the limiting of enrollment. 


The third source of income was annuities and interest on investment of 
the endowment. Although Dr. Lloyd's business experience led him to insist on 
making all financial decisions, even to signing for small purchases, he recog- 
nized the financial acumen of Treasurer Fred Profifitt. No one else, he told the 
Board at the beginning of his presidency, could match Mr. Profifitt in handling 
annuities and mortgages on real estate: ''He has taken one department after an- 
other, lifted it and kept it out of debt. He has been a major factor in the fact that 
for over a quarter of a century the College has been closed each year without 

Not even Mr. Profifitt. however, could prevent the steady decline in in- 
come that followed the stock market crash. In June 1933. the year of the largest 
enrollment in history to date, the Board minutes recorded a total decrease in 
income of thirt\-six percent, including a decrease in endowment income of twelve 
percent. An operating deficit of $19,000 was the first deficit in over thirty 

Most investments of endowment were in first mortgage loans on local 
property. In the depth of the Depression many land o\vners found it impossible 
to repay the loans, and foreclosure became necessar\'. but not before Mr. Profifitt 
had exhausted attempts to save the property for the owner. Even those who lost 
their land appreciated the consideration they had received. But the foreclosures 
affected the community attitude toward the College, which began to be per- 
ceived as a wealthy, impersonal institution that was taking advantage of proper- 
ty owners. It would be many years before the College regained the confidence it 
once enjoyed in the community. 

Because of defaults on loans. College property holdings increased fifty 
percent during the thirties. Keeping afloat financially made it necessary to sell 
much of the property in the forties. By this time inflation caused by World War 
II enabled the College to come out ahead on mortgages, but not enough to offset 
rising expenditures. Mr. Profifitt 's death in 1943 brought about a change in 
investment policy. The College turned to government equities, which offered 
security but lower returns. At the same time expenses continued to rise. A 
quarter of the funds were transferred to the United States Trust Company for 
investment. In the ensuing years administrators began to phase out annuities 
and mortgages and to depend more on outside management. As late as 1960, 
however. Dr. Lloyd reported to the Board: "Mar\^ille College continues to find 
after half a century's experience that the first mortgage loans made on real estate 
in Maryville and nearby counties are more productive than other forms of in- 

Fund-raising methods also began to change. In the late forties Dr. Lloyd 
turned for the first time to an outside firm to raise fiands for a new chapel, though 
he himself continued to pursue major gifts once the economy improved—a Ford 


Foundation grant for faculty salaries, an endowed chemistry chair from ALCOA, 
and a million-dollar gift from Mr. and Mrs. Glen Lloyd for the Fine Arts Center, 
and church and DAR fiinding for the Margaret Bell Lloyd Residence for Women. 

A decision had to be made as to whether to apply for and accept govern- 
ment fijnding. Opposed in principle to federal or state aid to church-related 
colleges. Dr. Lloyd hesitated to move in that direction. Nevertheless during the 
Depression he accepted National Youth Administration (NYA) and Federal 
Emergency Relief Administration (FERA) fiands to supplement other aid to 
Marv'ville students. Approximately one-third of all student aid during the De- 
pression came from government sources. Perhaps knowing that Aubrey Will- 
iams, the origmator and national administrator of the NYA, was a Maryville 
alumnus made the decision easier. Certainly the additional fiands were a god- 
send for many students. NYA funds supported on-campus work in the librar\', in 
research, in offices, and in campus maintenance. They also provided jobs off 
campus: in the town library, relief offices, public schools, the health center, and 
the orphanage. FERA ftjnds paid at the attractively high rate of thirty cents an 
hour for "new" part-time work on campus, making possible the building of the 
golf course and the initial work on the amphitheatre. 

As in World War I. the College in World War II took advantage of 
government fiinds to tide it over until enrollment returned to normal. To accom- 
modate the influx of postwar students, surplus government buildings were ac- 
quired after the War and set up on campus as annexes. Toward the end of his 
presidency Dr. Lloyd used government loans to renovate Carnegie, Memorial, 
and Pearsons. The government was becoming an accepted source of fiinding. 

Campus Improvements 

Although financial exigency in the thirties prevented a major building 
campaign, many minor 
projects kept momentum 
going for a more attractive 
campus. The Stevensons 
continued to take an active 
interest, and in 1932 Mrs. 
John Walker, Mrs. 
Stevenson's sister, ar- 
ranged with the College to 
build a home in the College 
Woods near the Stevensons 
with the understanding that 
ownership would revert to 


the College at the time of 
her death. Mrs. Walker 
was eighty years old when 
she came to Maryville. 
The widow of a partner of 
Andrew Carnegie, she had 
great wealth at her dis- 
posal: and in the eighteen 
years she lived after com- 
ing to Maryville she used 
it freely for the benefit of 
the College and to build 
homes for her friends. She 
extended the hospitality of Mommgside, her seventeen-room home, to various 
groups, including youngsters from the Children's Home and oldsters from rest 
homes, as well as varied college groups. 

Mrs. Walker transformed the area around Momingside into a lovely 
garden that attracted many visitors, especially in the spring when the azaleas 
bloomed. She planned and assisted with the development of the amphitheatre 
and a seven-acre botany garden nearby. She joined the Stevensons in paving the 
road into the College Woods, restoring the College Cemetery, and setting up an 
endowment to insure its ftjture care. She built an attractive guest house not far 
from Momingside, supervised the building of trails through the Woods, helped 
to establish two picnic areas, planted trees and shrubbery on the campus, re- 
decorated the lobby of Pearsons, and was the major donor for the transformation 
of the old red bank below Carnegie into an attractive entrance. She worked so 
quietly that few were aware of the extent of her contributions. When she died in 
1 950 at age ninety-eight, she was buried in the College Cemetery. Mommgside 
became the official president's home. 

Through the generosity of Judge T. N. Brown the College acquired in 
the form of an annuity in 1935 the Brown Farm, forty-six acres to be added to 
the existing farm on the Lamar property. In the same year alumni and faculty 
pledged most of the amount needed for the alumni dining room, added to the 
back of Pearsons to double the dining space. A badly needed new power plant 
was buih in 1939. 

The architectural firm of Barber and McMurry of Knoxville drew up a 
general campus plan to guide fiiture development, charting the rearrangement of 
roads and location of sidewalks. Major landscaping took place when the Col- 
lege received 2,500 shmbs and trees from foreclosure on a nursery. Investment 
in a horse-drawn lawnmower for use on the central campus improved that area, 
but the fields around Thaw and at the edges of the campus were still uncon- 


trolled. As late as the forties, Miss Meiselwitz complained that in going through 
the dark from the practice house to Pearsons, she had stumbled over a huge 
something that protested with a loud "moo-oo." It was probably the same beast 
that chased Miss Jessie Johnson as she cut across the back campus on her way to 
Thaw Hall~an adventure given epic treatment in Dr. Hunter's famous ballad 
"Jessie and the Cow." 

Although animals were still roaming at large and grass was growing 
unchecked in many areas, the campus was developing in the direction envisioned 
by those who saw its potential. 

Faculty, in the meantime. . . 

The 1931 catalog listed thirty-four faculty' members: thirteen profes- 
sors, fifteen associate professors, and six instructors. (The assistant professor 
rank was not yet in use.) Five had earned Ph.D.s: fourteen. M.A.s; and all but 
one of the rest. Bachelor's degrees. Seventeen, or exactly half, were women. Of 
the latter, two were professors (one. "acting"); eleven were associate professors; 
and four were instructors. Nineteen of the thirty-four were Maryville College 
graduates. In addition, the catalog listed eight teachers (all women) in the De- 
partment of Special Instruction—music, art. and expression. 

Economic conditions accounted for the large number of women and 
Maryville graduates. Loyalty enticed many back to their alma mater for lower 
salaries than they could command elsewhere, and women were still victims of a 
double standard no matter where they were teaching. Dr. Lloyd revealed his 
philosophy of economics when he introduced his first salary scale in 1934. 
Department heads were to begin at $2,400 a year with quadrennial raises until in 
their seventeenth year they would receive $3,000. but the two women depart- 
ment heads were not affected by the revised scale. Non-department heads were 
to receive "such salaries as are equitable for their training, experience, and du- 
ties." At the associate professor rank, men with a Master's degree would begin 
at $1,700 and could rise to $2,000 after sixteen years. Women with the same 
qualifications would start in all ranks at $200 less than the men and receive 
quadrennial increments of $25 less so that after sixteen years of service, the 
$200 difference between the sexes would increase to $300. 

No attempt was made to bridge the wide gap that already existed be- 
tween men's and women's salaries. Thus—to update the example used previ- 
ously—Susan Allen Green, professor and department head, received $2,300 af- 
ter thirty-two years. A male professor and department head in his twentieth year 
was reappointed at $3,000, and another male department head in his thirteenth 
year was reappointed at $2,850. The highest earned degree for all three was the 


Dr. Lloyd apparently accepted this discrimination without question. 
When confronted later about the contradiction between his stand on racial equality 
and gender equality, he responded that men had families to support. When re- 
minded that his salary scale gave a single man more than it did a widow with 
three children, he shifted to the supply-and-demand argument. What he did not 
openly admit was that it was basically a question of budget. The College could 
not afford the expenditure necessary to erase the gap between men and women. 

A significant gain for women came, however, in 1938 with the appoint- 
ment of two women Board members. The average length of time served by the 
thirty-six Board members who elected Dr. Lloyd to the presidency was twenty- 
nine years, tenure viewed by Dr. Lloyd as a sign of health and stability. Three 
members had served over fifty years each, and most served until they were inca- 
pacitated. All were Presbyterians, and the majority were ministers. Little change 
occurred in this pattern until Mrs. Lloyd initiated a move for College member- 
ship in the American Association of University Women (AAUW). The examin- 
ing committee pointed out the discrimination against women in leadership roles 
and salaries. 

Dr. Lloyd corrected the first deficiency by appointing the first women 
Board members. Miss Clemmie Henry and Miss Nellie McCampbell, both of 
whom had proven records with the College. The second problem was appar- 
ently so prevalent in colleges of that day that no drastic change was expected. 
The approval of Maryville's report and application for membership in AAUW 
came in 1942. 

In seeking accreditation from regional and national bodies. Maryville 
administrators realized the urgency of raising salaries for both men and women 
and hiring more faculty with doctorates. In 1940. ten years after Dr. Lloyd's 
arrival, the number of Ph.D. s had doubled. With economic conditions as they 
were, raising salaries was more difficult. During one year in the depth of the 
Depression it became necessary to reduce all salaries by ten percent, a measure 
being taken at most other colleges. Maryville at least never paid its faculty in 
script as did many others, including the University of Tennessee. 

Fringe benefits were almost non-existent. At the beginning of the Lloyd 
administration there were no provisions for retirement pensions, for health in- 
surance, or for educating faculty children. In 1905 the Carnegie Foundation 
funded the Teachers Insurance and Annuity Association (TIAA) to provide pen- 
sions for teachers in higher education. Maryville, however, waited until 1939 to 
join the program, through which the College matched a five percent premium 
paid by the individual. Minister-teachers could opt for the Presbyterian Church 
pension with the College paying at first five percent and later six percent when 
the Church raised the total assessment to twelve percent. 

Dr. Lloyd remained alert to the need for increased benefits. He insti- 


tuted group health and hospitahzation insurance, made available at the individual's 
expense, and he added collective life insurance and workman's compensation, 
made available at the College's expense. Later came medical insurance with 
premiums at first partially shared and then entirely assumed by the College. In 
1 95 1 the facult\' entered the Social Securit}- system with premiums shared equally 
by the College and the individual. 

Other benefits raised morale. With pressure fi-om accrediting agencies, 
the student-faculty ratio was lowered from 22.7:1 to 15.3:1, and the teaching 
load from twenty contact hours per week to sixteen. The facult\' began to be 
better represented in decision-making, or at least better informed about deci- 
sions. Until 1930 "faculty meeting" designated the group of male professors 
and administrators who drew up recommendations for salaries and the selection 
of new faculty. Dr. Lloyd changed the name to Executive Faculty or Executive 
Council and included women administrators Dean Caldwell (until her retirement 
in 1936) and Student-Help Secretary Clemmie Henr>'. He later added the two 
women professors. 

Faculty meetings, held monthly, beginning in Februar>' 1934. included 
all faculty, staff, and administrators. Until late in the centur\ the meetings were 
presided over and controlled b> the presidents, who found them a convenient 
gathering for amiouncements. The secretary of the faculty checked roll and read 
minutes. One faculty member was designated ahead of time to open the meeting 
with prayer, an exercise that offered insight into the personalit>'. religious ori- 
entation, and the chief concerns and biases of the intercessor. Legendary was 
the prayer of Mary Miles, student-help secretary: "God bless those who work 
and those who teach." Certain agenda items were predictable: an appeal for 
donations to the flower fiind. the warning against deviation from the published 
examination schedule, and eroding standards as reflected in the trend toward B- 
as the average grade. Responses on each topic from individual faculty were also 

In 1933 the Faculty Club was organized. Its purpose was to promote 
research and fellowship. Approximately forty faculty met once amonth for din- 
ner, after which one member read a scholarly paper. Among the early presenta- 
tions were Dr. Hunter's "Macbeth as a Moralit>' Play," Dr. Orr's "The Nature of 
Evil and Its Relation to Ethics," Mrs. West's "The Trends of Modem Drama," 
and Mr. Howell's "The Modem Theorv' of Matter ' As encouragement to pub- 
lish, the College budget included a small item to cover expenses. Over the next 
three decades the Faculty Club changed focus. Dr. Lloyd began to bring in 
outside speakers who often did not address scholarly topics. DiflTicultN' in ob- 
taining food during World War II reduced meetings to five, with salad and des- 
sert replacing dinners. 

In the fifties faculty spouses were included. An attempt to enliven the 


meetings for a more diverse group led to increasing emphasis on the social fea- 
ture. Miss Meiselwitz. who was responsible for the refreshments, delighted in 
experimenting with new recipes and foods, including on one occasion a punch 
that combined orange and tomato juice. (Some of the potted plants in the room 
that evening did not survive the sudden inundation.) Although the Faculty Club 
continued to perform a welcome social function, other methods had to be de- 
vised to promote scholarship. One was the introduction of a plan for sabbatical 
leaves, which many enjoyed before budget restrictions brought about cutbacks. 
The first one went to Katharine Davies in 1946-47. 

Changes in Curriculum 

Dean Hunter was determined to upgrade both faculty and curriculum. 
Although he was teaching four courses each semester, he found time to make 
curriculum changes immediately. A six-day week replaced the five-day week in 
193 1, the rationale being that the six-day week was "in line with the practice of 
most high-grade colleges." Entrance requirements were raised and an ambitious 
counseling and orientation program inaugurated to prevent freshman failures. 
The first mid-semester grade report for freshmen was instituted in 1933. The 
formal minor was replaced by certain specified related courses in the major to 
give more freedom for electives and to build up a closely related group of sup- 
porting subjects. 

Tlie introduction of a ten-point grading system allowed for pluses and 
minuses to be figured into the grade point average. In 1933 final examinations 
were abolished temporarily in favor of more frequent testing during the semes- 
ter. Seniors had to pass an examination in the fundamentals of English compo- 
sition before they were admitted to candidacy for a degree, and an English labo- 
ratory was set up for those who needed special help. 

The innovation nearest Dr. Hunter's heart was the experiment with hon- 
ors work, begun in 1932, in which selected seniors were freed from requirements 
of major courses and from regular class attendance with routine assignments 
and tests. They worked under the close supervision of the department head, 
meeting in weekly conferences. A comprehensive examination of from eight to 
sixteen hours came at the end of the study. Seven students completed honors 
work the first year. The program was so popular that by 1937-38 eligibility 
requirements had to be raised. It was to undergo many changes before eventu- 
ally becoming "Special Studies." adopted in the 1947 curriculum revision as a 
requirement for all students. The comprehensive examination in the major, how- 
ever, was adopted as a general requirement in the spring of 1937. 

The thirties saw the increased use of testing. The College used the 
standardized Sophomore Tests to measure Mar^-ville sophomores against na- 


tional norms, a practice that continued for twenty-five or thirty years until the 
results seemed to have little meaning. Vocational preference tests were intro- 
duced in 1938. Dr. David Briggs, the new Psychology Department head, worked 
out elaborate charts correlating results of the English Placement Test, the Psy- 
chological Examination, and the Reading Test with high school and fi"eshman 
scholastic records. In 1937 he instituted a required reading course for freshmen 
with low reading scores. His continued research and experimentation brought 
him recognition as a pioneer reading specialist. 

Dr. Hunter's ideas and energy led him to reorganize in 1939 from de- 
partments to divisions, and in his own English Department to make "a drastic 
regrouping of the courses to give the student a better grasp of the great periods 
of literar>' history." He recommended offering short popular courses for adults 
in town. Dr. Knapp, Miss Bassett and others held classes for alumni during 
commencement week. 

All of these innovations within a few years kept the facult\' alert, but 
Dean Hunter saw much room for improvement. He did not hesitate to point out 
weaknesses in the faculty as he saw them— histor>' being taught by teachers in 
completely unrelated fields, too little faculty interest in scholarship, and 'too 
many young men and too many women." a situation he blamed on the low salary 
scale. Throughout his tenure as dean, he never stopped pleading for higher 
salaries, the best incentive, he thought, for attracting well qualified faculty. 

Fortunately, even without competitive salaries he seemed able to con- 
vince prospective faculty that Marv^ille was a good place to teach. And it was. 
The sense of collegiality was strong, and in spite of what might have seemed 
from the outside to be a repressive religious atmosphere, the faculty enjoyed a 
great deal of freedom. Both Dr Lloyd and Dr. Hunter believed in and protected 
academic freedom. When faced with media and community pressure against the 
positions of certain teachers—especially during the McCarthy era and the struggle 
over civil rights— Dr Lloyd handled the controversy quietly, refiising to yield to 
threats. Only indirectly did the teachers involved learn that they had been under 
attack or that Dr. Lloyd had so vigorously defended their right of free expres- 
sion. Because of de facto academic fi^eedom, the faculty took no action to for- 
malize a statement until 1 959 when a few professors who belonged to the Ameri- 
can Association of University Professors (AAUP) requested a formal statement. 

Dr. Hunter began with a strong faculty nucleus: Knapp, Bassett. Orr. 
McMurray. Green, and the other giants of the twenties. He began to concentrate 
on increasing Ph.D.s. adding in 1932 Dr. Paul Fields in psychology and Dr. Hill 
Shine in English. Zoe Carroll, who also came that year, received her doctorate 
in biology from Duke three years later to become Man^-ville's first woman Ph.D. 
Before the end of the thirties two more women with doctorates joined the faculty: 
Ruth Cowdrick in French and Mar\' Robertson Campbell in sociology. Dr. 


Augustus Sisk, a Maryville alumnus with a doctorate from Cornell, came in 
1 938 to teach mathematics. Other new Ph.D.s included Claude Arthur Campbell 
in economics and Newell Thomas Preston in psychology and education. 

Many of those who came in the thirties spent the rest of their career at 
Maryville. retiring in the sixties, as did Dr. David Briggs in psychology, Dr. Lyle 
Williams in biology, and Dr. Ralph Case in sociology. Jessie Johnson, an alumna 
with an outstanding record in forensics. returned to teach English and system- 
atic discourse. She and Dr. Hunter collaborated on revisions of Dr. Wilson's 
systematic discourse manual, and she became the English Department's Ameri- 
can literature specialist until her retirement in 1967. Elizabeth Jackson, with a 
degree from Smith College and experience on the editorial staff of Webster s 
New International Dictionary, would eventually receive a doctorate in linguis- 
tics from the University of Colorado and continue with post graduate work at the 
Universit\' of Leeds, England. She succeeded Dr. Hunter as head of the English 
Department in 1 96 1 . Dr. Ralph Collins, whose degrees were from the University 
of North Carolina and Johns-Hopkins, came in 1939, left in the mid-forties for a 
career in the diplomatic service, and returned to Maryville in the sixties to teach 
until his retirement. 

The organization of the Fine Arts Department in 1936. enabling the 
formerly designated "Special Departments'" to oflPer college credit in music, drama, 
and art. was the impetus for expanding the faculty in those areas. Katharine 
Currie Davies. a friend of Dr. Lloyd from his Westminster College days, came 
as professor of music and head of the new department. A graduate of Wooster. 
the American Conservator^' of Music, and the Oberlin Conservatory, she had 
studied in France and was completing a Master's at Eastman School of Music. 
She would spend the next twenty-eight years at Maryville, guiding the Music 
Department through accreditation by the National Association of Schools of 
Music in 1942. inspiring her piano students to new heights of achievement, and 
exercising humor and patience to maintain harmony among her temperamental 

Joining Miss Davies in the Music Department were Dorothy Home and 
Ralph Colbert. Miss Home had Bachelor's degrees in piano and violin, and a 
Master's in music from the American Conservatory. Some years later she re- 
ceived her doctorate from the Eastman School of Music. She had the reputation 
for being one of the best theor>' teachers in the country. Her Maryville students 
would have said the best. Unfortunately for Maryville. her reputation opened 
up opportunities elsewhere, but for eighteen years Maryville students had the 
advantage of her teaching and found themselves well prepared for graduate study. 

Ralph Colbert, a well known East Tennessee musician and director, 
taught voice and band instmments and directed the choir, band, and orchestra. 
Before his arrival the College had begun, in 1932, the annual presentation of 


Messiah. Music instructor Frances Henr\' had organized an oratory society of 
town and College singers to form the nucleus of the chorus. Martha Henry 
Burchfield and later Garnet Manges were the accompanists. Building on this 
foundation. Colbert developed the annual presentation into an outstanding East 
Tennessee musical event. For the fourth presentation—his first—he organized a 
thirty-piece orchestra to accompany the chorus. In time, he changed the Vesper 
Choir into an a cappella choir that would become nationally known. 

Mrs. Nita West continued to teach speech and drama and to direct the 
plays: and Miss Nan Bird added art classes to her schedule of private lessons. 
Both had assistants to help with their growing classes. Frances Rich, with a 
degree from Ohio Wesleyan and work at the Museum of Fine Arts in Boston, 
came in 1937 to teach art. After her marriage to W. L. Patterson she remained 
in Maryville and was generous in filling in when the Art Department needed her. 
The establishment in 1937 of a program for pre-college students in the fine arts 
created the need for a larger faculty in all three areas. 

The year the Fine Arts Department was established was also the year 
the College received the Elizabeth Gowdy Baker art collection. Before her death 
ten years earlier Mrs. Baker had been in demand as a portrait painter: and al- 
though her best known portraits belonged to those who had commissioned them, 
her husband had custody of some two hundred paintings and. at age eighty, 
needed to find a permanent home for them. Having moved to Marv-ville to be 
near a relative, he decided to give them to Mar^'ville College, requesting that 
they all be exhibited together. Most were framed and ready to be hung, but they 
required a larger space than was available or has since become available. An art 
museum was formed from two former classrooms on second floor Anderson to 
house part of the collection and also to serve as an art classroom and studio. 

During her lifetime Mrs. Baker was described as the "only truly suc- 
cessflil painter of life-sized portraits in pure watercolor.'' Painted to order, the 
portraits cost up to $10,000. a handsome sum at the time. The portrait of her 
son. now at the College, was the first life-size portrait in aquarelle. She painted 
many notable people of her day. including poet Edwin Markham. whose portrait 
is in the Mar\'ville collection. A renewed interest in Mrs. Baker in recent years 
suggests that these paintings have a significant place in American art histor>. 

With the establishment of the Fine Arts Department came the development 
of an outstanding Artist Series, bringing music lovers from Bristol to Chatta- 
nooga for the Don Cossack Chorus, the Vienna Boys Choir. Jose Iturbi. Vladimir 
Horowitz, Helen Jepson. and similar attractions. Voorhees Chapel, until de- 
stroyed by fire in 1947. was usually filled to capacity for the Artist Series and 
Handel's Messiah. The College at the same time was developing its own per- 
forming groups. The Vesper Choir was honored in 1935 with an invitation to 
sing at the Presbyterian General Assembly in Cincinnati. For several years 


campus musicians presented Sunday afternoon twilight concerts. The increase 
in students receiving academic credit for the arts meant a fuller schedule of 
recitals, concerts, and drama. 

Interest in drama had risen since 1923 when the sister/brother literary 
societies were allowed to cooperate in play production. Competition during 
tryouts was keen, the productions well attended, and reviews eagerly awaited. 
All regulations governing play production, however, had not been relaxed. A 
censorship committee still had to approve the selections, and occasionally prob- 
lems occurred. Alumni enjoy telling the story of Alpha Sigma 's 1935 mid- 
winter entertainment. The play had been approved and was already in rehearsal 
when one of the censors, reading a review of the play in the New York Times, 
realized that in the zeal of the committee members to ferret out objectionable 
language, they had overlooked the homosexual theme. But the story had a happy 
ending when the Alpha Sigmas substituted ''The Crippled Pigeon," a serious, 
sociological drama written by Louis Krainock, one of their own members. 

The thirties saw the debate program reach new heights, with Maryville 
teams holding records ranging from sixt>'-six percent to ninety- percent wins for 
the season. In the 1935-36 national Pi Kappa Delta tournament in Houston. 
Texas, the men's team of Archie Pieper and Paul Hartman ranked seventh. At 
the Southern Association of Teachers of Speech Convention in 1937. Mar>^ille 
placed first in debate, first in men's oratorv; and second in extempore and women's 
oratory. In 1940 Marv-ville debaters hosted the national Pi Kappa Delta tourna- 
ment in Knoxville and Gatlinburg. 

This quickened intellectual and cultural activity prompted the faculty' to 
renew efforts to obtain a Phi Beta Kappa chapter. After the successful bids in 
the twenties for accreditation by national agencies. Dr. Wilson had initiated in- 
quiries about Phi Beta Kappa. Dr. Lloyd resumed the exploration only to learn 
of a temporary moratorium on new chapters. In the meantime. Dr. Knapp, the 
chief promoter on campus, organized the faculty members who held keys—him- 
self (Hamilton College). George Hussey (Columbia). Kenneth Lagerstadt (Duke), 
and Josephine Hunter (Comell)~into a nucleus for a possible chapter. 

On the advice of the national office, these four, with Dean Hunter's 
enthusiastic support, formed the Alpha Gamma Sigma Society, a locally based 
group with standards for membership identical to those of the national Phi Beta 
Kappa fraternity. Alpha Gamma Sigma inducted its first student members in 
1934. along with distinguished Maryville alumni elected as honorary members: 
Luther Bewley, Director of Education in the Philippines; Mildred Campbell, 
head of the History Department at Vassar; Edwin S. Cunningham, Consul Gen- 
eral of the Far East, Albert Murray, a pioneer in electro-physics and developer 
of television for Philco: and John E. Tracy, professor of law at the University of 



In 1936 the Maryville Phi Beta Kappa members met with Vanderbih's 
C. Carmichael. secre- 

tary of the United Chapter 
of Phi Beta Kappa. 
Maryville 's strengths, he 
told them, were its Psychol- 
ogy Department, its science 
laboratories, the library 
(though not fireproof), and 
the student dedication to 
scholarship. As problems 
he pointed to inadequate 
physical equipment, exces- 
sive teaching loads, too few 
earned doctorates, and low 
student morale stemming 
from dissatisfaction with social life and administrative control in the student life 

Neither the list of strengths nor weaknesses surprised anyone. Weak- 
nesses in the academic area were already being addressed. Weaknesses in the 
social area could be overcome only by changing the attitudes of both the admin- 
istration and the students—a much more difficult undertaking. 

Dealing M>ith Student Concerns 

The student rebellion of the twenties intensified in the thirties. The 
stated purposes of the newly established Student Council were to express stu- 
dent body sentiment, to cooperate with the College, to make proposals which, if 
accepted, students would help to implement, and to serve as a means of commu- 
nication. Student expectations were higher than administration intentions. The 
students were not prepared to have all their proposals dismissed. 

In 1 930 the Student Council joined the YMCA and YWCA in a petition 
asking for the removal of Miss Molly Caldwell as dean of women. Pointing out 
that she was "incapable of properly meeting the demands imposed on her by her 
present office." the petition concluded: "She cannot be expected to remake her 
ideas to conform with present conditions and present viewpoints."' It asked that 
her place be filled by one trained in a "psychologically sound manner." 

This petition was only one of several that the students thought impor- 
tant enough for serious attention from the administration. The administrators, 
first under the leadership of President Wilson and now President Lloyd and 
Dean Hunter, were almost as unprepared to deal with the students in a "psycho- 


logically sound manner" as Miss Molly was. They recognized a problem in 
1930 when a newly appointed dean of men suffered, in the words of the report to 
the Board, "nervous prostration to such a degree that he had to give up his work 
within six weeks after arrival on the hill." Still the administration insisted on its 
prerogative in all decision-making. 

The restlessness at Maryville reflected the social awareness among col- 
lege students nationally. Peace demonstrations, picket lines in support of labor, 
revolt against compulsor>' military training, overtures to communism—all were 
receiving campus attention in the twenties and thirties. Of more immediate and 
personal concern at Maryville were compulsory chapel, the repression of women 
through outdated regulations, and the need for an expanded curriculum. 

Protests on Southern campuses were generally mild, and Maryville was 
in no danger of anarchy, but the changing composition of the student body did 
produce some alert signals. Whereas earlier in the century the majority of stu- 
dents had come from a predominantly rural Tennessee, only about half of the 
eight hundred in 1930 were Tennesseans. Approximately six hundred, or three- 
fourths, were from the Southeast. The other fourth were from the Northeast or 
West, a fraction that would be one-third within the decade. An increasingly 
cosmopolitan student body posed new problems for the administration. 

The organization of the Student-Facult>' Committee in the fall of 1930 
was apparently designed to ward off confrontations by providing a forum for 
discussion. The initial planning may have taken place during the meeting be- 
tween Dr. Hunter and Dr. Lloyd in Pittsburgh, for all the details had been worked 
out before Dr. Lloyd's arrival. Representatives selected annually were four 
faculty, three seniors, two juniors, one sophomore, and one freshman. Perma- 
nent members, in addition to the president, were the dean of the College, the dean 
of women, and the dean of men, making a total of eight faculty and seven stu- 
dents. The first meeting was scheduled for 8 January 1931 and afterwards on 
alternate Thursday afternoons. During Dr. Lloyd's absences Dr. Hunter pre- 
sided, frequently reminding the Committee that it was a consultative, not a leg- 
islative, body. 

The minutes for the first decade show no great accomplishments, but 
allowing students to discuss their concerns may have served as a safety valve. 
The agendas included requests for longer hours of lights in the dormitories, a 
clarification of the authority of the nightwatchman (the ubiquitious Ralph Irwin), 
a proposal that students participate as chapel leaders, a relaxation of Sunday 
visiting rules, a questioning of Sunday school and church attendance require- 
ments, and a more acceptable method of checking on attendance. 

In response to a request for changes in the Sunday school and church 
requirements, which at least one faculty member supported, the administration 
presented at the next meeting a three-point rationale for keeping the current 



1 . Attendance is better with the requirement than without it. 

2. Sunday school attendance is thought by the College to be a good 

3. Since the present method of checking on attendance encourages at- 
tendance, it will be kept, although the method has undesirable charac- 

The door was closed. 

The expression of dissatisfaction with moonshining, or dating, rules 
was constant. To give more weight to the argument for Sunday moonshining, 
senior class member Leland Shanor had taken a poll. Of 171 Carnegie men 
responding, 140 would like Sunday moonshining. Of 143 women polled, 141 
were in favor. Dr. Lloyd immediately discounted the poll results since "anything 
that was doing away with rules would gain the support of the students." He was 
not inclined to go beyond the concessions he had announced during his first year 
in office: 

1. Moonshining will be allowed on Baccalaureate Sunday from 3 p.m. 
until supper. 

2. Girls may leave campus on Sunday with parents for such times as do 
not interfere with regular Sunday obligations. Permission must be ob- 
tained from the matron in charge. Sign out in the usual way. 

3. Dormitory girls may accept invitations for Sunday dinner from mem- 
bers of the faculty and staff provided they have the permission of the 
matron or the dean of women. 

Within the next decade moonshining was also allowed on Easter Sunday. 

Fortunately before the end of the thirties slight changes in language 
suggested slight but welcome changes in the attitude of the administration. 
"Moonshining" became "dating." "Matrons" became "dormitory heads" or "su- 
pervisors of women's residences" (in the forties, "housemothers"; and in the 
sixties and seventies, "head residents" or "resident directors"). "Girls" became 
"women." (Dr. Lloyd had earlier vetoed the extension of lights-out in Baldwin 
and Memorial from 1 0:30 to 1 1 :00 because "younger girls needed more sleep.") 
Even a casual glance at the regulations, however, confirmed Dr. Lloyd's theory, 
admitted when pressed, that administrators operated on the principle that by 
controlling the women, they automatically controlled the men. 


One of the few attempts to regulate dormitory life for men became a 
joke. In his book on Mr. Mac, Lloyd Shue tells of the administrative decision to 
have freshman men sign out between seven and eleven in the evenings. Mr. Mac 
obligingly prepared a sign-out book. The freshmen soon concluded that the 
procedure was a nuisance for all concerned. Sometime in November Mr. Mac, 
happening to pick up the book and seeing that no one had signed out since Sep- 
tember, remarked: ''If these freshmen don't soon get out of the building, they will 

The men were of course subject to disciplme in other areas. There were 
rules against hazing and class fights, the possession of firearms, and the posses- 
sion of automobiles. One dramatic discipline case brought to the attention of the 
Student-Faculty Committee in 1933 involved a kangaroo court convened on the 
lumber pile by the railroad tracks to punish a fellow student for "cockiness." 
The consensus was that cockiness was a problem, but Psychology Professor 
Paul Fields, also dean of men at that time, suggested that a more effective rem- 
edy was to appoint a counseling committee of students to help the accused "over- 
come their cocky ways." No record remains of the success of this attempt to 
deal with a problem in a ""psychologically sound manner." 

In response to student complaints that they were not informed about the 
rules before they arrived, the College issued a compact little booklet entitled 
"Standards and Rules for Scholarship. Attendance, and Conduct" to be sent to 
each applicant for admission. The introduction stressed the privilege of being a 
Marv'ville College student and asked all applicants to sign a pledge of college 
loyalty. Students knew before they came that the Sabbath was a day of rest, 
social dancing was not permitted, cars could be brought only by special permis- 
sion.'" gambling was forbidden, card playing and smoking were discouraged, 
secret societies were illegal, and Sunday school and church attendance require- 
ments were non-negotiable. They also knew that no better bargain existed for a 
solid college education than at Marv^ville. where the total annual cost was $246 
in 193 1 and student-help jobs were available. Furthermore there was a waiting 

Although the rules at first seemed oppressive, students found that they 
could either live with them or enjoy the exhilaration of getting around them. 
Strict rules and flat wallets failed to dampen high spirits. 

A Full Social Calendar 

Promptly at the beginning of the fall term that ushered in a new decade 
and a new presidency, "snap" went the way of the dinosaur and the dodo bird. 
First came an appeal from the Echo for modernization. The next week the 
headline announced: "Student Council Devises Effective Snap Substitute." Snap 


would no longer be the official Maryville College mixer. Taking its place was an 
"as-you-like-it" evening. Students met in Thaw Hall and received tickets. Those 
with white tickets went into the library, where games were set up: checkers and 
chess: ping-pong: and such card games as rook, bridge, bunco, and flinch. Those 
with colored tickets went upstairs to the YWCA lecture room where they en- 
joyed short movie reels and "snappy skits." In the middle of the evening the two 
groups changed places. The entertainment was declared much superior to an 
evening of snap. 

The student request for a social event every Saturday night was denied, 
but any group with permission and chaperons could have a party, provided there 
was only one per evening. This restriction led to pressure on the calendar and 
not enough college-wide social affairs. From 10 January to 3 March 1934 the 
calendar had only one free evening. Scheduling problems plagued the campus 
into the sixties. 

Part>' planners also had to work their way through red tape. In the early 
thirties an organization planning a mixed gathering first secured an activities 
permit from the dean of women. If she approved, she signed it and sent it to the 
dean of men. who assigned faculty chaperons. The student officer then secured 
signatures of the chaperons. If the card was returned completely filled out eight 
days before the event, it was entered on the social calendar. Neither students nor 
faculty approved this new plan, but it remained in operation with few changes 
for the next two decades A student-faculty social committee appointed in 1936 
brought central planning for all-student parties, informal gatherings in the dor- 
mitories, and formal dinners in the dining room. 

Social events always filled the first week of school. Most were con- 
nected with rush activities of the four societies. Like students on other cam- 
puses. Maryvillians were beginning to question the value of literar\' societies 
while at the same time adapting them to current social needs. With debating, 
which had now become curncular, having ceased to be a primary focus, the 
societies found outlets for competition and creativity as they vied for the distinc- 
tion of producing the most spectacular rush week program. 

The facult\' reception to welcome freshmen and greet upperclassmen 
was another opening week tradition, giving everyone an opportunity to dress 
formally and practice social graces. In the Boardman years, when the tradition 
was established, the receiving line was short. Dr. Wilson extended it to include 
the dean, the librarian, the pastor, and their wives. Dr. Lloyd went a step further 
to include all faculty and staff plus spouses, forming an obstacle course, the 
conquering of which tended to create esprit de corps among the freshmen. Mrs. 
Lloyd began a series of teas in 1931 for college women, beginning with fresh- 
men. The Lloyds entertained small groups throughout the year and established 
the tradition of the senior breakfast in the spring. 


Each special holiday or observance brought social opportunities. 
Founder's Day in October produced parades and sometimes open houses. At 
Thanksgiving came the traditional Thanksgiving dinner at noon with 
tabledecoration competitions. The evening brought the culmination of weeks of 
planning for the carnival-like Barnwarming in the Alumni Gym. The 
Bamwarming king and queen reigned over the festivities. Skits, including one 
by the faculty, were highlights of the evening. 

The advent of the Christmas season was celebrated withMessiah, Christ- 
mas Vespers. Christmas Readings, madrigals, and formal dinners featuring Christ- 
mas table decorations. The major spring event was Easter with a Good Friday 
service in chapel and the 
sunrise service on Easter 
morning, heralded by 
brass instruments. First 
held on the steps of Thaw 
or west of Voorhees 
Chapel, the sunrise ser- 
vice moved in 1 937 to the 
new amphitheatre in the 
College Woods, where 
participants occupied a 
natural stage in the graceful bend of the stream, while audiences, at times num- 
bering five or six hundred, sat on the surrounding slopes. Mrs. Lloyd started the 
tradition of serving breakfast before dawn to all who were participating in the 

The new amphitheatre also provided a beautifiil setting for May Day. 
An elaborately dressed company of queen, king, four couples representing the 
four classes, and especially selected community children processed from the 
woods onto the stage, where they were entertained with a colorful dramatic pre- 
sentation followed by Maypole dances. Elementary school children, freed from 
classes for the afternoon, swelled the audience and increased the gaiety. It was 
the custom for many years to dedicate the program to favorite faculty —Dr. Knapp, 
Miss Meiselwitz. Miss Bassett, Dr. Hunter. Dr. and Mrs. Orr. The last dedi- 
cated program was in 1947. when the honor went to Mrs. West, who had so 
capably directed the dramatic segment of the program over the years. 

Commencement meant an acceleration of social activit> . Seniors were 
formally inducted into the Alumni Association during the alumni banquet held 
the evening preceding commencement. At this time it was customary for seniors 
to present a class gift to the College—pledges of money, books, or a combination 
of the two. Class Day (later Senior Day), formerly on the Thursday preceding 
commencement, was rescheduled in 1938 for the Saturdav before finals. It be- 


came a tradition for seniors at the close of the last chapel service to vacate their 
seats and form a circle around the wall while rising seniors took their places. 
The senior class play was traditionally a part of the commencement activities. 

Formal dinners preceding the Artist Series programs (called Lyceum 
Programs until 1933) were scheduled to encourage formal dress. Echo editori- 
als occasionally chided those who were careless in their dress or table manners, 
suggesting less than one hundred percent cooperation, but requests to the Stu- 
dent-Faculty Committee for more such occasions indicated that they had major- 
ity approval. 

As moonshining. or dating, gradually expanded into more hours, it was 
not without problems. The behavior of some of the moonshiners became a source 
of embarrassment and the target of criticism. In 1937 "Yorik. the Merry Vil- 
lain," an Echo columnist, commented on love-making on campus: "We heartily 
support the matrons' moves to clean up this moonshining business. . . . Lack of 
privacy is regrettable, but a public two-person athletic contest is unforgivable." 
Anticipatmg backlash, the columnist added, 'it's none of your business, you 
say. but to be silent is to let you be fools." 

An occasional Echo poll gave a glimpse into opinions on a topic of 
personal interest—relationships between the sexes. Women respondents, on be- 
ing questioned about their ideal man, listed the usual ""well-mannered," "'thought- 
ful," "neat." adding that even with all the desired qualifications, he should not be 
conceited. Men. too. valued good manners and asked that women not regard as 
queer the fellow who enjoyed classical music and literature. Their ideal woman 
was current in world events, above gossip, trustworthy, sympathetic, and loyal. 
One respondent added. "Don't be afraid to drop a hint to a bashful boy." The 
number of marriages between students in the thirties suggests that hints were 
dropped freely. 

Clubs and Sports 

The older organizations like Writers' Workshop and the departmental 
clubs flourished during the thirties: and in spite of the red tape required to estab- 
lish a new club, interest groups continued to organize. The Women's M-Club, 
formed in 193 1. was strong for many decades. Membership was open to those 
who earned the requisite points through participation in sports. The Disc Club, 
a later version of the Victor Talking Machine Club, also remained active. 

A hiking club organized in 1930 by two young faculty members, Bonnie 
Brown and Helen Gamble, was limited to eight women, to be chosen each year 
by the returning members. They called themselves the BGs. Because no one 
knew what "BG" stood for, the group in the course of time was often mistakenly 
labeled a secret society. Their interests broadened from hiking into other activi- 


ties, but the only secret was the meaning of the initials. Pictures of the group 
appeared regularly in the Chilhowean. 

The Executive Council minutes did show, however, a request in 1932 
for permission to form a secret group, "its existence to be kept secret from other 
students/' Could the request have been a spoof on the regulations against secret 
societies? Needless to say, the request was denied. It was no secret that the 
DUDs remained active, especially at election time when conflicts between DUDs 
and non-DUDs became heated. The traditional conflicts between classes, which 
were similar to inter-fratemit\' clashes on other campuses, subsided somewhat, 
partly perhaps because of the Executive Council's ruling out caps bearing class 
colors and numerals. 

The annual mountain trips in which the whole College participated were 
discontinued in 1932. but hiking in smaller groups remained a favorite form of 
recreation. One such hike, sponsored by the Nature Club in Febmar\' 1937. 
ended in disaster. With Clingman's Dome in the Smokies as the destination, a 
truckload of students had reached Fightin' Creek Gap when the truck jumped 
out of gear on an incline, and the brakes failed. The driver was able to keep the 
truck from plunging over an embankment but not from overturning. Jean Brand, 
a sophomore from West Virginia, was killed. Dr. Kelly Gififin, who had come 
only the year before to teach Bible, died the next morning of a blood clot. For a 
time the College hospital was filled with the injured. 

In intercollegiate athletics, attendance at games was off. doubtless be- 
cause of the Depression, but income still exceeded expenditures. Football games 
with the Universities of Tennessee and Kentucky helped keep the budget in the 
black and pay for new steel bleachers and a Chevrolet station wagon in 1937. 
After a number of losing seasons, however. Coach Honaker finally admitted that 
Tennessee and Kentucky were a bit out of Mar\^ille's class and in 1938 dropped 
them from the schedule. He also offered as one reason for losing seasons his 
conclusion that many potentially good players did not go out for football be- 
cause they had to hold jobs to finance their education. The administration of- 
fered still another explanation in a report to the Board: "While Maryville insists 
on sane ideals in athletics, many institutions openly subsidize their athletes." 
This complaint had been voiced often before and would be voiced often in the 

In other sports the teams were more successful. The wrestlers, under 
Coach Bob Thrower, won their first state championship in 1933. In 1934 they 
won every meet, including two with Tennessee and one with Vanderbilt. For 
thirteen straight years until 1934. the baseball team won the conference champi- 
onship; and it had other good years, such as 1 937 when it won twenty games and 
lost only three, "the best year," according to the Board report, "since 1928." 
The tennis team had fair seasons, and the track team consistently good ones. 


The basketball team's best performance of the decade was in 1935 when it won 
nineteen out of twenty-one games to capture the conference championship. 

Concern about poor sportsmanship appeared in the Student-Faculty 
Committee minutes. In 1935 came a suggestion that the Student Council call 
attention of townspeople to the bad impression made on visiting teams by their 
razzing and booing at wrestling matches and basketball games. But on the 
whole the spirit was good as the entire community rallied around the teams, even 
during losing seasons. The Scots emblem began to be used, and in 1939 a 
Scottie dog mascot in a plaid jacket made his debut on the football field. 

Athletics, the Depression, moonshining restrictions, compulsory Sun- 
day school attendance, car permission—all became secondary' to the concern for 
what lay ahead after war was declared in Europe in September 1939. 


Chapter Xl-World War II and After 

In spite of the declaration of war in Europe and the first peacetime draft in 
the United States. Marx'vilie College began the decade of the forties under nor- 
mal conditions. Enrollment had passed the eight-hundred mark. An item in the 
current bulletin assured prospective students that all faculty and staff, now num- 
bering approximately seventy-five, were members of evangelical churches and 
loyal to Mar>Tille"s historic character and policies. New on the faculty that year 
were three who would make special contributions in the years ahead: Margaret 
Cummings in Bible and religion. J. A. Davis in physical education and coach- 
ing, and Ruth Grierson as library director. 

Dean of Students Frank McClelland was perfecting the freshman orien- 
tation program he had initiated to help freshmen adjust to college. Average cost 
for room, board, and tuition for the year was $330. Two-thirds of the students 
were earning all or part of their expenses. The College could still boast that 
except for supervisors it hired no fiill-time janitors, waiters, or other campus 
workers. All seemed to be moving according to plan. 

