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THE

CALCUTTA REVIEW.

VOL. XIV.

JULY— DECEMBER 1850.

“ JVo man , who hath tasted learning, hut will confess the many ways of profiting by
those, who, not contented with stale receipts, are able to manage and set forth new positions
to the world : and, were they but as the dust and cinders of our feet, so long, as in that
notion, they may yet serve to polish and brighten the armoury q f truth, even for that
respect, they were not utterly to be cast away.” — Milton.

CALCUTTA :

PRINTED FOR THE PROPRIETOR, BY SANDERS, CONES AND CO.,
No. 14, LOLL BAZAR, AND SOLD BY ALL THE BOOKSELLERS,

1850.

CONTENTS

No. XXVIII.— Vol. XIV.

Art. I.— RECENT MILITARY MEMOIRS.

1 . Yad Namuk; a Chapter of Oriental Life. London.

1850 265

2. Ten Years in India; or, the Life of a Young Officer;

by Captain Albert Hervey, 40th Regiment, Madras
Native Infantry. 3 vols. London. 1850. . . ib.

3. Sketches of Naval and Military Adventure ; by one in

the Service. Bath and London. No date. . . ib.

4. Sir Charles Napier’s Indian Baggage Corps ; reply to

Lieutenant-Colonel Burlton’s attack; by Major Mon-
tagu McMurdo, late head of the Quarter Master Ge-
neral’s Department in Scinde. London. 1850. . ib.

Art. II.— THE OUTBREAK IN CABUL, AND
ITS CAUSES.

A Review of the Operations of the British force at Cabul,
during the outbreak in November 1841, and during
the retreat of the above Eorce in January 1842. By
William Hough, Major, Bengal Establishment.
Englishman Press. Calcutta. 1850. . . . 296

Art. III.— HISTORY AND STATISTICS OF
CAWNPORE.

Statistical Report of the district of Cawnpore, by Robert
Montgomery, Esq., C. S. Published by order of
the Honorable the Lieutenant Governor, N. W. P.

1849 378

Art. IV.— TRIAL BY JURY IN INDIA.

L The Government Gazette. 1849.— Proposed Jury Act . 409

2. The Englishman and Military Chronicle. 1849. . . ib.

3. The Bengal Hurkaru. 1849. ..... ib.

1 The Friend of India. 1849. . . . . . ib.

CONTENTS.

Art. V. — AD ON 1RAM JUDSON, THE APOSTLE
OF BURMAH.

1. The Holy Bible, containing the Old and New Testa-

ment; translated into Burmese, by A. Judson, D. D. 421

2. Grammar of the Burmese Language; by A. Judson,

D. D. . . . . . . . . ib.

3. Dictionary of the Burmese Language; by A. Judson,

D. D ib.

4. Life of Mrs. Ann H. Judson ; by James D. Knowles. . ib.

5. Memoir of Sarah B. Judson ; by Fanny Forester. 2nd

Edition. London. 1849. . . . . . ib.

6. The Judson Offering; intended as a token of Christian

sympathy with the living, and a memento of Chris-
tian affection for the dead. Edited by J. Dowling,

D. D. 10th Thousand. New York. 1848. . . ib.

Art. VI.— LION HUNTING IN SOUTH AFRICA.

A Hunter’s Life in South Africa. By R. Gordon Cum-

ming. 2 Vols. 8vo. London. 1850. . . 456

Art. VII.— SIR JAMES MACKINTOSH IN INDIA.

Memoirs of the Life of the Right Honourable Sir James
Mackintosh, edited by his son, Robert James Mack-
intosh, Esq 481

Art. VIII.— BROOME’S HISTORY OF THE
BENGAL ARMY.

1. History of the Rise and Progress of the Bengal Army,

by Captain Arthur Broome. Vol. I. Calcutta. W.

Thacker and Co. 1850 ...... 497

2. History of British India, by James Mill. . . . ib.

3. A Voyage to the East Indies, by Mr. Grose. . . ib.

4. History of the Military Transactions of the British

Nation in Indostan, by Robert Orme, Esq., F. A. S. . ib.

5. The Life of Robert Lord Clive, Baron of Plassey, by

Mr. Caraccioli ib.

