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"T ANCASHIRE fair women," says the old 
-^—^ proverb, but the County Palatine is 
famous not only for its witches, real and imaginary, 
but also for the memorable historic events that 
have taken place within its borders, for the quaint 
and curious customs that have survived from past 
ages, and for the quick life of its populous 
industrial districts. These varied interests are 
reflected in the pages of " Bygone Lancashire," 
by the good-will of a number of Lancashire 
authors and antiquaries who have contributed 
papers in elucidation of the annals and associa- 
tions of a county memorable alike in the past and 
the present. 

The best thanks of the Editor are tendered to 
his contributors, to Mr. William Hewitson for 
the loan of the engraving of the Covell brass, and 




to the Council of the Lancashire and Cheshire 
Antiquarian Society for permission to use 
Rosworm's portrait. 

" Bygone Lancashire " is sent forth in the hope 
that it will prove a not uninteresting addition to 
local literature, and that ii may encourage the 
local patriotism which is such a striking 
characteristic of the Lancashire lad. 

Ernest Axon. 

47, Derby Street, Moss Siuk, 


Historic Lancashire. By Ernest Axon 

The Religious Life of Lancashire during the Common- 
wealth. By W. A. Shaw, m.a. 

Kersal Moor. By Janet Armytage 

A Lancaster Worthy— Thomas Covell. By William 

Some Early Manchester Grammar School Boys. By 
Ernest Axon ... . ... 



The Sworn Men of Amounderness. By Lieut-Col. Henry 

Fishwick, f.s.a. 89 

Lancashire Sundials. By William E. A. Axon, m.k.s.l. 98 

The Plague in Liverpool. By J. Cooper Morley ... 105 

The Old Dated Bell at Claughton. By Roljert 

Langton, f.r.h.s u^ 

The Children of Tim Bobbin. By Ernest Axon 116 

The "Black Art" at Bolton 132 

An Infant Prodigy in 1679. By Arthur W. Croxton ... 136 

Wife Desertion in the Olden Times 144 

The Colquitt Family of Liverpool 146 

Some Old Lancashire Punishments 157 

Bury Simnels 165 

EccLES Wakes. By H. Cottam 17c 

Furness Abbey 184 

Colonel Rosworm and the Siege of Manchester. By 

George C. Yates, f.s.a 189 

Poems of Lancashire Places. By William E. A. Axon, 

M.R.s.L. 202 

Father Arrowsmith's Hand. By Rushworth Armytage ... 227 

Index 235 

List of Subscribers " ... 239 




1bi6toric Xancaebire, 

Bv Ernest Axon. 
T ANCASHIRE is now so largely devoted 
^-^ to manufacture and trade that many scarcely 
think of it as a county full of historic interest. 

The county palatine of Lancaster is one of the 
youngest of English counties. It grew out of 
the Honour of Lancaster, mentioned in Magna 
Charta, and was made a county in 1267. Its 
history, however, goes back into the most 
remote period of which we have any knowledge. 
Manchester indeed is said, but on doubtful 
authority, to have been a British station before the 
Romans came. The earliest reliable history of 
Lancashire is to be read in the Roman remains that 
have been found in many parts of the countv. 
At Lancaster, Manchester, Ribchester, and other 
places, altars, tools, and coins have been dis- 


covered which show that the Romans were in 

Lancashire as early as a.d. 74, and remained until 

about the conclusion of the fourth century. The 

Roman station of Ribchester was of considerable 

magnificence, and an old Lancashire rhyme that 

" It is written upon a wall in Rome 
Ribchester was as rich as any town in Christendom" 

is to some extent justified by the numerous articles 
of artistic beauty found there. 

After the departure of the Romans, Lancashire 
formed part of the British Kingdom of 
Strathclyde or Cumbria, but little is known of 
what took place during the fifth and sixth 
centuries. The Arthurian romances mention 
two battles which appear to have been fought in 
Lancashire, one at Wigan and another at 
Blackrod. The former battle lasted through the 
night, and when in 1780 a tunnel was cut on the 
alleged site, three cartloads of horseshoes were 
found. The battle on the Douglas has also been 
assigned to the Lancashire Douglas. Another 
legend connecting Lancashire with Arthur, is 
that Tarquin occupied the castle at Castlefield, 
Manchester, and was slain there by Sir Lancelot 
du Lake. 

In 607, Ethelfrith, the Northumbrian king. 


marched upon Chester, and, upon his victorious 
journey thither, passed through Southern 
Lancashire. Eadwine, King of Northumbria, 
conquered the greater part of the county, and, in 
620, entered Manchester, which he permanently 
added to his dominions. In 627, he embraced 
Christianity, and, in consequence, the people of 
Lancashire became, nominally at least. Christian. 
Several battles were fought in Lancashire during 
the Saxon period, and Lancashire men took part 
in the rebellion against Tostig, Earl of Northum- 
bria, in 1065. 

The Conquest would appear to have had little 
effect in Lancashire beyond its transference from 
Saxon to Norman lords. Domesday, which 
mentions several towns and villages in the county, 
shows that it was thinly populated and very poor. 
Most of the county was given to Roger of 
Poictou, and afterwards passed to the Earls of 
Chester, and, on their extinction, to the Ferrers 
family. In 1267, the Honour of Lancaster was 
given to Edmund Crouchback, who was created 
Earl of Lancaster the same year. The title of 

I Duke was granted to Henry, Earl of Lancaster, in 
1 35 1, and in the patent of creation, the dignity of 
an earl palatine, was also conferred upon him. 


When Lancashire attained the dignity of a 
county palatine, its duke became a king in all but 
the name. He could pardon treasons, murders, 
and felonies. He held a separate court of 
chancery, court of common pleas, and court of 
criminal jurisdiction. He could summon his own 
barons, and the king's writ did not run in his 
dominion. When Henry, Duke of Lancaster, 
came to the throne as Henry IV., the county 
palatine came directly under the crown, but it 
retained its privileges, and it was not until this 
century that the administration of justice was 
assimilated to that of the rest of England. 

In 1 3 16-17, Lancashire had a little civil war of 
its own. One Banastre, a .servant of the Earl of 
Lancaster, had, in order to ingratiate himself with 
the king, invaded the earl's land. Banastre was 
defeated in battle near Preston. 

Lancashire returned two knights of the shire to 
the parliament held at Westminster in November 
1295. The boroughs of Lancaster, Preston, 
Wigan, and Liverpool, returned two members 
each, and the Sheriff added to his return that 
there was no city in the county of Lancaster. 
The two latter boroughs soon ceased to have 
members, being excused after making two returns. 


Preston ceased after making seven returns, and 
Lancaster, after sixteen returns, discontinued early 
in the reign of Edward III. From 1359 to 
1547, a period of nearly two centuries, no 
Lancashire borough sent members to parliament, 
and the county was represented only by the 
knights of the shire. In those days, the members 
received from their constituents, a salary and 
their expenses, and the poverty of the Lancashire 
boroughs rendered them unable to afford even 
that expense. 

Though the Wars of the Roses were between 
the sympathisers of the houses of Lancaster and 
York, the county was not the site of any battle 
during that contest. There can be no doubt that 
the Stanley influence would take many Lancashire 
lads into the field. 

The reign of Elizabeth was marked by the 
persecution of the Catholics, who were particularly 
numerous in the northern parts of the county. 
Early in the seventeenth century, the county 
earned an evil notoriety by the number of witches 
who were discovered in it. This epidemic of 
superstition resulted in the cruel deatn of many 
poor old women. Another form of the super- 
stition was Satanic possession, of which alleged 


cases were by no means uncommon in the 

The outbreak of the Civil War found 
Lancashire very divided in opinion. The great 
influence of the Earl of Derby was thrown in the 
king's favour, and the Parliament was supported 
by a large body of Puritans. The siege of 
Manchester, in 1642, was the first local event of 
importance, and the battle of Preston, when 
Cromwell broke the backbone of the Royalist 
power, was the last. 

Two incidents in the Civil War are deeply 
engraved on the history of the time — the heroic 
death on the scaffold at Bolton of the great Earl 
of Derby, and the equally heroic defence of 
Lathom House by his Countess. After the Civil 
War, the dominant party endeavoured to estab- 
lish Presbyterianism, and with a certain amount 
of success, and the Parliamentary representation 
was re-arranged. The Restoration was welcomed 
throughout the county, and in Manchester the 
coronation of Charles II. was celebrated by pro- 
cessions, dinners, and the filling of the conduit 
with wine instead of water. The Restoration 
resulted in the disfranchisement of the town. 
The Act of Uniformity drove from their livings 


many Lancashire ministers, some of whom 
carried their congregations with them into dissent, 
and when the persecution abated, founded bodies 
of Dissenters, who have ever been numerous in 
the county. The accession of William III. was 
followed by some discontent amongst the 
Catholics, and Government spies had so 
magnified this trouble that a " Lancashire plot " 
was imagined. The plotters were to make war 
upon the Government and restore James II. A 
number of the Lancashire gentry were indicted 
on a charge of high treason for being concerned 
in the conspiracy. Their trial at Manchester 
made it quite evident that their accusers were 
perjured, and that the "plot" was non-existent. 
The gentlemen were acquitted amidst great 
rejoicing. The Stuart cause was long a living 
power in Lancashire, as the part the county took 
in the two rebellions of 17 15 and 1745 proves. 
In the 1 715 the Scots were joined by many 
Lancashire men. Perhaps the "Royalists" were 
in a minority, for Wood, the nonconformist 
minister at Chowbent, found no difficulty in raising 
a force, which he led against the Scots. In the 
'45, the Scotch army were joined by a few Lanca- 
shire men, much fewer than they had expected. 


The majority were content to stand by, and, after 
secreting their valuables, watch the contest. 
Those who were faithful to the Stuarts marched 
with the army to Derby, shared in the disastrous 
retreat, and a few of them lost their heads, which 
decorated the principal buildings in their native 

The 45 was followed by a long period of rest, 
and Lancashire subsided into a money-making 
county only, with very small taste for martial 
glory. The Lancashire men improved and 
extended their svstem of naviofable canals and 
rivers, and they revolutionized the cotton industry. 
The French wars brought about a revival of the 
martial spirit, and the county was one of the 
foremost in the first volunteer movement. Early 
this century Lancashire attained notoriety by the 
part it took in politics. As a result of very 
inadequate Parliamentary representation, and the 
war policy of the Governrnent, the county was 
full of men rendered almost desperate by poverty 
and oppression. Luddites went about smashing 
machinery, which they regarded as the cause of 
their troubles. Blanketeers assembled to march 
to London to petition for reform and help, and 
each man carrying the blanket which was to serve 


him for a tent on his journey. A few years later 
wiser councils prevailed, and the reformers met 
peacefully to petition for reform. One of these 
meetings, at St. Peter's Fields, Manchester, was 
dispersed by the military, and several of the 
unoffending crowd lost their lives. The Chartists 
found many aiders in the county, and to 
Lancashire belonofs the honour of havingf started 
the Temperance Reformation and the Anti-Corn 
Law Agitation. The county is a sort of epitome 
of the whole country, embracing within its 
boundaries mining, commercial, manufacturing, 
and agricultural districts ; moorland, woodland, 
mountain, and lakeland, small hamlets, large towns, 
and great cities. This may explain the position the 
county claims in most social and political matters, 
as summed up in the well-known phrase — 

" What Lancashire thinks to-day, England thinks to-morrow." 

^be 1ReIioiou6 %\tc of Xancasbirc baring 
tbe Commonwcaltb. 

By W. a. Shaw, m.a. 

THE religious life of Lancashire during the 
Commonwealth period furnishes a curious 
illustration of the weakness, as well as of the 
strength, of that Puritanism which Carlyle would 
have us regard as the only great and memorable 
force in modern history. If Puritanism any- 
where had scope to live and act, it was here; 
if anywhere in England it was actually a force, 
it was in Lancashire. There is no other part 
of England that can furnish so complete an 
illustration of the true spirit of this seventeenth 
century Puritanism as it was manifested in 
actual practice, and it is this that gives such a 
peculiar value to the records of the religious life 
of the county during the years 1643-60. 

Lancashire was not, as might be supposed, 
among the first to feel the effects of the Revolu- 
tion. The work of settling the government and 


liturgy of the Church of England had been 
entrusted by the parliament to the Westminster 
assembly ; and following the advice of the 
assembly, the parliament passed successively the 
Directory for public worship, and the ordinance 
for Church government. Independently of this, 
changes had been made in particular parishes 
by the parliament ever since the commencement 
of the war. Royalist parsons had been seques- 
tered or ejected for their royalism (or "malig- 
nancy,") or for alleged scandalous life, and 
" learned, godly, and orthodox divines," sub- 
stituted for these "dumb dogs." But the direct 
change effected in the religious life of the people 
before 1645 was small. One priest had taken the 
place of another at the parish church, and sermons 
were preached as never before — nor since, and 
sound "doctrine" was taught. But even this 
change was not general. Many parish churches 
retained their royalist parsons and the common 
prayer, and openly or tacidy ignored the parlia- 
ment and its ordinances. It was not until the 
parliament had sanctioned the Directory and the 
form of church government drawn up by the 
Assembly, that the county was really brought 
face to face with a new institution. A new form 


of worship was imposed, which must have 
sounded very strange in the ears of parish- 
ioners who had Hstened to the prayer-book from 
their youth. The '* piping on great organs " and 
the " squeaking of chanting choristers " were 
done away with, and church music was reduced 
to the simple chanting of psalms. When, on the 
Restoration, this beautiful music was broufjht 
back into the church it seemed to many a novelty 
and a curiosity. "We came to Manchester," 
says a simple diarist of the time, "and in. the 
first place we went to the church, and looked 
about us, and anon the quiristers came, and we 
stayed morning prayer ; I was exceedinglie taken 
with the mellodie." The rest of the service 
accorded with this severe plainness. The con- 
gregation were authoritatively commanded to ab- 
stain from all private whisperings, conferences, 
salutations, or doing reverence to any persons 
present or coming in, as also from all gazing, 
sleeping, and other indecent behaviours. The 
prayers offered up by the minister were to be 
"conceived," or extemporary, and so directed as 
to get his hearers' hearts rightly affected with 
their sins, that they might all mourn thereof 
with shame and holy confusion of face. But 


even greater stress was laid upon the sermon— 
the centre and core of the whole service, — " the 
preaching of the word being the power of God 
unto salvation, and one of the greatest and most 
excellent works belonging to the ministry of the 
Gospel," Only those acquainted with the 
literature of that period can form any idea of 
the stress that was laid upon the sermon or of the 
character of it, the opening and endless dividing 
of the word, the doctrinal defences, and the 
hundred and one "uses" and "applications." 
Not content with preaching the sermon in public 
worship, the typical Puritan was accustomed to 
"repeat" his sermon, recapitulating the chief 
" heads " and " uses " to a private audience at the 
close of the Sabbath, either in his own home or 
in the house where he happened to be entertained. 
Following this new form of service came a new 
form of Church Government " by Presbyteries." 
Hitherto the parish had been regulated by the 
parson and his wardens, the parson by the bishop 
and his ordinary, and parsons and bishops alike 
by convocation. All this organisation was now 
abolished. The affairs of the parish and the 
morals of the parishioners were to be regulated 
by elders — a small council, which was to meet 


weekly, and was to consist of the minister and a 
number of elders elected from and by the con- 
gregation. This body was to be styled the 
Parochial Presbytery. A number of contiguous 
parishes were to be united into a higher 
organisation styled a " classis," the affairs of which 
were to be regulated by the "Classical Presbytery" 
— a body meeting monthly, and formed by a 
delegation of two or more elders and one minister 
from each Parochial Presbytery. 

Thirdly, the various classes of each county 
were to send delegates of three ministers and six 
elders to form the synod of the province or 
county, which met half-yearly. 

All the bodies here prescribed were actually 
got to work in Lancashire. Sixty-two parishes 
in the county were arranged into nine classes, 
each classis holding its meeting at some place of 
central importance, Manchester, Bury, Warring- 
.ton, etc., and these classes sent delegates to form 
the provincial synod, which met half-yearly at 

There was a further step prescribed by the 
ordinance for church government. It was 
intended that delegates should be sent from the 
various provincial synods to form a National 


Assembly, which would thus replace the convoca- 
tion, and stand to the Church in the position in 
which the Parliament stood to the nation at large. 
But in England this last step was never reached. 
There were never enough provincial synods 
formed to enable a National Assembly to be called 
— fortunately enough for the nation ; though it 
must be confessed there would have been some- 
thing very curious and instructive in the sight of 
an English National Assembly standing side by 
side with the Parliament. 

The interest attaching to the experiment of 
working this Presbyterian form of church govern- 
ment is extreme as regards the clergy, and still 
more as regards the laity. But as to these latter 
— the parishioners — we have to guess a good 
deal. We do not know for certain that in any 
single case they expressed any desire to submit to 
the new system. In every instance, the first 
steps were taken by the Parliament. In the 
month of September, 1645, letters were sent by 
the Speaker of the House of Commons to the 
commissioners of the various counties, requesting 
them to call together "divers Godly ministers 
and others of the county to consider how the 
same may be most conveniently divided into 


distinct classical presbyteries, and what ministers 
and others are fit to be of each classis." The 
replies to these letters either give the proposed 
division into classes, or state that the county is in 
such a condition as not to be able to furnish 
sufficient ministers for the classes. These replies 
were then referred to the Committee of Parliament 
for Scandal, and from this committee the suggested 
classification was proposed to the House of 
Commons to be passed as an ordinance. 

In all this there is no trace of any independent 
action or expression of opinion on the part of the 
laity of the county. In the case of Lancashire, 
there exists a petition which was presented some 
nine months after these various letters had been 
sent out by Speaker Lenthall. It purported to 
come from many thousands of the inhabitants of 
the county, and, immediately after its presentation, 
the Parliament passed the ordinance dividing the 
county into nine classes. Nevertheless, it is quite 
certain that this petition contained nothing in the 
shape of a demand for the erection of classes in 
the county. It was nothing more nor less than 
one of those purely formal petitions with which 
the Parliament was at the time besieged. We 
can trace no independent act on the part of the 


laity of Lancashire, no independent expression 
of desire on the part of the parishioners at large 
in favour of the new system of church govern- 
ment. Accordingly, we shall not be surprised 
when we find the people of Lancashire by no 
means unanimously in favour of it, or favourably 
impressed by it. This is noticeable from the 
very beginning, for it appears that many parishes 
were quite reluctant to elect elders for the parish 
as they were required to do. In the first place, 
in order to set the curious machine in motion, the 
Parliament had named elders in its ordinance, but 
these were simply to act till the various parishes 
had elected their elders for themselves. But 
when the time came they were loath to do this. 
At the first meeting of the Manchester classis 
only four parishes were represented by elders, 
and in the minutes of the classis there are most 
interesting proofs of this reluctance on the part of 
the laity, e.g., one "James Chorlton being called 
to shew cause why he doth not execute his office 
of elder, alleged that they have never setled to an 
eldership, that he is unfitt, and desires to be freed 
from his office." At Oldham, the congregation 
desired that they might not be pressed to set up 
the government at present, because of some 


obstructions. The Chapel of Didsbury was 
repeatedly urged by the classis to elect elders, 
and, when at last that step was taken, the elders 
refused "to undergoe their office, and certifyed 
the same to the classis by a note under their 
hand." Not less than seven other chapels in the 
Manchester classis alone manifested this same 
unwillingness, and doubtless in other parts of 
Lancashire where the population was not so 
ardently Puritan as in the southern and eastern 
portions, the number of disaffected was still 
greater. The matter was several times brought 
before the provincial assembly at Preston, and in 
May, 1649 (more than two years after the system 
had been supposed to be working), that body 
issued an exhortation to the various classes to 
procure the settling of congregational elderships 
and their acting in every congregation. It was 
only after this exhortation that several of these 
disaffected congregations proceeded to elect their 
elderships, e.g.; Denton, Oldham, Salford, Gorton, 
etc., and it is plain that this act of compliance was 
not sincere. In the following year the 
Manchester classis ordered the members of "the 
particular elderships to show cause why they doe 
fall off from their offices," and again, two years 


later (1652), two ministers were requested by the 
classis "to go to Flixton to speak to Mr. 
Woolmer and the elders there, to demand the 
reason of their withdrawing from the offices." 

In the following year, the classis, in despair at 
the state of things, ordered every particular elder- 
ship within the classis to come provided against 
the next classis to give account of their meetings 
and other things to be inquired of, especially of 
these three things : 

I. Whether they keep up their constant 
meetings. 2. Whether they register their most 
material acts. 3. Whether they have given or 
doe give in their delegation to the classis under 
their minister's hand. 

Still more interesting than the question of the 
attendance of the eldership is the question 
of its exercise of jurisdiction. The chief 
duty of this body was to safeguard the 
Sacrament, to see that persons admitted 
to the Lord's Supper were sufficient in 
point of knowledge, and unblamable in morals. 
Ignorant and scandalous persons were to be 
excluded, and there are many curious notices as 
to what degree of ignorance or scandal was to 
be considered sufficient ground for exclusion. 


^.^., the eldership was requested to take notice of 
scandalous gamblers ; also it was determined that 
"sittinge and drinkinge unnecessarily in an ale- 
house or tavern on the Lord's Day was to be 

In addition to this, the Presbytery was to 
observe whether or not the communicants came 
constantly to the Lord's Supper. Indeed, all the 
duties of the eldership centred round this 
ordinance, and it was their action in this particular 
that gave the greatest offence in many places. In 
the works of Oliver Hey wood there is a graphic 
description of the troubles that were caused at 
Bolton by the determination of the eldership to 
dictate to the parishioners. " At Bolton," he says, 
" where my father had joined in communion, there 
were two ministers, with whom were associated 
twelve elders chosen out of the parish. These 
sat with the ministers, carried their votes into 
effect, inquired into the conversation of their 
neighbours, assembled usually with the ministers 
when they examined communicants, and though 
the ministers only examined, yet the elders 
approved or disapproved. These together made 
an order that every communicant, as often as he 
was to partake of the Lord's Supper, should come 


to the ruling elders on the Friday before and 
request and receive a ticket, which he was to 
deliver up to the elders immediately before his 
partaking of that ordinance. The ticket was of 
lead, with a stamp upon it, and the design was 
that they might know that none intruded them- 
selves without previous admission. The elders 
went through the congregation and took the 
tickets from the people, and they had to fetch 
them again by the next opportunity, which was 
every month. But this became the occasion of 
great dissension in the congregation, for several 
Christians stumbled at it, and refused to come for 
tickets, yet ventured to sit down, so that when the 
elders came they had no tickets to give in. My 
father was one of these ticketless persons, and 
because they judged him to be the ringleader of 
this faction of Schismatics they singled him out, 
and summoned him to appear before the eldership. 
They sent several times for him, he went, 
many disputes they had on the subject solely, for 
they had nothing else to lay to his charge. At 
last they admonished him, and when they saw 
him still resolved not to revoke his error, they 
suspended him from the Lord's Supper for con- 
tempt, as they construed it, because he could not 


in conscience comply. They said he laughed 
them to scorn, but he, having naturally a smiling 
countenance, might possibly smile in his conversa- 
tion with them. His tender-spirited wife would 
have had him yield for peace sake, but he durst 
not in point of conscience. Others, though they 
approved what he did and encouraged him, did 
not much appear, but held off, out of policy or 
cowardice, so that he was left alone to struggle 
with his opponents, which he did manfully." 
This affair was carried before the classical 
meeting at Bury, and finally before the synod. 
The latter body ordered the eldership at Bolton 
" to revoke the sentence and receive him again 
into communion, after the controversy had con- 
tinued some years, occasioned many animosities 
among good people, and opened the mouths of 
those which hated religion. It divided the whole 
society into parties, and greatly affected the heart 
of his good wife, who was all for peace and 
submission, but he insisted upon his integrity, and 
often alleged Job xxvi., 2-6." 

There was indeed nothing about which the 
clerical mind of that age was so agitated as about 
this question of admission to the Sacrament. In 
many parishes the celebration of the Lord's 


Supper was discontinued for years, the minister 
being unwilling to administer it "promiscuously" 
to all the congregation, and the congregation 
revolting against the idea of being catechised 
and examined before the eldership. Most of the 
diaries of the time that have come down to us 
were written by ministers, and it is strange to 
notice with what gusto they record the fate of 
those persons who opposed their pet scheme. 
"At Gorton," writes one, "Mr. Rootes himself 
catechised all that came to the Sacrament. And 
a man and his wife and daughter came, and he 
began to catechize the daughter. ' What ! (says 
the man) Will you catechize her ? ' ' Aye (says 
he), and you too.' He forthwith calls his wife 
and daughter away, and said they would never 
come there more, and before the next Lords Day 
he and his wife were both dead'' The same 
diarist gives another curious instance. " One Mr. 
Higinson preached against promiscuous com- 
munion in these words, ' give not that which is 
holy unto dogs.' A man in the congregation 
reviled him sadly about it. He was shortly 
stricken sick. After a time he got up again, and 
thought he mended, went over the way to a 
shop window, and his neighbour was congratulat- 


ing his recovery. He said he hoped he should 
be well again now. Suddenly the hiccup took 
him, and, being very extremely on him, says he, 
'now I am gone to the dogs,' and went kofue 
and died y 

Truly, the clerical spirit of this period was 
somewhat lacking in charity. Many of the 
funeral sermons, which were the delight of the 
age, were preached expressly with the object of 
" improving " the sudden death of some drunkard 
or confirmed sinner, and they have an odd look. 

One old man who had lived penuriously, and 
was said at his death to have died ;^50 in debt to 
his back and ^loo to his belly, had left his 
money to a young man, who naturally enough 
made merry with such unsanctified gain. Before 
the twelvemonth he was dead. The minister 
who was asked to preach his funeral sermon, did 
so on the understanding that he should be at 
liberty to " improve " the occasion. Accordingly, 
he chose for his text Luke xii., 20: "This night 
thy soul shall be required of thee," adding in his 
diary the simple words, "a lively instance of 
Eccles. iv., 7, 8." 

Sooth to say, these men believed that they had 
a mission to perform — that they were called to 


correct the immorality and gross-mindedness of 
the age. They were, it is true, clergymen first — 
partisans of an ecclesiastical system which the 
parishioners found intolerable— but they were also 
social reformers, and it is no true estimate of their 
success to judge it in the light of the alleged 
return of immorality at the Restoration. In the 
records of one of the Lancashire classes alone, 
there are almost numberless instances of the 
correction of persons for uncleanness of life. 
The entries give one an idea of the blunt and 
inquisitorial nature of the proceedings of these 
religious bodies : 

''Agreed, That Wm. Hardy and his reputed 
wife are bound in conscience to consummate their 
marriage. She absolutely refuseth to marry him. 
Voted, that they are guilty of fornication. He 
acknowledgeth it a great sinne in him, but asserts 
she is his wife before God." 

^'Agreed, That the pretended marriage 
between Thomas Rudd and Sibill Rudd is 
incestuous and null. Thomas Rudd appearing 
acknowledges his fault, and submits to censure. 
Agreed, that he be suspended, and so declared to 
be in every congregation solemnly within the 
classis the next Lord's day but one." 


" George Grimshaw made public acknowledge- 
ment of his comittinge the great sin of incest, in 
the church of Manchester, upon the next Sabboth, 
the lo Feb., according to order," 

As an instance of the power of the 
ordinance of , suspension from the Sacrament, 
Newcome relates the case of a man in 
Ashton parish who was excommunicated by the 
classis for such an offence. He remained 
hardened, and went away into Ireland, and was 
there some time, and yet God so owned his 
ordinance that he never had quiet till he came 
back again to Ashton parish, and submitted there 
to open acknowledgment of his offence. 

Any account of the religious life of Lancashire 
under the Commonwealth would be incomplete 
which left out this most important and peculiar 
feature. It had so practical a bearing on the morals 
of the parish, and this is the only justification that 
can be offered for such militant Puritanism. For 
assuredly the Puritan clergy did no^ succeed in 
that higher function which Carlyle ascribes to 
them of spiritualising their age, of giving them a 
vivid conception of, and belief in, an immediate 
God. Such a conception comes not to a nation 
by the teaching of men, but only by revolution, 


by national calamities. The preaching of the 
Puritan clergy was dogmatically too narrow ever 
to accomplish such a result. But though their 
work thus occupies a lower plane, it was, for all 
that, the more valuable, because the more 
intensely practical. One of the duties most 
strongly urged upon the parishioners was that of 
family prayer and worship. The two sins most 
frequently inveighed against by the clergy were 
swearing and drunkenness, nor was it merely by 
word of mouth. An Act was passed, in 1650, for 
the suppressing of the detestable sin of profane 
swearing and cursing, and not unfrequendy entries 
are to be found in the church registers of Lanca- 
shire of fines paid under this Act. " Received of 
the wife of George Hulton for swearing and other 
misdemeanours, i6s. 8d.," an enormous sum, one 
would think. A Puritan minister, before whom 
an oath was uttered, records his secret humiliation 
that his presence had inspired so little authority 
as to prevent it. It is on this point oi personal 
influence that the estimate of the practical good 
accomplished by Puritanism really turns, and it 
was on this point that the clergy manifested the 
greatest jealousy of zeal. " I remember," says 
Newcome, "Mr. Constable, a known famous 


epicure that was a retainer to a gentleman. 
He was prophane and very bad, yet was 
as civil and tame to me as could be. One 
time, coming from a sermon of mine wherein 
he was touched, he told Mr. Hardy thatjt might 
be I might think he was an atheist, but, for his 
part, he did believe there was a God, and that he 
ought to be served, etc., but he was forced to 
drink to please the gentlemen that maintained 
him. Another time, on a Lord's Day, at night, 
in the winter, before prayers, he told the lady 

there was excellent ale at , and moved he 

might send for a dozen, some gentlemen of his 
gang being with him. I made bold to tell him that 
my lady had ale good enough in her house for 
any of them ; especially I hoped on a Sabbath 
Day she would not let them send for ale to the 
alehouse. The lady took with it, and, in her 
courteous way, told him her ale might serve him, 
but, notwithstanding, after duties, he did send, 
but durst not let it come in whilst I stayed. 
That evening, not thinking of any such thing, 
we fell into some good discourse that held us 
long talking under the window, whilst the other 
gentlemen stood at the fire. Mr. Constable 
longed to be at his ale, but durst not let it come 


in whilst I stayed, but stood murmuring, 'Will they 
never have done ; what can they find to talk of all 
this while?' and the like. At last I took leave, and 
then he said, ' Now he is gone ! Fetch in the ale.' " 

It was this sense of theimportanceof their personal 
influence that led the ministers to insist so rigidly 
upon their duty of catechizing their congregations. 

" I had a very pretty and considerable dis- 
course," writes one, " with James Bancroft, 
servant then in the yarnecroft. He was affected 
with the word, but most grossly ignorant (as it 
was ordinary for the children and servants of such 
as had run the way of Separation). I asked him 
how many commandments there were, and he told 
me ten, but could not tell me one of them. I 
then asked him what he thought of such and such 
duties and sins, and he could tell all these," The 
records of the time abound in curious references 
to such direct and authoritative interference on 
the part of the minister in the daily life of their 
parishioners, and the respectful acquiescence in it 
is really a worthy vindication of their proceedings, 
and of the superiority of moral tone assumed by 
the clergy. "I had occasion," says Newcome, "in 
exposition about the gesture of prayer, to declare 
for either kneeling or standing, and that sitting 


was not a fit posture, and I could not but observe 
the obedience of that great congregation (at 
Manchester), that of all that day I could scarce 
see any sitting in prayer, whereas they had many 
of them (and of the better sort) much used it 
before." It is very instructive to contrast the 
moral strength of this Puritanism with its 
doctrinal weakness, and its dogmatic narrowness. 
These very men "who were fighting for our 
liberties introduced a bill into the House of 
Commons to put a man to death for denying, the 
Trinity, and these very clergy who stood thus 
morally head and shoulders above the laity, 
showed little real intellectual advance upon them. 
It sounds like an extract from a fifteenth 
century record when one reads such an account as 
Newcome gives of a contest with the devil. " I 
received a letter," he says, "from Mr. Hough, 
which gave an account of a poor maid's condition 
that had by promise given her soul to the devil, 
and such a day was to meet him. He desired 
prayers for her. I got a few together in the 
morning by six, and we kept to prayer till after 
nine on her behalf, yet it proved in the end a kind 
of drawn battle. Satan did not prevail in this 
gross contrivance upon her, but she proved 


melancholy, idle, and would follow no business. 
The servants of God which had striven for her 
had not that joy in her which they desired," 

But, let it be clearly understood, the only claim 
which Puritanism makes in history, is on the score 
of its moral teaching. The men themselves were 
probably not fully aware of this, they were so 
bound down by doctrine, but, looking back upon 
the epoch, that fact becomes clear. They have 
done what in them lay to preserve in its full 
force in English life what has to some extent 
been always characteristic of us as a nation — a 
stern moral earnestness and uprightness. The 
question as to the method by which they sought 
this end, is after all a subsidiary one. In 
Lancashire, they proceeded with the high hand, 
and attempted to rule the private life of the 
parishioners through the inquisitorial proceedings 
of the Presbytery. Looking back on it, we can 
see that it failed, and we feel that it deserved to 
fail, but its effect for good on the life of the people 
was valid for all that, and, however blindly, 
through zeal or insufficient knowledge of human 
nature, these men acted, the result achieved, — 
not immediately, but only by the slow lapse of 
generations — was unspeakably beneficial. 

Ifcersal flDoor. 

By Janet Armytage. 

FROM the earliest periods, Kersal has been 
an important portion of historical Man- 
chester, and yet there are people about Manchester 
who hardly know even its name. Of its early 
history little is known. Of course, it was not 
always as it is now ; it was a portion of a forest. 
Manchester was formerly a Roman camp, and in 
the lists of the Roman roads round Manchester, 
one is given as crossing Kersal Moor. This road 
was a part of the old racecourse. Whitaker, the 
historian of Manchester, says that " the moor of 
Kersal was in the time of the Romans, perhaps 
in that of the Britons before them, and for many 
ages after both, a thicket of oaks and a pasture 
for hogs ; and the little knolls that so remarkably 
diversify the plain, and are annually covered with 
mingled crowds rising in ranks over ranks to the 
top, were once the occasional seats of the herds- 
men that superintended these droves in the 


woods." Kersal Moor has changed since then. 
The last of the trees was burnt about twelve 
years ago. 

But if the early history is vague, its later events 
are more certain. In 1730, were established the 
Manchester races, and the moor was fixed upon 
as being the most suitable for a racecourse. Dr. 
John Byrom, the owner of Kersal Cell, was 
greatly opposed to this, and he wrote a pamphlet 
against it, but the races continued for fifteen 
years, when, probably through Dr. Byrom's 
influence, they were stopped in the year of the 
Jacobite rising. Another fifteen years passed, 
and the races recommenced, and were held every 
year till 1846, when they were transferred to the 
Castle Irwell grounds. The last race at Kersal 
was marked by one or two accidents. The front 
rail of one of the stands, which had too many people 
in it, gave way, and thirty or forty of the pleasure 
seekers fell into the dust. No bones were 
broken. Another, later in the day, was more 
serious in its character. A man named Byrne 
was riding in the hurdle race when he fell, receiv- 
ing so much injury that he was removed to the 
Manchester Infirmary, where he died next 

morning. So ended the races on Kersal Moor, 



and then, to use the words of one of the news- 
papers, " the stands were allowed to stand no 
longer, the posts were made to cut their sticks, 
the distance chair and the seat of judgment were 
levelled to the ground, and all the distinctive 
features of a racecourse were cleared away, save 
and except the grand stand, which still rears its 
head on high." It is a curious fact that the first 
school on this side of Manchester was held in the 
grand stand, after the departure of the races. 
Since then, other schools having been built, the 
grand stand school was cleared away. 

The " correct card " of the second of the race 
meetings after their return to Kersal is now 
scarce, and is reprinted below. 

" A true and exact List of all the Horses, &c., 

That are Enter'd to Run 

On Kersal Moor, near Manchester, 

On Wednesday the 21st, Thursday the 22nd, and Friday the 

23rd of October 1761 

On Wednesday the 21st, for £,^0 by four year olds carrying 
8st. five year olds 8st 81bs. six year olds gst. 51b. and aged 
Horses lost. saddle and Bridle included, four mile Heats. 
Philip Egerton Esqr's Bay Mare, Rockatina, 5 years old. Rider 

Robert Collins, in Blue 
Mr. Pearson's .Chesnut Mare, Lashing Molly, 5 years old 

Rider John Cotesworth, in Green 


William Broome Esqr's Bay Horse, Hector, 6 years old. Rider 

On Thursday the 22nd, for a Whim Plate of ;^5o. by 
Horses. &c. 14 Hands to carry gst. higher or lower weight 
in proportion, and all under 7 years old to be allowed ylb 
weight for each year, according to their Ages, four mile Heats. 