By September 1941, however, signs of change were appearing. Enroll- 
ment had dropped by fifty. Women, who had outnumbered men by eighty-three 
the year before, were in an even greater majority. Men were not waiting to be 
drafted but were volunteering so that they could choose the branch of service 
they preferred. Louise Carson, who had returned to her alma mater in 1939 to 
teach chemistry and mathematics, now had aeronautics added to her teaching 
load. She taught Principles of Aeronautics to twenty students, two of whom 
were women. Sixteen students, after passing the course and the practicum di- 
rected by Air Force Personnel, received private pilots' licenses. 

Following the attack on Pearl Harbor in December 1 94 1 , sudden and 
dramatic changes occurred. On December 11. four days after the attack, the 
Executive Council responded to the government demand for reduction in the use 
of electricity by ordering the closing of the swimming pool and g>Tnnasium after 
supper. Measures were taken to reduce to a minimum the use of lights in the 
chapel, the library, the dining hall, laboratories, and offices. In response to the 
government request for acceleration of college work, the Council announced in 
January a schedule for the first summer school in recent history, proposing two 
six-weeks' terms in the summer of 1942. Faculty and staff members who since 
1939 had been paid on a ten-month basis were expected to teach during the 
summer without additional pay. though some were permitted to substitute graduate 
study for summer teaching. All but eight of the faculty taught that summer, and 
more than a third of the senior class took advantage of summer school to gradu- 
ate in December. 

By March the College Defense Committee under the chairmanship of 


Verton Queener was operating through three subcommittees: Student Organiza- 
tion, Alarm and Signal System, and Student First Aid Training. The Executive 
Council voted to provide first aid training immediately. Mrs. McMurray sought 
additional workers for the College-Maid Shop to supply the increased demand 
for nurses' umforms. The local Red Cross sent inquines as to whether the 
College would help with bandage making and whether the bedding used for 
summer Synod meetings would be available in case of air attacks. The replies to 
both questions were of course affirmative. 

It was urgent that a decision be made about the admission of Japanese 
students. After wrestling with the issue, the Executive Council decided against 
closing the doors but advised that it would be better if Japanese students did not 
come since the College was in a defense area. Not only was ALCOA only a few 
miles away, but already rumors were circulating about the acceleration of activ- 
ity in nearby Oak Ridge. 

The full realization of the College's involvement in war came with the 
arrival on campus of the first unit of the Army Air Force Training Corps in May 
1942. Maryville was one of the 151 participating colleges. The contract pro- 
vided that each college furnish quarters, meals, medical care, instruction, and 
certain buildings and grounds to accommodate three hundred trainees. Maryville 
was to provide courses in math, physics, English, geography, history, civil air 
regulations, and physical training for the Forty-second College Traming De- 
tachment Army Unit. 

While in college the men were technically privates, becoming cadets 
when they passed their examinations and departed. They were under the disci- 
pline of the commanding officer. Captain Donald Ladd. Serving with him were 
five commissioned officers, six or eight non-commissioned officers, and two 
civilian women clerks, headquartered in Baldwin Hall. The terms at Maryville 
were for five months with one-fifth of the trainees departing each month and 
others entering. Trainees attended classes separate fi"om those of the civilian 
students and had their meals in Pearsons Annex. 

The War Department required changes in the buildings. All exit doors 
had to open outward, and wooden fire escapes were added to the buildings. 
Bartlett was modified to provide headquarters for officers and sleeping quarters 
for trainees. Additional plumbing, baths, and clothes racks were installed and 
new ftimiture purchased. Women's physical education classes were moved fi"om 
Bartlett to Pearsons. 

Coping with the military presence on the formerly placid campus was 
not easy for faculty and staff". Some of the Air Force personnel, accustomed to 
giving orders, also had to adjust. The Air Force doctor was especially offensive. 
Walking unannounced into the personnel office, he informed Viola Lightfoot 
that she was to be his secretary. The president intervened at that point. WTien 


the doctor used profanity in the Lamar Memorial Hospital, Mrs. Hall inter- 
rupted him with "Young man, Vm an old woman and this is my home. While 
you are in my home, you will not use that kind of language." He also aroused the 
wrath of Thelma Hall. A young corpsman whose shoulder had just been set was 
struggling to put on his jacket. When Thelma tried to assist, the doctor mter- 
vened with "'Let him do it himself. He's a soldier/' to which she retorted: ''And 
Tm a nurse and it's my job to help him." Margaret Ware, not at all tolerant of 
his habitual snooping in her kitchen, exploded when he threw his hat on a stack 
of freshly laundered towels. 

Student life was disrupted even more than that of the staff. Fewer stu- 
dents were available for the increasing need for student help. Beginning in 1 94 1 - 
42. annual reports to the Board, noting the difficulty of finding students willing 
to farm and milk cows, proposed the acquisition of milking machines after at- 
tempts to recruit town boys for the jobs proved to be expensive and unsatisfac- 
tory. Mrs. McMurray pleaded regularly in the Echo for young women to con- 
tribute to the war effort by making nurses' uniforms to fill orders coming from 
as far away as Hawaii and Australia. She finally had to recruit off campus. 

Students had to adjust to different dormitories. Freshman women were 
in Carnegie and the few men lived in Memorial, an arrangement not altogether 
satisfactory for either. The women did find advantages, however, in having a 
resident cadet corps. Art Bushing, a senior in 1942-43 who was pressed into 
service to teach physics, recalled the girls' excitement as they listened to the 
cadets marching from Carnegie to classes singing ""Off we go into the wild blue 
yonder. ..." He also recalled that a few found husbands. A staff member told of 
one young lady who became so attached to the enlistees that as each one left, she 
sobbed hysterically. Fearfiil for her mental health. College officials arranged for 
her to go home. 

In a cadet-sponsored chapel service, one trainee described his initial 
dismay on arriving by train to "the end of Podunk." then coming to campus to 
find ''an Eden, beautifiil and green and filled with girls." Fond associations and 
memories prompted many airmen after the War to write or return for a visit. 
One. who was married under a campus magnolia tree, wrote years later to ask 
the name of the tree. Another, after a career in the Air Force, returned in 1993 
to see again the place where he said he spent the happiest five months of his life. 
The registrar in 1993 received a letter from a cadet who wanted the address of 
the girl to whom he had not had time to bid good-bye before his hasty departure 
fift^' years before. 

The cadets entered enthusiastically into the social life of the campus. 
Captain Ladd appointed cadets to serve on a coordinating committee with stu- 
dents and faculty to plan Saturday night entertainment. Rules for women were 
relaxed somewhat. Dating was allowed during the day from breakfast to evening 


study hours, for designated evening functions, Sunday morning services in town, 
and Sunday vespers on campus. Dating on Sunday afternoons and study nights 
was still prohibited. Dating regulations applied to all, including the Air Force 
men. The no-dancing rule was still in effect, as was the no-smoking rule for 
students. The cadets could "smoke in quarters, outside classroom buildings, 
and at other specified places." 

Women found the administration cooperative in allowing them to go 
home to see fiances or family members home on furlough. Permissions to marry 
were more frequent as the men going overseas wanted to be married before they 
left; although those who married without permission were, as before, suspended. 
Students were allowed more absences from chapel. Sunday school, and church. 
A modicum of sex equality was introduced in April 1943 when rules required 
men to be in their rooms by eleven p.m. Violations occurred frequently. 

Students took seriously their obligation to contribute to the war effort. 
They sold war bonds and stamps, used the 1942 Bamwarming proceeds for 
Greek war relief, and enrolled in Red Cross first aid courses. The YWCA set up 
a lounge for guests of the aviation students, and women from communit>' churches 
served as hostesses. The community provided and conducted a service center 
off campus. Reminiscent of action taken by Mar\'ville students during the Span- 
ish-American War was the petition, approved by a student body vote of four to 
one, requesting that the sale of liquor be banned in the vicinit> of Armed Forces 
camps. When the SS Marymlle Victory ship was launched in 1945, students and 
faculty stocked its library with 130 volumes. 

The faculty volunteered for war-related community service. Verton 
Queener worked on the tire-rationing board and directed the Office of Civilian 
Defense School held at the College. Evelyn Queener and George Fischbach 
taught first aid courses. Gertrude Meiselwitz taught Red Cross nutrition courses. 
During the first war year the faculty spent a total of 2 1 7 hours in the instruction 
of 620 community people. 

As the War progressed and enrollment dropped, the College became 
over-staffed. Some faculty found jobs in war industries. Others joined a branch 
of the service or took government jobs. Frank McClelland and Archibald Pieper 
served in the Marine Corps. J. A. Davis went into the Army. Drama teacher 
Evelyn Seedorf joined the WAACS. Bible instructor Ray Dollenmayer became 
a chaplain for the WAVES at Hunter College. Those in war-related areas in- 
cluded Verton Queener at the Department of Agriculture. Hill Shine in England 
and France teaching English. Paul Wendt at the War production Board, and 
Ralph Collins at the State Department. Some who did not have full teaching 
loads filled their schedules with work in administrative offices. Housemothers 
lola Harwood and Mar\' Halleck. both with Master's degrees, taught English 
and histor\' for the Air Force. Faculty who were not needed were given leaves or 


terminated in order of seniority. All regular salar\ increases were frozen. 

Finances were tight. As enrollment dropped and income decreased- food 
and other supply prices rose. Ahhough the Federal Government appropriated a 
large fund for loans to students enrolled in wartime accelerated programs, the 
only Maryville students eligible were those majoring in chemistry. Higher taxes 
and the pressure to invest in war bonds resulted in the decline of gifts. War 
controls on interest and loans restricted investment possibilities. 

The financial plight would have been worse without the supplementary 
income provided by the War Department for the Air Force Training Program- 
Si 2.000 activating expense and $62 per month for each trainee. At the end of 
the War the College received surplus war equipment in exchange for transporta- 
tion costs: about $5,000 in scientific equipment, a large refrigerator for the Home 
Economics Department, twelve desks and tables, and two hundred folding chairs. 
In 1946-47 the Federal Works Administration contributed five temporary build- 
ings: the intramural g\Tnnasium and office annex, erected from barracks and 
other buildings removed from Camp Forest: the music annex: a temporary' stu- 
dent center: and a radio and drama studio and laboratory. Government cash 
expenditures for all five buildings totalled about $49,000. They served a useflil 
purpose during the enrollment explosion after the War and into the sixties until 
more permanent facilities were available. 

As in World War I the College acquired two service flags, one from the 
Class of 1943 and another from the Alumni Association These flags hung on 
the front wall of Voorhees Chapel where all could watch as the blue stars rose to 
a total of 1 . 1 63 and the gold to 1 7. As the War progressed stories drifted back of 
suffering, of heroism, and of chance meetings of Mar\'ville alumni in war zones. 
A few of these stories are illustrative. Richard Cline. who was eventually to 
become a casualty of war. was a lieutenant colonel by the age of twenty-four. 
He led a squadron of dive bombers against a German fleet, sinking a cruiser and 
seriously damaging fourteen enemy ships. An accumulation of heroic feats 
brought him the French Croix de Guerre, the Distinguished Flying Cross, the 
Silver Star, and an air medal with a number of oak leaf clusters. 

Colonel John K. Davis, a Deputy Theater Chief Surgeon for the entire 
European campaign, received the nation's third highest award, the Distinguished 
Service Medal, along with eight other medals, including the French Legion of 
Merit, the French Croix de Guerre, and the Order of the British Empire. For 
rescuing soldiers from a bomb-blasted landing craft under heavy fire, James 
Shaw, Red Cross Field Director for the Army, was the first Red Cross worker in 
World War II to be given the U. S. Silver Star. 

Captain A. C. E. Gillander. a chaplain in the Army, was in the Philip- 
pines in 1945 participating in an assault on a notorious Japanese prison camp. 
After a dramatic liberation of paratroopers and missionaries. Captain Gillander 


was asked to take one of the missionaries into town to retrieve certain mission- 
ary records. The missionary turned out to be Alex Christie, who had been at 
Maryville College when Gillander was there. The latter wrote a letter to the 
Alumni Association describing how, "by devious paths," they had come to a 
prison meeting: "One had come in peace, the other in war; but the civilian had 
known the hardships of war more than the soldier." The Japanese had impris- 
oned Christie three weeks after his arrival in the Philippines. In the three years 
before the liberation of the mission station, his organizational skills were cred- 
ited with creating among fellow prisoners the conditions necessary for survival. 

There were other chance meetings such as that of Frank McClelland 
and Archie Pieper, who recognized one another across the trenches on belea- 
guered Okinawa. Many Maryvillians participated in the D-Day attack. Edwin 
Best, Sr, landed on the first day of the Omaha Beach invasion and was later 
stationed in the South of France, helping with reconstruction and becoming a 
lifelong Francophile in the process. 

News of casualties reached the campus with regularity. Captain Jack 
Harwood was killed on the first flying fortress raid on Germany. Harry Driver, 
pilot of General MacArthur's plane in Australia, later lost his life there. Rich- 
ard Orr and George Slator were two of the four chaplains from McCormick 
Seminary who died in the War. Maryvillians died in Japanese prisoner of war 
camps and on the Burma Road, on Normandy Beach, and in the Battle of the 
Bulge. The war seemed very close as word came of the deaths of three faculty 
sons—young David Briggs, William Orr, and Fred Walker. 

The Aftermath of War 

It was long after the end of World War II that any semblance of normal- 
ity returned to the campus. In a report to the Board, President Lloyd summa- 
rized the first post-war year, 1945-46: 

It was not a normal year: the student body was still under our usual 
number and was chiefly girls [409 women and 127 menl, the faculty had 
not yet been fully restored, the spirit of restlessness continued among 
both students and faculty (the latter reflecting somewhat the economic 
disturbances of the country as a whole), materials and workmen for main- 
tenance and improvements were scarce, and prices kept rising. The 
nation was torn by strikes and production of many goods was practically 
blocked, money was plentiful among the working classes, intemperance 
and crime increased, international problems which it was hoped victory 
would solve seemed to grow worse rather than better, and at the end of a 
year of peace the nation and the world, half of which was devastated and 
starving, were in confusion. 


The faculty numbered thirty-seven (full-time equivalent). Operating expendi- 
tures were $356,669, with a surplus for the year of $7,305. 

In mid-year veterans began arriving. Most of the faculty who had left 
for the Armed Forces or related war work returned. To provide for the influx of 
students, additional faculty had to be recruited hurriedly from a now decreasing 
pool. In the fall of 1 949 enrollment reached 938, two-thirds of whom came from 
outside Tennessee. The 1950 graduating class of 177 was the largest in the 
history of the College. Favorable publicity, such as that in a 1949 Good House- 
keeping article labeling Maryville ''a top-notch small college" and a bargain at 
less than $600 a year, was boosting enrollment. 

The prosperous post-war conditions and the subsidy of veterans through 
the G. I. Bill resulted for the first time in a surplus of student-help ftinds. Only 
half of the rotating fiind of approximately fifty thousand dollars was in use at the 
time of the president's annual report in 1949. At the same time, the College was 
having its usual budget problems. The low tuition was not paying the cost of the 
students' education, and the wartime economy had slowed the flow of gifts and 
grants. So many students had what Ernest Brown called "rocking chair money" 
that he could not fill the campus jobs with student workers, and inflation made it 
difficult to find satisfactory outside help at wages the budget could support. 

New facilities were badly needed. Lack of dormitory space forced the 
closing of admission to women as early as April. Veterans and their families 
were livmg in hastily constructed apartments in the basement of Carnegie or in 


I. children whose first playground had been the Maryville College campus. 

The Voorhees Chapel fire in March 1947 destroyed the fine arts facili- 
ties, making it necessary- to find space in already crowded classroom buildings 
for music and art studios and practice rooms. Sunday evening vespers and 
occasional weddings were held in the library. The orchestra had to be disbanded 
and the Artist Series canceled. The Alumni G>Tnnasium was adapted for daily 
chapel and the morning sessions of February Meetings. Evening meetings were 
held in New Providence Presbyterian Church. The adaptations required pa- 
tience, ingenuity, and a great deal of extra energy. 

The College accepted the generous offer of the Maryville High School 
facilities for plays until Herman Middleton, a new drama teacher in 1 949, de- 
vised a portable stage. It could be set up in the Alumni Gymnasium and re- 
moved with relative ease after the performance. In 1950 the faculty performed 
"Arsenic and Old Lace'' as a benefit for the library'. As the stage crew, constitut- 
ing almost the entire faculty, worked late into the night to clear the gym for 
Christmas Vespers the following evening, a disaster was narrowly avoided. Just 
in time, someone noticed that physical education instructor Edith Largen was 
busily unbolting the stage substructure while her colleagues were standing on 
the superstructure. Handled as designed and constructed, however, the portable 
stage worked well. 

Even without a chapel. February Meetings continued through the for- 
ties and into the fifties with little change. The Reverend Sidney Stringham. a 
regular song leader between 1920 and 1953. was joined by Henry Barraclough 
as pianist in 1949. "Barry,'' who had been accompanist for Maryville's Charles 
M. Alexander on the revival circuit, became the February' Meetings accompa- 
nist for the next eleven years. The music faculty cringed when he attacked the 
piano with the force he was accustomed to use for revival meetings, but he 
received an enthusiastic response fi^om the audience. His own "Ivory Palaces" 
became a theme song for the Meetings in which he participated. 

Dr. Stringham was followed by alumnus John Magill and later faculty 
member Harry Harter. both of whom were more in tune with changing tastes in 
music. February' Meetings ministers were also moderating the fiery evangelistic 

The Resumption of Intercollegiate Athletics 

Intercollegiate athletic competition at Maryville. as at most other col- 
leges, came to an abrupt halt in 1942. The emphasis shifted to intramurals until 
1945 when the veterans began returning and male enrollment reached normal 
numbers again. Coach Kenneth Johnson organized a tennis team in 1946-47. 
After playing a limited schedule the first year, the team worked up to a fijU 


r^- ■ i' 

L > 29 ^ 25 

schedule the following year and in 1949 enjoyed an undefeated season. The 
newly organized cross country team had a winning record through 1952 but by 
1955 failed to attract enough candidates to continue competition. The revival of 
intercollegiate swimming m 1 949 lasted only one year. 

Coach J. A. Davis's '"rasslers" made an impressive comeback, defeating 
the University of Chattanooga and tying Georgia Tech in the 1947-48 season 
before falling to Auburn. At the Southeastern Invitational tournament in Chat- 
tanooga in the spring of 1948, Auburn came in first; Maryville, second. Ten 
men received letters in wrestling, including sophomore Henry Callaway, who 
won all of his matches that season and was elected captain of the 1948-49 team. 

The 1 946 baseball team had a losing season but recovered the follow- 
ing year. The basketball team, though not spectacular, had consistently winning 
seasons. It was the football team, however, that made history in the 1946-47 
season by becoming the first Maryville team to participate in a post-season bowl 
game. The Associated Press ranked the undefeated Maryville team as one of the 
country's best in small college competition, and a bid came to play Catawba 
(N.C.) College in Orlando's first Tangerine~now Citrus-Bowl contest. Cap- 
tained by Marvin Mitchell, the team included other such legendary players as 
Howard Davis, Hershell Merriman, Charlie Pepper, Robert Gamer, and fresh- 
man Leon Berrong who, like many of his teammates, lettered in several sports. 
It has become customary in Maryville circles to place the emphasis on the Bowl 
bid and not the final score, which was 3 1-6 in Catawba's favor. 

An A ugmented Faculty and a New Curricidiim 

If the faculty were discouraged by the large post-war classes and the 
loss of facilities, they gave little indication. Instead, a solid core of the faculty 
accepted the current conditions as challenges. The morning after the chapel fire, 


accepted the current conditions as challenges. The morning after the chapel fire, 
Dorothy Home, who was heading Fine Arts while Katharine Davies was on 
sabbatical leave, was ready by eight o'clock with substitute classroom assign- 
ments so that students would not miss a day of classes. That spirit was typical, 
though the necessity of hiring so many new faculty led to a weakening in some 

Dean Hunter deserved much of the credit for the good morale. Through- 
out the War he experimented with curriculum and planned for major changes 
once the War was over. His chief interest lay in individual instruction. The 
honors program initiated in the thirties had not been as successftil as he had 
hoped. Furthermore his ultimate objective was to extend individualized instruc- 
tion to all students. To that end he began experimenting in the English Depart- 
ment. Abandoning the required eight term papers during the junior-senior years, 
he substituted one long paper for each year. In the fall of the junior year the 
majors, in consultation with their advisors, chose a topic for concentration. At 
intervals of two weeks they met in groups of twelve with Dr. Hunter or Dr. Shine 
until the studies were completed. The following year they exchanged supervi- 
sors and proceeded as in the previous year. 

With modifications this program became the cornerstone of the new 
curriculum of 1947. A committee appointed three years earlier had spent many 
hours in planning for unity and integration. As presented to the Board in 1946 
the revised curriculum had three objectives: 

1 . A strong core of general education courses. The emphasis shifted 
from English and American to Western World history and literature. 
Bible and religion requirements remained at sixteen hours, but could 
now include eight hours of philosophy or religious education. Language 
requirements were waived for business and physical education majors 
provided they substituted eight semester hours of math or science. Math, 
science, and social science requirements remained essentially the same. 

2. Reduction of the number of courses to allow for greater concentra- 
tion. Courses were now four hours instead of three, and the student load 
per semester was reduced from five or six classes to four. 

3. The introduction of Special Studies in the major for all juniors and 
seniors. The plan was to begin work on a special topic the second se- 
mester of the junior year and complete it in the form of a thesis by the 
end of the first semester of the senior year. The supervision of eight 
students would be the equivalent of one class for the faculty member. 

New majors in business administration, physical education, and elemen- 


tary education had been introduced during the War, suggesting a trend toward 
vocationally-oriented studies, but with a strengthened core of general education. 

Of the 126 hours (plus eight in physical education) required for gradu- 
ation, between fifty-two and sixty-eight were in the required core. The Execu- 
tive Council approved three options for degrees: the B.S. for majors in home 
economics, elementary education, physical education, and business administra- 
tion; a choice of either the B.S. or B.A. for majors in biology, chemistry, math- 
ematics, physics, psychology, and pre-med; and the B.A. for all others. 

The new curriculum was more successfiil than the dean was willing to 
admit. He continued to emphasize the need for a stronger faculty with equal 
strength in all departments. One of the problems with Special Studies—and a 
continuing one with Independent Study and Senior Thesis—was the unevenness 
of performance among departments. Students resented the lack of uniformity in 
requirements and evaluation, though it could be argued that the same lack of 
uniformity existed and still exists in other courses— at Maryville as well as ev- 
erywhere else. Conscientious faculty were aware of the unfairness but fortu- 
nately, because of their belief in the program, held to high standards. Com- 
plaints were common, but pride in the finished product won out. The strongest 
defense of Special Studies came from alumni in graduate schools, where their 
knowledge of research methods, organization, and syntax gave them an advan- 

Disappointment and frustration, however, were evident in Dr. Hunter's 
report to the Board after the first year's experience with the new curriculum: 

With the warmest appreciation of my colleagues, I still feel that we do 
not have a strong faculty. We have too many young teachers and too 
many women. We do not have an ambitious faculty— 1 mean ambitious 
to advance scholarly projects, to undertake new methods and programs. 
There is too much complacency to leave things as they have been. At the 
heart of this is our low salary scale-lower than that of our near neigh- 
bors who do not have as high standards otherwise as we do. But we 
cannot secure good teachers of established ability as long as our salaries 
are so low. This, to me, seems a serious matter— it seems to me to carry 
much of the future of the College. 

All of these expressions of finstration were delivered to the Board— 
those who had it in their power to remedy what he considered the underlying 
problem, which was budgetary. With the faculty he was positive and encourag- 
ing; and with the students, even more so. Most of what was happening in the 
classrooms and extracurricular activities was cause for pride and optimism. 

Reassurance of the caliber of both faculty and students came in the mid- 

fifties with the publication of a survey made by the U. S. Department of Educa- 
tion to identify the baccalaureate sources of Ph.D. s for the twenty-year period 
1 936-56. It came as a surprise to Maryville College that, without regard to size, 
it ranked m the top seventeen percent of colleges and universities. In Tennessee 
it was outranked only by Vanderbilt and the University' of Tennessee, both many 
times larger: and Maryville's total nearly doubled that of its nearest competitors 
among Tennessee's small colleges, Southwestern (now Rhodes) and Sewanee. 
Nationally, only Wooster and Lafayette, both with enrollments over one thou- 
sand, outstripped Mary-ville among Presbvlenan Colleges. 

A follow-up survey covering 1920-62 was to confirm Maryville s posi- 
tion. And in 1985 a Randolph-Macon study of alumni receiving doctorates 
between 1920 and 1980 showed Maryville's rank as fourth among four-year 
colleges in the South.'' Maryville was also receiving recognition in the late 
fifties and sixties for the number of Woodrow Wilson and Danforth Fellowships 
awarded its seniors, and in 1952 the University of Chicago Law School made 
Maryville one of the limited number of liberal arts colleges to receive tuition 
scholarships for graduates enrolling in the Law School. 

77?^ Heart of the College 

The inauguration of Special Studies underscored the central role of the 
library at Maryville College, an emphasis that has contributed to the remarkable 
success of alumni in graduate schools and seminaries. Dean Hunter's two pre- 
decessors in the deanship. Dr Wilson and Dr. Barnes, having both served as 
volunteer librarians, had given priority to library' development. By 1885. the 
library numbered some five thousand volumes. After the death of Professor 
Lamar, the erection of the Lamar Memorial Library brought a flurry of gifts 
doubling the number of volumes. By 1900 the catalog listed twelve thousand 
volumes. The Wilson presidency brought the total to thirty thousand and the 
Lloyd presidency to over sixty thousand. 

When the operation moved to the Lamar Memorial Library, responsi- 
bility for the book collection and circulation fell to dormitory matrons or recent 
women graduates who could live on the meager salaries, but in spite of their lack 
of formal training, they worked conscientiously and learned on the job. Mrs. 
Alida Snodgrass, who became the librarian m the early twentieth century, intro- 
duced double index cards—author and subject—and purchased binders to prevent 
periodicals from being lost and misused. She stayed long enough to see the 
library wired for electricity in 1913, by which time ten thousand books had been 

Connected with the library were two adjuncts— a small museum and the 


loan library that enabled students to reduce expenses by renting textbooks. The 
museum developed somewhat haphazardly. Science teachers as early as 1875 
began collecting specimens of polished wood. The 1 890 catalog noted eight 
cases housing scientific specimens such as a large shell collection sent by an 
alumna, Sallie Collins who, with her sister, had amassed one of the most exten- 
sive shell collections in the United States. Gifts to the museum included, in 
addition to the hundreds of scientific specimens, a communion set presented by 
Isaac Anderson to the Washington Church in Knox County in 1 8 1 2. Mrs. Ander- 
son's spinning wheel, a model of Union Academy made from the original wood 
used in the building, a clock fi-om a campus cedar in which a Civil War bullet 
was embedded, and a marching flag carried by a contingent of Maryville women 
in the Civil War. Alumni in the mission field sent mementoes: a gun taken by an 
alumnus from a Chinese arsenal after its capture in the Boxer Rebellion, fabrics 
from the Philippines, and crafts from numerous countries. The 1904, No. 62, 
Bulletin of Natural History Museums gave a more detailed record of the Mary- 
ville museum than of any other in Tennessee. Needless to say, Maryville 's small 
library staff has never had time to separate trash from treasure or the space to 
display the collection. 

Space has been a perennial problem. By 1916 President Wilson was 
reporting to the Board that crowded library conditions forced many to stand 
because of lack of chairs. The book, periodical, and newspaper collections 
were growing, primarily through donations, but also through budget allocations. 
More staff was also needed. While the space problem was being addressed. 
Miss Nan Cheney, a well-to-do friend of the library, volunteered to pay the $50 


monthly salary for an assistant. 

In 1925 Horace Ellis, who had been principal of the Preparatory' De- 
partment until it closed that year, was made library director with the rank of 
professor and a salary of $2,300. By this time the library had moved to the more 
spacious Thaw Hall location, described as "brilliant with sunlight by day and 
electric light by night." Professor Ellis, his assistant, and three student workers 
spent the year arranging and classifying according to the Dewey Decimal Sys- 
tem. In 1927 each student was assessed a library fee of two dollars, raised to 
eight by 1930, making possible more help and more books. Among the valuable 
donations from friends of the College at this time was the legacy of alumnus 
Reuben Louis Gates, a member of the local Gates family and a prominent Knox- 
ville lawyer. He died in 1 925. leaving to the GoUege as a memorial to his parents 
an extensive law librarv and a collection of English and American literar>' mas- 
terpieces, along with $10,000 and his residuary estate. 

From 1931. when Dr. Hunter became dean, changes began to occur 
more rapidly. First came open stacks for juniors and seniors. The dean was 
sympathetic to the student request for longer hours, and by the early forties the 
librar\' remained open from 7:30 a.m. to 10:00 p.m. ever>' day except Sunday. 
Tables were equipped with lamps, and men and women no longer had to sit on 
opposite sides of the library (though they were deprived of the challenge of 
getting messages to one another by dropping notes when they went to the center 
of the room to sharpen pencils or consult the dictionary.) 

The first professionally trained librarian, Anna Lee Fortner, arrived in 
1937 to become an assistant librarian. The second professional was Ruth 
Gnerson, who came in 1940 and replaced Professor Ellis as director on his 
retirement in 1 943 . Subsequently all directors had librarv degrees, and the num- 
ber of professionals on the staff increased. 

Alumna Nathalia Wright, between an MA and a doctorate at Yale, worked 
with Ruth Grierson for several productive years. They added wall shelving in 
the reading room, giving students access to six thousand volumes of reserve 
books, fiction, and bound periodicals. They opened the stacks to all four classes. 
They introduced a more formal library orientation for freshmen. They added the 
Kardex File of 303 current periodical subscriptions. They set up a treasure 
collection with a nucleus of 490 books belonging to the original Seminary li- 
brary. They compiled a shelf list that included twenty- thousand books not pre- 
viously listed. They withdrew cards for nine hundred missing books and added 
a 120-drawer card catalog. Perhaps equally important was the creation of an 
attractive, welcoming ambiance. 

Dean Hunter encouraged the faculty to build collections in their respec- 
tive fields. Recognizing that a small college could not afford unlimited resources, 
he himself concentrated on selected writers and movements in English and Ameri- 


can literature to provide students with materials for in-depth studies in those 
areas. He also urged the addition of carrels, tables for conferences, and a small 
room for faculty. He could be seen in the stacks at almost any time consulting 
with students or colleagues. His enthusiasm for reading and research helped to 
sell Special Studies and to make the library a true learning center. 

The College has been fortunate in attracting capable and dedicated li- 
brarians. In 1953 when Miss Grierson accepted a position at Vassar, Virginia 
Turrentine succeeded her as director. She took a keen interest in building the 
collection and encouraging library use until health problems forced her retire- 
ment in the early seventies. 

A Boost for the Arts 

As devastating as the loss of Voorhees Chapel seemed in 1947. it marked 
the beginning of the expansion of fine arts facilities that brought national atten- 
tion to the College. The day after the chapel fire Ann Baldwin Lloyd, infant 
daughter of the Glen Lloyds of Chicago, died suddenly. Glen Lloyd, an alumnus 
and brother of Maryville's president, and his wife. Marion Musser Lloyd, pro- 
posed to give the College a fine arts center in memory of their daughter. The gift 
was announced anonymously soon after the fire. A year later the identity of the 
donors was revealed, along with the decision to use a contemporary design by 
the Chicago architectural firm of Schweikher and Elting. Actual work on the 
building, however, awaited more stable construction conditions. 

By 1950 the Fine Arts Center, featured in the Architectural Record as a 
structure on the cutting 
edge of campus architec- 
ture in America, was ready 
for use. As Dr. Lloyd 
pointed out in his history, 
the building received mixed 
reviews fi"om local commu- 
nity members, many of 
whom were suspicious of 
campus architecture with- 
out white columns. Those 
on campus watched the 
progress of the building 
with excitement and antici- 

The Center included a music hall that seated 254 and featured a Holtkamp 
organ. It had five classrooms, a library and record center, rehearsal rooms, 


central offices, a spacious lounge with fireplace and kitchenette, and a basement 
for band and art classes. An art gallery and art studios occupied one end of the 
building. The band annex would come later. 

Problems surfaced as the Music and Art Departments moved in. The 
builders, following the blueprints, were making the practice room doors too 
narrow to admit pianos, until Brownie, in his unofficial capacity, discovered the 
error. On warm days absorption of the sun by the glass walls made classrooms 
and studios uncomfortable. And a flat roof in East Tennessee was predestined to 
cause trouble. Most of the problems were overcome, and the new facilities 
inspired a resurgence of activity in the fine arts. 

With the financing of the Fine Arts Center settled, attention turned to- 
ward a new chapel. Receiving a large donation fi-om one source saved the stress 
of fimd-raising for the first building, but finding resources for the second brought 
on the usual headaches. The April 1 948 Bulletin carried the campaign announce- 
ment that listed four important decisions: ( 1 ) that the new chapel would be named 
for Samuel Tvndale Wilson, a decision cleared with the Voorhees family: (2) 
that fund-raising would be confined to Mary ville alumni and the people of 
Marv'ville. Blount County, and Knoxville: (3) that intensive campaigns would 
be conducted m the fall of 1948 in the local area: and (4) that a national alumni 
campaign committee was being selected. 

The first setback came when the local campaign produced only $76,760 
of the $150,000 goal. The reasons were puzzling. Community relations seemed 
good. The College was continuing to provide many services that the community 
obviously appreciated. The Fine Arts Division had long offered an extensive 
program for children in music and art and had recently added drama and speech 
therapy. Foreign language Professor Winifred Shannon and six student teachers 
were teaching languages in the public schools. The Education Department gave 
college credit through workshops for area teachers. Faculty were available for 
club programs, and the community was welcomed to all campus cultural and 
athletic events. 

The College in turn was receiving benefits from the community. ALCOA 
endowed a professorship of chemistry. Local businessmen donated a station 
wagon to support the Sociology Department's Parish Project, later taken over 
by Union Presbytery as the '"Faith Cooperative Parish," directed by Dr. Al Cropp. 
And many individuals were faithfial supporters. Nevertheless the question arose 
as to whether the disappointing results of the local campaign indicated a cooling 
of the relationship in recent years. 

Dr. Lloyd's firm stands on integration and other social issues had alien- 
ated conservatives. The necessary foreclosures on College-financed mortgages 
in the 1930s were viewed by some, though not many of those personally in- 
volved, as being harsh~the critics forgetting that the College had been more 


lenient than the banks. And there was still the perception in some circles that the 
College was wealthy. Another and probably more immediate reason for the 
failure of the campaign was the timing. The solicitations had to compete with 
three other promotions: the New Providence Presbyterian Building Fund, the 
Blount Memorial Hospital Building Fund, and the Presbyterian Church Resto- 
ration Fund. 

As always in the past, the obstacles were eventually overcome—this time 
with the assistance of professional fund raisers. With $400,000 on hand by 
January 1952, construction began. The total cost would be around $600,000. 
Schweikher and Elting had designed another contemporary building with two 
complexes separated by a court. A large chapel seating 1120, a small chapel 
seating 100, offices, and choir rehearsal room completed the chapel complex. 
The theatre complex included a 460-seat theatre, a green room, classrooms, 
costume and storage rooms,and ample space for set construction. To help avoid 
the problems encountered in the Fine Arts Center, the College retained Barber 
and McMurry of Knoxville as associated architects. 

Completion of the chapel in 1954 enabled the College once again to host 

a full-fledged Artist Series. During the period of space restrictions the Series 
had been broadened from primarily musical programs to include the other arts. 
The success of lectures and dramatic readings led the Committee to continue the 
variety, supplementing musical programs with performers like Cornelia Otis 
Skinner and the National Players. 

In 1955 activities funds were used to inaugurate a lecture series on pub- 
lic affairs, starting with a visit by Donald Grant from Scotland, who was so well 
received that he was invited back several times. Other eminent speakers fol- 
lowed, including Margaret Webster, Carl Sandburg, and Dr. Frank Cross, a 
Maryville alumnus and one of the few specialists at the time on the Dead Sea 



Completion of the theatre brought new life to drama and speech. After 
a series of one-year directors following Mrs. West's retirement, Kathleen Cra- 
ven came in 1950 to help plan the new facilities and to give stability to the 
program. She soon built audiences with a varied program that combined the 
classics with current Broadway favorites. A typical season mcluded Shakespeare, 
Wilder, and Christopher Fry's The Lady's not for Burning. 

The organization of the Maryville Playhouse in 1 949 had brought all 
play production under one umbrella. Centralizing the activities eliminated pro- 
liferation and opened the way for wider participation. Those not interested in 
acting found a creative outlet in building sets, making costumes, handling light- 
ing, and, after the 
completion of the new 
theatre, exploring the 
possibilities of the new 

theatre flourished as stu- 
dents directed Aria da 
Capo, scenes from 
Green Pastures and 77?^ 
Lark, and original plays 
by students. Opera 
Workshop productions 
combined the talents of 
art. drama, and music 
students. The new fa- 
cilities also inspired the 
faculty to produce two 
plays in the early fifties: 
The Merry Wives of 
Windsor and The Man Who Came to Dinner. The latter, starring Dr. Hunter as 
Sheridan Whiteside and Miss Lightfoot as the nurse, played to standing-room- 
only audiences. 

Enrollment in art classes grew. Art students luxuriated in the light, airy 
studios, the ceramics facilities, and a gallery for the display of their work. Both 
art and music students spent more time in the Fine Arts Center, which they found 
comfortable and stimulating. Contributing to the stimulation were the new mu- 
sic faculty who arrived in the late forties and early fifties to spend the remainder 
of their professional careers at Maryville: Harry Harter, James Bloy, Sallie and 


Victor Schoen, and Dan Kinsinger. 

The fifties brought a revival of debate. Although candidates for the 

debate squad never equalled 
the pre-War numbers, the 
program attracted gifted de- 
baters. Maryville's success 
in individual events such as 
poetry reading and im- 
promptu speaking tended to 
obscure the records m de- 
bate, which failed to reach 
pre-War levels, but the Col- 
lege was still fielding win- 
ning debaters. In 1953 Sa- 
rah Pledger and Jeannine 
Fiori were judged the most outstanding women's team in the Southern Division 
of the Grand Nationals. In 1955 Jo Ann Brooks and Sarah Pledger won a 
unanimous decision over a Harvard men"s team. In the late fifties the varsity 
squads numbered between only ten and fifteen, but a strong program for fresh- 
men continued to supply candidates for varsity debating. The competitive posi- 
tion of Maryville debaters remained strong in national and regional tournaments 
until the late sixties. 

Balancing Privileges and Responsibilities 

Despite the achievements in intellectual and cultural life, the students 
could not forget their on-going battles with the administration on social issues. 
They had reason to be optimistic about the gains they had made. The Executive 
Council in 1944 had approved a "town night"~one night a week that women 
could date or go to town in small groups— and a movement was underway to 
obtain other privileges for upperclassmen. In the spring of 1946 the organiza- 
tion of the Women's Student Government Association gave women jurisdiction 
over dormitory regulations (within reason). After a year's trial it was declared a 
success, and women were enjoying added privileges and responsibilities. 

The attempt to establish a similar organization for men met with little 
response. The men were not interested, Dr. Lloyd said, "due perhaps to the 
greater fi-eedom which they already enjoy." Indications were that the men were 
chafing under regulations that restricted dating and prohibited resident students 
fi-om bringing cars to campus, the latter rule having been passed in June 1940. 
In September the Automobile Committee reported that in defiance of the rule 
certain students had cars and intended to keep them. The Executive Council 


remained adamant: "It is voted to retain the new rule and refuse to grant any 
permits in violation thereof." 

Whereas the women were willing to work for change through their stu- 
dent government, the men were more likely to find ways around the rules, or to 
continue their defiance through secret societies. A major disruption occurred in 
the spring of 1 942 when Dr. Lloyd and three other administrators observed a 
DUD banquet at a Knoxville cafeteria. The students in attendance were asked to 
sign a statement affirming that they were not members of a secret society. Only 
one admitted membership. The others evaded the issue by signing a carefiilly 
worded statement: "I cannot say that I belong to. . . ." Dr. Lloyd, who had to 
leave town before the signing, sent word that the student who had confessed 
must be suspended. During the summer, after fiirther investigation, the Execu- 
tive Council suspended five more students and permitted ten others to return on 
probation. Although all signed pledges stating that they would not participate in 
secret societies, later Executive Council minutes indicated that adherence to the 
pledges was unenforceable. 

The arrival of veterans on campus influenced the gradual reduction in 
the number of rules and the modification of others. Once having experienced 
war and the world at large, veterans could not tolerate social restrictions de- 
signed for the young and unsophisticated. At the same time, a large number of 
students were young and unsophisticated. Administrators faced a problem simi- 
lar to that of the Preparatory Department days when students represented vari- 
ous levels of maturity, but now common sense dictated the extension of student 
autonomy—gradually and consistently at first, accelerating in the Vietnam Era. 

Town nights increased until, in 1954. any night became acceptable for 
students to leave campus. The difficulty of finding faculty chaperons led to the 
abandonment of the requirement in the mid-fifties. The rule denying student aid 
fiinds to smokers disappeared. Concessions on required class attendance for 
honor roll students were eventually extended to all students. 

Two changes that boosted morale were the acquisition of the government 
surplus building that was converted into a recreation center and the lifting of the 
ban on dancing in September 1948. Social activities became more campus cen- 
tered. Dancing went on every week day evening between dinner and study hours. 
The first all-campus dance was planned for 22 October. The Social Committee 
sponsored a full program, including a G. L Show, a Sadie Hawkins Day, a box 
supper and Gay Nineties Revue, open house in the dorms, stunt night, and par- 
ties for special days: Leap Year. Valentine. St. Patrick's Day, and April Fools' 

The relaxation of rules and the upsurge in student morale in the late 
forties owed much to Dr. Lloyd's judicious choice of a dean of women in Janu- 
ary 1947. It was not surprising that he turned to Frances Massey, a Maryville 


alumna already well into a successful 
teaching career. Although he might have 
preferred fewer disruptions of the rou- 
tine, he surely sensed that change was 
inevitable and was thus looking for 
someone who could effect that change 
without sacrificing basic values. Hav- 
ing won from the beginning the affec- 
tion and respect of students. Miss 
Massey became an effective mediator. 
She entered a thirt>'-year tug-of-war. 
Understanding both administration and student viewpoints made her job no easier, 
but it did enable her to exercise the necessary patience and tact. 

At the time of Dean Massey 's retirement in 1977 the editor of Focus 
gathered samples of tributes paid her in student publications dunng her years at 
Maryville. The same key words were repeated through the thirty years: open- 
mindedness, cordiality, sincerity, graciousness, ^nd fairness . Certainly few 
deans after thirty years in office have received the enthusiastic endorsement that 
appeared in the Echo in 1977: "She has handled the duties of her office with a 
poise and confidence which one rarely finds m an administrative position so 
susceptible to stagnation and antipathy." With another reference to her gra- 
ciousness and open-mindedness, the writer ended with the hope that her influ- 
ence would "keep the office continually open to innovation." 

In 1947 many obsolete dating rules were still on the books, such as the 
one that prohibited Sunday afternoon dating except on Easter and Baccalaureate 
Sundays. Students from that period still remember the sad stor\' of the couple 
who made elaborate plans for their Easter Sunday walk in the College Woods, 
the only time couples could walk in the Woods unchaperoned. The young man 
had gone out a few days earlier to select a log in a secluded, picturesque setting; 
and the couple waited with mounting anticipation only to wake up on Easter 
morning to the deepest snowfall of the decade. Another story from the same era 
was of the newly engaged couple who. in their happiness, were holding hands on 
the porch of Memorial Hall when the housemother appeared and said sternly, 
"And what are you saving for marriage?" to which the young lady responded 
brightly, "The other hand?" 

Miss Massey 's first challenge was to change attitudes. The veterans 
were allies, as were many new faculty and administrators. Even so, problems 
persisted. Disciplinary action increased for violations of drinking and car per- 
mission regulations. Suspensions for immoral conduct, or "inappropriate be- 
havior," also increased. In 1949-50 WSGA seemed in danger of folding. Lack 
of student interest discouraged student leaders, who held a series of meetings to 


determine if women really wanted student government enough to support it. The 
affirmative response strengthened WSGA, but by 1 952-53 problems with destruc- 
tive behavior and restlessness in the freshman dormitory resulted in the depar- 
ture at the end of the term of eighty-three women students. Dean Hunter re- 
ported to the Board that 'the feeling of dissatisfaction and unrest fostered by 
some student groups colored the entire activity of the College and worked ad- 
versely in the academic program as elsewhere." 

To clear the air, the Executive Council and the Student Council agreed 
to a joint open meeting in April to provide a forum for voicing concerns. At 
issue were optional town nights, the student-help program, a proposed honor 
system, and a change in class attendance requirements. The meeting, ably mod- 
erated by Student Council President Sally Brown, was long, lively, well-attended 
(except for President Lloyd), and difficult to control. Students digressed from 
the prepared agenda to introduce other issues, but the outcome was positive. 
Some concessions resulted, and this "spring airing" led to a reasonably stable 
and problem-free 1953-54. 

The Return to Integration 

The major event of 1954 was the College response to the Supreme Court 
decision declaring racial segregation illegal. President Lloyd, long a staunch 
and vocal advocate of integration, took action immediately, in contrast to the 
cautious approach President Wilson had taken in all matters relating to integra- 
tion. Even thirty years after the Murphy Law barred enrollment of blacks. Presi- 
dent Wilson responded reluctantly to an inquiry from a Columbia University 
professor about former black students. Requesting "total confidentiality," he 
asked that no public use be made of his reply, explaining: "Colleges have enough 
current problems before them without the addition of former prejudices." 