6. Life of Lord Clive, by Major General Sir John Mal-

colm ib.

7. Macaulay’s Critical and Historical Essays. . . . ib.

8. Reports of the Select Committee of the House of

Commons ib.

CONTENTS.

Ill

9. The Seir Mutakherin. ...... 497

10. Ives’s Voyage and Historical Narrative. . . . ib.

Miscellaneous Critical Notices.

1. Memoirs of a Hungarian Lady; by Theresa Pulsky.

2 vols. 8vo. Colburn. London. xv

Hungary, and the Hungarian Struggle : by Thomas

Grieve Clark. Edinburgh. 1850. . . . ib .

2. Journal of the American Oriental Society. Boston.

1849. ........ .xxviii

8. Report on the Diamond Harbour Dock and Railway

Company. Rushton ...... xxx

4. A Treatise on Problems of Maxima and Minima, solved

by Algebra. By Ramchundra, Teacher of Science,

Delhi College. Calcutta. 1850. . . . xxxii

5. Selections from Drench Poets of the past and present

century, rendered into English verse, by R. E.
Hodgson, B. C. S. Calcutta. W. Thacker and Co.

1850. xxxiv

6. Observations on the Indian Post Office, and sugges-

tions for its Improvement ; with a map of the Post
Office Routes, and an appendix of the present
Postal rates and regulations. By Captain N. Sta-
ples, Bengal Artillery. London. 1850. . .xxxvii

7. Recollections of India. Drawn on stone, by J. D.

Hardinge, from the original drawings by the Ho-
norable Charles Stewart Hardinge. Part 1. Bri-
tish India and the Punjab. . Part 2. Kashmir
and the Alpine Punjab. London. 1847 . xxxix

CONTENTS

No. XXVII.— VOL. XIV.

Art. I.— BRITISH ADMINISTRATION OF
SCINDE.

1. Scinde Blue Book 1

2. Bombay Times. 1843-1850. . . . . . ib.

Art. II. — MACKENZIE’S " FAIR MAID OF
CAUBUL.”

1. Zeila, the Fair Maid of Caubul ; a tale of the Afghan
insurrection, and massacre of the British troops in
theKhund Caubul passes, in six Cantos ; by Charles
Mackenzie, Esq., late 41st Welch Regiment. Lon-
don. 1850. ........ 51

Art. III.— THE BENGAL MILITARY FUND.

1. Report on the Bengal Military Fund, by F. G. P. Nei-
son, Actuary of the Medical, Invalid, and General
Life Assurance Society. London. 1849. . . 74

Art. IV.— CENTRAL INDIA UNDER BRI-
TISH SUPREMACY.

1. Malcolm’s (Sir J.) Memoir of Central India. 3rd Edi-

tion. 2vols. 8vo. London. 1823. . . .91

2. The Bengal Hurkaru, The Englishman, The Friend of

India, The Mofussilite, &c. . . . . ib.

Art. V.— ANGLO-HINDUSTANI HAND-BOOK.

1. The Anglo-Hindustani Hand-Book; or, Stranger’s Self-
Interpreter and Guide to Colloquial and General
Intercourse with the natives of India. With a map
and five Illustrations. Calcutta. 1850. . . 116

CONTENTS.

Art. VI.— ‘ VILLAGE SCHOOLS AND PEASANT
PROPRIETORS IN THE N. W. PROVINCES.

1. Resolution by the Hon’ble the Lieutenant-Governor,

N. W. P., General Department, dated 9th February,
1850. Published in the Agra Government Gazette
of 19th February, 1850 138

2. General Reports on Public Instruction in the N. W. P.

of the Bengal Presidency, from the year 1843-44
to the year 1848-49 (inclusive) .... ib.

3. Report on Native Schools of the Futtelipore District, by

Wm. Muir, Esq., B. C. S., 1846. Published by
order of Government, N. W. P. Extract from
Third Report on the state of Indigenous Education
in Bengal and Behar, by William Adam. Published
originally in 1838, and re-published by order of
Government, N. W. P., 1845. .... ib.