Mr Williams's Bay Horse, Moscow, 6 years old, 14 Hands 

I inch 3qrs. gst. 51b. 40Z. Rider, Robert Collins in Blue. 
Mr Stanhope's Bay Horse, Short Hose Aged, 14 hands gst 

Rider, Thomas Clough in Blue. 
Dr Bracken's Chesnut Horse, Dismal, 6 years old, 14 hands 

8st. 81b. 120Z. Rider, Matt. Wilson, in Red. 
Mr Eyre's Chesnut Mare, Pretty Bess, 5 years old, 13 hands 

3 inches yst. ylb. Rider, John Eyre in Red. 
(To be sold) 

And on Friday the 23rd for ^50. by 6 year olds carrying gst. 
71b. and Aged Horses lost. Saddle and Bridle included, four 
Mile Heats. 

Philip Egerton's Bay Horse, Dionysius. Aged. Rider, Robert 

Collins, in Blue. 
Mr Peter's Bay Horse, Orphan, 6 years old. Rider, Robert 

Bloss, in Yellow. 
William Broome, Esqr's, Bay Horse, Hector, 6 years old. 

Rider, unknown. 
Mr Williams's Bay Horse Moscow, 6 years old. Rider, 


To start at 1 2 o'clock. There will be an ordinary every 
day immediately after the races, provided by Mr Budworth, in 
the Exchange, which will be properly air'd for the Purpose. 



The Signal's given by a shrill Trumpet's sound, 

The coursers start, and scour the ground : 

While for the palm the straining steeds contend. 

Beneath their Hoofs the Grass doth scarcely bend; 

So long and smooth their strokes, so swift they pass. 

That the Spectators of the noble Race 

Can scarce distinguish by their doubtful Eye, 

If on the ground they run, or in the Air the[y] fly. 

O'er Hills and Dales the speedy Coursers fly. 

And with Thick clouds of dust obscure the Sky. 

With clashing whips the furious Riders tear 

Their Coursers sides, and wound th' afflicted Air, 

On their thick manes the stooping Riders lie, 

Press forward, and would fain their steeds outfly. 

By Turns they are behind, by turns before ; 

Their Flanks and sides all bathed in sweat and gore, 

Such speeds the steeds, such Zeal the Riders shew, 

Upon the last, with spurning Heels the first 

Cast Storms of Sand, and smothering Clouds of Dust. 

The hindmost strain their Nerves, and snort and blow. 

And their white foam upon the foremost throw. 

Manchester — Printed by Jos Harrop, opposite the Exchange, by Order of the Stewards." 

In 1789 and 1790 there had been many high- 
way and house robberies. Gangs of armed men 
entered houses in the middle of the night, and 
carried away with them whatever they could 
take. The authorities placed armed patrols 
about the neighbourhood, but this did not 
diminish the number of outrages. At last a man 


named James Macnamara was arrested with three 
others for a burglary at the Dog and Partridge 
Inn, in Stretford Road. Macnamara was tried 
at Lancaster, and sentenced to be hanged as 
a warning to other burglars. Kersal Moor was 
selected as his place of execution, so that 
everyone might see him. Joseph Aston, in his 
Metrical Records of Manchester, expresses his 
opinion on the execution in verse : — 

" It was in the year that Macnamara was hung, 
When the heart that was feehng, by feeling was wrung. 
For the wretch, whom the law had with justice decreed 
Had made forfeit of life by a wicked misdeed, 
Was from Lancaster dragg'd, for the idle a show, 
By mistaken policy, adding to woe 
Severity, such as the sentence ne'er said ; 
Nor tortur'd before death — but hanged till dead, dead. 
To the wicked, example like this had no gain, 
And the sight of the wretch to the virtuous gave pain." 

The number of persons attracted to the place 
was immense, "but after all," says Aston, "no 
one could suppose the example had any use. In 
proof that it had not any good effects, several 
persons had their pockets picked on the ground 
' within sight of the gallows ; and the following 
night a house was broken into and robbed in 
Manchester." In the Chetham Library is pre- 


served a programme of this execution, giving the 
order of the officials who attended it. 

From this dismal scene we turn to one of more 
cheerfulness — a review of the Rochdale, Stock- 
port, and Bolton Volunteers. This having been 
fixed for Thursday, August 25, 1796, on the 
Wednesday evening they assembled on the moor 
for the purpose of viewing the ground, and 
settling other necessary preliminaries, after which 
they marched into town, and were quartered 
for the night. On the Thursday morning, about 
ten o'clock, they again marched to the ground, 
preceded by all the loyal associations, who, in 
compliment to the corps, had determined to show 
them that tribute of respect. The Alanchester 
Mercury mentions that the loyal associations 
" had their various flags, and wore blue favours 
in their hat." It goes on to say : — 

" The appearance of the associations was most respectable; 
and the officers and privates of the Volunteers, dressed in 
elegant uniforms, were truly military in their style and order. 
At the entrance on the moor, the Ayrshire Fencible Cavalry 
(who are stationed in our barracks) formed on each side the 
road to clear the way ; they were of the greatest service and 
highly increased the interest of the scene. Major-General 
Barnard now appeared on the ground, attended by his aides- 
de-camp and other officers. The Volunteers were put in 
motion, and the review began. Their marching and military 


appearance were most excellent, and would not have been 
exceeded by any regiment on the establishment. The man- 
oeuvres were continued with various marchings and counter- 
marchings, in the course of which they fired in platoons, 
by divisions, and in lines. From no part of their discipline 
did they gain more credit than this — their firing was such 
as the oldest regiment in the service would have been 
honoured by. When the business of the day was finished, 
the General, in the most polite manner, addressed each corps 
separately, and, in terms of the strongest approbation, 
expressed the great pleasure he had received from their 
excellent discipline, and the order with which they had 
conducted themselves through their arduous task. It was 
late in the afternoon before the review was over, and to finish 
the day there was a horse race which afforded tolerable sport." 

The Manchester Mercury says that there were 
no fewer than 60,000 persons present, but with 
due respect for the departed pages of that most 
useful paper, it is not necessary to place implicit 
faith in this statement. 

The next item of importance in the annals of 
Kersal Moor is a duel between two worthy 
gentlemen of Manchester. A meeting took place 
one afternoon in July, 1804, between Mr. Shak- 
spere Philips and Mr. Jones. Mr. Philips was 
attended by a Mr. Fosbrooke. Mr. Jones fired 
at Mr. Philips without effect, and Mr. Philips 
discharged his pistol in the air, upon which the 
seconds interfered, the parties shook hands, and 


separated after mutual expressions of satisfaction, 
which they would do all the more amiably as 
neither was hurt. Two other Manchester men 
had been quarrelling in the newspapers for some 
time past, and about a fortnight after the duel 
mentioned, that is on July 25, Mr. J. L. Philips 
and Colonel Hanson met on Kersal Moor to 
get satisfaction. Information had been given to 
the magistrates, and when the duellists came 
to the spot they found a portion of the Man- 
chester peace officers awaiting their advent. 
They were arrested, and so ended the second 

Three years pass by, and Kersal Moor assumes 
another character. One James Massey was 
imprisoned in the New Bailey, and in a fit of 
despair hanged himself. He was buried near 
the "distance chair" on Kersal Moor. This 
distance chair has since been spirited out of 
existence. There appeared to be some difficulty 
in disposing of the body of this unfortunate man ; 
his body was removed and re-interred in the 
ditch at the place where the murderer Grindrod 
was gibbeted. This, however, was not con- 
sidered satisfactory, and he was again removed 
to another part of Sal ford. 


In 181 2, there was a camp stationed at Kersal 
Moor ; the MiHtia regiments, numbering about 
3000 persons, were reviewed in June by General 
Acland. The camp was under such miUtary 
regulations and arrangements as were requisite 
for immediate service, so that the routine of 
camp duty was strictly observed. To complete 
the preparation for such a service, a telegraph, — 
i.e., a semaphore, — was fixed on elevated ground, 
from which any necessary information could be 
communicated all through the district in a few 
minutes. There were two pieces of artillery upon 
the ground ; six horses were attached to each 
of these pieces ; a driver to each pair of horses, 
two men stationed on the gun, and about twelve 
men on horseback in attendance. Cowdroys 
Manchester Gazette gives this account of an 
incident : — " Last Sunday, at the camp on Kersal 
Moor, was exhibited a solemn and impressive 
scene, that does credit to the liberality of the 
times, and, we trust, will be a presage to the 
return of tolerating and unbigoted principles. 
The Roman Catholic part of the highly-respected 
regiment, the South Militia, with other soldiers 
of the same faith, were brigaded on the ground 
and marched round an altar, raised for the 


purpose of celebrating mass. The sight of so 
many hundred warriors, with their wives and 
children, on their knees supplicating the Almighty 
for their country and themselves in a way most 
congenial to their inborn feelings, imposed a 
religious silence, and interested every spectator." 
This camp was visited in August by the Duke 
of Montrose. 

Some years ago, Kersal Moor was much fre- 
quented by naturalists and botanists, as it was 
then perhaps the most favourable ground near 
Manchester for the study of botany. This has 
been changed since the ground has been protected 
by the Corporation. One of the botanists of the 
time, that is, the end of the eighteenth and 
beginning of the nineteenth century, was Richard 
Buxton. His life was rather a curious one. His 
family was very poor, and could not afford him 
any education beyond teaching him the letters of 
the alphabet. But, at the age of sixteen, he was 
dissatisfied with this ; so with the idea of teaching 
himself to read, he procured a spelling-book. 
After some trouble, he was completely master of 
it, and was able to read the New Testament. 
But the pronunciation and meaning of most of the 
words troubled him, and to mend this, he got a 


pronouncing dictionary, and went steadily through 
it from beginning to end. Then, in his leisure 
moments, he went excursions a little out of the 
town, and Kersal Moor came in for a good share 
of his attention. One June day he was quietly 
botanizing there, on the bank of a brook at a part 
now drained and cultivated. A number of his 
favourite plants grew there, and he immediately 
became interested in his work ; when, at a short 
distance from him, he saw another man engaged 
in botanizing. They struck up an acquaintance, 
and the stranger turned out to be John Horsefield, 
a hand-loom weaver, who was the president of 
the Prestwich Botanical Society. He became 
interested in Buxton, and introduced him to 
several other working botanists. Buxton after- 
wards wrote a Botanical Guide to Manchester, 
which contains a memoir of himself, and shows 
how carefully he had examined the country round 
about the city. The flora of Kersal Moor is 
interesting, as showing what flowers may still be 
found in the outskirts of a city like Manchester. 
Mr. Cosmo Melvill contributed an article to the 
Journal of Botany, in which he gave a list of the 
plants and flowers, not including mosses, that are 
to be found on Kersal Moor. There are no 


fewer than 240 different kinds, or at least there 
were a very few years ago. 

Perhaps the most crowded time on Kersal 
Moor was during the day of a large Chartist 
gathering, which took place on September 24th, 
1838. Placards were placed on the walls in every 
town or village within ten miles of Manchester, 
and invitations were given to all the trades to 
attend the meeting, which was, as the placards 
stated, " in favour of universal suffrage, annual 
parliament, and no property qualification." The 
principal procession started from Manchester 
about half-past ten, and moved down Shudehill, 
Hanging Ditch, Cateaton Street, Hunt's Bank, 
and Bury New Road. Kersal toll-bar had not 
then been taken down, and the procession 
occupied thirty-five minutes in passing through. 
The principal banner of the Manchester pro- 
cession was said to have cost ^30, though this 
may have been an exaggeration, like many other 
things that were said in connection with the 
meeting. The inscriptions on some of the flags 
and banners showed that the Peterloo massacre 
was not forgotten ; one banner with a representa- 
tion of Peterloo field, bore the inscription 
" Murder demands justice," and on several others 


were portraits of Henry Hunt. At the time 
proclaimed for the taking of the chair, that is 
eleven o'clock, few people had arrived, but about 
half-past eleven came the Bolton procession, 
which had several bands of music and some 
curious remarks on the banners. On one of these 
was worked the lines : — 

" Those jealous reptiles we have not forgot, 
How they did strive a patriot's name to blot ; 
Despite of their dungeons, 
Their fines and decrees, 
Who would ever bow down 
To such reptiles as these ? " 

Another had on it a representation of three dead 
clergymen, and Fame with a trumpet, and the 
words " They trafficked in the people's rights ; 
their characters are as black as hell." One flag, 
carried by a Bolton lad, may be said to be unique ; 
it was a copy of the Bolton Chronicle, pasted on 
a board, with a broom held above it. At half- 
past twelve the Manchester procession reached 
the moor, and was immediately preceded by an 
important-looking individual on horseback, who 
wore a white hat and a snuff-coloured coat. This 
gentleman came to herald the approach of the 
procession, and, on its arrival, the chair was taken by 


Mr. John Fielden, m.p. As this was at ten minutes 
to one, the chairman was only two hours late in 
opening the meeting. The chairman's address 
occupied forty minutes ; this and all the other 
speeches were fully reported in the Manchester 
Guardian, though the reporters were rather 
hardly treated. All that was provided for their 
convenience was a piece of board to write their 
notes against. After the chairman, there were 
speeches by Mr. Hodgetts of Salford, the Rev. 
J. R. Stephens, and Mr. Feargus O'Connor. 
The two last-named were next year sentenced to 
eighteen months' imprisonment for similar 
speeches made at Hyde, though the Manchester 
police took no notice of the Kersal gathering. 
Towards the close of the meeting, there was a 
drizzling rain, and the last speeches were drowned 
by the sounds of the various brass bands as they 
were going home. The reports as to the number 
present were numerous and dissimilar, but the 
Manchester Guardian, for that date, says that 
there were probably 40,000 persons present. 

A still larger demonstration was held on May 
25th in the following year, when Mr. Feargus 
O'Connor and other Chartist orators treated their 
audience to some violent speeches. Mr. 


O'Connor stated that he came there because the 
Queen and the magistrates declared the meeting 
to be illegal and unconstitutional. The later 
annals of Kersal Moor include several more 
military camps and reviews. Nor must the 
Jubilee bonfire be forgotten. 

The ground is now in the possession of the 
Corporation. It was a part of the property of 
the Byroms and the Clowes family, and their 
trustees not being able to give the moor to the 
town, it was leased for twenty-one years, and the 
trustees returned the money as a contribution 
towards the expense of keeping it as a public 
recreation ground. The moor was not always 
as small as it is at present. Quite near to it are 
the two old houses, Kersal Cell and Kersal Hall. 
A tradition of the hall may be given in Mr. R. 
W. Procter's words : " Eustace Dauntesey came 
as chief of the fated mansion. Dauntesey wooed 
a maiden — no doubt a beautiful young lady, with 
a handsome fortune, who was ultimately won by 
a rival suitor. The wedding-day was fixed, and 
the prospect of their coming happiness was utter 
misery to Eustace. Having in his studious youth 
perfected himself in the black art— a genteel 
accomplishment in the dark ages — he drew a 


magic circle, even at the witching hour, and 
summoned the evil one to a consultation. The 
usual bargain was soon struck, the soul of 
Eustace being bartered for the coveted body of 
the maid, the compact to close at the lady's death, 
and the demon to remain meanwhile by the side 
of Dauntesey in the form of an elegant "self," or 
genteel companion. Eustace and his dear one 
(in a double sense) stood before the altar in due 
course, and the marriage ceremony was completed. 
On stepping out of the sacred edifice, the elements 
were found to be unfavourable. The flowers 
strewed before their feet stuck to their wet shoes, 
and the torch of Hymen refused to burn brightly 
in a soaking shower. Arrived within his festive 
hall, the ill-fortune of Eustace took another shape. 
His bride began to melt away before his eyes. 
Familiar as he was with magic, here was a 
mystery beyond his comprehension. Something 
is recorded about a holy prayer, a sunny beam, 
and an angel train bearing her slowly to a fleecy 
cloud, in whose bosom she became lost to earth. 
Taken altogether, the affair was a perfect swindle 
in its bearing upon Eustace. Awakened to 
consciousness by a touch from his sinister com- 
panion, Dauntesey saw a yawning gulf at his feet. 


and felt himself gradually going in a direction 
exacdy the reverse of that taken by his bride of 
an hour." 

Nor has Kersal Moor been without literary 
associations. In the last century, it was one of 
the haunts of the witty and wise John Byrom. 
In this generation, Edwin Waugh had for years 
his home close by. This last remnant of moor- 
land Manchester may possibly have suggested his 
fine poem of " Wild and Free : " — 

" I wish I was on yonder moor, 
And my good dog with me ; 
Through the blooming heather flower 
Ranging wild and free. 
Wild and free, 
Wild and free. 
Where the moorland breezes blow. 

" Oh, the wilderness is my delight, 
To foot of man unknown, 
Where the eagle wings his lordly flight, 
Above the mountains lone ; 
Wild and free, 
Wild and free, 
Where the moorland breezes blow. 

" Sweet falls the blackbird's evening song, 
In Kersal's posied dell ; 
But the skylark's trill makes the dewdrops thrill 
In the bonny heather bell ; 



"Wild and free, 
Wild and free, 
Where the moorland breezes blow. 

" Oft have I roved yon craggy steeps, 
Where tinkling moorland rills 
Sing all day long their low, sweet song 
To the lonely listening hills ; 
And croon all night, 
In pale moonlight, 
While mountain breezes blow. 

" In yon lone glen I'll take my rest, 
And there my bed shall be, 
With the lady fern above my breast 
Waving wild and free ; 
Wild and free, 
Wild and free. 
Where the moorland breezes blow." 

a Xancastcr Mortb^— ZTbomae CovelL 

By William Hewitson. 

I "HE oldest brass in the ancient parish church 
J- of St. Mary, at Lancaster, is inscribed to 
the memory of Thomas Covell. A portion of the 
brass, showing the figure of the deceased in his 
robes of office, was broken off some years ago, 
and only that part which bears the epitaph 
remains fixed in the pathway along the middle of 
the nave. The figure as engraved on the brass 
is about twenty-five inches long. It is broken 
across the middle, and much worn — the features 
being practically obliterated — but the appended 
sketch conveys a tolerably good idea of it. 

The epitaph runs as follows : — 













^TATIS SViE 78. 

Cease, cease to movrne, all teares are vain and voide, 
Hee's fledd, not dead ; dissolved, not destroy'd : 
In heaven his sovl doth rest, his bodie heere 
Sleepes in this dvst, and his fame everiewhere 
Trivmphs ; the towne, the covntry farther forth, 
The land throvghovt proclaimes his noble worth : 
Speake of a man soe kind, soe covrteovs. 
So free and every waie magnanimovs. 
That storie told at large heere doe yov see, 
Epitomiz'd in briefe Covell was hee." 

" So far as we can ascertain," says the writer of 
a handbook published in my native town, "there 
is no record of the exploits of this eminent 
Lancastrian other than is found in his fulsome 
epitaph. The panegyrics of the tombstone are 
not always reliable." It is surprising that the 
spirit of local patriotism has not saved the 
memory of Thomas Covell from the sneer of a 
Lancastrian whose lack of knowledge on the sub- 
ject is self-confessed. Whatever opinion may be 
formed on the Covell epitaph, standing by itself, 
evidence is not wanting to show, at any rate, that 
he was one of the most substantial citizens of 


Lancaster during a period of which local historians 
have said very little. 


Whether Thomas Covell was a native of the 
town in which he lived so long is not known. 


His name appears in the list of Freeholders in 
the hundred of Lonsdale, in the year 1600. He 
became keeper of " Gaunt's embattled pile" in 
the days of the most famous Duchess of 
Lancaster, Queen Elizabeth, and in one way and 
another held high office in the ancient borough 
for well nigh half a century. He had seen some 
thirty summers, and the Virgin Queen had been 
three-and-thirty years on the throne, when he 
was appointed keeper of the Castle. Another 
dozen years saw the end of the Tudor and the 
beginning of the Stuart dynasty. Two-and- 
twenty years he lived under the " the wisest fool 
in Christendom," some fourteen under Charles 
the First,. and then, full of years and local honours, 
he made his will and next day died. Many 
visitors to the Old Church in which he 
worshipped and at last was laid to rest have been 
disposed to smile at the rhymed part of his 

But, making allowance for the posthumous 
exaggerations of the time — exaggerations not 
confined to the seventeenth century — there can 
be no doubt that Thomas Covell was a man 
of excellent qualities. At any rate the 
Corporation of Lancaster went the length of six 


times electing him Mayor, and civic honours did 
not go a begging in those days. 

In connection with the Castle, Thomas Covell 
had, of course, many disagreeable duties to 
perform, and it is hardly to be wondered that he 
incurred the ill-word of some of the persons 
committed to his charge. One of these, a 
distinguished clergyman, has left it on record that 
his personal comfort was disregarded by the 
keeper. Then we have it on the authority of a 
Bishop that too much leniency was shown 
towards certain of the prisoners. These seem to 
be the worst things that have been said of 
Covell in his administrative capacity. Leaving 
the complainants, it is gratifying to note that two 
contemporary writers bear testimony to his genial, 
hospitable nature. 

John Taylor, the " Water Poet," visited 
Lancaster in his " Penny lesse Pilgrimage or 
Moneylesse Perambulation " from London to 
Edinburgh, in the summer of what he describes 
as " the yeare of grace, one thousand, twice three 
hundred and eighteene," that is, 1618. Leaving 
Manchester, he tells us :— 

" The Wednesday being lulyes twentynine, 
My lourney I to Preston did confine, 


" All the day long it rained but one showre, 
Which from the Morning to the Eue'n did powre, 
And I, before to Preston I could get, 
Was sowsd and pickled both with raine and sweat, 
But there I was supply'd with fire and food, 
And any thing I wanted sweet and good. 
There at the Hinde, kind Master Hinde mine Host, 
Kept a good table, bak'd and boyld, and rost. 
There Wednesday, Thursday, Friday I did stay. 
And hardly got from thence on Saturday. 
Vnto my lodging often did repaire 
Kinde Master Thomas Banister, the Mayor, 
Who is of worship, and of good respect. 
And in his charge discreet and circumspect ; 
For I protest to God I neuer saw 
A Towne more wisely Gouern'd by the Law. 

Thus three nights was I staid and lodg'd in Preston, 

And saw nothing ridiculous to iest on. 

Much cost and charge the Mayor vpon me spent. 

And on my way two miles with me he went ; 

There (by good chance) I did more friendship get. 

The vnder Shriefe of Lancashire we met, 

A gentleman that lou'd and knew me well, 

And one whose bounteous mind doth beare the bell. 

There, as if I had bin a noted thiefe, 

The Mayor deliuered me vnto the Shriefe. 

The Shriefes authority did much preuaile. 

He sent me vnto one that kept the layle. 

Thus I perambulating, poore lohn Taylor, 

Was giu'n from Mayor to Shriefe, from Shriefe to laylor. 

The laylor kept an Inne, good beds, good cheere. 
Where paying nothing I found nothing deere : 


" For the vnder Shriefe kind Master Couill nam'd, 
(A man for house-keeping renown'd and fam'd) 
Did cause the Towne of Lancaster afford 
Me welcome, as if I had beene a Lord. 
And 'tis reported, that for daily bounty, 
His mate can scarce be found in all that County. 
Th' extremes of mizer, or of prodigall 
He shunnes, and hues discreet and liberall. 
His wiues minde and his owne are one, so fixt 
That Argus eyes could see no oddes betwixt. 
And sure the diiference (if there difference be) 
Is who shall doe most good, or he, or shee, 
Poore folks report that for relieuing them, 
He and his wife are each of them a lem ; 
At th' Inne and at his house two nights I staide, 
And what was to be paid, I know he paide ; 
If nothing of their kindnesse I had wrote, 
Ingratefull me the world might iustly note : 
Had I declar'd all I did heare and see, 
For a great flatt'rer then I deemd should be : 
Him and his wife, and modest daughter Besse, 
With Earth and Heau'ns felicity, God blesse. 
Two dayes a man of his, at his command, 
Did guide me to the midst of Westmerland, 
And my Conductor, with a liberall fist. 
To keepe me moist, scarce any Alehouse mist." 

In Taylor's '' Wit and Mirth," published in 
1630, the Water Poet tells a quaint story for 
which he was probably indebted to his Lancaster 
host. " A poore woman's husband," he says, 
"was to be hanged at the towne of Lancaster, 


and on the execution day she intreated the 
Shrieue to be good to her and stand her friend : 
the Shrieue said that he could doe her no hurt, 
for her husband was condemned and iudged by 
the Law, and therefore hee must suffer. Ah, 
good master Shrieue, said the woman, it is not his 
life that I aske, but because I haue a farre home, 
and my mare is old and stiffe, therefore I would 
intreat you to doe me the fauour to let my 
husband be hanged first." 

The other witness in Covell's favour is the 
author of " Barnaby's Journal," Richard Brath- 
waite. This Westmoreland genius was related to 
Sir Francis Bindloss (son of Sir Robert Bindloss, 
of Borwick Hall), who represented the borough 
of Lancaster in Parliament in 1627-28. For 
some years between 1620 and 1630, Sir Francis 
Bindloss resided at Ashton Hall, near Lancaster, 
and describing his passage through the county 
town on a visit to his kinsman, Brathwaite 
writes : — 

" First place where I first was known-a, 
Was brave John a Gant's old towne-a ; 
A seat antiently renowned, 
But with store of beggars drowned ; 
For a Jaylor ripe and mellow, 
The world has not such a fellow." 


Further mention of Thomas Covell is found in 
an account given by three miHtary officers of a visit 
to Lancaster in 1634: — "We entered [from the 
north] into the famous County Palatine of 
Lancaster, by a fayre, lofty, long, archt bridge 
over the river Lun. Wee were for the George 
in Lancaster, and our host was the better 
acquainted with the affayres of the shire for that 
his brother was both a justice of the peace and a 
chiefe gaoler there, by vertue whereof wee had 
some commaund of the Castle, w'ch is the honr 
and grace of the whole towne." In the Castle 
they found "stately, spacious, and princely strong 
roomes, where the Dukes of Lancaster lodg'd. 
It is of that ample receit, and is in so good 
repayre, that it lodgeth both the judges and many 
of the justices every assize." From this record it 
appears that the landlord of the George Inn (for 
many generations one of the best-known hostelries 

in Lancaster) was Thomas Covell's brother 

probably Edmund Covell, who was Mayor in 
1631, and died in 1634. 

Touching the complaints against Covell's 
keepership of the Castle, I find that on January 
29, 1598 (about seven years after his appoint- 
ment) the Bishop of Chester, Dr. Richard 


Vaughan, wrote as follows to Sir Thomas 
Hesketh, Attorney of the Court of Wards and 
Liveries, and M.P. for, and Recorder of, 
Lancaster : — "I hear that the prison at Lancaster 
is very ill kept ; that the recusants there have 
liberty to go when and whither they list ; to hunt, 
hawk, and go to horse races at their pleasure ; 
which notorious abuse of law and justice should 
speedily be reformed. If no means be used to 
keep them in, and to bring in the chief in this 
faction, it will breed in the end not mischief only 
but a public inconvenience." Lancaster was then, 
and till nearly two hundred and fifty years later, 
in the diocese of Chester. 

In "A Narration of the Life of Mr. Henry 
Burton," published in 1643, some strictures are 
passed on Thomas Co veil by the Rev. Henry 
Burton, b.d., of St. Matthew's Church, Friday 
Street, London, who was for twelve weeks a 
prisoner in Lancaster Castle. Burton was a 
victim of the Star Chamber, and, along with 
William Prynne and Dr. Bastwick, had his ears 
cut off in the pillory, was very heavily fined, and 
sentenced to perpetual imprisonment. He was 
removed from London to Lancaster in the first 
week of August, 1637, and on November ist 


following he was transferred to the prison in 
Guernsey. Covell and Burton appear to have 
fallen foul of each other immediately on the 
arrival of the latter at the Castle. "There he" 
(Covell), writes Burton, ''sitting in John of 
Gaunts old chaire, fell to speak his pleasure of me 
and to censure me for what I had done : To 
whom I said, ' Sir, it is your office to be my 
Gaoler, not my judge.'" Burton complains 
bitterly of the inattention of Covell to his 
comfort, and of the "extreme coldnesse " of the 
prison. He describes the aged keeper as a 
"beastly man," and complains of the "hellish 
noise, night and day," made by "five witches with 
one of their children " who were lodged in a dark 
room under the one occupied by himself As he 
passed out at the Gateway Tower on his way to 
Guernsey, Burton had a parting shot at Covell, 
who, he says, was "vexed at this." 

It is not improbable that Thomas Covell 
managed the refreshment department at the Castle, 
and at the High Sheriff's house " neere ad- 
joininge," at the assize times, in connection with 
his brother of the George Inn. At any rate, he 
had the means at his command of acting the part 
of "mine host" on an extensive scale. For 


instance, during the shrievalty of Mr. William 
ffarington, of Worden Hall, in 1636, an agree- 
ment was entered into on his behalf with the 
keeper of the Castle, for making provision for the 
Lent Assizes, in these terms: "Agreement 
betwixt John Rowe and William Somner, 
yeomen, in the behalf of William ffarington Esq., 
Sheriffe of Lancashyre on the one pte, and 
Thomas Covell of Lancaster Esq., on the other 
pte, viz. — ffirst it is agreed that the said Thomas 
Covell shall upon his own cost and chardge 
p'vyde dyett lodginge and horsemeate (pVander 
excepted) for the said Sheriffe and XLtie men at 
the said assyzes, and also dyett for XXtie gentle- 
men att the sheriff's table every dynner and 
supper duringe the said assyses. And yf there 
bee more gentlemen at the sheriff's table, or more 
servingmen than aforesaid, then the said sheriffe 
to allow for every gentleman above that numb 
xiid a meale, and for every serving man or other 
vid., and the said Mr Covell to fynde all lynnen 
and naperie for all the tables (except the sheriffs 
table.) It: The said sheriffe shall at and upon 
his owne chardge p'vyde wyne, sugar, and 
venyson for both Judges and himself, and plaite 
only for his owne table. In considera'con where- 


of the said sheriffe is to pay the said Thomas 
Covell LXXXV^ out of the which the said 
Thomas Covell is to allowe to the said sheriffe for 
the gaole at Lancaster this next assyzes XV^ 
and XV windles of oats. In witness whereof the 
parties above said have interchangeably subscribed 
their names," etc. 

Some interesting but ghastly chapters might be 
written concerning the criminal business which 
the Judges of Assize transacted and the sentences 
which were carried out at Lancaster during 
Thomas Covell's keepership of the Castle — the 
whole assize business of the shire being trans- 
acted at that time in the county town. It may be 
assumed that he was present when Edward Kelly, 
the seer and associate of Dr. Dee, had his ears 
cut off. In his official capacity, Covell would 
give up to the Sheriff the reputed conjuror, 
Edmund Hartlay, who was executed in 1597 for 
witchcraft alleged to have been practised by him 
on the family of Nicholas Starkie, at Cleworth, or 
Clayworth, in the parish of Leigh — this being the 
first execution for witchcraft in Lancashire of 
which there appears to be any record. In July, 
1600, the keeper of the Castle gave up to the 
Sheriff, for execution, Edward Thwing and 


Robert Nutter, two of the many Roman Catholics 
who were laid upon a hurdle at the Castle gates 
and drawn through the streets of the old town to 
the Tyburn-shaped gallows on the Moor, there to 
be hanged, "bowelled," and quartered, their dis- 
membered remains being afterwards exposed on 
the Gateway Tower at Lancaster, or on church 
towers in other parts of the county. Two more 
Roman Catholics, Thurstan Hunt and Robert 
Middleton, suffered in like manner in March, 
1 60 1, and another, Laurence Baily, in September, 
1604. A year afterwards, a woman named Anne 
Waters was burnt to death for complicity in the 
murder of her husband, at Lower Darwen — a 
murder which is said to have been discovered by 
a dream. A few years later, in 161 2, Lancaster 
was the scene of one of the bloodiest events in 
the assize history of the town. On the morning 
of August 20, ten prisoners, of both sexes, were 
given up by the gaol-keeper and carried to " the 
common place of execution," where they were put 
to death for having " practised and exercised 
divers wicked and devilish artes called witch- 
craftes, inchauntments, charmes, and sorceries." 
These were the poor "Pendle witches," whose trial 
had concluded only the day before. In his 


famous work, "The Lancashire Witches," Harrison 
Ainsworth makes it appear that these victims of 
superstition were burnt to death " in the area 
before the Castle," and according to an illustration 
in the 1803 edition of Challoner's "Memoirs of 
Missionary Priests," published by Thomas 
Haydock, in Manchester, this open ground 
immediately in front of the Castle was also the 
spot on which at least one Roman Catholic 
priest was executed. There is nothing, however, 
in the records of the town to warrant the 
supposition that a death sentence has ever been 
carried out on the site in question. In Thomas 
Pott's " Wonderfull Disco verie of Witches in the 
County of Lancaster," originally published in 
161 3, it is stated that the Pendle witches suffered 
the death penalty at a place "near unto 
Lancaster," and no doubt this refers to the then 
open moorland about a mile eastward of the 
Castle, now included in the workhouse grounds. 
William Yates's map of Lancashire, published in 
1786, shows a gallows at this particular point ; and 
this was the place of execution down to the close 
of the eighteenth century, when a scaffold was 
first used at the back of the Castle, close to the 
Crown Court. It is said that after the arrest of 


the so-called witches, in the Forest of Pendle, 
some of their friends met at the Malkin Tower, 
and among other things decreed that Thomas 
Covell, by reason of his office, should be slain 
before the ensuing assizes, and that Lancaster 
Castle should be blown up. But the keeper of 
the Castle was a tough customer ; he lived for 
twenty-seven years longer, and died in his bed ; 
and it was not until the Civil War, some four 
years after he had passed away, that any real 
attempt was made to blow up the Castle in which 
he had spent so much of his life. Besides having 
to do with the reputed witches in his capacity as 
gaol-keeper, Covell had two of them before him 
in the exercise of his other functions. It is on 
record that the confession and examination of old 
Alice Whitde (the alleged rival of "Old 
Demdike," who died in one of the Castle 
dungeons before the trial came on), and the 
confession and declaration of James Device ("Old 
Demdike's " grandson), were taken before "Mr. 
William Sands, mayor of Lancaster, and Mr. 
Thomas Covell, district coroner and keeper of the 
Castle." In March, 1616, two more Roman 
Catholics, John Thulis and Roger Wrenno, or 
Warren, were hanged and quartered at Lancaster ; 


and in March, 16 18, eleven prisoners were 
executed, but for what offences does not appear. 
The last executions of Roman Catholics with 
which Covell was officially concerned, but, 
unhappily, not the last of the kind at Lancaster, 
took place in August, 1628, when Father 
Arrowsmith (of "dead man's hand" fame) and 
Richard Herst were put to death and dis- 
membered after the barbarous manner of the 

In 1630, a man named Utley was executed 
for having, as it was alleged, bewitched to death 
Richard Assheton, son of Ralph Assheton, of 
Middleton, near Manchester. Three years after- 
wards, the Castle was again the scene of a great 
witch trial, the prisoners hailing from Pendle and 
the neighbourhood ; but although seventeen of 
the accused were found guilty and condemned, the 
sentences were not carried out, and eventually 
the whole of the prisoners regained their 

Several alleged witches lay under sentence of 
death in the Castle in the early part of 1635. 
Four of them were women from Wigan, and 
when Dr. John Bridgeman, Bishop of Chester, 
proceeded to the Castle by royal command to 


examine them, he found that two of the women 
had died in gaol. In the summer of 1636, Covel 
had ten persons accused of witchcraft in his 
custody, these being mostly from the Pendle 
district, whose sentences had been respited. 
Probably it was some of these same prisoners to 
whom the Rev. John Burton refers as having 
"continued a long time there," and who "made 
such a hellish noise" in the "dark room," 
immediately under the one in which he was 
confined for three months, in 1637. These, 
however, were not the last "witches" imprisoned 
there. Writers on this subject have failed to 
make an exact record of the last case of execution 
for witchcraft in Lancashire. The point is thus 
vaguely referred to by Dr. Webster, in his 
" Display of Witchcraft," dated February, 1673 : 
" I myself have known two supposed witches to 
be put to death at Lancaster within these eighteen 
years, that did utterly deny any league or 
covenant with the devil, or even to have seen 
any visible devil at all." A woman named 
Isabella Rigby was executed for witchcraft at 
Lancaster, in October, 1665, and this is the last 
execution of the kind on record in the County 
Palatine. Probably the last person sent to 


Lancaster Castle for trial on the charge of witch- 
craft was an aged woman named Katherine 
Walkden, of Atherton, who died in gaol before 
the case came on for trial — this being in the early 
part of the eighteenth century. In April, 1636, a 
batch of ten prisoners passed from Covell's 
custody to the moorland gallows. It will be seen 
that a total of thirty-one persons were executed, 
as the outcome of three assizes alone, during 
Covell's term of office. As regards the number of 
culprits executed on any one occasion, he appears 
to have established a " record," so far as the 
County Palatine is concerned. By way of com- 
parison, it may be noted that, on April 25th, 1801, 
seven prisoners were hanged together on the new 
scaffold at Lancaster, and on April 19th, 18 17, 
nine were put to death in the same " Hanging 
Corner," these being the most numerous simul- 
taneous executions in Lancaster since the days of 

With regard to Covell's " modest daughter 
Besse," mentioned by the author of the " Penny- 
lesse Pilgrimage," the only other reference to her 
is found in the pedigree of an old Lancashire 
family, the Brockholeses of Heaton and Claughton. 
In this, she is mentioned as having: become the 


second wife of John Brockholes. The two 
children born of this marriage died in 1654 (about 
twelve years after their father), and were buried 
at Garstang Parish Church. By his will, dated 
July 31st, 1639, Thomas Covell bequeathed to 
his grandson, John Brockholes, ^50 and the 
" chief lordship " of Torrisholme ; and to his 
granddaughter, Elizabeth, two houses in Lan- 
caster, with their appurtenances and certain goods, 
and also all his interest in his " new house and 
new stables " in the same town, after the death of 
his wife, Dorothy. Covell's inventory amounted 
to ;^3,047 7s. 3d. His widow died the year after 

There is reason to believe that Thomas Covell 
built the front part of the very substantial house 
at the higher end of Church Street, Lancaster, 
which has been for many years known as the 
Judges' Lodgings ; and that Thomas Cole (of 
The Cote, Bolton-le-Sands), father of the Edmund 
Cole who was High Sheriff of Lancashire in 
1707, built the addition (north-west corner) 
abutting on St. Mary's Gate, placing his initials 
and the date (1675) on the door head stone at 
that side, and his crest on the pillars of the main 
entrance, as it still exists. Mention is made of 


this house in the latter part of the seventeenth 
and early in the eighteenth century, as " Stoop 
Hall." This name may have been given it much 
earlier, and seems to have been derived from the 
pillar or cross which is shown in Speed's plan of 
the town as standing in the middle of the street, 
immediately fronting the house, in 16 10. Since 
the days of the venerable gaol-keeper, it has been 
known as Covell Cross. All that is left of it now 
is the round foundation stone, level with the 
pavement. For some unknown reason, what 
remained of the shaft or " stoop " was taken down 
about the year 1826, and placed in the garret at 
the Judges' Lodgings. Twelve or fifteen years 
ago it was removed thence to the corridor under 
the Nisi Prius Court at the Castle, and not long 
afterwards it was "cleared out as rubbish!" 
Such was the ill-fate of the cross at which (as well 
as at the Market Cross, which has also dis- 
appeared) new Sovereigns were always proclaimed 
by the civic authorities, with the accompaniment 
of " the town musick and four drums " — ^a cross to 
which, on all occasions of public rejoicing or 
thanksgiving, the mayor and his colleagues were 
accustomed to walk in state, " with musick playing 
and drums beating." 