During the half century in which laws prevented admission of persons 
of African blood as students, the College continued to admit students of all other 
races and colors. Blacks came to the campus for conferences and other pro- 
grams and ate in Pearsons dining room in the thirties and forties. President 
Lloyd, aware that his stand raised some community opposition, refiised to com- 
promise. His Annual Report to the Board in 1950-51 noted that Presbyterian 
Church history had been made by both the Summer School of the South and the 
Westminster Fellowship Synod, which had held interracial meetings on the cam- 
pus. The Presbyterian Summer School, with 205 in attendance, was about evenly 
divided as to the races, while the Westminster Synod included from fifteen to 
twenty black youth among its participants. The president reported no serious 
protest from town. The two organizations voted unanimously to repeat the invi- 
tation to the blacks the following year. 


In 1953, with the Brown Decision approaching, Dr. Lloyd raised the 
question about funds that in 1 903 had been transferred to Swift Memorial Insti- 
tute. With the Board of National Missions, administrator of the ftinds, he opened 
two questions: "Can the transaction of 1 903 be considered reversionary?" (Swift 
Memorial was no longer Presbyterian sponsored) and "Should Maryville Col- 
lege accept [the ftind] since it cannot accept blacks?" The Church Board an- 
swered both questions affirmatively and returned to Maryville the $23,125 re- 
maining in the fiind. 

In May 1954 came the Brown vs. Board of Education decision. The 
College rejected outright the decision of a local circuit judge that the Brown case 
did not apply to private colleges. On 19 July the Committee on Administration 
voted five to one in favor of again accepting blacks, a policy ratified on 15 
October 1954 by the Board, with only two dissenting votes. Dr. Lloyd listed 
reasons for the new policy: "The opinion that it is now legal in Tennessee; the 
belief that a church-related college should lead rather than follow [other types of 
colleges]; the conviction that it is right and in accord with the will of Christ." 

In January 1956 a Mary-ville Times article reported that Mar^'ville Col- 
lege had become the first integrated institution of higher learning in the South to 
employ a black faculty member, even on a temporary basis. James H. Hamlett, 
with an MA in Spanish from Louisiana State University, filled a temporary 
vacancy on a part-time basis. A teacher at Knoxville College, he commuted to 
Maryville for his classes. Although the appointment did not occur without pro- 
test, students seemed to respond favorably. One mother wrote. "Patsy had him 
and says he's much better than the one [teacher] she had last term. All the kids 
say he's a good teacher." But Patsy had also told her mother that "when one 
girl's folks found out, they told her either to drop Spanish or quit school." 

One parent wrote Dr. Lloyd, "It would be just too bad. . if your daugh- 
ter should fall in love with your new Spanish teacher and marry him." The 
pastor of a large Presbyterian church in the South voiced his disapproval and 
threatened economic sanctions. One correspondent wrote: "It [Hamlett's em- 
ployment] has created quite a stir among the DAR members and I find that all 
feel that Maryville College should be removed fi'om our approved list of col- 
leges." One donor requested the return of her gifts because of her disapproval of 
integration, a request that the Board denied. Threats came, but no violence. 
Perhaps the most negative response was from John Evarts Tracy, who as a stu- 
dent during the Boardman administration had drafted and presented to the Synod 
the petition discussed earlier to clarify the status of black students at the Col- 

Now. half a century later, a distinguished law professor at the Univer- 
sity of Michigan, John Tracy, according to the report of a Board member, called 
the hiring of a black teacher "a cheap bid for the limelight." The same Board 


member, consulted by Dr. Lloyd, cautioned against employing Hamlett: "Though 
all things are lawful, it is not expedient." He noted that Dean Miller of Oberlin 
had said that Oberlin had a colored trustee, but no colored teachers, and he 
reminded Dr. Lloyd that Oberlin had been in "the vanguard of integrated schools." 

In 1957 most public schools and restaurants were still segregated. That 
year when orders came for public school integration in Clinton. Tennessee, and 
Little Rock. Arkansas, violence and demonstrations erupted. The Clinton dem- 
onstrations led to a major trial in the U.S. District Court in Knoxville. A New 
York Times article (28 July 1957) pointed out a number of interesting facts 
about this case. It involved seven segregationists, including a well-known North- 
em agitator. John Caspar. An all-white East Tennessee jur\' rendered a verdict 
of guilty. Robert L. Ta\'lor. the judge who had ordered the Clinton integration, 
was the son of Alf Taylor, a former Tennessee Republican governor, and the 
nephew of Bob Taylor, a former Tennessee Democratic governor. The trial 
lawyer was Attorney John C. Crawford, Jr.. a Maryville College graduate~"a 
tobacco-chewing. Harvard Law School graduate," as the New York Times re- 
porter called him. He was mayor of Maryville and a former football player at 
Maryville College. He examined the "star witness." Clinton High School Prin- 
cipal D. J. Brittain, another Maryville College graduate and football player, 
"who stood his guns," reported the Times, "against the protesting segregation- 

The College peaceably and successfully weathered the integration storm 
of the fifties. Dean McClelland reported the enrollment without incident of 
seven black students in the fall of 1954. President Lloyd concluded in a 1960 
speech, however, that the experience had resulted in a reduction of the number of 
students from the South. An examination of enrollment charts even casts doubt 
on this negative conclusion. The total number of students from the Southeast 
had been in decline since 1920 and was to continue declining until 1980. Wom- 
en, who because of parental fear would have been most affected by the integra- 
tion policy, continued to increase in number from 1940 through 1960. The drop 
in men between 1950 and 1960 may be largely explained by the decline in num- 
bers of World War II veterans. 

The Faculty at the End of an Era 

The fifties decade saw the retirement or death of many key facult>', be- 
ginning in 1950 with the retirement of Classics Professor Edmund Wavue Davis 
and Biology Professor and Division Chairman Susan Green Black, the former 
after thirty-five years and the latter after forty-four years on the faculty. Five 
years later came the retirement after forty-four years of Physics Professor Edgar 
R. Walker and the unexpected death of Mathematics Professor Augustus Sisk. 


Two years later English Professor Jessie Heron retired after thirty-eight years. 

Nineteen-fifty-eight was a sad year, bringing the deaths of three revered 
and influential teachers: Biology Professor Bonnie Hudson Brown. Religion and 
Philosophy Professor Horace E. Orr, and History Professor Verton Queener. 
Evelyn Norton Queener retired the following spring after thirty-five years as a 
member of the Physical Education Department. Also retirmg from Physical 
Education that year was Division Chairman and Coach Lombe Honaker, whose 
thirt>'-eight years of coaching at the same college had brought him national pub- 
licity. Mr. McCurry retired as supervisor of men's residences in August 1959. 

In spite of these many losses, the transition to the next decade was rela- 
tively smooth. In the fall of 1959, according to President Lloyd's report to the 
directors at the October meeting, the faculty numbered sevent>' members: sixty 
fiiU-time teachers, four librarians, and six part-time teachers~m addition to thirty- 
nine administrative officers and support staff. The average tenure of division 
chairmen, a fraction over twenty-eight years, is one indication of the stabilit>' at 
that time. Professor Edwin Hunter, Chairman of Languages and literature, was 
in his forty-first year of service: Professor Albert Griffitts. Chairman of the 
Science Division, in his thirty-fourth year; and Professor David Briggs. Chair- 
man of Psychology and Education, in his twenty-third. Home Economics Chair- 
man Gertrude Meiselwitz would complete thirty-nine years before her death five 
years later. 

It was not only division chairmen who gave stability to the faculty. The 
two upper ranks in the Science Division averaged over thirty-one years tenure, 
and in Languages and Literature almost twenty-nine. French Professor Catharine 
Wilkinson, in her fortieth year with nine years before retirement, was well on her 
way to setting a new record for teaching staff. English Professors Jessie Johnson 
and Elizabeth Jackson had been at Maryville since the thirties. Thelma Kramer, 
head of the elementar\' education program since 1946. would continue sending 
outstanding teachers into the public school system until her retirement in the 

Except for concern about low faculty salaries, morale was good. The 
first faculty retreat was held in the fall of 1958 at Laurel Lake near Townsend 
under somewhat primitive conditions. Mosquitoes kept the gathering lively, 
prompting Elizabeth Jackson to comment that if faculty bonding had been the 
intent of the retreat, it was achieved: all had quickly become blood brothers. Fall 
retreats became a tradition and, as finances permitted, accommodations became 
increasingly comfortable. In spite of complaints of too little follow-up of recom- 
mendations growing out of the discussions, the retreats helped to maintain esprit 
de corps. 

Another "first" during the same period, and another bonding experience, 
was the organization of the entire faculty into committees for the first Southern 


Association Self-Study, leading to a critical and objective look at the total op- 
eration of the College. Signs of response to faculty concerns came in the fall of 
1959 with a faculty-staff manual and the Board's adoption of the Statement of 
Principles of Academic Freedom, a foreshadowing of more active faculty 
participation in charting the course of the College for the next decade. 

New occasions. . .new duties 

Changes and additions were occurring in the administrative staff. Health 
problems forced the retirement of Miss Clemmie Henry in 1952. Her replace- 
ment was Mary Miles, Class of 1918. who had been a missionary to Japan for 
many years. She returned to the United States during World War II. In 1948 she 
joined the College staff as an assistant librarian and was ready to move into the 
student-help position on Miss Henry's retirement. 

Frank Layman, a native East Tennessean and magna cum laude Car- 
son-Newman graduate, replaced Paul Henry as treasurer in 1956. Mr. Layman 
had not been in the job long before financial pressures began to build, but if he 
worried, the only sign was the long hours he worked. His head operated like a 
computer. When asked a question about budgets, he paused only long enough to 
make a few quick mental calculations before delivering a short staccato answer. 

Although Mr. Layman often lost his colleagues in discussions of budget 
matters, they were never in doubt as to his politics. Aware that expression of his 
strong Republican views invariably produced a laugh in faculty meetings, he 
delighted in making wry remarks about federal encroachment, particularly So- 
cial Security. Religion Professor David Cartlidge recorded the story of Mr. 
Layman's encounter with Grover Foley, a colleague whom Cartlidge described 
as "a free spirit with a scholarly interest in the topic of the Death of Earth'"; 

IGrover] gave a convocation speech in which he presented some thirty- 
plus reasons that the human species would not survive 'til A. D. 2000. 
One day I had occasion to stop into the business office, and I overheard 
Grover arguing with Frank about the Social Security deductions from 
Foley's paycheck. Frank was insisting that the deduction was for Grover 's 
future. Grover was insisting that, as the world was not about to survive 
long enough for him to receive Social Security benefits, he should have 
the option to refuse to pay. 

Frank was absolutely mind-boggled. He clearly thought that Grover was 
mad. Frank spluttered and dissembled, but, to his credit, he never at- 
tempted to refute Grover s arguments about the fate of earth. He simply 
stuck to "1 cannot help you; it is the law," and, with the matter ended, 
walked away, shaking his head. 


Frank Layman's tolerance and sense of humor enabled him to enjoy the 
eccentricities of the faculty, and he kept his own collection of stories to share 
with colleagues. He refused to take himself seriously, downplaying his role by 
insisting that he was not a treasurer but simply a bookkeeper with his own indi- 
vidual system in his head. 

Leadership in financial planning fell to Raymond L (Brick) Brahams. 
class of 1 949, who joined the staff in 1 958 as director of development. President 
Lloyd, recognizing that changing times demanded new methods of handling fi- 
nances, made a wise choice. Brick—young, intelligent, and low-key in his ap- 
proach to prospective donors—inspired confidence. With the advice and support 
of consultant Milton Smith, he cultivated new sources of income, including a 
renewed emphasis on annuities. 

Joining the development staff the following year was Elizabeth Welsh 
(later Rankin). A 1959 Maryville graduate, she soon achieved a reputation for 
dependability and a thorough understanding of the operation of the College. She 
was to prove her value through positions as office manager, director of campus 
events, coordinator of alumni activities, and director of donor research. 

Another concession to the increasing complexity of administration was 
the addition in 1958 of alumna Ann Wiley as admissions counselor. Up to this 
time admissions had been handled m the personnel office. With what most con- 
sidered an optimum enrollment up to this time, active recruitment seemed unnec- 
essary. Although a full-time director of admissions would not come until 1 963 
with the appointment of retired Air Force Colonel William F.Taylor, enrollment 
figures were becoming a matter of concern. 

In 1954 Maryville alumna Jane Huddleston began her thirty-eight-year 
service to the College, beginning as secretar>' in the personnel office and eventu- 
ally organizing the lives of six deans and academic vice presidents. The faculty 
came to know her well. It was she who welcomed the candidates for positions, 
arranged their interviews, and answered their questions. Those who joined the 
faculty could count on her to keep their records, notify them of committee as- 
signments and meetings, and send reminders when they failed to respond to no- 
tices—all with tact, efficiency, humor, and confidentiality. 

Student Morale on the Eve of the Sixties 

In many respects, life at Maryville College in the middle and late fifties 
reflected the prevailing mood of the country: a sense of well-being emanating 
fi^om the presence of a beneficent grandfather in the White House, low inflation 
and a rise in median family income, and the assurance conveyed by the new 
television sit-coms of a secure, family-oriented society. On the other hand, there 
were the McCarthy hearings, the Kefauver crime investigations, and the quiz 


show scandals. The launching of Sputnik became a challenge to American scien- 
tists. The publication of Salinger's Catcher in the Rye and Kerouac's On the 
Road presaged a new direction in literature. 

Although relatively isolated from the centers of controversy, Maryville 
students seemed to have kept a balance between concern for national and world 
affairs and the pursuit of a formal education. The Echo for the transition year of 
1 959-60 contained indications of the balance. Editor Charlotte Cathey, a strongly 
independent second-generation Maryvillian. encouraged creativity with a Writ- 
ers' Comer for contributions from the campus at large. "Cabbage and Kings" 
and "Scots and Soda," columns shared by members of the staff, were outlets for 
humor and whimsy, of which there was an abundance. Dan Ellis's "The Turn of 
the Times" was a regular column on world concerns. A book review section 
dealt with a wide range of works, including J. Edgar Hoover's Masters of De- 
ceit, Lederer and Burdick's The Ugly American, and E. E. Cumming's Poems. 

Editorials covered classes, clubs, communication, dress in the dining 
room, encouragement of a non-credit seminar movement, the welcome prospect 
of an honor dorm, and commentaries on world and national events, such as "Of 
Mendacity" (on Charles Van Doren and the quiz show scandals) and "Whither 
Now Disarmament?" The Christmas season evoked reflections on the interna- 
tional scene at Christmas (focused on the Russia. China. Sino-India dispute). 
Eisenhower's world journey to create good will, and an appreciation of the beauty 
of the season. 

Student Government President David Morris was a regular contributor, 
and reporters covered student assemblies, which were apparently well attended. 
The establishment of an honor dorm for women was hailed as a major break- 
through to be compared with the earlier provision for student participation in 
curriculum and programming decisions. 

Students had many opportunities to be active and creative. The first 
issues of the paper introduced clubs and other extracurricular activities. The 
four societies had been working through the summer to ready their rush week 
programs, and they were already polishing manuscripts for the Skit Night com- 
petition. Members of the YMCA and YWCA, on hand early to welcome the 
freshmen, publicized the advantages of Y membership: an ambitious lecture 
series on "Men and Women of the Twentieth Century," Bamwarming. Y-Radio, 
and the annual retreats. The Ys assisted with arrangements for February' Meet- 
ings and organized the annual Fred Hope Fund drive, which this year would go 
to Ecumenical Encounters. Through Tennessee Senator Estes Kefauver they 
had found a donor who promised to match the funds raised, and hopes were 
fulfilled for sending three students and one teacher as participants in Crossroads 
Africa. The Faith Cooperative Parish, Student Volunteers, and the Pre-Minis- 
terial Club were other supporting organizations. 


The nationally known Vesper Choir and debate teams received good 
publicity. The Choir had just been selected as the official Broadcasting Choir of 
the Year by the Department of Radio and Television of the Presbyterian Church 
USA, and the debate teams 
had consistently brought 
home tournament sweep- 
stakes trophies, the latest 
being from the Peachtree 
Tournament at Emory Uni- 
versity. Competition for 
membership in both groups 
was keen. Those not cho- 
sen for the Vesper Choir 
could audition for the All- 
Girl Choir or the Men's 
Glee Club, musically solid 
organizations that pre- 
sented well-received joint concerts and participated periodically in religious ser- 
vices. Writers' Workshop, Opera Workshop, and Playhouse were flourishing, 
as were the special interest clubs and the non-credit seminars in biology, drama, 
English, and the social sciences. For the sports-minded, in addition to the major 
teams, a strong intramural program and the M-Club offered outlets for pent-up 

The Artist Series, the Fihn Series, lectures, visiting chapel leaders, and 
intercollegiate sports provided regular interchanges with the outside world. The 
Artist Series included that year the Atlanta Symphony and professional compa- 
nies in The Comedy of Errors and Carmen. The Film Series featured the clas- 
sics: TYiQ Mikado, Rashomon, Volpone, Romeo and Juliet^ Miss Julie, and Ruy 
Bias. The fall Playhouse production was Wilder 's The Matchmaker. 

It was intercollegiate football competition, however, that unified the 
campus most successfully. The students supported their teams, win or lose. The 
first Echo headline in 1959 read: "Scots Look Improved—Still Need Practice." 
Near the end of a disappointing season, especially for newly-arrived Coach 
Boydson Baird, the Scots approached the last game—agamst arch rival Carson- 
Newman—with little hope. Although in the opinion of Maryville fans a defeat of 
Carson-Newman was tantamount to a winning season, they knew that victory 
this year would require a miracle. 

Treasurer Frank Layman recorded at the time of his retirement his rec- 
ollection of that game: 

We were taking into the final game of the season a string of seven- 
teen consecutive losses including a 75 to slaughter at Mossy Creek 


the season before by this same Carson-Newman team. ... In those days 
we had chapel at eight a. m., including Saturday mornings, and I still 
remember J. D. Davis's fervent prayer that morning for a victory over 

As Mr. Layman recalled, Maryville had managed to score 14 to Carson- 
Newman's 12, both teams battling against the rain and fog and cold: 

But in the closing moments of the game, with Maryville ahead and al- 
most frantically hanging on. a Carson-Newman player, with the ball, 
had a clear shot at the touchdown and fell down with no visible pres- 
ence around. ... So in two seasons we had a record of seventeen losses, 
but that one victory, with the help, in part, of Coach J. D. Davis. 

Freshman Todd Owens was so stirred by the drama of that game that he 
recorded his memories in an Echo article three years later, describing the hyste- 
ria of the crowd as the Maryville team prepared to wait out the clock. Then 
came pandemonium. "But above the mountmg din," he recalled, 

was heard the sound of a bell~the bell atop Anderson Hall. ... It was 
barely audible at first, but soon the glorious sound grew louder and louder. 
... It rang all night. . . . The next day was Sunday, and after the noon 
meal, the entire student body walked across the campus to Coach Baird's 
house, to pay tribute to him and to thank him. in their own special way, 
for the victory the night before. 

The detail that the reporter failed to mention was that the ringmg stopped only 
when the threads of the rope had worn through. 

Unfortunately the difference in size of the two colleges and Carson- 
Newman's increasing emphasis on football soon ended the rivalry and a popular 
Maryville tradition; but in 1959-60, most traditions were strong: Rush Week, 
initiation rituals. Homecoming, Founder's Day, Bamwarming, A/e5'5/<7/7, Christ- 
mas Vespers and Christmas Readings, February Meetings, the Easter Sunrise 
Service, May Day, the Daisy Chain, and the social events for seniors. Seniors 
still celebrated the completion of Special Studies with a huge bonfire fueled by 
notecards and rough draft, and the completion of comprehensives with—if not a 
bacchanalian orgy—at least something as close as the rules could be stretched to 

The nostalgic, irreverent Senior Chapel became a review of the four 
years with jibes at faculty, traditions, and rules. But it was clear that the major- 


ity of the Class of 1960 were leaving with pride in their accomplishments, satis- 
faction with their choice of a college, and as much confidence in the future as 
seniors are able to muster. 

The End of the Lloyd Administration 

It was in this atmosphere that Dr. Lloyd made the surprise announcement 
of his intention to retire at the end of the following year. The timing of his 
retirement was well calculated, 'i have now served longer than did any of my 
predecessors, except Dr. Isaac Anderson, the Founder," he said, "and he, being 
at the same time a pastor, gave only part time to the College; and my thirty years 
is nearly three times the average tenure of American college and university presi- 
dents of the past half century." Dr. Anderson might have demurred at being 
labeled a part-time president when he was carrying most of the teaching load in 
addition to foraging to keep his students fed and clothed. And, ironically. Dr. 
Lloyd neglected to take into account his own many absences from the campus— 
sometimes for months—on church business. 

Dr. Lloyd's travels and frequent absences from campus on church busi- 
ness had become a subject for humor. "Maryville does have a president," an 
Echo reporter assured a freshman class that had been on campus for two months 
before catching a glimpse of the chief executive. 

Dr. Lloyd's activities during his presidency illustrate the degree to which 


a college administrator can be drawn into church administration, work that was 
of dubious value, if not a positive handicap, to college advancement. The im- 
pression—warranted or not —was that his national and international church posi- 
tions diverted him from college responsibilities. The turning point at which his 
church interests seemed to supersede his college interests came in 1947 with a 
church mission to China. Soon after, he accepted offices in the World Council 
of Churches and the Presbyterian Alliance in Europe. The following year he 
went as a representative to the meeting of the National Council of Churches in 
Denver, and for almost two months he was in Lucknow, India, at a meeting of 
the World Council's Central Committee. In 1954 he served a year as moderator 
of the Presbyterian Church's General Assembly, an honor for which President 
Wilson had twice declmed to be nominated. 

At its meeting in Brazil in 1959 Dr. Lloyd was elected to the presidency 
of the World Presbyterian Alliance, an office which he held for the next five 
years. For seventeen years he served as chairman of national church committees 
and the General Council of the Presbyterian Church. He also moderated a num- 
ber of presbyteries and the Synod of the Mid-South. Valid or not. charges were 
raised that the time and energy owed the College were diverted to church affairs 
without noticeable compensator^ advantages to the College. 

The lack of financial support from the Presbxierian Church, coupled 
with the Church's demands on the College, had been a source of frustration to 
Dr. Lloyd's predecessors. Dr. Lloyd's o\vn history of the College contains com- 
ments that "the records show few substantial contributions from official church 
sources," and that there is little indication "that the Church has in reality taken 
its colleges very seriously.""- The $76,497 raised by three women's national 
church organizations for the Margaret Bell Lloyd Residence for Women was the 
largest single gift from the Church as of 1960. In all fairness, however, it should 
be added that while direct fiinds from Church to College have been relatively 
small (Maryville's receipts from the Presbyterian Church in 1953-54, for ex- 
ample, were $7,000 as compared with the $100,000 Carson-Newman received 
from the Southern Baptist Church), individual members and churches through 
the years offered substantial support. The Thaws, the Dodges, the Synotts, 
Miss Cook, the Beesons, and the Pew Foundation—among others— contributed, 
in part, out of their loyalt>' to Presbyterianism. Furthermore, an untold number 
of students were recruited by Dr. Lloyd's reputation among Presbyterian circles. 

Members of Dr. Lloyd's staff would have been happier had his church 
activities focused more on cultivating potential sources of income. Closer atten- 
tion to finances might have prevented the annual deficits that ranged between 
$4,187 in 1940-41 and $44,102 in 1950-51, thereafter increasing at a more 
disturbing rate. The May 1962 Board minutes recorded an accumulated deficit 
of $500,000 during the Lloyd administration. 


At the same time. President Lloyd could take pride in having led the 
College through the Depression and World War II. In his report to the Board in 
October 1960 he pointed out that the campus had grown from 270 to 375 acres 
with thirteen additional buildings and that the operating budget had increased 
from $300,000 in 1930-31 to $1,005,000 m 1960-61. The endowment, though 
still far from adequate, had increased from $1,500,000 to close to $4,000,000 
and library holdings had tripled. 

Faculty-staff benefits had improved with the addition of Social Secu- 
rity, retirement annuities, various life and health insurance policies, and sabbati- 
cal leaves. The number of doctorates on the faculty had increased from fifteen 
percent in 1930 to twent>'-two percent in 1961, and another twenty-five percent 
had degrees in progress. Memorial, Carnegie, and Pearsons Halls had received 
face-lifts: and the new Fine Arts Center, the Wilson Chapel, and the Margaret 
Bell Lloyd Residence had been acclaimed for their modem, imaginative designs. 

Enrollment in the last Lloyd year had dropped below the past thirty- 
year average, and only nineteen black students since 1954 had responded to 
intense recruitment efforts, but the student body was at a healthy 725 and the 
first black student to graduate since 1898 (Maryville's first black woman)-- 
Nancy Smith of Knoxville~had received a diploma the previous spring. 

With the Sesquicentennial less than a decade away. Dr. Lloyd had be- 
gun plans for its observance by launching a $6,000,000 campaign to culminate 
in 1969. As soon as he had reviewed his thirty years for the various constituen- 
cies and attended his last farewell dinner, attention turned to the next president. 
Word reached campus that the directors had unanimously approved the choice 
of their selection committee. The perception on campus, however, was that Dr. 
Lloyd had handpicked his successor. Whatever the process, it was the last time 
a major appointment would be made so peacefiilly. The campus constituencies 
of this era were neither surprised nor offended at the failure to solicit their wis- 
dom. They understood and generally accepted the clearly defined roles of ad- 
ministrators, facultv. students, and directors. 


Chapter XU-The Sixties 

The selection of Joseph J. Copeland as the seventh president of Maryville 
College seemed a natural choice. He was pastor of Knoxville's Second Presby- 
terian Church, which had had strong ties with the College since Isaac Anderson's 
time. He had already led two successful February Meetings and as a Board 
member for the past nine years was familiar with the operation of the College. 
At forty-seven he was a recognized leader in the Presbyterian Church. His 
abilities as a persuasive speaker and mediator had resulted in appointments to 
influential church boards and committees, and he had been awarded two hon- 
orary' degrees. 

A native of Ferris, Texas, with an A.B. from 
Trinity University and a B.D. from McCormick 
Seminar}', Dr. Copeland had had two successful pas- 
torates in Frederick, Oklahoma, and Denton, Texas, 
before beginning his nine-year tenure at Second Pres- 
byterian. During the years of these pastorates he 
had served as a member of the Board of Christian 
Education; chairman of the Program Committee of 
the Division of Radio and Television, United Pres- 
byterian Board of National Missions; and modera- 
tor of the Synod of Mid-South. Perhaps more im- 
portant, in light of his new responsibilities, was his 
chairmanship of the Synod's committee on Chris- 
tian Education and his work with the Westminster 
Foundation on college campuses. Having recently led Second Presbyterian in 
the building of an imposing new church, he had also had practical experience in 
finance and diplomacy. 

Dr. Copeland was married to the former Glenda Mullendore, who was a 
fellow student at Trinity. Soon after her arrival in Maryville, she became in- 
volved in community life and gained a reputation as a gracious hostess. She was 
instrumental in establishing the Faculty Wives' Club (later the Faculty Women's 
Club), which planned social activities for faculty families and sponsored such 
fund-raising events as the annual Craft Fair. Completing the family were Kirk, 
already a student at Maryville College, and Karen, still in public school. Before 
their father's retirement they would both be graduates of the College. 

While the Copelands were preparing for the move to Maryville. Dr. and 
Mrs. Lloyd tried to leave them a clear field. Although Dr. Lloyd was to remain 
interested and involved in College matters up to the time of his death twenty-five 
years later, he made a new life in Bradenton, Florida, never interfering and re- 
turning only for social visits or special events. He tactfully chose at this point to 


make the transition easier for his successor by leaving not only the campus but 
the country. As the newly elected president of the World Presbyterian Alliance, 
he, with Mrs. Lloyd, had scheduled for the week after his retirement the begin- 
ning of a year-long, around-the-world presidential visit to churches and mis- 

The Lloyds' last evening in Maryville was at the end of July. Their 
plans were to leave Momingside and go through Knoxville for dinner with the 
Copelands. Dr. Copeland enjoyed telling the story of that evening. At around 
six p. m. came the first of the telephone calls to announce that the Lloyds would 
be a little late. Calls continued to come at regular intervals. Finally, near mid- 
night, they arrived. Dr. Lloyd presented the new president with keys to his office 
and Momingside, along with deeds to two lots in the College Cemetery. After a 
late dinner the Lloyds were off on their mission. If the retiring president had left 
any details uncared for. there was no evidence. Regardless of Dr. Lloyd's care- 
fiil planning, however, three days later President Copeland began a job for which 
no one could have been adequately prepared. 

Meatm'hile, On the National Scene. . . 

The inauguration took place the following October. President Joseph 
McCabe, of Coe (Iowa) College, delivered the main address: "Academic Excel- 
lence in a Christian Orientation." Joining faculty, students, and townspeople to 
celebrate the occasion were the directors of the College; some thirty ministers 
from the Synod of Mid-South; and delegates fi'om 250 colleges, universities, 
learned societies, and educational organizations. 

Hopes for the new administration were high, and developments nation- 
ally had invigorated the colleges. The strong voting rights acts of 1960, the sit- 
ins beginning across the South, the inauguration of a young president whose 
Peace Corps offered an outlet for altruism, the first U. S. -manned sub-orbital 
space flight in 1 96 1 —all pointed to new opportunities for this college generation. 
The following year John Glenn circled the earth three times in Friendship 7, 
James Meredith began the integration of the University of Mississippi, and Rachel 
Carson published Silent Spring, awakening the nation to environmental issues. 
Some of the events were ominous: the Bay of Pigs crisis and President Kennedy's 
warning about strong measures that might have to be taken in Vietnam. 

The events of 1963, the watershed year, turned many colleges into hot- 
beds of activism. Students began to find the daily routine irrelevant after Martin 
Luther King's "I Have a Dream" speech, the murder of Medgar Evers in Missis- 
sippi, the imprisonment of Nelson Mandella in South Africa, and the deploy- 
ment of 15,000 troops to Vietnam. The sense of urgency increased in November 
with the assassination of President Ngo Dink Diem of South Vietnam and, three 


weeks later, the assassination of President Kennedy. 

When Lyndon Johnson won the presidency by a landslide in 1964 with 
a promise of the Great Society—civil rights. Head Start, Medicare, the War on 
poverty—college students took hope. Then came the escalation of the Vietnam 
War and the murder of three civil rights workers in Mississippi. Draft evasion, 
draft card burning, civil rights demonstrations, and urban riots all grew out of 
the conviction of the young that the time was out of joint. Disillusionment intensi- 
fied toward the end of the decade with the assassinations in 1968 of Martin 
Luther King and Robert Kenned\', the angry demonstrations at the Democratic 
Convention in Chicago that summer, race riots in Newark and Detroit, and, in 
1970. the Kent State tragedy. 

This would be the national setting for the first decade of Dr. Copeland's 
presidency. On the whole, however, the mood on the Mar>'ville campus was 
upbeat when faculty and students returned in the fall of 1961 to find a new 
occupant in the president's office— a president already known to students as ap- 
proachable and to facult}' as s\Tnpathetic with their economic plight. His decla- 
ration that "everything was open to question" raised hopes. 

A New Burst of Freedom 

First on the student agenda was the elimination of church and Sunday 
school attendance requirements. Of all the regulations, this had become the 
most irritating. Being asked each Tuesday morning at chapel to sign slips stat- 
ing which Sunday school and church one had attended the previous Sunday was 
considered so unreasonable that many simply scribbled in "NP," which could be 
interpreted either as New Providence or No Place. 

A staunch ally of the students was the new chaplain, Edward Fay 
Campbell, who for the next decade would be one of the most passionate defend- 
ers of student interests. In his last year as president. Dr. Lloyd had seen the 
opportunit\' to fill the chaplain's post for the first time since Dr. Stevenson's 
retirement twent\' years earlier. Perhaps he saw a strong chaplain as a buffer for 
a small church-related college struggling to maintain its traditions and values in 
the face of increasing secularization. If so, the appointment of Dr. Campbell 
was ironic. 

At the time of the appointment Dr. Campbell was leaving his position as 
Secretary of the General Division of Higher Education and the Department of 
Colleges of the United States Board of Christian Education. He had been Gen- 
eral Secretary of Dwight Hall, the Christian Association at Yale. He had served 
in Geneva. Switzerland, as special staff member of the World Student Christian 
Federation, as chairman of the Commission on Higher Education of the Na- 
tional Council of Churches, as chairman of the Board of Directors of the Stu- 


dent Volunteer Movement, and as a member of the Japan International Founda- 

Dr. Campbell had retained an almost childlike trust in people and a 
genuine zest for life—what one student termed his "constantly celebrating life." 
Since he not only loved to talk but was also a good listener, students were not 
long in seeking him out. And the House-in-the-Woods once again became a 
center of social life as Mrs. Campbell joined her husband in welcoming the 
college community to parties and informal gatherings for stimulating conversa- 
tion. Dr. Campbell soon became a familiar figure walking across campus, slightly 
leaning forward, his pork-pie hat shading his eyes, hands folded behind his back, 
always ready to stop and talk, whether about an approaching election, the World 
Council of Churches, or a strange bird in the College Woods. 

Shortly after Dr. Campbell's arrival. Echo reporter Tom Salmon, con- 
fessing at first some innate skepticism about chaplains, changed his mind after 
one interview. This chaplain, he concluded, had advanced ideas. "Some rules at 
Maryville are antiquated." Dr. Campbell told his interviewer. "Our present rule 
book should be discarded, and we should start over with new rules to meet the 
present situation." The new chaplain advocated another look at the use of Sun- 
day, adding that he was adamantly opposed to having students sign a slip saying 
they went to church. He emphasized that it was "a great privilege to be in this 
academic community as a creative and imaginative new president takes over." 

Although the two remained close friends, the creative and imaginative 
new president was not completely comfortable with the proposal of such sud- 
den, radical changes as the chaplain advocated: but before the end of President 
Copeland's first year the church and Sunday school requirements had been 
dropped. Dr. Campbell's prediction that freedom of choice would send college 
youth flocking to local churches fell somewhat short of ftilfillment. College 
Sunday school classes began to close, and on Sunday mornings townspeople 
had a wide choice of pews in the sanctuaries they had built with the college 
contingent in mind. This development, however, did not deter Dr. Campbell 
from using the same argument a few years later for the abolishment of com- 
pulsory' chapel. 

According to the pattern of revolutions, one taste of freedom results in 
rising expectations. Within the next few years the Executive Council of the 
Faculty, against its better collective judgment but facing reality, lightened other 
rules. Echo reporter Mary Gay Boettcher commented on the loosening of the 
rule that required special permission for women to ride in cars. Now they had 
only to get an okay from the housemother— "an excellent example," she said, "of 
a new spirit that has developed at Maryville College." The change, she added, 
inspired "a sort of cheerfiil belief that the year is going to bring good things." 

Two years later Mike Moyers, a junior, wrote about life under the new 



Sundays are no longer patterned after the Puritan blue laws. Twelve 
o'clock permission, car permission, and off-campus housing make 
Maryville seem almost like home. It is only when that rare drinker is 
captured and convicted that we students get a glimpse of the old Maryville. 

Referring to the standard admonition for patience, he commented: 

We will be patient in waiting for that same ole limited car program for 
campus seniors, for an easing of Maryville's chapel requirements, for 
changes in the realm of academics which will allow a student a greater 
opportunity for variety and independence, and for progress in other ar- 
eas. Job should have been so patient. 

These changes would come before the end of the decade, along with 
liberal dormitory visitation privileges, coed dormitories, and the key system for 
women. The dress code (no jeans, slacks, or Bermuda shorts in classes, the 
dining room and chapel; heels and hose, suits and ties for Sunday dinner) gradu- 
ally went the way of the Sunday blue laws. 

In 1964 came the dissolution of the YMCA and YWCA, since 1877 the 
pivotal Christian force on campus. As early as 1957, after his experience as 
February Meetings leader, alumnus Edward Brubaker had written a long letter 
criticizing the "over-preponderant tone and attitude of a fiindamentalist minor- 
ity." He would like to see, he said, some "healthy agnosticism." Among other 
recommendations he urged substituting for the YM and YW one of the national 
campus Christian organizations. Students in the meantime were becoming criti- 
cal of the commitment cards they were asked to sign at the conclusion of the 
February Meetings and expressing concern about the awkward situation in which 
non-Christian students found themselves. The new chaplain later recalled his 
first reaction to the 1961 Meetings, which "had the atmosphere of the old type 
emotional evangelism" that he found "almost frightening." 

He pressed forward with severing the aflfiliation with the national YM 
and YW in favor of the United Campus Christian Fellowship (UCCF). Two 
student representatives of the Ys met with the Executive Council in February 
1 964 to recommend the new affiliation, citing as rationale: ( 1 ) Poor communica- 
tion between local Ys and the regional offices, (2) the need for affiliation with a 
church-related organization, and (3) the desirability of having a united campus 
organization working with one set of officers. 

The Student Volunteers had been dissolved in 1962, their function ab- 


sorbed by commissions operating under the Ys. Now the Executive Council, 
having been assured that the national trend was toward consohdation, gave re- 
luctant approval for the new organization. The UCCF started with vigor, estab- 
lishing coffeehouses (first the Salt Cellar, then the Lantern) to promote informal 
discussions. It also influenced the direction of February Meetings toward new 
formats and increasing emphasis on social issues (race, sex, war. ecology). By 
1969, however, it had lost its momentum and was replaced by the United Cam- 
pus Movement (UCM). 

All of these changes—and the many more to come—stemmed not only 
from the inauguration of a new administration and the disrupting national events, 
but also from an unprecedented turnover in the faculty and staff during the six- 

Changes in Faculty and Staff 

The first faculty retiree of the decade was Edwin Ray Hunter. In 1956 
he had resigned as dean of curriculum to devote his last years to teaching. In 
1961 he gave up the chairmanship of Languages and Literature, continuing to 
teach part time until 1967. Elizabeth Jackson replaced him as division head. 
Dr. Hunter's influence as dean and as chairman of a department with an unusu- 
ally large number of majors gave special significance to his retirement, but other 
losses, especially in the aggregate, were to have considerable impact. The death 
in 1964 of Home Economics Head Gertrude Meiselwitz hastened the movement 
already underway to phase out the home economics major. Katharine Davies 
handed the reins of the Fine Arts Division to Harry Harter. now a veteran of 
seventeen years who would bring a different leadership st\ie. 

The sixties also saw the retirement of Ralph Case after twenty-nine 
years. Following the death of Dr. Queener. Dr. Case, an ordained minister with 
a Ph.D. in sociology, had become chairman of the Social Sciences Division 
while carrying responsibility almost single-handedly for the Sociology Depart- 
ment. Dr. Case commanded respect for his integrit>', his infinite patience, and 
his thoroughness, especially in directing Independent Study projects. After his 
retirement as a fiill-time teacher, he served for several years as Independent 
Study editor. 

Dr. David Briggs, chairman of Psychology and Education, retired after 
twenty-nine years but was to build a post-retirement career based on his long- 
time interest in the teaching of reading. He eventually returned to MaryviUe and 
renewed his connections, becoming in his eighties and early nineties a familiar 
presence on campus as he set out dogwood trees and took an interest in clearing 
the College Woods of underbrush. The Science Division lost three long-term 
members to retirement: Fred A. (Hiro) Grififitts and George Howell in chemistry, 


and Lyle L. Williams in biology. 

It was the Division of Bible, Religion, and Philosophy, however, that 
underwent the most radical change. The loss of Dr. Orr, whose students stopped 
short of elevating him to sainthood (except for a fundamentalist minority who 
regarded him as a heretic), had seriously weakened the Division. His successor 
was John Dales Buchanan, whose students frequently dozed through class and 
went sound asleep when he darkened the room to show slides, a favorite teaching 
device. No one could deny that Dr. Buchanan was a conscientious teacher and a 
sound scholar with the soul of a poet, but the students were openly critical of 
what they considered his ultraconservatism and his failure to challenge them. 

When Dr. Buchanan retired in 1 963, he was succeeded by Thomas Horst, 
a student of Dr. Orr who had joined the faculty in the mid fifties. Three years 
after assuming the chairmanship, he was encouraged to take a leave of absence 
to complete his doctorate. A serious illness and his untimely death occurred 
before he could return. 

Durmg Tom Horst 's tenure there began a movement for reducing the 
sixteen-hour core requirement in Bible and religion, a requirement tied vaguely 
to an early bequest to the College. In 1 965 Dean McClelland announced that the 
way had been cleared for a reduction to ten hours: three in ethics, four in Bible, 
and three electives. The 1 967 curriculum revision brought a further reduction of 
courses and a new emphasis in course content, which led in turn to a reduction in 
the number of faculty and a change in the orientation of the Department. 

By the end of the decade eight fiill-time and two part-time members of 
the Religion Department had left. The only one who remained from the begin- 
ning to the end was Margaret Cummings. whose retirement came in 1 969 after 
twenty-nine years. Although she was allied with the conservatives, she main- 
tained a loyal following. Fortified by firm faith and a ready sense of humor, she 
remained calm amid departmental disruptions and curriculum changes. She 
was a steadying influence as new teachers arrived from the seminaries with 
more questions than answers and a compulsion to shake up the establishment— 
an approach that was stimulating for serious students accustomed to questioning 
but somewhat unsettling for many. 

The majority of students, however, had begun to complain about reli- 
gion courses that were too much like Sunday school. Coming of age in a period 
in which the intellectual climate was influenced by Existentialism and the God- 
Is -Dead Movement, they were seeking more opportunities to question and ex- 
plore. Echo editor Carole Brownlee suggested in an editorial that the Religion 
Department encourage discussion of modem theological interpretations, that time 
be given for student questions, that allowance be made for individual interpreta- 
tions, and that Bible courses offer more teaching and less preaching. 

These expressions of unrest came at a time in Mary'ville's history when 


every phase of the College's operation demanded review and reform. While 
students were tuning their guitars to join Bob Dylan in a chorus of Blowin' in 
the Wind" and ''The Times They Are A-Changing/' the administration and fac- 
ulty could not drown out the message. 

Review and Reform 

One of the first changes was a restructuring of the Board to broaden the 
membership to include members with expertise in education and business. 
Younger members, including recent graduates of the College, would be added 
later to provide better representation for students (though to the time of this 
writing no concession has been made to requests for at least one current faculty 
member and one student on the Board). 

The Board functions were now to be carried out through an Admin- 
istrative Committee and three panels: Purpose and Program. Board Organization 
and Function, and Finance and Development. The last panel, organized into 
committees, was designed to work with the College administrators in securing 
and managing money. To facilitate decision making, the Administrative Com- 
mittee was empowered to act between Board meetings. With this new working 
Board in place, the next step was to review all the operations of the College and 
to plan for the future. Those observing the national education scene were pre- 
dicting that a flood of students would soon be entering the college. The baby 
boomers were coming of age. 

President Copeland. in an article for the College Bulletin in Februar\' 
1963. quoted Sidney Tickton of the Fund for the Advancement of Education, 
established by the Ford Foundation two years earlier, as predicting a steady 
increase in the number of students attending college, with enrollment at private 
colleges doubling over the next ten years. Long-range planning was imperative. 
The Maryville directors, like their counterparts throughout the country, were 
reading Me wo to a College Trustee by Beardsley Ruml. He had been commis- 
sioned by the Fund "to examine the financial and structural aspects of liberal 
arts colleges as they affect, and are affected by the curriculum and teaching 
program of such colleges' '--colleges "squeezed between financial resources and 
the necessit>' of substantial increases infaculty salaries."'^ a description that neatly 
summarized Maryville 's plight. 

Ruml recommended economies that could be effected by increasing the 
student-faculty ratio to 21:1 (Maryville's was closer to 11:1) and eliminating 
classes with fewer than five members, with a goal of eliminating those with 
fewer than ten. The minimum size for the efficient operation of a college, he 
concluded, was between eight hundred and one thousand; the optimum size, 
much larger. He advocated war on the proliferation of courses and majors and 


pointed out the dangers of slavish adherence to traditional calendars. Students 
would do better, he advised, to take three courses during each of three eleven- 
week terms than five courses in two sixteen-week semesters. A reorganization 
allowing for the addition of an eleven-week summer term would enable colleges 
to use their expensive facilities year round and give students and faculty greater 
flexibility in their schedules. He also challenged the assumption that the tutorial 
and Socratic methods produced better resuUs than large classes, pointing to "nu- 
merous studies showing that students taught in large classes perform on exami- 
nations about as well as students taught in small classes. . . ."^"^ 

The Era of the Consultant 

As might have been expected, Rumfs recommendations proved to be 
more appealing to directors and administrators than to faculty and students. 
With a large grant the Board commissioned a detailed study of college opera- 
tions. That RumFs influence had made its impact was evident in the Foreword 
to the final 28 1 -page report, which warned of disaster ahead if small liberal arts 
colleges continued the tradition of small classes, proliferation of courses, and 
nine-months' calendars. Following the warning came an analysis of Maryville's 
problems with specific recommendations for solutions. 

Although the audit for 1962-63, the year of the study, showed a slight 
surplus, the consultants, using their own accounting procedures, found a large 
deficit. If the College continued in the direction it was heading, they predicted 
financial disaster. Raising a large endowment was an obvious impossibility. 
Accepting government aid would threaten academic independence and the Chris- 
tian orientation. The only viable solution, therefore, was essentially the one 
advocated by Ruml: to curb waste by reducing the number of courses, eliminat- 
ing multiple sections of the same course, raising tuition to a more realistic level, 
and adopting a year-round calendar. 

The report also recommended attracting a well-qualified faculty by paying 
competitive salaries and setting the Ph.D. as a minimum requirement. Doubling 
salaries would be possible if the recommended savings were effected and faculty 
taught all year instead of the traditional nine months. Also the faculty should be 
freed from clerical work, committee work, administration, and pressure to at- 
tend campus events. 