4. An Educational course for Village Accountants (Putwa-

ris,) in four parts, by Ram Surrun Doss, Deputy
Collector at Delhi, in Urdu and Hindi. Agra. 1844. ib.

5. The Social Condition and Education of the people, by

J. Kay, M. A. 2 Vols. Longman and Co. Lon-
don. 1850 ib.

Art. VII.— KASHMIR IN THE OLDEN TIME.

1. Raja-tarangini, Histoire des Rois du Kachmir, traduite

et commentee par M. A. Troyer. Paris. 1840. . 209

Art. VIII.— CHRONOLOGY OF THE CREATION.

1 . The Chronology of Creation ; or, Geology and Scrip-

ture reconciled. By Thomas Hutton, F. G. S.,
Captain, Bengal Army. Calcutta. 1850. . . 221

2. A general view of the Geology of Scripture, in which

the unerring truth of the inspired narrative of the
early events of the world is exhibited and distinctly
proved, by the corroborative testimony of physical
facts, on every part of the earth’s surface. By
George Fairholme, Esq. (American Reprint). Phi-
ladelphia. 1834. ....... ib.

3. The Ninth Bridgewater Treatise. A Fragment. By

Charles Babbage, Esq. London. 1837. . . ib.

4. Twelve Lectures on the connection between Science and

Revealed Religion, delivered in Rome, by the Right
Rev. Nicholas Wiseman, D. D., Bishop of Melipo-
tamus. Second Edition. London. 1842. . . ib.

CONTENTS.

5. On the Relation between the Holy Scripture and some

parts of Geological Science. By John Pye Smith,

D. D., F. R. S., and F. G. S. Divinity Tutor in the
Protestant Dissenting College at Homerton. Third
Edition, with many additions. London. 1843. . 221

6. Foot-Prints of the Creator ; or, the Asterolepis of

Stromness. By Hugh Miller, Author of the Old

Red Sandstone, &c. London. 1849 . . . ih.

Miscellaneous Critical Notices.

1 The Historical relations of Ancient Hindu with Greek
Medicine, in connection with the study of modern
Medical Science in India ; being a General Intro-
ductory Lecture, delivered June 1850, at the Cal-
cutta Medical College, by Allan Webb, M. D., Au-
thor of the Pathologia Indica ; Surgeon, Bengal
Army ; Professor of Descriptive and Surgical Ana-
tomy : lately officiating Professor of Medicine and
Clinical Medicine ....... i

2. Selections from the Vernacular Buddhist Literature of

Burmah, by Lieut. T. Latter, 67th Regt. B. N. I.
Maulmain. American Baptist Mission Press. 1850. vi

3. Bengal Dysentery and its Statistics, with a notice of the

use of large Enemata in that Disease, and of Qui-
nine in Remittent Fever. By John Macpherson,

M. D., 1st Assistant Presidency General Hospital.

Pp. 63 ........ viii

4. Le Bhagavat Purana, ou, Histoire Poetique du Krish-

na ; traduite et publie par M. Eugene Burnouf, Mem-
bre de 1* Institut, Professeur de Sanskrit au College
Royal de France. (The Bhagavat Purana, or,
Poetical History of Krishna ; translated and pub-
lished by Eugene Burnouf, Member of the Insti-
tute, Professor of Sanskrit in the Royal College of
France). Paris. 1840 xi

5. Satyarnab. Sea of Truth. Calcutta. Lepage and Co.

D’Rozario and Co. ....... xiii

6. Sanbad Sudhansu; or, Messenger of Nectar. Calcutta.

D’Rozario and Co. ...... xiv

7. Satya Pradip; or. Lamp of Truth. Serampur ; Townsend.

Calcutta ; D’Rozario . . . . . . ib.

Note by the Editor . xv

■

THE

CALCUTTA REVIEW.

Art. I. — !. Scinde Blue Boole.