The purpose of this somewhat discursive article 
will be abundantly served if it should lead to a 
better regard for local antiquities, and for the 
memory of the men who, in one way and another, 
have rendered service to " time-honoured Lan- 

^ome lEarl^ flDancbcstcr Grammar Scbool 

By Ernest Axon. 

THE Manchester Grammar School possesses 
an excellent register of its boys from 1730 
to the present time, and the admissions from that 
date to 1830, have been printed under the able 
editorship of the Rev. J. Finch Smith ; but 
scholars anterior to 1730 have, to a large extent, 
been ignored. Yet they include men who, in 
various capacities, have done service to their 
country. The difficulty of compiling a list of the 
early scholars is great. Biographical writers 
rarely think it necessary to state where their 
subject was educated, and the difficulty is not 
lessened by a different class of writers, who say 
that the person whose career they are recording 
" probably " received his education at the free 
school of the town in which he was born. 
Guesses of this latter kind must always be 
accepted with caution. If we did not know that 


Dr. John Byrom was educated at Chester first, 
and afterwards at Merchant Tavlors' School, 
everything in his history would point to his 
having been at the Manchester Grammar School, 
and Byrom is only a specimen of a large class 
who went far from home for their education. 
Even what appears to be a distinct statement 
requires to be carefully examined. An interest- 
ing character, the Rev. Peter Walkden, is stated 
by his biographer to have removed from a village 
school to "ye famous school of Manchester." 
The " famous school " here referred to is not the 
Grammar School, but a Nonconformist academy 
kept by Mr, Coningham, one of the early Cross 
Street ministers. As the early admission 
registers of the Grammar School have dis- 
appeared — if, indeed, such registers ever existed 
— knowledge of the names of the earlier pupils 
of the school has to be sought amongst the records 
of the various colleges at Oxford and Cambridge, 
in the lists of school exhibitioners, which date 
from fully half a century previous to the printed 
school register, and from a variety of miscel- 
laneous sources, such as Newcome's " Diary," 
and Calamy's " Lives of the Ejected Ministers." 
The college admission registers give the names 


of the undergraduate's school and schoohnaster, 
and so a list, accurate but not complete, might be 
compiled from this source alone. The portion of 
the St. John's College, Cambridge, register that 
has been printed, gives the names of thirty or 
forty Manchester students, and it is much to be 
wished that the registers of Jesus and Emmanuel 
Colleges, and of Brasenose College, Oxford, were 
printed, and thus rendered more easily accessible 
than . they are at present. It must not be for- 
gotten that only a very small percentage of the 
scholars would go to the University, and that of 
the majority of those who went into commerce, 
not a trace is now to be found that would connect 
them with the school where they were taught, 
and of which they were, doubtless, very proud. 

Amongst the earliest Grammar School boys 
John Bradford, the martyr, is usually reckoned. 
He would be only a young boy when the school 
was founded, having been born in 15 10. Being 
brother-in-law of Bishop Oldham's nephew, there 
is every probability that he benefited by the 
munificence of his kinsman. His life and his 
martyrdom by burning at Smithfield are too well 
known to need telling over again. Another 
eminent man, Laurence Vaux, Warden of 


Manchester, is reputed to have attended the 
school in its early years. He lost the Warden- 
ship upon the accession of Queen Elizabeth by 
refusing to take the oath of supremacy. He fled 
to the Continent, but afterwards, as a seminary 
priest, returned to England. Here he shared the 
sufferings that fell to the lot of the Catholics in 
England, and was thrown into the Clink Prison, 
where he died in 1585, being, as it was said, 
"famished to death." Vaux's successor in the 
Wardenship of Manchester, William Birch, was 
also probably educated at Manchester School. 
In his case, the probability is considerably 
strengthened by the fact that the mother of 
Warden Birch was one of the Becks, and a close 
connection of the founder of the school. Birch, 
who was an ardent reformer, held the Wardenship 
for only one year, when he resigned it, but he 
obtained several good benefices in the diocese of 
Durham. He did not forget the school, and in 
his will bequeaths "to xx poor scholars in Latin 
in Manchester School xls apiece." William 
Chadderton, a later Warden of Manchester, is 
also numbered amongst the Grammar School 
boys. He was born in 1538, and when quite a 
young man secured the friendship of several of 



Queen Elizabeth's most powerful Ministers, and 
by their patronage became, at the age of forty, 
Bishop of Chester. Holding both the Bishopric 
of Chester and the Wardenship of Manchester, 
he was one of the most important men in the two 
counties ; and, fixing his headquarters in 
Manchester, began, under a Royal Commission, 
a campaign against the " Popish recusants." In 
this apparently congenial work he spent several 
years of his life, and it was during his time that 
the heads of Bell and Finch, two Roman 
Catholics who had been executed at Lancaster, 
were exposed on the Collegiate Church. 
Hollinworth describes him as "a learned man and 
liberal, given to hospitality, and a more frequent 
preacher and baptiser than other bishops of his 
time." In 1595, Chadderton was translated to 
Lincoln, and in 1608 he died. Humphrey 
Chetham, who is yet lovingly remembered by 
thousands who have benefited by his will, either 
as boys at the Hospital or as men at the Library, 
was at the Grammar School under Thomas Cogan, 
author of the " Haven of Health," a physican as 
well as a schoolmaster. Chetham was born in 
1580, and probably left school in 1597, in which 
year he was apprenticed to a linen-draper. 


Having made a large fortune in business, he 
was called upon to serve the office of High 
Sheriff, which he did with considerable detriment 
to his pocket. One result of this honour was an 
amusing correspondence with the heralds as to his 
coat of arms, and there is little doubt that he had 
to pay considerable fees to the heraldic authorities 
ere they allowed such a prize as a rich merchant 
to slip through their fingers. Humphrey Chetham 
is remembered as one of the most generous 
benefactors that Manchester has known, and as 
founder of Chetham's Hospital and Library he 
will continue to be reverenced as long as 
Manchester exists. A schoolfellow of Chetham's 
was Rowland Dee, one of the earliest exhibi- 
tioners of the school, and son of the "wizard" 
Warden of Manchester. William Langley, the 
author of a scarce book entitled " The Persecuted 
Minister, in Defence of the Ministerie" (1656), 
and one of the clergy who suffered for loyalty to 
Charles I., is also considered to be a Grammar 
School boy. The autobiography ascribed to 
Langley says : " I was borne at Prestwiche anno 
Christi 1596, my father, M. Langley, being at 
that time curet to his cosen, who was parson 
there. I was brought up there in my youth, and 


went to ye Gram. Schole at Manchester, where I 
receyved good instruction in Gramar learninge 
before I was entred at Brazennose Colledofe. 
Oxon." A cleric of some importance in his day 
was Richard HolHnworth. He was born at 
Manchester, in 1607, and educated at the 
Grammar School and at Cambridge. He became 
a fellow of the Collegiate Church, and was an 
active upholder of the Presbyterian system. In 
1 65 1, he was imprisoned at Liverpool for 
complicity in Love's plot, and was afterwards a 
commissioner for ejecting scandalous ministers 
and a feoffee for carrying out Humphrey 
Chetham's will. He died in 1656. He wrote 
six theological books and a history of Manchester. 
John Booker, the astrologer, also received a portion 
of his training at the school. He was born in 
1603, and went into a trader's shop in London, 
but finding the work uncongenial, he became a 
writing master and astrologer. In the latter 
capacity he was thought by one of his rivals 
to be "the greatest and most compleat astrologer 
in the world." Booker, who died in 1667, had 
the reputation of being "a very honest man." 
Ralph Brideoake, the only Mancunian who was 
successively pupil, master, and trustee of the 


school, was born in 1613. He went to Oxford, 
distinguished himself as a Greek scholar, obtained 
the high mastership of the school, and returned 
to his native place, where, in addition to clerical 
and scholastic duties, he undertook the office of 
manager of the estates of Lord Derby and of 
Humphrey Chetham. During the Civil Wars 
he was, as became a servant of the Stanleys, a 
Royalist, but under the Commonwealth he made 
his peace with the Parliament, and was com- 
fortably provided for. At the Restoration he again 
became an enthusiastic Royalist, and eventually, 
by bribing one of the King's mistresses, obtained 
the Bishopric of Chichester. A man of a very 
different type to the pushing and unscrupulous 
Bishop Brideoake was Dr. John Worthington, 
whom both school and town have reason to 
honour. Of the time he spent at the Grammar 
School he seems always to have had a kindly 
recollection, and when he was applying for the 
Wardenship of Manchester he referred to his 
connection with the school as one of his reasons 
for desiring the appointment. From the school 
he went to Cambridge, where he became Master 
of Jesus College, and subsequently Vice-Chancellor 
of the University. He died in 1671. Dr. 


Worthington's " Diary and Correspondence," 
edited by Mr. James Crossley and Mr. Christie, 
is a monument alike of the learning of Dr. 
Worthington and of the vast erudition of the late 
and present presidents of the Chetham Society. 

One of the comparatively few distinguished 
lawyers educated at the school was Sir Robert 
Booth, member of a family distinguished in the 
annals of the neighbourhood for its charity. 
Booth was born in 1626, and became successively 
Judge and Chief Justice in the Irish Court of 
Common Pleas, and eventually Chief Justice of 
the King's Bench in Ireland. He died in 1681, 
and was buried at Salford. An interesting 
character was Jeremiah Marsden, a sectary, who 
was at the school for a very short time ; being a 
lad of very weak health, he found his master " too 
rigid," and so he left. In 1654, he became a 
clergyman, and, though a successful preacher, he 
had not the faculty of remaining long in any one 
place. He declined to take the oath of allegiance 
to Charles II., and in consequence spent a few 
months in York Castle. In 1662, he was ejected 
from a benefice he held, and became more un- 
settled than ever. As he frequently rendered 
himself liable to the penal laws against Dissenters, 


he was often in trouble, and, like the Jesuits 
under similar circumstances, adopted an alias, 
passing as Ralphson. Marsden died in Newgate 
prison, in 1684, after he had been confined some 
months for his theological heresies. In striking 
contrast to Marsden's career, is that of Edward 
Kenyon. Kenyon early succeeded to the family 
living of Prestwich, and that appears to have 
been his only cure. Other clergymen were the 
Rev. John Mather, d.d.. President of Corpus 
Christi College, Oxford, who was a scholar of 
Mr. Barrow's, and, by virtue of his position as 
head of Corpus Christi College, appointed Mr. 
Barrow's successor in the high-mastership ; the 
Rev. John Lees, incumbent of Saddleworth from 
1663 to 1712; and the Rev. John Heginbottom, 
incumbent of Saddleworth from 1721 to 1771. 
Lees was curate of Salford .and assistant librarian 
of Chetham's Library for five years. At Saddle- 
worth, his life was one of steady usefulness. He 
taught the village school in the chancel of the 
church. While teaching the young, he en- 
deavoured to dissuade the adults from their 
savage amusements, a bull bait or dog fight being 
to him a source of "lamentation and woe." 
Thomas Martindale, who died in 1680, in his 


thirtieth year, was the son of Adam Martindale, 
whose reflections on his son occupy an important 
place in his " Diary." Thomas was one of the 
pupils of Wiqkens, and after graduating in 
Scotland, and mildly sowing his wild oats, almost 
breaking his father's heart by marrying a wife 
without dowry, settled down as a country school- 
master. He died after a few months of 
schoolmastering, and his father, in his " Diary,"- 
seems quite as much troubled about having to 
provide for Thomas's infant daughter as by his 
son's early death. The sons of Henry Newcome, 
the celebrated Nonconformist, were at the 
Grammar School, and the "Diary" has many 
references to the school and its master. Henry 
Newcome, junior, one of these sons, was author of 
a curious work entitled the " Compleat Mother." 
Another son was Peter Newcome, vicar of 
Hackney, who published a " Catechetical Course of 
Sermons for the Whole Year," which must have 
been a godsend to the country parson. It con- 
tained a sermon for each Sunday of the year, and 
passed through two editions. The Rev. Thomas 
Cotton, M.A., was a well-known minister in 
London early in the eighteenth century. He 
was born in Yorkshire, and, to quote his 


biographer, " the greatest advantage he had 
for school learning was under the famous Mr. 
Wickers, of Manchester." He became a Dissent- 
ing minister, was a strict observer, in the 
Puritanical fashion, of the Sunday, and, it is said, 
declined the offer of a benefice in the Established 
Church. Father Thomas Falkner, one of the 
earliest of medical missionaries, was a Grammar 
School boy, and was born of Protestant parents 
in 1707. Having studied medicine, he became a 
ship surgeon. On one voyage he fell ill at 
Buenos Ayres, and was tenderly nursed by the 
Jesuits. Gratitude paved the way for conviction ; 
he became a Catholic, and in 1732 entered the 
Society of Jesus. For thirty-six years he led 
a self-denying life, striving to civilise the 
Patagonians. In 1768 he, with 1000 other 
Jesuits, was expelled from South America. 
Falkner returned to England, where he spent the 
remaining years of his life as a domestic chaplain, 
Falkner's " Description of Patagonia " was edited 
by an incompetent person, who omitted from it all 
the anecdotes which Father Falkner is said to 
have delighted in telling, thus leaving only dry 
geographical detail. 

The Rev. John Clayton, one of the 


early Methodists, was at the school for 
several years, and obtained an exhibition at 
Brasenose College when he was only fifteen. 
At college, he made the acquaintance of the 
Wesleys, with whom he remained on intimate 
terms all his life, his pulpit frequently being 
occupied by John Wesley, on his visits to 
Manchester. Clayton was a Jacobite, and when 
the Pretender came to Manchester, in 1745, it is 
said that, in the words of the Lancashire novelist, 
he " threw himself at the Prince's feet, and, in 
most fervent tones, implored the Divine blessing 
on his head, praying that the enterprise on which 
he was engaged might prove successful. As the 
chaplain was in full canonicals, the incident 
caused a great sensation, and was particularly 
gratifying to the Prince." Clayton was Chaplain, 
and afterwards Fellow, of the Collegiate Church, 
and died in 1773. Robert Thyer, Chetham's 
Librarian, was educated at the Grammar School. 
He was a man of great learning, and edited the 
" Remains " of Butler the poet, besides helping 
Bishop Newton with his edition of Milton. 

One of the most distinguished scholars of the 
eighteenth century was Dr. Samuel Ogden, who, 
born at Manchester in 17 16, went to the Grammar 


School, and thence to Cambridge. In 1744 he 
was appointed head , master of the Grammar 
School of Heath, Halifax, a post he held with 
credit till 1753, when he resigned. On leaving 
Halifax he went to reside at Cambridge, held 
several preferments, and became a wealthy man. 
In 1763 he was an unsuccessful candidate for the 
mastership of St. John's, and in the next year 
was elected Woodwardian professor of geology. 
It appears that this professorship cost Dr. Ogden 
about a hundred guineas to obtain, and it has 
been cited by his biographers as a disgrace to the 
University that it should have been necessary 
to bribe so extensively for a University office. At 
the present time the disgraceful part of the 
proceeding appears to be that Dr. Ogden was 
ever elected to the professorship of a subject 
of which he, it was acknowledged, had not even 
an elementary knowledge. But though he knew 
nothing of geology, he deservedly had a great 
reputation as a classical and Oriental scholar, and 
his rise in the Church was only hindered by his 
unpleasant manners and uncouth appearance. 
Ogden's reputation did not extend to verse, which 
he occasionally attempted. On the accession of 
George III. he wrote three versions of a poem, 


in Latin. English, and Arabic respectively. This 

iour de force produced the following oft-quoted 

lines by Lord Alvanley :— 

" When Ogden his prosaic verse 
In Latin numbers drest, 
The Roman language prov'd too weak 
To stand the critic's test. 

" In Enghsh rhyme he next essayed 
To show he'd some pretence ; 
But, ah ! rhyme only would not do — 
They still expected sense. 

" Enraged, the Doctor swore he'd place 
On critics no reliance, 
So wrapt his thoughts in Arabic, 
And bade them all defiance." 

Ogden died of apoplexy in 1778. James Brad- 
shaw, the Jacobite, was a Grammar School boy. 
Born in 1717, the child of Catholic parents, he 
was apprenticed in London in 1734. In 1740 he 
returned to Manchester, where he engaged in 
business for a few years. In 1745 he was a 
captain in Colonel Towneley's regiment, and after 
being in several battles, was taken prisoner at 
Culloden, He was tried in London for high 
treason, convicted, and executed on Kennington 
Common, 28th November, 1746, being only 
twenty-nine years old when his sentence was 
carried out with all the barbarity that distinguished 


the punishment of high treason. James Heywood, 
a local poet, was at the Grammar School. In his 
solitary book of poems, published in 1726, 
Heywood gives a poem on an epigram of 
Martial, "imitated when at Manchester School." 
When Barrow, his old schoolmaster, died, Hey- 
wood wrote a eulogistic notice of him, which 
appeared in the " Post Boy." 

Amongst those who have been mentioned as 
probably educated at the Grammar School may 
be named the Rev. John Prestwich, the founder 
of a library in Manchester, now incorporated with 
Chetham's Library ; William Crabtree, the friend 
of Horrox, and fellow-observer with him of the 
transit of Venus ; Charles Worsley, first m. p. for 
Manchester; the "poet" Ogden, and indeed 
most of the natives of the town and district who 
have obtained celebrity. Hamlet Winstanley, 
perhaps the earliest Lancashire artist, has been 
claimed as a Manchester schoolboy, but there can 
be no doubt that he was educated at Warrington, 
his native place. 

Zbc Sworn fIDen of amounbcrnese. 

By Lieut.-Col. Henry Fishwick, f.s.a. 

^^ WITHOUT venturing into the question of 
» » the origin of parishes, it will be sufficient 
to state, that as early as the twelfth century, the 
Parish was looked upon as the integral sub- 
division of the Hundred ; and that for the purposes 
of assessment of taxes, men were selected from 
each parish to assist the Hundred jury, and also, 
that these chosen men, being under oath, were 
sometimes called sworn men. 

In many of our old cities and towns, inhabitants 
were selected to assist the Mayor or Bailiff, and 
were designated as sworn men.* Although these 
customs may, in some measure, account for the 
title given to the sworn men in the parishes of 
Amounderness, they do not, in any way, 
satisfactorily show why this peculiar form of local 
government should, for over three centuries, 

* English Guilds, E. E. T. Soc, p. 349. 


have been common in this particular part of 
Lancashire, and entirely absent in the surround- 
ing districts. In the hundred of Amounderness. 
there are nine parishes, viz.: i. Preston: 2, 
Kirkham (with Goosnargh) ; 3. Lytham : 4. 
Poulton ; 5. Bispham : 6. St. Michaels-on-Wyre: 
7. Garstang ; 8. Lancaster ; and 9. Ribchester 
(of which part is in the Blackburn Hundred). 

In seven of these parishes, the "sworn men" 
are known to have been established, and in 
the other two, viz. : Lytham and Bispham, there 
are special reasons for their absence ; as Lytham 
is a very small parish of only one township, and 
Bispham was, originally, a chapel of ^ase to 

Ribchester, though now in the Deanery of 
Blackburn, was, until comparatively recent times, 
in the ancient Deanery of Amounderness, and 
was so classed in 1291.'* Indeed, there is a 
tradition that, at an early date, it was included in 
the Hundred. 

As Ribchester, at the time when this institution 
of "sworn men " was in full force (say the end of 
the sixteenth century,) was in the Deanery, but 
excluded from the Hundred, it appears clearly to 

• Pope Nicholas, Tax. Excles. 


indicate that the origin of this peculiar form of 
Vestry was ecclesiastical, and not civil. 

No reference to these "sworn men" in 
Amounderness has been discovered of earlier 
date than the latter part of the sixteenth century, 
and they probably were first elected soorf after 
the Reformation. The oldest and most perfect 
records of the transactions of these vestries are 
found at Kirkham and Goosnargh, the former 
extending back to 1570, and the latter to 1625. 

At Preston, Lancaster, Goosnargh, and Rib- 
chester, the vestry consisted of twenty-four sworn 
men, but Kirkham had its thirty. The records 
of Poulton, Garstang, and St. Michaels-on- 
Wyre, have very few references to this form of 
government, but sufficient to indicate that it once 
obtained there. 

On a fly leaf of the oldest Churchwardens' 
book at Poulton, is a memorandum " that ye ix 
day of December, in the year 1623," it was agreed 
"by Thomas Singleton, of Stanning, Esqr., and 
the rest of the Parishioners and other inhabitants, 
together with the churchwardens, and Four-and- 
twentie 77ien of the parish of Pulton, and Peter 
White, the Vicar, that . . . Thomas Dickson the 
younger, son of Thomas Dickson late dark of 


Pulton deceased be dark of the parish, etc," 
In 1 710, this body of twenty-four men was still 
in existence. At Garstang, the only trace left is 
that in 1734 the twenty sidesmen who assisted 
the four churchwardens,* were called " the gentle- 
men sidesmen," and were, apparently, elected for 
life. The records of St. Michaels-on-Wyre, show 
very little trace of this institution, except that, in 
1682, the Vicar, the Churchwardens, and "gentle- 
men " of the parish, are found making assessments. 
That the "sworn men " sometimes took to them- 
selves the title of "the gentlemen," is clear from 
the records of Ribchester, for example: on 12th 
April, 1664, they begin a resolution by "Wee 
the gentlemen and xxiiij of this parish." 

The oath which was taken by the newly-elected 
"sworn men" at Goosnargh, in 1678, has been 
preserved. " Here ensueth the form of oath 
wch of antient time hath beene used to be 
ministered unto every person elected into the 
number. Company, or Societye of the Four-and- 
Twenty sworne men of the chapell rye of Goosnargh, 
in the countye of Lancr., at the time of his 
election into that Societye, viz., — You shall well 
and truly observe and keepe all antient lawful 1 

* They were known as " the 24 men " until about thirty years ago. 


and laudable customes as heretofore in this place 
hath been observed and kept as far as they shall 
agree with the lawe of this Realme and the good 
and benefit of this Chappell and Chappellrye 
according to your power and best understanding 
and your own counsell and your fellowes you shall 
keepe. So helpe you God." The duties per- 
formed by these governing bodies were very 
numerous and varied, they levied rates, elected 
the parish clerk, and in some cases appointed 
the churchwardens, and even laid claims to 
nominate the vicar, indeed they evidently 
acted as the managers of everything in 
the parish which in any way related to the 
church, its fabric, its ceremonies, or its general 

The following extracts are from the records of 
the Kirkham sworn men : — 

1570. "Nov the XX James Porter, Nich Fayre, John .... 

Edwd Hankinson, ch^^wardens made up their ace''' 
before Sir Ja^ [Smith the vicar] clearke and the 30 
men of the same parish " " 28 of the 30 men agreed 
to a lay [a rate] of v shilHngs to be levied on each 

1 57 1. Paid for a scholar verifying the ch'wardens ace'"'- 

1572. The 30 men elected . . . Arkwright clerk of the church 

. . . and ordered that he should be resident to teach 


1576. "Agreed that Geo Killet shall be clerke for one hole 

yeare and shall keep a songe boke free for the 

1577. The churchwardens were ordered by the vicar and 30 

men to continue in office another year because they 
had not repaired the bells or levied the gauld [rate]. 
1595. The churchwardens charged xii'' for tarrying with Mr 
Vicar when he gave warning to all householders not 
to sell ale during the time of service." 

In 1636, the sworn men of Kirkham had begun 
to assert to themselves powers which the Vicar 
could not consent to their using, and to meet the 
case, as he thought, he submitted to them certain 
conditions, one of which was that " the Vicar shall 
have a negative voice in all their proceedings, and 
that they shall determine nothing without the 
consent of the Vicar ;" this would, of course, have 
deprived the vestry of all power, but the Vicar 
also required that " if there be any turbulent or 
fascitious person that the rest of the company 
shall joyne with the Vicar and turn him oute." 

The thirty men not agreeing to these terms, 
they were locked out of the church, and ultimately 
appealed to the Bishop, who declared " that the 
corporation or company of thirty men, not having 
any warranty from the King, was nothing in law ; 
but if the parish or township did delegate the 
power to the thirty men as to church matters, 


then their acts relating thereunto were as effectual 
and binding as if they had the King's sanction," 
and, to get the opinion of the parishioners, he 
directed that a meeting be called, and a vote 
taken. When this was done, the inhabitants, 
with almost one voice, declared that they wished 
to continue "their antient custom," and to hand it 
to posterity as it "had come down to them from 
their ancestors," and no less than 483 parishioners 
signed a memorial to that effect. The Bishop 
thereupon urged the vicar to give way, but he 
refused to do so, and the thirty men instituted a 
suit in the Consistory Court, where they received 
a verdict, and were ultimately admitted into the 
church again. 

At Ribchester, in 1639, the twenty-four men 
there were in dispute with the Bishop of Chester, 
they having appointed a man against his will to 
the office of churchwarden. The man was infirm 
and old, and the Bishop wrote to the twenty-four 
men that " if they breake theire owne custome, 
their Companye also of twenty-four will soon be 

The sworn men were not re-elected annually, 
as is the case of churchwardens, but, once 
appointed, they held office for life, unless they left 


the neighbourhood, became Nonconformists, or 
failed to attend the meetings. 

In the records of the twenty-four sworn men of 
Goosnargh, the social status of the members was 
carefully recorded. Thus, in 1634, the vestry con- 
sisted of an esquire, six gentlemen, twelve yeomen, 
and five husbandmen. In 1684, the following 
names appeared at the head of the list : Alexander 
Rigby, Esq. (the son of Colonel Alexander 
Rigby, of Middleton Hall), Mr. Justice Rigby, 
Mr. Justice Warren, Thomas and Edward Rigby, 
and Thomas Whittingham, of Whittingham Hall, 
who were all men of high social position. The 
churchwardens, it should be noted, were part of 
the twenty-four, and it was usual for each vestry- 
man to perform the duties of warden for at least 
one year, but he was at liberty, if so disposed, to 
appoint a deputy to do the work. As an example 
of the long tenure of office, it may be cited that 
James Fishwick, of Bulsnape Hall (whose father 
and grandfather had been members of the same 
vestry), was elected one of the twenty-four of 
Goosnargh, and churchwarden, in 1694, and he 
continued a member of the vestry until his death, 
in 1737. From the various records of these 
sworn men, much interesting matter has been 


printed, and might now be quoted, but that would 
be foreign to the object of this article, which is 
only to draw attention to this peculiar kind of 
vestry, which has now almost entirely become a 
thing of the past, but which in its day was a 
power in its parish, and helped to keep together 
the members of the Church, by giving to the laity 
the manaofement of its secular affairs. These 
vestries, in some respects, answered the purposes 
for which the modern Church Councils have been 
formed, but with this wide difference that, in the 
old governing body, the laity by their votes 
decided what was to be done, whilst in the newly- 
constituted ones, they have only the power to 
talk, or at best give advice, which may or may 
not be accepted. 


Xancasbire SunMal6. 

By William E. A. Axon, m.r.s.l. 

" The shepherd lad, who in the sunshine carves 
On the green turf a dial, to divide 
The silent hours ; and who to that report 
Can portion out his pleasures, and adapt 
His round of pastoral duties, is not left 
With less intelligence for moral things 
Of gravest import." 

— William Wordsworth (The Excursion, Book iv.) 

" With warning hand I mark Time's rapid flight 
From life's glad morning to its solemn night ; 
Yet through the dear God's love, I also show 
There's Light above me by the Shade below." 

— ^J. G. Whittier (Inscription on a Sundial). 

IT is somewhat remarkable that the best 
authorities should assign to the County 
Palatine of Lancaster, not only the earliest dated 
church bell, but the earliest dated sundial, so far 

* The best authority on sundials is the volume due to the zeal and interest 
of the late Mrs. Alfred Gatty. A third edition of her " Book of Sundials." 
was, in 1890, published by Messrs. George Bell and Sons, and forms a 
handsome quarto volume of nearly 600 pages. It is illustrated by many 
charming sketches of sundials, remarkable for their quaint design or 
picturesqueness of form or situation. The new edition is edited by Mrs. H. 
K. F. Eden (the daughter of the authoress) and Miss Eleanor Lloyd, and 
there is an appendix, in which the construction of dials is dealt with by Mr. 
W. Richardson. The book is already a standard one. 


On a vertical sundial on the house in Rochdale, 
which is believed to have been, at one time, the 
home of the Byroms, there are two dates, 1521 
and 1620, which have been supposed to indicate 
the period of erection and of restoration. " This," 
says Mrs. Gatty, "is the oldest dated dial of 
which we know. There is one at Warwick dated 
1556, and another near Oswestry, dated 1578, 
and. in the churchyard of St. Anne's, Wood- 
plumpton, there is one without a motto, dated 
1598." Unfortunately, we are compelled to add 
that Mrs. Gatty has been misled as to the real 
age of this dial, which is passed over in silence by 
Col. Henry Fishwick in his " History of 
Rochdale." His scepticism as to its antiquity 
has been confirmed by further inquiries, and he 
informs me that it is not older than 1820, when 
it was put up by a Wesleyan minister, the Rev. 
Peter Garrett, who simply placed on the dial 
what he thought was the date of the house. 

Mrs. Gatty mentions a dial formerly on Man- 
chester Church, and adds : " There is still a 
horizontal dial in the churchyard, but so closely 
imprisoned by heavy iron railings that it is prac 
tically useless. And yet the Dean and Chapter 
might remember that — 


' A prison is a house of care, 
A place where none can thrive.' 

Not even a sundial ! " There was formerly a 

perpendicular dial on a cottage in Clarendon 

Street, Hulme, and the name of Sundial Bank, 

Whalley Range, speaks for itself. Many more 

than are chronicled must, in the past, have cast 

their shadows in Lancashire. In Aldingham 

churchyard, the sundial adjures the passer-by in 

these terms : — 

" Use the present time, 

Redeem the past ; 

For thus uncertainly, 

Though imperceptibly, 

The night of life approaches." 

Colonel Fishwick has a dial (which came from 

Belfield Hall) with the inscription : — 

" Vt hora praeterita 
sic fugit vita. 
1612 A.B." 
(As the hour that is past, so doth life fly.) 

Ut hora $ic vita (life is as an hour) is an old dial 

motto that has been placed on the clock of Hoole 

Church in memory of Jeremiah Horrox, who 

there observed the transit of Venus in 1639. 

At Cartmel, there was a dial as early as 1630, 

when 3s. 6d. was paid for the " setting up" of it, 

but that now in existence was erected in 1727, 


the maker's name being Russell Casson. The 
motto is Tenipus fugit per umbra\_ni\ (time flies 
by the shadow). Sine sole sileo (without the sun 
I am silent) is inscribed on the dial at Chorley 
Church. In the churchyard at Garstang, is a 
dial, dated 1757 ,with the motto from Martial, 
Pereunt et imputantur (they pass by and are 
reckoned). This motto is found in many other 
places. Another favourite inscription is, Sic 
transit gloria mundi, which was on a dial at 
Prestwich, not recorded by Mrs. Gatty. "Our 
days upon earth are as a shadow " (i. Chron. xx. 
15) is inscribed on the sundial of Thornton 
Church, in the Fylde. Ntmc ex praeterito discas 
(now may'st thou learn from the past) is the 
inscription at Warrington School. At Heapey 
Church, Absque sole, absque us2i (without sun, 
without use) may be read on a dial dated 1826. 
At Great Sankey, there is one with the motto, 
Ab hoc mojnento pendet aeternitas (on this 
moment hangs eternity). It has the name of its 
maker, J. Simkin, and the date 1781 inscribed on 
it. The same maker executed a dial at Childwall 
with the same monitory words. Vive meinor 
quant sis aevi brevis (live mindful how short-lived 
thou art) (Horace, Sat. ii. 6, 97) is the inscription 


put up at Goosnargh Church, in 1748. There 
are also dials connected with the churches of 
Flixton, Prestwich, and Lytham ; there was a 
sundial in the garden of an old house at Winton, 
near Eccles. In the Queen's Park, at Heywood, 
a sundial was placed in 1890. x'\t Hambleton 
Church there is a dial dated 1670. At Holcombe 
Church there is a horizontal sundial, and at 
Pinfold, a cottage near Holcombe Church, is a 
perpendicular dial dated 1780, with the motto, 
Nosce teipsum (know thyself). 

Amongst remarkable dials may be named that 
at Knowsley, with four dials which are supported 
by eagles, no doubt in allusion to the famous crest 
of the Stanley family. At Shaw there used to be 
a copper horizontal dial, with the words : — 

" Abuse me not, I do no ill ; 
I stand to serve thee with good will ; 
As careful, then, be sure thou be 
To serve thy God as I serve thee." 

But thieves " abused " the dial by stealing it. 

The Rev. S. E. Bartlett had a dial on the 

vicarage lawn with this inscription : — 

" Nulli optabilis 
Dabitur mora ; 
Labitur hora : 


" Ne sit inutilis 
Semper labora. 
Neve sis futilis, 
Vigila, ora." 

" None from Time's hurrying wain 

Winneth delay ; 
Ne'er to come back again 

Speedeth each day : 
While its few hours remain, 

Labour ahvay. 
Lest thou should'st live in vain, 

Watch thou and pray." 

This dial plate has been placed in the churchyard, 
on the shaft of the old cross from which the 
previous one, just named, had been abstracted. 
Both the Latin and the English are the composi- 
tion of Mr. Bardett. It was stated in the London 
Guardian that Lord Coleridge found the motto 
in an old church in Devonshire. Lord Coleridge 
on being appealed to at once declared he had 
seen the dial in Manchester (where it was made) 
before it was sent to Shaw, and he supposed the 
verses to be those of some mediaeval Latin poet, 
and, having made a copy, sent it to Mr. Justice 
Denman, who made a fine version of it. This, 
by the kindness of the author, we are enabled 
to give ; — 


"The Dial's Lesson. 

To none is given 

Pow'r to delay, 
Told off in Heaven 

Passeth each day. 
Be thou not fruitless, 

Work, while 'tis day ; 
Trifling were bootless, 

Watch thou and pray." 

Lancashire antiquaries, and indeed those of all 
the counties in the kingdom, would do well to 
" make a note " of all sundials, their mottoes, 
dates, and inscriptions, so that there may be a 
complete record of these once general, now almost 
obsolete, but always interesting measurers of time. 

Zhc plaoue in XiverpooL 

By J, Cooper Morley. 