The report outlined a core curriculum of eighteen courses, including 
four in French, the only foreign language to be offered. Majors would be re- 
duced to ten, with ten courses required for each major. Other recommendations 
dealt with the use of closed circuit television for large classes, a plan for continu- 
ing education, and an increase in enrollment through an open admissions policy 
for area students. 


These recommendations have been presented in detail because they rep- 
resent the trend of educational planning in the sixties. Maryville was only one 
among hundreds of small private colleges fighting for its continued existence, 
and consultants were ready with answers. To the credit of Maryville 's president 
and directors, they neither ignored the warnings nor accepted the report in its 
entirety. Their response was to form a special committee to consider ''every 
significant phase of the College's purpose and objectives, curriculum, methods 
of operation, and budgets." The committee was composed of the president, the 
dean. Board Chairman Joe Gamble, and four additional Board members, includ- 
ing Dr. Herman Spivey, an active Presbyterian layman and academic vice presi- 
dent of the University of Tennessee, whose knowledge of academic affairs was 
to serve the College well for the next decade. 

In the resolution setting up the committee, the Board reaffirmed the 
commitment to the church relationship and Christian values, at the same time 
recognizing the "drastic change in educational and spiritual needs" that made "a 
thorough self-review both timely and necessary." The charge to the committee 
was to recommend courses of action in eleven areas: 

1 . A restatement of the purpose and objectives. 

2. A revision of the curriculum to carry out the purpose and objectives. 

3 . A substantial reduction of the number of majors, courses, and class 

4. An increase in the number of students. 

5. An increase in the creative and productive use of the physical facilities. 

6. A revision of the student admission policy. 

7. A review of the standards of eligibility for faculty. 

8. Alternative ways of balancing the budget after making substantial increases 
in faculty salaries. 

9. A study of the advisability of adopting a trimester system and becoming 
a three-year college. 

10. A study of the educational and cultural needs of the community to 
determine how the College might help to meet those needs. 

11. A search for alternative methods of financing new facilities, taking 
into account costs, terms, restrictions, and threats to independence and 
academic freedom. 

A New Statement of Purpose 

Once the goals had been articulated, work on implementation began. A 
faculty study committee was appointed to work with the Board committee, and 


plans were made to involve students. Brainstorming sessions to discuss a new 
statement of purpose soon revealed sharp differences. Studying past statements 
provided a starting point. Although catalogs from the beginning had included in 
the historical sketch the reasons for the establishment of the College, the first 
formal statement was that in the 1932 catalog. It consisted of two short para- 
graphs emphasizing the liberal arts curriculum, the development of Christian 
character, and the relationship of the College to the Presb>terian Church. 

After thirty-two years this statement was replaced by one sentence in 
the 1964 catalog: "It is the purpose of Maryville College to graduate scholars 
responsive to God, who are intellectually and socially mature individuals, serv- 
ing their fellow men." 

Clearly the present need was consensus on a fuller statement that would 
provide a measurement for all subsequent long-range planning. Various groups 
submitted drafts . Arguments erupted over terms . Eventuall\' a statement emerged, 
expressed in contemporary' language. It stressed commitment to the Christian 
faith as the foundation of the community ~a community "in which students and 
faculty, of varying backgrounds, abilities, talents, and interests can unite in a 
common purpose and freely discuss their differences, recognizing that when dif- 
ferences and tensions no longer exist, one ceases to grow." It called for a cur- 
riculum with a common core, an opportunity for specialization, and a direction 
toward independent study to prepare students to continue their education through- 
out life. The curriculum should equip them to communicate effectively and "to 
think and act with independence, imagination, and sound critical judgement." 

A key passage was in the second paragraph: "All learning begins with 
assumptions. It is only when they are made clear that one can ask intelligent 
questions that lead to discover}'. At Mar^'ville College the basic assumptions are 
that God is the ultimate source of truth. . . ." The directors later lengthened the 
clause— and the theological emphasis—by one addition: "that His highest revela- 
tion is through Christ, and that the relationship to God of love and obedience 
through Jesus Christ is the basis of true life." Otherwise the two groups reached 
an easy consensus. 

ToM'ard a New Calendar and Curriculum 

Recommendations from the 1961 Self-Study plus the appointment of 
Frank McClelland as academic dean had already led to a number of changes, 
including elimination of majors in dietetics and home economics and theatre and 
art. On the recommendation of the Southern Association examining committee, 
the organization into six academic divisions was returned to the organization 
into departments. A calendar of two semesters, the first one ending in January, 
had replaced the popular two semesters divided by a long Christmas vacation. 


The calendar with the awkward two-week session after the hohdays seemed to 
most a step backward. 

Innovations were being tentatively explored. In 1964 the College of- 
fered a six-week summer term, the first summer school since World War II, as a 
way of testing the market for an extended academic year. That same year the 
adoption of the American University term opened the way for off-campus expe- 
riences. By the mid-sixties the consortium movement among colleges was growing 
popular, and in 1965 negotiations were completed for Maryville to become a 
member of the Mid-Appalachia College Council. Inc. (MACCI), opening op- 
portunities for cooperative enrichment programs. 

During this time the Board and faculty committees were planning for a 
complete curriculum revision. TTie Board committee was studying the recom- 
mendations of the consultants, distilling from the report those that appeared 
most practicable and applicable to Marx'ville's needs, namely: reduction of courses 
and majors, a cost-efficient student-faculty ratio, and a program that would at- 
tract more students. 

The faculty committee, who did not have access to the report but were 
familiar with the basic concepts, realized the urgency and were prepared to co- 
operate fiilly. At the same time, as was to be expected, their first concern was to 
create a stimulating and academically sound program. Daniel BelFs The Re- 
forming of General Education, which each one read, provided a common ground 
for discussion. Committee members read widely, studied innovations at other 
colleges, and carried on discussions with students and other faculty. One of the 
most encouraging developments was the participation of the Student Council 
Academic Committee, whose members gave up their Saturday mornings to meet 
with faculty for an exchange of ideas. 

Two members of the facult>' were released from teaching responsibilities 
for the year 1965-66 to identify the main trends in higher education and visit 
colleges with innovative curricula. Having selected eight colleges similar to 
Mar\^ille in size and purpose, they made on-site visits to observe how theory 
was being translated into practice, studying particularly interdisciplinary pro- 
grams, calendar revisions, independent study, non-Western studies, internships 
and other off-campus projects, and cooperative programs. By the end of the 
1966-67 academic year the faculty had agreed on the new curriculum and calen- 
dar, presented it to an enthusiastic community, and received approval from the 
Board of Directors. In summer workshops they completed syllabi for new courses 
and reorganized the old. The new curriculum was ready in the fall of 1967. 

This achievement in such a short time can be attributed to strong moti- 
vation stemming from the conviction that the College was in crisis; the develop- 
ment of a solid working relationship among committee members: the involve- 
ment of students, who were as eager as the faculty to see the new curriculum 


succeed: and the backing—some would say goading-of the administration. Presi- 
dent Copeland met with the committee and estabUshed strict deadhnes. Expres- 
sions of support from the Board gave added encouragement. There was also the 
guiding hand of Dean Frank McClelland, who, in spite of his plan for retirement 
at the end of the year, took on this assignment as vigorously as he had performed 
his duties as a Marine officer during two world wars. 

New Faculty in the Sixties 

Dean McClelland and Curriculum Committee members met with indi- 
vidual departments and found openness and cooperation almost everywhere. 
Members of the Music and Physical Education Departments, who had some of 
the most difficult adjustments to make under the new calendar, accepted those 
adjustments as challenges. Only one member of the faculty resigned rather than 

The generally smooth transition could be attributed partially to the in- 
flux of new faculty who were appreciative of Maryville traditions but open to 
innovation. Three were members of the Curriculum Committee, and two of 
those three were Maryville alumni. Dr. Esther Swenson. who joined the religion 
faculty in 1963 and was already answering the student demand for relevance, 
was the chief architect of the new freshman core course. "Man's Search for 
Meaning." Randolph Shields. Maryville alumnus and new chairman of the Bi- 
ology Department, and David Young, who would soon become chairman of the 
Chemistry Department, led in the creation of the interdisciplinar\' science core 
courses, which were incorporated into the new curriculum as "Science Funda- 
mentals" and "Science Thought." 

Nine other faculty members, all of whom were to exert a strong impact 
during the next three decades, joined the faculty during this period. In history 
were Wallace Lewis. Russell Parker, and Marjorie Kratz. Dr. Parker, professor 
of history' and secretary of the faculty, was serving as department chairman 
when he suffered a fatal heart attack at the 1987 facult\ retreat. For twent\'- 
three years he had been a popular teacher, a productive scholar, and an uncom- 
plaining member of countless committees. As first chairman of the Interim 
Committee, he led in setting standards and promoting imaginative interim projects. 
As a member of the Non-Western Studies team, he helped to organize the Afri- 
can Studies curriculum. His interest in Tennessee history led to the publication 
of extensive research on Alcoa's black community. 

Dr. Lewis's field was European histor>' with special interest in Ger- 
many and Russia. Acceding to the needs of a small college, however, he devel- 
oped expertise in Asian Studies through conferences and summer institutes. He 
also became known to hundreds of East Tennessee public school students as 


chairman of the annual high school history contest. Dr. Kratz, during her twenty- 
three-year tenure, was active in professional organizations and seminars. With 
a degree in nursing as well as a Ph.D. in English history from the University of 
Oregon, she expanded her research and teaching to include the history of medi- 
cine and women's studies, publishing articles and monographs on those topics. 

In 1963 Jerry Waters followed Dr Briggs as chairman of the Psychology 
Department. A Maryville alumnus, he received his doctorate from the Univer- 
sity of Kentucky. In the spirit of change that dominated the sixties, he quietly 
revolutionized the psychology major through practicums, internships, and revi- 
sion of course offerings. With the stimulus of the excellent new laboratory 
facilities in Sutton Science Center, he was able to make greater use of experi- 
mental methods. 

Bill Dent and John Nichols, both Maryville alumni, who returned to 
Maryville in 1964 and 1967 respectively, developed the Mathematics Depart- 
ment into the Department of Mathematics and Computer Science. Dr. Dent's 
position as department chairman and Dr. Nichols' as coordinator of academic 
computing placed them at the center of curriculum planning and experimenta- 
tion. One of their most successfiil programs was the development of an engi- 
neering major in cooperation with Georgia Tech and the University of Tennes- 
see. Both served regularly on major committees. To promote both mathematics 
and the College, they conducted seminars for area teachers and held an annual 
mathematics contest for high school students. 

Robert Bonham. master musician and inspired teacher, joined the fac- 
ulty in 1 965 . He received his early education in India, where his father was a 
medical missionary. After earning a Bachelor of Music degree from Phillips 
(Oklahoma) University and the M.Mus. from the University of Kansas, he came 
to Maryville to teach piano. His interest in art histor\' and his role in designing 
the Fine Arts Media and Forms course for the new core curriculum influenced 
his decision to work toward an interdisciplinary degree in the fine arts at Ohio 
University, where he received his Ph.D.. This concentration, however, did not 
divert his attention from the piano. His recitals became major music events. 

Charlotte Hudgens Beck was another facult\' member with an inter- 
disciplinary background: a Bachelor of Music degree, an MA. in nineteenth 
century British literature, and a Ph.D. in twentieth century American literature. 
She used her musical talents in college productions, as did David Cartlidge, an 
ordained minister with a Th.D. from Harvard. He joined the Religion Depart- 
ment in 1966. the same year that Dr. Beck joined the English Department, and 
they team-taught interdisciplinary humanities courses introduced in the 1967 
curriculum. Dr. Cartlidge was to become the first recipient of the Ralph W. 
Beeson Chair of Religion, established in 1990. 


The 1967 Curriculum 

As the curriculum revision proceeded, tension between liberals and con- 
servatives—not always stemming from age and tenure—forced the weighing of 
every decision. The curriculum that finally emerged met the criteria established 
as goals: (1) it incorporated the findings of the latest successful experiments in 
integrating the disciplines; (2) it showed a conscientious effort to adopt economy 
measures; (3) it represented the best judgment of the committee as to ways of 
implementing the Statement of Purpose; and (4) it was unquestionably unique to 
Maryville College. 

At the center of the curriculum was the common core. Through the 
twentieth century as the pendulum in educational philosophy swung between 
adherence to a core curriculum and the elective system, Maryville College never 
abandoned the core. While components changed, each curriculum revision rep- 
resented faculty consensus as to the common body of knowledge essential for a 
liberal education and for maintaining community. The 1947 revision empha- 
sized Western culture, as opposed to English and American. The 1967 revision 
built on the Western World foundation but extended the core to include non- 
Western culture along with new developments in science and the arts. 

The number of majors was reduced to fifteen. To combat proliferation 
and fragmentation, each department offered twelve courses in the major, from 
which the student could choose ten, plus two in Independent Study, to fiilfill 
major requirements. Comprehensive examinations were retained. Requirements 
for the B.A. and B.S. degrees having always been essentially the same, the latter 
was dropped. Credits were measured by courses rather than hours, all courses 
being the equivalent of three semester hours. Other changes included the intro- 
duction of the Satisfactory /Unsatisfactory (S/U) grading system for independent 
study, interim projects, and a limited number of electives. The cut system was 
dropped in favor of allowing instructors to establish their own attendance regu- 

The 1967 Calendar 

The calendar was a radical change, designed to fiilfiU four specific needs: 
( 1 ) shorter terms to enable students to concentrate on fewer courses (a prefer- 
ence expressed by students and recommended by psychologists); (2) vacations 
designed to come at the ends of terms instead of breaking them awkwardly; (3) 
variations in term lengths to provide a change of pace and a variety of teaching 
methods; (4) an organization of the school year that would allow smooth transi- 
tion into year-round operation. 

The calendar was unlike any of those studied at other colleges but com- 


bined the most attractive features of several. It could be described simply as 1 0- 
4-10-10, or, with an added ten weeks in the summer, 10-4-10-10-10. The ten- 
week fall term, ending at Thanksgiving, was followed by a four-week interim 
term, ending with the Christmas vacation. The winter and spring terms were 
separated by the spring vacation, and the summer term began after a short break 
following commencement. 

During each ten-week term students concentrated on three courses, each 
usually meeting three seventy-minute periods a week. For flexibility students 
kept free on all five days the seventy-minute period scheduled for the class so 
that instructors, if they chose, could schedule four or five shorter periods. The 
understanding was that each course was to constitute one-third of the class load, 
permitting a semester's work in each of the three courses. By the end of the year, 
students completed ten semester courses just as they did during the traditional 
two semesters. 

The feature of the calendar that attracted most attention was the four- 
week interim term, designed for concentration on one project (project being used 
to emphasize the difference from conventional courses, which did not lend them- 
selves to the same t>pe of concentration). Freshmen worked in groups of fifteen 
researching various phases of a common theme under the guidance of an in- 
structor in the subject matter assisted by a member of the English Department to 
help with outlining, composition, and mechanics. Interim projects for upper- 
classmen offered opportunities for travel or short internships, though many of 
the most satisfactory- projects took place on campus, such as Appalachian folk- 
lore, dulcimer making, computer language, textile design, local recreation pro- 
grams, and the dynamics of the water environment of the Tennessee River. Groups 
went to England. Russia. Spain. Greece, the Holy Land, and countries in Cen- 
tral and South America. Opera and drama students spent pre-Christmas sea- 
sons in New York: history buffs went to Williamsburg: and nature lovers could 
choose the Desert Southwest, the Florida Keys, or the Okefenokee Swamp. 

An important feature of the curriculum was built-in flexibility to allow 
for correction of mistakes and continued experimentation. One of the first ad- 
justments, of course, was adding a term of freshman composition and research 
methods, retaining the laboratory- for those who needed further work, and hop- 
ing that all teachers would continue to emphasize good writing. Regardless of 
the idealism and imagination of those involved, no program of this type could 
flourish without ongoing, time-consuming efforts at coordination of courses and 
orientation of new faculty. The following years were to bring frustration as well 
as rewards and constant adjustments. 

No one connected with small liberal arts colleges in the sixties will fail 
to recognize the programs and experimentation described here. The same kinds 
of curriculum and calendar revisions were taking place everywhere. It was 


inevitable that many would fail. It was just as inevitable that the experimenta- 
tion, once begun, would continue to stimulate innovation and infuse the educa- 
tional process with vitality. It would be hard, for example, to overestimate the 
influence of the interim term on the Maryville program. Many colleges tried it 
and, finding it unwieldy, abandoned it almost as soon as they adopted it. At 
Maryville, administrators, faculty, and parents expressed various degrees of 
skepticism, but students fought to keep it. A close examination will show that it 
was an impetus for the expansion into community, national, and world involve- 
ment that gives the present curriculum much of its vitality. 

Changes in Community Life and Structure 

Once the curriculum was launched, attention turned to the next phase of 
the self-review. The Special Committee on Community Life and Structure, headed 
by President Copeland and composed of representatives from the directors, the 
administration, the faculty, and the student body, began an examination of every 
phase of campus life. The three major student concerns were the liberalization 
of automobile regulations and women's residence hall rules, the abolishing of 
required daily chapel, and a more democratic campus governance. 

Five subcommittees with a combined membership of nearly one hun- 
dred students and faculty assisted the Special Committee. By May 1968 three 
major recommendations were ready for presentation to the Executive Council of 
the Faculty. They were all approved and submitted to the Board at its fall meet- 
ing. The simple statement that they were approved cannot begin to convey an 
impression of the struggle that eventually brought them to that stage. The new 
Statement of Purpose had paved the way for creative conflict as an impetus to 
growth. Every participant in the process grew that year. Emotions ran high. 
Eventually, however, consensus replaced sharp divisions as debates grew calmer 
and more reasoned. 

The easiest hurdle was liberalizing the regulations governing women's 
residence hall hours and the use of automobiles. Residence hall hours were 
extended as requested by the Women's Student Government, and there were 
projections for a card system to allow upperclass women to determine their own 
hours, provided they were not on academic or disciplinary' probation and, if 
under twent\'-one, had parental consent. The most controversial change was the 
decision to allow dormitory visitation by members of the opposite sex. 

Sophomores, juniors, and seniors could bring cars to campus unless 
they were on academic or disciplinary probation or were holding scholarships 
based on need. (Few voices were raised on behalf of freshmen because no one 
expected to be a freshman when the new rule went into effect.) Students ac- 
cepted these changes as long overdue. Many of the faculty, while realizing that 


they were inevitable, feared (correctly) that cars would forever alter the lifestyle 
that had encouraged creativity. 

The dropping of required chapel was a more emotional issue. Advo- 
cates declared that chapel on a voluntar\' basis would not only have more mean- 
ing but would be just as well attended. As one administrator said to another who 
used that argument, "That's asinine, and you know it." But Mar>^ille was one 
of the last holdouts among church related colleges, and proponents of compul- 
sory chapel were growing weary. Eventually there remained only the question 
of how to maintain a spiritual emphasis and promote the feeling of community 
that chapel had fostered through so many generations. 

Even those who. as students, had protested vehemently against required 
chapel declared themselves, as alumni, appalled at the loss. Memories came 
flooding back: the organ prelude and eight hundred voices joining in "Fairest 
Lord Jesus" (while Herr Reber's rendition in German drowned out those around 
him), announcements that grew increasingly creative as clubs vied for attention, 
the predictability of faculty choice of scriptures and themes (Coach J.D.'s pref- 
erence for the First Psalm followed by a passage from the Reader s Digest), and 
the alphabetizing of assigned seats that had encouraged so many relationships 
(how else explain the rapid bonding of Nancy Naylor and Robert Navratil?). 

Many committee meetings lasted late into the night as consensus grew 
for a convocation that would promote community and support the declaration in 
the Statement of Purpose that the College "recognizes no necessary dichotomy 
between the intellectual and the religious or between knowledge and values." 
The solution agreed upon was a weekly series called "Community Issues and 
Values" (CIV) that would include varied approaches to worship; confrontation 
with political, social, theological, and philosophical issues; and value experi- 
ences with various art forms. Course credit would be given for regular atten- 
dance, and three credits in CIV would be added to graduation requirements. It 
looked good on paper. 

A NeM> Campus Governance 

Designing a campus governance proved to be time-consuming and ener- 
vating. Whereas the curriculum planners had the advantage of a significant 
body of literature and numerous examples to aid them, the Special Committee 
on Community Life and Structure was on its own. In spite of student demands 
in the sixties for more power, the National Student Association, when consulted 
about models for reforming campus government, could offer only one: a council 
in an Eastern college made up of eight administrators, seven faculty, and two 
students, whose function was "to deliberate on important matters of the College 
and make appropriate recommendations to the president." This report failed to 


capture the imagination on a campus where a student-faculty senate and numer- 
ous joint committees had long been functioning—and where almost everyone was 
in the habit of proceeding, without formal invitation, to offer advice to the presi- 

Maryville students were asking for democracy, for an equal voice, which 
on the surface sounded reasonable but did not take into account some distinct 
characteristics of a college community. As they were reminded, every college 
was founded on the theory that some people had had more experience than oth- 
ers: that the majority of its citizens were transient and would not have to live 
long, if at all. with the results of their own legislation; and that it was composed 
of constituent groups, each of which had its own primary fiinction to perform. 
Or. as one professor put it, ''Professors are there to teach, administrators are 
there to administer, and students are there to learn." The Committee had to 
wrestle with questions as to how much time students could devote to college 
government without jeopardizing their classroom performance and how much 
time faculty could give without neglecting their primary responsibility. And if 
students and faculty usurped administrative fiinctions, what would administra- 
tors do? 

Nevertheless the Committee proceeded to design an All College Council 
(ACC) that, as far as could be ascertained, had never before been attempted 
anywhere. It drew national attention and requests from other colleges for more 
information. Composed of six students, six faculty- members, and six adminis- 
trative officers and staff, it constituted for more than a decade the chief delibera- 
tive and legislative body of the College. The Student Council, the Student- 
Faculty Senate, and the Executive Council of the Faculty ceased to exist. Under 
the charter and by-laws of the College, however, the ultimate power still lay with 
the Board of Directors, and the power of the Council to function depended upon 
the president's serving as presiding officer. 

To deal with problems posed by transience and the special functions of 
the constituent groups, the Committee devised a plan to preserve in the represen- 
tation a balance between those most affected by the decisions and those ulti- 
mately responsible for the health and stability of the institution. Student repre- 
sentatives were nominated from the three upper classes, faculty from three groups 
on the basis of tenure, and administrative representatives from those whose posi- 
tions, in the judgment of the administrative staff, would make them most useful 
on the Council. After the respective groups made their nominations, the mem- 
bers were chosen in a campus-wide election. 

Supporting the All College Council were three coordinating councils 
responsible for activities in the major areas of campus life: the academic: the 
religious; and the social, cultural, recreational. Smaller committees within each 


of these areas directed specific programs. Town meetings were scheduled peri- 
odically to insure a voice for every interested member of the community. 

Doug Gamble, outgoing student body president and a leader in planning 
the All College Council, wrote a column for the Echo at the end of the year 
(1968) in which he called attention to changes effected during the year. The 
most significant, he said, was the creation of the All College Council, giving all 
members of the community "an elected voice in the real campus government. 
No longer can we complain that we do not feel a respect for some regulations 
because we did not establish them." And he warned of the expanded responsi- 
bility of the student body: "This is not as simple as it sounds." 

Maintaining the new form of governance was indeed not as simple as it 
sounded. As could have been predicted, the novelty of the system and careful 
orientation of new people kept it vigorous, if not harmonious, for several years, 
but it was eventually to fall of its own weight. Preserving continuity remained a 
problem, as did the undue amount of time spent in discussion. The planners, 
admittedly idealistic, had envisioned a decision-making procedure based on con- 
sensus. They had failed to foresee, however, that inexperienced members, both 
faculty and students, would have difficulty understanding the concept. Voting, 
which was to be used only as a last resort, eventually became the norm, bringing 
polarization and blocking the fi"ee exchange so essential to intelligent decision- 

In the following decade as student activism faded into memory and at- 
tention turned to other concerns, the ACC was gradually revised into oblivion. 
Yet for those who participated in the planning and observed the ftinctioning of 
the ACC during those first few years, it was a valuable experience. They are not 
likely to forget an important lesson—that democracy, even a representative de- 
mocracy, requires hard work and constant vigilance. Neither are they likely to 
forget that the very nature of a college community precludes its fiinctioning as a 
democracy. That the experiment could have taken place at all is a tribute to the 
idealism that for 175 years has set Maryville College apart. 

Another idealistic experiment of the late sixties grew out of a paper that 
Physical Education Professor Connie Davis presented to the Faculty Club, in 
which she proposed the Creative Activities Program (CAP) to complement the 
new curriculum. Later adopted, it offered organized recreational activities for 
the entire college community, including faculty and student family members. 
All were encouraged to join at least one special interest group out of a wide 
variety, including hiking and the lore of the Smokies, arts and crafts, photogra- 
phy, chess, readers theatre, folk music, sketching, and camping. Ahhough ini- 
tially successful, the program declined when car permission opened greater ac- 
cess to commercial recreation. 


Fund Raising and Capital Improvements 

The absoqDtion in examining all phases of community life did not divert 
attention from other pressing concerns: fund raising, the building program, and 
enrollment. In this Era of the Consultant new groups regularly visited the cam- 
pus to advise on investments, capital campaigns, campus planning, and recruit- 
ment. As the Sesquicentennial approached, there was good news and bad news. 

The good news began with the achievement in 1966 of the Sesqui- 
centennial Fund goal in six years instead often. The major objective of doubling 
faculty salaries had almost been met. The campaign then moved into Phase II, 
with an objective of an additional $5 million to finance faculty salary supple- 
ments, expanded scholarships, and a new physical education building. The 
College began to experience "million dollar years" in gifts and grants. 

The Isaac Anderson Society was founded with sixty-two charter mem- 
bers who signed a letter of "hope and intent" to give the College in their lifetime 
the amount of $7,000 (later raised to $10,000). Attention turned to cultivating 
the deferred giving program. Alumni donors were making a significant impact 
as the percentage of alumni giving increased, and individual alumni made large 
contributions that affected morale as well as budget. Algie Sutton, of the Class 
of 1 929, and his wife Elizabeth pledged generous support of the new science 
building. Grace Josephine Blank, of the class of 1927, a teacher and, one sur- 
mises, either a victim of salary discrimination or a concerned observer, willed 
the proceeds of her estate to Maryville College, to be "held as a perpetual fund 
and the income used to award merit sums to female members of the teaching 
staff. ..." 

At the same time Dr. Edmund Wayne Davis, not an alumnus but a de- 
voted teacher of the classics for thirty-four years, was arranging to leave to the 
College a large estate acquired from shrewd investment of his very modest sal- 


ary. Davis Hall thus became a memorial not only to Professor and Mrs. Davis 
but to responsible stewardship. (Twenty-five years later Evelyn Porter, a clas- 
sics teacher who studied with Dr. Davis, left over a million dollars for scholar- 
ships, raising speculation about the correlation between Latin and economics.) 
All of these donors were typical of the many alumni and faculty, before and 
after, who found Maryville College worthy of their investment. 

In the meantime the response to fiand drives had lent encouragement to a 
building program. Three new freshman residence halls, fmanced by Federal 
Housing loans, were completed in 1966 to house an expected increase in stu- 
dents and to replace Baldwin and Memorial Halls, both approaching their one- 
hundredth year and, being wooden structures, not practical to maintain. The 
new Sutton Science Center was scheduled for completion in 1968, leaving 
Fayerweather to be remodeled for a badly needed student center. Because of 
increasing library use under the new curriculum, the projection for a new librar\' 
was moved fi^om long-range planning objectives to "immediate need.'' And a 
loan was being negotiated for the health and physical education complex. 

Government Aid and Consortiums 

Recognizing the financial plight of educational institutions. Congress in 
1956 passed Title III of the Higher Education Act, which for the next decade 
was to be a steady source of 
fimds for developing colleges. At 
Maryville Title III funds sup- 
ported development of the new 
curriculum and graduate study 
for faculty working toward 
doctorates. Title III and later the 
National Teaching Fellows Pro- 
gram helped significantly in rais- 
ing the percentage of doctorates. 
Title III was also to be the chief 
support for innovative programs 
in the seventies. 

In 1968 Maryville began 
participation in the Cooperative 
College Development Program 
as the coordinating institution for 
a consortium of forty small col- 
leges, predominantly black, 
working to upgrade curriculum, 


faculty, and financial development. Membership in the Mid-Appalachia Col- 
lege Council allied the College with eleven others in a consortium that promoted 
the sharing of resources and programs. Discussions were also underway to 
form a consortium of Presbyterian colleges. 

Another cooperative arrangement, spearheaded by Dr. Randolph Shields, 
came in 1968-69 with an agreement between Mar>'ville College and the National 
Park Service for Maryville to operate an environmental center at Tremont in the 
Smokies. Designed to be self-sustaining, the Center was used each year by more 
than 4,000 secondary' and elementary school children, primarily from East Ten- 
nessee but many from neighboring states. College students fi^om Maryville and 
several colleges in the Mid-West found there an opportunity to study ecology 
when such programs were rare. By the mid-seventies reductions in the Park 
Service budget plus Maryville 's own financial problems led to cut-backs and the 
eventual demise of the program, but not before it had made its impact on thou- 
sands of public school children and college students who went on to become 
leaders in environmental education. 

A NeM> Spirit on Campus 

These cooperative arrangements, added to the interest created by the 
new curriculum and the All College Council, gave the College increasing visibil- 
ity. Good publicity also came from the performance of the MC Concert Choir at 
Carnegie Hall in New York in April 1967. During this same period Maryville 's 
recruiting film received the "Best of Festival Award" at the Chicago Interna- 
tional Film Festival: and at the American Film Festival in New York, it was cited 
for its "unique approach to film making and its outstanding mood photography." 

In the academic area the student response to the new curriculum and 
calendar ranged fi"om skeptical to enthusiastic but primarily favorable. Maryville 
students continued to receive Woodrow Wilson and Danforth scholarships, as 
well as impressive grants to attend medical and law schools. Faculty were be- 
coming increasingly attuned to new teaching and learning devices, such as com- 
puter potential and self-instruction in languages. Convocations and the Com- 
munity Issues and Values Series brought stimulating and controversial public 
figures to the campus, including Dean Rusk, Julian Bond, Stephen Spender, and 
Madalyn Murray O'Hair. 

The steady relaxation of rules gave students a new sense of freedom and 
pride in the College's reputation for progress in the social area. The architecture 
of the new residence halls promoted new lifestyle patterns based on small quads 
of eight freshmen plus upperclass advisors. Young couples—resident directors 
or RDs~replaced traditional housemothers. 

It was inevitable that the "alcohol question" would be one of the first 


problems on the agenda of the All College Council. In the spring of 1969 the 
Council's revised alcohol policy received the approval of the Board of Direc- 
tors. Although it came far from allowing the campus pub advocated by some, it 
did remove the unenforceable rule that forbade even off-campus drinking. While 
prohibiting the use of alcohol on campus or at any off-campus official function, 
the new policy declared off-campus alcohol use "subject to applicable state and 
local law." 

Finally shaking its reputation for conservatism, Maryville was becom- 
ing recognized for its openness to change and the involvement of its students in 
state and national politics. In 1966 Mar\'ville became a charter member of the 
Tennessee Intercollegiate Student Legislature, in which Maryville students took 
leading roles. The long tradition in debate and public speaking plus more recent 
experience in campus governance had prepared them well for leadership. Pro- 
fessor David Young, who happened to be in Atlanta at the time of a meeting of 
the National Student Association, was invited to attend some of the sessions. 
Impressed with the participation of the MC students, he wrote in a letter to the 
Echo. "Maryville College is ten steps ahead of almost everyone else—especially 
in the South"; and his challenge to the student body was to take this unique 
opportunity to continue their involvement. 

Further publicity came in the fall of 1967 with the production of a tele- 
vision series entitled "Focus: Maryville College.'' Over one hundred programs 
originating on the campus were made available to commercial stations. They 
appeared as specials or in series in Knoxville, Chattanooga, and Jolinson City, 
Tennessee: in Atlanta, Georgia; and in Roanoke and Norfolk. Virginia. 

Financial Problems Persist 

In short, Maryville was receiving favorable publicity, and all evidence 
pointed to a lively, stimulating environment for learning. Yet for several years 
enrollment was gradually decreasing while deficits were increasing. As the op- 
erating budget increased dramatically, the percentage of income from the en- 
dowment, according to the October 1967 Board minutes, had dropped from 
16.8% of the total in 1957 to only 10% in 1967. An increase in endowment 
would have brought relief, but commitments for faculty salaries, scholarships, 
and capital expansion took priority over investment in endowment. 

The lead article in the June 1968 Bulletin announced another gift-grant 
record for the year~almost one and a half million. Of concern, however, was 
evidence of growing dependence on government grants for current operating 
expenses, an increase from $143,872 in 1968 to $196,738 in 1969. Forthe third 
year in a row, Mar\'ville was receiving grants for faculty, curriculum, and li- 
brary improvement and various types of student aid. As welcome as such sup- 


port was. it would prove to be a mixed blessing. 

In spite of the increase in gifts and grants, the deficits continued to grow 
at a troublesome rate, and enrollment in the fall of 1969 had dropped to 714, a 
decrease of 5.7%. Attempts to reduce the size of the faculty had resulted in a 
decrease from sixty-one to fifty-seven, but the student-faculty ratio remained at 
an uneconomical 12.5:1. 

Attention focused on recruitment, although, paradoxically, as one col- 
lege president pointed out in a national study, "We lose money every time we 
take in a new student," the estimate being that students paid only about two- 
thirds of the cost of their education. (At Maryville at this time the estimate was 
61.5%.) But financial health made necessar>' the optimum use of all facilities. 
Filling dormitor\ rooms and classrooms, as well as making full use of labora- 
tory' and athletic facilities, made economic sense. The College now had a plant 
that would accommodate at least one-fourth more students. 

Focus on Recruitment and Retention 

In 1963 President Copeland, foreseeing problems in recruiting, had 
employed Colonel William F. Taylor, a retired Air Force Chaplain, as the first 
director of admissions. His charge was to coordinate the fianction formerly 
handled by the personnel office and, beginning in 1958, one admissions counse- 
lor. By 1969 the admissions office had grown to four fiill-time staff members. 
Although Maryville 's problems could be attributed primarily to a national trend, 
the Board of Directors and admmistrative officers were seeking other answers. 

Admissions consultants, after a series of interviews, concluded that part 
of the problem stemmed from reducing the number of majors, dropping the B.S. 
degree, and instituting the use of large lecture sections, all of which had been 
recommended by the curriculum consultants. They further noted that attrition, 
which had seriously affected enrollment, was a national epidemic caused by 
general restlessness among the college-age population. Also the gradual but 
steady rise in the total cost for the resident student from $980 a year in 1960 to 
$2. 100 in 1969 might have been a factor. Whereas Maryville's costs were less 
than those of similar private colleges nationally, they were slightly above the 
average in Tennessee. 

A Question of Image 

The Board, after encouraging the faculty' to reinstate the B.S. degree 
along with majors in physical education, business, and speech-theatre, probed 
more deeply into the enrollment problem. Could it be the changing image from 
a relatively conservative institution to what many alumni and East Tennessee 


constituents regarded as radical? The new curriculum, the rule changes, and the 
All College Council had received wide publicity. No doubt student and faculty 
activism on civil rights and the Vietnam War had placed the College under suspi- 
cion locally. The response to the 1954 Supreme Court decision on segregation 
had been quick and dramatic with the immediate recruiting of black students and 
faculty. In 1 964 the visit of Eugene Carson Blake of the World Council of 
Churches had brought on a demonstration by the Ku Klux Klan. 

The following year students interested in clarifying the issues involved 
in the Vietnam War sponsored a forum. Although they simply discussed, reach- 
ing no conclusions, the Knoxville Journal reported the next morning: "Nearly 
200 Maryville College students and faculty members last night expressed their 
opposition to United States involvement in Vietnam in a campus forum."' When 
confronted, the Journal reporter attempted to clarify the misunderstanding by 
later publishing the views of the panelists, but it was difficult to erase the origi- 
nal impression. 

The Journal, often more concerned with sensation than accuracy, would 
later report that the Marv-ville audience had given flamboyant atheist Madalyn 
Murray O'Hair a standing ovation when she spoke at CIV, whereas the fact was 
that she received only polite applause from an audience that for the most part 
found her views either amusing or outrageous. The Madalyn O'Hair appear- 
ance, however, made some of the Board members nervous. In the midst of the 
controversy one member moved that the Board go on record in support of Mrs. 
O'Hair's appearance ""in keeping with the avowed intent of Maryville College to 
exist in an atmosphere of intelligence and inquiry." The motion was twice tabled 
and never passed. 

The CIV Committee, in an attempt to foster that atmosphere of intelli- 
gence and inquiry, brought other controversial speakers to campus. In addition, 
students, and, on occasion, faculty members participated in demonstrations and 
protests, including marches on Washington and the disruption of the 1968 Demo- 
cratic Convention in Chicago, when Hubert Humphrey was chosen as his party's 
candidate. As interest in the Nixon-Humphrey contest heightened, the CIV Com- 
mittee invited two rising young Tennessee politicians to speak—Lamar Alexan- 
der for the Republicans and Albert Gore. Jr., for the Democrats. The Echo 
account of the event was slanted toward Gore, but an Echo poll taken shortly 
aftenvard showed preference for the Republican Party by a clear majority of 
students. On the Maryville campus, as on many other campuses, the majority 
remained politically conservative. 

Nevertheless Maryville administrators and directors took precautions. 
In October 1969 the Board adopted as "pertinent and fair" the American Coun- 
cil on Education "Declaration on Campus Unrest," adding its own "Statement 


of Policy Concerning Disorders." Fortunately there would be no cause to en- 
force its provisions. Maryville students, faculty, and administrators responded 
to the Kent State tragedy in 1970 with dismissal of classes for a day-long teach- 
in to gain perspective for responsible action. The pains taken to create an atmo- 
sphere of full and free discussion and to involve all members of the community 
in decision-making were paying dividends. 

The Sesqiiicentemiial 

In the meantime the College was in the midst of the Sesquicentennial 
observance for which it had been preparing for the past decade. Plans for the 
year-long celebration in 1969-70 were announced m October 1967 at a dinner 
meeting in the College dining room attended by Sesquicentennial Chairman Earl 
Blazer and 150 committee members, divided into fifteen subcommittees. 

For the next two years most of the committees met regularly. Those 
responsible for fimd raising reported that the twelve million goal had been met. 
The Traditions Committee arranged for a new flag and worked with ALCOA on 
a design for an aluminum and cedar mace to be used in academic processions. 
Committees responsible for programs planned a full year of activities, beginning 
with commencement 1969 and ending with commencement 1970. Scheduled 
throughout the academic year were reunion week ends during which groups of 
classes were invited to return to the campus for lectures, panel discussions, con- 
certs, films, and art exhibits. 

With the overall theme of "Man's Search for Patterns," the focus was 
on a different subject for each of the week ends: patterns in education, in urban 
living, in world order, in the environment, and in art. The first was in September 
for the Classes of 1925 through 1934. Maryville alumnus Dr Warren Ashby 
and well known educator Dr Lewis B. Mayhew addressed the subject of man's 
search for patterns in education. A piano recital byMaryville College faculty' 
member Sallie Schoen and an art exhibit by alumnus and faculty member Will- 
iam Swenson completed the program. 

In October came the traditional Homecoming, the Founders Day Con- 
vocation, a United States Air Force Band Concert, and films and panels on the 
theme of "Man's Search for Patterns in Urban Living." A highlight of the week 
end was the presentation of "Once Upon a Greener Hill," a musical written by 
author-actor-producer Paul Crabtree, who had been commissioned to incorpo- 
rate episodes from Mary-ville's history into a drama. 

Other commissions, all supported by special donations, went to alum- 
nus Dr. Carl Alette to compose a s\Tnphony for concert band and to composer 
Richard Yardumian for an oratorio. Alumnus Daniel W. Winter, pianist and 
chairman of the Music Department at the College of Wooster, gave a recital in 


the spring. Since his retirement. Dr. Lloyd had been planning a new history of 
the College for this occasion. A carefully researched work, written from his 
perspective as alumnus, college president, and president emeritus, it was distrib- 
uted on schedule, in time to kindle added interest in the year-long celebration. 
The official close of the observance came with the 1970 commencement address 
by the distinguished historian Dr. Henry Steele Commager. 


Chapter XIII— Into the Seventies 

The Sesquicentennial programs had been designed to celebrate the past 
while looking to the future. Students were understandably less concerned with 
the past, distracted as they were that year by continued anti-Vietnam demonstra- 
tions on other campuses, as 
well as the agenda for 
change on their own. The 
All College Council report 
to the Board of Directors 
that spring listed as major 
concerns: (1) recruiting 
black students and faculty, 
(2) the use of Sunday, (3) the 
alcohol policy, and (4) com- 
munity standards. 

At the same time, 
alumni were becoming 
aware of the loss of cher- 
ished traditions and organizations. Bamwarming and Skit Night had fallen vic- 
tim to declining interest and calendar changes. Insufficient funding combined 
with a shortage of volunteers led to the demise of May Day after 1961. The 
daisy chain made its last appearance in 1970. Pep rallies and the election of 
homecoming queens were becoming matters of indifference to most students, 
and the four societies would soon be beyond resuscitation. The calendar revi- 
sion had necessitated moving the thirty-fifth annual presentation oi Messiah to 
November, with some question as to whether to continue it. The scattering of 
students during the interim term made it difficult to continue Christmas Vespers 
and Christmas Readings. Competing interests and a disinclination for struc- 
tured activities brought on the end of the debate program. Writers' Workshop, 
and the marching band. In March 1968 the Echo "Seen and Heard" column 
quoted a comment from a senior: "No commencement play. . so what do we do 
with our parents now?" 

Of all the changes, however, the new format for February Meetings 
required the greatest adjustment for local alumni, who were strong supporters. 
They came to Wilson Chapel expecting the usual two meetings a day, launched 
with fanfare by a dynamic minister, a colorful song leader, and the reading of 
telegrams from well wishers across the country. Instead, the Meetings began to 
take the form of panels, forums, and, by 1971, what would be called rap ses- 
sions, supplemented by movies, slide presentations, folk-rock festivals, all-day 
retreats, and workshops. In 1968 they were spread over four week ends instead 


of seven or eight days. The following yean with much the same format, they 
became January Meetings and featured an ecumenical panel of Protestant, Greek 
Orthodox, and Catholic leaders. 

Students in the Seventies 

The end of the sesquicentennial year coincided with the end of one of the 
most turbulent decades in the history of the College. Regardless of calendar 
time, however, the "sixties" on college campuses did not end until the early 
seventies. President Nixon's order to invade Cambodia on 30 April 1 970 brought 
on a new wave of protests that peaked following the events at Kent State and 
Jackson State. Students were finding new empowerment through the Buckley 
Amendment, giving them access to their records: through the overturn of the 
college's in loco parentis role: and through making their voices heard m curricu- 
lum planning and the selection and evaluation of facult>'. 

In 1971 Maryville's first "new curriculum" class graduated. Beginning 
with "Man's Search for Meaning" and "Science Thought." they had been urged 
for four years to think for themselves, to ask questions, and to express their 
opinions. When they met with faculty and administrative officers to discuss 
their commencement, they were prepared with an innovative plan: no caps and 
gowns except for those who found meaning in academic dress: no outside com- 
mencement speaker but rather short talks by a senior, a parent, an administrator, 
and a teacher, letting each say what the occasion meant to him or her; no daisy 
chain: no "Pomp and Circumstance"~not even a strongly cadenced hymn to 
march to: instead, some modem piece to express the mood of the class. At that 
point the organist ventured to ask, "What mood?" And here they had to admit no 
unanimity: not happy, not sad, not exactly solemn. Perhaps it was nostalgic—a 
thoughtfial musing over the past four years with some apprehension about mov- 
ing into the society they had tried to mold into their own design. 

The "real" world that members of the Class of "71 were moving into 
gave some basis for hope. The first Earth Day in 1970 promised action on a 
pressing domestic problem. The voting age had been changed to eighteen, and 
the constitutional amendment on women's rights was sent to the states for ratifi- 
cation. Nixon's visits to China and Russia in 1972 opened the way for peace 
talks. And January 1973 was to bring the attainment of one of the students' 
most pressing goals with the signing of the Vietnam Peace Pacts and the conse- 
quent end of the military draft. 

On the other hand, they found themselves in a society plagued by a 
weakening economy, inflation, a rise in unemployment, and fewer opportunities 
for either job or graduate school. Cynicism set in following the Watergate ar- 
rests, the attempted cover-up by a president, and the resignation of a vice presi- 


dent guilty of tax evasion. The Arab-Israeli War resulted in a temporary ban on 
oil exports that led in time to the energy crisis of the early seventies. 

As the Class of 1971 was adjusting to these new conditions in the out- 
side world, the next college generation would be influencing through their very 
different goals and assumptions a new direction in the college world. The seven- 
ties at Maryville would bring changes in curriculum and lifestyle for a different 

The many studies of the college students of the seventies tend to paint 
them as stereotypes —the younger siblings who watched the sixties rebellion 
dwindle while many of their older brothers and sisters, having majored in pro- 
tests and demonstrations, were in subsistence-level jobs. Alarmed by growing 
unemployment and inflation, parents pressured their younger children to choose 
professions or job-related majors such as business and engineering. Students 
therefore concentrated more on grades and less on either social issues or campus 

Students of the seventies have been variously described as spiritless, 
self-centered and indifferent to the rights of others, an indifference manifest in 
increased cheating and library thefts and vandalism. They neglected to vote in 
campus elections and responded to traditional observances like Homecoming 
with a cynical smile or the nomination of a favorite campus canine for Home- 
coming queen. Fraternities and sororities declined, as did all organized activi- 
ties. The restlessness that had led to serious attrition in the sixties continued into 
the seventies. Except for the determination to get ahead financially, the majority 
could be termed apathetic. 