2. Bombay Times. 1843-1850.

We purpose in the present article to present to our readers a
brief review of the working of the administration in Scinde,
subsequent to the annexation of that Province ; not contenting
ourselves with a bare recital of rules and regulations promul-
gated for the guidance of those entrusted with the management
of its affairs, but enquiring, as far as our materials and limits
will permit, into the extent to which those rules and regula-
tions were carried out, and their effects upon the classes of
subjects affected by them. In the prosecution of this design, we
shall avoid the theoretical, and adhere to the practical working of
the system. In all uncontrolled Governments, that is to say, where
the Governor or Administrator acts alone and unaided, there is
a natural tendency to confound the scheme as devised with its
practical fulfilment. The former is given to the world, which
showers down its laudations on the skilful administrator; the
latter is given to the people, who too often receive it with a passive
sullenness, mistaken for grateful acquiescence. Open remon-
strance on their part is the work of time. This is the case
even in single departments : how much greater then must be
the chances of its existence, when the whole administration
is in the hands of one man, who, from the multifarious nature
of his duties, cannot possibly do more than lay down the
general plan, leaving its details to be filled in by subordinate
instruments, who thus themselves acquire a larger share of
independence than is judicious. Under such circumstances,
the head of the Government can but rarely acquire a faithful
knowledge of the working of his system. There are few men to
be found, who will voluntarily come forward with timely warn-
ing against measures eagerly upheld by a superior, though
they see them to be practically pernicious. Some are cal-
lous, or with blind devotion play the game of “ follow my
leader : ” others, foreseeing the results, either deem it be-
yond their province to utter a remonstrance, or care not to
enter on what (experience teaches them) will probably be a
futile waste of labor; for, when the warning voice is raised,

BRITISH ADMINISTRATION OF SCINDE.

means are readily forthcoming to drown it by arguments of
plausibility, or, those failing, by the more irresistible voice
of dictatorial authority. So general has now become this power-
ful mode of retort, that a silent acquiescence in ill-conceived
and worse-matured measures is dignified by the name of pru-
dence : and thus, under the garb of that virtue, stalk forth
pusillanimity, cringing, adulation, and inconsistency. But for-
tunately the public at large does not rest satisfied with the
manifesto of this or that Governor, and requires something
more than the mere perusal of a judicious code drawn up
in the closet, whereby to judge of the merits of an admi-
nistration. It is not that the public doubts a man, when he
asserts that he has introduced such a measure, or carried
out such a reform : but it knows the frailty of human nature,
and the strong inclination of men placed in situations of
uncontrolled power, and accustomed to look upon their will
as law, to think that the expression of that will is tanta-
mount to the execution of its decrees. All theories require
the support of facts to give them value. It must be certified
how and to what extent they were acted upon; and, if carried
out, whether the benefits anticipated were realized or not.
A code, or a manifesto, may “ prima facie ” demonstrate a man's
general abilities and knowledge of the theoretical points in
question : but what in theory might seem sound, may on
further examination appear unsuited to the circumstances of
the country, and uncongenial to the wants and tastes of the
people, for whose benefit it was intended. It is necessary there-
fore, in order to arrive at a just conclusion regarding any
form of Government, or its Acts, to examine that form, and
to measure those Acts, by a local standard, throwing aside
all pre-conceived opinions based on European principles, and
confining ourselves to the one great point — their suitable-
ness, or the reverse, to the state of the country, and the genius
of the people, who are affected by them. It is evident that for
this purpose our attention must be directed to details — to the
mode in which the several parts of the great machine are linked
together — to the security which exists for the due performance of
the various duties in each branch — and to the checks created to
restrain abuses and preserve the unanimity of the whole. Elo-
quence and verboseness are not required to ensure the favourable
reception of just and liberal measures, fraught with good to the
people : and no amount of seemingly plausible argument, or
high-flown declamation, can avert the ultimate censure, which
must be passed, sooner or later, upon narrow-minded, ill-judged
expedients, teeming with error and evil.

BRITISH ADMINISTRATION OF SCINDE.