THOSE of our readers who are familiar with 
Defoe's " Account of the Plao^ue in 
London " will remember with what vivid power 
he describes the ravages which that terrible 
scourge brought upon the inhabitants of the 
metropolis at that period. More than one 
hundred years previously, however, London and 
many parts of the provinces were visited with an 
equally terrible scourge, viz., the Sweating 

Of this sickness we have no narrative as in the 
case of the plague of 1664-5, and It Is only from 
the correspondence of the remarkable personages 
of the time that we gain a glimpse of its character 
and extent. Sir Thomas More, writing to his 
friend Erasmus, In August, 15 17, says: "Almost 
everyone in Oxford, Cambridge, and London has 
been ill lately, and we have lost many of our best 
and most honoured friends. ... I assure you 
there Is less danger on the battlefield than in the 


citv." * The account of Dr. Caius, an eminent 
physician of the period, may be found in Mr. 
Brewer's introduction to the Letters aiid Papers, 
Henry VI 1 1., vol. ii. 

It is not, however, till some twenty years after- 
wards that we find any record of the earliest 
visitation of the plague in Liverpool. In 1540 
we are told that Liverpool was nearly depopulated 
by the plague. At this period the population of 
the town — or rather village — must have been very 
small indeed; for in 1555 we find the town con- 
sisted of 138 householders only, and allowing 
seven persons to each house would give a total of 
966 inhabitants, which would probably be over 
than under the number. 

After the first visitation, Liverpool appears to 
have suffered considerably by the frequent 
recurrence of the pestilence, whether in con- 
sequence of refugees from other parts or on 
account of the unsanitary condition of the town 
does not very clearly appear. Thus in 1558 we 
find another record of the plague visiting the 
town. This time the burial place of the victims 
was situated in the vicinity of Sawney Pope 
Street. On this occasion the Council found it 

• Inter Epist. Erasmus^ 522. 


necessary to issue more stringent regulations for 
the good ordering of the inhabitants : 

" 1558. It is ordered that all persons who may happen to be 
visited with the pestilence in the said town, that every of them 
shall depart out of their houses and make their cabbins on the 
heath, and there to tarry from the feast of the Annunciation of 
our Lady until the feast of St. Michael the Archangel ; and 
from the said feast of St. Michael until the said feast of the 
Annunciation of our Lady, to keep them on the back side of 
their houses, and keep their doors and windows shut on the 
street side until such time as they have license from the Mayor 
to open them, and that they keep no fire in their houses, but 
between 1 2 and 3 of the clock at afternoon and that no other 
person or persons be of family conversation or dwell with them 
upon pain of imprisonment, and to keep their own houses, and 
that they walk in no street except for a reasonable cause, and 
their houses to be cleaned or dyght with such as shall be 
appointed by Mr Mayor for the safeguard of the Town." 

Whether it was in consequence of the measures 
adopted in the foregoing order, or from some 
other reason not so easily explained, it is certain 
that for a considerable period following, the 
inhabitants enjoyed an immunity from any further 
recurrences of the plague. In 16 10, however, we 
find that a lay of half a fifteenth was charged 
upon townships in East Lancashire, "to the 
relief of the infected of the plague in the several 
towns of Liverpool, Uxton (Euxton), and 
others,"* but as no official record appears to 

* Lancashire atid Cheshire Antiquarian Notes, i., 99. 


have been kept by the local authorities it may be 
taken for granted that very few of the inhabitants 
suffered from it. 

We are now approaching a period when it 
became more than ever necessary that the officials 
should carefully watch the entrance into the town 
of strangers from other towns ; and the extracts 
which I am about to give will show how valiantly 
and sturdily the whole community worked in 
order to protect themselves and their families 
from any further contagion. Thus on the 12th 
June, 1647, it was "Ordered that strict wach 
shalbe kept by the townsmen, because of the 
rumour of sickness to be begune in Warring- 

Again, on the 29th of the same month, a 
further order was issued, wherein " It is pro- 
pounded by the governors, concerning the 
distraccons betwixt the armie, etc., and other 
p'ticulers at this assembly. Whereunto, answere 
was made : ' That it is the desire of Mr. Maior, 
ye Aldermen, and Comon Councell that in all 
things there may be a free & faire complyance 
betwixt the townsmen and ye soldiers, and withal 
do hold it fit, and ord"^ that the townsmen from 
tyme to tyme, according to Mr. Maior's direccon 


shall joyne w'^ the soldiers in keeping Wach, and 
that noe Chester nor Warrington people nor their 
goods during ye tyme of this infeccon shallbe 
admitted to come into this towne.' " 

In the early part of the following year, we find 
several entries relating to the plague, from one of 
which we learn that the town was so poor as to 
be unable to provide for the wants of those 
infected, and was therefore obliged to appeal to 
the Justices of Assize for contributions towards 
that end, and as the sickness had abated the 
inhabitants became uneasy at the restraint placed 
upon them, and applied for their liberty. In 
connection with this, we find the following entries, 
under date 14th February, 1648 : 

"It is this day ordered by Mr. Maior, the Aldermen and 
Comon Councell assembled, that the p'sons shutt up in their 
howses within this towne, upon the suspition of the sickness 
and infeccon, may tomorrow be sett at lib'tie, and the gards 
taken offe, upon condicon they first shew themselfe unto the 
officers appoynted for p'vyding for the poore, that they are all 
in health. 

" W<:h was donne accordingly, praised be God for his m'cie 
in o"" speedie deliverance." 

" April 7'h. Memd that the 2,"^ Portmoote Court, w^^ shold 
have beene held at after Xmas, was deferred and put of by 
reason of the sickness and infeccon happe'ing in certaine 
howses in the Chappell Strete, W^^, through the blessing of 
God (great care being taken) and much cost bestowed in 


buylding of Cabbans, and removing the said families forth of 
the towne into the said cabins, it ceased in two months tyme, 
with the death of about 8 or 9 p'sons of meane qualities." 

In the early part of 1649 a return of the sick- 
ness was greatly apprehended, therefore the 
Common Council again ordered that all the poor 
coming to the town were, with the assistance of 
the Governor and soldiers, to be kept out. In 
the following year it was found necessary to place 
alike restrictions upon all persons and merchandise 
coming from Ireland and other parts unless the 
said persons could upon oath prove that they had 
not been near an infected town. 

Yet, with all these precautions, the sickness was 
slowly but surely finding its way to the town. 
The virulence of this visitation appears to have 
been much greater than any that had yet visited 
the town, nearly all business being suspended, 
and many of the officials were attacked with the 
sickness. On the 8th of October it was ordered 
" that the Ballives shalbe freed from the collecting 
of the fynes because of the p'sent condicon of the 
towne in regard of the infeccon." 

1 65 1 saw the commencement of another plague 
in the town, during which more than 200 of the 
inhabitants (a number probably equal to one-tenth 


of the population) died, and were buried in the 
street now known as Addison Street, but then 
bearing the name of Sick Man's Lane, or Dead 
Man's Lane. The Grammar School belonging to 
the town was closed in consequence of this 
visitation, and one of the earliest orders passed 
by the Council in 1652 was "that the Schoolm'' 
shall have his whole q'"'' wages notwithstandyng 
his discontinuance of teaching by reason of the 
sickness." On the same date, Mr. William 
Williamson was ordered to " goe to Wigan, con- 
cerning the ley to be collected for y'' poore and 
infected, and to solizit the Justices of Peace for y" 
furtherance of the payment thereof." 

The continuance of the sickness necessitated 
the removal of the Custom-house from the town 
into the country, where it remained for a whole 
year, during which time none of the State's vessels 
came into the harbour."^' On June the 9th of this 
year (1653) it was " ord'red that Capt. Thomas 
Croft shall have 3'' paid him by y^ Balives forth 
of y" townes stock, in lew and consideracon of 
his howse and lands w''^ was spoyled by y'^ 
infected p'sons being there in y^ time of God's 
Vizitation of y^ sickness in this towne." 

* Cal. Slate Papers. Domestic, 1652-53, p. 527. 


The plague which was raging in London and 

elsewhere during 1665 caused much anxiety to the 

Liverpool authorities as the time of the principal 

fair approached. On the 2nd November in that 

year a public meeting of the burgesses was held, 

and it was resolved : 

"That upon consideration and apprehension of the spread- 
ing contagion of the plague, now raging in divers neighbouring 
towns, in Cheshire, and other parts, and of the great concourse 
of people usually from these parts all the time of the Fairs kept 
in this town, it is generally noted, agreed, thought fit, and so 
ordered, that the keeping of the fair here on St. Martin's day 
next (Nov. 11'^) the eve, and other usual day after, here 
accustomably kept, shall on this present exigent of danger, for 
this year be absolutely foreborne and forbidden by open 
publication and notice thereof in the open market the next 
market day." 

This notice brings our account of the plague in 

Liverpool to a close. Considering the immense 

progress which has been made in the town during 

the last 200 years, and the enormous increase of 

the population, and of its wealth as a seaport 

town, it is very questionable whether the 

authorities of the present day could, in the event 

of a like pestilence falling upon their city, show a 

greater desire for the safety, welfare, and honour 

of its inhabitants than did their predecessors of 

two hundred years ago. 

Zbc olb ^ate^ :Bell at ClauGbton. 

By Robert Langton, f.r.h.s. 

THE village of Claughton (pronounced 
Clafton, and written Clagkton, in the 
Inquis Nonariwrty temp. Edward III.) lies on the 
old Roman road, seven and a half miles from 
Lancaster, in a north-east by east direction. 
On approaching the village one cannot but be 
struck by the imposing and altogether unusual 
appearance of the double bell-cot at the west end 
of the church. 

In this bell-cot hang two bells, one of them 
quite modern and of no interest, the other is the 
oldest dated bell in England — older bells, no 
doubt, still exist, but they are without date or 
other inscription. The accompanying illustration 
is a true rendering of the lettering on the bell, 
and is exactly half the size of the original 
inscription. It is taken from a rubbing made by 
the writer on the evening of June 27th, 1884. 
The bell at Cold Ashby, in Northamptonshire, is 



; *- ■ 






= 2 









: 2 



^ ! 




the next oldest known dated bell, and was cast in 
1317. The legend on it reads thus : 

--00 o 

" + MARIA - VOCOR - ANO - DNI - M - CCC - XVII - " 

The inscription on the Claughton bell is high 
up on the shoulder of the bell, near the canons, 

and reads thus : 

000 00 

" + ANNO - DNI - M - CC - NONOG - AI " [1296]. 

It runs entirely round the bell in a continuous 
line, and is only broken into three lines here by 
the necessities of space. The height of the bell, 
exclusive of canons, is sixteen and a half inches, 
and its diameter at the mouth is twenty-one and a 
quarter inches. The weight I estimate at about 
two hundredweight two quarters ; the note is E 
flat, or a trifle higher. It should be noticed that 
the founder has inverted the V at the end of the 
date, a very common blunder in all ages of bell 
casting; there is, however, no doubt as to the 
true reading of the date. 

It should be mentioned here, that the great 
antiquity of this bell was first discovered by the 
Rev. W. B. Grenside, m.a.. Vicar of Melling, 
in 1853. 

Zbc Cbilbrcn of ^im Bobbin. 

By Ernest Axon. 

THE proverb "like father, like son" is not 
very far from the truth when applied to 
the Collier family. The father, John Collier, 
alias Tim Bobbin, though certainly a clever man, 
was eccentric almost to madness, and his habits of 
life were what we should now regard as disreput- 
able in one to whom was committed the charge of 
a school. He was a drunkard, and seemed to 
glory in the fact. His sons were all of them 
"characters," and had intellectual abilities much 
above the average ; yet they all died poor, and 
one of them was insane. The wife of Tim 
Bobbin seems to have been a motherly person of 
fairly good education. John Collier, jun., the 
eldest son of Tim Bobbin, was born at Milnrow, 
in February, 1744-5, ^^^ ^^^ trained by his 
father until his twelfth year, when he was placed 
as an apprentice with Mr. Bowcock, herald- 
painter, of Chester. He early displayed ability 
in his profession, — thanks, probably, to his father 


having taught him the elements of painting, — and 
at fourteen was sent by his master to Rochdale to 
paint the Royal arms in the Parish Church. 
After his time was served, he returned to his 
father at Milnrow ; then he went to York for a 
short time, and in 1766 settled at Newcastle-upon- 
Tyne as a coach painter and heraldic artist. He 
speedily made a good business in Newcastle, and 
only a month or two after settling there he wrote 
in jubilant tones about his work. " My business 
has kept as brisk as my last left me, without 
housework, which I have neither time nor 
inclination to undertake. My work pleases, the 
price sometimes a little muttered at ; no wonder, 
as 'tis generally near one-third more than any 
painter has here beside myself" The result of 
John Collier's first year's work was a profit of 
almost ^60, but he says : "I have no great 
inclination for settling in a place, though I know 
rambling will be no better for me." John Collier 
was joined at Newcastle by his brother Thomas, 
but the brothers soon disagreed. John com- 
plained to his father that Thomas was lazy, 
conceited, and failed in his duty as a servant. In 
August, 1767, Tom left, and his place was taken 
by his brother Charles. The change made little 


difference in the tone of John's letters to their 
father, and the complaints were renewed, though 
the name was altered. It seems probable that 
the person most at fault was John Collier, whose 
gloomy, irritable spirit made him somewhat 
difficult to work with. After Tom left John 
there was some talk of his taking service with a 
rival coachmaker in the town. The father 
thought this a very desirable arrangement, for his 
sons could be near each other, and the elder 
assist the younger. John was opposed to it. 
" Do you think," he writes to his father, " it 
would have tallied with my interests or temper to 
have assisted those whose power and delight 
would have been to see me reduced to the servile 
condition of being their slave ? Would you correct 
the work of a Finch or Stuart, or like me for 
doing it ? I think not, nor should you wish to see 
the rankest enemies of one of your sons assisted 
by the other ; if I have put it in his power to help 
my enemies to stab me, gratitude might forbid it ; 
the world is wide enough, — in the name of God 
let him fill some corner on it where I am not." 
John Collier had no longer any desire for 
rambling. He was in love. As his father wrote : 
'* The lad's smitten with 710 beauty, and with no 


great fortune ; I believe it will be ^400." On 
January 22nd, 1768, John Collier was married to 
Betty Ranken, the youngest and favourite daughter 
of Mr. Robert Ranken, a well-to-do tradesman in 
Newcastle. The accession of fortune he had 
with his wife enabled John to extend his business. 
He built a house and workshops, and added 
coachbuilding to his previous occupations. He 
did a little painting of "old masters." Of this 
branch of art he was not very proud, and wrote 
to his father, who had indiscreetly mentioned 
it: — " I am not pleased at your acquainting any 
person with my painting the old head. I thought 
I had given you a caution (when I painted that 
for Mills's on canvas) not even to tell Tom the 
secret, as he, by not being able to do it as it 
ought to be, would only discover the imposition, 
without any benefit to himself ; 'tis true I did 
paint it, nor do I think it a crime to impose on 
those who are fond of giving high prices for the 
indifferent works of persons dead, which very 
seldom have anything to recommend them but 
their age and dirtiness." John Collier's building 
operations brought him into contact with a Mr. 
Drummond about some land in which the 
Corporation was also interested. It appears that 


Collier's house encroached on Mr. Drummond's 
land. This led to a lawsuit, and the part 
projecting was forcibly taken down. The 
litigation in this and kindred matters embittered 
the remainder of the sane period of John Collier's 
life, and perhaps hastened his insanity. 

John Collier was often severe in his criticisms, 
and unkind in his remarks. Even his father, for 
whom he had a genuine admiration, did not 
escape. Criticising some of his father's work, in 
1769, the younger John said: "You certainly 
might etch your heads yourself better than that 
plate you sent, and, to tell you plainly, the draw- 
ing is so very bad, and the composition, I can 
scarcely make either sense or satire of it, what- 
ever is designed by it." It is true that posterity 
has justified the young man's criticism. John 
Collier carried on a pamphleteering campaign 
against the Corporation of Newcastle. In 1775, 
he published anonymously, " The Corporation : 
A Fragment," in which, in Hudibrastic verse, he 
satirised the civic body. In 1777, appeared "An 
Essay on Charters, in which are particularly con- 
sidered those of Newcastle," an essay which 
combined considerable research and antiquarian 
knowledge with keen satire. About this time 


he lost his first wife, an event that somewhat 
unsettled him, and, not long afterwards, he fell 
in love with a girl, many years his junior, named 
Betty Howard, whom he married at the Collegiate 
Church, Manchester, i6th December, 1777. His 
wife assumed for the ceremony a false name 
(Forster).* There is consequently some doubt 
as to the legality of the marriage. Shortly 
afterwards, his already marked eccentricity 
rapidly developed into violent insanity. He com- 
plained that his young wife put steel filings in his 
shirt and stockings, which made him that he 
could not rest, and to prevent the repetition of 
such conduct, he beat her so severely with a 
poker that he bent it across her back. 

In 1778 appeared "An Alphabet for the 
Grown-up Grammarians of Great Britain. By 
John Collier, a Supposed Lunatic." Whether 
this curious pamphlet appeared before or during 
his incarceration is uncertain. He had some idea 
of a phonetic alphabet, and advocated the 
substitution of the letter " K " for the " O." which 
he says "is the devil of a letter in our alphabet, 
because it is none at all." He sums up : " Four- 
teen vowels ! six mongrels ! five consonants ! and 

* Information of Mr. John Owen. 


one devil knows what, form our present alphabet, 
consisting of twenty-six marks." Early in 1778 
Collier tried to shoot a servant of Mr. Thomas 
Slack, the printer of one of his earlier works, 
whose life he also threatened. Mr. Slack had the 
matter inquired into by the magistrates, and John 
Collier was confined in the lunatic hospital, where 
his brother Thomas found him "chained to his 
bed, with proper apparatus for one in his deplorable 
situation." The magistrates would not release 
him until they had a bond for his good behaviour 
whilst remaining in Newcastle, and there seems to 
have been some unwillingness on the part of both 
the Colliers and the Rankens to undertake the 
responsibility. Thomas Collier wished John to 
go to Penrith with him, but the unfortunate man 
vowed that he would stay in Newcastle and 
prosecute those he imagined to have used him ill, 
"and if iustice is not to be had, to blow their 
brains out." He had his lucid intervals, but broke 
out again without any warning. When writing a 
letter he would often stop and say, " Now, some 
thick-headed attorney has set his head on my 
.shoulders, but had I a pistol I would soon do for 
him." In January, 1779, John Collier was 
released and placed in the charge of his brother 


Thomas at Penrith, who found him both trouble- 
some and expensive. In the lunatic's first week 
at Penrith he ran his brother into debt to the 
amount of ten or fifteen shilhngs "by ordering 
things for an electrical machine, printing," etc. 
There is in existence a long letter of John Collier's, 
dated January 9, 1780, full of mad wanderings 
and incoherent sentences. He curses his father 
and brothers for believing in his insanity, 
complains of his treatment by his brother, states 
his theory about the transference of thought from 
one person to another by means of electricity, and 
is in trouble about his property. Writing to his 
father he asks, "Why do you support his [Mr. 
Howard] making off with my money, or think a 
fool of that stamp, or my brothers, or you either, 
can settle accounts of my own work, in which I 
have never yet failed, better than myself." After 
a few years. Collier had recovered sufficiently to 
be allowed at large, and he spent the remainder of 
his life at Milnrow. In the early days of his 
partial recovery he did some painting. One of 
his works was a portrait of himself in a sort of 
iron mask or grating, which he used to wear 
occasionally, and which he had made for himself 
out of hoop-iron. He also painted a sign for the 


Ship Inn at Vicar's Moss, Rochdale. This sign 
was, it is said, not badly executed, but the artist 
had painted the sails full set and the ship sailing 
stern first, whilst" some sailors in a boat were 
rowing with their faces to the prow. Jacky, as 
he was called by the villagers at Milnrow, was of 
middle stature, and had a strongly marked and 
venerable-looking countenance. His dress was 
uncouth, and he had a habit of wearing his clothes 
wrong side out, and towards the end of his life he 
dressed in sackcloth. With this peculiarity of 
dress, clogs with extremely thick soles, and 
carrying a staff almost as long as himself and 
two inches thick, he was a very striking figure in 
Milnrow, His liking for having every article 
of clothing inside out did not at first extend to his 
clogs, which he was unable to reverse. At last, 
after much study, he hit on a plan, and by taking 
the nails out, turning the leather, and nailing it on 
again on the lower edge of the sole, he accom- 
plished his object. John Collier owned a few 
cottages in Milnrow, and on one occasion, thinking 
his tenants had affronted him, he decided to evict 
them. Wishing to know the correct way of doing 
this, he sent his brother Charles to consult a 
lawyer, and Charles, being inquisitive, asked all 


the various proceedings of a contested suit at law. 
When Charles got home he told Jacky all he had 
heard. John decided to take a shorter method. 
He got up early the next morning, before any of 
his tenants were stirring, fastened their doors and 
windows from the outside, and stuffed up their 
chimneys with hay and straw. When the tenants 
lit their fires the smoke could find no outlet, and 
the inhabitants became almost suffocated. Collier 
released them only on condition that they 
consented to take their goods' away and give up 
possession at once. 

Thus John Collier's later years were spent. 
He had survived his second wife, and was living 
with his nephew, James Clegg, at whose house in 
Milnrow he died in 1809. He left two daughters 
and a son, Edmund Collier, a harmless labouring 
man, who was for many years a farmer's servant, 
and used to retail milk in the streets of Rochdale. 

Thomas Collier, the next son of Tim Bobbin, was 
not nearly so unfortunate as his elder brother, but his 
life was not without its vicissitudes. He was born 
at Milnrow in 1746, and, after he had served his 
time with a painter at Leeds, entered the service 
of his brother at Newcasde, at a salary of half-a- 
crown a week and board. He and John could not 


agree. Thomas wanted his wages raised, and 
John declined to raise them, whilst John wanted 
to be autocratic, and Thomas would not obey him. 
The result was that the brothers separated. 

Thomas went to London in August, 1767. He 
found that it was impossible for him to get sufficient 
to live upon, and he would have been in great 
straits had he not found good friends there who 
allowed him the use of their house, and nursed him 
through a long illness. Less than a year sufficed to 
tire him of London, and he returned to Newcastle 
to his brother's employment, but the wrangling 
commenced again, and in February, 1769, John 
turned him out of the house, and vowed that he 
should never enter his door again, "except he 
reforms in a manner that I am very certain 'tis 
not in his nature to do." Tom was high-spirited 
and extravagant. He ran into debt, and made a 
show of wealth by giving tips twice as large as his 
elder brother did. 

In 1 770, John wrote to his father that Tom was a 
source of continued uneasiness to him, " not only 
on account of doing good to himself, but on 
account of the ridiculous actions which mark his low- 
lifed, grovelling spirit." When Newcastle steeple 
was being repaired, Tom very foolhardily 


ventured to the top of an outside spire. While 
on it he was seized with a tremor, and had to be 
ignominiously carried down by a Steeple Jack. 
When he got to the bottom a sturdy bellringer 
rope-ended him very severely. On another 
occasion he went with a party of journeymen into 
the Sandgate shouting "Wilkes and Liberty," 
amongst the keelmen and colliers. John Collier 
relates that the journeymen "got pelted severely ; 
Tom in particular was trailed and tumbled 
by the women in the channel till his cloaths were 
all of a colour with dirt and nastiness, and so very 
severely bruised and battered that he would in all 
probability have died under their discipline had 
he not, with the assistance of a few of the men 
more merciful than the rest, got shoved into a 
boat and got over the _ river." It was soon 
noised abroad that "Mr Collier was almost 
killed," and the staid and respectable John Collier' 
was annoyed by messages and inquiries being sent 
to him to ask how he did, and congratulations on 
his speedy recovery from his bruises. "Judge to 
yourself," writes the injured elder brother, "when 
an unfortunate, ridiculous action is saddled on a 
wrong person ; if he was not of the same name, I 
should be content, and laugh along with the rest 


at his folly ; but as it is, it galls me to the quick 
even to excuse myself and say, ' I suppose it was 
my brother.' " Thomas Collier eventually 
commenced business at Penrith, and was for some 
years comparatively successful. With fraternal 
piety he took charge of his brother during his 
violent madness. He was interested in politics, 
and not being on the right side, the magistrates 
of the town took every opportunity of harassing 
him. During the Revolution he wrote and 
printed a volume of indifferent verse, " Poetical 
Politics," but before it was published, information 
was given to the magistrates, and Mr. Collier was 
apprehended. He was confined for several 
days, and only liberated on condition that the 
whole of the printed copies should be destroyed ; 
consequently they were all burnt, with the 
exception of one copy, which Mr. Collier 
contrived to secrete. " Poetical Politics " was 
not Tom's only attempt at verse. He wrote the 
well-known epitaph on Tim Bobbin's grave, 
which has erroneously been said to have been 
written by Tim himself shortly before his death. 
He was author of a fulsome " Eulogium on Tim 
Bobbin by way of epitaph," which contains the 
lines : — 


" Thy name, O Tim ! thy works have spread, 
And thou, Hke Homer, shall be read 
As long as time remains." 

He also wrote a poem on hanging, entitled " Law, 
law." He pretended to understand astrology, 
and used to describe himself as a " conjurer and 
professor of mighty magic." Tom Collier's 
business having been ruined in Penrith, he 
removed to Rochdale, where the latter years of 
his life were spent. He died in 1825, leaving an 
illegitimate son, Robert Collier, who succeeded to 
his father's business as a painter, and was also an 
auctioneer, but became reduced in circumstances 
and health about 1829, and removed to Liver- 

The youngest brother of this unfortunate 
family was Charles Collier. Born in 1749, he 
was, like his brothers, apprenticed to a painter, 
and followed Tom as assistant to John Collier. 
The brothers did not agree, and Charles left 
Newcastle, settled at Kendal, and prospered in 
business. He married a widow with ^100 a 
year, and resided at Kirby Hall for some time. 
Before he was thirty he was in a position to be 
able to buy Tim Bobbin's cottage, which he 
presented to his father and mother for their lives. 


Mrs. Charles Collier died in 1782, and her income 
died with her. Charles therefore left Kendal 
and removed to Milnrow, where he painted, and 
carried on business as a flannel dealer. Amongst 
other commissions, he received orders for the 
portraits of the Rev. Mr. Shaw, his wife, and two 
children, and of Jeremiah Ainsworth, the mathe- 
matician. The combination of portrait painter 
and flannel dealer was not a success, perhaps 
because Charles Collier was fonder of field sports 
than of business. He kept a hunter, and lived in 
an extravagant style, and after his father's death 
was forced to give up business, and thence- 
forward he made a scanty living as an itinerant 
portrait painter. Of the rambling life he led we 
may get some idea from a three months' tour in 
1802. He visited Oxford, London, Hertford, 
Cambridge, Ely, Bury St. Edmunds, — where he 
" got a little cash in pocket with painting 
portraits, size of palm of my hand, in oil," — 
Norwich, Yarmouth, Lowestoft, Ipswich, 
Harwich, Rochester, Chatham, Dover, Brighton, 
Portsmouth, Gosport, Salisbury, Exeter, Ply- 
mouth, Penrhyn, and Falmouth, His travelling 
and privations aged him rapidly, and when fifty- 
three he wrote that he looked "full threescore 


years old." Charles was extremely fond of seeing 
soldiers, and on one occasion walked from 
Rochdale to Dover that he might witness a 
review there. When the great review was 
held on Kersal Moor, in 18 12, he was one of the 
first on the ground, having gone there on the 
previous evening and slept in the open air. 
Charles Collier, broken in health, and in great 
poverty, lived at Milnrow during his last years, 
and died there in 181 2, in the house of his 
nephew, Mr. James Clegg. 

^be *'3lnc\{ Hrt" at :B5oIton. 

IN the sixteenth century the " Black Art " 
meant not only witchcraft, but burglary 
in its initial stages. "The Blacke Arte," says 
Robert Greene, "is picking of Lockes, and to 
this busie trade two persons are required, the 
Charme and the Stand. The Charm is he that 
doth the feate, and the Stand is he that 
watcheth." Some of the tools of the trade, he 
says, were imported from Italy. Particulars of 
this and other methods of knavery are given in 
Greene's "Second Part of Conny-Catching," 
which was first, printed in 1591, where there is a 
narrative of a Bolton tragi-comedy. This curious 
story is as follows : — 

" Not far off from Bolton in the Mores, there dwelled an 
auncient Knight, who for curtesie and hospitallitie was famous 
in those partes : diuers of his Tennantes making repaire to his 
house, offred diuers complaintes to him how their lockes were 
pickt in the night and diuers of them vtterly vndoon by that 
meanes : and who it should be they could not tell, onely they 
suspected a Tinker that went about the Country and in all 
places did spend verye lauishlye : the Knight willing, heard 
what they exhibited, and promised both redresse and reuenge 


if he or they could learne out the man. It chaunced not long 
after their complaintes, but this iollye Tinker (so experte in the 
black arte) came by the house of this Knight, as the olde 
gentleman was walking afore the gate, and cryed for worke : 
the Knight straight coniecturing this should be that famous 
rogue that did so much hurt to his Tennantes, cald in and 
askt him if they had any worke for the Tinker : the Cooke 
aunswered there was three or foure old Kettles to mend, come 
in Tinker : so this fellowe came in, laide downe his budget 
and fell to his worke, a black Jacke of beere for this Tinker 
sayes the Knight, I know tinkers haue drye soules : the 
Tinker he was pleasant and thankt him humblye, the Knight 
sate down by him and fell a ransacking his budget, and asked 
wherefore this toole serued and wherefore that : the tinker 
tolde him all : at last as he tumbled amongst his old brasse, 
the Knight spyed three or fower bunches of pick-lockes : he 
turnd them over quickly as though he had not seene them and 
said, well tinker I warrant thou art a passing cunning fellow 
& well skild in thine occupacion by the store of tooles thou 
hast in thy budget : In faith if it please your worship quoth he, 
I am thankes be to God my craftes maister. I, so much I 
perceiue that thou art a passing cunning fellowe quoth the 
Knight, therefore let vs haue a fresh Jacke of beere and that 
of the best and strongest for the Tinker : thus he past away 
the time pleasantlye, and when he had done his worke he 
asked what he would have for his paines ? but two shillinges 
of your worship quoth the Tinker : two shillinges sayes the 
Knight, alas Tinker it is too little, for I see by thy tooles thou 
art a passing cunning workman : holde there is two shillinges, 
come in, shalt drink a cup of wine before thou goest : but I 
pray tell me which way trauailest thou ? faith sir quoth the 
Tinker all is one to me, I am not much out of my way where- 
soeuer I goe, but now I am going to Lancaster : I praye thee 
Tinker then quoth the Knight, carry me a Letter to the Jaylor, 


for I sent in a fellow thither the other day and I would send 
word to the Jaylor he should take no bale for him : marry 
that I will in most dutifull manner quoth he, and much more 
for your woorship than that : giue him a cup of wine quoth the 
Knight, and sirrha (speaking to his Clarke) make a Letter to 
the Jaylor, but then he whispered to him and bad him make a 
mittimus to send the Tinker to prison : the Clarke answered 
he knewe not his name : He make him tell it thee him selfe 
sayes the Knight, and therefore fall you to your pen : the 
Clarke began to write his Jiiiitimus, and the Knight began to 
aske what Countryman he was, where he dwelt, & what was 
his name : the Tinker tolde him all, and the Clarke set it in 
with this prouiso to the Jaylor, that he should keep him fast 
bolted, or else he would break awaye. As sone as the 
mittimus was made, sealed and subscribed in forme of a 
Letter, the Knight took it and deliuered it to the Tinker and 
said, giue this to the Cheefe Jaylor of Lancaster & heres two 
shillings more for thy labour : so the Tincker tooke the Letter 
and the money and with many a cap and knee thanked the 
olde Knight and departed : and made haste til he came at 
Lancaster, and staid not in the town so much as to taste one 
cup of nappy ale, before he came at the Jailor, and to him 
very briskly he deliuered his letter : the jailor took it and read 
it and smilde a good, and said tinker thou art welcom for 
such a Knights sake, he bids me giue thee y^ best entertain- 
ment I may : I sir quoth the tincker the Knight loues me wel, 
but I pray you hath y' courteous gentlema remembred such a 
poore man as I ? I marry doth he tincker, and therefore sirra 
q. he to one of his men, take y« tinker in ye lowest ward, clap 
a strong pair of bolts on his heeles, and a basil of 28 pound 
weight, and then sirra see if your pick lock wil serue the turne 
to bale you hence ? at this the tinker was blank, but yet he 
thought the jailor had but iested : but whe he heard the 
mittimus his hart was colde, and had not a word to say : his 


conscience accused : and there he lay while the next sessions, 
and was hangd at Lancaster, and all his skil in the black art 
could not serue him." 

The story will not be unfamiliar to our readers, 
but it may be fresh to find it localised in Lanca- 
shire three centuries ago. It may be claimed as 
perhaps the earliest recorded instance of that 
form of practical joking sometimes styled " Bolton 

Hn 3nfant IproMg^ in 1670. 

By Arthur W. Croxton. 

A NOT uninteresting side of the past history of 
Manchester — and, in fact, of Lancashire 
generally — is that which has shown the 
birth and progress of reHgious and social 
movements, which have in time become incor- 
porated with the history of the nation. While, in 
these matters, Manchester may be said to stand 
in the forefront as the source of much that is 
good, it has also not been without its religious 
and social frauds and quaclcs. Perhaps the 
earliest of these appeared in the days of Elizabeth, 
when the northern provincial towns and villages 
were not noted as places where education or 
refinement could be found. His name was Ellis 
Hall. He called himself Elias, the " Manchester 
Prophet," and died in prison in London on the 
25th of February, 1565. When in business 
in Manchester, Elias saw remarkable visions. 
He gave up the worldly attractions of 
business life for the joys of the seer, and went to 


London, where he attempted to gain admittance 
to the Queen. But with visions and seers 
EHzabeth would have nothing to do. Ellis Hall 
was arrested, condemned to the pillory, and 
whipped by the ministers at Bedlam. More than 
one hundred years later, although the time was 
the age of Milton, Bunyan, Newton, and the 
Royal Society, the public mind had made little 
advance in the acquirement of that knowledge 
which is the despair of quacks and frauds. Only 
three years after George Fox began to preach his 
doctrine, and to " declare the truth among 
the professors at Duckenfield and Manchester." 
Hollinworth, the historian, shows that the good 
townsfolk of Manchester were as loath as ever to 
disbelieve the marvellous. For instance, " in 
Blakeley, neere Manchester, in one John 
Pendleton's ground, as one was reaping, the corne 
being cut, seemed to bleede ; drops fell out of it 
like to bloud ; multitudes of people went to see it, 
and the strawes thereof, though of a kindly colour 
without, were within reddish, and as it were, 

But marvels of this kind fade into insignificance 
when the year 1679 is reached. It was in this 
year that an infant prodigy, a " wonderfull child," 


named Charles Bennet, became " the Discourse 

and wonder of all Lancashire, Warwickshire, and 

parts adjacent." There is little known about the 

boy whose wonders moved Manchester to its 

heart's core in the last days of the second Charles. 

What evidence there is of the boy's existence is 

to be found in a tract which appeared in London 

in 1679, at the time when Bennet was reaching 

the summit of his wondrous career. Its title is 

in the following form : 

" The 

Wonderfull Child 


Strange News 


and from its contents may be gathered one or 

two interesting particulars relating to the birth 

and career of Charles Bennet. Certainly a great 

deal may be learned about his extraordinary 

possession, at the age of three, of powers and 

abilities which would do credit to the Admirable 

Crichton himself The tract begins by stating 


" The Holy Scripture witnesseth, that God doth often reveal 
his strength, and shew the glorious effects of his power, out of 
the mouths of babes and sucklings. What we are here to relate, 
is certainly as rare and signal a dispensation of his providence, 


as most that have occurred in our Age. And this is concern- 
ing a child, the Discourse and wonder of all Lancashire, 
Warwickshire, and parts adjacent ; For that having never 
been taught any but his mother Tongue ; and being in truth 
of an age too young and incapable, to all humane apprehension, 
of being taught or instructed in anything of Learning, being 
but three years of age ; and when he began first, not so much ; 
he does yet freely and frequently speak Latine, Greek and 
Hebretv besides English, which he was bred unto : and answers 
Questions demanded of him, in any of those Languages." 