Such an attempt to place students into a neat categor>' can only at best 
suggest direction and that primarily for larger institutions than Marwille. 
Maryville students, however, conformed to the national stereotype in several 
ways, including the concern for grades as the key to graduate and professional 
schools and financial security. A cartoon picturing the outgoing editor of the 
Echo in 1975 bore the caption: ''The students are basically concerned with get- 
ting good grades and getting drunk or high." The decline of the four societies 
came at a time of declining interest nationally in fraternities and sororities. In 
1955 Athenian changed its name to Kappi Phi; and in 1957 the sister society, 
Bainonian, became Chi Beta as they continued their friendly rival r> with Alpha 
Sigma and Theta. By the late sixties, however, all four organizations had lost 
vitality, and their activities became perfunctory. The seventies saw their end. 

The Decline of Community 

There remained little doubt that the sense of community was eroding. It 
had begun with the abolishment of chapel and the loss of the traditions already 


mentioned. Following the retirement of Chaplain Campbell in 1970 came a 
succession of young chaplains or religious-life coordinators who, either because 
of inexperience or the indifference of the community (or both), were unable to 
infuse life into the religious program. An Echo reporter observed that interest m 
campus religious services had '"dwindled almost to nothing"; and one of the 
chaplains commented m his first report to the Board that he had found "no great 
interest in religion." 

The continued support of townspeople kept the Easter Sunrise Service 
vital, but only the faithful few among students and faculty supported February 
(or January) Meetings, the weekly chapel service, and the Fred Hope Fund (now 
Hope for International Understanding). The Community Issues and Values Se- 
ries, which had the potential for promoting community, was so resented as a 
requirement that students were often rude to the speakers, and it was eventually 
made an elective so that those genuinely interested could listen undisturbed. 

Even athletics, formerly a unifying force, failed to inspire the old enthu- 
siasm. With the opening of the new physical education building in 1971, 
Maryville's facilities were second to none among small colleges. Because the 
responsibility' for directing the use and maintenance of such a building entailed 
more complex organization, this seemed to the administration the time to divide 
the Physical Education Department into two units, separating the academic from 
athletics. A new chairman with a doctorate in physical education was brought 
in to head the total operation. Coach Boydson Baird. formerly chairman of the 
Department, became athletic director. Tension was inevitable, and it was in- 
creased by the severe financial restraints under which the athletic program had 
to operate. 

Budget cuts led to a reevaluation of all intercollegiate sports with the 
intent of trimming the number of sports and the number of games, transportation 
being a major budget item. The task was further complicated by the enactment 
of Title IX, mandating equal opportunity for women in sports. Steps had to be 
taken to limit the number of intercollegiate sports, the size of the squads, and the 
number of coaches. The result was a rapid turnover in coaches and finally, in 
1976, the resignation of Coach Baird, whose loyal supporters among students, 
alumni, and townspeople raised a call for autonomy for the athletic director. 

In the meantime, the admissions staff was depending on recruitment by 
the coaches to help solve the enrollment problem. A decision to lower admis- 
sions standards in 1970 and 1971 brought an almost ten percent increase in 
enrollment. As many as one hundred men were out for football in the early 
seventies. The impossibility of their actually playing in a regular game, com- 
bined with their frustration with Maryville's academic standards, inevitably in- 
creased attrition. At the same time, serious, well-prepared students, including 
many outstanding athletes, complained vocally and in letters to the editor about 


the threat to the College's academic standards, expressing doubt as to whether 
they themselves should remain. 

Positive Signs 

It was this nucleus of highly motivated students who helped to bring the 
College through these dark days. They could be found in all areas. Seven 
chemistry majors received one of the two National Science Foundation grants 
awarded in Tennessee to support a group project. The Echo, under the editorship 
of John Powell, received for the first time in recent years a certificate of merit 
from the National Newspaper Service. An interdisciplinary' English-history fresh- 
man honors course, conducted throughout the decade, proved to be as genuine a 
learning experience for the instructors as for the students. Future doctors and 
lawyers were making plans for graduate school. And Delores Ziegler took her 
first steps on the road to the Metropolitan Opera. One has only to look at the 
achievement of the seventies alumni to realize that though the College may have 
attracted many who conformed to the national stereotype, the numerous excep- 
tions kept the Maryville spirit alive. 

Some organizations and activities survived the sixties and continued to 
flourish. The Student Affiliate Chapter of the American Chemical Society con- 
sistently received regional and national recognition. The College Choir, affected 
by fewer opportunities to perform after the elimination of compulsory chapel 
and the decline of Sunday 
vespers, suffered some loss 
of morale, but under Direc- 
tor Harter's determined 
leadership, weathered the 
difficult times: and the Col- 
lege-Community Orchestra 
survived a number of 
changes in leadership. 
'The Porkies," the 
Maryville College 

Dixieland Band formed in 
1959. continued to play 
regularly in the dining room 
and on Pearsons balcony— 
and showed adjustment to 
the times by adding a 
woman to the group. 
Honor societies duly 


elected new members each year; and in 1972, through the initiative of Dean 
Frances Massey, Alpha Lambda Delta, a national honor society for freshman 
women (later to include men), was added to the list. 

Community service projects, though not as numerous as formerly, en- 
listed the efforts of the dedicated. Noteworthy was the student-initiated rescue 
of the Thompson-Brown House, reputedly the oldest house in Blount County. 
Built before 1820 by the Thompson family, it was the scene of the wedding of 
Mary Reece Thompson to Samuel Anderson, whose father, Isaac Anderson, 
performed the ceremony. In 1 869 Reverend William Beard Brown bought the 
house because its proximity to the College offered an opportunity for educating 
his children. The house plus 225 acres stayed in the Brown family until 1934, 
when the College bought the farm to operate a dairy. 

In the mid 1 970s when the College began selling the off-campus prop- 
erty, the section where the house stood was acquired for a new health center. 
Concerned students, led by Suzanne Phillips, a history major and co-chairman 
of the All College Council, began a movement to save the house. Students found 
allies in faculty members John Nichols, Jerry Waters, and especially Sally Brown 
McNiell, who, as a descendant of the Browns, had a personal interest in the 

Faculty and students, along with interested townspeople, organized the 
Blount County Historic Trust, which has continued to be a strong and influential 
force for preservation. The Chamber of Commerce and the Blount County Board 
of Realtors lent their assistance. The process, which included explorations into 
archeology, architecture, law. politics, and carpentry and masonry, constituted a 
liberal education in itself On the successful completion of the project, the Ten- 
nessee Historical Commission recognized the efforts of twenty-eight students by 
awarding them the Commission's Certificate, and the Thompson-Brown House 
was placed on the National Historic Register. 

The seventies also saw renewed attempts to promote mtemational un- 
derstanding. Patrick Ndoma, a student from Nigeria, planned an elaborate Ni- 
gerian Independence Day celebration to share with American friends the signifi- 
cance of the day for him. As Japanese students began coming in increasing 
numbers to join those from Thailand, Pakistan, and Nigeria, the international 
students proposed hosting an international dinner. With the cooperation of the 
World Concerns Committee of the All College Council, they began a tradition 
that was to become a highlight of the spring social season. Also during this 
period began the commemoration of Black History Week. 

On the night of 1 3 February 1 972, Maryville students passed a supreme 
test in their response to a fire that gutted sixty-two-year-old Pearsons Hall, the 
home of ninety women students and several staff members, including dietitian 
Margaret Ware. With the destruction of the kitchen and dining room facilities 


and the salvaging of 
very little personal prop- 
erty, the problems could 
have been overwhelm- 
ing. But the generous 
help from the commu- 
nity and the positive re- 
sponse of the students 
turned potential disaster 
into a valuable bonding 

Maryville Fire 
Chief Glen Thomas and 
alumnus Dan Lawson, 
local chairman of the Red Cross, later wrote letters applauding the maturity of 
the students. "Usually in a fire of this magnitude," wrote Thomas, "outside 
assistance is either not available or utterly useless," but in this instance the stu- 
dent volunteers earned out instructions in a professional way. His last para- 
graph corroborates other observations about Maryville College students: "Con- 
trary to derogatory comments about our youth of today, the Maryville College 
students have shown that they can accept and carry out responsibilities better 
than most of their adult critics." 

Lawson 's letter was in the same vein: 

During the mass feeding, students were orderly, polite, helpful and most 
appreciative. Not one piece of paper or debris was left in the feeding 
area for us to clean up. 

While interviewing students and issuing disbursing orders for 
clothing, linens, comfort items and textbooks, we heard little or no ex- 
pression of the "why me" reaction from victims of the devastating fire. 
We only heard comments like "You got everything out? Wonderful!" or 
"I just can't believe how wonderful everyone has been." 

Pearsons was rebuilt with varied types of rooms and suites, allowing for 
further experimentation in dormitory lifestyles. Through a gift from David and 
Gray Proflfitt, both of the Class of 1916, the dining room annex was beautifully 
redecorated and completely equipped for gracious dining. Now known as the 
Proflfitt Dining Room, it has served not only the College but the entire commu- 
mty for many special occasions. 

Another salutary effect of the fire was the realization, once the dining 
room and kitchen were back in operation, that Miss Ware's meals were far tastier 


than remembered. Earlier, complaints about food had become so persistent that 
on the very day of the fire a consultant had arrived to study the problem. By the 
time the routine was reestablished, the need for the study was no longer pressing. 
It was vain, however, to hope that the chronic complaints about food would 
altogether cease—any more than would the chronic complaints about dorm hours, 
visitation regulations, and a dry campus. 

The Lighter Side 

Outlets for frustrations were, as always, readily available. Two of them 
deserve mention at this point. In the late sixties restlessness in the mens dormi- 
tories. Camegie and Memorial, led to a rite of spring origmally called the Mother's 
Day Riots. By the early seventies, the observance had become May Madness, a 
fiill week end of activities, including a Saturday night dance and a Sunday after- 
noon and evening with team sports, egg throws, pie eating contests, bed races, 
and greased pig competition, all culminating with a barbecue supper on Pearsons' 

In the spring of 1974 when streaking reached its peak on college cam- 
puses, Maryville students welcomed another outlet for high spirits. Echo editor 
Lyn Stanley, in an editorial extolling the pleasures of the latest fad. quoted an 
upperclassman who said that streaking was the best study break he had ever 
had—that "a clean streak across campus sure beats a visit to Gilbert's [a popular 
coffee shop] any night." And he described an early Monday morning spectacle 
of two birthday-suited coeds being "driven about the campus loop in all the 
glory of a Homecoming court." 

The crowning event occurred in the Chapel. Eminent theologian Dr. 
Carlyle Mamey, the CIV speaker, had drawn a packed house from the surround- 
ing community as well as the campus. When word leaked out earlier that a 
streaker was planning an appearance. Dean of Men Don Elia was prepared to 
guard the doors but had overlooked a small door at the back of the stage behind 
the organ. While the academic dean was at the podium making preliminary 
announcements, gasps rose from the audience. She glanced around to see a 
fleeting figure, clothed only in a mask, moving from the back stage door toward 
the opposite side of the stage. Suddenly seeing Dean Elia blocking his escape, 
the streaker had no choice but to retrace his steps. Laughter broke out spontane- 

With a "now that we've seen everything, let's get back to the announce- 
ments," the episode might have ended except that it was too perfect an opportu- 
nity for one with Dr. Mamey 's gift for improvisation. Before moving into his 


prepared speech, he pointed out Bibhcal precedents for streaking and elaborated 
on David's dancing naked before the Lord. Those with inside information had 
httle doubt as to the identity of the streaker but let the matter drop. He was 
planning to leave school anyway and perhaps wanted one bright and shining 
moment before his departure. If the event did not provide that moment for him, 
it surely provided one for the audience. 

Continued Administrative Problems 

While students mixed levity with concerns about the fiiture, the admin- 
istration, faculty, and directors were facing discouraging prospects. The main 
problem was, of course, fi- 
nances. The deficit was 
increasing each year. Re- 
ports to the Board for the 
early years of the decade 
paint a clear picture of the 
problems: an indebtedness 
of over a million dollars on 
the physical education 
building and the new dor- 
mitories, for which the Col- 
lege must pay annually on 
the principal and interest; 
the expense of rebuilding 
and refurnishing Pearsons 

after the fire, not all of which was covered by insurance: the demolition of Me- 
morial Hall and the renovation of Carnegie; a decrease in endowment income; 
an increase in insurance premiums; cost overruns for food service; decreasing 
enrollment with the loss in tuition and fees; and rising utilities bills. Given the 
skyrocketing costs of energy in the seventies, this last was not inconsiderable. 
The physical education building, Sutton Science Center, the new dorms, and 
Pearsons were all dependent on air conditioning, as were now the administrative 
offices in Anderson. 

Administrative Vice President Neil McDade, reporting to the Board in 
the spring of 1 975, explained an anticipated deficit for 1 975-76 of fi-om $225,000 
to $250,000: $40,000 increment in energy costs: $40,000 decrease in federal 
grants; and failure to realize $27,000 in tuition and fees, $38,000 in endowment 
income, and $94,000 in gifts. 

The 1972 Self-Study report made to the Southern Association of Col- 
leges and Secondary Schools provides an accurate account of what was happen- 


ing with the faculty'. In spite of all efforts, salaries ranked "D" on the AAUP 
scale, and the Maryville scale, in the words of the report, showed "strange varia- 
tions," with the top associate professor earning more than six of the full profes- 
sors, and all but one instructor receiving a higher salary than the lowest-paid 
assistant professor. Ten assistant professors were paid less than the two highest 
instructors. These and other inconsistencies led to the conclusion that promo- 
tions in rank, or "dry raises," were given instead of salary increases. Other 
possible explanations were supply and demand—thus a higher salary' for a new 
Ph.D. in physics than for a thirty-year veteran PhD in English—and the tendency 
to take for granted faculty members whose spouses were employed in the com- 

One hopefiil sign was the absence of sex discrimination in the professor 
and associate professor ranks, where the median salary of women equalled that 
of men, although in the other two ranks the median was lower. The report also 
pointed out that one-third of the fiill-time faculty were women, represented in the 
same proportion in each rank as their representation in the total faculty. At the 
same time, the report noted, no woman had been brought in to head a depart- 

These findings grew out of the studies of Professor Malcolm Willey, 
who had agreed to assume the role of chief academic officer until a committee 
could select a new academic dean, a vacancy that occurred when Boyd Daniels. 
Dean McClelland 's successor, resigned in the summer of 1970 after only three 
years. Dr. Willey had come to Maryville two years earlier to head the Sociology 
Department after his retirement as vice president for academic administration at 
the University of Minnesota, followed by a Ford Foundation appointment in 
India. When the vacancy in the deanship occurred so suddenly, he was a logical 
and fortunate choice for the temporary position. During his two-year tenure he 
created an atmosphere of trust and confidence as he pinpointed and solved some 
difficult problems. 

When the faculty and the Dean Selection Committee were unable after 
two years to agree on a candidate from the outside, the Board, upon recommen- 
dation of the Committee, appointed English Professor and Secretary of the Fac- 
ulty Carolyn Blair, who agreed to serve provided she could continue teaching 
one course a term and return to the English Department full time in five years. 
She became the first woman academic dean of the College, the first among the 
colleges in the Mid- Appalachian College Consortium, and one of the few at that 
time in the South. In the eyes of her colleagues gender was apparently no handi- 
cap. Off Campus, however, many still regarded women in college administration 
in the same light as Dr. Samuel Johnson regarded women preaching: "like a 
dog's walking on his hinder legs. It is not done well, but you are surprised to 
find it done at all." Fortunately, attitudes toward both women preachers and 


women administrators were changing. 

Response to Challenges: Title III Projects 

The faculty in 1972 was a close knit, energetic group. More than half 
were assistant professors either with new doctorates or nearing completion of 
the doctorate. Interest in both teaching and research was strong. In 1973-74 the 
Committee on Standards drew up a series of forms for teacher evaluation and a 
procedure for the annual recognition of the outstanding teacher. Faculty appli- 
cations for National Science Foundation and National Endowment for the Hu- 
manities grants were funded with regularity. With the prospect of Title III fund- 
ing for enrichment programs, brainstorming began. 

English Professor Arthur Bushing received released time to plan and 
direct a continuing education program, with non-credit courses ranging from art 
classes for children to geology classes for adults. Soon there were requests for 
credit courses and a proposal from Fort Sanders Hospital in Knoxville to estab- 
lish a cooperative nurses training program. Although a feasibility study con- 
cluded that a nursing program was not only expensive but beyond the role of the 
liberal arts college, the College did move into credit courses, and in the eighties 
a thriving degree-granting evening school evolved. Continuing education would 
prove not only to make a significant difference in enrollment but would help 
cement community relations. 

Upon the advice of a consulting firm on admissions. Dean of Student 
Relations George Kramer asked the faculty to prepare another proposal. A 
faculty committee drew up a plan for a permanent Office of Career Planning and 
Placement, which Title III funded as designed, underwriting the expenses of 
setting up the office, as well as the salar\' of a director for the first two years. 
When Elaine Spurlin. the first director, was lured to a larger school, her assis- 
tant, Jean Jones, assumed the directorship and. on her retirement, the position 
passed to Jane Richardson. The College was fortunate in the creative and enthu- 
siastic leadership of all three. 

Title Ill-flinded projects expanded offerings in many other areas. Art 
Professor Thelma Bianco applied for and received equipment to add courses in 
copper enameling, jewelry design, and weaving. The gymnastics 
program,organized by part-time Instructor Gar>' Thibodeaux. grew so rapidly 
that the College could no longer accommodate the large numbers, leaving Gary 
to launch his own private school in town, and the College to continue, with 
another instructor, a smaller but still successfiil enterprise that did not overtax 
its facilities. Through the leadership of Rosemary Barrett Ahmad, the on-going 
program in the arts for children was formalized and expanded into the Prepara- 
tory School for the Arts. 


The Learning Center, the brainchild of Psychology Professor Marilyn 
Polio, opened in 1977 to provide testing, tutoring, and remedial work for both 
college and local public school students. It continued to expand in staff and 
services until, in the 1990s, under the directorship of Vandy Beard Kemp, it was 
offering a full summer program, including the Gifted Education Summer Insti- 
tute, a laboratory science camp, a writers workshop for children, and a freshman 
transition study-skill course for high school graduates preparing for college. 

One of the most ambitious new programs grew out of the inspiration of 
Biology Professor Robert Ramger and Psychology Professor Jerry Waters. Seeing 
the need for educating interpreters for the deaf, they learned sign language and 
offered an interim term project entitled "Let's Communicate with the Deaf" 
The college students learned enough sign language in the three-week period to 
communicate with students from the Tennessee School for the Deaf when the 
two groups met at the end of the term for a week end together at Tremont Environ- 
mental Center. 

Enthusiasm grew. A new Tennessee law making mandatory a provision 
for educating handicapped children in their own communities increased aware- 
ness of the need for training interpreters. No college at that time offered a 
sequence of courses specifically designed to prepare students to serve as inter- 
preters. The problem was finding someone to teach in a field for which there 
were no formal credentials. Dr. Ramger and Dr. Waters discovered Irma Kleeb 
(later Irma Kleeb Young), a daughter of deaf parents, who was teaching at nearby 
Harrison-Chilhowee Academy and was recognized as one of the best interpreters 
in the state. Her sense of mission, her excitement over the potential of the pro- 
posal, and the Ramger-Waters persuasion resulted in her agreeing to head a 
degree program in interpreting and to develop a climate for educating the hear- 
ing-impaired in a hearing 

In 1976 Mary 
Margaret Miller re- 
ceived, as far as could be 
ascertained, the first de- 
gree in the country in in- 
terpreting for the deaf 
The Maryville program, 

in spite of later cutbacks i^^^^^^A^m^^^*^'^ 
in funding, continues to 
be recognized as a source 
of superior interpreters, 
many of whom were not 
interpreting majors but realized the advantage of increased communication skills 


for work in education, law, medicine, and other areas in which they might be 
dealing with the hearing impaired. As the graduates pioneered in all phases of 
interpreting, the program became well known nationally and a model for those 
that followed. 

In 1974 Tennessee Governor Winfield Dunn presented Mrs. Young with 
a Distinguished Service Award "for her efforts in promoting communication 
with the deaf and her efforts in helping establish the Mar>'ville College pro- 
gram." By the time she retired in 1987 after thirteen years, she was widely 
known, serving on national as well as regional boards. At the opening convoca- 
tion in 1991 she received the College's Distinguished Service Award for Out- 
standing Contributions m a Chosen Profession. Mrs. Young's successor was 
Ruth Sandefur Yates, who had been her colleague in developing the program. 
Mrs. Yates was succeeded by Margaret Anne Maher, one of the early majors, 
who continued her preparation at the University of Tennessee and Western Mary- 
land College. She was later joined by Sheri Trotter Moran. one of the first 
hearing-impaired students to graduate from Mar>^ille. Sheri had also studied at 
Western Maryland. 

Experimentation with Curriculum 

In addition to Title III projects, many curriculum changes were taking 
place. Sutton Science Center, now providing outstanding facilities, housed the 
Departments of Biology, Chemistry, Mathematics, Physics, and Psychology. The 
five departments, soon organized as the Division of Natural and Behavioral 
Sciences, developed new interdisciplinary studies. The science offerings were 
greatly enhanced by equipment acquired through a generous grant from the Na- 
tional Science Foundation under its College Science Improvement Programs 
(COSIP). It was COSIP funds that provided Igor, Maryville's first computer. 

It was not surprising that the interdisciplinary emphasis of the seventies 
lured students and even some faculty into new fields. Chemistry Professor David 
Young—poet, ecologist, fiaturist, philosopher—finding chemistry too narrow a 
field, offered the Challenge Term, an ecological experiment. Inviting students to 
draw up contracts for a three-course load to be counted as electives. he proposed 
their living together in Willard House (then not in use) for the winter term, adop- 
ting a Spartan lifest>'le and studying methods of conservation. A lively ex- 
change of letters to the Echo pointed up both enthusiasm for the project and 
skepticism as to its academic merit. 

Other faculty designed interdisciplinary- courses in various combinations 
of American Studies, International Studies, philosophy and religion, literature, 
and sociology. As in almost every college in the early seventies. Women's Stud- 
ies, Black Studies, Oral History, and Studies in Futuristics were introduced, 


with varying degrees of success. 

It was during this time that Economics Professor Harry Price initiated 
the weekly facult\ luncheons m the Proflfitt Dmmg Room. Dr. Price, bom in 
China and educated at Davidson and Yale, joined the faculty in 1971 after a 
career as professor at Yenchmg University in Peking, special agent in the Philip- 
pines, assistant director of China Operations for UNRA (United Nations Relief 
and Rehabilitation Administration), and author of a highly acclaimed book on 
the Marshall Plan. With unwavering faith in the possibilities for a new world 
order, he needed a forum. The luncheons, first intended for discussions of 
global affairs, became the focus for the annual Great Decisions Series and later 
for topics related to curriculum. They helped to strengthen the esprit de corps 
within a group already drawn together by their concern about the future of the 

The faculty continued to work on the one problem within the realm of its 
influence: attracting and retaining students. A committee designed an ambitious 
orientation week and followed it with the Freshman Inquirv' Course. An early 
admissions program, the College Experience Program, and CLEP (College Level 
Examination Program) were instituted to attract non-traditional students. 

Internships and Off-Campus Study 

The growing student concern about the relationship between liberal arts 
education and the job market led to an expansion of offerings in internships and 
off-campus projects. Marvville was among the first institutions to affiliate with 
the Washington Center for Learning Alternatives, organized in the seventies to 
provide hands-on experience for one term in one of more than four hundred 
Washington agencies. Other internships were added until eventually everv' stu- 
dent had the option—and in some majors the requirement —of spending one ten- 
week term off campus in a major-related project. 

Senior psychology majors spent interim terms as assistant clinicians at 
the Daniel Arthur Rehabilitation Center at Oak Ridge: and through the Little 
Tennessee Valley Educational Cooperative, they had the option of practicums in 
learning disabilities. The writing-communication major required a related in- 
terim for which the area offered man\' opportunities through television stations, 
various Oak Ridge operations, newspapers, and a Knoxville publishing com- 

A Discouraged Faculty 

In spite of faculty efforts and the assistance of a second consulting firm 
within the decade, enrollment continued to decline. The most comforting word 
from the consultants was that Manville College was not alone. Consultants in 


1 970 had said that growth was no longer a valid way out for most private col- 
leges, pointing to high tuition, over-building, and the expansion of community 
colleges. The second consulting group affirmed that similar small colleges were 
suffering from the "transferitis" brought about by repeal of the draft law. Freed 
from the threat of the draft, young men no longer worried about establishing 
proof of satisfactory progress toward a degree; and many students, both men 
and women, transferred frequently in search of freer lifestyles. 

Increasing pressure put on the Maryville faculty to cut expenses had 
resulted by 1975-76 in a reduction of fiall-time faculty to forty-three: a morato- 
rium on sabbaticals: drastically reduced supply, equipment, and library' budgets: 
the elimination of the budget for faculty recruitment: and a reduction of travel 
ftinds. In three years the student-faculty ratio had moved from 12:1 to 16:1. 

The faculty were beginning to see their plight as Catch-22. The admis- 
sions consultants advised (1) the establishment of a career counseling program. 
(2) a way to distinguish Mary^ville from other small colleges, (3) a closer rela- 
tionship between the curriculum and careers, and (4) greater public awareness 
"through public relations actions" as a means of attracting more local students. 
The faculty responded with the Career Planning and Placement Office, educa- 
tion for the hearing impaired and innovative science and interim programs, the 
introduction of internships and new areas of concentration, activities for com- 
munity children, and the continuing education program. Although Title III ftinds 
were available only for innovations, and care had been taken to shift facult>' to 
those that would cover a portion of their salaries, the administrative response 
was that these new programs were too expensive. 

In his October 1976 report to the Board, President Copeland rec- 
ommended that an appeal for gifts emphasize "a focus on program and people" 
as a shift from the sixties focus on physical plant. Ironically, however, he an- 
nounced at the same time that a balanced budget for 1977-78 would require 
"program and people adjustments in order to reduce another $205,000." Re- 
viewing a previous conclusion that three areas—admissions, finances, and aca- 
demic program—were "rapidly determining the viability of our ftiture." he pointed 
out that in the areas of admissions and finances the Colleges had sought outside 
help. At the same time, he acknowledged that enrollment was continuing to drop 
and that the help from the outside guidance in finances consisted of the advice 
"that we should delay the feasibility study on a major ftmd-raising campaign." 

Turning to the third area, he noted that according to the Southern Asso- 
ciation standards, Maryville was "under the percentage of investments in our 
academic program as compared with that going into maintenance." But he then 
called attention to the significant but expensive enrichment programs-"the ca- 
reer guidance center, the deaf education program, the interim, independent study, 
and, more recently, the preparator>' school." 


Without further acknowledging that income from investments and gifts 
was dechning or that much of the budget formerly earmarked for academics was 
now going into maintenance and debt retirement on new buildings, he laid the 
burden at the feet of the faculty and Board, faulting the faculty for not bringing 
in outside help. Stating that "'Maryville has the potential people-dollar resources 
to solve the problems in all three of these major areas," he concluded: 

It can be and will be done when the Board is fully cognizant of the 
problems and puts its time and wisdom in establishing and following 
sound policy and openly supporting capable and carefully selected ad- 
ministrative officers in their demanding responsibilities. 

The frustrations were intensifying. 

The Changing Role of the Board of Directors 

One of President Copeland's most significant contributions had been 
the reorganization of the Board in the sixties and the attention he gave to finding 
mterested, contributmg members. In 1970 Joe Gamble, a Maryville alumnus 
and highly respected local attorney, retired as chairman of the Board, a position 
he had held for seventeen years. With sound judgment, a sense of humor, and 
thorough legal knowledge, he had steered the College through rough waters, 
always alert to its best mterests, whether averting lawsuits or influencing clients 
to remember the College in their wills. Although he presided over the restructur- 
ing of the Board, his administrative style generally followed the old pattern of 
deferring to the president and involving the Board only when necessary. TTie 
restructuring. Dr. Gambles retirement, and the increasing empowerment of fac- 
ulty and students all contributed to more visible and active interaction of the 
Board with the College community. 

Following national trends. Board membership and chairmanships were 
set for limited periods with the option of renewal. Dr. Gamble's successor was 
Dr. Jim Proffitt, another alumnus and Maryville native, an esteemed local sur- 
geon, and civic and church leader. Having been a member of the football and 
wrestling teams in college, he had maintained an active interest in sports and 
remamed in touch with campus activities. After four years he was succeeded by 
Dr. Dan McGill, another alumnus and East Tennessee native and then chairman 
of the Department of Life Insurance at the University of Pennsylvania's Whar- 
ton School of Finance. He had gained a national reputation as an authority on 
insurance and pension plans, and he proved to be knowledgeable about aca- 
demic administration. 

In addition to the rotation of Board membership and chairmanship and 


the appointment of outstanding leaders in various fields, another innovation was 
to appoint to Board membership a recent graduate to represent the student view- 
point. Among the first were Penny ProfFitt Piper, Class of '69; Don Hickman, 
Class of 70: Ward Brooks, Class of '72; and Barbara Kerr, Class of '76, all of 
whom had been campus leaders and were on their way to successful careers. 

The relationship between Board members and campus constituents grew 
stronger through the arrangement of informal exchanges at the time of Board 
meetings—exchanges that occasionally took the form of student demonstrations, 
but the groups were establishing a good working relationship. The Student 
Affairs Committee of the Board, chaired by alumna Catherine Beals, met regu- 
larly with students and served as an effective liaison between the Board and the 
students. Dr. McGill, sensing the concerns of the facult>', proposed in the fall of 
1975 the formation of a faculty liaison committee to meet regularly with the 
Academic Policy Committee of the Board. His alertness to potential problems 
was shown by his further recommendation that the administration and faculty 
create a faculty council to meet with the president to discuss academic matters 
and that the structure of internal governance be studied and a new one developed 
if needed. 

The faculty duly elected a liaison committee that met twice a year with 
the Board's Academic Policy Committee, chaired by Dr. Herman Spivey. From 
long experience as a universit>' administrator, he had developed skills in media- 
tion. It was he who urged the Board to express its confidence in the academic 
program. Gradually members began asking questions about academics as well 
as finances: and the Faculty Liaison Committee, chaired by Music Professor 
Victor Schoen, was joined by other faculty in expressing their discouragement 
over the threats to the academic life of the College. 

77?^ End of an Era 

At the spring 1976 Board meeting. Dr. Copeland requested early retire- 
ment, effective 30 June 1977. Another era in Maryville's histor\' was ending. 
Coinciding as it did with unprecedented upheaval on the national scene, it may 
well stand as the period of the most dramatic and disrupting changes in the 
history of the College. In the letter submitting his resignation, President Copeland 
called attention to his achievements in academics, student life, and finances. In 
academics he mentioned the adoption of the Statement of Purpose and Objec- 
tives, the increase in the number of Ph.D. s on the faculty from twenty-two per- 
cent in 1961 to fifty-four percent in 1978, the doubling of faculty salaries be- 
tween 1964 and 1971, the institution of a new calendar and curriculum, comple- 
tion of two self-study evaluations for the Southern Association, and the benefits 
of participation in the Title III program. 


In the student life area, he saw his accomplishments as the All College 
Council, the relative freedom from campus rebellion in the sixties and early 
seventies, the establishment of the Career Planning and Placement Office, and 
the creation of a fully staffed admissions office. He added that his failures 

included the non- 

implementation of 
the alcohol policy, 
"the less than ideal 
quality of dormi- 
tory life," and the 
less than smooth 
functioning of the 
All College Coun- 

While he 
regretted the accu- 
mulated deficit of 

$800,000 and the total capital indebtedness of $2,300,000, he could report clear- 
ance of debt on the Chapel and Theatre, the heating plant, and Sutton Science 
Center. The debt on the three new residence halls, he said, would be regained in 
fees. Still outstanding on the physical education building was $655,000; and on 
the rebuilding of Pearsons, $433,000. 

President Copeland had presided over the most revolutionary lib- 
eralization of rules in the history of the College; the abolishment of required 
Sunday school and church attendance in 1962 and required chapel in 1968; the 
extension of automobile privileges in 1968 and dormitory visitation privileges in 
1970; and the establishment of the first coed residence halls—Pearsons in 1972 
and Dorm I (now Gamble Hall) in 1975. 

On the evening of 21 Apnl 1977 the Board hosted a gala retirement 
dinner for the Copelands, attended by six hundred guests. Representatives of the 
Board of Directors, faculty, students, alumni, the community, and the Tennessee 
Independent Colleges Fund paid tribute. Of special interest were the remarks of 
President Emeritus Lloyd, who announced that he had come seven hundred miles 
from Bradenton, Florida, for the occasion—with mixed emotions, he said. He 
was sorry for the close of the Copelands' service to the College, but "at the same 
time I'm thankful that in the providence of God the sixth president of Maryville 
College, who in his turn retired 16 years ago, is still sound enough in body and 
mind to participate in honoring the seventh president of Maryville College as he 
approaches retirement." Dr. Lloyd, characteristically, had figures on the aver- 
age tenure of college presidents in the past, but could only guess, he admitted. 


"that the average has gone do\vn rather than up and 16 years is well above the average." 

"As these retire. . . " 

Sixteen years was well above the average for college presidents in the 
sixties and seventies, as was thirty-nine years for college dietitians, or forty 
years for registrars, or twenty-nine years for deans of women—or even eleven 
years for Elizabeth WeUon, the president's secretar>' who had kept her serenity 
and sense of humor through all the turmoil. 

Within three years in the seventies, in addition to those listed above, the 
College lost Treasurer Frank Layman after eighteen years, though one might 
include all the overtime he put in and make him eligible for the Twenty-Five- 
Year Club. The student aid office lost two members within a year. Mar>' Sloan 
Welsh, Class of '34. retired in 1977 after twenty-six years of patient and effi- 
cient handling of student loan applications. Her family ties with the College, her 
knowledge of finance, and her personal interest in the students all contributed to 
her success in that position. Soon after her retirement Bill Ribble, director of 
student aid. left that office to become director of personnel. Bill was known for 
his colorfiil similes (a January morning was "as cold as Aunt Nellie's kiss"), as 
well as other expressions best left unquoted. Although he claimed to talk to 
students like a Dutch Uncle, he nevertheless worked hard to assure financial aid 
for those who qualified. 

The seventies saw the usual faculty attrition. Because of budget restric- 
tions many facult>' were not replaced. Others because of their long years of 
service and special contributions could not be replaced. In the latter group were 
Music Professor Dan Kinsinger. Coach J. A. Davis, English Department Chair- 
man Elizabeth Jackson, and Biology Department Chairman Randolph Shields. 
The loss of Dr. Kinsinger came through his unexpected death in January- 1977. 
During his twenty-three years at the College he had created a special niche for 
himself as a patient but exacting voice teacher and as an active participant in 
community life. In activities ranging from offices in the New Providence Pres- 
byterian Church to charter membership in the Maryville College Poker Club, he 
infused every gathering with fun and good humor He was a coin collector, 
expert photographer, skilled woodworker, and notorious punster: but he is best 
remembered for his rich tenor voice, a gift he shared freely, whether in Messiah 
solos or slapstick performances in the annual April Fool's concert. His col- 
leagues paid tribute to him in May 1977 with two memorial performances of 
Mendelssohn's EUjah. 

Coach J. A. Davis, or J.D., was a protege of Coach Lombe Honaker. In 
his student years he earned twelve letters in football, basketball, and baseball; 
and as an alumnus he was elected to the College's Wall of Fame for outstanding 


athletes. After a successftjl high school coaching career and completion of a 
Master's degree from Columbia, J. D. returned to his ahna mater in 1941 to 
assume duties as assistant football coach and head track and wrestling coach. 
His wrestlmg team competed successfully in the Southeastern division, and when 
he took over as head football coach in 1957, the squad within a few years was 
enjoying its best performance since the stellar 1946 season. 

By nature kind and easy-going, J. D. was at the same time a strict disci- 
plinarian and did not hesitate to show displeasure when practice was not going 
well, as on one memorable occasion when he berated the entire squad for lacking 
"intestinal backbone.'' He kept his eye on his players' grade point averages, 
frequently advising about study habits and the choice of teachers most likely to 
be patient with struggling athletes. 

It is doubtfiil that J. D. recommended their enrolling in Dr. Jackson's 
classes, although students seriously seeking help found her willing to take all the 
time necessary to explain comma splices or the scansion of an iambic pentam- 
eter line. Her students soon learned that she frowned on careless dress and 
manners as she did on careless syntax, and they never entered her classes casu- 
ally nor cut unless they were too weak to climb the stairs to her second-floor 
classroom. Most who enrolled in her linguistics class (required of English ma- 
jors) and her interim project in Appalachian speech patterns found her enthusi- 
asm contagious. Her approach to literature some thought devoid of emotion, but 
no one questioned her appreciation of words and rhetoric or her personal interest 
in her students. 

The only faculty member more formidable than Dr. Jackson was Dr. 
Randolph Shields. One student confessed that any time he was in danger of 
meeting Dr. Shields face to face coming down the hall of Sutton Science Center, 
he darted into the nearest door, even if it happened to be the door into the women's 
restroom. David Powell, later to become a member of the Maryville English 
faculty, recalled a dark period in his junior year when he decided to change his 
major from biology to English. Finally summomng the nerve to tell Dr. Shields, 
he was amazed to hear. "What took you so long? I've been expecting it." Dr. 
Shields, he said, had eased the transition, '"by being straightforward and non- 
judgmental." David's tribute to Randy Shields captures the essence of a stu- 
dent-faculty relationship at its best: 

Dr. Shields had the ability to help one see the world as a dynamic one- 
ness. If I had had the wit at the time, I would have called his hikes in the 
mountains "Buddha walks." To him anything and everything was a 
matter of importance, everything was related, nothing was beneath no- 
tice, everything was becoming, nothing was uncommon, everything was 


special: the names of plants, how they got their names, what the names 
meant, why the plants tended to grow at a certain elevation and only in 
a certain region, where they originated, what they were used for, how 
old the mountains were, where they were moving, who named them, 
what those people did with their lives (in some cases he had known the 
people themselves), what lay beneath the surface of the forest floor, what 
the clouds were saying about the weather to come, where the animals 
liked to nest and why, why the trees were dying. Dr. Shields taught me 
to avoid anthropocentrism and to love my mother. He taught me to be 
here, now. 

". . Jet others come" 

David Poweirs integration of Dr. Shields' teaching with his own intui- 
tive grasp of "the dynamic oneness'' gave Maryville College another teacher 
who IS communicating to the next generation the relationship between poetry 
and ecology, life and literature, music and physics, science and religion— in short, 
the essence of a liberal education. 

The retirement of Dr. Lightfoot in 1974 left a vacancy in an area in 
which continuity was crucial and a combination of mathematical and "people" 
skills was highly desirable. To fill the registrar's position. Dr. Jackson recom- 
mended Martha Hess, Class of 1967, who was then at Farragut High School in 
Knoxville, where she served first as chairman of the Mathematics Department 
and then the English Department. Martha quietly assumed control of the 
registrar's office as if she had been bom into the position. Her refusal to be 
ruffled by student complamts, faculty eccentricities, or administrative demands 
led to her selection as the first Outstanding Administrator when that award was 
instituted m 1979. 

Other newcomers in the seventies included Choi Park and Thelma Bianco. 
Choi, a native Korean with a library degree from the George Peabody College of 
Vanderbilt, came as a cataloguer in 1970. In 1979, following the death of Li- 
brary Director Jane Savage, Choi agreed to serve as interim director. Although 
she performed efficiently—and always pleasantly— she preferred to return to her 
own specialty as soon as a new director could be found. Thelma Bianco came in 
1971 to teach art. Versatile and imaginative, she was soon teaching a wide 
variety of courses and developing new courses in crafts. More recently her 
participation in the ORAU Faculty Research Program at the Oak Ridge Na- 
tional Laboratory enabled her to expand the Maryville art curriculum to include 
computer-controlled graphics. 

The mid-seventies saw the arrival of three who were to become faculty 
leaders as well as effective teachers and indefatigable committee members. Dr. 
Robert Naylor, a graduate of Butler University with a Ph.D. from Western Case 


Reserve, joined the chemistry faculty in 1 975 . Soon afterwards he became chair- 
man of the Chemistry Department and eventually, in a reorganization of the 
sciences, was named head of the Division of Natural Sciences. Political Science 
Professor Harry Howard, with degrees from Tennessee Wesleyan College, South- 
em Methodist University, and the University of Tennessee, came to Maryville in 
1976. In another reorganization he became chairman of the Division of Social 
Sciences. Dr. Terry Bunde joined the chemistry faculty in 1977. He came with 
a B.A. from Rollins College, a Ph.D. from the University of Florida, and post 
doctoral work at Baylor School of Medicine. After twice receiving the Out- 
standing Teacher Award at Maryville, he was recognized in 1989 as the Tennes- 
see Teacher of the Year by the Council for the Advancement and Support of 

The next addition to the faculty was the eighth president, setting the 
stage for a new chapter in the histor>' of the College. 


Chapter XIV— The Anderson II Years 

The Search Committee charged with recommending a new President of 
Maryville College invites all interested faculty, students, and staff to 
meet the first of the prospects that will be brought to the campus: Dr. 
Wayne W. Anderson of Baltimore. 

This announcement marked another in a series of firsts for Maryville 
College—the first time for the involvement of all constituencies m the selection of 
a president. The Search Committee, under the chairmanship of Dr. Herman 
Spivey, was composed of four additional Board members, two faculty, one ad- 
ministrator, one student, and the president of the Alumni Association. 

In establishing the qualifications, the Committee arrived at still another 
first: the candidates should be academicians with earned doctorates and teaching 
and administrative experience. Essential, of course, were an understanding of 
the Sanction of the small church-related liberal arts college, commitment to the 
Christian orientation, fund-raising capabilities, and a will to cope with financial 
and enrollment deficits. Of the 160 who applied, the Committee mterviewed the 
most promising and eventually narrowed the list to four who were invited to the 
campus for informal question and answer ses- 
sions, followed by in-depth interviews with key 

A New First Family 

The clear front-runner was Wayne 
Anderson. At the conclusion of the on-campus 
interviews, the Search Committee could report: 
"Confidential Maryville College faculty ratings 
of Dr. Anderson are very high indeed—higher 
than for any of the candidates presented.'' Dr. 
Anderson established immediate rapport with 
those whom he met. Here was a man who, seri- 
ous though he was about the position, had a sense 
of humor that would prevent his ever taking him- 
self too seriously, a sense of humor that was put to the test after his formal 
inauguration when his subjects, wearing "Wonderfial Wayne" T-shirts, held a 
mock coronation in the president's office. 

His academic credentials were impressive: an A.B. in political science 
from the University of Minnesota, where he was a varsity debater, student gov- 


emment president, and member of the Executive Committee of the National 
Student Association: a Master of Pubhc Administration Affairs. Princeton Uni- 
versity; and a Ph.D. in poHtical science from Georgetown University. 

Wa\Tie Anderson's work experience seemed to follow a direct route to a 
college presidency. After receiving the M.PA., he served one year as an admm- 
istrative intern in the U. S. Department of Health, Education, and Welfare and 
four years with the Association of American Colleges, where he was assistant to 
two presidents. From 1966 to 1975, he was executive assistant to three presi- 
dents of Johns Hopkins University. His duties included serving as assistant 
secretary of the Board of Trustees and liaison between the president and the 
facult>' and staff: budget preparation and supervision: directing the Alumni Col- 
lege; coordinating programs with traditionally black Bowie State College; as- 
sisting with preparation of grant proposals and the use of educational technol- 
ogy: speech writing for the presidents; and public speaking about University 

Rounding out his qualifications were teaching experience in the Hopkins 
evening school, publication of articles and monographs, and service as chair- 
man of the Board of Deacons and later as elder in the Brown Memorial Presby- 
terian Church in Bahimore. At the time he accepted the Mar^-ville presidency. 
Dr. Anderson was director of the Trustee Leadership Program of the Associa- 
tion of Governing Boards, in charge of research and training conferences for 
trustees of colleges and universities. 

His wife, Anne McClung Anderson, an alumna of Mar\' Baldwin Col- 
lege with a Master of Arts in Teaching from Harvard, also had an impressive 
record in education and church activities. Completing the family were their two 
young daughters. At the time the Andersons came to Maryville, Carnngton was 
a junior high student and Christen was a third-grader. Because the parents 
thought it important for the family to participate in community affairs, they 
opted for a home in town rather than Momingside. They were soon involved in 
civic, church, and school activities. Wayne was elected to the Board of the 
Blount County Chamber of Commerce. Anne found her niche in tennis, photogra- 
phy, and work with the Blount County Historic Trust; and she was later to have 
a key role in the preparation and publication of a new history, Back Home in 
Blount County. 

Problems Facing the NeM> President 

Although he was the first president not ordained as a minister, Wayne 
Anderson, because of the name, was inevitably compared with Isaac Anderson. 
With slight stretching, observers found a number of parallels, but two were 
indisputable. Both men were thirty-nine years old when they began their presi- 


dencies, and both faced acute financial problems. Between the time he accepted 
the presidency in February and the time he assumed office on 1 July 1977, Wayne 
Anderson was discovering how serious the financial problems were. 

Postponing the formal inauguration until April, Dr. Anderson turned his 
attention to finances. At a special meeting of the Board of Directors in January 
1978, he reviewed his first two hundred days in office. Although he had found 
many pluses in the cooperation of the faculty, staff, and community, he was 
disturbed by a budget that contained no salary increases, no expenditures for 
plant improvements, and commitments made but not budgeted. Budgets submit- 
ted by College departments had been trimmed drastically. Only $130,500 had 
been received of the $750,000 Leadership Fund, a discretionary fund the Board 
promised him at the tmie of his appointment. 

He called attention to the insufficient staff: no personnel director, no 
alumni director, vacancies pending in the academic and student affairs deanships, 
and the life-threatening illness of Brick Brahams, who would be replacing Neil 
McDade as administrative vice president. Not the least of the problems was the 
ever-present attrition, and it was growing. Seventy-four students had failed to 
return in January as compared with forty the year before. 