We therefore again eschew all reliance on paper Government,
and shall proceed to the less captivating but more useful review
of the real merits of Sir Charles Napier’s administration in
Scinde, as observable in the details of its working. And here we
would strongly repudiate all party feeling. We are not blind, on
the one hand, to the many points of excellence appearing in Sir
Charles Napier’s administration ; nor, on the other hand, are we
prepared to assert that it is wholly faultless, and, as such, worthy
of more general adoption. Seven years have now elapsed since
the Province of Scinde became an integral portion of the British
Indian Empire. It boots not for our purpose to enquire into
the circumstances leading to that result: the “great fact” is
before us ; and it is with the consequences, not the causes, of
that fact that we have to do. The events, immediately preced-
ing, had followed each other in such rapid succession that the
finale was unexpected and unlooked for : and the Hero of
Mean! found himself on a sudden called on to administer the
affairs of the province he had conquered. For a time indeed, some
little interest attached to this new corner of the empire ; but it
gradually ceased ; and the General was left unheeded to frame and
execute what system of Government he pleased. During the last
seven years, nothing, or next to nothing, has been made known of
the details of that system in any branch or department. No reports
— no returns — have been given to the public, from which could
be gathered any real information of the mode in which matters
were administered in our new Province. This silence does not
seem to have attracted notice, and may have tended to continue
that indifference to matters connected with Scinde, which has been
observable so long. Several other reasons for it however existed ;
the strongest of which was perhaps the personality, which marked
all the publications connected with it. Two parties arose,
contending, for a length of time, with much acrimony and ill-
feeling, on points of by-gone policy, and leaving in their
wordy warfare no breathing time or room for the discussion of
more material points, bearing on the present and future well-
being of the country. The question was not, whether this or
that measure, emanating from the new Government, was politic
and just, or the reverse — but whether Napier had, or had not,
forced the Amirs to a war : for such, on fair reasoning, appears
to be the pith of the celebrated controversy, apart from the
personal recriminations and retorts, which lie scattered on the
surface. This bitter and fruitless antagonism absorbed such
share of interest as the public were willing to bestow on Scinde ;
and the press, joining in the struggle, served only to urge the
champions on, and embitter the strife. And so passed by the

BRITISH ADMINISTRATION OF SCINDE.

first years of the Government, amid party turmoils injurious
in many respects to the country, inasmuch as they distracted
attention from more important matters. At last men grew
sick of the contest, and withdrew from the witnessing of
a struggle, in which both parties claimed the victory. By
this time events had happened and were happening in the north,
of intense interest to India generally, which, with few inter-
missions, have, nearly up to the present time, absorbed the
attention of the public.

We have already observed that the data connected with
Scindian affairs are few and scattered; nor has the local Press
done anything towards collecting them. An attempt has been
made ; but freedom of speech was not a characteristic of Scinde ;
and without it the Press is no longer a “ mighty engine.’'
It is with a desire to collect and condense these hidden data,
that we now venture on this hitherto untrodden ground.

It may be as well to preface our remarks by noting the ge-
neral state of the country at the time of the conquest. In the
first number of this Review , we gave a brief account of the
Amirs of Scinde and their predecessors. The historical re-
cords of the country are scanty : but we can trace with tolerable
accuracy the more important events, which have occurred since
the Arab Muhammadan invasion under Muhammad Ahmed Ben
Kasim, in the eighth century, at which time Scinde was a much
larger province than it is now. We pass over the many years,
which followed between that event and the rise of the Kalorahs,
during the latter part of which period the country was governed
by the vicegerents of the Mogul emperors, possessing more
or less independence, according to the circumstances which
rendered invasion more or less likely. The Kalorahs were
originally a religious tribe from Central Asia, who entered
Scinde under one Adam Shah, and gradually obtained influence
there and landed possessions, until one of his descendants,
Nur Muhammad, obtained from the Delhi emperor the govern-
ment of the country. Under the princes of this dynasty,
Scinde continued in a flourishing state; agriculture and com-
merce increased : and the fine canals, now intersecting the length
and breadth of the land, though mostly out of repair and dis-
regarded, are lasting memorials of their beneficent rule. But
after a dominion of little more than half a century, quarrels
arose between the Kalorahs and a family, which, at the time,
held high office in the State, and from its position, had ob-
tained great influence. The neighbouring hill tribes of the Bra-
htis joined in the strife; and, after a succession of bloody and
cruel murders, the Talptirs, in 1779, overthrew their masters

BRITISH ADMINISTRATION OF SCINDE.