Then follows some information as to the birth 
of the child. The son of " one Thomas Bennet, 
an honest, poor, industrious man in the town of 
Manchester,'' he was "born on the 22nd day of 
June, in the year of our Lord 1676 ; so that two 
days befors this last Midsummer day he was 
completely three years of age, and no more ; as 
not only by its parents' affirmation, but likewise 
that of the church-book,* and the testimony of 
many of their Neighbours does most certainly 
appear." The enthusiastic author, whose zeal is 
more than suspicious, afterwards remarks that the 
countenance of this remarkable child " is very 

* Mr John Owen has kindly examined his transcripts of the Manchester 
Collegiate Church Registers for Bennet's baptism. No one named Bennet 
was baptised about 1676, but in that year "Charles, son of Robert Bent of 
Manchester" was baptized June 22nd, 1676. This would no doubt be the 
wonderful child, in spite of the father's name being Robert instead of 
Thomas. Robert Bent had two other children baptized at the Collegiate 
Church ; Ann, Oct. 31st 1675, and Katharine. Dec. 22nd, 167S. 


solid and composed ; " and that, considering his 
tender age — " which usually is brisk and full of 
play " — he seems inclined to " Melancholy, yet 
hath a kind of Majestical Gravity even already 
appearing in his looks ; which is frequently 
attended with a modest smile : and when he hears 
people fall into excessive praises of, or wondering 
extremely at him, does commonly blush and 
reprove them ; desiring them to praise that God, 
and admire his power and goodness, who is the 
sole bestower of every good and perfect Gift and 

This young man of sensibility, with his " antique 
youth," could prattle English when he was but a 
year and a quarter old. As for Latin and the 
other languages with which he is said to have 
been acquainted, they came to him "by 
inspiration." When he was a little over two 
years old, his powers seem to have attracted 
attention. " For," the tract remarks, " one of his 
relations being reading a Chapter, the child 
observed that they read wrong, and withal told 
them what was right : and afterwards was heard 
by several that understood it to speak words of 
Latine ; at which the hearers were not a little 
surprised both because of his Age and Education." 


This, however, was not all ; the child's ambition 
soared beyond Latin. He read Greek and 
Hebrew to his relatives, with the result that his 
fame spread wide ; and "abundance of Ministers, 
Physicians, and Gentlemen that are scholars come 
out of Curiosity to see and hear him ; which 
when they have done, they all confess that they 
never saw, heard of, or read the like." 
Manchester soon became too small for the child, 
and he determined that "he must go to the King, 
for he had something to say to him." Then the 
boy made a "royal progress" to London. He 
could only travel a little way each day ; multitudes 
crowded to see him; and "persons of quality"' 
invited him to their houses. At Coventry all the 
magistrates came out to see him, and " heard him 
talk in the Languages aforesaid to several 
Ministers ; whom he very freely converses with, 
and answers all questions out of the Bible, in a 
wonderful manner." 

Evil tongues are ever prone to belittle that which 
is good or successful. Charles Bennet was not 
without enemies, for "there are some people who 
would seem very wise, that imagine this child is 
possessed, and that some evil spirit answers for it 
in this variety of languages." At this, the child's 


special pleader, the author of the tract, becomes 
righteously indignant ; he repels with scorn such 
insinuations. Rather, he says, " we do esteem it 
as an extraordinary gift from God ; and hope it 
will be a means to advance his glory, that those 
who will not be reclaimed from their ill lives by 
the ordinary ministers of the church, may at least 
be awakened from their sin to see this young 
miraculous preacher, sent to call them to repent- 
ance." It is to be hoped that this pious 
ejaculation was not made in vain. The tract thus 
concludes: "We have a tradition of the famous 
Ambrose Merlin, that he prophesied from his very 
infancy ; whence some report him not to have 
been of humane race, but begot by the Phantasm 
of Apollo, but these are but old ivives Fables ^ 
" I cannot say," the author magnanimously 
remarks, " x}ci\?, prodigious child \s a prophet ; and 
yet I heard that several things he hath said have 
afterwards come to pass. He came to London 
the 28th instant, and is lodged at the Bear Inn in 
Smithfield, where hundreds have been to see 
him." Such is the story of the early days of 
Charles Bennet ; whether he grew up to manhood 
does not seem to be known. Those whom the 
gods love die young, and doubtless the boy met 


with an early death. How far this record of his 
career is true would be difficult to say. The 
seventeenth century was not remarkable for its 
religious balance ; the youthful life of John Bunyan 
will show to what an extent enthusiasm ruled in 
matters of the heart and religion. To apply the 
searching criticism with which Renan attacks the 
synoptic gospels to this little story of Charles 
Bennet, would probably speedily show the 
weakness of the fabric on which it is built. 

Mife Desertion in tbe ®l^en Zimcs. 

AMONGST the documents in the town chest 
of Atherton, there is the following, which 
exhibits a striking portrait of a ne'er-do-weel of 
the past : — 

" The humble petition of Henry Mills, otherwise Meanley, 
of Atherton, in the County of Lancaster, Naylor: (To the 
Churchwardens and Overseers of the Poore and others, the 
Inhabitants of the Townshipp of Atherton aforesaid) Humbly 
Sheweth That whereas your Petitioner, Henry Mills, otherwise 
Meanley, hath severall times withdrawn himself from his 
ffamiley and strolled about the country with a strange woman 
in a disolute and disorderly manner whereby his Lawful! Wife 
and Children have been chargeable and burdensome to the 
Inhabitants of the said Township of Atherton, haveing at 
times for Rent, Phisick, Cloathing, and other nessessarys 
Received from the s'' Overseers of the Poore to the sums of 
Nine pounds. Now, your petitioner humbly begs that the 
s'^ Churchwardens, Overseers of the Poore, and others the 
Inhabitants of the said Township, will be pleased to pardon 
and forgive your s'* Petitioner at least so far as to legal! or 
Bodily punishm* and your Petitioner will do what in him lies 
to reimburse to the said Overseers of the Poore the sum of 
Six pounds in maner following (That is to say) fifive shillings 
at the delivery hereof and ffive shillings every Quarter of a 
year, to commence from the date hereoff and to continue 
untill the said sume of six pounds be fully paid and discharged, 


this your petitioner humbly hopes they will in their goodness 
comply with. And if your Petitioner does not conform 
himself wholly to the terms above mentioned and prove him- 
self a good Husband to his Wife and fifamiley your petitioner 
will submit himself to any Bodily punishment the law shall 
direct, and in return your Petitioner, as in duty bound, will 
ever pray, &c.— Signed by your petitioner the third day of 
December, 1735. 

Henry X Mills, 
otherwise Meanley, 
his Marke. 
Witnesses hereto : Thos. Collier, Peter Collier." 

The idea of binding down an erratic spirit like 
this by virtue of a piece of paper and a wafer seal, 
argues a faith in human nature that even the 
operation of the old poor law could not dispel. 

Zbc Colquitt jfamil^ of XiverpooL 

THOUGH now scarcely remembered in 
Liverpool, the family of Colquitt was once 
of great importance in that town. They occupied 
a prominent position in Liverpool for almost a 
century and a half, and now the only local 
reminder of their existence is the street known by 
their name. 

The Colquitts were originally a Cornish family, 
and in 1620, Mr. John Colquite of St. Sampson's, 
Cornwall, having failed to establish his right to 
bear arms, was proclaimed by the heralds to be 
" no gentleman," and was prohibited from assum- 
ing the style and privileges of one. Another 
John Colquitt, apparently the grandson of John 
Colquite, "no gentleman," was surveyor in the 
Customs at Hull. He served under Cromwell 
and the Rump, and was not friendly to the Royal 
House. At the Restoration, complaints were 
made against him, alleging that he was " trying to 
keep up the old interest, dismissing loyal men, 
and employing four dangerous officers in the late 


army." The result of the complaint is not known. 
Benjamin Colquitt, son of the Hull surveyor, was 
admitted to St. John's College, Cambridge, in 
1670. He graduated b.a. in 1673, became m.a. 
in 1677, and immediately afterwards was incorpor- 
ated at the University of Oxford. 

The connection of this family of Colquitts 
with Liverpool commenced towards the end of the 
seventeenth century, but more than a century 
earlier, Mr. Humphrey. Colquitt was a member of 
the Liverpool Corporation. Mr. John Colquitt L 
was surveyor of Customs at Liverpool in 1699, 
when he was granted a moiety of £<^\ in English 
coin, which had been seized by him and a brother 
officer when it was being illegally exported. Six 
years later, Edward Scarborough, collector, John 
Colquitt,' surveyor, and Marmaduke Dean, con- 
troller, of the Liverpool Customs, were engaged 
in some extensive frauds which resulted in their 
dismissal from office. It is probable that other 
places were found for them, and the Liverpool 
surveyor was almost certainly identical with John 
Colquitt, collector of Customs at Poole. John 
Colquitt, of Poole, married PVances Allen, of 
Christleton, near the city of Chester, and his son, 
John Colquitt H., was also in the Customs. 


He appears to have owed his introduction to the 
service to the then member for Liverpool, the 
enterprising but impecunious Sir Thomas John- 
son, who ended an active Hfe as a merchant and 
public man in an obscure post in an unknown 
corner of the American colonies. Colquitt was 
collector of Customs at Leith for some years, 
and in 1726 was appointed to the lucrative and 
important position of collector at Liverpool, a 
post he held for twenty-three years. With his 
two sons he was amongst the subscribers to the 
building of the Liverpool Infirmary in 1745. 

This second John Colquitt married Frances, 
daughter of Roger Smith, of Frolesworth and 
Edmundthorpe, in Leicestershire, and had four 
sons, John III., Edward, Scrope, and Thomas. 
The eldest son, John Colquitt III., entered Rugby 
School in 1726, being described in the school 
register as " son of John Colquit, Esq., Liverpool." 
He succeeded his father as collector of Customs at 
Liverpool in 1749. During a long tenure of office 
he acquired considerable wealth, which was 
invested in the neighbourhood of the present 
Colquitt Street. These lands were formed into 
streets of commodious houses which long kept up 
their aristocratic prestige. He married the 


widow of one of the Seel family, whose estates 
adjoined his, but he left no children. Mr. Brooke 
records a saying of Mr. Colquitt's in 1770, " How 
happy shall I be," said the worthy official, "when 
the Customs of Liverpool amount to ^100,000 a 
year." At that time they were between ^80,000 
and ^90,000 per annum. What would Mr. 
Colquitt have thought had he returned to his post 
half a century later, when the Customs revenue 
had increased to many times the amount he could 
have anticipated even in his most sanguine 
moments. Mr. John Colquitt III. died in 1773. 
His brother, Edward Colquitt,' second son of John 
Colquitt H., was born at Leith in 17 16, educated 
at the Bury Grammar School and at St. John's, 
Cambridge, where he graduated b.a. in 1739, 
and became a clergyman of the episcopal church 
in Scotland, being minister of St. Andrew's, 
Edinburgh. The Rev. Edward Colquitt died 
unmarried. The fourth son, Thomas Colquitt, 
also died a bachelor, having perished in a passage 
boat off Anglesea. A daughter of John H. was 
the wife of Francis Gildart, a member of an old 
Liverpool family, and holder for many years of 
the office of town clerk. 

Scrope Colquitt, the third son of John Colquitt 


II., was an important person in his day. He was 
born in 1 7 19, and like other members of his family 
was an officer of the Customs at Liverpool. He 
was a member of the Common Council, and in 1753 
was bailiff of the town. His name figures in the 
lists of first subscribers to the Liverpool Infirmary 
in 1745, and to the Liverpool Dispensary in 1779. 
When, in 1756, there was great distress among 
the Liverpool townsfolk, Mr. Scrope Colquitt was 
one of a committee appointed by the Corporation 
to administer a fund raised for their relief. In 
1759, he signed an address from the leading 
inhabitants of the town to the printer of the 
" Liverpool Advertiser," requesting him to 
discontinue giving in his paper lists of the 
shipping of the port. The lists had proved too 
good a guide to the French war-ships in their 
search for plunder and prize-money to be 
appreciated by the Liverpool merchants. 

Scrope Colquitt resided at Mount Pleasant, 
which in the last century really deserved its name, 
if we may judge from the well-to-do families 
living in its neighbourhood. He was married 
first, in 1744, to Elizabeth, daughter of John 
Goodwin, of Biddulph, Staffordshire, and secondly, 
to Mrs. Bridget Harrison, a widow. By his first 


wife, Scrope Colquitt had a large family. Anne 
died in infancy ; John will be dealt with later ; 
Frances was married to Captain Gideon John- 
stone, R.N., youngest son of Sir James Johnstone, 
Bart. ; Mary died unmarried, at Christleton, in 
1776; Goodwin, Scrope, and William will be 
named later ; and Elizabeth, Smith, and Ralph 
died vounor. 

The eldest son, John Colquitt IV., was born in 
1746, and became an attorney. He lived, 
accordinof to Picton, in Wood Street, but in the 
Directory of 1774 his address is 39, Atherton 
Street. He laid out streets on his property, 
which lay between Wood Street and Seel Street. 
The street now called Berry Street was originally 
Colquitt Street, but when the present Colquitt 
Street was formed the name was transferred to 
the new street, and the old one then became 
Berry Street. Mr. John Colquitt IV. was a 
member of the Common Council, and. bailiff of 
the town in 1774. His name occurs in the Latin 
inscription on the first stone of St. John's Church. 

In 1 78 1, he succeeded his uncle, Francis 
Gildart, as town clerk, but can hardly be said to 
have shone in that office, for in an important 
trial between the Corporations of Liverpool and 


London, respecting the town dues, another 
attorney, Henry Brown, was employed, Colquitt 
not being considered competent for the extensive 
research and deep legal lore required. John 
Colquitt IV. was married to Bridget, daughter of 
Mr. Samuel Martin, of Whitehaven, Drumcondra, 
and of Virginia, and died in 1807. 

The town clerk's children were John Scrope, 
Samuel Martin, and Bridget, who married Mr. 
Thomas John Parke, of Liverpool, and who died 
a widow in 1861. John Scrope Colquitt, the 
eldest son, was born in 1775, and baptised at 
St. Thomas's, Liverpool. He was educated at 
Macclesfield Grammar School, and at Rugby. 
He entered the army, and became lieutenant- 
colonel in the Guards. Colonel J. S. Colquitt 
served in the Peninsular War with distinction. 
He was wounded at Barossa. At the capture of 
Seville, in April, 181 2, he was again wounded so 
severely that he died from the effects. Colonel 
Colquitt's brother, Samuel Martin Colquitt, took a 
prominent part in Liverpool politics. He was 
born in 1777, and went to Macclesfield and 
Rugby with his brother. He had, when only six 
years of age, been entered in the books of the 
Royal Navy as Captain's servant. This was on 

i^.: iMt^i 


the loth December, 1783, and though really he 
was still at school, he nominally cruised, until 
1789, on the Irish Channel and Halifax stations. 
He was a midshipman before this cruise was 
finished, and it was probably in that capacity that 
he actually joined the navy. In 1794, he took 
part in the capture of two French vessels, after a 
battle of three hours. In 1795, he was promoted 
lieutenant, and served in the Mediterranean and 
off the coast of Spain, and was first lieutenant and 
acting captain of the "Thalia." Having become 
captain in 1802, Colquitt commanded for several 
years the " Princess " floating battery off 
Lymington and Liverpool. During the time he 
held this command, Captain Colquitt was one of 
the leaders of the Tory party in Liverpool. In 
1804, he was second in the duel in which Mr. 
Edward Grayson, shipbuilder, was mortally 
wounded. Captain Colquitt and his principal. 
Lieutenant Sparling, were indicted for murder at 
the Lancaster Assizes, but, though there could be 
no doubt of their legal guiltiness they were 
acquitted. At that time duelling was winked at 
by the authorities, and even in the clearest 
cases verdicts of not guilty were returned. In 
1809, Colquitt was appointed to the command 


of the " Persian," on the West India station. He 
became post-captain in 1810, and attained the 
rank of rear-admiral in 1846. A curious episode 
in the captain's poHtical Hfe was his standing for 
Preston in 1826. There were eight candidates, 
and the polling was as follows : for Hon. E. G. S. 
Stanley, 2944; John Wood, 1974; Captain R. 
Barrie, 1653; William Cobbett, 995; Sir T. B. 
Beevor, Bart., 14 ; Captain Colquitt, i ; John 
Lawe, I ; and Mark Philips, o. Admiral Colquitt 
died at Bishopstoke in his seventy-second year, in 
1847, having been in the Royal Navy for sixty- 
four years. 

Goodwin Colquitt, the admiral's uncle, was also 
in the navy. Born in 1750, he served during the 
French wars, and became a captain and com- 
mander. In 1782, he was in command of H.M.S. 
"Echo," of sixteen guns. He died at Bath, in 
1826. Captain Goodwin Colquitt married a 
Manchester lady, and had an only son, also 
named Goodwin, who attained some celebrity for 
bravery and skill as a military commander. 
Goodwin Colquitt, junr., was born in 1786, and 
became a captain and lieutenant-colonel in the 
first regiment of Guards. He was present at 
Waterloo, and received the Companionship of 


the Bath. Captain Gronow relates a remarkable 
instance of Colonel Colquitt's coolness and 
presence of mind. During the terrible fire of 
artillery which preceded the repeated charges of 
the cuirassiers against our squares, a shell fell 
between Captain Colquitt and another officer. In 
an instant Colquitt jumped up, caught up the 
shell as if it had been a cricket ball, and flung it 
over the heads of both officers and men, thus 
saving the lives of many brave fellows. This 
gallant soldier was ancestor of the family 
of Colquitt-Craven, of Brockhampton Park, 
Gloucestershire, the present representatives of 
the Liverpool Colquitts. 

Scrope Colquitt, the town clerk's next brother, 
and uncle of Colonel Colquitt, was born in 1752, 
and was appointed deputy-searcher in the Customs 
in 1778, and eventually became searcher. He 
took part in the volunteer movement in 1803, and 
was appointed a lieutenant in the Liverpool 
Independent Companies. In 1798, when the 
"loyal and patriotic" gendemen of England 
entered into a subscription in aid of the Govern- 
ment, Scrope Colquitt subscribed ^50. Scrope's 
eldest daughter married John Touchet, of 
Manchester. His only son, Scrope Milne 


Colquitt, B.A., Fellow of Brazenose College, 
Oxford, died at Greenbank, Liverpool, in 1825, 
being only twenty-three years old. Scrope 
Colquitt's daughters lived in Liverpool until quite 
recently. In 1842, they gave a benefaction to 
their brother's college at Oxford. Christ Church, 
Liverpool, consecrated in 1870, was erected at the 
cost of Miss Susan Colquitt, daughter of Scrope 

William Colquitt, brother of the younger 
Scrope, was the only literary personage of the 
family. He was born on July 27th, 1753, and 
was educated at Christ College, Cambridge, where 
he took the degree of b.a. in 1781. In 1790, he 
resided at 18, Bold Street, and in 1802 published 
a volume of " Poems," which was printed at 
Chester. Considered as poetry, their quality was 
mediocre, but dealing, as they did, mostly with 
Liverpool subjects, they are still remembered by 
those interested in the Liverpool of the time of 
the French War. In 1825, Mr. W. Colquitt 
again ventured on authorship. In that year, his 
" Essays on Geology and Astronomy " appeared. 
He also contributed to the Geiitlemati s Magazine. 

With Miss Susan Colquitt, the founder of Christ 
Church, the family connection with Liverpool ceased. 

Some ®lb lancaebtre punisbnients. 

THE old-fashioned methods of punishuig 
offenders in Lancashire did not differ from 
those of the rest of England. The cucking or 
ducking-stool, brank, stocks, rogue's post, and 
pillory were in daily use to punish criminals, and 
to act as a warning to others who might be evilly 

In the old time, the fair sex had the doubtful 
honour of a special punishment. As an unknown 
last-century poet says, and the verses are true of 
almost every village in the country : 

" There stands, my friend, in yonder pool, 
An engine, call'd a Ducking-Stool ; 
By legal pow'r commanded down, 
The joy, and terror of the town ; 
If jarring females kindle strife. 
Give language foul, or lug the coif, 
If noisy dames shou'd once begin, 
To drive the house with horrid din. 
Away, we cry, you'll grace the stool. 
We'll teach you how your tongue to rule. 
The fair offender fills the seat. 
In sullen pomp, profoundly great. 


" Down in the deep the stool descends, 
But here, at first, we miss our ends, 
She mounts again, and rages more 
Than ever vixen did before. 

If so, my friend, pray let her take 
A second turn into the lake, 
And rather than your patient lose, 
Thrice and again repeat the dose ; 
No brawling wives, no furious wenches. 
No fire so hot but water quenches." * 

Lancashire was well provided in this respect, 
and the records of Corporations and Court Leets 
contain many references to the ducking-stools. 

At Liverpool, in 1637, the Corporation ordered, 
"that a Cooke-stoole shalbe made." In 1657, a 
new cuck-stool was ordered, and the order was 
repeated in 1659. In 1695, 15s. was paid for its 
repair, and about the same time the cage and 
pillory were ordered to be kept in repair by the 
town. In 1 68 1, the Court Leet of Manchester 
resolved that "wee ordr. the prsent Constables 
forthwith to putt the Cookstoole, Stocks, Rouges 
Post and Pillory in good repaire." 

The ducking-stool was in use in Manchester as 
a punishment for scolds as recently as 1775, and 
in Liverpool the ducking-stool was used in 1779 

* " Miscellaneous Poems," by Benjamin West, 1780. This poem is 
not, however, by West, and was written al)out 1720. 


by the authority of the magistrates. The 
Manchester ducking-stool was an open-bottomed 
chair of wood, placed upon a long pole balanced 
on a pivot, and suspended over a pool. The 
locality of the pool is shown by the name of Pool 
Fold. In its later years, the stool was suspended 
over the Daubholes, or Infirmary Ponds. 


The brank or bridle for scolds was another 
favourite instrument for curbing the unruly tongue, 
and there are many traces of it in Lancashire. It 
was in use in Manchester early in the present 
century. Kirkham had its brank, and in 
Warrington the brank is still preserved. It was 



last worn by Cicely Pewsill, about 1770. At 
Preston, a brank was used in the House of 
Correction about forty years ago, but the fact 
having come to the knowledge of the Home 


A '"^"r^'::^^^^^m 


Secretary, he prohibited the barbarous practice, 
and confiscated the brank. 

The stocks were considered to be essential to 
the preservation of law or order. Each township 
had to provide them for its inhabitants' use. The 


Manchester stocks were at the foot of the pillory, 
in the Market Place, and are frequently named in 
the Court Leet Records and in the Constables' 
Accounts. In 1613, a " doblee heng Locke for 
the Stockes" was bought, and in 1624 new stocks 
were provided. The Manchester Accounts of 
162 1 show that some criminals were .enterprising 
and fortunate enough to escape from the stocks : 

" Item paid for hue and crye that came from 
horwich aftr two men that made an escape 
forth of ye stocks for stealinge certen lynen 
cloth .... 

o o 

Perhaps the most common punishment for 
venial offences was whipping. This was done by 
the sturdy arm of the parish constable or his 
deputy. A whipping cost the parish from four to 
twelve pence. 

The pillory was common in Lancashire as else- 
where in the country. Manchester, Liverpool, 
and Preston, as well as most of the other market 
towns, boasted one of these instruments. In 
Manchester it must have been of very early 
origin, for the earliest notice of it is in connection 
with its repair. On July 9th, 1619, the constables 
of Manchester "paid to Richard Martinscrofte 
man for mendinge the Cage & pillarie, iiijd." 



The next item in its history is that on 8th April, 
1624, the jury of the Court Leet ordered "that 
the makinge and erectinge of a Gibbett " be 
referred "to the discrec'on of Mr. Steward and 
the Bororeve for the time nowe beinge to bee made 
att the charge of the inhabitants and the frameinge 
or fasteninge to of it or placeinge of it to them as 
principal! officers for the lord of the Mannor." In 
the following year, April 6th, 1625, the jury again 
ordered that a " sufficient Gibbett or pillorye for 
the use of this towne " should be erected " in some 
convenient place about the market crosse." This 
was to be done before the 24th day of August, 
"sub pena xxs." The result of this order is to be 
read in successive entries in the constables' 
accounts for 1625 : 

"September 16. Paid Thomas Andrewes li, s. d. 
of Stopford for a Tree to bee a new 
Pillorye . . . . . 00 12 06. 
paid more to Willm. Brockhurst for 
bords Joystes and Sparrs to the 
Pillorye , . . . . 00 05 08. 
paid Symond Mather and his man 
for theire worke and for Smytes 
worcke and men to helpe to Reare 

the pillorye 00 1 1 05. 

September 17. paid Willm. Butler for 
Timber and Allexander Radcliffe 
for a bastbord and for pin wood . 00 04 08. 


" paid Hennerye Pendleton and Willm. 
Smyth for pointinge the Crosse and 
for Layinge the new pillorye in 
Colors of oyle . . . . 00 05 00." 

On June 9th, 1630, the Constables made a pay- 
ment "for mending the pillery " of "00 01 06." 


The Manchester pillory, early in'"'"this century, 
was, according to a writer in the Manchester 
Collectanea (ii. 252), a movable structure. It was 
erected in the Market Place when necessary, and 
"consisted of a strong post about twenty feet 
high, with four stays at its insertion into the 
ground to support it. About ten feet from the 


ground was a circular stage or platform, large 
enough to allow several persons to stand on it. 
Four or five feet above this was fixed across the 
post, horizontally, a board about five feet long and 
eighteen inches deep, and in this cross piece were 
three holes or apertures, the largest and most 
central for the head, and the other two for the 
hands or wrists of the offender." In this 
prominent and uncomfortable position, the 
Manchester malefactor was condemned to stand 
for the prescribed time, whilst his neighbours 
pelted him with rotten eggs and other unplisasant 
missiles. The pillory remained in more or less fre- 
quent use until 1816, when it was finally removed. 

The last time the Preston pillory was used was 
in 1 8 14, when a man of about sixty years of age 
was pilloried for keeping a disreputable house. 

These quaint punishments of the past have 
given place to the present monotonous round of 
fine and imprisonment, and are now quite extinct. 
Though a few townships preserve their stocks, 
the majority have nothing but a memory, which 
in Manchester was made more vivid by the full- 
size models of the pillory and stocks that occupied 
a prominent place in the Old Manchester section 
of the Exhibition in 1887. 

f "O every inhabitant of Lancashire the name 
J- at least of the simnels must be famiHar, 
but few indeed probably are acquainted with the 
origin and history of this toothsome description of 
cake. The accounts of its first appearance are as 
varied as the forms under which it appears at the 
present day. We will briefly review the various 
alleged origins of the simnel cake. One account 
runs to the effect that an old couple named Simon 
and Nelly, to whose paternal roof came once a year 
their children " a-mothering." One year it 
happened that, being very poor, they had nothing 
to regale the young folks with, excepting a piece 
of unleavened Lenten dough, and a remnant of 
their Christmas pudding. The pudding was 
enclosed in the dough with great skill, and the 
old people agreed in every step of the process, 
until the question of cooking arose. Sim 
suggested boiling, Nell advocated baking. So 
they came to words on the matter, then to blows, 
both with fists, and broom, and stool. At last, 


both being exhausted, the combat concluded by a 
compromise being arrived at. The cake was first 
to be boiled, and then baked, which was done, 
the weapons of broom and stool being used as 
fuel, and the eggs broken in the scuffle used as 
glazing. Thus according to the pleasantry, came 
about the making of the first " Sim-Nell" cake, 
and the account may be taken for what it is 
worth. In the year 1487, a boy of fifteen, one 
Lambert, was put forward as Edward, Earl of 
Warwick, and a claimant for the crown. He was 
taken to Ireland, where the Earl of Kildare, the 
deputy of that country, and others took up his 
cause. This boy was in reality (so state various 
writers) the son of a joiner, a shoemaker, or a 
baker, in connection with which last occupation 
King Henry's supporters called him in derision 
" Simnel," as his father is said to have a celebrity 
for the manufacture of that article. He went 
next to Flanders, where he raised 2,000 Dutch 
veterans ; thence he returned to Ireland, where 
his forces were augmented by a large body of 
Irish, and with the whole of his supporters 
he set sail for England, landing at Fouldrey, 
Lancashire. Here he was joined by Sir Thomas 
Broughton, and further south he was strengthened 


by numbers of supporters from Bury and 
Pilkington. SImnel marched southward, and at 
the village of Stoke (Nottinghamshire) he was 
met by the King with a large army, an obstinate 
battle was fought, and Simnel was taken prisoner. 
Simnel, as is well known, was treated with 
contempt by the King. He was made a scullion, 
or cook, in the King's kitchen, and afterwards 
became one of the King's falconers. The "simnel" 
cakes in the neighbourhood of Bury are yet looked 
upon by many as being directly commemorative 
of the disastrous termination of the struggle against 
Henry ; and these see in the original hexagonal 
shape of the confection, an intention to form a 
funeral cake to perpetuate the memory of the 
catastrophe in which fell so many local men. 

An old story explains the origin of Bury 
Simnels thus : A pilgrim named Simnel once in 
the olden days was passing through Bury on the 
day of Midlent, and the inhabitants wishing to 
afford some recognition of his numerous and well- 
authenticated virtues, were fain to offer him a rich 
cake in lieu of the viands forbidden for that season 
by the Church. So the offering became general, 
and the cake took the name of the pilgrim who 
first received it. 


Here, again, is yet another story. It is said 
that in bygone times the women of Lancashire 
were extremely inferior cooks, and that a lady, 
whose culinary perfections caused her to bewail 
such a state of affairs, offered a prize for the best 
cake ; and that one of the fair competitors 
distanced all her compeers, and instituted the 
Simnel by a cake rich with all the fruits obtain- 
able in her time, and the first and finest of its 

Leaving such apocryphal accounts, we find that 
the real origin of Bury Simnels and Simnel 
Sunday is lost in the obscurity of antiquity. 
Sifitila in the Latin means "fine flour," for which 
is seminellus and simanelliis. The term is used in 
the Book of Battle Abbey thus : Panem regiae 
niensae apsuin qui siminel vidgo vacatur — " Bread 
fit for the table of the king, which the common 
people call sifninel" The "annuals" of the 
Church of Winchester have an entry for 1042 — 
conventas centum simnellos — "the convent 100 
simnels," in which the meaning is clearly "cakes." 
Johnson's dictionary (edition of 1792) has simnel 
{simnellus, low latin) a kind of sweet bread or 
cake. The German semel or semmel, is a roll or 
small loaf, while the Danes have simlc, and the 


Swedes si7?ila. In Somersetshire, "tea cakes" 
are called Simlins. In Lancashire, the custom of 
having and offering simnel cakes is likewise 
called simbling, simblin, simlin, and there is an 
undoubted connection, for in the Anglo-Saxon 
the word simbl meant a feast as well as a 
meal, and at either, one might expect the siminel, 
the bread of fine flour, which was then somewhat 
of a dainty, the chief bread fare of the mediaeval 
ages being that of the coarser " unbolted " kind. 

In the dictionary of John de Garlande, 
published at Paris in the thirteenth century, 
simnels (simineus) is used as a synonym to 
placentae, the cakes exposed for sale, and 
commonly bought by the University students. 
According to Ducange, it was the early custom to 
impress the cakes with the figure of the Virgin 
Mary or of Christ, which plainly proves their 
religious origin. They were also called on this 
account paiii-demayn (corrupted to " pay-man,") 
or " Bread of our Lord," and it is not at all 
unlikely that the cakes received the sacred 
imprint in the place of some Pagan monogram or 
mark, exactly as was the case with the Easter 
cakes or "hot-cross buns," which the Saxons ate 
in honour of their goddess Eastre, and to which 


the Christian clergy, being unable to eradicate 
the custom, sought to give sanctity by marking 
them with a cross. So also it may be that 
simnels have an origin in the pagan rites of the 
Teutonic race. 

The day upon which it has been the custom 
from time immemorial to present the simnel cakes, 
and to which is given the name of " Simnel 
Sunday," is the fourth Sunday in Lent, and 
numerous indeed are the names which are given 
to the, day. It is called " Mid- Lent Sunday," 
being near the middle of the fast, Dominica 
Refectionis, or " Refreshment Sunday," because 
on that day, after six days fasting, the special 
dainty of the day was truly a refreshment to look 
forward to. It was called " Mothering Sunday," 
because on that day it was the custom for the 
clergy and people (under compulsion or fine) to 
visit the mother or principal churches of the 
respective districts. Also from this arose the 
custom for children and young folks to visit 
their parent's homes to bear in mind the first 
commandment with promise, and — they were not 
to go empty-handed. It is not a question of 
much doubt that the idea of this personal visiting 
the mother-church with offerings has its foundation 


in the Mosaic requirement to appear at stated 
intervals before the Lord in Jerusalem. The 
custom in Lancashire is known as " Going-a- 
mothering." The day is likewise known as the 
Sunday of the " Five loaves," for in the gospel of 
the day is related the feeding of the five thousand. 
The proper first lessons (for there are two) for the 
even-song of Simnel Sunday are also appropriately 
chosen for their connection with "refreshment." 
They treat of the entertainment and liberality of 
Joseph to his brethren and father. The conclud- 
ing sentence of the one reads : " And they drank, 
and were merry with him," which the margin has : 
"They drank, drank largely.". This recalls 
another name which is given to the day, namely, 
Bragget Sunday. Its derivation is most probably 
from the Celtic bracata, or from the Welsh 
bragawd, or mead, the original British ale in which 
honey was used. There is an old Scotch word 
bragwort, meaning a drink made from the dregs 
of honey. Bragget is a favourite Lancashire term 
for the mulled ale which a certain class of the 
celebrators of the day drink "largely." Baines's 
history has the following : " Formerly it was the 
custom in Leigh to use a beverage called 
' bragget,' consisting of a kind of spiced ale ; and 


also for the boys to indulge themselves by 
persecuting the women on their way to church by 
secretly hooking a piece of coloured cloth to their 

The customs and observances relating to 
simnels, simnelling Sunday, or "mothering" 
Sunday, are spread more or less throughout the 
country. Gloucestershire and Shropshire are 
both famous for their "mothering" pilgrimages. 
Shrewsbury has a universal fame for its simnel 
cakes, though Devizes claims rivalship for the 
original manufacture of the article. Herefordshire 
and Monmouthshire have equally a name for the 
manufacture of the simnel, and a regard for its 
customs. Bury is the centre of the Lancashire 
simnel makers, and here is used an original 
recipe, which, of course, the people of Bury 
regard as the original recipe. Baines, in speaking 
of Bury, says : " There is an ancient celebration 
here on Mid Lent, or, as it is called, ' Simbling 
Sunday,' when large cakes with the name of 
simblings (simnels) are sold generally in the town 
of Bury, and the shops are open the whole day, 
except during divine service, for the purpose of 
vending this mysterious aliment, which is usually 
taken with large draughts of mulled ale." 

B UR Y SIMNELS. 1 7 3 

The simnel had as one of its principal in- 
gredients, saffron. The Shrewsbury simnel is 
made " in the form of a warden pie, the crust 
being of saffron and very thick." The simnel of 
Devizes has no crust, while the saffron is mingled 
with a mass of fruit and spice, and the whole is 
made in a star shape. The practices of mothering 
and simnelling are but little referred to by the 
poets, but from " Collins's Miscellany" we learn 
that cakes were used when parents (and especially 
the mother) received visits from their children. 

" . . . Zee Dundry's Peek 
Luks like a shuggard mothering cake." 

For which read : 

" . . . See Dundry's Peak 
Looks like a sugared mothering cake." 

This proves that the icing of cakes is not a 
recent expedient, for the hill top coated with snow 
is here compared to an iced cake. That these 
" mothering cakes " were simnels, though there 
may be two customs united into one, is evident 
from Herrick's canzonet to " Dianeme," to whom 
he says : 

" I'll to thee a simnel bring 
'Gainst thou go'st a-mothering, 
So that when she blesseth thee, 
Half that blessing thou'lt give me." 


As we have said, Bury and the surrounding 
district is the headquarters of the simnel and its 
usages, for here the character of the people makes 
the agreeable custom find a congenial home. In 
some parts, other orthodox dishes for the day are 
veal and cheesecakes, the veal probably being 
allusive to the parable of the prodigal and the 
fatted calf. 

Other cake-like institutions which furnish 
parallels to the Bury simnel of Mid-Lent Sunday 
are the twelfth-night cake, the pancakes of 
Shrovetide, the buns of Easter, the "minced 
pye " of Christmas, the Passover cakes of the 
Jews, and other concoctions, which have all had 
in their beginning a symbolic or religious meaning. 

We must not conclude without giving yet 
another name for Mid-Lent Sunday, namely, 
Fag-pie Sunday, an appellation which in some 
parts of Lancashire, and particularly about Black- 
burn, is greatly used. It is customary in this 
district to visit friends and relatives, to partake of 
Fag (fig) pie, which is prepared with figs, treacle, 
spices, etc. In the neighbourhood of Burnley, 
however, " Fag-pie Sunday " is the fifth Sunday 
in Lent, instead of the fourth, as with " Simnel 

JBcclce Manc6. 

By H. Cottam. 

ONE of the most famous of Lancashire' 
village festivals in the olden times was 
the wakes at Eccles. It was celebrated on the 
Sunday following the 25th of August, and 
continued during the four succeeding days. The 
inhabitants of the neighbouring hamlets and 
villages flocked in such large numbers to Eccles 
that " as thrunk as Eccles Wakes " became a 
proverb. The list of the festivities was a long 
and varied one, as will be seen by the following 
programme, which is one of the earliest known 
to be in existence : — 


Will be held on MONDAY and TUESDAY, the 30th, and 

31st of August; and on WEDNESDAY and THURSDAY, 

the I St, and 2d of September, 181 9. 