The new president was making plans, however, to meet the challenges, 
drawing on his expenence with the Association of Governing Boards for the 
introduction of a "Maryville Management System" based on management by 
objectives. He proposed to help deal with attrition by establishmg presidential 
scholarships to attract the caliber student for whom the Maryville curriculum 
had been primarily designed. He also proposed to present to alumni and friends 
an accurate picture of the College. 

The March 1978 Focus, which appeared a month before the inaugura- 
tion, announced a special issue devoted to ''An In-Depth Look at MC's Finan- 
cial Picture." A note from the president made clear its purpose: 

We want to share information with alumni, friends, and others in order 
to give them a real insight into the institution and also to pinpoint areas 
in which we can particularly use their help. I am operating on the as- 
sumption that it is extremely difficult to give helpful answers to ques- 
tions of which one is not aware. 

At the same time he spoke of the confidence he had in the long range fia- 
ture, "given the dedicated and talented faculty and staff. . .and their resolute 
determmation to scrutmize present problems and devise realistic solutions." 

The state-of-the-budget report contained, among other facts, the follow- 


Deficits for 15 out of the past 17 years, an accumulation of 
about $l'/2 million. 

An endowment that had shrunk to a little less than $2'/2 million. 
Unanticipated expenses, such as an increase in insurance premiums and 
an additional $15,000 to conform to the new federal minimum wage 

A debt of $2,000,000 on the dorms and $400,000 on the Physical 
Education Building, with total annual interest of over $79,000. 

The necessity of borrowing from $200,000 to $850,000 for short term 
operating expenses and paying $34,000 in interest. 

The degeneration of the physical plant because of the lack of 
funds for preventive maintenance. 

Lack of adequate funds for student services. 

The failure of faculty salaries to keep up with inflation or to compare 
favorably with those of comparable institutions in either the nation or 

Not all of the news was 
bad. Through the efforts of Busi- 
ness Manager Hugh Crawford to 
conserve energy, the College saved 
$100,000 m energy costs m 1976. 
Enlisting the cooperation of stu- 
dents, faculty, and staff, he was still 
leading an all-out conservation ef- 
fort; and he and Administrative Vice 
President Neil McDade were ex- 
ploring the feasibility of a wood- 
burning process, which was soon to 
be developed in cooperation with 
TVA and would result in significant 
savings. The report also pomted out 
that the faculty had impressive 
credentials, that the academic pro- 
gram had retained its vitality in spite 
of cutbacks, and that ''academic 
excellence is still the rule at 
Maryville College." "Best of all," 
the report concluded: 


Maryville College continues to enjoy an intense loyalty for"the Maryville 
experience" professed by faculty, students, alumni and friends of the 
College. Added to that loyalty is vital financial support which helps MC 
at least attempt to meet current operating expenses and fight the battle of 
the unbalanced budget. 

The following year would bring heartening evidence of that financial sup- 
port. In the meantime, there was an inauguration to celebrate. 

The Inauguration of the Eighth President 

The inaugural festivities, focusing on the theme ''The Future of the Small 
Liberal Arts College,'' began on Sunday, 23 April, with an inaugural sermon 
delivered by Dr. Daniel B. Wessler of Lx)uisville Presbyterian Seminary. Through- 
out the week addresses, seminars, recitals, art shows, and sporting events created 
a lively prelude for the Saturday morning inauguration. A luncheon at noon and 
the "Inaugural Festival" on Saturday evening concluded the week's celebration. 

Board Chairman Dr. Dan McGilFs invitation to Presidents Emeriti Lloyd 
and Copeland to participate in the induction ceremony provided a sense of con- 
tinuity, as did the presence of such Golden Scots as Dr. and Mrs. S. E. Crawford, 
Sr., Classes of '12 and 14, and Dr. Loyd Langston and Mrs. Nellie Pickens 
Anderson, both of the Class of '13. In spite of the emphasis of the title, the 
address by the new president~"A New Era, A New Opportunity, A New Maryville 
College"~drew from the history of the College five lessons for the fiiture: (1) to 
think big, (2) to cling to the commitment to high quality liberal education, (3) to 
tap the resources of off-campus individuals and organizations, (4) to speak not 
so much with a single voice as in a single chorus, animated by a common pur- 
pose, (5) to remain true to the Christian heritage. 

Administrative Officers: The Changing of the Guard 

It was a propitious beginning, but the road ahead was rough. Accord- 
ing to the 1982 Self-Study Report, the first four years of the Anderson adminis- 
tration saw a 100% turnover in chief administrative officers. The retirement of 
Hugh Crawford and the death of Brick Brahams were serious losses in the busi- 
ness and financial areas. During more than a decade as assistant to the presi- 
dent. Brick had cultivated through the deferred giving program some of the large 
bequests that would help to bring financial stability in the late eighties and early 
nmeties. His death left a void not only in administration but in the lives of his 
colleagues, who had come to depend on his leadership. 

Directors of development and admissions, treasurers, business manag- 


ers, chaplains, and deans and vice presidents for academic affairs came and left. 
Just as faculty loyalties nationally had shifted in the sixties from the institution 
to the profession, administrators, alert to new opportunities and higher salaries 
elsewhere, often remained only a short time. Maryville continued to profit, 
however, fi-om the loyalty of its alumni. Leslie Nier and Annabelle Libby joined 
the admissions staff during this period and remained to make significant contri- 
butions. Leslie came in 1978 as admissions counselor, served later as admis- 
sions director, and eventually became director of campus life. Annabelle, after 
retiring as a librarian in the Shaker Heights (Ohio) school system, volunteered in 
1982 to return to Maryville at a token salary to organize the alumni recruiting 
program. During the period of unsettled leadership in admissions, she served 
for a period as director of admissions but returned as soon as convenient to her 
position as director of transfer recruitment. 

After graduate school Bruce Guillaume and Randy Lambert, both of 
the Maryville Class of '76, returned to the College—Bruce as a counselor and 
Randy as basketball coach. Bruce created and became director of the Institute 
for Lifestyle Development and the Mountain Challenge program. Randy, hav- 
ing developed a winning basketball team, moved into the position of athletic 
director in the early eighties but continued coaching and teaching. Deborah 
Steams Nichols, another Maryville graduate, returned in 1979 after receiving 
her degree in library science. As coordinator of library computer services and 
acquisitions, she became a leader in the computerization of the library. 

Developments in Curriculum 

Dr. Alfred Perkins succeeded 
Carolyn Blair as academic vice president in 
1978 and remained for eight productive 
years. A native of Columbus, Georgia, Dr. 
Perkins graduated from Mercer University 
with a major in mathematics and minors in 
physics and religion. After military service 
and an MA. and Ph.D. from Harvard in Eu- 
ropean History, he received Danforth Gradu- 
ate Fellowships and a Harvard Travel and 
Research Fellowship for study in France. 
His teaching and administrative experience 
were at Upsala College (N.J.), where he 
taught history and served as dean and aca- 
demic vice president. 

Soon after his arrival Dr. Perkins 


appointed a task force on curriculum and design (TFCD) composed of faculty 
nominated by each of the four divisions. Following the current trend in curricu- 
lum reviews and revisions, the task force established goals in the form of skills, 
attitudes, and knowledge. In the winter and spring of 1980 the goals were pre- 
sented to the faculty. In 1980-8 1 came a review and revision of the curriculum 
in light of the goals; and in April 1982 the Board approved the recommenda- 

The revision of 1982, while not a radical departure from the existing 
curriculum, broadened the general education requirements to offer more op- 
tions; returned to measurement by credit hours rather than courses; added new 
majors in international studies, computer science, pre-professional health sci- 
ences, accounting, and management; reduced the number of required interim 
projects, placing emphasis on experiential and off-campus projects: and for the 
first time in recent history offered a formal minor, which was optional. 

Also introduced were a values course and more emphasis on inter- 
disciplinary and multidisciplinary study, as, for example, the minor in American 
Studies, combining courses m histor>'. political science, and literature. Within 
the next two years, in response to the growing demand for vocational training, 
two new combined majors were added: computer science/mathematics and com- 
puter science/business. 

President Anderson had announced as one of his goals programs to at- 
tract non-traditional students. Consequently, in 1979, continuing education, 
through a grant from Levi Strauss, was expanded into a degree program. One 
hundred thirty-seven students enrolled in twent\'-one courses. Within two years 
S. M. Atchley, the director, reported a total of 278 students in twenty-five courses. 
As the program grew she organized the successful Center for Professional De- 
velopment, to which she eventually had to devote fiill time, turning over continu- 
ing education to a series of new directors. 

Fort Sanders Regional Medical Center once more proposed a cooper- 
ative nursing program leading to a B.S.N, degree. Interest among area nurses 
led to the announcement of a 1986 starting date. The College hired a director 
and began offering the general education requirements in the evenings. Within 
three years, however. Fort Sanders reopened its nursing school, making it diffi- 
cult for Maryville to compete with a less expensive in-hospital program. After 
voting to phase out the B.S.N, degree program, the Man^-ville Board announced 
a dual-degree arrangement with the University of Tennessee in which Maryville 
would provide two years of general education, after which the nursing candidate 
would spend two years at UT, earning both a B.S. in health science from Maryville 
and a nursing degree from UT. 


A New International Emphasis 

The East-West Foundation in 1976 had sent eleven Japanese students to 
Maryville, and the number of international students began to increase so steadily 
that expansion of the English-as-a-Second-Language program became neces- 
sary. In 1983 the program was developed into the Center for English Language 
Learning (CELL). It expanded rapidly after the arrival of the new director, 
Kelly Franklin. The growth came in part from the increase in international 
students at the College, but also the influx into Blount County of Japanese fami- 
lies connected with Nippondenso and other Japan-related firms. The spring 
1992 edition of a Japanese publication that ranks study abroad programs named 
Maryville's CELL as one of the four best, the others being one each in the 
United Kingdom, New Zealand, and Canada. Maryville, in competition with 
such schools as Boston University, Harvard, Indiana, and Stanford, was cited 
for its small classes, individual attention to students, extracurricular activities, 
and the safety and beauty of the area. 

During the Anderson years Maryville expanded its exchanges with the 
Far East through agreements with Kansai University of Foreign Studies in Osaka, 
Japan, and soon afterwards with two Presbyterian-related Korean universities, 
Yonsei in Seoul and Han Nam in Taejon. In memory of her husband, Robert 
Jackson. Maryville alumna and Board member Mar\' Lib Jackson strengthened 
the Far East emphasis by underwriting the conversion of the infirmary into the 
International House and establishing a joint fiind at Maryville College and the 
University of Tennessee for an annual lecture series on East Asia. President 
Anderson visited Japan to help cement a relationship that had been important 
throughout most of the history of the College. And in 1 984 students from Mejiro 
Gakuen Women's College in Japan began the first of annual summer visits to 
Maryville to learn English and experience American culture. The establishment 
of a sister-school relationship between the two colleges promoted mutual devel- 
opment and faculty exchanges. 

The Faculty in the Eighties 

Under Dr. Perkins' leadership other achievements in the academic area 
included the successful outcome of the third ten-year review for the Southern 
Association. Mellon Foundation and Merrill Trust grants for faculty develop- 
ment, and an ALCOA grant for merit raises. The number of doctorates in- 
creased from fift>' percent in 1978 to sixty-four percent in 1986. The Faculty 
Personnel Standards Committee, composed of four elected representatives from 
tenured faculty, was created to assist in decisions regarding tenure, promotions, 
faculty loads, the hiring and dismissal of faculty, and five-year reviews of ten- 


ured faculty. The addition of full-time faculty had by 1982 created a student- 
faculty ratio of between eleven and twelve to one. 

Faculty' morale, however, was dampened by high inflation. Even with a 
10.2% salary increase in 1980-8 1, the inflation rate resulted in a loss in buying 
power. The 1982 Self-Study reported that in 1980-81 average salaries at 
Maryville lagged behind those at comparable institutions by $2,500. By 1981- 
82 the gap had been reduced to $2,000, and the Board was committed to steady 
increases. Charts of salar>' ranges for the five-year period beginning in 1978 
showed that average salaries for women, who made up 35% of the faculty, were 
only slightly lower than those for men in the three lower ranks. In the full 
professor rank the average women's salaries over men's ranged from $1,347 in 
1978-79 to $3 10 in 1982-83, the difference explained by the longer tenure of the 
women professors. Marseille's fringe benefits compared favorably with those 
of comparable schools, and the grants for faculty development contributed to 
job satisfaction. 

Perhaps it was the promise of job satisfaction that attracted so many 
outstanding faculty during the Anderson years. Whatever the attraction, they 
came and stayed to add immeasurably to community life. Dean Boldon and 
Young-Bae Kim joined the Social Science Division in the fall of 1979. Dr. 
Boldon, with an undergraduate degree from Hanover, an M.Div. from Princeton 
Theological Seminary, and a Ph.D. from Vanderbilt, became chairman of social 
sciences. He had recently returned from Iran, where for four years he taught and 
served as vice president for academic affairs at Damavand College in Tehran 
until the new Islamic government closed administrative positions to all but Ira- 
nian citizens. 

Dr. Kim. a native of Korea, received his undergraduate degree from 
Yonsei University, an M.S. from Indiana University, and a Ph.D. from the Uni- 
versity of Kansas. In the Political Science Department and as coordinator of 
International Studies, he made a distinctive contribution, especially in his work 
with the Model United Nations program. Under his sponsorship Maryville stu- 
dents won honors at Model United Nations conventions and conducted, as in- 
terim projects, similar conventions for area high school students. 

Scott Brunger. whose undergraduate degree was from Yale and his doc- 
torate from the New School for Social Research, came to Maryville in 1982 to 
teach economics. His enthusiasm and creativity made him a favorite with both 
students and colleagues. He and his wife Ann, an ordained minister who soon 
after they arrived was invited to be pastor of the Highland Presbyterian Church, 
became leaders in the local community as well as a stimulating influence on 

Sarah Brown McNiell, Class of 1953, had begun her teaching career at 
the College soon after receiving her Master's degree from the University of Ten- 


nessee. She left teaching to rear her two children, then took advantage of a 
Danforth Fellowship to earn a Ph.D. in American history. She returned to 
Maryville in 1982 as director of continuing education. A vacancy in history 
drew her back to the History Department and, not long afterwards, the History 
chairmanship. Her interest in local history has found an outlet in her leadership 
in the restoration of the Thompson-Brown House and her work with the Blount 
County Historic Trust. 

The fall of 1984 brought four outstanding newcomers. Alicia Berry, a 
talented teacher of business courses, who also knew how to apply the principles 
she taught, was soon lured away for part-time work in the treasurer's office and 
in 1992 became director of accounting. Eileen Riordan, whose doctorate was 
from Boston College, came to teach biology, but soon was attracting attention 
for her workshops on dream interpretation, based on the teachings of psychia- 
trist Carl Jung, and her active role in the local Democratic Women's Club and 

Susan Schneibel, a New Englander with an MA. from Rutgers and a 
Ph.D. from the University of Erlanger-Nmberg in Germany, held the first ap- 
pointment in comparative literature. Teaching both English and German courses, 
she was the logical choice to head the Department of Languages and Literature, 
a position she assumed in 1992. In a reorganization move in 1993, she became 
head of the Humanities Division. Joan Worley, a native Texan with a library 
degree from the University of Tennessee, followed Exir Brennan as library di- 
rector. She arrived just in time to direct the library renovation project, which she 
managed with the same aplomb with which she later moved into the computer- 
ization of the library. 

The following year brought Sally Jacob in psychology and John Perry 
in physical education. Dr. Jacob's degrees included an MA. from Boston Uni- 
versity, an M.S.E. from the University of Southern Maine, and a Ph.D. from the 
University of Tennessee. Her expertise in assessment and her interest in the total 
educational process served the College well in the expansion of the teacher edu- 
cation program. Dr. Perry, with a Ph.D. from Southern Illinois University, was 
Maryville's first fiall-time African-American professor. His credentials plus his 
genial personality made him the logical choice for department head when the 
opening came in 1986. Elizabeth Perez-Reilly, whose doctorate was from Vand- 
erbilt, came in 1986 to teach Spanish. Her contacts and her interest in organiz- 
ing off-campus experience in Latin American countries broadened opportunities 
for language students. 

Retirements in the Eighties 

Faculty retirees in the Anderson administration included four veterans, 


each with over thirty-five years service: Edith Largen, Kathryn Martin, Harry 
Harten and Arda Walker. Mrs. Largen, head of the Physical Education Depart- 
ment, commanded the respect of students and colleagues alike for her adminis- 
trative ability, her high standards, and her creativity. Miss Martin, whose field 
was Spanish, traveled extensively in Spanish-speaking countries and maintained 
strong enthusiasm for the Spanish language and culture. She was active in 
AAUW and other community activities, including Spanish classes for elemen- 
tary school children. 

Because of his position as director of the College Choir and head of the 
Fine Arts Division, Dr. Harry Harter was frequently in the spotlight. It became 
a tradition for alumni choir members to gather on commencement weekends to 
sing again under his direction "On Highlanders," the "Alma Mater," the "Seven- 
fold Amen," and his own arrangement of "The Twenty-Third Psalm." The 
crowning event in his career was the choir reunion in his honor in October 1988 
when over two hundred alumni choir members from thirty-two states and Canada 
returned to campus for a full weekend of rehearsals, performances, and reminis- 
cences. To perpetuate Dr. Harter "s influence. Choir alumni established the Harry 
H. Harter Scholarship Fund. After retirement Dr. Harter kept up a strenuous 
pace, assisting with public relations for the College-Community Orchestra and 
later serving as chairman of the MACCO Board. He also continued the com- 
mencement weekend tradition. 

Herma Cate and Elizabeth Fowler, both members of the English De- 
partment, also retired in the early eighties. Although their tenure was shorter, 
they had a far-reaching influence through their interaction with hundreds of stu- 
dents. For several years they led as a team the interim project "In Search of 
King Arthur." taking groups to England to visit sites connected with the Arthurian 
legends. They also worked together on successfiil grant proposals that enriched 
the humanities offerings. Dr. Fowler served for many years as advisor for the 
Highland Echo, chaired the Freshman Inquiry and the Individualized Major 
Committees, and developed the writing major. Mrs. Cate, a folklore specialist, 
taught Appalachian Studies, directed folklore interim projects that took students 
into remote areas of East Tennessee, and for several years wrote a column for 
the Maryville- Alcoa Daily Times entitled "Smoky Lore and Legend." 

Students in the Anderson Years 

From the strong foundations laid by retiring faculty and the continued 
dedication of the new there emerged a healthy, challenging curriculum. In spite 
of the academic strength, however, the College still faced persistent enrollment 
and attrition problems. That the problems were not unique to Maryville brought 
little comfort to a frustrated admissions staff and a faculty weary of searching 


for solutions. Nationally this was the decade of "scandal and cynicism," of the 

weakening of the tradi- 
tional family, of the decline 
of standards in public edu- 
cation, of the highest unem- 
ployment since 1940, and 
of an inflation rate that 
climbed to over thirteen 

have described those reach- 
ing college age in the eight- 
ies as rebels without a 
cause. The causes were 
there--hunger, home- 
lessness, women's rights, race problems, chaos in the inner cities, environmental 
issues—but no inspiring leadership in Washington and no passion among the 
young. This was reputed to be the generation that had grown up as latchkey 
kids. Educated by television, they became accustomed to absorbing information 
in short segments between commercials and aimlessly turning the dial in hope of 
more exciting fare. They have been described as a generation seeking instant 
gratification, wary of commitments, pessimistic about the future, and concerned 
with self and careers first. 

Such a generalization is unfair to the exceptions, many of whom were 
enrolled at Maryville, but it does help to explain the restlessness that led to 
dropping out or transferring in unprecedented numbers. Enrollment problems in 
private colleges had another explanation in the rapid growth of public commu- 
nity institutions, which were less expensive and often less demanding academi- 
cally. The ratio of public to private college students in the eighties rose to three 
to one. 

Maryville 's response, in addition to redesigning the curriculum for a 
job-oriented market, was to increase student financial aid, targeting the highly 
motivated student. President Anderson lost no time in establishing Presidential 
Scholarships to attract students with outstanding scholastic records. By the 
middle of the decade seventy percent of the student body was receiving some 
form of financial aid. At the same time inflation mandated steady increases in 
tuition, room, and board. The annual cost for the resident student in 1 969-70 
was $2,200; m 1979-80, $4,245; and by 1984-85, $6,745. (This last figure 
would double in less than ten years.) Soaring textbook prices added to the 
financial burden. As enrolhnent continued its downward trend, despairing ad- 
ministrators and faculty groped for answers. Rising costs were obviously a 


factor, but Maryville, like every other college, had no choice but to raise tuition. 

In his spring 1979 report to the Board of Directors, Academic Vice 
President Perkins observed that from twenty-five to thirty percent of the stu- 
dents who dropped out should not have been at Maryville in the first place. He 
recommended improvement in orientation and counseling, better integration of 
on- and off-campus work through the Financial Aid Office and Career Planning 
and Placement, and more attention to counseling sophomores, whose confusion 
about career objectives caused many to leave school. 

Could the answer lie in other areas? A survey made by the Board's 
Student Affairs Committee in 1984 asked the question ''Are you happy at MC?" 
The response was an overwhelming "yes," but the return of only tvventy-five 
percent suggested another problem. The question "Is Maryville College too 
conservative?" brought a definite "no." One student commented: "Liberal hip- 
pie teachers from the 60 's. conservative students." Another was more specific: 
"When I think of the word 'conservative.' I think of 'stagnant' or 'incapable of 
effective change.' Maryville College is definitely not stagnant, for it is filled 
with professors full of vitality." 

Student Concerns and Controversies 

A scanning of the Echo during these years, however, does reveal a num- 
ber of student concerns. The first issue in the fall of 1977 contained an editorial 
expressing excitement over the future of the College under a new president who 
was making himself available to students through dorm meetings and an open 
office door. Even more exciting was the news that the alcohol issue was "finally 
being given consideration by the Board of Directors." who appeared "to have 
definite changes in mind." 

The Board's Student Affairs Committee, having already circulated ques- 
tionnaires, had concluded that changing the alcohol rules to conform more closely 
with actual practice would eliminate the old charges of hypocrisy. Consequently 
the Board approved in January 1978 a new alcohol policy permitting the posses- 
sion and consumption of alcoholic beverages in dorm rooms and designated 
lounge areas if desired by the majority of residents in each dorm. At the same 
time, it emphasized that 'Ihe Board does not and will not countenance the break- 
ing of any federal, state or local law," and "the Board calls on the administration 
to continue and accelerate its efforts to establish an action program on substance 
abuse aimed at fully informing students of the dangers related to the use of 
alcohol as well as other drugs." Arguments over interpretation would prove to 
be time-consuming, and the alcohol issue surfaced regularly as support grew for 
a campus pub. 

Food kept its priority as a source of complaints. Since Miss Ware's 


retirement the College had contracted with a food service. Editorials appeared 
in the fall of 1978 on "the sub-level quality of the food" and the insensitivity 
demonstrated by food fights. Complamts became so strong by 1979 that a new 
company was brought m. By January 1980 another Echo editorial pointed out 
that the new group was ''not living up to promised standards." A third company 
arrived in 1980. When a fourth replaced it three years later, the initial report to 
the Board was "unprecedented student approval of the new food service." Bud- 
get problems, however, shortened the honeymoon, and changes continued. 

The changes in chaplains and religious life coordinators came even more 
rapidly than changes in food service. A religious preference poll, to which 77% 
of the students responded, yielded these results: 27% Presbyterian, 16% Baptist, 
13% Catholic, 11% Methodist, and 10% other. In 1978 an attempt was made to 
form a non-denominational Sunday morning service to replace vespers, but in- 
terest soon waned. Plans for February Meetmgs that year included an invitation 
to a jazz fantasy group and an interpretive dancer whose role would be to "por- 
tray a clown who explores what it means to experience life in its fullest dimen- 
sion." The Echo review was blunt: "February Meetings Fizzle and Flop"~ 
another indication of the distance students had moved from the sixties. Editori- 
als and letters to the editor continued to call for leadership in religious life, but it 
seemed impossible to achieve a satisfactory mix of chaplain and divergent cam- 
pus views about his or her role. 

The students were also unhappy about what the Echo termed "student 
affairs mismanagement." Pearsons, designated a self-governing dorm, an Echo 
report called "lawless." Alcohol and other drugs were causing problems. Much 
of the blame for mismanagement was focused on the new dean of student ser- 
vices. The ground swell of discontent grew in spite of President Anderson's 
initiation of informal residence hall discussions between students and adminis- 
tration. It grew to a climax with vandalism and threats against the dean—serious 
enough to warrant cancellation of classes for a meeting of the entire community 
to probe the causes. 

The dean's resignation after less than two years and the appointment of 
Professor Wally Lewis as ombudsman brought a temporary truce, but disrup- 
tion occurred again when a new vice president for student affairs resigned after 
three years, following a charge of sexual harassment. Jane Richardson, who 
had previously served as both associate and acting dean and was experienced in 
pouring oil on troubled waters, assumed the position of dean of students for the 
next three years before taking another administrative position. Another vice 
president for student affairs came in 1986 and left less than two years later. 
Changing the title from "student affairs" to "student development" seemed a 
wise move. 

At the same time, the athletic leadership was running into difficulties. 


An Echo article in May 1980 announcing "controversy in the athletic depart- 
ment" dealt with three resignations, including those of the athletic director and 
the head football coach. The resignations came amid allegations of rule viola- 
tions, questionable recruiting practices, the AD's charge of "no administrative 
support for athletics."" and questions at a recent faculty meeting about the integ- 
rity of the program. Although the football team had had a series of winning 
seasons and the women's volleyball team had reached the AIAW Championship 
Tournament, the perception, according to the Echo, was that the Department 
had become self-serving and closed to the rest of the school. While football went 
over its budget, soccer could not get a foothold, and track and wrestling had 

Camptfs Governance: Review and Revision 

Controversy over the functioning of the All College Council increased 
as task forces, the first in 1979, were appointed to revise it. As the process 
dragged on, however, that interest waned. The 1982 Self-Study reported that 
the students did not understand their opportunities within the system. A task 
force in 1984 reported on strengths and weaknesses of the Council and sug- 
gested a student senate as a way of overcoming apathy. In March 1985 the Echo 
carried a stor\' on a proposal calling for a student senate and a college liaison 
council, eliminating the All College Council but keeping the current committee 
structure. In April 1986 came the announcement that a student senate was on 
the way, guaranteeing broader student representation. The All College Council 
would maintain its same structure but leave student issues to students. Few 
students noticed when the ACC ceased to meet or when the administration and 
faculty organized their own separate bodies. Within sixty years campus gover- 
nance had come almost full circle. 

The Calendar Controversy 

While students showed little interest in campus government, they rallied 
to protest the change in calendar and daily schedule that followed the curriculum 
revision. The debate, faithfully reported in the Echo, raged through letters and 
articles from 1981 through 1985. In a February 1981 letter two concerned 
students, having heard rumors of change, declared that they had chosen Marv'ville 
for the uniqueness which they found in a calendar that allowed them to concen- 
trate on three courses a term. In May 1985 a letter from three seniors lamented 
the loss for future students "of the opportunit\' to enjoy such a unique and valu- 
able educational system." In the years between, articles and editorials appeared 
regularly to appose the community of the progress of the controversy. 


At issue was the proposal of the administration to change from the tri- 
mester-plus-interim to the traditional two semesters plus an interim. Except for 
cost savings from the reduction of registrations from four to three, the students 
failed to understand the rationale for the change. The majority liked the shorter 
terms, each ending with a vacation period. They preferred the November-De- 
cember interim over one in January because of the better weather. Most impor- 
tant, they appreciated the opportunit\' to concentrate on three courses a term. 

After initially rejecting the change to the more traditional calendar, the 
faculty approved it by a narrow margin. When it was finally passed by the All 
College Council in the spring of 1983. a letter to the editor charged administra- 
tive intimidation to force student members to vote for it. An editorial in the fall 
of 1984 entitled 'Trouble in the Magic Kingdom" leveled charges against "King 
Wayne" and 'Trince Al" of paying no attention to the dissatisfied serfs, and a 
letter from Dr. Perkins with suggestions as to how to handle schedule problems 
was printed under the bold-faced heading "Prince AFs Decree." The contro- 
versy subsided only after the graduation of the last students to experience the 
trimester calendar and the temporar>' cessation of the publication of the Echo for 
seven months in 1985-86. 

Student Involvement and Creativity 

Far from being concerned exclusively with self and careers, students 
during the Anderson administration were reaching outside themselves to become 
involved in community and world concerns. They volunteered for work in the 
Blount County Girls' Group Home, Haven House, and Dismas House. Circle K 
was active. The Fellowship for Peace and a chapter of Bread for the World were 
organized. Peace rallies featured speeches by faculty and students, and the Fel- 
lowship hosted a peace conference. 

Also encouraging were signs of a rebirth of creativity. Interest in the 
arts was apparent in reviews of concerts, art exhibits, and movies. The 
Playmakers, a drama group of twelve carefully selected members, was orga- 
nized in 1978 to meet the need for musical and dinner theatre productions. The 
group staged memorable performances of Godspel I and The Cotton Patch Gos- 
pels and sponsored evenings of readings from Thurber and fi-om Edgar Lee 
Masters' Spoon River Anthology. The Players revived the fifties tradition of 
celebrating Halloween with drama and storytelling, resurrecting the Maryville 
College tales of Pearsons' ghost and Anderson HalFs "Old Whiskers." 

The organizer and director of the Playmakers was Sharon Murphy Crane, 
Class of 1974, who with her husband Tillman returned to Maryville in the late 
seventies and soon made a place for herself as activities director. The Echo, 
noting a new spirit on campus brought about by imaginative social events, ex- 


pressed appreciation to Sharon and published a column called '"What's Going 
On?" Sharon initiated the "One Hundred Days" tradition for seniors and was 
the moving force behind the redecoration and renaming of the snack bar, which 
at her urging became "Isaac's" in memory of the College's founder. Her sudden 
death in the summer of 1986 left a great void. 

The End of the Anderson Years 

As early as 1984 the rumor circulated that Wayne Anderson was under 
consideration for another college presidency. He dismissed it with the explana- 
tion that he had not applied and that he had requested that his name be with- 
drawn from candidacy. Two years later, however, the rumor turned into the 
announcement that he had accepted the presidency of Illinois Wesleyan Univer- 
sity. Whether he was seeking relief from the pressures of the Maryville presi- 
dency or simply a new challenge was a matter of speculation. At the end of his 
first year at Maryville Dr. Anderson had reported to the Board; "The year [has] 
been productive, frustrating, exhilarating, nerve-wracking, exciting, funny, dis- 
appointing, debilitating, uplifting, and worth it all!" One wonders if he could 
have made the same statement at the end of his total nine years. If by debilitat- 
ing he meant the sapping of his strength orthe suppression of his sense of humor, 
there was no sign of it. Otherwise the adjectives seemed an appropriate sum- 
mary of his Maryville presidency. 

Productive Times 

Certainly those years had been productive. The Toward Century III 
Campaign ended ahead of schedule in May 1984, having raised over twelve 
million dollars in a five-year period. In President Anderson's first year, alumni 
giving increased 29.6% over the year before, setting a record for which the 
United States Steel Foundation awarded a first place for increase in alumni 
giving. His first five years saw the rise in the number of donors to a new peak. 
Restricted giving was outstanding. It provided scholarships, strengthened the 
international emphasis, endowed a program in journalism, and set up computer 
laboratories. Alumni debaters contributed over $40,000 to underwrite the de- 
bate program, and the Scots Club raised $20,000 for athletics. Foundation 
grants supported faculty development, campus beautification, the Office of Com- 
munity Service, the Affiliate Artist Program, the Preparatory School for the 
Arts, the Maryville-Alcoa College Community Orchestra, and the CIV series. 

Although no new buildings were added, existing facilities underwent 
badly-needed renovation with the restoration and refurnishing of Willard House 
through the generosity of the Proffitt, Kramer, and Lloyd families. The renova- 


tion of the second floor was completed in February 1988 under the enthusiastic 
leadership of Margaret (Sissie) ProfFitt and the further financial support of the 
Finis Gaston Cooper Trust, Jean Campbell Rokes, Earl A. and Mary B. Storey, 
and area corporate benefactors. 

From anonymous donors and general fund raising efforts came support 
for the renovation in 198 1 of the original Lamar Memorial Library Building for 
use as the Center for Campus Ministry. The Classes of 1931 and 1932, in 
celebration of their fifty-year anniversaries, contributed flinds for the cleaning 
and re-leading of the stained glass window. In 1983 funds became available for 
the removal of asbestos and 

the refurbishing of four pi ' • MJ f-r f Li^ • «_TJI *^ 

residence halls. The sum- 
mer of 1986 saw the reno- 
vation of Thaw Hall and 
the modernization of the 
library, in large part 
through $350,000 from the 
Pew Trusts, a generous 
contribution from Dr. Finis 
G. and Ethel Burchfield 
Cooper, and a trust set up 
by Bemice Humphreys. In 
1 982, with the cooperation 

of the Blount County Historic Trust, nine college buildings were placed on the 
National Register of Historic Places, and four were added later. 

One other campus building underwent two transformations during the 
Anderson administration. When the Andersons decided not to live in Momingside, 
Dr. Loyd Langston, an alumnus in his eighties, leased it as a residence. The 
contents of Momingside were stored until March 1978 when a two-day auction 
attracted buyers from as far away as California and netted over $70,000. This 
sum, combined with the Sam Furrow Auction Company's commission, which 
Mr. and Mrs. Furrow donated to the College, was used for scholarships honor- 
ing Mrs. John Walker, Dr. and Mrs. William Patton Stevenson, and Mrs. Furrow's 
mother and uncle, Mrs. Belle Baker and Bob Thrower. After the death of Dr. 
Langston in 1981. there was again a question as to the use of Momingside. 
Eventually Nan and Tom Taylor leased it and in 1 985 opened it as the Momingside 
Inn, which became a popular restaurant and social center for the entire area. 

Other changes on the campus were important from an economic stand- 
point: the replacement of the old steam lines and the installation of the wood- 
buming energy system. In the first year of operation, 1984-85, the new system 
saved over eighty percent ($250,000) in heating bills. Repaving campus roads. 


upgrading athletic fields, and making major repairs to roofs were among other 
projects completed during these years. The designation of the area in front of 
Fayerweather as the Edward G. and Bemice A. Humphreys Court began a ma- 
jor beautification project that gained momentum in the early nineties with an 
additional gift from Diane Humphreys-Barlow to provide walks and ftirther land- 

Not least of the 
accomplishments of the 
Anderson administration 
were the Board workshops 
and retreats led by person- 
nel from the Association of 
Governing Boards (ABG), 
with sessions on institu- 
tional management and re- 
sponsibilities of Board 
members. Working closely 
with Dr. Anderson were the 
two Board chairmen of the 
early and mid-eighties, each serving a four-year term. Carle Davis, a prominent 
local businessman and civic leader, provided strong leadership in investment 
and management decisions and in the Toward Century III Campaign. His suc- 
cessor, Edwin Best, Sr, an alumnus and retired TVA budget analyst, had served 
twenty-one years as recorder of the Board. He brought to the chairmanship both 
business acumen and a wealth of information about precedents. 

Frustrating Times 

Had the presidency been frustrating? Without a doubt. Turnover in 
administrative staff and problems with food service took disproportionate time 
and energy. In spite of the heartening increase in annual giving, the insufficiency 
of unrestncted funds necessitated deficit financing and resulted in the neglect of 
many physical plant needs. And in spite of savings brought about through the 
new heating system, inflation and nsing energy costs drained dollars fi"om the 
academic budget. Although the endowment doubled within the decade, other 
ftinds that might have been added to endowment had to be diverted to current 

Nothing could have been more frustrating, however, than the steady 
decline in enrolhnent and increase in attrition. Bringing in consultants, aug- 
menting the admissions staff, improving the admissions facilities, establishing 
the Presidential Scholars program-all had failed to produce results. In October 


1986 Controller Linda Stevens reported to the Executive Committee of the Board 
that the major reason for the operating deficit was the twenty-six percent drop m 
enrollment between 1978 and 1986. The 1986-87 year began with slightly un- 
der five hundred, a figure difficult to explain, although consultants had warned 
that by 1984 the national recruitment pool would decrease by twenty-five per- 

Exhilarating. . .Funny. . .Disappointing. . . Uplifting 

But there had also been exhilarating times: the response of students, 
faculty, staff, alumni, and local citizens to the open communication of the new 
presidency and the College's first million-dollar gift in Dr. Anderson's first year. 
There had been fiinny times; many light-hearted interchanges with faculty and 
students and the successive presidential birthdays, each celebration an attempt 
to surpass the last in hilarit>'. There were the disappointments, particularly the 
inability—although substantial gains had been achieved—to raise facult>' salaries 
to a more competitive level. 

Dr. Anderson's final report assured his constituents that there had been 
uplifting times. He could leave, he said, with the assurance that the College had 
fulfilled its principal objective by providing superior education to undergraduate 
students both young and old. It implemented the institution's mission as out- 
lined in the College catalog. As a result students learned and grew as distinctive, 
individual human beings, and they prepared themselves well for the fiiture. 

The College had survived another critical period. President Anderson surely 
had reason to believe that it had been "worth it all." 


Chapter XV— Toward the Twenty-First Century 

The 1986-87 academic year started with an interim president and an 
acting dean. Dr. Perkins had accepted the deanship at Berea, and by consensus 
Dr. Dean Boldon (whom wags were soon calling Dean Dean) moved from the 
Division of Social Sciences into the dean's office. Dr. Mark Ebersole arrived in 
August to serve as interim president until a new president could be selected. 
With many years of administrative expenence behind him, including the presi- 
dency of Elizabethtown College from 1977 to 1985, there could not have been a 
happier choice. His rapport with faculty, staff, and alumni enabled him to do far 
more than simply keep the machinery oiled. 

Once again a committee organized for a search. Chaired by Board 
member Edwin Best, it had the same ratio of representation of Board, faculty, 
staff", alumni, and students as the 1976 committee. The announced qualifica- 
tions for the next president were also essentially the same. From approximately 
two hundred applications and nominations, the committee narrowed to a short 
list. Following campus visits by the candidates, faculty and staff responded to 
questionnaires asking for their impressions. 

77?^ Ninth President 

The evaluations of Dr. Richard I. Ferrin, the eventual choice, revealed 
perhaps more about the faculty at this time than about the candidate. Protesting 
that limited time with Dr. Ferrin precluded a fair evaluation, the faculty com- 
mented mainly on his experience (or lack of it) in fund raising and his commit- 
ment (or lack of it) to scholarship and the liberal arts. The most divisive issue 
was what one called "his open and positive expression of Christian commit- 
ment," with which "some [would be] uncomfortable." How tolerant would he 
be, another asked, of "an academic setting of varied religious views?" One 
feared that pressing toward Christian commitments 'would hinder the open and 
tolerant exchange of views that makes the college such a stimulating place to 

The consensus, however, was positive, as represented in the three fol- 
lowing views: 

We have tried putting on the many faces of Eve; a growing number 
of people believe that we need to try to regain a sense of identity. Dr. 
Ferrin may have the ability to put us on track. We would perhaps see 
short-term loss but a long-term gain (maybe survival.) 


The college-age student of today is much more conservative than the 
students of the 60 's and 70 's. I believe Maryville College should move 
with the times into a somewhat more conservative perspective. 1 think 
Dr. Ferrin could lead the college responsibly in this direction. 

1 regard the religion issue as 1 always have, to be out of proportion. 1 
have not heard or seen anything that would suggest the spectre of 
witchhunts or infringement on academic freedom. What 1 do 

hear is a desire to sharpen the focus and expression of the identity of MC 
as a church-related school in the Judeo-Christian tradition. 

That the faculty were united in their concern for maintaining an open 
and tolerant exchange of views was clear. The majority came to believe that 
Richard Ferrin shared their concerns and their goals. Responses on question- 
naires contained such phrases as "strong leadership ability," "vision, energy, 
and enthusiasm," "communications skills," "optimism, sincerity, and the ability 
to inspire." They saw him as "soft-spoken but strong-willed," "bright and ar- 
ticulate," "open and honest," "a savvy negotiator," and even "too good to be 
true." Could he live up to expectations? 

Like his predecessor, Richard Ferrin seemed to have taken a straight 
course toward a college presidency. He had a role model in his father who, for 
forty years, was president of Barrington College, a small church-related college 
in Rhode Island. After graduating from Barnngton with a major in religious 
studies and mathematics education and earning a Master of Education degree 
from Rhode Island College, Ferrm taught for four years at Barrington, then 
enrolled at Stanford University for a Ph.D. in Higher Education. 

Seven years as a researcher and planner for the College Board provided 
a strong base for his subsequent career, which included ten years in administra- 
tion at two church-related colleges, Kansas Wesleyan in Salina, Kansas, and 
Whitworth in Spokane, Washington. At Kansas Wesleyan he directed a multi- 
college consortium before becoming vice president for academic affairs and dean 
of the faculty. At Whitworth he served as vice president for academic affairs 
and director of college planning. During this time he authored or co-authored 
books and monographs dealing with education-to-work linkages, career guid- 
ance, transfer admissions practices, student aid, free-access higher education, 
and developmental programs. 

He was also involved in church and community activities: as an elder in 
the Whitworth Community Presbyterian Church, and as a member of the Salina 
City Planning Commission, the Board of Directors of Spokane Public Radio, 


and the Administrative Board of the Spokane Joint Higher Education Commis- 
sion, which he served as chairman. 

In 1985, with a college presidency as his ultimate goal. Dr. Ferrin de- 
cided to take a t>pe of sabbatical for what he called "a period of study, research, 
teaching, and consulting." As president of Ferrin and Associates, he kept one 
foot in education and the other in the business world. In his first year he taught 
graduate courses in management at Gonzaga University, prepared business de- 
velopment and marketing plans, and evaluated a national project for improving 
reasoning skills of urban high school students. It was at this time that the Maryville 
presidency became an option. Ironically, it seemed to have come too soon. His 
new venture was so successful that he turned down the position when it was first 
offered. Strong persuasion by the search committee and discussion with his wife 
led him to reconsider. He made another visit to Maryville, this time convinced 
that it was the right move. 

In March 1 987 Dick and Marj Ferrin arrived in Maryville to begin their 
new roles. At age forty-four he was obviously eager for another challenge, and 
Marj immediately won respect and affection for her quiet but enthusiastic par- 
ticipation in college and community life. She took a leading part in the Faculty 
Women's Club, enrolled in college classes, and joined students for a week of 
volunteer work in Charleston in the aftermath of Hurricane Hugo. A registered 
nurse, she also volunteered to work with the local Hospice Program. 

Inauguration of President Ferrin 

"Maryville College: Where heritage and 
fi-esh ideas meet" was the theme of the Ferrin 
inauguration. The festivities began on Thurs- 
day morning, 8 October, with a CFV lecture by 
Dr. Lydia Bronte, staff director for the Carnegie 
Corporation. A symposium that evening with 
Dr. Arthur Peterson of Eckerd College and mem- 
bers of the Maryville faculty continued the 
theme. Friday's program was a workshop 
conducted by Dr. Ferrin's sister. Dr. Priscilla 
Leavitt, on "Transitions: Making Sense of Life's 
Change." Cultural activities included photog- 
raphy and pottery exhibits, Saturday concerts 
on the hour by groups fi^om four area high schools plus the Maryville College 
Concert Choir. Taking place concurrently on Saturday were walking tours of 
the campus and children's activities. 

On Sunday the College community and delegates fi-om colleges, univer- 


sities, and educational organizations gathered for the inaugural ceremony. Giv- 
ing special meaning to the occasion was the participation of former Maryville 
Presidents Copeland and Anderson and the new president's father, Howard W. 
Ferrin, Chancellor Emeritus of Gordon College. 

The inaugural address paid tribute to a distinguished past and charted a 
course for the future: embracing new approaches to learning; '"doing good,'' as 
Isaac Anderson had envisioned, "on the largest scale": and creating acommunity 
of caring and service. Presiding over the luncheon was the new Board chairman, 
Harwell ProfFitt. a search committee member who had exerted a strong influ- 
ence on Dr. Ferrin's decision to come to Maryville. They were to become an 
effective team. 

Into the Breach 

At his first Board meeting as president, in April 1987. Dr. Ferrin showed 
not only a firm grasp of the problems, but an understanding of the strategy for 
dealing with them. Simply stated, he proposed to accentuate the positive and 
eliminate the negative. In a succinct statement entitled "Telling the College 
Story," he emphasized the progress made in the past few years. Full-time enroll- 
ment had increased from 443 in 1984 to 449 in 1985 to 467 m 1986~small 
increments, to be sure, but in the right direction. The quality of entering students 
had remained fairly strong, and applications for fall 1987 were up by seventeen 
percent. Major capital improvements had been made, and the market value of 
the endowment had increased from $3,524,923 on 30 June 1980 to $6,612,145 
on 30 June 1986. Faculty and staff salaries, though still low, had increased 
fifty-three percent between 1980 and 1986. 

On the other hand, primarily as a result of the capital improvements and 
salary increases, the operating loss for the past three years had been $23 1,000, 
$633,000 and $1,795,000 respectively. The College faced financial challenges, 
he pointed out, "brought on by extensive borrowing, cutbacks in federal aid, and 
the high cost of developing and maintaining an institution of quality." The cur- 
rent half million dollars in debt service, he predicted, would increase to "around 
$700,000 in each of the next two years before we can get our budgets back into 

Essential to the health of the institution was attention to three weak- 
nesses: insufficient donor base, low enrollment, and excessive expenditures. The 
donor base, already up twenty-one percent over the previous year, would be a 
major thrust of the upcoming capital campaign. Plans to raise enrollment were 
underway. Expenditure control would come through consolidating course offer- 
ings, freezing all salaries, eliminating three full-time faculty positions, and re- 
ducing the number of adjunct faculty. 


A plan was in place, he added, to balance the budget by 1989-90. This 
plan assumed at least fifteen percent annual increase in full-time enrollment and 
a ten percent annual increase in unrestricted giving. A tight rein on expenditures 
should result in a nine-to-ten percent growth in expenditures while revenues 
increased by fifteen-to-seventeen percent. 

The plan had common sense in its favor. Its success would depend upon 
a strong Board of Directors, a stable and committed cabmet. a capable support 
staff, a cooperative faculty, and generous donors. The Board had never been 
stronger. The rotation system plus judicious selection guaranteed a combination 
of new blood and seasoned, experienced members. 

A Stable Cabinet 

Dr. Ferrin soon put into place a cabinet that would remain with him 
throughout his tenure. Dean Bolden, after a year as acting dean, became vice 
president for academic affairs and dean of the College. Bill Etling came in 1988 
as vice president for college advancement. Donna Davis remained as business 
manager (a position that Dr. Ferrin elevated to cabinet level) until 1992, when 
she became vice president for admissions and enrollment. Alden Stuart arrived 
in 1990 as vice president and treasurer and within two years took on greatly 
expanded responsibilities for the physical plant and auxiliary enterprises. With 
the arrival of Dr. Sue Wyatt in the summer of 1988 as vice president for student 
development, that area moved into a period of growth and fundamental changes. 

A new cabinet position went to the chairman of the faculty. With the 
demise of the All College Council, the faculty, like the students, became disfran- 
chised. To give the faculty a voice, Dr. Ferrin opened the way for faculty to 
select its own officers. Whereas in the past the president or dean had presided 
over facult>' meetings and the secretary had been a Board appointee, the faculty' 
now elected its own chairman and secretary and acquired an official voice. The 
first faculty chairman. Dr. Robert Naylor, along with Dean Boldon, represented 
the faculty on the President's Cabinet. 

Other administrators who deserve credit for much of the progress dur- 
ing this period include Ellie Morrow, director of development and executive 
director of the Vision 1 994 Campaign: Jeanne Fulkerson. director of annual 
giving: Jane Gilbert, director of alumni and parents programs: and Andy McCall, 
physical plant director. Emily Yarborough, director of communications, with 
the assistance of alumnus Duncan Bennett (now retired from the editorial staff 
of the KnoxviUe News-Sentinel), was on constant call to handle the increasing 
publicity. Richard Tatum. director of church relations, and Stephen Nickle, 
chaplain and director of volunteer services, were strong influences on the re- 
newal of spiritual and humanitarian emphases. 


With key personnel in place, long-range planning began. By late Au- 
gust 1987, Dr. Ferrin presented to the faculty and staff a paper that began a 
discussion of goals. Entitled "Vision 1994," the year the College would cel- 
ebrate its 1 75th anniversary, the paper, he insisted, was not his vision for the 
College, but rather a starting point "based on the College's traditions and needs, 
some concrete and some conceptual." Instead of appointing task forces to estab- 
lish direction, he chose the route of "personal vision and collective wisdom." 
As he said in an interview for Focus. 

People have the right to expect leaders to have real vision, but they 
also have the right to expect that the collective wisdom will be treated 
just as seriously and significantly as any personal opinion, whim, or 
vision. It's when those two come together that you have real movement 
in an organization. 

Vision 1994 

The initial draft of the Vision paper drew more than a dozen written 
responses, as well as constant discussion, from casual meetings on campus to 
organized sessions of faculty and staff. The Board approved the final version in 
January 1989. 

Vision 1994 pictures MaryviUe College on Founder's Day, 1994. Regular 
undergraduate students now number twelve hundred, seventy percent of whom 
live on campus. Adding a new dimension to the academic life are three hundred 
continuing education students and one hundred graduate students in professional 
education programs. Academic standards remain high, but, in keeping with the 
historic purpose of the College, a place remains for students with a range of 
abilities. The faculty has increased to seventy. Hundreds of others—profession- 
al people and church groups —participate in conferences, short courses, and work- 

Independent study continues to be the centerpiece of a curriculum "char- 
acterized by an insistence on individual responsibility and mastery, group learn- 
ing, and intensive faculty mentoring." The strengthening of the library, espe- 
cially in computer technology, has opened up to students and faculty a greater 
range of learning resources. The curriculum places new emphasis on the devel- 
opment of "wonder, praise, sensitivity, and responsiveness" and "a concern for 
values of personal mtegrity and ethical behavior." It integrates liberal and profes- 
sional education. A "workship" program instituted in 1989 helps students pay 
their college bills while they explore career opportunities. Every student has 
firsthand involvement m another culture through student and faculty exchange 
agreements with institutions in other countries. 

Residence halls, offering a variety of housing options, have become liv- 


K«*rff»i«»,-<6T^#iJt*,i-.*' ■ 

ing-Ieaming centers. Students have the stimulation of symposia, debates.concerts, 

and exhibits. Leaders from 
all walks of life are invited 
to campus, and a "leader 
in residence" plan makes 
possible visits of a week or 
more with outstanding role 
models. The College takes 
seriously its responsibility 
"to cultivate within its stu- 
dents an examined faith, a 
well developed social con- 
science, and a commitment 
to responsible, ethical citi- 
zenship." The campus 
ministry staff has devel- 
oped an active service program in which nearly every student participates in at 
least one service project. Intercollegiate athletics, an integral component of the 
educational process, continues to attract large numbers of students. 

Faculty salaries have increased by sixty percent since 1988, and the 
faculty development program has been expanded to include formal leaves. De- 
velopment opportunities have also been extended to the staff. The administra- 
tive staff, after the turnover in the eighties, is enjoying remarkable stability. 
Increased clerical and technical support have made it easier for faculty to de- 
velop new courses, programs, and projects. 

Development of the physical plant has continued with the building of 
the Student Union in 1992, freeing Fayerweather for badly needed classroom 
space. Carnegie Hall has been rebuilt, freeing Pearsons to become a conference 
center for lifelong learning. A new residence complex, built in 1992, has eased 
the housing crunch. 

The College has made exceptional financial strides. The capital cam- 
paign has gone over the top. The endowment has risen to twenty million. And 
"the budget has been balanced since 1989-90, although the College still has 
considerable long-term debt." 

So ran the dream—a dream with supports already in place. 

From Dream to Reality 

Vision 1994 reaffirmed the conviction that where there is no vision, the 
people (or colleges) perish. While few expected the achievement of every goal, 
no one doubted that continued building depended upon a carefully drawn blue- 


print. That so much was accomphshed must be attributed to superior leadership 
combined with the commitment of the constituents. 

One of the first signs of an upward swing came in 1988 with the largest 
single increase in enrollment since 1946. A twenty-five percent increase over 
1987 brought the enrollment to 6 14. With the addition of 173 continuing educa- 
tion students, the total head count was 787. By fall 1992 enrollment reached a 
total of 842—701 day students plus 141 in continuing education. Some of the 
enrollment increase could be attributed to better retention, which in the spring of 
1 989 exceeded ninety percent. A number of other factors doubtless contributed: 
the superhuman effort of the admissions staff, the optimism inspired by the en- 
thusiasm of the new president, stability in the student life area, the addition of 
varsity soccer for women, and the increase in the number of majors. 

An Explosion of Opportunities 

The curriculum continued to expand in the directions outlined in the Vision 
paper. Integrating the liberal arts and career planning was a major focus. A 
cooperative arrangement between Maryville College and the University of Ten- 
nessee allowed top students at both institutions to complete a liberal arts degree 
and a master's in business administration in five years instead of the usual six. 
Interest in an international business major brought an endowment from the Tea- 
gle Foundation to develop a major and strengthen library holdings in that field. 
Through alumnus and Board member Dan Greaser came the offer of internships 
in France and Switzerland with Ralston Energy Systems, providmg a mmimum 
often weeks' business experience at an attractive salary and the advantage of 
experiencing other cultures. 

New exchange agreements with Inter-American University in Puerto 
Rico and Northeast Wales Institute at Wrexham expanded the study abroad op- 
portunities. The commitment to international understanding was further strength- 
ened in 1990 with the launching of the ''World Series," featuring speakers and 
performers from other countries. The first speaker was Maryville 's Dr. Bae Ho 
Hahn, Class of 1958, eminent political scientist and dean of the graduate school 
of Korea University. Later m the fall Arun Gandhi (grandson of Mahatma Gandhi) 
and author Alex Haley spoke at the Community Forum and led luncheon dis- 

In the meantime the international population on campus was expanding. 
To help meet the goal of a diversified student body, the College offered for the 
first time in 1992 financial aid to international students. The Center for English 
Language Learning increased its staff to accommodate the influx of Japanese 
families who came to Blount County with Nippondenso and eight other Japa- 
nese companies based in East Tennessee. Japanese wives immediately enrolled, 


and an arrangement was made for Japanese students attending public schools to 
come to the College two hours a day for English language instruction. When 
Japanese parents realized that their children would have difficulty adjusting to 
both school and society on their retum to Japan, the newly-formed Blount County 
Japanese School, Inc. (BCJS) negotiated with the College for the establishment 
of a Saturday school. Taught by Japanese instructors (students enrolled at 
Maryville College and certified by Japanese standards), the children studied the 
Japanese language and culture, mathematics, and other standard subjects in Japa- 
nese schools. 

Efforts to increase minority enrolbnent continued, and outreach pro- 
grams muhiplied. An exchange with primarily black Knoxville College, focus- 
ing initially on biology and teacher education, brought together faculty and stu- 
dents fi^om the two schools for workshops and field projects. The George Erskine 
Fellowship paired college students and minority children from Alcoa Middle 
School. Named for Isaac Anderson's student, a fi^eed slave who became the first 
black missionary commissioned by Presbytery, it was a tutoring and self-con- 
cept program designed to encourage academic achievement. Holding the meet- 
ings on campus, it 
was hoped, would 
lead the younger 
students to begin 
thinking about col- 

grants supported 
projects between 
College and pubhc 
school faculties 
and summer insti- 
tutes for high 
school teachers of 
advanced place- 
ment courses. Other College-community activities, begun earlier, such as the 
Learning Center, community night in the physical education building, sports 
camps, and the Maryville-Alcoa College-Community Orchestra, strengthened 
the town-gown ties. The dedication of Crawford House in 1987 as the home of 
the Life Enrichment Center and the Mountain Challenge program fiirther en- 
hanced already popular programs. Mountain Challenge extended its facilities to 
community groups and high schools, offering weekend camps for parents and 
children. Grants from various sources financed the purchase of additional equip- 


ment, including the low ropes course in the College Woods and one of the few 
indoor climbing walls in the Southeast. 

Experiential interim projects emphasized the exposure of students to 
unfamiliar environments and experiences. A Mellon grant to the Appalachian 
College Association, a new consortium which the College joined during this 
period, provided for an intense mentoring program for member colleges in which 
students in the social sciences and humanities worked with faculty on a special 
project of interest to both. Maryville's selection in 1990 as the first associate 
member mstitution of Oak Ridge Associated Universities (ORAU) opened a 
variety of research, development, training, and educational programs managed 
for the Department of Energy and other federal agencies by ORAU. 

Individual departments reorganized existing courses and initiated new 
ones. Under the leadership of Dr. Marcia Keith, who joined the faculty in 1987, 
teacher education undenvent a complete revision, resulting in a resurgence of 
interest in teaching careers and a doubling of enrollment in that department. Dr. 
Michael Torres, a newcomer in 1990, led in the development of a four-level 
biology curriculum providing an introduction to each of the major areas of biol- 
ogy plus advanced courses leading to a variety of careers. A program of honors 
seminars taught by distinguished members of the faculty was instituted in 1992. 

Vision 1994, in recognition of the central role of the library, called for 
its strengthening, especially in computer technology. Library Director Joan 
Worley and her staff moved toward this goal as rapidly as finances would allow. 
Library users soon had access to Info-Trac II and an air ink-jet printer that 
encouraged and facilitated bibliography searches. Connections with SOLINET, 
the interlibrary loan network, and ERIC, a CD-ROM index, followed. The 
librarians reported that students were asking more questions, checking out more 
materials, and using interlibrary loan more frequently. 

Further evidence of a quickening of life in the library came with the 
inauguration of two new programs. "Right Where We Live," a library lecture 
series on the culture and heritage of Appalachia, begun in 1989; and "The Prac- 
tical Librarian," a conference for librarians at colleges with under two thousand 
students, the first of which was initiated and hosted by the Maryville librarians 
in 1990. 

Students in the Ferrin Years 

Vision 1 994 pictured a student population growing "beyond self-inter- 
est into self-extension, commitment, and service." Students would enjoy ex- 
panded global educational connections, strengthened library resources, inten- 
sive faculty mentoring-all designed to develop individual potential. As seen in 
the curriculum developments, the College was moving steadily toward these 


educational goals. Given the human factor, however, that allowed daily frustra- 
tions to cloud the vision, the students were not altogether positive about their 

Complaints about food and tuition increases surfaced frequently. Let- 
ters to the Echo ridiculed rules like the Gamble and Davis Halls sign-in policy, 
which, commented one student, gave these dorms 'Ihe aura of a prep school in 
the 50's." The campus was not yet free of racial conflict or crime, and the 
charge of apathy made regular appearances. The Student Programming Board 
pointed out that it had spent $1,250 on the "Medicine Men" to play for the 
twenty people who showed up. 

A matter of special concern was the change in the alcohol policy with- 
out consultation with those most affected. In 1978, when the Board proposed 
closing the gap between policy and practice by permitting students of legal age 
to drink in their rooms and at specified campus functions, the legal drinking age 
in Tennessee was eighteen. In 1 984 the Legislature raised the age to twenty-one, 
thereby excluding the majority of undergraduates and making the rule difficult 
to enforce. Dr. Ferrin, recognizing the dilemma, asked the Board in January 
1988 to adopt a no-alcohol policy. The announcement brought brief demonstra- 
tions and a flash of local publicity. 

In the fall of 1988, in response to student requests for a voice, an alco- 
hol task force conducted listening sessions before arriving at a revised policy 
that prohibited the use of alcoholic beverages by persons under twenty-one and 
restricted the use by those of legal age to their Pearsons Hall rooms and a few 
carefiilly supervised campus ftinctions. As could be expected, both alcohol and 
other drug use continued to be a problem and a source of conflict between a 
small group of students and the administration. 

Addressing the student objection to having had no voice in the original 
action on alcohol, Dr. Ferrin pointed out that no system for student input was in 
place at that time. Dissolving the All College Council had created a vacuum, 
and the president agreed that the time had come to fill it. In the spring of 1 989 he 
distributed a draft of the "Maryville College Governance Proposal," endorsing a 
"process of consensus-building in long-range planning and in the formation of 
College-wide policies." In addition to the President's Cabinet, already in place, 
the draft proposed the establishment of the Presidential Advisory Council (PAC) 
to act as a coordinating committee. The Council, composed of elected represen- 
tatives of faculty, staff, and Student Senate, would normally meet once a semes- 
ter. It was not to serve a legislative function but to "advise the President on 
policy matters requiring input and consensus from across the campus." 

The proposal called for the president of the Senate to address the Board 
annually, and for Senate officers to meet regularly with the Board's Student 
Development Committee. The formal change from the All College Council to 


the Presidential Advisory Council was recorded in the January 1 990 Board Min- 
utes. Students, predictably, deplored their lack of power. One, frustrated over 
the Senate's failure to change an unpopular academic regulation, took up the 
age-old litany: ''We feel like puppets meeting about nothing every couple of 

On the positive side was the mtercollegiate athletic program, which was 
beginning to be a source of pride and enthusiasm. When Phil Wilks was named 
head football coach in 1988. he was faced with a rebuilding problem. After two 
losing seasons and a 5-5 record in the third, the Scots climbed to 7-3, recaptur- 
ing community' interest. In basketball, both men's and women's teams set new 
records, both finishing seasons among top teams in the South Region. At the 
end of the 1991-92 season, basketball coaches Randy Lambert (the men's team) 
and Wes Moore (the women's team) both won Coach of the Year awards in the 
NCAA South District. In 1993 the men's team received its third consecutive 
invitation to the NCAA national tournament. In 1994 the Lady Scots received 
their sixth consecutive invitation. 

Women's volleyball continued to have winning seasons. Coach Kandis 
Schram, Class of 1 985, received the WIAC Division III Coach of the Year award 
in 1989: and in 1991, because of her facility with sign language as well as her 
coaching skills, she was chosen to help coach the United States Women's Na- 
tional Deaf Volleyball Team for an exhibition at the United States Olympic Fes- 

Sparked by the addition of women's intercollegiate soccer in 1988, a 
new soccer field, and the coaching of Philip Nedo. followed by Pepe Fernandez, 
the men's and women's soccer teams fought through a series of winning seasons. 
In 1988 Randy Evans was the leading scorer in the nation in NCAA Divisions I, 
II, and III: and in 1993 Julie Dingels was one of only four juniors named to the 
National Soccer Coaches Association of America All-America Team. 

A ReneM'ed Interest in Sen'ice 

An Echo editorial called the "dry issue" the top story for the 1987-88 
school year, but a reporter attempting to gather student opinion concluded that 
few cared one way or the other. A great many, however, seemed to care about 
the environment, the homeless, the hungry, and peace initiatives. Earth Days 
were publicized and observed appropriately. The Environmental Club orga- 
nized an ambitious recycling project. Peers were urged to substitute bicycles for 
automobiles, and smokers were advised to drop the habit. Mar\^ille students 
representing the Peace Education Task Force attended a Homeless Rally in 
Washington. Another Maryville delegation went to Nashville for the Southern 
Region Conference of Amnesty International. Ten students, faculty, and staff 


participated in a Habitat for Humanity project in Nicaragua. Twenty students 
helped build homes in Knoxville under the same program, and a Maryviile- 
based chapter was formed. Another group spent the spnng break in New York 
City working with the homeless. 

As if in response to the Vision 1 994 call for every student to be involved 
in at least one service project, the College received word in 1991 that it had been 
chosen to participate in the "Bonner Scholars" program. Established by Corella 
and Bertram F. Bonner of Princeton, N. J., the Bonner Foundation was estab- 
lished to provide scholarships for students with a demonstrated interest in com- 
munity service, with financial need, and with specific scholastic qualifications. 
They must be willing to devote at least ten hours of service a week during the 
school year and at least 240 hours during the summer to activities such as tutor- 
ing and other work with community youth. 

In the first year twenty-nine students received scholarships worth ap- 
proximately $3,000 each, renewable for each of the following three years. It 
was estimated that total commitment to the College would reach $500,000 a 
year by the end of the fourth year as new students arrived to join those returning. 
The program, under the direction of Chaplain Stephen Nickle. was declared 
successful in its first two years of operation. 

Another sign of broadening interests and altruism was the organization 
of the Church and College Scholars into a puppet and clown ministry and sing- 
ing group, under the direction of Dr Tatum. A new theatre group, the Lloyd 
Lobby Vagabonds, was organized. The first College Poetry Slam at Isaac's 
attracted some thirty-five people, twenty of whom read their own poetry. Under 
the leadership of Dr. Larr>' Smithee, who joined the music faculty in 1991, the 
Concert Band, the Jazz Band, and small brass ensembles invigorated the music 

A Revitalized Faculty 

As enrollment grew, new full-time faculty were added in the natural and 
social sciences and adjuncts in the humanities. The 1993 Self-Study statistics 
showed forty-eight full-time faculty. Eighty-one percent held terminal degrees 
in their disciplines. Forty-six percent were tenured. The ratio of female faculty, 
about forty-five percent, remained the same as in 1986-87. The student-faculty 
ratio was 15:1. 

In January' 1990, as enrollment grew and financial problems eased, the 
Board adopted a faculty salary improvement plan that, according to the 1993 
Self-Study, had two goals: to achieve a sixty percent increase in the average 
salary relative to 1988-89 and to reach the mid-range for II-B church related 
colleges. By 1992 average salaries had increased nearly thirty-five percent, an 


achievement that the Self-Study credited with much improved morale and a gen- 
eral feeling of optimism. Beginning in 1988 the College had balanced budgets, 
and the endowment more than doubled. 

Another morale builder was the increased support of faculty development 
through generous gifts and grants. Funds administered by the Faculty Develop- 
ment Committee provided for workshops, faculty leaves of absence, grants for 
travel to professional meetings, faculty development grants, and visits to the 
overseas institutions with which the College was affiliated. The publication of 
Laurels, containing news of books, articles, and other scholarly work by faculty, 
further stimulated productivity, as did increased clerical help that allowed more 
time for academic pursuits. Although heavy teaching, advising, and committee 
loads remained an obstacle for some, the faculty had reason to be optimistic. 

Well done. . . 

Shifting patterns in higher education in the last third of the century 
brought a greater turnover in faculty. Membership in the Twenty-five Year Club 
became more exclusive. The early nineties at Maryville. however, brought the 
retirement of veterans who had served during the administration of four of the 
College's ten presidents and were on hand to welcome a fifth. 

After service in World War II and graduate school, Arthur Bushing, 
Class of 1943, returned in 1947 to teach English, never dreaming of the many 
hats he would be wearing before he retired: professor of English, dean of men, 
Independent Study editor, director of summer school, director of continuing edu- 
cation, coordinator of the Freshman Inquir>' Program, chairman of the Depart- 
ment of Languages and Literature, secretary of the faculty, and member of count- 
less committees. He served on the Executive Council of the Faculty until the All 
College Council was organized, at which time he was elected a faculty repre- 
sentative. His more recent students remember him for the Maryville College 
outlining and research manual that his revisions kept up to date. At the time of 
his official retirement, the College awarded him an honorary doctorate in recog- 
nition of his long service. He continued to teach part time for two more years. 

In 1 993 Dr. James Bloy rounded out forty years as a member of the 
Music Department. For nine of those years he was chairman of the Division of 
Fine Arts. Organist, composer, enthusiastic teacher, promoter of the arts, avid 
reader, and fascinating conversationalist—Jim enlivened and entertained whether 
in classes, private lessons, recitals, or informal gatherings. He was happy and 
relieved, however, to relinquish administrative responsibilities to Dr. Daniel Taddie 
on the latter 's arrival in 1990. 

Sallie and Victor Schoen, who joined the Music Department two years 
after Jim Bloy, announced that they would retire in 1994 after thirty-nine years. 


Sallie's untimely death in March shocked and saddened the campus. The com- 
munity will remember Sallie for her brilliant piano recitals. Her students will 
remember her for the high standards she set, for her contagious love of music, 
and for the enthusiasm with which she kept abreast of new methods and tech- 
niques. The Schoens worked as a team, whether in two-piano performances or 
parenting three daughters, but Vic's interests were primarily theory and compo- 
sition. He too remained open to new ideas and interests. As the College geared 
for emphasis on Asian studies, he contributed through research in Oriental mu- 
sic. His accomplishments as a composer brought recognition to him and to the 

Investments in the Future 

Although the new residence hall and student center envisioned for 1992 
did not materialize on schedule, improvements to existing buildings were accel- 
erated. Homecoming 1987 brought the dedication of Crawford House as the 
new Life Enrichment Center. Built in 
1876 by Professor G. S. W. Crawford, 
it served as a home for Crawfords until 
the early 1 980s. The last residents were 
the family of Professor Crawford's 
youngest child, Dr. Samuel Earle 
Crawford, a Maryville dentist. On this W 
island of eight acres of private property 
in the middle of the campus, Dr. 
Crawford enjoyed, into his nineties, a ' 
cordial relationship with the College 

family, especially the men in Copeland Hall, his nearest neighbors. In 1985 the 
family sold the property to the College. 

Although ideas for preserving and using the house were not lacking, 
funds were. The solution came through consultation with Attomey Roy Crawford, 
then vice chairman of the Board of Directors, and other descendants, twenty- 
seven of whom had attended Maryville College. ^^ The Crawford family sub- 
scribed more than the targeted amount for redecoration and landscaping, and a 
trust fund was established for maintenance. 

A few weeks before the dedication of Crawford House, the newly deco- 
rated Crawford Room in Bartlett Hall was dedicated to the memory of Hugh 
Crawford, Jr., another descendant of Professor Crawford and for twenty years 
the College's physical plant director. He and his wife, Dorothy Nethery Crawford, 
the College acquisitions librarian, both retired in 1981. After Hugh's death in 
1986, Dorothy requested that the memorial gifts be used for the benefit of the 


physical plant staff. 

In 1988 Pearsons Hall underwent refurbishing for use as a coeducational 
residence hall for honor students, students over twenty-one, and a few members 
of the staff. A Pew Foundation grant financed the renovation of Sutton Science 
Center. Friends contributed funds for further work on Willard House, includmg 
the conversion of the second floor into offices for the development and alumni 
staff and the addition of ramps and parking spaces. The following year brought 
a long-awaited soccer field. 

The Vision 1994 Campaign is making possible the upgrading of physi- 
cal education facilities. A pledge of $1,144,500 came from Margaret Anne 
Cooper and her brother, Robert Gaston Cooper, the daughter and son of Dr. 
Finis G. and Ethel Burchfield Cooper, Maryville alumni who both lettered in 
sports during their college years. The pledge has been designated for the reno- 
vation of the physical education building and an endowment for maintenance. 
The building will be named the Cooper Athletic Center, in recognition not only 
of this recent gift but of the many years of generous support by the Coopers. 

Recognition of former Maryville College Coach and Athletic Director 
Boydson Baird came at Homecoming 1 99 1 with the announcement of plans to 
renovate the basketball gymnasium and name it in his honor. In his student days 
at Maryville, he was an outstanding athlete and president of the Student Coun- 
cil. During his coaching career he was a role model for his players and a warm 
friend of his colleagues. The completed project, supported by friends and former 
students, was dedicated the following Homecoming. 

When the need for 
renovating the football sta- 
dium became pressing. 
Board member John 
Thornton contributed a 
$100,000 lead gift in honor 
of his father, Lloyd L. 
Thornton, Sr. The younger 
Thornton, Maryville native 
and president of American 
Rug Craftsmen, called his 
gift an expression of appre- 
ciation to the College and 

to Athletic Director Randy Lambert for recommending the thirteen MC gradu- 
ates working in his company. Phase I of the renovation—new aluminum seats, 
brick facing on the sides and front of the home-side bleachers, a new press box, 
and a new sound system—was begun in the summer of 1 993 and dedicated in the 


A major project generating wide interest was the restoration of Carnegie 
Hall. Boarded up and threatened with demolition in the mid-eighties, Carnegie 
was saved by the need for more dormitory space and the sentimental attachment 
of hundreds of former residents. No building had withstood so much mistreat- 
ment, but it held a special 
place in the memories of 
those who had lived there. 
Co-chairmen Harwell 
Profifitt, '40. and Sidney 
Gilreath, '58, headed a na- 
tional steering committee 
of fourteen alumni, repre- 
senting classes from 1938 
through 1973; and a cam- 
paign was launched to raise 
$4.2 million for the resto- 
ration. An impetus to con- 
tributors was the opportu- 
nity to name rooms or suites to honor individuals. Friends, family, and former 
patients of Dr. James N. ProfiEitt made a major contribution to the Jim and Ruth 
ProfFitt Parlor, and another large sum was raised through the "buy a brick" 
campaign for the Carnegie Commemorative Walk. The meeting of a Kresge 
Foundation Challenge Grant before the end of 1992 assured completion of the 
project in time for occupancy in September 1993. 

The College was clearly approaching a new record in financial support. 
In October 1990 came the announcement of the largest single gift in the College's 
history. It was from the estate of Ralph W. Beeson, a member of Birmingham's 
Independent Presbyterian Church and a Maryville supporter since 1 966, when 
he established the Ralph W. and Orlean B. Beeson Student Scholarship Loan 
Fund. First announced as over three million dollars, the total bequest eventually 
reached more than four million. 

Past attempts to fund endowed professorships had been largely unsuc- 
cessful except for the ALCOA Professorship of Chemistry. The early 1990s 
brought the establishment of two chairs: the Ralph W. Beeson Chair of Religion 
and the Sheila Sutton Hunter Chair of Music, the latter in memory of the daugh- 
ter of Algie and Elizabeth Sutton and a voice major in the Class of 1955. 

January 1991 brought the public announcement of the launching of the 
Vision 1994 Campaign, with Dr. Dan McGill as national chairman and Ellie 
Morrow as executive director. The goal was set at $22,000,000. The Tutt 
Bradfords made a lead gift of $500,000. By April 1992 contributions from 
individuals and foundations made possible the announcement that the Campaign 


had reached the half-way point. 

A Surprising Announcement 

By spring 1992 morale was high. Not only was the Vision 1994 Cam- 
paign proceeding on schedule, alumni giving was at the highest level in the his- 
tory of the College, foundation support was increasing, the endowment had 
reached over $12 million, and the College was operatmg with balanced budgets. 
The credentials and productivity of the faculty were high, and salary increments 
were on target. The curriculum was developing in the direction outlined in Vi- 
sion 1994, and student response was encouraging. 

Then began rumors of President Ferrin's marital problems. On the 
grounds that under the circumstances his effectiveness as a leader could be weak- 
ened, he offered his resignation at the spring meeting of the Board. The accep- 
tance was an agonizing but clear decision. In making the announcement the 
Man/ville Times (27 April 1992) cited President Ferrin's remarkable accom- 
plishments and quoted Board Chairman Dick Ragsdale: '"Dr. Ferrin's leader- 
ship brought stability, renewal, and growth to Maryville College. The progress 
under his tenure is a challenge to all involved with the college to build on this 

An editorial the following day reviewed Dr. Ferrin's accomplishments, 
concluding that perhaps the greatest gain during his presidency had been ''the 
confidence given the college staff and faculty in undertaking these Herculean 
tasks it faced and accomplished. That momentum will live on as Dr. Ferrin 
moves on to new endeavors." 

The resilience of the College met one more test as, for the second time in 
six years, a committee was formed to begin the search for a new president. 

The Tenth President 

Dr. Mark Ebersole, arriving in the summer of 1992 to an enthusiastic 
welcome for his second term as interim president, expressed pleasure at the 
remarkable progress made during the six intervening years and began taking 
steps to maintain the momentum. His presence brought stabilit>' and gave the 
Search Committee the luxury of time for careful selection. 

Veteran Board member Dr. Tutt Bradford chaired the fourteen-member 
Committee, composed of the now-standard representation of Board, faculty, stu- 
dents, and alumni. For the first time in a presidential search, the Committee had 
professional assistance. The Academic Search Consultation Service introduced 
efficiency into the search process by matching candidates with the criteria estab- 
lished by the Committee. 


By 1 February 1 993 Board Chairman Dick Ragsdale was able to an- 
nounce a unanimous vote to offer the position to Dr. Gerald W. Gibson, vice 
president and dean of Roanoke (Virginia) College. Strong in Dr. Gibson's favor 
was his dedication to the liberal arts. He described himself as "a zealot for 
liberal arts education"; and in his 1992 book, Good Start: A Guidebook for New 
Faculty in Liberal Arts Colleges, he made his convictions clear; ". . .while 
acknowledging the excellence of many universities, I believe it is in the liberal 
arts colleges that the very best undergraduate teaching is likely to be found and 
the very best undergraduate education is likely to be obtained. "^^ 

A native of South Carolina, Dr. Gibson is a Phi Beta Kappa graduate of 
WofiFord College with a Ph.D. in chemistry from 
the University of Tennessee (1963). Following 
graduate school he became an information chem- 
ist for the U. S. Army Chemical and Develop- 
ment Research Laboratories at Edgewood Ar- 
senal, Maryland. He began his college teaching 
career at the College of Charleston, where he 
chaired the Chemistry Department and served 
as associate provost. Moving to Roanoke Col- 
lege, he led in the development of a new general 
education curriculum and was successful in re- 
ducing attrition and raising enrollment by 
twenty-six percent. Under his leadership the 
faculty expanded, and faculty salaries for the 
first time rose above the national average for 
four-year colleges. 

Dr. Gibson's other credentials include a certificate from Harvard's In- 
stitute for Educational Management and numerous publications on topics in 
chemistry and higher education. Especially appealing to many of the Maryville 
College faculty was his reputation as a poet and the discovery that he was also a 
painter, suggesting the sensitivity and imagination that they found on his arrival 
to be characteristics of his approach to people, program, and problems. 

The Gibsons showed their courage soon after settling into their new 
home by inviting the present and retired faculty and staff plus spouses to an open 
house. Here it became clear that Rachel Gibson would play a vital role in the 
College community. She had already made many new friends and knew a great 
deal about the College. A native of Clarksville, Tennessee, she was not far from 
her roots, and in the process of Gerald's work on his doctorate, the Gibsons had 
already spent four years in Knoxville, where their membership in Isaac Anderson's 
Second Presbyterian Church gave them at least a slight connection with Maryville 


Rachel Gibson was teaching biology in a private school when she had 
the opportunity to take pottery lessons. Soon she had acquired the interest and 
skill to become a professional potter. In the meantime she was rearing three 
children. Holly, a graduate of Roanoke College, and Laura, a student there, 
remained in Virginia. Only fifteen-year-old Paul accompanied his parents to 

Fall J 993 

The new president arrived on the first of July. That he had done his 
homework was evident from his knowledge and appreciation of the heritage of 
the College and his commitment to the completion of the Vision 1994 projec- 
tions. But he was already looking ahead to what he called "the next quantum 

The inaugural festivities in late October launched the year-long celebra- 
tion of the College's 175th anniversary. They began on Friday with a campus 
picnic and the dedication of Humphreys Court, with a tribute to the Humphreys 
family by Ellie Morrow and a response by Diane Humphreys-Barlow. The 
tolling of the Anderson Tower bell 175 times alerted the communit>' to the begin- 
ning of the 175th anniversary celebration. The program continued on Saturday 
with a luncheon, the inaugural ceremony, and the Founder's Day Dinner and 
Inaugural Ball at the Tellico Village Yacht and Country Club. 

The inauguration on Saturday afternoon attracted a large number of 
visitors. In the inaugural address, "The Best Possible College," President Gibson, 
having spoken of the legacies, outlined his five personal hopes: (1) an histori- 
cally large student body by the year 2000. (2) robust fiscal health, (3) ftill resto- 
ration of the Maryville campus, (4) a college where service and learning are 
thoroughly integrated, and (5) a college where "in the year 2000 students will 
find the liveliest, the very best liberal arts education available anywhere." 

The speech, delivered with conviction and strong in its clarity of direc- 
tion for Maryville College, ended with a call to action: "Mr. Chairman, with 
God's help, let the work begin." It was clear that the work had already begun. 



It is an early spring morning of the 175th anniversary year. The sun is 
dispelling the mists that shroud the Chilhowees. On the Maryville College cam- 
pus the day's activities are beginnmg. Joggers are out to beat the heavy traffic 
that will start at a quarter till eight. Serious young women—perhaps the soccer 
team—are running in rhythm around Circle Drive. Eldria Hurst is making one 
last check before ending his night's work— some ten thousand such checks since 
he assumed responsibility for campus security. 

The sun spotlights the new walks in Humphreys Court. They have 
smoothed the path from Carnegie to the library, but their borders, formed from 
the rough old handmade bricks used in the original walks, are reminders that the 
paths were not always so smooth. When the beloved College engineer, Tom 
Hutsell, died in 1971, Dr. Edwin Hunter wrote an elegy comparing Tom with 
"the strong and foundational" old bricks that ''recall the resolute and unselfish 
devotion of the beginnings'"; 

Strong and dedicated men and women made this school and still 

make it. 
One by one they pass and others take up the task. 

Tom, the poet concludes, "was strong and humble and patient like the old bricks 
in the campus walk." 

And so have been his successors, Lee Stephens and Bob Kirkland, and 
all the strong and humble and patient people who have contributed to the smooth 
operation and beauty of the campus, and all the strong and humble and patient 
people who have struggled with finances or have prayed for the privilege of 
being worthy teachers. 

Men from Copeland Hall emerge in small clusters and drift toward the 
Margaret Ware Dining Room. From the edge of the College Woods a bob white 
keeps repeating his name lest one forget that God's eye is on him too. And 
Maryville College moves confidently toward the twenty-first century. 




The sources for this history are primarily materials from the Maryville College Ar- 
chives and the Anderson Hall vault; bulletins, catalogs, letters and reminiscences, student pub- 
lications, numerous sets of minutes. and~of special value~the diary and scrapbooks of Maryville's 
fifth president. Dr. Samuel T. Wilson. Although measures are being taken to organize and 
catalog these hundreds of separate items, they are not yet generally accessible. Therefore we 
have limited footnotes to published, available works and have tried to indicate in the text the 
source of uncatalogued materials. 

Prologue: The Call of Abraham's God 

1. Adapted from E. N. Sawtelfs autobiography. Treasured Moments, excerpts from 
which are in the Maryville College Archives. Facts about early Maryville are from Will A. 
McTeer. History of New Providence Presbyterian Church (Maryville. TN: New Providence 
Church. 1921). 

Chapter I: The Birth of a Seminary 

1 .The complete constitution and charter can be found in Ralph Waldo Lloyd. Maryville 
College: A History of 150 Years-1819-1969 (Maryville. TN: The Maryville College Press. 
1969), Appendices H and J. 

2Fresbytery of Union Minutes. 9 February 1815-15 April 1818. Knoxville Lawson- 
McGhee Library, McClung Collection Transcript, Vol. H. Recorded by Edwin J. Best, Sr. After 
Erskine finished his studies, he delayed his ordination until he could raise money to buy the 
freedom of his wife and seven children. He went to Liberia in 1829 but died the following year. 
His son. educated at Edinburgh University, became the Secretary of State for the Republic of 

S.Samuel Tyndale Wilson. A Century of Mary\>ille College and Second Century Be- 
ginnings (Maryville. TN: The Directors of Maryville College. 1935). 77-78. 

4. The subsequent building of a railroad spur through those grounds and the changes 
brought about during Reconstruction abrogated the contract. 

S.Foster Park. "Early Literature of East Tennessee." Ea^? Tennessee Historical Society's 
Publications. No. 28 (1956). 41-44. See also Lucille M. Bates. Walter McGill: Preacher and 
Penman (San Antonio, TX: The Naylor Co.. 1976), 65. 

6. Bates. 71. 

7.Park. 44. 

8.Lula Beck Grigsby, "Tennessee Biography: Rev. Aaron Grigsby-Tennessee To 
Texas,'" Tennessee Ancestors. A Tri-Annual Publication of the East Tennessee Historical Soci- 
ety, Vol. 7. No. 3 (December 1991). 290-99. 


9. The obituary of William H. Davis is among the papers of his great granddaughter. 
Delle Mullen Craven. Fuller information can be found in her book. The Neglected Thread: A 
Journal from the Calhoun Community, 1836-1842 (Columbia. SC: The University of South 
Carolina Press. 1951). 

Chapter E: An Institution Constantly in Peril 

I.John J. Robinson. Memoir of Reverend Isaac Anderson, DD (Knoxville, TN: J. 
Addison Rayl. 1860). 109n. 

2. Quoted in Ernest Trice Thompson. Presbyterians in the South (Richmond. VA: John 
Knox Press. 1963). I. 345. 

3.Robinson. 128. 

4.Maryville College was not alone in adopting a plan that promised a way to pay 
faculty and secure students. Among others participating in this plan between 1835 and 1860 
were Oberlin. Antioch. Lafayette. Kenyon. Woftbrd. New York University. DePauw, Columbia, 
EmoPy'. and Ohio University. See Frederick Rudolph. The American College and University 
(New York: Vintage Books. 1962). 190-92. 

5. Robert M. Rhea. A Private's Story of the War. Unpublished MS from the papers of 
the late Dr. Robert M. Rhea, member of the Tennessee Volunteers. Company F.. 63rd Regi- 
ment. Army of Northern Virginia. For this information the authors are indebted to Todd Groce. 
whose University of Tennessee dissertation deals with East Tennessee Confederate service- 

Chapter HI: Out of the Ashes 

I.Lloyd. 85. 

2. Wilson. 125. 

3. For a full account of the life of G. S. W. Crawford, see Earle W. Crawford.Ow^ of 
Those Tall Tennesseans: The Life ofG. S. IV. Crawford (Maryville, TN: The Maryville College 
Press. 1986). 

4. Confusion has arisen as to whether the owner's name was Fogg or Fagg. Dr. Lloyd 
in his history of the College refers to him as Julius C. Fogg. The deed in the College business 
ofFice, however, shows the name to be Fagg. 

5. "Reminiscences of Emma E. Brown Alexander (1855-1937)," MS courtesy of Dr. 
Sarah Brown McNiell. head of the Maryville College History Department. 

6.McTeer. 92-93. 

7. This letter was made available by Mrs. Parker's granddaughter, Dr. Sarah Brown 


S.Barbara M. Solomon. //; the Company of Educated Women: A History of Women 
and Higher Education in America (New Haven. CT: Yale University Press. 1985). 29. 

9. Solomon. 33. 

lO.Wilson. 133. 

11. Wilson. 163. 

Chapter IV: Post-Bellum Student Life 

1 .For a detailed discussion of the early histor>' of athletics at Maryville. see Kenneth 
Kribbs. The Histoty of Athletics at Marymlle College. 1866-1968 (Maryville. TN: Brazos Press. 

2. The two previous histories of the College give the date as 1867. In One of Those 
Tall Tennesseans. p. 23. Earle W. Crawford, who had access to Gideon Crawford's notebooks, 
cites an entr>' giving November 1866 as the date Gideon Crawford was elected treasurer of the 
newly organized society. 

3.Antebellum students in 1854 had produced The Literary Casket and The Reposi- 
tory, using manuscripts from composition classes, but they were not printed. 

4.Crawford. 85-86. 

5. Crawford. 86. 

6.Crawford. 87. 

7.Hyman Kublin. Asian Revolutionary: The Life of Sen Katayama (Princeton. NJ: 
Princeton University Press. 1964). 52. 

8. "Sen Katayama." Kodansha Encyclopedia of Japan. 1983 edition. 

9.KubHn. 337. 

1 O.Joseph W. Cochran. Heroes of the Campus (Philadelphia: The Westminster Press, 
1917). 30. Cochran says that Takahashi came to America at age fourteen. Bom in 1866, he 
would have been twentv'-tAvo when he arrived in San Francisco. 

U.Kublm, 57-58. 

12.Cochran. 116. 

B.Kublin- 56. 

14.Wilson. 158. David Mann, an instructor in the Maryville College CELL program, 
has a work in progress on the influence of the presence of the Japanese in East Tennessee. He 
has discovered new information about Kin Takahashi's later years, including evidence that 
during Kin's lecture tour in the East after leaving Maryville he married an American woman by 
whom he had a child. They accompanied him to Japan but did not remain. 



Chapter V; The Persistence of Controversy 

I.Lloyd, 65. 

2.Lloyd, 63. 

S.Crawford, 167. 

4.Quoted by Thompson. 11. 127. 

S.Elizabeth L. Ihle. James Madison University, project under the Women's Equity 
Act. U. S. Department of Education. 

6.Deborah Gray White, Aren 't I a Womanl (New York: W. W. Norton«fe Co.. 1965), 

7.Quoted in Crawford. 136-37. 

8. "Reports from the Education Agents of the Freedman's Bureau in Tennessee, 1865- 
1870," The Tennessee Historical Quarterly. I (March 1942). 14. 

9.Lester C. Lamon. "Ignoring the Color Line." The Adaptable South: Essays in Honor 
of George B. Tindell (Baton Rouge. LA: Louisiana State University Press, 1991), 72. (The 
author is the great grandson of G. S. W. Crawford.) 

1 O.Lloyd. 208. 

11. The Maryville Index. 16 April 1880. 

12.The Maryville Democrat. 21 April 1880. 

13. Crawford. 156-57. 

14. Crawford. 158. 

15.Quoted in Lloyd. 208. 

16. Lloyd. 211. 

17. A tantalizing story involving Maryville College appeared in Balm in Gilead 
(Radcliffe Biography Series. 1988), a biography of her mother by Sara Lawrence Lightfoot. a 
noted black Harvard sociologist. In discussing her lineage Dr. Lightfoot recounts the story told 
her by her father that his grandfather was Job Lawrence, who. after graduating from Maryville 
College, married Missouri Ann. the illegitimate granddaughter of a Maryville College presi- 
dent. Missouri Ann's father was said to be one of two brothers who were leading politicians 
(governors) of Tennessee. The dates and circumstances leave no doubt as to the identity of the 
president and the politicians. Dr. Lightfoot refers to the story as "legend." but it might repay 
further research. 

Chapter VI: Toward Financial Security and Expansion 

l.Llovd, 49. 


2. Crawford, 124-25. 

S.Crawford. 105. 

Chapter VTI: The Dawn of a New Age 

1 .Ray Jenkins. The Terror of Tellico Plains (Knoxville. TN; The East Tennessee His- 
torical Society. 1978). 16. 

2.Wilson. 294. 

3. Ultimately the suit ended with a compromise that provided for the residual heirs to 
share with the grandchildren one-tenth of the residuals. Only a small amount of Maryville's 
bequest tell into the residual category. 

4. The two earlier histories give 1922 as the date the librar>' was moved to Thaw Hall. 
Dr. Wilson, writing in the 1930s, was probably remembering the 1922 dedication, forgetting 
that Thaw was not ready for the library until three years later. His own diarv and reports to the 
Board provide conclusive evidence for the 1925 date. 

S.Jenkins, p. 17. Jenkins also mentions an earlier Thaw visit during his student years 
at Maryville. which were between September 1910 and June 1913. A visit at that time would 
have been highly unlikely since Thaw was incarcerated in the New York Asylum. He did 
escape in August 1913 but was soon apprehended. 

Chapter DC: Student Life in the Wilson Years 

l.From David S. Marston's Telling It Like It Was. now in the process of publication. 
The quotation is used by permission of the author. The union of Mary Kate Caldwell and 
Charles Marston resulted in another five-generation Maryville College family, beginning with 
David Moore Caldwell. David S. Marston's three children-Joan. David W.. and Tom gradu- 
ated in the late fifties and sixties. Joan's son. Chris Herbert, representing the fifth generation, 
graduated in 1987. 