On MONDAY, the ancient Sport of 


May be seen in all its various Evolutions. 
Same Day, 



Foj a PURSE of SILVER— the best of heats— The second- 
best to be entitled to 5s. 
Same Day, 
By Lads not exceeding Sixteen years of age. — Three to start, 
or no race. 


For a PURSE of GOLD, value ^50.— The best of three 
heats — Each to carry a feather. — The Racers to be shewn in 
the Bull-ring exactly at 12 o'clock, and to start at 2. — Nothing 
to be paid for entrance : but the bringer of each Steed to have 
a good Dinner gratis, and a quart of strong Ale, to moisten his 


Same Day. 


By Lads that never won a Hat or Prize before Monday. — 

Three to start. 

Same Day. 


By Ladies and Gentlemen of all ages : The person who 

finishes the repast first, to have 5s. — the second, 2s. — and the 

third, IS. 


By Tits not exceeding 12 hands high, for a CUP, value ;^5o. — 

The best of heats, — Three to start, or no race. 

Same Day. 

A FOOT-RACE for a HAT, value los. 6d., 

By Men of any description. — Three to start. 

Same Day, 



By Ladies of all ages : the second-best to have a handsome 

Satin Riband. Three to start. 




A GRINNING MATCH through a Collar, 

For a PIECE of fat BACON. No Crabs to be used 

on the occasion. 
Same Day. 


Will be turned out, with his Ears and Tail well soaped, and the 

first Person catching and holding him by either, will be entitled 

to the same. 

SMOKING MATCHES, by Ladies and 

Gentlemen of all ages. 

To conclude with a grand FIDDLING MATCH, by all the Fiddlers 
that attend the Wake, for a Purse of Silver. — There will be prizes for the 
second and third-best — Tunes: "O where, and O where does my little 
Boney dwell — Britons strike home — Rule Britannia — God save the King." 
May the King live for ever, huzza ! 

N. B. As TWO BULLS in great practice are purchased for diversion, 
the Public may rest assured of being well entertained. The hours of Bait- 
ing the Bull, will be precisely at lo o'clock in the Morning for practice, and 
at 3 and 7 o'clock for a prize. The dog that does not run for practice is 
not to run for a prize. 

The Bull-ring will be stumped and railed all round with Oak Trees, so 
that Ladies or Gentlemen may be accomodated with seeing, without the 
least danger. — Ordinaries, &c. as usual. 

SST The Bellman will go round a quarter of an hour before the time of 




T. SEDDON, Esq /stewards. 

T. CARRUTHERS, Clerk of the Course. 

J. Patrick, Printer, M.inchester.] 



The programme was slightly varied in the 
following year, a "pony race for a silver cup" 
took the place of the " dandy race for a purse of 
silver," a " wheel race " the place of a " foot race 
for a hat," and the soaped pig was left out 
altogether. In 1830 the programme of the sports 
was as follows : — 

"ECCLES WAKES.— On Monday morning, at eleven 
o'clock, the sports will commence with that most ancient, loyal 
rational, constitutional, and lawful diversion, 


in all its primitive excellence, for which this place has 
long been noted. At one o'clock there will be a foot-race ; at 
two o'clock, a bull-baiting, for a horse collar ; at four, donkey- 
races, for a pair of panniers ; at five, a race for a stuff hat ; 
the days sport to conclude with baiting the bull, Fury, for a 
superior dog-chain. This animal is of gigantic strength and 
wonderful agility, and it is requested that the Fancy will bring 
their choice dogs on this occasion. The bull-ring will be 
stumped and railed round with English oak, so that 

The timid, the weak, the strong, 
The bold, the brave, the young, 
The old, friend, and stranger, 
Will be secure from danger. 

"On Tuesday the sports will be repeated; also, on Wednesday, 
with the additional attraction of a smock-race by ladies. A 
main of cocks to be fought on Monday, Tuesday, and Wednes- 
day, for twenty guineas, and five guineas the byes, between 
the gentlemen of Manchester and Eccles. The wake to 


conclude with a fiddling-match, by all the fiddlers that attend, 
for a piece of silver."* 

Striking features of Eccles Wakes were the 

baiting- of bears and bulls. The former was 

the most ancient, and took place on the south side 

of Eccles Church, on a plot of waste land near 

the Cross Keys Hotel. The bear was first 

irritated by being poked with sticks, and the dogs 

were then set upon it. The bear, instead of 

being a very fierce brute, was not infrequently of 

the most miserable description. A writer in 

Notes and Queries, describing one of these poor 

animals, sayst : — 

" I was never a witness of a bear-bait, but I well remember 

a poor brute who was kept alive for this sole purpose at Y , 

in Lancashire. He was confined, as a general rule, in a small 
back-yard, where, sightless, dirty, stinking, and perhaps half- 

* At this wakes the following hand-bill was issued by a local inn- 
keeper : — 

"On Saturday, August 28, 1830, at the house of Miss Alice Cottam, 
sign of the King's Head, near Eccles. A. C. with great pleasure informs 
her friends and the public in general, that she has, at a considerable 
expense, engaged an excellent bull, bear and badger, for the gratifica- 
tion of those who may favour her with their company ; the Bull will be 
baited three times a day, namely, half-past nine o'clock in the morning, at 
half-past one in the afternoon, and at five o'clock in the evening, every day 
during the Wakes. The Bear will be baited at eleven o'clock in the 
forenoon, and three o'clock in the afternoon. The badger will be baited 
every evening. N. B. — The Bull, Bear and Badger will be baited on 
Saturday night previous, to commence at six o'clock precisely, subject to 
such conditions ?s will be then and there produced. The whole is so 
arranged as to form a never-failing source of amusement. By order of the 
Stewards. — God save the King." 

t Ribton — Turner's History of Vagrants. 


starved, his sole and constant exercise appeared to be moving 
his head and forequarters from side to side. When taken to 
other villages to be baited, his advent there was announced by 
a wretched fiddler, who walked before him and the bear-ward. 
Upon one occasion the story goes that he and a second 

champion of the like kind arrived at W , on Wakes day, 

before the evening service was completed. This, however, 
was rapidly brought to a close by the beadle calling to the 
preacher from the church door, ' Mestur, th' bear's come ; and 
what's more ther's two of 'em.' This freedom of speech in a 
holy place is less to be wondered at when it is known that the 
good rector and a party from the rectory usually witnessed the 
bear-bait from the churchyard adjoining the village green." 

The diary of that venerable Nonconformist, 
OHver Heywood, contains an interesting passage 
relating to bear-baiting at Eccles Wakes, which 
shows incidentally that Edmund Jones, the ejected 
minister, opposed bear-baiting, neither because it 
gave pleasure to the spectators nor because of the 
cruelty to the bear, as alleged by Macaulay of 
the Puritans, but because of the disorder and 
drunkenness which always attended those exhibi- 
tions : — 

" At Eccles, in Lancashire, there was to be a bear-bait, a 
young man there was zealous for it, and would have it at his 
house for gain, and sel ale at that time. Mr Joanes lately 
minister there urged him to forbear with many arguments & 
told him he would repent of it, he made light of his councel, 
went to Manchester on Saturday cryed in the streets a bear, a 
bear, would have given the bel-man a groat to cry it. Mr 


Jones went to him agen told him al his predecessors in that 
place had declaimed agt it his father was minister before him, 
had sd if there be a rogue in the country he'll be there, told 
him of a man slain there on that occasion, but he was wilful, 
the day came, & the sport was over, people gone, al peace, but 
that night a drunken man comes, takes occasion to wrangle 
with him, and gave him such a blow as he thinks he shal feel 
while he lives, he is yet alive but scarcely likely to recover. 
Mr Joanes hath endevoured to convince him, and he begins 
to soften tho at first he did not see he was in any fault the 
Lord doe him saving good of it." 

Bull-baiting was an equally cruel sport, which 
had however a tinge of danger to the spectator. 
Once during the baiting of a bull, several cows 
passed near to the ring, and whilst winding their 
way through the crowd, a bull dog suddenly 
sprang on one of them, and caused the affrighted 
animal to overturn a cart of nuts, and a girl had 
her leg broken in consequence. The bulls used 
to be baited on the south side of a plot of vacant land 
at the Regent Road entrance to the village. At 
the last bull bait, a stand erected for the use of 
spectators fell, and several people were injured. 
One of them, a woman, died some little time 

The frequenters of the wakes were often of a 
rough character, and amongst the roughest were 
the inhabitants of Flixton, who some eighty years 


ago were in the habit of having at least one fight 
before they concluded their day's amusement. 
The leader of the Flixton people was one Joseph 

G , whose reputation as a fighter was locally 

very great. One Eccles Wakes, Joseph had 
fought several times, and in honour of his 
victories was far advanced in drunkenness. A 
wag told him that a person was ready to fight him, 
and that everybody said Joseph was afraid to 
tackle him. Annoyed at this, Joseph said he had 
thrashed several that day, and was quite ready to 
thrash another. They told him that he would 
find his opponent, who was no other than the 
bear, in the inn stable. Joseph went into the stable 
and his companions shut the door. He stumbled 
over the bear, who immediately grabbed him, and 
in spite of Joseph's well-directed blows, almost 
squeezed that worthy to death. He managed to 
get out of the bear's clutches at last, and made 
for the door. When he got out his friends asked 
him how he got on. " By th' mass, lads," said he, 
*' he's too strong in't arms for me, but only let 
th' devil take his top cooat off and I'll give him 
what for." 

The wakes still exists, though through the 
opposition of the local shopkeepers it was driven 


from the neighbourhood of the Old Cross about 
a dozen years ago. Bear and bull baiting were 
abolished in 1834, and have given place to round- 
abouts and hurdy gurdys, and the regular pro- 
gramme of seventy years ago is replaced by the 
miscellaneous entertainments of the ordinary fair. 
Were Drayton to visit a Lancashire Wakes at 
the present day it is to be feared that he would no 
longer sing : — 

" So blyth and bonny now the Lads and Lasses are, 
That euer as anon the Bag-pipe vp doth blow, 
Cast in a gallant Round about the Harth they goe, 
And at each pause they kisse, was neuer seene such rule. 
In any place but heere, at Boon-fire, or at Yeule ; 
And euery village smokes at Wakes with lusty cheere, 
Then Hey the cry for Lun, and Hey for Lancashire." 

Jfurnc66 Ubbc^. 

" Here, where of havoc tired and rash undoing, 
Man left this structure to become Time's prey ; 
A soothing spirit following in the way 
That Nature takes, her counter-work pursuing. 
See how her ivy clasps the sacred ruin, 
Fall to prevent or beautify decay ; 
And on the mouldering walls how bright, how gay. 
The flowers in pearly dew their bloom renewing. 
Thanks to the place, blessings upon the hour ; 
Even as I speak the rising Sun's first smile 
Gleams on the grass-crowned top of yon tall Tower, • 
Whose cawing occupants with joy proclaim 
Prescriptive title to the shattered pile 
Where, Cavendish, thine seems nothing but a name ! " 

— W. Wordsworth. 

FURNESS ABBEY, which was one of the 
grandest of English monastic buildings, 
was founded by a body of Savignian monks who 
had left Savigny in 1 1 24, and made a temporary 
settlement at Tulketh, on the banks of the 
Ribble. The monkish colony obtained from 
Stephen, Count of Boulogne, a grant of the forest 
of Fuderness (Furness) and Wagneia (Walney), 
the fishery at Lancaster, privilege of hunting, and 
everything within the lordship of Furness, except 
the land of Michael le Fleming, for the establish- 
ment and endowment of an Abbey of the 


Savignian order. The foundations of the monas- 
tery were laid in July, 11 27, and the monks 
shortly afterwards forsook Tulketh for their new 
domain. The monks were ambitious and 
avaricious, and their estates were soon increased by 
gifts from rich and poor. They had a quarrel 
with Michael le Fleming, upon whose rights they 
had infringed. The quarrel was arranged by an 
exchange of land, but eventually the Fleming 
family were reduced to the position of vassals to 
their powerful neighbours. 

The high reputation for sanctity which the 
monks had obtained increased the power of the 
Abbey. It soon began to send out offshoots, and 
as early as 11 34 obtained land at Rushen, in 
the Isle of Man, on which a monastery was 
erected. The King of Man also made a special 
grant by which all future bishops of Man and the 
Isles should be elected from the monks of 
Furness. Other branches from the monastery 
settled in Ireland, Yorkshire, and Lincolnshire. 

In 1 148, the Savignian Order was incorporated 
with the Cistercian Order, and the monks of 
Furness were exhorted to submit to the new rule. 
The Abbot of Furness, Peter of York, refused 
to conform, and went to Rome to appeal against 


the transfer of his house. He obtained from the 
Pope a dispensation, enabHng the Abbey of 
Furness to remain of its original Order. On the 
Abbot's return from Rome he was taken prisoner 
by the monks of Savigny, and was compelled by 
them to resign his abbacy to a more tractable 
cleric, who reconciled the convent to the new 
Order, and so Furness Abbey became Cistercian. 

The Abbey was very wealthy, and its wealth 
was derived not only from its numerous and wide- 
spread estates, but from its ships, which conveyed 
the iron from the mines in Furness to foreign 
countries. In the reign of Edward I., the 
revenues of the Abbey were reckoned at a sum 
equal to ^18,000. 

During its prosperous period the Abbey had no 
history beyond the record of the obtaining of 
grants of lands and privileges, and of quarrels 
with neighbouring landowners. Having gradually 
lost its ancient repute, the grants of land to the 
Abbey during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries 
were comparatively few, and at the dissolution of 
the monastery its yearly revenues were estimated 
at only ^9,000. 

Abuses had grown up, and in April, 1537, after 
considerable pressure, the monks of Furness 


formally surrendered their house, with its broad 
acres and ample revenues, to King Henry VIII.* 

The Abbey is at present a most picturesque 
ruin. The church, of which we give a view, is 
the most important of the buildings of the Abbey. 
Its interior length is 280 feet, the width of the 
nave with aisles, 65 feet, and the width across the 
transepts from north to south, 129 feet, by 28 feet 
from east to west. At the west end of the church 
are the remains of a lofty tower, with walls eleven 
feet thick, and supported by buttresses. The 
west window measures 35 feet in height by 1 1 feet 
6 inches in width, and is ornamented by a series of 
flowers and grotesque heads introduced in the 
hollow of the jambs. The interior of the tower 
is plain. The tower is the most recent part of 
the church, and dates from about the beginning of 
the fifteenth century. 

There are three chapels on the east of the 
north transept, and two other chapels and the 
sacristy are attached to the south transept. 

The chancel extends 60 feet to the east, with a 
breadth of 30 feet. The walls are 60 feet high, 
and are strengthened by staged buttresses at the 

* A good account of Furness Abbey, both historically and architecturally, 
appears in Mr. W. O. Roper's " Churches, Castles, and Ancient Halls of 
North Lancashire." 


angles and between the windows. The east 
window is 47 feet high, and has been a magnifi- 
cent example of perpendicular architecture, but 
the arch is now fallen in. 

The sedilia below the southern windows con- 
sist of four niches used as seats by the officiating 
priests, of a similar niche in which the piscina was 
placed, flanked on each side by a smaller niche in 
which the towels were hung after ablution. The 
canopies above are executed in the beautiful 
Decorated style. 

After the suppression of the monastery, the 
Abbey went gradually to decay, and much of the 
ornamental stone work and materials was carried 
away to decorate or build parish churches. The 
proprietors, the Devonshire family, have, however, 
taken judicious measures for its future preservation. 

Colonel 1Ro5Worm anb tbe Siege of 

By George C. Yates, f.s.a. 

COLONEL John Rosworm was a German 
engineer, who, having learned that this 
country was Hkely to be very soon a scene of 
hostihties, came to offer his services to either 
King or ParHament, whichever would be 
inclined to purchase them. His first offer was 
made to the inhabitants of Manchester, at a time 
when they felt much embarrassment in attempt- 
ing to strengthen their town against the impend- 
ing siege. Colonel Rosworm was a great acquisi- 
tion to the Parliamentarians of Manchester. He 
was a brave and skilful soldier, well versed in the 
best method of fortification which was practised 
in his time, and he was familiar with the discipline 
of an army. His experiences in the Thirty 
Years' War of Germany had taught him the 
various artifices, the ruses, and the systems of 
espionage which were practised in campaigns. 
Though an adept in the wily art of his profession. 


he was never known to have turned his know- 
led ije to the disadvantagfe of the commander who 
had purchased his services, but to the last moment 
of his eng^agrement he was faithful and honourable 
to his trust. When the term for which he was 
bound had expired, he was then free to dispose 
of himself to any other contending party, even 
though it should be to the enemy whom he had 
the day before opposed. 

It appears that at the time of the Irish 
Insurrection, Rosworm was in Ireland, but upon 
"just discontents," and with a prospect of congenial 
work, he left that kingdom and came to 
Manchester, where he "fastened his stranger's 
home." Before he had lived in Manchester three 
months the inhabitants, " apprehending a manifest 
danger of ruine " from the King's party, and 
having no one skilled in military matters, selected 
John Rosworm to fortify the town, and offered 
him, under hand and seal, the sum of thirty pounds 
for his labours for a half-a-year. 

That Rosworm had no small idea as to the 
value of his services is evident. He says, " I 
must be bold to say that my undertaking of this 
Service (though for a poore reward) as it was not 
small in itself; so it proved in the consequents 


as considerable, both to the weakning of the 
Kings party, and the strengthning of the Parlia- 
ments, as any action in that kinde, through the 
passages of that yeer for (let it be considered) foure 
for one in that Town, if not more, favoured my 
Lord of Darby and had publicly vowed to cut 
my throat if ever I attempted any works to keep 
him out. The other party which favoured my 
undertakings, were full of fears and confusions, 
not knowing which way to turn themselves ; the 
town in all its entrances, open, and without any 
defence about it." 

The inhabitants of Manchester were expecting 
almost daily Lord Derby's appearance, and under 
these circumstances, which Rosworm thinks 
" might easily have made it lawfull to fear, and in 
the fear to decline a service of this nature," he put 
his life in his hands, overlooked all the dangers 
and difficulties, and undertook the charge of defend- 
ing the town. The morning after his contract with 
Manchester, Rosworm received a present of ^150 
from Lord Derby, with an invitation to Lathom. 
But "honesty being more worth than gold," 
Rosworm returned his thanks and the money to 
the Earl, and addressed himself to his work. 

Rosworm's first business was to set up posts and 


chains to keep out the enemy's horse, which was 

accomplished on Sept. 22, 1642. He fortified each 

street end with mud-walls, and advised where the 

men should be fixed to defend each point. 

Salford Bridge, which he regarded as the only 

dangerous post, he reserved for himself and 

fifty men, though by his contract he was not 

obliged to fight at all, but merely to advise and 


His part in the siege, which commenced on 

Monday, Sept. 26, may best be told in his own 

words : — 

"Munday (Sep 26 1642) I was necessitated to send 20 of 
my Muskettiers to Captain Bradshaw at the Deans-gate which 
never returned ; that afternoon, though thus weakened, I was 
numerously assaulted : but through the goodnesse of him, who 
saved us, my 30 muskettiers (having no Brest-work but a Chain) 
gave them a sound repulse. The next day (Sep 27) the 
Enemy plaid at us with his great Peeces, which being a strange 
noise, and terrour to my raw men, sixteen of them took 
their heels ; the rest, some for fear of my drawn sword, others 
out of gallantry, resolving rather to dye, than to forsake 
me, stuck close to me, and to the safety of their Town. I was 
now few in number, but found some pitie from some other 
gallant hearts, who voluntarily came in to ftiy assistance, making 
up my number 28. And this was my huge Army even then, 
when I had not onely many Enemies without, but dangerous 
temptations within to deal with. For the Enemy finding their 
assault not to take successe, nor their Cannons to terrific us, 
as at the first, several! parleys sore against my will, were sent 


into the Town ; whereof I gave my Souldiers a httle notice, 
with incouragements to stand out, to the utmost. 

Particularly, Wednesday, Septemb. 28, the Earl offered 
upon the delivery of some 100 Muskets to withdraw his Forces, 
and march away. To back this offer, Collonel Holland 
understanding my aversenesse, earnestly pressed me to 
condescend to the motion, using withall these three Reasons. 
First, said he, we have neither Powder nor Match. I confesse I 
had onely six pound of the one and 18 fathome of the other; 
but this was onely known to myself. Secondly, the Countrey- 
men (said he, though falsely) will stay no longer, their own 
houses and goods lying open to the mercy of the Enemie. 
Thirdly, said he, the Enemy is increased in strength. With 
these arguments did he not only urge, but almost command the 
embracing of the Earl's Proposals. I related these things to 
my Souldiers, who unanimously resolving never to yeeld to my 
Lord of Darby, so long as I would stand out, and they had an 
mch of Match, or a shot of Powder : my heart leaped at such 
courage, and thereupon I peremptorily refused any terms 
whatever, Which so passionately moved Collonel Holland, that 
he left me in great anger and discontent. Immediately after 
this. Master Bourne, an aged and grave Minister, came down to 
the Bridge to me. I told him Collonel Holland's language 
and the dangerous concernment it tended to ; I advised him, 
that if he desired to prevent the mischief which might ensue, 
he would immediately walk to the Deansgate, and from thence 
to the other Centuries, using his best encouragements to prop 
up their hearts against any dangers ; and assuring them from 
me, that whereas the Enemy now made no assaults but where 
I was, I was confident with the help of Almighty God, and 
my few men, to defend it against their whole Power, nor should 
they ever enter at my guard. The heartned old man quickly 
left me, and followed my advice, with such gravity and 
chearfulnesse, that I cannot but ascribe much to it, as to the 



means of our preservation. Having thus prevailed for a 
refusall of all terms, sent in by the Enemy, our height of 
resolution to defend ourselves to the utmost was returned to 
the Earl ; who finding by our actions that we spake as we 
meant, within 3 dayes after, withdrew this siege, and gave me 
leave with about ten of my men in open view, to fetch away a 
great number of good Arms from them." 

" Thus was Manchester freed from the danger 
of her first brunt," says the gallant Colonel, 
" wherein how farre I was instrumentall, if 
impartiall men cannot see, I will appeal from them 
to my enemies ; if either can deny me an 
acknowledgement, I am content the world should 
be blinde, and what I have done should be 

Lord Derby's retirement gave Rosworm time 
to continue his fortifications. Under his advice 
the Manchester garrison went to Chowbent, 
where they shattered the enemy, took Leigh by 
assault, and returned in three days. 

The term of his contract with Manchester 
having expired. Colonel Rosworm was re-engaged 
on terms which he states : — 

"I kept this command of Lieutenant Coll [in Colonel 
Ashton's Regiment] during the residue of my halfyeers 
service contracted for with the Town of Manchester, which 
being now expired, they then observed, what they cannot 
without shame remember now, that I was both trustie and 


successefull. They were loath to for-go such a servant, and 
therefore propounded new terms to me, offering me an annuity 
of 60 h. per annum, to be paid 15 li. quarterly during the lives 
both of myself and my wife, which should survive the longest, 
if I would by my advice prosecute the finishing of their 
Fortifications, and the ordering of all Military affairs conducing 
to the safetie of the Town, and upon all occasions be ready to 
give directions accordingly. At the same time also they with the 
Deputy Lieutenants, desired me to accept of a Foot Company 
in the Garrison of Manchester, engaging themselves to maintain 
it, as long as it was a garrison, and to pay me 40s. per week in 
part of my Captains pay, and the rest was to go upon the 
publick Faith. I was pressed to accept this so importunately on 
their part, and by one reason so strongly within myself, which 
was, that by embracing the first of these Proposals, I should 
not leave a desolate Widow without a poore subsistence, in 
case a warlike end should befall myself, that I layed down my 
Lieutenants Collonel's Commission, and closed with their 
Contract ; and is this circumstance nothing to chain these men 
to their promises ? Those hearts certainly are deeply rooted 
in the Earth, which Reason, Equity, Conscience, nay and 
shame, cannot pull out with such ropes. 

My Engagement being passed I returned to my Charge, 
enlarged my Fortifications, left nothing unprepared, as time 
would permit, which might not make an Enemy a strong work 
to attempt me." 

During his second contract with Manchester, 

Rosworm saw some active service. The soldiers, 

declaring themselves discontented if Rosworm did 

not accompany them on the expedition against 

Wigan, he went, " being loath that those should 

want any of his service, who had afforded him 


such roome in their hearts," and the Colonel took 
a leading part in the taking of Wigan. He spent 
five days at Liverpool directing the fortifications 
there, but without any reward, he " quickly helped 
Nature with Art," by strengthening Blackstone 
Edge and Blackegate, and manning them with 
soldiers, and he accompanied Fairfax to Nantwich, 
after which he returned to a home where he had 
with his utmost skill " nourished a company of 
vipers." In August, 1644, Rosworm served as 
Master of Ordnance during Sir John Meldrum's 
siege of Liverpool. 

Rosworm relates that Prince Rupert attempted 
to persuade him to betray his trust at Manchester, 
his agent being Mr. Peter Heywood. 

"This Mr. Peter Heywood," says Rosworm, 
" who at this time sits at his ease, and enjoyes his 
own, whilest I, for want of it, endure extreme 
miserie, was a captain in Lancashire for the 
Parliament, was often in our private consultations, 
and by holding intelligence with the Enemy, did 
us much mischief. He went oft to Chester, 
Oxford, and other garrisons of the enemie, 
discovering our secret results. This being at 
length found out and proved against him, he was 
secured by the Committee, and yet, without the 



consent of the rest of the Committee — contrary to 
an Orduiance touching such cases, released by 
Col. Holland ; two of his friends also being 
bound for his appearance, which never was 
questioned, though he presently upon his enlarge- 
ment went to the Enemy, and was afterwards 
thought the onely fit instrument to work me to this 


" His method was, first to take advantage of the 
injurious and most unthankfull unworthinesse, 
which the Town had used towards me, stirring 
those passions in me, which he knew were deeply 
provoked. This done, he offered in the behalf 


of Prince Rupert, that I should have a very great 
summe of money payed me in my hand, before 
my delivery of the Town, that I should have great 
preferments under Prince Rupert : besides the 
perpetuall obligations of affection and honour from 
many most noble friends, which I should look 
upon as purchased by the desert of such a season- 
able and usefull service. I was not so little a fool, 
though I never meant to be a knave, but I gave 
the propounder audience, gave some incourage- 
ment to the businesse, so much as to fish out 
which way the Enemy would lay his stratagem, 
and to secure myself from suspicion on their part, 
appointed them a time of receiving their hopes." 
That Rosworm could have easily betrayed the 
town to the royal forces cannot be denied. He 
had, however, that honesty and integrity which 
soldiers of fortune often displayed. As he says, 
" I could with more ease have sold them, man, 
woman, and childe, with all they had into their 
Enemies hands, than at any time I could have 
preserved them." " But" says Rosworm, speaking 
in the light of his later experience, "alas, I should 
then have been a Manchester man, for never let an 
unthankfull man, and a promise-breaker, have 
another name." 


When Rosworm had got to the bottom of this 
plot, he laid it before six of the principal men of 
the town, and showed them how to prevent the 
danger. The mud walls were repaired, the 
cannons got ready, and nothing was uncared for 
which was necessary to repel an assault, but the 
enemy having got wind of the preparations steered 
clear of the town. The plot frightened the 
Manchester men considerably, and during the 
continuance of the danger they were very forward 
in their promises of reward to Rosworm, in whom, 
alone, they could feel confidence. " But alas, 
when our distresse was over, which lasted a week, 
this smoke vanished," and it was with difficulty 
that he got his pay. 

During the visitation of the plague, Rosworm 
remained at his post, and was instrumental in 
keeping safe from thieves the deserted property of 
the inhabitants who had fled the plague stricken 

"The Plague being ceased," says Rosworm, 
"and the chief inhabitants of the town returned, a 
man would have thought that this last evidence of 
my faithfullnesse alone, should have wrought 
these men, if not to thankfulnesse yet to honesty : 
But who can white a Blackmore ? or make a rope 


of sand ? Their brows were brasse to all 
entreaties, their affections flints to all reason, their 
hearts rocks to all pitie, and their consciences 
adamants to all obligations ; even still my Annuity- 
was kept from me ; which aggravating my many 
debts and wants to the height of extremitie, in 
hope of relief, I repaired to London." 

He stayed in London for three quarters of a 
year, but was disappointed in his efforts to obtain 
his payment. As a last resource it came into his 
head "to print an angry paper," in which 
Manchester, its inhabitants and rulers, are held up 
to the scorn of the world as promise-breakers, well 
merited abuse is heaped on their heads, and withal 
he tells his story so plainly, yet with vigour and 
freedom, that he carries conviction along with him. 
It must not be assumed that no payments were 
made to Rosworm by the town of Manchester. 
The Constable's Account from 1644 to 1647, 
contain frequent mention of payments to him, but 
after the latter date no payments are recorded. 
John Palmer in his history of the Siege of 
Manchester thus sums up the Colonel's character 
and the causes of his troubles : — 

" He had all the virtues and vices of the class to which he 
belonged. Attached to the presbyterians probably because 


they first engaged his services, Massey himself could not have 
more firmly refused all offers to prove unfaithful than our 
Engineer, even when oppressed by the greatest necessity. 
The whimsical ideas of fidelity entertained by these tramontane 
Condottieri are already familiar in the opinions of Captain 
Dugald Dalgetty. Rosworm in common with that redoubted 
companion of Gustavus, possessed no mean idea of the 
importance of his own actions. The County of Lancaster 
won from Lord Strange, towns and castles taken, the uncon- 
scious parliament saved, and all by a Lieutenant Colonel in 
Holland's regiment. (He raised their forces, gave them his 
advice, and interceded for them with heaven.) Such boasting 
was the prevalent humour of the profession. The cause of 
Rosworm's disappointment may easily be imagined. His 
unfortunate lot was cast in the midst of zealous sectaries, 
and having neither taken the covenant, nor interfered in 
spiritual concerns, he became the object of their suspicion and 
dislike, whence his being employed, or laid aside, was regulated 
rather by the movements of the neighbouring Royalists, than 
by the gratitude of those he had so essentially served. 
Rosworm by unwittingly setting down much valuable historical 
information has rescued his vituperations from that oblivion 
into which two centuries might have gathered the efforts of a 
more eloquent pen and a mightier sword." 

poems of Xancasbire places. 

By William E. A. Axon, m.r.s.l. 

ONE of the most interesting anthologies in 
the English language is Henry Wads- 
worth Longfellow's " Poems of Places," and yet 
probably each reader who turns over the four 
volumes devoted to England, will miss something 
he would gladly have seen included. Thus there 
are but eleven poems devoted to Lancashire, and 
though it cannot be said that our ancient castles, 
our green woodlands, our rugged fells, our 
pleasant homesteads, and our busy towns, with all 
their wealth and bustling life, romance, tragedy, 
and aspiration, have yet been adequately 
celebrated in song, yet the places of Lancashire 
poems are far more numerous than Longfellow's 
selection would lead us to suppose. Possibly 
local sentiment may incline the Lancashire critic 
to be more lenient in his canon of comprehension. 
Some gossiping data about the poetic localities of 
the county palatine may not be without interest. 


There are of course references to Lancashire in 
Drayton's " Polyolbion," in Taylor's " Pennilesse 
Pilgrimage," and in " Drunken Barnaby's Jour- 
ney." There is the " Iter Lancastrense," and the 
scholarly Richard James, who in 1636 made a 
tour in the county, and described what he saw 
in a poem, which after remaining in manuscript 
for two hundred years, has been twice reprinted 
during the present century. 


The "Wild Rider," by Samuel Bamford, 
is a legend of Alkrington Hall, in which Sir 
Ashton Lever, the founder of the famous 
Leverian Museum, is made to take a place that 
has probably been assigned to others in earlier 
aofes. One of the feats attributed to the wild 
rider is that of riding up and down the steep 
multitudinous steps of Rochdale church. 

Bewsey Hall, near Warrington, is celebrated 

in local ballad literature as the scene of " The 

Bewsey Tragedy." 


There is a quaint wakes song connected with 

Droylsden, which has been printed by Mr. John 




Farington, near Leyland, was the scene of a 
touching incident in the Cotton Famine. The 
mills had been stopped, when in the early summer 
of 1863 a load of cotton came to the village 
and the people turned out to meet it, a woman wept 
and kissed the bales of the precious material that 
was to bring back the brightness of independent 
exertion to their cottage houses. Finally the 
Doxology was sung. This suggested to Mrs. 
D. M. Muloch-Craik her " Lancashire Doxology." 

" * Praise God from whom all blessings flow.' 
Praise him who sendeth joy and woe. 
The Lord who takes, the Lord who gives, — 
O, praise him, all that dies, and lives. 

" He opens and he shuts his hand, 
But why, we cannot understand ; 
Pours and dries up his mercies' flood, 
And yet is still all-perfect Good. 

" We fathom not the mighty plan. 
The mystery of God and man. 
We women, when afflictions come, 
We only suffer and are dumb. 

" And when, the tempest passing by, 
He gleams out, sun-like, through our sky. 
We look up, and through black clouds riven. 
We recognise the smile of Heaven. 


" Ours is no wisdom of the wise. 
AV^e have no deep philosophies : 
Childhke we take both kiss and rod, 
For he who loveth knoweth God." 

One of those who stood by and witnessed this 
touching scene was that true-hearted Lancashire 
lad, my dear friend, the late Edward Kirk, and 
it was his sympathetic account in the Lancashire 
papers that sent a thrill through many English 
hearts. Edwin Waugh has noticed the incident 
in his " Factory Folk during the Cotton Famine." 

FuRNESS Abbey. 

The picturesque ruins of Furness Abbey have 
given rise to more than one outburst of noble 
verse. Besides that of Wordsworth, " Here, 
where of havoc tired and rash undoing," there are 
two fine sonnets by Aubrey de Vere. 

To Furness Abbey. 
" God, with a mighty and an outstretched hand, 
Stays thee from sinking, and ordains to be 
His witness Hfted 'twixt the Irish Sea 
And that still beauteous, once faith-hallowed land. 
Stand as a sign, monastic prophet, stand ! 
Thee, thee the speechless, God hath stablished thee 
To be his Baptist, crying ceaselessly 
In spiritual deserts like that Syrian sand ! 


" Man's little race around that creep and crawl, 
And dig, and delve, and roll their thousand wheels ; 
Thy work is done, henceforth sabbatical 
Thou restest, while the world around thee reels ; 
But every scar of thine and stony rent 
Cries to a proud, weak age, " Repent, repent ! " 

" Virtue goes forth from thee and sanctifies 
That once so peaceful shore whose peace is lost. 
To-day doubt-dimmed, and inly tempest-tost. 
Virtue most healing when sealed up it lies 
In relics, like thy ruins. Enmities 
Thou hast not. Thy gray towers sleep on mid dust ; 
But in the resurrection of the just 
Thy works contemned to-day, once more shall rise. 
Guard with thy dark compeer, cloud-veiled Black Coombe, 
Till then a land to nature and to grace 
So dear. Thy twin in greatness, clad with gloom. 
Is grander than with sunshine on his face : 
Thou mid abjection and the irreverent doom 
Art holier — Oh, how much ! — in hearts not base." 

In another vein and yet equally poetic and 
reverent in spirit is that poem by Samuel Longfellow, 
having for its motto these words translated from the 
Charter of the Abbey — " Considering every day 
the uncertainty of life, and that the roses and 
flowers of kings, emperors, and dukes, and the 
crowns and palms of all the great, wither and 
decay ; and that all things with an uninterrupted 
course tend to dissolution and death." 


" On Norman cloister and on Gothic aisle 
The fading sunset lingers for a while ; 
The rooks chant noisy vespers in the elms ; — 
Then night's slow rising tide the scene o'erwhelms. 

" So fade the roses and the flowers of kings, 
And crown and palms decay with humbler things ; 
All works built up by toil of mortal breath 
Tend in unbroken course to dust and death. 

" Pillar and roof and pavement all are gone : 
The lamp extinguished and the prayers long done ; 
But faith and awe, as stars, eternal shine ; — 
The human heart is their enduring shrine. 

" O Earth, in thine incessant funerals. 
Take to thyself these crumbling, outgrown walls 1 
In the broad world our God we seek and find, 
And serve our Maker when we serve our kind. 

" Yet spare for tender thought, for beauty spare. 
Some sculptured capital, some carving fair ; 
Yon ivied archway, fit for poet's dream, 
For painter's pencil, or for preacher's theme ! 

" Save, for your modern hurry, rush and strife, 
The needed lesson that thought, too, is life ! 
Work is not prayer, nor duty's self divine, 
Unless within them Reverence hath her shrine." 


Bamford has written a dialogue between the 
Muse and the Bard in some " Lines relating to a 
beautifully rural cottage in Hop wood." Hop wood, 
it may be added by the way, was visited by Byron, 


who is traditionally said to have written some 

portions of " Childe Harold" whilst staying there. 


Bamford, whilst a prisoner in the Castle of 
Lancaster, in September, 1819 (after Peterloo), 
wrote some " Lines " which breathe forth strong 
determination and love of liberty. 