2.Lloyd C. Shue. Mr. Mac: Proctor of Carnegie Hall. 1920-1959 (Baltimore: Gate- 
way Press. 1983). 

3. For a fuller discussion of February Meetings, see Arda S. Walker. From an "In- 
gathering of Souls" to "HIio Speaks for Man? " A Century of February Meetings (Mar>'ville 
College. 1976). 

Chapter X: Weathering the Depression 

1 .Enforcement of rules on possession of cars on campus began on 1 November 1934 
when the administration began to register all cars, issue tags, and assign parking places for 
students who could prove special need for a car. The 21 November 1935 Executive Council 
minutes show that twenty-six cars had been registered by dormitory students, fifteen by local 


Chapter XI: World War E and After 

I.Todd C. Henson. "Measuring Excellence," Randolph-Macon Bulletin. Vol. 56 (Win- 
ter 1985). 2-3. 

2.Lloyd. 107. 

Chapter XH: The Sixties 

1 .Beardsiey Ruml. Memo to a College Trustee: A Report on Financial and Structural 
Problems of the Liberal College (New York: McGraw-Hill. 1959). vi. 

2.Ruml. 3. 

Chapter XV: Toward the Twent>'-First Century' 

\ .Cxay\ioxA. passim: and Carole Conklin. "The Crawford Family's 114-Year History 
at Maryville College" and "Crawford Family Builds on a Foundation of Service." Focus 
(Maryville College). Vol. 79 (July 1980). 



Alumni Citations 









Earl W. Blazer (1930) 
Julian Johnson (1927) 
Mary K. Lewis Duskin (1920) 
George C. Kent Jr. (1937) 
Dan Mays McGill (1940) 
Richard E. Strain (1931) 
Wilson McTeer (1925) 
John Hurt Fisher (1940) 
George D. Webster (1941) 
Herrick R. Arnold (1923) 
Loyd H. Langston (1913) 
Roy A. Taylor (1931) 
Nathalia Wright (1933) 
Paul H. Fox (1938) 
Clifford T. Morgan (1936) 
Sue Way Spencer (1928) 
Leland Shanor (1935) 
Mary Sue Carson Going (1929) 
John Albert Hyden (1914) 
Reba Millsaps Lowry (1928) 
Raymond F. Anderson (1926) 
Robert M. Arnold (ex 1940) 
Ruth Gamble Bosworth (1923) 
David S. Marston (1929) 
Ernest C. Brown (ex 1913) 
George B. Callahan (1920) 
Rose Wilcox Pinneo (1943) 
Leland T. Waggoner (1938) 
Lamar Wilson (1922) 
Lee Roy Hemdon (1922) 
James N. Proffitt (1938) 
Fred M. Snell (1942) 
Hilton A. Wick (1942) 
Samuel W. Blizzard. Jr. (1936) 
Joe C. Gamble (1926) 
Elsie Marie Klingman (1940) 











Carl Alette (1943) 
Percy W. Buchanan (1922) 
Agnes Lewis (1923) 
O. Paul Armstrong (1924) 
Edward H. Hamilton (1926) 
Kenneth Paul Kidd (1934) 
William Lupton Wood (1938) 
Paul J. Hartman (1936) 
Hope Snyder Ross (1931) 
David John Seel (1946) 
S. Archie Swartztrauber (1951) 
Mary Elizabeth Torrey (1925) 
John C. Crawford. Jr. (1927) 
Alice Huddleston Lester (1951) 
Maurine Sweitzer (1934) 
Carson Brewer (ex 1943) 
Elizabeth D. Newcomer (1933) 
F. Herbert Hoover (1952) 
John E. Talmage (1934) 
Carrie Lou Goddard (1933) 
George Podgomy (1958) 
Anna M. Yoakum (1954) 
Sarah Tompkins Beatty (1966) 
Michael R Testa (1934) 
Betty Burton Poole (1947) 
Willard D. Klimstra (1941) 
Otto P Pflanze (1940) 
Robert A. Broady (1925) 
George R (1933) and 
Catheryn Smith Fischbach (1936) 
Roy Kramer (1953) 
Elbert B. Smith (1940) 
Raymond (Brick) Brahams (1949) 
Sam H. Blevins (1937) 
Finis Gaston Cooper (1918) 
James Raymond Holsey (1950) 












John Albert Eaddy (1962) 1989 

Dorothy Winters Franklin (1925) 

Don E.Rugh( 1938) 

Joy Pinneo Rugh ( 1 939) 1 990 

Charles L. Burgreen (1944) 

A. Randolph Shields (1934) 

Sarah Moore Traylor (1929) 1991 

Earle W. Crawford (1935) 

Virgil S. Lequire (1943) 

Louise Lloyd Palm (1951) 1992 

David W. Marston (1964) 

Naomi Burgos Lynn (1954) 

Robert A. Lynn (1952) 1993 

Hazel M. Nichols (1926) 

Margaret Knox Goggin (1940) 

Fred A. Griffitts (1925) 1994 

Margaret Mann (1968) 

Dorsey Dan Ellis (1960) 

Marcia WilHams Kling (1956) 

Mary A. Brown Woodring (1952) 

Jean Campbell Rokes (1933) 
Robert C. Dockendorff (1947) 
Elizabeth B. Knott (1957) 
William H. Chalker (1950) 
Elizabeth D. Murphey (1956) 
Harwell W. Proffitt (ex 1940) 
InezE. Burns (1929) 
Anderson D. Clark (1951) 
Delores B. Ziegler (1973) 
Catherine Stout Beals (1947) 
Andrew W. Loven (1957) 
Guy L Selander (1957) 
Bettie Carrol Elwood (1956) 
Robert Mahley (1963) 
Arda Walker (1940) 
Frank Kramer (1947) 
Ruth Burgos Sasscer (1953) 

Maryville College Wall of Fame 


Bumey Acton 1 979 

Lombe S. Honaker (special) 

R. M. (Pat) Shores 

Robert C. (Bob) Thrower 

Leon Berrong 

John A. (J.D.) Davis 

J. H. (Joe) Etheridge 

Ken Kribbs (special) 1980 

J. E. (Shorty) McCall 

J. G. McMurray 

D. R. (Bob) Berrong 

Lea Callaway 

Joe C. Gamble 1981 

John T. Stone 

Kin Takahashi 

Charles Allen 

Boydson Baird 

Hobart Ford 1982 

J. D. Hughes 

Hershell Merriman 

James Renfro 


Weldon Baird 

Henry A. Callaway, Jr. 

Samuel Earle Crawford 

Merle Delaney 

Charles Huffman (special) 

Billy Owenby 

W. A. Ruble (special) 

William E. Baird 

David E. Briggs 

James W. Hitch 

Benny Monroe 

Kenneth Stinnett (special) 

Steven T. Boretsk^ 

Madison Byar 

Frank Moore Cross 

David W. Proffitt 

Ted B. Wilson 

W. M. (Billy) Crawford 

Jessie Heron (special) 

Marvin Mitchell 






Maryville College Wall of Fame 


Tom Morris 

Clarence Shepard 

G. W. (Short\') Sneed 

James C. Campbell 

Wilbur C. Loessburg 

Jesse L. (Buck) Millsaps 

Ira (Doc) Morrison 

Lynn Sexton 

E. King Berrong. Jr. 

Raymond I. (Brick) Brahams 

Hugh Hamil 

Lee Hannah (special) 

James (Jim) Lester (special) 

Dana H. (Dan) McKinstry 

Michael Dalton 

Moses H. Gamble. Jr. 

Robert (Pie) Garner 

Robert C. Ramger 

Samuel Tyndale Wilson 

Sharon Brown (special) 

Joe E. Costner 

Donald Hickman 

Lowell McDonald 

1988 Ray Lillard 
Earl McMahan 
Bill Padgett 
Jerry Waters 

1989 David Clinton 
Warren Morgan 
David Wiley 

1990 Wayne Dunn 
Randall D. Lambert 
Roy Talmage 

1991 Bobby Jo Sallade Davis 
Timothy A. Kelly 
William(Booty) Miller 

1992 Steve T. Dockery 
Carol Neal Reber 

1993 Chesley Anderson 
Donna Owens Findley 
Herbert H. Palmer 
Evelyn Norton Queener 
Bill Wallace 

Maryville College All-Americans 



Leon Berrong 


Benny Monroe 

Robert Gamer 


Steve Dockery 

Marvin Mitchell 


Don Hickman 

Hershell Merriman 


David Clinton 


Hershell Merriman 

Mike Butler 


Joe Bender 

Larry Stephens 


Jimmy Campbell 

Joe Costner 

Bill Strickland 


Ead McMahan 

Clarence Shepard 

Rodney Stephens 


Clarence Shepard 


Wayne Dunn 


Buddy White 


Jon Watson (Academic) 


Jimmy Harris 


Mike Walsh 


Dan Greaser 


Pat Wade 


Bill Owenby 


Thomas Smith 


Pete Stafford 


Thomas Smith 


Ken Berry' 

Peter Oakes 


Women's Basketball • 

1981 Candy Nutter 

1984 Sara Covington 

1986 Penny Carden 

1992 Leah Onks 

1993 Leah Onks (Kodak All-American) 

Women's Soccer 

1992 JuHe Dingels 

Men's Basketball 

I960 Tom Morris 
1967 Bill Padgett 
1992 Kelvin Richardson 


1983 Mike Smiciklas 

Outstanding Senior Awards 

(Established in 1974 by the Maryville College Alumni Association tohonor achievement in 
both academics and extracurricular activities) 

1975 Melanie Kohn 1985 Adrienne Ramsey 

1976 Donald Surrency 1986 Neal McBrayer 

1977 Elizabeth Lowry 1987 Alicia Waters 

1978 Bonnie Holsinger 1988 DeAnn Hargis 

1979 Eugenia Varker 1989 Lissa McLeod 

1980 Susan Wenkstern 1990 Jonathan Allison 

1981 Lawrence Bidwell 1991 Kathleen McArthur 

1982 Janet Helwig 1992 Heather Smith 

1983 Barbara Booker 1993 David King 

1985 Sarah Lindsey 1994 Jennifer McCafferty 

Faculty And Staff Awards 

Outstanding Teacher Awards 


Gale Rhodes 


Carolyn Blair 


Arda Walker 


Terry Bunde 


Marilyn Pollio 


Charlotte Beck 


Elizabeth Fowler 


Robert Naylor 


Harr>' Howard 

Susan Schneibel 


Terry Bunde 


Terry Bunde 


Carolyn Blair 


Harry Howard 


James Johnston 


Mary Kay Sullivan 


James Pickens 


Robert Bonham 


Russell Parker 


Margie Ribble 


Dean Bolden 


Administrator Awards 


Martha Hess 


Sid Downey 


Hugh Crawford. Jr. 


Leslie Nier 


Raymond (Brick) Brahams 


Annabelle Libby 


Jane Richardson 


Julia Rop 


Jean Jones 


Andy McCall 


Larry West 


Dean Boldon 


Ellie Morrow 


Kelly Franklin 


Donna Davis 


Beth Stuart 


Outstanding Staflf Awards 


Lee Stephens 


Debbie Nichols 


Helen Williams 


Helen Malcoln: 


Jane Huddleston 


Bertie Myers 


Saundra Stephens 


Linda Moore 


Billie Sue Howard 


Jeanne Bright 


Joan Hughes 


Laura Case 


Betsy Hunt 


Brenda Binder 

Sharon Crane Awards 

(Members of the staff who demonstrate the spirit of service and commitment that character- 
ized Sharon's eight years as a College employee) 


Bob Kirkland 
Martha Hess 
Les Teffeteller 
Tim Bryant 


Cookie Gose 


Eldria Hurst 


Etta Hurst 


Robert Hutchens 

Distinguished Service Awards 

Distinguished Service to Church, Community, or Chosen Profession 

1991 Price Gwynn ffl (Church) 

Stanley B. Shields (Community) 
Irma Young (Chosen Profession) 

1993 Duncan S. Ferguson IH (Church) 

1994 James A. Haslam n (Community) 

The Maryville College Medallion 

1990 Harwell ProtTitt 

1991 Carolyn Blair 
James N. Proffitt 

1992 Connie Davis 
Carle Davis 

1993 Tutt Bradford 

1994 Dan McGill 


Photo Index 

Photo Page Photo Page 

1. Center for Campus Ministry stained glass 43. Margaret Ware dining room 221 

window i 44. Baldwin Hall 222 

2. Isaac Anderson 2 45.Morningside 224 

3. Union Academy, the "Log College" 4 46. Carnegie steps 225 

4. The Brick Seminary 8 47. Science lab 234 

5. John Joseph Robinson 17 48. Easter sunrise service 239 

6. Thomas Jefferson Lamar 51 49.Voorhees" fire, 1947 249 

7. Peter Mason Bartlett 58 50. Tangerine Bowl 

8. The Brick College 62 football team, 1946 251 

9. Memorial Hall 63 5 I.Lamar Memorial Library, c. 1925 255 

lO.Bainonian Hall 78 52. Fine Arts Center 257 

11. Kin Takahashi 88 53. Wilson Chapel 259 

12. Bartlett Hall 91 54.Maryville College Choir, 

13. Landscape, c. 1893-1898 101 Harry H. Harter, dir 260 

14. President Boardman's study, 55. Fine Arts Center Gallery 261 

Willard House 110 56. Daisy Chain, 1947 263 

15. Samuel Ward Boardman 118 57. MC Marching Band, c. 1964 271 

16. John Collins map 123 58. May Day, 1959 273 

17. Lamar Memorial Library 126 59. Joseph J. Copeland 276 

18. Willard House 128 60. Sutton Science Center 296 

19. Anderson Hall chapel 129 61.Tremont Environmental 

20.Fayerweather Hall 129 Education Center 297 

21. Samuel Tyndale Wilson 134 62.Sesquicentennial flag 303 

22. House in the Woods 147 63. The Messiah, c. 1970 304 

23. Elizabeth R. Voorhees Chapel 152 64. Thompson Brown House 308 

24. Ralph Max Lamar Hospital 152 65. Pearsons Hall fire, 1972 310 

25. Pearsons Hall 153 66. Davis Hall 312 

26. Carnegie Hall 154 67. Interpreting for the deaf class 315 

27. Carnegie Fire, 1916 154 68. Physical Education Building 321 

28.Fayerweather Hall 155 69. Wayne Anderson 326 

29.Maryville College pool 156 70. MC smoke stacks 329 

30. Thaw Hall 158 71. Dr. Carolyn Blair 331 

31. Alumni Gym 159 72. The Lady Bird Johnson 

32. Lamar Street entrance 160 Peace Rose Garden 337 

33. Home Economics class, c. 1920 165 73. Lamar Memorial Library, c. 1986 343 

34. Drama production 168 74. The bridge across Lamar Alexander 

35. Pearsons Hall 173 Mem. Pky 344 

36. The Baldwin Hall group, c. 1906 187 75. Richard I. Ferrin 348 

37. Dining Hall 189 76. Center for Campus Ministry 352 

38. College Maid shop, 77. Lamar Alexander Parkway entrance 354 

Arda Walker, left 196 78. Crawford House dedication, 1987 360 

39. Manual Training shop 198 79. Lloyd L. Thornton Stadium, 1993 361 

40. Newspaper staff, c. 1911 201 80.Profritt Parlor, Carnegie Hall 362 

41. Lamar Memorial building 209 81. Gerald W. Gibson 364 

42. Ralph Waldo Lloyd 217 82. Anderson Hall 367 


Academic freedom 

Academic Search Consultation Service 
Adams, Carson W. 

Adelphic Mirror 65,74,81, 

Adelphic Union Literary Society 
Admission of women 
Affiliate Artist Program 
Ahmad, Rosemary Barrett 
Alcoa Foundation 
ALCOA Professorship of Chemistry 
Alcohol policy 299,304,321, 

Alette, Carl 
Alexander, Charles M. 
Alexander, Ida 
Alexander, Jane B. 
Alexander, Lois 
Alexander, T. T. 

All College Council 294. 

Allen, Frank M. 

Alma Mater 27, 54, 77, 121, 122, 

Alpha Gamma Sigma 
Alpha Lambda Delta 
Alpha Sigma 

Alumni Association 111, 159, 239, 247, 
Alumni Gymnasium 159, 

American Association 

of University Professors 
American Association 

of LIniversity Women 
American Council on Education 
American Medical Association 
Amphitheatre 203. 228. 

Anderson. Anne McClung 
Anderson Annex 
Anderson, Carrington 
Anderson. Christen 
Anderson, Flora 

Anderson Hall 9,54,58,61,62,74,79, 
129, 160,202,218, 
Anderson, Isaac 1,2,3,5,6,7,8,12,1 
297, 309, 328, 349, 355, 
Anderson, Mary Reece Thompson 
Anderson, Nellie Pickens 
Anderson, Rebecca 
Anderson, Samuel 

Anderson, Wayne 326, 327, 

Animi Cultus Literary Society 78, 1 04, 
Appalachian College Association 
Appalachian Intercollegiate Conference 
Arbeely, Joseph 
Army Air Force Training Corps 





Art Department 124, 167, 232, 258 

Artist Series 152, 160, 172, 232, 240, 250, 259, 271 

116, 135 







350, 370 


72, 250 





306. 309. 


372, 376 


134, 144, 




78, 306 

248, 326 






229, 243 






120, 126, 

272, 376 

4, 19,23, 

, 53, 276, 






328, 342 

105, 106 





Athenian Literary Society 
Athletic Association 
Babeley, Sarah 
Bachman, Nathan 
Bainonian Literary Society 
Baird, Boydson 
Baker, Al 
Baker, Belle 
Baker, Elizabeth Gowdy 
Balch. Hezekiah 
Baldwin Hall 

Baldwin, John C. 
Bank of Blount County 
Bank of Maryville 
Barber and McMurry 
Barkley, R. D. 
Barnes, Jasper 
Barraclough, Henry 
Bartlett, Alexander 

78, 93, 104 
77, 204, 205 
78, 306 
107, 120, 130, 
145, 160, 188,222,244 
58, 108 
225, 259 
120, 143 
116, 117,128,151 
69,70,90,91,92, 130,360 

Bartlett, Addison M. 
Bartlett, Clara 
Bartlett, Cora 
Bartlett, Edith 
Bartlett, Eliza Higgins 
Bartlett, Florence Alden 
Bartlett Hall 
Bartlett, Laura 

Bartlett, Mary 65, 66 

Bartlett, Nellie 64, 66 

Bartlett, Mason Alden 58 

Bartlett, Peter Mason 57, 59 

Bartlett, Dr. Robert Alexander 59 

Bartlett, William Thaw 208 

Bassett, Almira 187,191 

Bassett, Henry J. 185 

Bates, William H. 70 

Beals, Catherine 320 

Beck, Charlotte Hudgens 289 

Beecher, John W. 10,24 

Beecher, Willis 7 

Beeson, Orlean B. 362 

Beeson, Ralph W. Chair of Religion 289,362 

Beeson, Ralph W. 289, 362 

Bennett, Duncan 350 

Berea College 197,218 

Berrong, Leon 251 

Berry, Alicia 335 

Best, Edwin J. and Lynn Ann v, 368 

Beth-Hacma Literary Society 22, 78 

Beth-Hacma ve Berith Literary Society 22, 78 

Bewley, Irene 168 



Bewley, Luther 




Bianco. Thelma 


Bible Training Department 


Bicknell. George 


Bird. Nan 

167, 232 

Black. Louis A. 


Black. Susan Allen Green 


. 175. 178.226 

Blackburn. Andrew 


Blackburn. Gideon 


Blair, Carolyn 


Blake. Eugene Carson 


Blank, Grace Josephine 


Blazer. Earl 


Blount College 


Blount County Historic Trust 



Blount County Japanese School 


Bloy. James 

260. 359 

Blue Ridge Conference 


Board of Christian Education 

276. 278 

Board of Directors, 

35. 39. 43. 46 



111, 112, 119. 132. 


, 140. 144. 146 

Boarding Club 


130. 141. 142. 



, 189. 195.220 

Boardman Annex 


Boardman, Martha 


Boardman, Roger Sherman 


Boardman. Samuel Ward 

98. 108. 119 

Boardman, Samuel Ward. Jr. 


Boardman. Sarah Elizabeth 


Bodwell. C. John 


Boldon. Dean 


Bonner Scholars 


Bradford. Lib 


Bradford. Tutt 

362, 363 

Bradshar, R. R. 


Brahams. Raymond I. "Brick" 

269, 328, 330 

Branner. John C. 

122, 199 

Briggs. David H. 230, 



Briggs, David H., Jr. 


Broady, Nancy 


Broady, J. M. 


Bronte, Lydia 


Brooks, Jo Ann 


Brooks, Ward 


Brown vs. Board of Education 


Brown, Emma 

64, 65, 66 

Brown, Ernest C. "Brownie" 27, 


149, 258, 375 

Brown, Mary Ella 


Brown, T. N. 


Brown, William B. 


Brownlee, Carole 


Brownlow, Parson 


Brubaker, Edward 


Brunger, Ann Owens 
Brunger, Scott 
Buchanan, John Dales 
Bunde, Terry 
Burchfield. Martha Henry 
Bumside. General A. E. 
Bushing, Arthur 
Business Department 
Butcher, Mildred 


vi. 219, 314. 359 






124. 167 

CIV (also see Community Issues and Values) 230. 

244, 246, 248, 255, 278, 293, 301, 311, 319, 342, 

344, 348 

Caldwell, Fred 
Caldwell, Isaac 

Caldwell, Mary Ellen "Miss Molly" 
Caldwell, Mary Katherine 
Caldwell, William E. 
Calliopean Literary Society 
Calvinistic Magazine 
Campbell. Charles A. 
Campbell. Claude A. 
Campbell. Edward Fay 
Campbell, Mary Robertson 
Campbell, Mildred 
Campbell, Thomas 

"Campus Beautiful Days" 1 6 1 

Campus Christian Fellowship 83, 280 
Career Planning and Placement 314. 318, 321, 338 

Carmichael, O. C. 234 

Carnegie, Andrew 149, 154, 225 

Carnegie Foundation 167,227 
Carnegie Hall 150, 152, 193, 298, 352, 362, 374 

Carrick, Samuel 3 

Carroll, Zoe 230 

Carson, Louise 243 

Carson-Newman College 169, 271, 272 

Cartlidge, David 268, 289 

Case, Ralph 231,281 

Cate, Herma 336 

Cates, John W. 30, 50 

Cates, Martha 10 

Cates, Minerva 10 

Cates, Reuben Louis 256 

Cathey, Charlotte 270 

Centennial celebration 56 

Center for Campus Ministry 126. 127, 343 
Center for English Language Learning 333, 353 

Cherokees 4, 5, 12 

Chi Beta Literary Society 78, 306 

Chicago Red Sox 205 
Chilhowean, The 82, 182, 201, 202, 219, 241 

Church and College Scholars 358 

Church and Sunday school attendance 278 



Cincinnati Conservatory 1 7 1 

Civil War 6, 7, 9. 1 4. 1 8, 20, 22, 29, 

32. 35. 39, 44, 49. 52. 53. 57. 60. 72. 75 
Clemons, Agnes 122 

Cline. Richard 247 

Coile. Samuel 139 

Colbert. Ralph 23 1 

College Cemetery 117. 194. 225. 277 

College colors 77.203.212 

College Farm 165 

College Level Examination Program 317 

College Maid Shop 196-197 

College of Wooster 52. 143. 186, 302 

College of the Ozarks 1 97 

College Science Improvement Program 316 

College Woods 6 1 , 82, 94, 1 1 7. 1 47. 203, 

224. 225. 239. 263. 279. 281. 355. 366 
Collins, John 123 

Collins. Ralph 231,246 

Collins, Sallie 255 

Commanger, Henry Steel 303 

Community Issues and Values 293, 298, 307 

Comprehensive examinations 290 

Continuing education 284. 3 1 4, 3 1 8, 

Controversy 28,29,32,34,41,58,95, 

97, 103, 104, 105. 106. 108. 109. 112, 113. 
Cook. Lila 164 

Cooper Athletic Center 36 1 

Cooper. Ethel Burchfield 343, 361 

Cooper, Dr Finis G. 343 

Cooper, Margaret Anne 361 

Cooper, Robert Gaston 361 

Cooperative Boarding Club 80.130, 

142. 152. 153. 195 
Cooperative College Development Program 297 
Copeland, Glenda Mullendore 276 

Copeland Hall 360, 366 

Copeland, Joseph J. 276 

Copeland, Karen 276 

Copeland, Kirk 276 

Cornell University 56 

Cotton States Exposition 3 1, 90 

Crabtree, Paul 302 

Craig, John 14,38,47 

Crane. Sharon Murphy 341 

Crane. Tillman 341 

Crawford, Dorothy Nethery 360 

Crawford, Dr and Mrs. Earle 200 

Crawford, Gideon S. W. 32, 54 

Crawford House 354, 360 

Crawford, Hugh , Jr 360 

Crawford, Hugh, Sr 91 

Crawford, John C. , Jr 266, 375 

Crawford, John C. Sr. 81 

Crawford, Nora Adeline 


Cumberland Presbyterian 



Cummings, John 


Cummings, Margaret 

243, 282 

Cunningham, Benjamin 

143, 148 

Cunningham, Edwin S. 


Curriculum revisions 

164. 252, 

287, 337 

"Daddy" Knapp 

68, 18L 

, 182,211 

Daniels, Boyd 


Darby. Lulu 


Daughters of the American Revolution 70, 207 

Davies, Katharine 229,252,281 

Davis, Carle 344 

Davis, Connie 295 

Davis, Donna 350 

Davis, Edmund W. 296 

Davis Hall 297, 356 

Davis, J. A. (J.D.) 272, 322, 323 

Davis, John K. 247 

Davis, William H. 29, 369 

Dawson, W. R. 155 

Debate 22, 67, 169 

Dent, Bill 289 

Dept. of Mathematics and Computer Science 289 
Dickinson, Austin 43 

Dilopoulo, George 123 

Dingels, Julie 357 

Doak, Samul 33 

Dodge, William E. 58,61,116 

Driver, Hany 248 

DUDs 214,241 

Dukes 214 

Duncan, Calvin 54,118 

Duncan, Jennie 60, 64 

Eagleton. Elijah M. 3 

Eagleton. William 5, 11, 12, 24 

Earth Day 305, 357 

Easter Sunrise Service 1 69, 203, 272, 307 

Ebersole, Mark 346, 363 

Ellis, Dorsey Daniel 376 

Ellis, Horace 80, 256 

Elmore, Edgar A. 107 

Endowment 3, 9, 12, 42, 44, 47, 52, 61, 

69,70,95,96,99, 108, 110, 115, 116, 
English Department 53, 64, 1 1 1. 179. 180, 207, 
217, 219, 230, 231, 252, 289, 291, 313, 322, 
Equal Suffrage League 2 1 1 

Erskine. George 5 

Etling, Bill 350 

Evans, Randy 357 

Evolution 70, 88, 89, 142, 

184, 207, 220. 279, 289, 321, 371 
Ewing Jefferson College 140 

Executive Council of the Faculty 279, 292, 294, 359 
Experimental theatre 260 



Expression Department 



Gilbert, Jane 


Faculty Club 

228, 229, 295 

GiUander, A. C. E. 


Faculty Liaison Committee 


Gillespie, James 8, 1 2, 1 4, 2 1 , 26, 27 

Faculty meetings 20,120,124, 


228, 268, 350 

Gillespie, Dr. James 


Faculty Personnel Standards Committee 333 

Gillingham, Dr. Clinton H. 

141, 181,210 

Faculty reception 


Gilreath, Sidney 


Faith Cooperative Parish 

258. 270 

Glascock, J. L. 


Fayerweather Annex 

62, 129. 152 

Gloucester, John 


Fayerweather, Daniel B. 

99. 128 

Goddard, James A. 


Fayerweather Hall 


Goddard, Monroe 


February Meetings 56, 58 


83, 84, 85, 89, 

GofiF, Herman 




, 270, 272, 276 

Gore, Albert, Jr 


Federal Emergency Relief Administration 224 

Greaser, Sheridan H. 


Fernandez, Pepe 


Greeneville College 

32, 139 

Ferrin, Howard W. 


Grierson, Ruth 

243, 256 

Ferrin, Marj 


Griffitts. Fred A. 


Ferrin, Richard 


Grigsby. Aaron 

28, 369 

Fields, Paul 

230, 237 

Grinnell College 


Fine Arts Center 224. 257, 


259, 260. 275 

Guillaume. Bruce 


Fine Arts Department 


Hahn, Bae Ho 


Fiori, Jeannine 


Hale, Laura 


Fischbach, George 


Hall. Mrs. E. A. 


Foley, Grover 


Hall, Thelma 

195, 245 

Ford Foundation 


Hall, Moody 


Forensics, Debating 


Halleck, Mary 


Fortner, Anna Lee 


Hamlett, James H. 


Forward Fund Drives 

149. 150 

Handy, Frederick A. 


Founders Day 


Hannum, William Henry 


Fowler, Elizabeth 


Hardin, Robert 


Frame College 


Harter. Harry H. 


Franklin, Kelly 


Hartman, Paul 


Franklin. W. H. 

105. 110. Ill 

Harwood. lola 


Fred Hope Fund 

83. 270. 307 

Harwood. Jack 


Freedman's Bureau 


Hastings. Thomas S. 


French, Jim 


Hennemuth. Margaret 


Fulkerson, Jeanne 


Henry , Agnes 


Furrow. Mr and Mrs. Sam 


Henry, Clemmie J. 


Gallaher. James 


Henry, Frances 


Gamble. Douglas 


Henry, Margaret 66, 69, 70, 145. 146, 148, 192 

Gamble Hall 


Henry, Paul 


Gamble, Joe C. 


Henry, W. H. 

39, 40, 49 

Gamble, M. H. 


Heron, David 


Gamon, R. I. 


Heron, Jessie 

66, 186,267 

Gamer, Robert 


Heron, John W. 


General Assembly 


Hess, Martha 


40, 99. 



Hickman. Don 


General Board of Education 

134, 149, 174 

Higher Education Act Title III 


Georgia Tech 



Highland Presbyterian Church 


Ghomley, Elizabeth Jane 


Hills, James R. 


Gibson, Gerald W. 


Home Economics Department 


Gibson, Holly 


166, 196. 198.247 

Gibson. Laura 


Honaker, Lombe 

204, 267, 322 

Gibson, Paul 


Honors program 


Gibson, Rachel 

364, 365 

Hood, Isaac 


Giffin, Kelly 


Hood, Nathaniel 




Hood, Pete 


Kappi Phi 


Hooke, John P. 


Katayama, Sen 


Hope, Fred 83, 

, 150. 169 

, 193 

, 270, 307 

Kefauver, Estes 


Hopkins, Mark 

58, 60, 62 

Keith, Marcia 



32, 34, 38 

Kelly, John 


Home, Dorothy 


Kemp, Vandy Beard 


Horst, Thomas 


Kendall, Henry 

116, 126 

House in the Woods 


Kennedy, Alexander 


Houston, James 

11, 14 

Kennedy, Mary 


Houston, R. L. 


Kerr, Barbara 


Houston, Sam 


Kidder, J. Edward 


Howard. Harry 


Kim, ^'oung-Bae 


Howard, Lee 


King College 


Howard. Messina 


Kinsinger, Dan 


Howard. O. O. 


Kirkland. Bob 


Howell, George 


Knapp. George "Daddy" 


Howell. Sylvanus 


Knoxville College 


Hoyt. Ard 


Koella. Ernest 


Hoyt. Darius 


Krainock, Louis 


Hoyt, Samuel 


Kramer. George 


Huddleston, Jane 


Kramer. Thelma 


Huffmeister, John 


Kratz, Marjorie 


Humphreys, Bemice 


Kresge Foundation 


Humphreys, Edward G. 


Lagerstadt, Kenneth 


Humphreys-Barlow, Diane 

344, 365 

Lamar. Katie 


Hunter, Edwin Ray 


Lamar. Martha 


Hunter. Nancy 


Lamar Memorial Hospital 


Hunter. Sheila Sutton 


Lamar Memorial Library 


Hurst, Eldria 


Lamar, Ralph Max 


Hussey. George 


Lamar, Thomas J. 


Hutsell. Tom 


Lambert, Randy 


Inauguration 49. 

118. 134. 



Lane Theological Seminary 



328. 330. 


, 355. 365 

Langston, Loyd 

330, 343 

Inman. Jeremiah 


Largen. Edith 


Inman. Samuel 




Inter- American University 


Lawrence. Job 

100, 111,372 

Intercollegiate sports 




Lawson, Dan 


International students i 

^6, 87. 93, 



Layman. Frank 


Interpreting for the Deaf 


Lea. Ben 


Irwin. Ralph 


Leavitt. Priscilla 


Isaac Anderson Society 


Leland Powers School 




Lewis. Wallace 


Jackson, Andrew 


Libby. Annabelle 


Jackson, Elizabeth 




Liberty Hall Academy 


Jackson. Mary Lib 


Life Enrichment Center 

354, 360 

Jackson, Robert 


Lightfoot, Viola 

220, 244 

Jacob. Sally 


Little brown house 


Jamigan. Spenser 


Lloyd. Ann Baldwin 


Jenkins. Ray 



Lloyd, Glen 

224, 257 

Jessup. Henry 


Lloyd. Hal 


Jewell. Almira 


Lloyd Lobby Vagabonds 


Johnson. Jessie 



Lloyd. Louise 


Johnson, Kenneth 


Lloyd. Margaret Belle 


Jones, Anna 


Lloyd. Marion 


Jones, Jean 


Lloyd, Ralph Waldo 




Lloyd Residence Hall 



. 274, 275 

McLean, Mary A 


Lloyd, Ruth 


McLean, Nelson W. 


Lloyd, Vernon 


McMurray, Dr. James H. 


Location of the College 


McMurray, Kathryn 


Lowe, Claude 


McNiell, Sarah Brown 

V, 27, 334, 370 

Lowry, Fred 


McTeer, Mary T. Wilson 


Lowry, James 


McTeer, Will A 


Lyceum Series 



Meiselwitz, Elvera 


Lynch, S. A. "Diamond" 


Meiselwitz, Gertrude 


Lyon, James 


Mejiro Gakuen Women's College 267, 333 

Lyon, Phoebus W. 


Memorial Hall 

51,63,72,76, 104, 

MacCracken, Samuel 



Magill, Charles N. 


Merger proposals 


Magill, John 


Merriman, Hershell 


Maher, Margaret Anne 


Messiah 152, 

232, 239, 272, 304, 322 


53, 76. 82. 

284. 336 

Middleton, Herman 


Manual Training Department 

158, 164 

Miles, Mary 

228, 268 

Margaret Ware Dining Room 


Military training 


Marston, Charles 



Millennial Trumpeter 


Marston, David S. 190. 



374, 375 

Miller, Mary Margaret 


Marston, Emily 


Miller, Mr. & Mrs. Charles Oscar 1 5 1 

Martin, Arda 


Minnis, William 


Martin, Isaac A 


Miss Molly 192,193, 


Martin, John C. 

150, 163 

Mitchell, Marvin 


Martin, Kathryn 


Moody Hall 


Maryville College Monthly 

81. 132. 

Moody, Dwight L. 



, 169, 


Moonshining 191, 


Maryville College Players 


Moore, Wes 


Maryville College Playhouse 


Moran, Sheri Trotter 


Maryville College Playmakers 



225, 277, 327, 343 

Maryville Female Academy 


Morris, David 


Maryville Female Society 


Morrison, A A 


Maryville Intelligencer 


Morrow, Ellie 

vi, 350, 362, 365 

37,67,73,75,81,94, 130. 



140, 173, 

Morton, W. A 


193, 197,204,208,224,231. 



270, 294 

Mountain Challenge 




Moyers, Mike 


Massey, Frances 


262, 309 

Murphy Law 

104, 109,110, 111,264 

May Day 169. 



272, 304 

Murray, Albert 


Mayhew, Lewis B. 


Museum 75, 87, 


McCabe, Joseph 


Music Department 1 22, 

170, 171,231,302,359 

McCall, Andy 


Mynatt, Prior Lee 


McCampbell, Mary Shannon 


National Association of Schools of Music 23 1 

McCampbell, Nellie 


188, 190. 

National Endowment for the Humanities 314 


, 199. 

200, 227 

National Science Foundation 308, 314, 316 

McCampbell, W. E. 


National Youth Administration, NYA 224 

McClelland, Frank 219,243. 




Naylor, Robert 

324, 350 

McClenahan, Francis 


Ndoma, Patrick 


McConnell, Alford 


Nedo, Philip 


McCormick, Mrs. Cyrus 


Nelson, Henry A 


McCormick Seminary 


New Providence Presbyterian Church 1, 4, 7, 85, 

McCurry, Eulie E. 


250, 322, 368 

McDade, Neil 


328, 329 

New School General Assembly 33, 37 

McGill, Dan 


330, 362 

New School Presbyterians 


McGill, Walter 


New York Giants 


McGinley, Nannie 


Newman, John 




Nichols, Deborah 


Nichols, John 

289, 309 

Nickle, Stephen 


Nier, Leslie 


Normal Department 


Northeast Wales Institute 


Nugent, Chris 


Nurses training program 


Oak Ridge Associated Universities 


Oberlin College 


Old School Presbyterians 


Oliver, John 


Orange and Garnet. The 

77,79.81, 131 

Orr, Horace E. 


Orr, Richard 


Orr, William 


Owers, Todd 


Ownership of the College 


Park, Choi 


Parker, Jessie Heron 


Parker, Russell 


Pate, Joseph B. 


Peabody College 


Pearson, Abel 


Pearsons, Daniel K. 


Pearsons Hall 

145, 152, 153, 



Penland, A. N. 


Pepper, Charlie 


Perez-Reilly, Elizabeth 


Perkins, Alfred 


Perry, John 


Peterson, Arthur 


Pew Foundation 


Phi Beta Kappa 


, 233, 234. 364 

Philadelphian Society 


Phillips, Suzanne 


Pieper, Archibald 


Pieper, Mary Gladys 


Pi Kappa Delta 

170, 184,233 

Piper, Penny Proffitt 




Pledger. Sarah 


Polio, Marilyn 


Pope, Polly 


Porkies, The 


Porter Academy 

5, 125 

Porter, Evelyn 


Porter, Frances 


Porter, James 


Postlethwaite, Frances 


Potter, Josephine Hunter 


Powell, David 


Powell, John 


Preparatory Department 10, 53, 54, 56, 64, 68, 87, 
88, 120, 124. 125, 126, 138, 143, 144, 145, 148 

Presbyterian Education Society 45, 46 

President s Cabinet 350, 356 

Presidential Advisory Council 356 

Price, Harry 317 

Princeton Seminary 142 

Proffitt. David W. 155 

Proffitt, Mrs. David 310 

Proffitt Dining Room 310,317 

Proffitt family 144,342 

Proffitt, Fred Lowry 144 

Proffitt, Harwell 349, 362 

Proffitt, Margaret (Sissie) 343 

Queener, Evelyn Norton 267 
Queener. Verton 170, 184, 244, 246, 267 
Racial problems 97,104,108 

Ragsdale, Dick 363, 364 

Ralston Energy Systems 353 

Ramger, Robert 315 

Rankin, Elizabeth Welsh vi, 269 

Rankin. Joe 105 

Ratcliffe, Cleland K. 211 

Reagan, John H. 50 

Reckless Baseball Team 76 

Reynolds, John 5, 6 

Rhea, Robert M. 48 

Ribble, Bill 322 

Rich, Frances 232 

Richardson, Jane 3 1 4, 339 

Riordan, Eileen 335 
Robinson. John J. 12, 13, 14, 16, 95 

Robinson, Margaret Temple 17 

Robinson, Margaret Wallace 17 

Robinson, Mary Piatt 17 

Rogan, D. 36 

Rogers, James E. 107 

Rokes, Jean Campbell 343, 376 

Ross, F A. 39 

Ryland, Mabel 165 

Sabbatical leaves 69 

Sabin, Archie 194 

Saflfell, R. M. 50 

Salary scales 67 

Salmon, Tom 279 

Sanderson, Edward W. 55 

Savage, Jane 324 
Sawtell, Eli 1, 2, 9, 10, 27, 36, 44 

Sawyer, Hugh W. 55 

Sawyer, Samuel 55, 102 

Schneibel, Susan 335 

Schoen, Sallie 302 
Schoen, Victor 261, 320, 359 

Schram, Kandis 357 

Schweikher and Elting, Architects 257, 259 



Scott, W.B. 105 

Scottie dog mascot 242 

Second Presbyterian Church of Knoxville 4, 52, 

98, 276, 364 

Stevenson, Dr. WiUiam P. 146, 203, 207, 219, 278 
Stock market crash 2 1 7, 223 

Stone, John 205 

Storey, Earl A. and Mary B. 343 

Secret societies 


Strain, Richard 


Seedorf, Evelyn 




Senior Theses 


Stringham, Sidney 




296. 302. 304. 305 

Stuart, Alden 


Severance, Louis H. 


Student Army Training Corps 2 1 

Shannon, Winifred 


Student Council 

161, 184, 190, 192,214, 

Shanor, Leland 

236, 375 



Sharp, E. Z. 


Student Senate 

340, 356 

Shaw. James 


Student Volunteers 83 


Sheddan, Andrew 


Student- Faculty Senate 


Shell, Paris 


Summer school 

243, 264, 287, 359 

Sherman. Gen. William T. 


Sunday school 

208, 235, 236. 237, 242, 

Shields. Randolph 




Shine, Hill 

230, 246 

Sutton Science Center 


Shoop, Davis 



Shue, Lloyd 


Sutton, Algie 


Sign language interpreting 


Sutton, Elizabeth 


Silsby, John H. 


Swenson. Esther 


Sisk, Augustus 


Swenson, William 


Slator, George 


Swift Memorial Institute 

110. Ill, 149,162,265 

Slavery 12, 29 


Swimming pool 

90,92, 156, 



Smith, Belle 

69, 123, 167, 180 

Synod of East Tennessee 

35, 139 

Smith College 


Synott, A. W. 


Smith, Eli 


Tadlock, Alexander B. 


Smith-Hughes Act 


Takahashi. Kin 77, 


Smith. Nancy 


Tangerine Bowl 


Smith. Preserved 

69.99, 103. 116 

Tatum, Richard 


Smithee. Larry 


Taylor, Mary L. 


Smythe, Phi 


Taylor, Nan and Tom 



62. 64, 74. 75 

Taylor, William F. 


Snodgrass. Alida 


Teachers Insurance 

Snyder, Grace Pope 


and Annuity Association (TIAA) 227 

Social dancing 


Teagle Foundation 


Social Security 

228, 268, 275 

Tedford , A. E. 


Society for Self-Help 


Tedford, Charles 


Sophiradelphian Literary Society 


Tedford, Edward W. 


Southern Association of Colleges 

Tedford, Linda 


and Secondary Schools 


Tedford, Nancy Jane 


Southern and Western Theological Seminary 2, 

Tedford, Ralph 



Tedford, Sara Silsby 




Temperance Banner 


Spanish- American War 

93. 246 

Tennessee College Association 172 

Special Studies 163, 229. 



Tennessee Intercollegiate Student Legislature 299 

Spivey, Herman 

285, 320, 326 

Tennessee Wesleyan College 325 

Spurliru Elaine 


Thaw Hall 

126, 150, 158, 165, 192, 

Stanley, Lyn 



, 226, 238, 256, 343, 373 

Statement of Purpose 285. 


290. 292, 293, 320 

Thaw. Harry K. 

157, 159 

Stephens. Lee 


Thaw, Josiah Copley 


Stevens, Linda 


Thaw, Mary Copley 

85, 157 

Stevenson, Mrs. William P. 




Thaw, William 






Theta Alpha Phi 


Theta Epsilon Literary Society 

78, 306 

Thibodeaux, Gary 


Thomas, Glen 


Thompson-Brown House 


Thornton, John 


Thornton, Lloyd 


Thrower, Bob 



Title LX 


Todd, Charles William 


Torres, Michael 


Tracy, John Evarts 





202, 272, 

Tremont Environmental Center 3 1 5 

Tuesday Club 135 

Turrentine, Virginia 257 

Tusculum Academy 139 

Tusculum College 70 

Union Academy 4, 5, 19, 255 

Union Presbytery 2, 4, 5, 33, 50, 71, 177, 258 

Union Seminary 13, 15, 57, 58, 60, 128 

United Campus Christian Fellowship 83, 280 

United Campus Movement 281 

United Synod 33, 34, 36, 37, 39, 48, 52, 95 

University of Alabama 204 

University of Chicago 136,143,175, 

177, 180, 181,254 
University of Kentucky 205,289 

University of North Carolina 112,231 

University of Tennessee 4, 15, 77, 122, 162, 166, 
172, 179, 184, 193, 203, 205, 227, 254, 285. 28 
Vanderbilt University 205, 234, 241, 

254, 324, 334, 335 
Vesper Choir 208, 232,271 

Vision 1994 350,351,352,355, 

Voorhees Chapel 70, 152, 169, 171, 196, 202, 

205, 216, 232, 239, 247, 250, 257 
Voorhees, Elizabeth 70, 1 52 

Voorhees, Ralph 1 5 

Wabash College 203 

Walker, Arda S. 336, 374 

Walker, Edgar R. 266 

Walker, Mrs. Edna Z. 168 

Walker, Fred 248 

Walker, Mrs. John 130, 148, 224. 343 

Wallace, Jesse 29, 50 

Wallace, Paris A 108 

Wallace, Thomas L. 50 

Wallace, William 17, 47, 144 

Waller, Elmer B. 81,130 

Ware, Margaret Susanna 220,221 

Washington Center for Learning Alternatives 317 

Washington College 139 

Waters, Jerry 289, 309, 3 1 5 

Weisbecker, Homer 203 

Welsh, Mary Sloan 322 

Welton, Elizabeth 322 

West, Nita Eckles 123,168 

Westminster College 2 1 7, 23 1 

Wheeler, General J