Liverpool has been, fortunate in the poets who 
have derived their inspiration from the City of the 
Mersey. This fine poem on '* The Mersey and 
Irwell" was contributed by Bessie Rayner Parkes, 
to a little volume of " Poems : an offering for 
Lancashire," which was edited by Isa Craig, and 
sold for the benefit of the fund for the relief of the 
operatives in the cotton famine. 

" A century since the Mersey flowed 

Unburdened to the sea : 
In the blue air no smoky cloud 

Hung over wood and lea, 
Where the old church with the fretted tower 

Had a hamlet round its knee. 

" And all along the eastern way 
The sheep fed on the track ; 
The grass grew quietly all the day, — 

Only the rocks were black ; 
And the pedlar frightened the lambs at play 
With his knapsack on his back. 


" Where blended Irk and Irwell streamed 

While Britons pitched the tent, 
Where legionary helmets gleamed, 

And Norman bows were bent, 
An ancient shrine was once esteemed 

Where pilgrims daily went. 

" A century since the pedlar still 

Somewhat of this might know, — - 
Might see the weekly markets fill 

And the people ebb and flow 
Beneath St. Mary's on the Hill 

A hundred years ago. 

" Since then a vast and filmy veil 

Is o'er the landscape drawn, 
Through which the sunset hues look pale, 

And gray the roseate dawn ; 
And the fair face of hill and dale 

Is apt to seem forlorn. 

" Smoke, rising from a thousand fires, 

Hides all that passed from view : 
Vainly the prophet's heart aspires, — 

It hides the future too ; 
And the England of our slow-paced sires, 

Is thought upon by few. 

" Yet man lives not by bread alone, — 

How shall he live by gold ? 
The answer comes in a sudden moan 

Of sickness, hunger, and cold ; 
And lo ! the seed of a new life sown 

In the ruins of the old •! 


*' The human heart, which seemed so dead, 

Wakes with a sudden start ; 
To right and left we hear it said, 

* Nay : 'tis a noble heart,' 
And the angels whisper overhead, 

* There's a new shrine in the mart ! ' 

" And though it be long since daisies grew 

Where Irk and Irwell flow, 
If human love springs up anew. 

And angels come and go, 
What matters it that the skies were blue 

A hundred years ago ? " 

Several of Roscoe's poems bear the impress of 
the locality. In addition to the lengthy " Mount 
Pleasant," there are the pretty verses describing 

The Dingle. 

" Stranger ! that with careless feet 
Wanderest near this green retreat. 
Where through gently bending slopes 
Soft the distant prospect opes ; 

" Where the fern, in fringed pride, 
Decks the lonely valley's side ; 
Where the white-throat chirps his song, 
P'litting as thou tread'st along ; 

" Know, where now thy footsteps pass 
O'er the bending tufts of grass. 
Bright gleaming through the encircling wood ; 
Once a Naiad rolled her flood. 


"If her urn, unknown to fame, 
Poured no far extended stream, 
Yet along its grassy side 
Clear and constant rolled the tide. 

" Grateful for the tribute paid, 
Lordly Mersey loved the maid ; 
Yonder rocks still mark the place 
Where she met his stern embrace. 

"Stranger, curious, would'st thou learn 
Why she mourns her wasted urn ? 
Soon a short and simple verse 
Shall her hopeless fate rehearse. 

" Ere yon neighbouring spires arose, 
That the upland prospect close. 
Or ere along the startled shore 
Echoed loud the cannon's roar, 

" Once the maid, in summer's heat. 
Careless left her cool retreat, 
And by sultry suns opprest. 
Laid her wearied limbs to rest ; 

" Forgetful of her daily toil, 
To trace each humid tract of soil^ 
From dews and bounteous showers to bring 
The limpid treasures of her spring, 

" Enfeebled by the scorching ray, 
She slept the circling hours away ; 
And when she oped her languid eye 
She found her silver urn was dry. 


*' Heedless stranger ! who so long 
Hast listened to an idle song, 
Whilst trifles thus thy notice share, 
Hast thou no urn that asks thy care ? " 

Benjamin Preston's poem, " The Mariners' 
Church," describes ' a characteristic scene of 
Liverpool life ; and the permanence and mutability 
of things are well expressed in a poem on 
Liverpool, by Robert Leighton. 

The capital of the cotton kingdom has not often 
excited the poet's enthusiasm. Yet there is a fine 
poem by John Bolton Rogerson, in which the 
associations of the past and the present are 
skilfully blended : — 

" And this, then, is the place Avhere Romans trod, 

Where the stern soldier revell'd in his camp, 
Where naked Britons fix'd their wild abode. 

And lawless Saxons paced with warlike tramp. 
Gone is the castle, which old legends tell 

The cruel knight once kept in barbarous state. 
Till bold Sir I^uncelot struck upon the bell, 

Fierce Tarquin slew, and oped the captive's gate. 
No trace is left of the invading Dane, 

Or the arm'd followers of the Norman knight ; 
Gone is the dwelling of the Saxon thane. 

And lord and baron with their feudal might ; 
The ancient Irwell holds his course alone. 

And washes still Mancunium's base of stone. 


" Where once the forest-tree uprear'd its head, 

The chimney casts its smoke-wreath to the skies, 
And o'er the kind are massive structures spread, 

Where loud and fast the mighty engine pHes ; 
Swift whirls the polish'd steel in mazy bound, 

Clamorous confusion stuns the deafen'd ear, 
The man-made monsters urge their ceaseless round. 

Startling strange eyes with wild amaze and fear ; 
And here amid the tumult and the din, 

His daily toil pursues the pallid slave, 
Taxing his youthful strength and skill to win 

The food for labour and an early grave : 
To many a haggard wretch the clanging bell, 

That call'd him forth at morn, hath been a knell. 

" But lovely ladies smile, in rich array. 

Fearing the free breath of the fragrant air, 
Nor think of those whose lives are worn away 

In sickening toil, to deck their beauty rare ; 
And all around are scatter'd lofty piles, 

Where Commerce heapeth high its costly stores — 
The various produce of a hundred isles. 

In alter'd guise, abroad the merchant pours. 
Learning and Science have their pillar'd domes ; 

Religion to its sacred temples calls ; 
Music and Art have each their fostering homes. 

And Charity hath bless'd and sheltering halls ; 
Nor is there wanting, 'mid the busy throng, 

The tuneful murmurings of the poet's song." 

The humorous aspects of bygone Manchester 
are pleasantly set forth in Alexander Wilson's 
famous ballads, " Th' ovvd church," as the 


mother church of a very wide district, was a 
favourite place for the marriages of those who, 
though not resident in the town, still had claims as 
living within the boundaries of theancientparish,but 
it is curious to note that Oldham, whence came the 
wedding described below, was formerly in the 
ancient parish of Prestwich. When Anna Raffald, 
the daughter of the authoress of the " Experienced 
English Housekeeper," was married at Eccles, to 
Mr. Thomas Munday, the Rev. Joshua Brookes, 
the eccentric but kind-hearted chaplain of the 
Manchester Collegiate Church, " from a fatherly 
regard to Anna Raffald, insisted on her being 
married a second time, as she was then a 
parishioner of Manchester, and had been married 
out of the parish, and it might affect the rights of 
her children. To satisfy him, Mr. Munday 
reluctantly consented to be re-married, observing 
that he thought once was quite enough ; and they 
were re-married by Joshua Brookes, at the Old 
Church, on the i6th October, 1796, just two months 
and four days after they were married at Eccles." 
Brookes was said to have married more people 
than any other clergyman in the kingdom. 

In " Johnny Green's Wedding and Description 
of Manchester College," Alexander Wilson 


describes an " Oldham Wedding " in the Collegiate 
Church, and a visit to Chetham's College. 

" Neaw lads, wheer ar yo beawn so fast ? 
Yo happun ha no yerd what's past ; 
Aw gettun wed sin aw'r here last, 

Just three week sin, come Sunday. 
Aw ax'd th' owd folk, an aw wur reet. 
So Nan an me agreed tat neight, 
Ot if we could mak booth eends meet, 
We'd wed o' Easter Monday. 

" That morn, as prim as pewter quarts. 
Aw th' wenches coom and browt t' sweethearts ; 
Aw fund we're loike to ha three carts — 

'Twur thrunk as Eccles Wakes, mon : 
Wu donn'd eawr tits i' ribbins too — 
One red, one green, an tone wur blue. 
So hey ! lads, hey ! away we flew, 

Loike a race for th' Leger stakes, mon. 

" Reight merrily we drove, full bat. 
An eh ! heaw Duke and Dobbin swat ; 
Owd Grizzle wur so lawni an fat 

Fro soide to soide hoo jow'd um : 
Deawn Withy Grove at last we coom, 
An stopt at Seven Stars, by gum. 
An drunk as mich warm ale an rum 

As'd dreawn o'th folk i' Owdham. 

" When th' shot wur paid, an drink wur done. 
Up Fennel-street, to th' church, for fun ; 
We donced loike morris-doncers dun, 
To th' best o'aw mea knowledge. 


" So th' job wur done, i hoave a crack ; 
Boh ah ! what fun to get th' first smack, 
So neaw, mea lads, fore we gun back, 
Says aw, • We'n look at th' College.' 

" We seed a clock-case, first, good laws : 
Wheer deoth stonds up wi' great long claws, 
His legs, an wings, an lantern jaws. 

They really lookt quite feorink. 
There's snakes an watchbills, just loike poikes. 
'Ot Hunt an aw th' reformink toikes, 
An thee an me, an Sam o' Moik's, 

Once took a blanketeerink. 

" Eh ! lorjus days, booath far an woide, 
Theer's yards o' books at every stroide, 
Fro top to bothum, eend, an soide, 

Sich plecks there's very few so ; 
Aw axt him if they wurn for t'sell ; 
For Nan loikes readink vastly well ; 
Boh th' measter wur eawt, so he could naw tell. 

Or aw'd bowt hur Robinson Crusoe. 

" Theer's a trumpet speyks and maks a din, 
An a shute o' clooas made o' tin. 
For folk to goo a feightink in, 

Just loike thoose chaps o' Boney's ; 
An theer's a table carv'd so queer, 
Wi' OS mony planks os days i' th' year, 
An crinkum crankums heer and theer, 
Loike th' cloose-press at mea gronny's. 

" Theer's Oliver Crumill's bums an balls, 
An Frenchmen's guns they'd tean i' squalls. 
An swords, os lunk os me, on th' walls, 
An bows an arrows too, mon ; 


" Aw didno moind his fearfo words, 
Nor skeletons o' men and birds, 
Boh aw fair hate seet o' greyt lung swords, 
Sin th' feight at Peterloo, nion. 

" We seed a wooden cock loikewise ; 
Boh dang it, mon, these college boys, 
They tell'n a pack o' starink loies, 

Os sure os teaw'r a sinner ; 
That cock, when it smells roast beef, '11 crow, 
Says he ; ' Boh,' aw said, ' teaw lies, aw know. 
An aw con prove it plainly so, 
Aw've a peawnd i' mea hat for my dinner.' 

" Boh th' hairy mon had miss'd mea thowt. 
An th' clog fair crackt by thunner bowt, 
An th' woman noather lawmt nor nowt, 

Theaw ne'er seed loike sin t'ur born, mon ; 
Theer's crocodiles, an things, indeed, 
Aw colours, mak, shap, size, and breed ; 
An if aw moot tell tone hoave aw seed. 

We moot sit an smook till morn, mun. 

" Then deawn Lung Millgate we did steer, 
To owd Moike Wilson's goods-shop theer. 
To bey eawr Nan a rockink cheer, 

An pots, an spoons, an ladles ; 
Nan bowt a glass for lookink in, 
A tin Dutch con for cookink in, 
Aw bowt a cheer for smookink in. 

An Nan axt proice o' th' cradles. 

" Then th' fiddler struck up th' honeymoon, 
An off we seet for Owdham soon ; 
AVe made old Grizzle trot to th' tune, 
Every yard o' th' way, mon. 


" At neight, oytch lad an bonny lass, 
I^ws ! heaw they donced an drunk their glass ; 
So tyrt wur Nan an I, by th' mass, 

Ot wea leigh 'till twelve next day, mon." 

The " Songs of the Wilsons" include several 
other pieces of local interest. Mr. Joseph 
Anthony's " Irwell, and other poems " appeared in 
1843, and deals, of course, chiefly with Man- 
chester, and includes a wild legend of Kersal Cell. 
Mr. Charles Kenworthy's " Original Poems," 
printed in 1847, contains " A view of Manchester 
in 1818;" "A view of Manchester in 1838;" 
" Collyhust Hall ; " *' Love- Lane " (this was near 
Ancoats Hall) ; " On Seeing an Emperor Butter- 
fly in the Streets of Manchester ; " " Strangeways 
Hall ; " " Manchester Athenaeum ; " and " The 
Winton Murder." 

Miss Mathilde Blind, in her frequent visits to 
the city, has been impressed by some of its 
characteristics, and has written a sonnet on 
" Manchester by Night." 


Although he has chosen to give it the name 
of Waverlow, it is generally understood that 
Middleton is the locality celebrated in several of 


Ben Brierley's writings, and especially in the fine 
pathetic verses entitled " Waverlow Bells." 

" Old Jammie and Ailse went adown the brook side 
Arm-in-arm, as when young, before Ailse was a bride ; 
And what made them pause near the Holly-bank Wells ? 
'Twas to list to the chimes of the Waverlow bells. 

" •' How sweet,' said old Jammie, 'how sweet on the ear, 
Comes the ding-donging sound of yon curfew, my dear !' 
But old Ailse ne'er replies, for her bosom now swells — 
Oh, she'd loved in her childhood those Waverlow bells. 

" ' Thou remember'st,' said Jammie, ' the night we first met, 
Near the Abbey field gate — the old gate is there yet — 
When we roamed in the moonlight o'er fields and through 

And our hearts beat along with those Waverlow bells. 

" ' And then that wakes morning so early at church, 
When I led thee a bride through the old ivy porch, 
And our new home we m.ade where the curate now dwells. 
And we danced to the music of Waverlow bells. 

" 'And when that wakes morning came round the next year, 
How we bore a sweet child to the christ'ning font there ; 
But our joy peals soon changed to the saddest of knells, 
And we mourned at the sound of the Waverlow bells.' 

" Then in silence a moment the old couple stood, 
Their hearts in the churchyard, their eyes on the flood ; 
And the tear as it starts a sad memory tells — 
Oh ! they heard a loved voice in those Waverlow bells. 


" ' Our Ann,' said old Ailse * was the fairest of girls ; 
She had heaven in her face, and the sun in her curls ; 
Now she sleeps in a bed where the worm makes its cells. 
And her lullaby's sung by the Waverlow bells.' 

" ' But her soul,' Jammie said, ' she'd a soul in her eyes, 
And their brightness is gone to its home in the skies ; 
We may meet her there yet where the good spirit dwells. 
When we'll hear them no more — those old Waverlow bells.' 

" Once again — only once — the old couple were seen 
Stepping out in the gloaming across the old green, 
And to wander adown by the Holly-bank Wells, 
Just to list to the chimes of the Waverlow bells. 

" Now the good folks are sleeping beneath the cold sod, 
But their souls are in bliss with their daughter and God ; 
And each maid in the village now mournfully tells 
How old Jammie and Ailse loved the Waverlow balls." 

Newfield in Seathwaite. 

The stepping stones at Newfield in Seathwaite 
are made famous in the tenth and eleventh of 
Wordsworth's sonnets on the Duddon. 

There is a large amount of poetical and 
legendary lore connected with Pendle Hill and its 
neighbourhood, as may be seen by a reference to 
Mr. James Mackay's monograph on " Pendle Hill 
in History and Literature." 


On the wayside between Preston and Liverpool, 
early in this century, there stood a pile of turf that 
was maintained as a memorial of a father. This 
curious relic attracted the attention of Wordsworth, 
who has celebrated it in his sonnet on 

Filial I^iktv. 
" Untouched through all severity of cold ; 
Inviolate, whate'er the cottage hearth 
Might need for comfort or for festal mirth ; 
That pile of turf is half a century old : 
Yes, traveller ! fifty winters have been told 
Since suddenly the dart of death went forth 
"Gainst him who raised it ; — his last work on earth : 
Thence has it, with the son, so strong a hold 
Upon his father's memory, that his hands, 
Through reverence, touch it only to repair 
Its waste. Though crumbling with each breath of air. 
Its annual renovation thus it stands, — 
Rude mausoleum 1 but wrens nestle there, 
And redbreasts warble when sweet sounds are rare." 

Perhaps we ought to include in this list " The 
Preston prisoners to the ladies about the court," 
which belongs to the poetry of the Jacobite 
rebellion of 171 5. 

Preston, as a representative factory town, 
attracted the notice of Ebenezer Elliott, who, in 
" Preston Mills," has vigorously attacked the 


system by which children were employed early 
and late in the close atmosphere and fatiguing 
labours of the spinning and weaving sheds. 

The visitor to Radcliffe may still see, though in 
a forlorn and dilapidated condition, " Fair Helen's 
Tower," the locality of a dreadful murder. The 
local tradition says that the second wife 
of Sir William Radcliffe commanded the 
cook to slaughter the only child of the knight's 
first wife, and to make her into a pie. This 
ballad is sometimes known as " The Lady 
Isabella's Tragedy ; or, the Stepmother's Cruelty." 

Through the native town of John Bright and 
Edwin Waugh flows the Roch — now, alas ! a 
polluted stream — whose bygone charms are 
celebrated by our Lancashire laureate. 

To THE River Roach. 
" The quiet Roch comes dancing down 
From breezy moorland hills ; 
It wanders through my native town, 
With its bonny tribute rills. 

" Oh, gentle Roch, my native stream ! 
Oft, when a careless boy, 
I've prattled to thee, in a dream, 
As thou went singing by. 


" Oft, on thy breast, my tiny barge 
I've sailed in thoughtless glee ; 
And roved in joy thy posied marge. 
That first grew green to me. 

" I've paddled in thy waters clear, 
In childhood's happy days ; 
Change as thou wilt, to me thou'rt dear 
While life's warm current plays. 

" Like thee, my little life glides down 
To the great absorbing main. 
From whose mysterious deeps unknown 
We ne'er return again." 

The grave of Tim Bobbin, in Rochdale church- 
yard, has been made the occasion for several 
lively pieces in the dialect by Sam. Bamford, 
H. O. Shaw, and George Richardson. 

Bamford has also written some satirical " Lines 
written at the Blue Ball, Rochdale." 

The well-known humorous ballad of " Old 
Grindrod's Ghost " is versified by William 
Harrison Ainsworth from a tradition repeated by 
Mr. Gilbert Winter, of Stocks. It refers to a 
supposed after-death incident in the career of 
Grindrod, a Salford dyer, who was hung in 1753 
for poisoning his wife. 


Scout Edge. 
Scout Edge, near Duerden Moor, in the town- 
ship of Shuttleworth, is the scene of Bamford's 
poem, the " Witch of Brandwood." 

One of Wordsworth's Duddon sonnets is 
devoted to Seathwaite Chapel. 

This is the scene of one of Bamford's 
dialect poems, "The Stake-Hill Ball," in which a 
rustic festival is described with much spirit. 

TuRTON Fair. 
A humorous poem, describing the somewhat 
coarse festivities at Turton Fair, was published by 
Wm. Sheldrake, in 1789. 

Ulpha Kirk. 
The churchyard of this small hamlet near 
Duddon Bridge is the subject of one of Words- 
worth's fine sonnets on the river Duddon. 

Warrington can boast of two local ballads of 


some popularity — one in praise of Warrington 
ale, and one descriptive of " Warriken Fair." 

Whalley Abbey. 
The late Mr. George Richardson, who published 
his "Patriotism, and other poems," in 1844, 
includes in it a sonnet written after a visit to 
Whalley Abbey, Lancashire. 

" Thou ancient temple of six hundred years ! 
Hoary with age, and in stern ruin grand, 
Thy mossy mantled arches proudly stand 
Like monumental fanes which fate reveres, 
No pompous mass, nor monk, nor vestal prayer. 
Breaks, as of yore, upon thy calm repose ; 
For on the mouldering walls, where ivy grows. 
The day-scared owlet finds its gloomy lair. 
A solemn awe pervades the sacred ground : 
The crumbled cloisters, and each hallow'd bed, 
The verdant sepulchre, where sleep the dead, 
Give a dread silence to the scene around. 
Save 'neath thy walls, the Calder wends along, 
Singing of man's frail lot, and Time's triumphant song ! " 

To this picturesque pile belongs that weird 
scene of incantation described by Ainsworth in 
his metrical account of a midnight meeting of the 
Lancashire witches. 

The lake of Winandermere, now shortened into 
Windermere, which is partly in Lancashire and 



partly in Cumberland, has been celebrated by 

These references do not profess to be exhaustive 
of the subject. With abundant leisure, it would 
not be either a difficult or an unpleasant task to 
construct a poetical companion for the wanderer 
amid the bleak fells and busy towns of 


iTatbcr Hrrowemitiys Ibanb. 

By Rushworth Armytage. 

IN the Catholic Church of St. Oswald, Ashton 
in Makerfield is preserved a human hand, 
said to have belonged to Father Edmund Arrow- 
smith, to which powers of a miraculous nature 
have been ascribed. 

Edmund Arrowsmith, the former owner of the 
hand, was born at Haydock, in Win wick parish 
in 1585, and was a member of the Society of 
Jesus. Having refused to take the oath of 
supremacy, he was in 1628, tried before Sir 
Henry Yelverton on a charge of high treason. 
On two indictments, accusing him of being a 
priest and of being a perverter in religion, he was 
found guilty, and the usual sentence of hanging, 
drawing, and quartering was passed. Not content 
with a mere form, the judge is said to have added, 
** Know shortly thou shalt die aloft between 
heaven and earth, as unworthy of either, and may 
thy soul go to hell with thy followers." 


The sympathy of the Lancaster folk was 
entirely with the victim. No one would under- 
take the duty of executing the priest. A butcher 
engaged that for ^5 his servant should do it, but 
when the servant heard of the arrangement he 
ran away and was not seen again. At last a 
prisoner in the Castle undertook the business. 

It is curious that in the account of the 
* distribution of the different parts of Arrowsmith's 
body no mention is made of the hand, which was 
afterwards to become famous. In 1629 Mr. 
Henry Holme wrote a letter attesting certain 
relics of Father Arrowsmith, but he does not 
mention the hand, though possibly it is included 
in the "and more" near the end of the letter. 
Holme's letter is as follows : — 

" Worthy Sir, — My duty remembered ; for the certainty of 
these things which I did deliver you at your l^eing at Lancaster 
I will afifirm to be true, for the hair and the pieces of the ribs 
I did take myself at the going up of the plumbers to see the 
leads, when they were to mend them, and the handkerchief 
was dipped in his blood, at the time of his quarters coming 
back from the execution to the Castle, by me likewise with my 
own hands. . . . All these were the relics of Mr Arrow- 
smith, who was executed here at Lancaster the 25th [28] of 
August, 1628, upon the statute of persuasions. I did deliver 
this to you in July, 1629. I did [gather] all those I gave you 
myself, and more at several times, and had none from any 
man's hand l)ut my own." 


The accepted account is that after Arrowsmith's 
body was dismembered, one of his friends cut off 
the somewhat charred, but otherwise perfect, right 
hand. The hand was kept at Bryn Hall, the 
residence of Arrowsmith's maternal kindred, for 
many years, and was afterwards removed to 
Garswood. In 1822, it was transferred to the 
chapel at Ash ton. 

The hand was, according to an early mention, 
kept in a linen cloth and a box. Barrett speaks of 
it as being preserved in a white silk bag, and still 
later Lady Burton says it was inclosed in a silver 

There does not appear to be any account of an 
alleged cure performed by the "dead hand," 
during the first hundred years of its existence, 
unless the tale told by Harland in his " Lancashire 
Legends," belongs to that period. 

The story is that one of the owners of I nee " lay 
on his death-bed, and a lawyer was sent for at the 
kst moment to make his will ; but before he 
reached, the man was dead. In this dilemma it 
was determined to try the effect of a dead man's 
hand on the corpse, and the attorney's clerk was 
sent for it to Bryn Hall in all haste. The body of 
the dead man was rubbed with the holy hand, and 


it was asserted that he revived sufficiently to sign 
his will. After the funeral, a daughter of the 
deceased produced a will which was not signed, 
leaving the property to his son and daughter ; but 
the lawyer produced the will signed by the dead 
hand, which conveyed all the property to himself. 
The son quarreled with the attorney, and after 
wounding him, as he supposed mortally, he left 
the country and was never heard of more. The 
daughter also disappeared, but no one knew how 
or when. After many years the gardener turned 
up a skull in the garden with his spade, and the 
secret was revealed. When this took place the 
Hall had long been uninhabited ; for the murdered 
daughter's ghost hung suspended in the air before 
the dishonest lawyer wherever he went. It is 
said that he spent the remainder of his days in 
Wigan, the victim of remorse and despair. 
There is a room in the Hall which is said to be 
haunted by the ghost of a young lady, and her 
shadowy form is frequently seen by the passers by 
hovering over the spot where her remains were 

The earliest detailed case of cure wrought by 
the "dead hand" is that of Thomas Hawarden, aged 
twelve. In June, 1735, this boy had a slow hectic 


fever, other ailments followed and he eventually 
lost the use of his limbs. On October 25, 1736, 
"his parents having often heard that many and 
great cures had been effected by means of a hand of 
Father Arrowsmith, procured leave to have it 
brought." Mrs. Hawarden, the boy's mother, 
applied the back part of the hand to her child's 
back, and drawinor it down on each side of the 
back bone, and then across, she said, " Sweet 
Jesus Christ, give a blessing to it, and may it do 
him good ; in the name of the Father, of the 
Son, and of the Holy Ghost." The boy 
immediately felt better, but the mother continued 
drawing the martyr's hand up and down the boy's 
back, with the sign of the Cross, repeating the 
prayer. The lad now declared that he could 
stand, "hereupon he immediately rose from his 
seat," began to adjust his clothes, and stood 

When asked what he had felt when the hand 
was applied, he answered, " that he believed it 
would do him good, and that immediately upon 
the first touch of the hand he felt something give 
a shoot, or sudden motion, from his back to the 
end of his toes." 

The truth of the whole story was certified by 


four persons, eleven other persons, three of whom 
were Protestants, certified the truth of his lame- 
ness and cure, having seen him daily during his 
illness and afterwards, and two Protestants testified 
that they had seen him lame, and that a quarter 
of an hour later they saw him moving about cured. 
In 1768, another cure is recorded. Mary 
Fletcher was troubled with convulsions, and had a 
lameness which confined her to her bed. In 
1767, she was declared by Dr. Ralph Thicknesse 
to be past all human assistance. On Sunday, 
November 20, 1768, her brother brought the 
'* holy hand " to her house. Her sister made 
the sign of the Cross on the invalid's back and 
breast, the Trinity was invoked, and the patient 
several times repeated the prayer, " Holy Father 
Arrowsmith, pray for me to Almighty God, that I 
may receive the use of my limbs, if it be God's 
holy will and pleasure." The next day her 
recovery was so complete, that she was able to 
assist at the family washing and baking. The 
truth of this was attested by two priests. Lady 
Blount, Lady Eccleston, and Elizabeth Rigby. 
One of the two priests who witnessed Mary 
Fletcher's cure. Father Joseph Beaumont, had 
had his throat and mouth so much mortified, that 


death was expected, " when upon the touch of the 
holy hand he was cured of the complaint in an 
instant, to the great surprise of the doctor and 
everybody else." A comparatively recent instance 
of an alleged cure is recorded to have taken place 
about 1848 or 1849. A child of two or three 
years had lost the use of her limbs, she was 
touched by the hand in the church shortly after 
the mass, but no change in the child's condition 
took place until the following Sunday, when 
the mother heard mass, and begged through the 
intercession of Feather Arrowsmith the cure of 
the child. The child, which was not in the 
church, showed an inclination to walk at the 
precise time that the mother was praying for her, 
and was restored to health immediately. A still 
later instance of belief in the miraculous powers 
of the "holy hand" is given in the Daily Nezvs 
of August 13, 1872. At a meeting of the Wigan 
Board of Guardians, held in that month, it was 
mentioned that the assistant overseer of Ashton 
in Makerfield, had sent to the Wigan workhouse 
a destitute woman, named Catherine Collins, who 
had been sitting all day on a doorstep. She 
stated that she had come out of Salford work- 
house, on leave, to have the "holy hand" 



applied to her paralysed side. One of the 
guardians for Ashton stated that hundreds of 
persons visited the township for similar purposes. 
The belief in the miraculous powers of the 
"dead hand" still exists. In the "Catholic 
Directory" for 1892, it is stated that "those who 
wish to venerate the ' Holy Hand' will have an 
opportunity of satisfying their devotion on any 
day after mass." 


Aldingham, lOO 

Alkrington, 203 

Allen, Frances, 147 

J Iphabet for grown-up Grammarians, 

Alvanley (Lord) on Dr. Ogden, 87 
Amounderness, Sworn Men of, 89 
Arrowsmilh, Father, 67 ; Dead 

Hand, 227 
Assheton, Ralph, 67 ; Richard, 67 
Aston, Joseph, 37 
Atherton, 144 

Badger Baiting, 179 
Baily, Laurence, 64 
Bancroft, Jas., 29 
Barnaby's Journal, 58, 203 
Bartlett, Rev. S. E., 102 
Bear Baiting, 179 
Beaumont, Joseph, Cure of, 232 
Belfield Hall, 100 
Bell — head exposed, ']'] 
Bell, dated, at Claughton, 113 
Bennet, Charles, 138 
Bent, Ann, 139; Charles, 139; 
Katharine, 139 ; Robert, 139 
Bewsey Hall, Ballad, 203 
Birch, Wm., 76 
Bispham, 90 
Black Art in Bolton, 132 
Blakeley, Bloody Corn at, 137 
Blood drops from corn at Blakeley, 

Bobbin, Tim, Children of, 116 
Bolton, Black Art at, 132; 

Chronicle, i,'^ ; Communion, 20; 

Volunteers, 38 
Booker, John, 79 
Booth, Sir Robert, 81 
Bradford, John, the Martyr, 75 
Bradshaw, James, 87 
Bragget Sunday, 171 

Brank in Lancashire, 159 
Brathvvaite,' Richard, 58 
Bridecake, Bishop Ralph, 79 
Brierley, Ben, 219 
Brockholes, John, 70 
Brookes, Rev. Joshua, 214 
Bryn Hall, Dead Hand, 227 
Bull Bailing, 82, 175 
Burton, Rev. Henry, 60, 68 
Bury Simnels, 165 
Buxton, Richard, 42 
Byrom, John, n, 49, 74 

Cartmel, 100 

Chadderton, Bishop Wm., 76 

Chartists at Kersal, 44 

Chetham, Humphrey, 77 

Chetham's College, 214 

Childwall, lOi 

Chorley, loi 

Chorlton, James, 17 

Classis established, 14 

Claughton, Old Dated Bell, 113 

Clayton, Rev. John, 84 

Cold Ashby, Bell at, 113 

Coleridge, Lord, 103 

Collier, Charles, 129 ; Edmund, 

125; John, 116; Robert, 129; 

Thomas, 125 
Colquitt Family of Liverpool, 146 
Communion, Promiscuous, 23 
Constable, Mr., 27 
Cottam, Alice, 179 
Cotton, Rev. Thomas, 83 
Covell, Edmund, 59; Thos., 51-72 
Crabtree, Wm., 88 

Dauntesey, Eustace, 47 
Dead Hand, 227 
Dee, Rowland, 78 
Denman, Mr. Justice, "The Dial's 
Lesson," 103, 104 



De Vere, Aubrey, " To Furncss 

Abbey," 205 
Didsbury, 18 
Drayton, M., 183 
IJroylsden, 203 
Ducking Stools, 158 
Duels at Kersal, 39 

Flccles Wakes, 175 
Elders, Reluctance to Elect, 17 
Elias, the Manchester Prophet, 136 
Euxton, Plague at, 107 

Fag-pie Sunday, 174 
Falkner, Thomas, 84 
Farington, 204 
Finch — head exposed, 77 
Fishwick, Henry, 99, 100 
Fishwick, James, 96 
Fleming, IVIichael le, 184 
Fletcher, Mary, Cure of, 232 
Flixton, 19, 102 
Furness Abbey, 184, 205 

Gamblers, Scandalous, 20 

Garrett, Rev. Peter, 99 

Garstang, 90, 92, loi 

Gatty, Mrs. A. , 98 

Gibbelt, or Pillory, 162 

Gildart, Francis, 149 

Goodwin, Elizabeth, 150 

Goosnargh, 90, 91, 92, 96, 102 

(Jorton, 23 

Grayson, Edward, killed in duel, 

Great Sankey, loi 
Greene, Robert, 132 
Grenside, Rev. W. B., 115 
Grimshaw, George, 26 

Hall, Ellis, the Manchester Prophet, 

Hambleton Church, 102 
Hanson, Col. Jos., Duel, 40 
Harrison, Bridget, 150 
Hartlay, Edmund, 63 
Hawarden, Thos. , Cure of, 230 
Heapey Church, loi 
Heginbottom, Rev. John, 82 
Herst, Richard, 67 
Heywood, James, 88 ; Oliver, 20, 

180 ; Peter, 196 
Heywood, 102 
Holcombe, 102 

Holland, Col., 193 
HoUinworth, R. , 77, 79, 137 
Holy Hand, 227 
Hoole Church, 100 
Hopwood, 207 
Horrox, Jeremiah, 100 
Horse Race, a poem, 36 
Horwich Stocks, 161 
Howard, Betty, 121 
Hulme, 100 
Hulton, Geo., 27 
Hunt, Thurston, 64 

Ince Hall Legend, 229 
Incest, 25, 26 

"Johnny Green's Wedding," 214 
Jones, Edmund, opposes a bear- 
bait, 180 

Kelly, Edward, 63 

Kenyon, Edward, 82 

Kersal, cell, 47 ; hall, 47 ; moor, 

32, 131 
Kirkham, 93, 94; brank, 159; 

sworn men, 90, 91 
Knowsley, 102 

Lambert Simncl, 166 

Lancashire Doxology, 204 ; 

historic i ; old punishments, 

157; plot, 7; sundials, 98 
Lancaster, i, 4, 5, 90, 91, 208; 

castle, 51-72; chief jayler, 

133-135 ; tluchy, 3 ; George 

Inn, 59 ; worthy, 51 
Langley, Wm., 78 
Ivathom House Defence, 6 
Lees, Rev. John, 82 
Leigh, l)ragget in, 171 
Liverpool, 4 ; Cokjuitt Family, 

146; cooke-slool, 158; 

customs frauds, 147 ; pillory, 

161 ; plague in, 105 ; poems, 

Longfellow, Saml., "On Furness 

Abbey," 206 
Lord's Supper, 19, 20, 26 
Lytham, 90, 102 

Macnamara, James, y] 
Manchester, brank, 159; classis, 

18; ducking-stool, 158; 

grammar school boys, 73 ; 



Gitaniiaii, 46 ; Mercury, 38, 

39 ; pillory, 161 ; prodigy, 136 ; 

siege, 188 ; stocks, 161 ; 

sundials, 99 
Marriages, orders concerning by 

classis, 25 
Marsden, Jeremiah, 81 
Martin, Bridget, 152 
Martindale, Adam, 83 ; Thomas, 

Massey, James, 40 
Mather, Rev. John, 82 
"Mersey and Irwell," by B. R. 

Parkes, 208 
Middleton, Robert, 64 
Middleton, 218 
Mills, Henry, 144, 145 
Milnrovv, 1 1 6, 123, 124, 130, 131 
Mothering Sunday, 170 
Muloch-Craik, D. M., " Lancasliire 

Doxology," 204 
Music in Churches, 12 

National Assembly, 14 
Newcastle-upon-Tyne, 117, 119, 

Newcome, Henry, 26, 27, 29 ; 

Peter, 83 
Newfield, 220 
Nutter, Robert, 64 

Ogden, James, poet, 88 
Ogden, Dr. Samuel, 85 
Oldham, 17 
Owen, John, 139 

Parish (lOvernment, 89 
Parke, Thos. John, 152 
Parkes, Bessie R. , "The Mersey and 

Irwell," 208 
Pendle Witches executed, 64 
Parochial Presbytery, 14 
Pendle, 220 

Pennylesse Pilgrimage, 55, 203 
Peter of York, 185 
Pewsill, Cicely, 160 
Philips, J. L., duel, 40 
Philips, Shakspere, duel, 39 
Pillories in Lancashire, 161 
Plague in Liverpool, 105 
Poems of Lancashire Places, 202 
Poulton, 90, 91 
Prayers, Extemporary, 12 
Presbyterianism, 6, 10 

Preston, 4, 5, 55, 90, 91, 221 ; 

Brank, 160; Election, 154; 

Pillory, 161, 164 
Prestvvich, Rev. John, 88 
Prestwich, 78, 82, loi, 102 
Pretender in Manchester, 85 
Procter, R. W., 47 
Punishments, Old Lancashire, 157 
Puritanism in Lancashire, 10 

Races at Kersal, 33 

Radcliffe, 222 

Ralphson, Jeremiah, 82 

Ranken, Betty, 119; Robert, 1 19 

Religious Life of Lancashire during 
the Commonwealth, 10 

Reviews at Kersal, 38, 41 

Ribchester, i, 90, 91, 92, 95 

Richardson, George, 225 

Rigby, Isabella, 68 

Rochdale, 116; Poems, 222; Ship 
Inn, 124; Sundial, 99; Vol- 
unteers, 38 

Rogerson, J. B. , 212 

Roman Catholics Executed, 64, 65, 
66, 67, 77, 227 

R.oman Lancashire, I 

Rootes, Mr., 23 

Roper, W. O., 187 

Roscoe, W. , "The Dingle," 210 

Rosworm, Col., and the Siege of 
Manchester, 189 

Saddleworth, 82 

St. Michaels-on-Wyre, 90, 91, 92 

Salford, 223 

Satanic i'ossession, 5, 30 

Scout Edge, 224 

Seathwaite, 224 

Sermons, Puritan, 13 

Shaw, 102, 103 

Simnel Sunday, 170 

Simnels, Bury, 165 

Smith, Sir James, 93 ; Rev. J. 

Einch, 73 
Smock Races for Ladies, 176, 178 
Sparling, Lieutenant, 153 
Stake-Hill, 224 
Starkie, Nicholas, 63 
Stockport Volunteers, 38 
Stocks in Lancashire, 160, 161 
Stoop Hall, 71 
Sundials, Lancashire, 98 
Swearing, Eines for, 27 



Sweating Sickness, 105 

Sworn Men of Amounderness, 89 

Taylor, John, "Water Poet," 55 
Thornton Church, loi 
Thulis, John, 66 
Thwing, Edward, 63 
Thyer, Robert, 85 
Torrisholme, 70 
Tulketh, 184 
Turton Fair, 224 

Ulpha Kirk, 224 
Utley, 67 

Vaughan, Bishop R., 59 
Vaux, Laurence, 75 

Wakes, Eccles, 175 

Walkden, Katherine, 69 

Walkden, Rev. Peter, 74 

Warrington, 88, 109, 224 ; Brank, 
159, 160; Plague, 108; Sun- 
dial, lOI 

W^aters, Anne, 64 

Waugh, Edwin, "To the River 

Roch," 222; "Wild and 

Free," 49 
"Waverlow Bells," 219 
Whalley Abbey, 225 
Whalley Range, 100 
Whipping, Public, l6l 
Whittier, J. G., 98 
Whittle, Alice, 66 
Wife Desertion in the Olden Times, 

Wigan, 2, 4, III 

" Wild and Free," by Waugh, 49 
Wilson, Alexander, 213 
Windermere, 225 
Winstanley, Hamlet, 88 
Winton, 102 
W^itchcraft, 5, 63, 67, 68 
Witches, 61, 64, 65 
Woolmer, Mr., 19 
Wordsworth, William, 98, 184, 

Worsley, Charles, m.p., 88 
Worthinglon, Dr. John, .80 
Wrenno, Roger, 66 

%\et of Subscribers. 

Abraham, A. C, 87, Bold Street, Liverpool. 

Adshead, G. II., 94, Bolton Road, Pendleton. 

Alexander, J. F., St., Peter's St., Ipswich. 

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Allen, Rev. Geo., Shaw, Oldham. 

Andrew, Frank. , J. i'. , Nowellthorpe, Ashton-under-Lyne. 

Andrew, Jno., (ilenthorne, Ashton-under-Lyne. 

Angus, Rev. G., Presl^ytery, St. Andrews, N.B. 

Armstrong, E. Edgar., 49, Spring Gardens, Manchester. 

Armstrong, Thos. , Deansgate, Manchester. 

Ashton, R., Free Library, Blackburn. 

Ashworth, Wm., 5, Oak St. Accrington. 

Atkinson, Rev. Canon, Bolton. 

Atkinson, Rev. C., Chetwynd, Ashton-on- Mersey. 

Atherton, Rev. W. B., m.a., Churchani. 

Balfour, J. S., m.p., Burcot, Abingdon. 

Banks, W. , i, Starkie Street, Preston. 

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Bardsley, J. A., Cranbrook Street, Oldham. 

Bardsley, D. W., 43, Yorkshire Street, Oldham (9 copies). 

Barlow, Miss E., 2, Mayfield Road, Kersal. 

Baugh, J., Edendale, Whalley Road, Manchester. 

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Bellamy, C. H., 97, Bishop Street, Alexandra Park, Manchester. 

Bellew, T. A., 23, Canning Street, Liverpool. 

Bellhouse, G. W., 26, Corporation Street, Manchester. 

Bentley, James, Park St., Oldham. 

Barrow-in-Furness Public Library. 

Berry, A., 34, Franklin Street, Oldham. 

Berry, J., 153, Moss Lane East, Moss Side. 

Bethell, Wm., j.i'.. Rise Park. 

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Bispham, Wm., 12, Eighteenth Street West, New York. 

Bone, Jno. W., B.A., f.s.a., 5, Verulam Buildings, Gray's Inn, London. 

Bostock, R. C, Tarpoley, 41, Thurlestone Rd., West Norwood. 

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Callison, R. D., Town Hall, Manchester. 

Caton, R. , Lea Hall, Gateacre, Liverpool. 

Chadfield, John, Manchester and Salford Savings Bank. 

Chapman, R. C, Croydon Public Libraries. 

Charlton, .S., Ellesmere Park, Eccles. 

Charlton, W., Egerton Bank, Fairfield, Manchester. 

Charnock, John James, Porthleven, Eccles. 

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Chrystal, R. S., Church Road, Urmston. 

Clibborn, E., Sandgate, Merrilocks Road, Blundellsands. 

Collier. E., i, Heather Bank, Moss Lane East, Manchester. 

Collins, Jas., Ada Villas, Old Trafford. 

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Croxton, A. \V., Maine Road, Moss Lane East, Manchester. 

Cunlifife, W., West Bank, Bolton. 

Cunningham, G., 8, Woodbine Street, Greenheys. 

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ffarington. Miss, Worden, Preston. 

Fishwick, Col. H., f.s.a.. The Heights, Rochdale. 

Foljambe, Cecil G. S., M.i'., Cockglode, Ollerton. 

Forster, T., Colchester. 

France, James, The Bank, Uppermill, near Oldham. 

Galloway, F. C, Bowneman, Windermere. 

Garside, Henry, Burnley Road, Accrington. 

(Gladstone. RolH. , 9, Harrington St., Liverpool. 

Glass, P., 48, Delaunay's Road, Crumpsall, Manchester. 

(}odlee, F., Styal, near Handforth. 

Goodacre, Rev. E. E., .Shaw. 

Gorman, D., Chesterfield. 

Grant, Fred, Bank Parade, Burnley. 

Grantham, John, 2, Rodney Place, Old Trafford. 

Greaves, Jos., 137, Balfour Street, Oldham. 

Green, J. Arnold, 56, Paternoster Row, E.C. 

Greenhalgh, John, Union Street, Middleton. 

Greenough, R., Leigh. 

Greenwood, J, G., ll.d,, 34, Furness Road, Eastbourne. 


Gregson. W. E., Moor Lane, Great Crosby. 

Greig, Andrew, 30, Belmont Gardens, Hillhead, Glasgow 

Grenside, Rev. W. B., m.a., Melling. 

Guest, W. ir., Arlington Place, 263, Oxford Road, Manchester. 

Ilainsworth, L., 120, Bowling Old Lane, Bradford. 

Ilaggerston, W. J., Public Libraries, Newcaslle-on-Tyne. 

Hall, Jas., Edale, Urmston Lane, Stretford. 

Hall, O. S., Derby Hall, Bury. 

Hampson, J. R., J.P., Old Trafford. 

Hand, Thos. W., Free Library, Oldhnm. 

Hanson, Geo., Free Library, Rochdale (2 copies). 

Hanson, Thomas, Wilmslow Road, Fallovvfield. 

Hargraves, H. L., loi. Queen's Road, Alexandra Park, Oldham 

ILargraves, Jno., Egerton Park, Rock Ferry. 

Hargreaves, Hamlet, 45, Devonshire Road, Burnley. 

Harker, R. B., 75, Sloane Street, Brooks's Bar, Manchester 

Harker, T., 11, Scotland Place, Liverpool. 

ILirrison, Wm., 112, Lansdowne Rd. Didsbury. 

Haslewood, Rev. F. G., i.i,.i)., Chis'et. 

Heape, J. R., Glebe House, Rochdale. 

Henshall, H., 8, Union Street, Oldham. 

Henshall, W., 25, Barker Street, Oldham. 
Hepworth, Jas., Hyde Lane, Hyde. 
Heywood, Rev. Canon, Swinton. 
HeywoDd, Oliver, Claremont, Manchester (2 copies). 
Higham, Eli, Highfield, Accrington. 
Holden, A. T., VVater Foot, Heaton, Bolton. 
Hollingworth, H. L., 19, Queen Street, Oldham. 
Ilollingsworth, W. W., 30, Bilton Street, Oldham. 
Hollins, J. G., 7, Ashgrove, Victoria Park, Manchester. 
Hornby, Mrs., The Hawthorns, Nantwich. 
Hoole, Oswald, Greengate Farm, Prestwich. 
Hosack, Jas. , Ellerslie, Kirkcudbright. 
Howard, Dr., Altofts. 
Howarth, J. T., 14, Glen Street, Burnley. 
Howell, E., Church Street, Liverpool (2 copies). 
Howorth, D. F., F.s.A.Scot., Grafton Place, Ashlon-under-Lyne. 
Hoyle, W. E., m.a., m.r.cs., Owens College, Manchester. 
Hudson, Clarence, Dowsion Castle, Delph, Oldham. 
Hudson, Jno. C, Chapel Hill, Littleborough. 

Hutchings, E,, 8, Great Queen St., Queen Anne's Gate, Westminster 
(2 copies). 

Industrial Co-operative Society, Failsvvorth. 

Jackson, James, 7, Rectory Road, Crumpsall. 
Jackson, J. R., 35, Claremont Road, Moss Side. 
Jacobson, Thos. E., Sleaford. 
Johnson, J. IL, Ti, Albert Road, Southport. 
Jones, John, The Elms, Alderley Edge. 
Jones, Thos., 28, Hardinge Street, Oldham. 

Kegan Paul, Trench, Triibner, & Co., Limited, London. 
Kennedy G. A., 10, Studley Terrace, Pendleton. 


Knot, Oliver, 7, Chapel Walks, Manchester. 

Lancaster, A., St. Helens Free Library. 

Law, Kdward, 16, Shakespeare Crescent, Patricroft. 

Lees, Samuel, Park Bridge, Ashton-under-Lyne. 

Leslie, F. J., 15, Union Court, Castle Street, Liverpool. 

Livesey, J., Leoview House, Liscard. 

Lord, Edward, Albion Street, Burnley. 

Lowe, J., 17, St. Ann's Square, Manchester. 

Lupton, Albert, Holme View, Burnley. 

Lupton, Arthur, Holly Mount, Burnley. 

Lupton, Benj., Cumberland Place, Burnley. 

Lupton, J. T., 7, Carlton Road, Burnley. 

M'Cormick, Rev., F. H. J., F.S.A.Scot., Ilkeston. 

Mackie, Wm., Priory Chambers, Oldham. 

Mansergh, J. F., Clougha, Hargraves Road, .Sefton Park, Liverpool. 

Mark, Jno., ex-Mayor of Manchester (2 copies). 

Martin, W. Y.. M.D., Walkden. 

Marton, Colonel, Copernwray, Cainforth. 

Mawdsley, J. P. , 30, Falkner .Square, Liverpool. 

May, Wm., Free Library, Birkenhead. 

Mayoh, Hy., Town Hall Bolton. 

Miles, Rev. R. H. P., Rhincheck, New York State, U.S.A. 

Miller, M. H. , Times Office, Leek. 

Miller, Wm. Pitt, Merlewood, Grange-over-Sand (2 copies). 

Molyneux, N. , Moss-giel, Lancaster. 

Monk-Lingard R. B. M., Fulshaw Hall, Wilmslow. 

Moore, Mrs. L. B., I, Clare Street, South Shore, Blackpool. 

Muschamp, Robt., Victoria Street RadclifTe. 

Neild, T., B.A., Dalton Hall, Manchester. 

Nicholson, R. , J. P. , Southport. 

Norton, Fred T., 28, Linthorpe Road, Stamford Hill, London, N. 

Oakley, F. P., Hanging Bridge Chambers, Manchester. 
Ogden, Thos. , 9, Mincing Lane, E.C. 
Ormerod, J. P., Castleton, Manchester. 

Parrott, W. J., Tor Side, Helmshore. 

Parry, A. Ernest, Memorial Hall, Manchester. 

Parry, David W. W., Didsbury. 

Patchett, Jno., Mildred House, Undercliffe Lane, Bradford. 

Pearce, M. W., Lynwood, .Southport. 

Pearson, Joseph, .Salford. 

Peltigrew, J. B. , 8, Exchange Street, Manchester. 

Philips, J. W., Ileybridge, Tean. 

Phillips, M., West .Street Ilouse, Chichester. 

Phillipson & Golder, Booksellers, Chester. 

Pickell, W. E., c/o Box 283, G. P. O., Melbourne. 

Pink, J., Cambridge Free Librarj*. 

Preston, Thomas, 92, Manchester Road, Burnley. 

Procter, R., Oak Mount, Burnley. 

Proctor, George, Bank House, Bamoldswick. 


RadclifTe, R. D., M.A., F.s.A., Liverpool. 

Rawlinson, Jos., Ulverston. 

Rawlinson, Sir Robert, k.c.b. , Lancaster House, ii, Boltons, West 

Brompton, S. W. 
Redford. W. J., Spring Place, Great Lever, Bolton. 
Rennie, W., Chronicle Office, Oldham (5 copies). 
Roberts, D. Lloyd, M.I)., Manchester. 
Robin, Mrs., Woodchurch Rectory. 
Robinson, A. J., Clitheroe Castle. 
Robinson, Jno. , 56, Church Street, Eccles. 
Rogerson, Thos., Sunny Bank, Fiixton (2 copies). 
Roper, W. O., Lancaster. 
Roscoe, James, Kirkby (2 copies). 
Rudd, Jno., 5, Sale Road, Northenden. 
Rushton, H., 31, Scotland Road, Nelson. 
Rylands, J. Paul, F.s.A., Heather Lea, Charlesville, Birkenhead. 

Sharp, W., 29, Albert Gate, Hyde Park, London. 

Shaw, Rev. Henry, Urmston. 

Shaw, (jiles, k r. n.s., 72, Manchester Street, Oldham. 

Shaw, J. B., 4, Chapel Walks, Manchester. 

Simpkin, L., 9, Spring Street, Bury. 

Smith, Bryce, Rye Bank, Chorlton-cum-Hardy. 

Smith, C. C. , Liniehurst Knowle. 

Smith, D., Highfield, Schools Hill, Cheadle. 

Smith, Mrs. F. , Egerton Terrace, Chorlton Road, Manchester (2 copies). 

Smith, Rev. Prebendary, M.A., F.S.A., Lichfield. 

Smith, J., Stapylton, Rotherham. 

Smithies, Miss A., 367, Waterloo Road, Cheetham Hill. 

Stalybridge Corporation, Stalybridge. 

Stanning, Rev. J. PL, M.A., Leigh. 

Stevens, Edward, One Ash, Alderley Edge. 

Stevenson, Thos., Glodwick, Oldham. 

Stewart, Rev. J., F. U.H.S., Penrhyn. 

.Storey, H. .S., Lancaster. 

Storey, Sir Thomas, Lancaster. 

Sutton, C. W. , Manchester Free Library (7 copies). 

Swindells, G. H., 7, Cranbourne Road, Heaton Moor. 

Swire, Tom, Keighley. 

Tarrant, Hy., Duchy of Lancaster Office, W.C. 

Taylor, Jno., 10, Radcliffe Street, Oldham. 

Taylor, Rev. R. V., H.A. Melbecks, Richmond. 

Taylor, Rev. W. PL, Warmington, Banbury. 

Teal, J., Halifax (2 copies). 

Thorneley, J. L. , 57, Faulker Street, Liverpool. 

Threlfall, H. ,S. , 12, London .Street, .Southport. 

Thwaites, Jos., Lightbounds, Halliwell, Bolton (2 copies). 

Thorp, J. Walter. H., Jordongate House, Macclesfield. 

Tomlinson, \Vm. S. Paget, Kirkby Lindale. 

Tonge, Rev. Canon, 51, South King .Street Manchester. 

Tootell, Leigh G. H., West Cliff, Preston. 

Trafford, .Sir Humphrey F. de, Bart., Trafford Park. 

Turner, Jas., 9, Halliwell Street, Manchester (2 copies). 


Turner, Wni., Plymouth Grove, Manchester. 
Unwin, John, 7, Park Crescent, Southport. 

Walkden, Jas., I ley wood Street, Moss Side. 

Walton, Robert, 66, Rectory Road, Burr.ley. 

Warluirton, S., 10, Wilton Polygon, Cheetham Hill, Manchester. 

Ware, Mrs. Hibbert, Bowden. 

Wareing, A. D., Clarksfield Street, Oldham. 

Wareing, J W. , Clarksfield .Street, Oldham. 

Watson, J., Bookseller, Nelson. 

W^ebster, Isaac, Rainford. 

Webster, Robert, Egerton Park, Worsley. 

Welby, Edward M. E., Norton House, Norton. 

Whalley, Colonel, J. P., 5, Queen Street, Lancaster. 

Whitehead, Jos., Washbrook, Chadderton, Oldham. 

Whittaker, J. W., 67, Wellington Street, Accrington. 

Whittaker, Thomas, Mayor of Accrington, Sunnyside House. 

Wilde, R. W., 18, Brasenose Street, Manchester. 

Wilkinson, John, 25, Manor Street, Ardwick. 

Wilkinson, W. King, .M.A., Whiteholme, Slaidburn, Clitheroe. 

Wingate-Saul, W. W. Fenton, Cawthome House, Lancaster (2 copies). 

Winterbottom, John, 24, Derby Street, Colne. 

Wodhams, Rev. L, m.a., Brackley. 

Wood, Joseph, 22, Victoria Road, Fallowfield. 

Wood, Robt. K., 222, Waterloo Street, Oldham. 

Woodcock, Rev. G. H. , RptcIifife-on-Wreake, Leicester. 

Worthington, A. H., High .Street, Manchester. 

Worthington, John W., Rose Cottage, Church Street, Newton Heath. 

Wright, J. C, 32, Market Street, Bradford (2 copies). 

Wrigley, .S., Hirsedge, Oldham. 

Young, Henry, & .Son, 12, South Castle .Street, Liverpool (2 copies). 
Young, IL E., 6, Arundel Avenue, Liverpool. 
Young, H. .S., 7, Lome Road, Waterloo. 





Elegantly bound in cloth gilt, demy 3uo., price 6s. 

Ofb ejurc? Bore, 


Author of ^^ Curiosities of the Church" '■^ Old-Tiuie Pmiish/uents" 
^'Historic Rotnance," etc. 


The Right of Sanctuary— The Romance of Trial— A Fight 
between the Mayor of Hull and the Archbishop of 
York— Chapels on Bridges— Charter Horns— The Old 
. English Sunday — The Easter Sepulchre — St. Paul's 
Cross— Cheapside Cross— The Biddenden Maids Charity 
—Plagues and Pestilences— A King Curing an Abbot 
of Indigestion— The Services and Customs of Royal 
Oak Day— Marrying in a White Sheet— Marrying under 
the Gallows— Kissing the Bride— Hot Ale at Weddings 
—Marrying Children — The Passing Bell — Concerning 
Coffins— The Curfew Bell— Curious Symbols of the Saints 
—Acrobats on Steeples— A carefully-prepared Index. 
(5->i«-5) I L LU ST"R AT ED. (s-V^ 


" A worthy work on a deeply interesting subject. . . . We 
commend this book strongly." — European Mail. 

" An interesting volume." — The Scotsman. 

"Contains much that will interest and instruct." — Glastjow 

" The author has produced a book which is at once entertaining 
and valuable, and which is also entitled to unstinted jiraise on the 
ground of its admirable printing and binding." — Shiekh Daily Gar-etle. 

"Mr. Andrews' book does not contain a dull page. , . . 
Deserves to meet with a very warm welcome. " — Yorkshire Post. 

" Mr. Andrews, in ' Old Church Lore,' makes the musty 
parchments and records he has consulted redolent with life and 
actuality, and lias added to his works a most interesting volume, 
which, written in a light and easy narrative style, is anything but 
of the ' dry-as-dust ' order. The book is handsomely got up, being 
both bound and printed in an artistic fashion." — Northern Daily 

London : Simpkin, Marshall, Hamilton, Kent, & Co., Ld. 

SECOND EDITION. Bound in cloth gilt, demy 8uo. 6s. 

Cuxmitm of t^t Cpurc^ : 

Studies of Curious Customs, Services, and Records. 

Author ok "Historic Romance," "F"amous Frosts and 
Frost Fairs," "Historic Yorkshire," etc. 


Early Religious Plays : being the Story of the English Stage in 
its Church Cradle Days— The Caistor Gad-Whip Manorial 
Service— Strange Serpent Stories— Church Ales— Rush-Bearing 
—Fish in Lent— Concerning Doles— Church Scrambling Chari- 
ties—Briefs—Bells and Beacons for Travellers by Night— Hour 
Glasses in Churches — Chained Books in Churches — Funeral 
Effigies— Torchlight Burials— Simple Memorials of the Early 
Dead — The Romance of Parish Registers — Dog Whippers and 
Sluggard Wakers— Odd Items from Old Accounts— A carefully 
compiled Index. 


prees ©pinions. 

"A volume both entertaining and instructive, throwing much light on the manneis 
and customs of bygone generations of Churchmen, and will be read to-day with much 
interest." — Neivbery House Magazine. 

"An e\tremely interesting volume." — North British Daily Mail. 

"A work of lasting interest." — Hull Examiner. 

"The reader will find much in this lx)ok to interest, instruct, and nmufx." —Home 

" We feel sure that many will feel grateful to Mr. Andrews for having produced such 
an interesting hook."— 'J'he Antiquary. 

"A volume of great research and striking interest." — The I>ookbuycr{Keiv York). 

" A valuable book." — Literary World { lioston, U.S.A.). 

" An admirable book." — Sheffield Independent. 

"An interesting, handsomely got up volume. . . . Mr. Andrews is always chatty, 
and expert in making a paper on a drj- subject exceedingly readable." — S'e^i<castte Courant. 

" Mr. William Andrews' new book, 'Curiosities of the Church,' adds another to the 
series by which he has done so much to popularise antiquarian studies. . . . The book, 
it should be added, has some quaint illustrations, and its rich matter is made available for 
reference by a full and carefully compiled index." — Scotsman. 

London : Simpkin, Marshall, Hamilton, Kent, & Co., Ld. 


1\}^^pi^ Fi^MILY I^OlVjAflClE. 


Author of "The Ruined Abbeys op" England," "Celebrities of 

Yorkshire Wolds," " Biographia Eboracensis," 

"The Progress of Civilisation," etc. 

C3TTM0NGST Yorkshire Authors Mr. Frederick Ross 
f— j occupies a leading place. For over sixty years he has 
^ been a close student of the history of his native 

county, and perhaps no author has written so much and well 
respecting it. His residence in London has enabled him to 
take advantage of the important stores of unpublished infor- 
mation contained in the British Museum, the Public Record 
Oflice, and in other places. He has also frequently visited 
Yorkshire to collect materials for his works. His new book 
is one of the most readable and instructive he has written. 
It will be observed from the following list of subjects that the 
work is of wide and varied interest, and makes a permanent 
contribution to Yorkshire literature. 


The Synod of Streoneshalh. 

The Doomed Heir of Osmotherley. 

St. Eadwine, the Royal Martyr. 

The Viceroy Siward. 

Phases in the Life of a Political 

The Murderer's Bride. 
The Earldom of Wiltes. 
Blackfaced Clifford. 
The Shepherd Lord. 


The Felons of Ilkley. 
The Ingilby Boar's Head. 
The Eland Tragedy. 
The Plumpton Marriage. 
The Topcliffe Insurrection. 
Burning of Cottingham Castle. 
The Alum Workers. 
The Maiden of Marblehead. 
Rise of the House of Phipps. 
The Traitor Governor of Hull. 

IMPORTANT NOTICE.— The Edition is limited to 500 copies, 
and the greater part are sold. The book will advance 
in price in course of time. 

London : Simpkin, Marshall, Hamilton, Kent, & Co., Ld. 

Elegantly bound in cloth gilt, demy 8uo., price 6s. 




HIS work contains carefully- s\rilten accounts of the following 
Yorkshire Battles, which cannot fail to interest and instruct the 
reader. It is a book of more than local interest : — 

Winwidfield, etc. — Battle of Stamford Bridge — After Stamford Bridge — 
Battle of the Standard— After the Battle of the Standard— Battle 
of Myton Meadows — Battle of Boroughbridge — Battle of Byland 
Abbey — In the Days of Edward III. and Richard II. — Battle of 
Bramham Moor — Battle of Sandal — Battle of Towton — Yorkshire 
under the Tudors — Battle of Tadcaster — Battle of Leeds — Battle of 
Wakefield— Battle of Adwalton Moor— Battle of Hull— Battle of 
Selby — Battle of Marston Moor — Battle of Brunnanburgh — Fight 
off Flamborough Head — Index. 

©pinions ot tbe firess. 

" A remarkably handsome volume, typographically equal to the best productions 
of any European capital." — Sorlh BritUh lialy Mail. 

" A handaonie book. It is extremely interesting, and is a work which cannot fail 
to find a permanent place amongst the best books devoted to the history of tlie county. 
The military history of Yorkshire is very closely investig-ated in this work. Although 
the bjok is written in a clear and pichiresiine style, great care and attention have been 
given to the researches of anti'juarics and hisfirians, and many authorities have been 
consulted, in conseqiience of which, long-established errors have been corrected, 
and some oft-repeated but superficial conclusions confuted S]>ecial attention has been 
given to the military history of the county during the great rebellion^a subject which 
has yet to be fairly and intelligently treated by the general historian So far as tbe 
limits of the work permit, the general history of the cotinty, from ejwch to epoch haa 
been sketched, maintaining the continuity of the work, and increasing its interest and 
value both to the general reader and the specialist. The printers of the book are Messis. 
Wm. Andrews and Co., Hull, and it must be regarded as a good specimen of local 
typography." — H'aieJUld Free Prest. 

"An important work." — Beverley Independent. 

" Does great credit to the new firm of book publishers." — York»hire County ilagazine. 

"A beautifully i)rinted volume." — Halifax Courier. 

" Mr. I>am])lough's b(x>k is thoroughly readable, and is written in a manly as well 
as a discriminating spirit." — Yorlshire Poll. 



Fcap 4to. Bevelled boards, gilt tops. Price 4s. 



(rbronicle& trom tbe Earliest to tbe present Uiine. 


Author of "Cukiosities of the Church," "Old-Time 
Punishments," etc. 

Only 400 copies printed, each copy numbered, and only 20 remain 
on sale. Three curious full-page illustrations. 

THIS work furnishes a carefully prepared account of all the great 
Frosts occurring in this country from a.d. 134 to 1887. The 
numerous Frost Fairs on the Thames are fully described, and 
illustrated with quaint woodcuts, and several old ballads relating to 
the subject are reproduced. It is tastefully printed and elegantly 

The following are a few of the many favourable reviews of 
'' Famous Frosts and Frost Fairs." 

"The work is thoroughly well written, it is careful in its facts, and 
may be pronounced exhaustive on the subject. Illustrations are given 
of several frost fairs on the Thames, and as a trustworthy record this 
volume should be in every good library. The usefulness of the work 
is much enhanced by a good index." — Public Opinion. 

" The book is beautifully got up." — Barnsley Independent. 

"Avery interesting volume." — Northern Daily Telegraph. 

' ' A great deal of curious and valuable information is contained in 
these pages. ... A comely volume." — Literary World. 

" The work from first to last is a most attractive one, and the arts 
alike of printer and binder have been brought into one to give it a 
pleasing form." — Wakefeld Free Press. 

"An interesting and valuable work."^ — West Middlesex Times. 

"Not likely to fail in interest." — Manchester Guardian. 

"A volume of much interest and great importance." — Rotherham 

London : Simpkin, Marshall, Hamilton, Kent, & Co., Ld. 

"Quite up to Date."— Hull Daily Mail. 
Crown 8vo., 140 pp. ; fancy cover, Is. ; cloth bound, 2s. 




In a reasonable and able manner Mr. Maxwell deals with the following 
topics : —The Popular Meaning of the Term Socialism— Lord Salisbury on 
Socialism— Why There is in Many Minds an Antipathy to Socialism— 
On Some Socialistic Yiews of Marriage— The ftuestion of Private Property 
—The Old Political Economy is not the "Way of Salvation— Who is My 
Neighbour?— Progress, and the Condition of the Labourer— Oood and 
Bad Trade : Precarious Employment— All Popular Movements are 
Helping on Socialism— Modern Literature in Relation to Social Progress — 
Pruning the Old Theological Tree— The Churches,— Their Socialistic 
Tendencies— The Future of the Earth in Relation to Human Life— Socialism 
is Based on Natural Laws of Life — Humanity in the Future— Preludes to 
Socialism— Forecasts of the Ultimate Form of Society— A Pisgah-top Yiew 
of the Promised Land. 


The following are selected from a large number of favourable notices : — 

" The author has evidently reflected deeply on the subject of Socialism, 
and his views are broad, equitable, and quite up to date. In a score or 
so of chapters he discusses Socialism from manifold points of view, and in 
its manifold aspects. Mr. Maxwell is not a fanatic ; his lx)ok is not dull, 
and his style is not amateurish." — Hull Daily Mail. 

"There is a good deal of charm alx)ut Mr. Maxwell's style." — Northern 
Daily News. 

" The lKX)k is well worthy of perusal." — Hull News. 

" The reader who desires more intimate acquaintance with a subject 
that is often under discussion at the present d.iy, will derive much interest 
from a perusal of this little work. Whether it exactly expresses the views 
of the various socialists themselves is another matter, but in.asmuch as 
these can seldom agree even among themselves, the objection is scarcely so 
serious as might otherwise be thought." — Publishers' Circular. 

London : Simplcin, Marshall, Hamilton, Kent, & Co., Ld. 

Price 6s. Demy 8uo. Elegantly bound, cloth gilt. 

(^ (Uton^P in a ®anM: 

^ Woman'a n^anberin^e in Qtort^ern '^nbia. 




The Ascent from the Plains to the Hills — Kasauli and its 
-Amusements — Theories on Heat — Simla, the Queen of Hill 
Stations— Starting Alone for the Interior — In Bussahir 
State— The Religious Festival at Pangay — On Congress — 
On the Growing Poverty of India. 


" The book on India for the present season which shall surpass 
in sterling value this work by Miss Bremner has yet to be 
announced. For clear insight into and an airy way of describing 
character ; for appreciation of the climatic and scenic conditions 
of India ; for a due recognition of the profuse hospitality and 
devotion to duty of Anglo-Indian civilians ; above all, for a 
sympathetic attitude towards the Indian people, a swift discern- 
ment of the shortcomings of British rule both in itself, and in its 
effects upon the governed, and a wise prescience as to the need for 
speedy and thorough change, Miss Bremner's book deserves to 
take very high rank, and be widely circulated. The vigorous 
grappling with the problems attending our governing of India puts 
it in a category by itself. Discriminating and thoughtful, it may 
be confidently recommended to all who desire to know something 
of the real state, alike of the people, and of the land those people 
live in." — India. 

"Miss Bremner's descriptions of what she saw, and her 
sketches of character, are vivid and interesting, and carry with 
them the marks of accuracy. Consequently, even to one familiar 
with works on India, her book is full of freshness. No portions 
of the book will be read in India with more interest than the 
chapters on Congress, and the growing poverty of India. They 
deserve careful perusal, more in England than in India." — The 


Elegantly bound in cloth gilt, demy 8uo., price 7s. 6d. 

Only 500 copies printed, and each copy numbered. Only 30 copies 
remain on sale. 

BYlJOtlE ]ilOI(T[lAf TOplI(E : 

3t0 J^isiox^, Sof^'feore, anb (QlemoraBfe 
(glen ant ^omen. 

Edited by WILLIAM ANDREWS, f.r.h.s., 

Author OF ' Old-Time Pcnishments,' 'Cukiosities of the Church,' 
'Old Church Lore.' 


Historic Northamptonshire, by Thomas Frost— Ths Eleanor Crosses, by the 
Rev. &eo. S. Tyack, B.A.— Fotheringhay : Past and Present, by Mrs. 
Dempsay— The Battle of Nasely, by Edward Lamplough— The Cottage 
Countess— The Charnel House at Rothwell, by Edward Chamberlain— 
The Gunpowder Plot, by John T. Page— Earls Barton Church, by T. 
Tindall Wildridge— Old Fairs, by William Sharman— "Witches and 
Witchcraft, by Eugene Teesdale— The City of Peterborough, by 
Frederick Eoss, F.R.H.S.— The English Founders of the Washington 
Family of America, by Thomas Frost— Anne Bradstreet, the Earuest 
American Poetess — Liber Custumarum, Villae Northamptonise, by 
Christopher A. Markham, F.S.A.— Thomas Britton, the Musical Small- 
Coal Man, by E. E. Cohen— Old Scarlett, the Peterborough Sexton- 
Accounts of Towcester Constables, by John Nicholson— Miserere Shoe- 
maker of Wellingborough, by T. Tindall Wildridge— Sir Thomas 
Tresham and his Buildings, by John T. Page— Northamptonshire Folk- 
Lore, by John Nicholson— Northamptonshire Proverbs — An Ancient 
Hospital, by the Rev. I. Wodhams, M.A.— A carefully prepared Index. 

•WumerouB illustrations. 


" The volume is very interesting, and for those who dwell in the 
county, or whose tastes lead them to explore its history, it will have 
especial attraction." — Fubliiheri' Circular. 

"A welcome contribution to the literature of the county." — 
Northampton Herald. 

" The book is published in a form that is well worthy of the high 
standard that the Hull Press has achieved, and we can congratulate 
Mr. Andrews on adding one more stone to the fabric of the bygone 
history of the Midlands." — Hull Daily N'eicn. 

Hull : William Andrews & Co., The Hull Pkess. 
Northampton : Abkl & Sons. 


8V0. PRICE 6K 




Author of ''Yorkshire Family Romance," "The Ruined 
Abbeys ok England," etc. 


The Enchanted Cave. 

The Doomed City. 

The Worm of JVunnin^ton. 

The DeviVs Arrows. 

The Giant Road Maker of Mulgrave. 

The Virgin's Head of Halifax. 

The Dead Arm of St. Oswald, the King. 

The Translation of St- Hilda- 

A Miracle of St- John- 

The Beatified. Sisters- 

The Dragon of Wantley- 

The Miracles a,nd, Ghost of Watton- 

The Murdered Hermit of Eskdale- 

The Calverley Ghost- 

The Bewitched House of Wakefield- 

Beverley Record says : It is a work of lasting 
interest, and cannot fail to delight the reader. 

London : Simpkin, Marshall, Hamilton, Kent, & Co. 
Hull : William Andrews & Co., The Hull Press. 

2 vols., 7s. 6d. each. 

Bygone Lincolnshire. 


"Mr Wm. Andrews collects together a series of ]>Hi)ers by various eomjjetent hands 
on the hist«>ry, antiquities, and folk-lore of the great eastern county which lias borne so 
conspicuous a part in the )>ast history of England, and produced s<^ many men who have 
illustrated it. . . A valuable contribution to lo:;al history" — The Tiiiien 

Fancy Cover, is. 

Wanted— An Heiress : A /Novel. 


" It is an entrancing story, and perfectly wholesome reading. In this work the 
author of " The Greatest of These " is at her best ; and "Wanted, an Heiress." may be 
pronounced a leading tale of the season" — Sou th I'orithire Free Prex* 

Cloth, 4S. 

CJorkshire in Olden Tinnes. 


" The work consists of a series of artijles contributeil by v.irious aiithora, and it 
thus has the merit of bringing together mujh special knowledge from a great number of 
sources. It is an entertaining volume, full of interest for the general reader, as well as 
for the learned and curious"— 6?nV/./s Daihj Gazette 

Paper Cover Is., Cloth 2s. 

My Christ: and other Poenns. 


" The fifty pa^es, by no means overcrowded, which Mr Elvet I^wis has given us, 
go far to justify the hojte that a new poet of genuine power h:w arisen among us. The 
thought is often singularly beautiful. The expression is so simple and so natural that 
it conceals the art. The delicacy of the workmanship may easily blind <18 to the strength. 
Mr Lewis is essentially original, thotigh his affinities are closest, i)erhaps, to Whittier 
and Lynch ; but there is not a trace of imitation to be found in the book from one end 
to the other"- — Literary World 



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