and usurped the Government. The Talpfirs were a Beluch
tribe, and are said to have derived their name from the circum-
stance of their having, on their first descent into Scinde, settled
themselves in villages, or camps, composed of date leaves. They
appear, on the whole, to have governed with ability and justice:
but the various divisions of the country amongst the members
of the family very much tended to diminish their power, as, in
the absence of a foreign enemy, their internal disputes were
frequent. The result of this territorial division must soon
have been the usurpation of the whole by one individual of
the brotherhood, possessed of a greater share of ability and
daring than the others ; but this was prevented by the occur-
rence of the only other probable event — the stepping in of a
foreign power to ease them of the burden : and this power was
the Honourable Company. It does not appear that these several
changes of the Government affected, in any general degree, the
peace of the country. Vicegerents of whatever power, Kalo-
rahs, or Talpurs, were alike usurpers, were equally without
claims to supremacy, and owed their power to their mercenary
bands of retainers, and their own individual abilities. The
Scindians meanwhile, for centuries divested of nationality and
common interests, received without hesitation or regret each
succeeding race of rulers, looking no further than their fields
and pastures ; and, as their agricultural interests seem to have
been, for the most part, left undisturbed, and their possessions
secured to them by the new powers, they experienced no in-
ducement to resist the change.

Under the Talpurs, besides the natural wish of avoiding
internal disquiet under a new rule, depending for its stability
upon their personal retainers alone, there existed another rea-
son for respecting the interests of the large body of landed
proprietors and cultivators : and this arose from the above-men-
tioned anomalous division of territory amongst the Amirs,
which, injurious as it was to their own interests, and in a great
measure conducive to their final downfall, yet acted beneficially
in some respects on the cultivating portion of their subjects :
for undue exactions and overbearing imposts on the part of any
Amir led to desertion from the territory of that Amir to the
lands of his more politic neighbour — thus increasing the reve-
nues and consequent power of the one, at the expense of the
other. The same general peacefulness, and readiness to accept
of the new foreign power, prevailed amongst the Scindians, when
the victories of Meani and Hyderabad placed the country in the
hands of the victors. From what we have stated above, this is
in no way attributable to their dislike of the former reigning

BRITISH ADMINISTRATION OF SCINDE.

princes : the same quiet existed, when the Kalorahs first obtained
power, and when the Talpurs wrested that power from them.
The bloodshed and violence, which accompanied the latter
event, were confined to the court and its mercenaries.

The relative position of the Scindians and their rulers did not
tend to any reciprocity of feeling. There was nothing national
in any of the wars, which have thrown down and raised up
dynasties. It was the business of the court : and, beyond the
temporary confusion consequent on the change of local minis-
ters, was unfelt and uncared for by the Scindians at large.
Naturally quiet and industrious, they preferred peace to war —
the tranquillity of their homes to the turmoil of the camp ;
and, their interests and customs being respected, they sided
with neither party, but patiently awaited the result. At the time
of the British conquest, we do not deny that there may have
been some prospects of benefit entertained by the general mass
of the people in anticipating our sway, not arising from for-
mer oppression, but from a certain vague idea of future better-
ment. Nearly twenty years have elapsed since Shore, with can-
did truthfulness, hesitated not to expose the fallacy, so common
at that period, when it was assumed as an axiom, that “ the

* natives were a low degraded set, with very few good qualities ;

* their institutions, customs, and government, excessively bad ;

* while we and ours, on the contrary, were everything that was ex-
‘ cellent ; and that they were pleased and grateful to us for
‘ having substituted a good Government for their own bad ones."
Much has been done since that time to render Shore’s rebuke
less deserved : but much still remains to be done, especially in the
proceedings of our judicial courts. But whilst we deplore what
still remains of this national conceit, yet we believe, that where
an accession is made to the British-Indian empire, and neither
fanaticism nor national union is opposed to check the feeling,
there will be found among the people an undefined but general
conviction that the Company’s rule will be beneficial to them.
In Scinde this may be supposed to have been peculiarly the
case, both from the total absence of opposing causes, and
from the distance of the province from the countries then under
British dominion. They heard of the proverbial honesty of in-
tention of that Government, of the general tranquillity of the
people, of its own greatness and internal unity, which assured
its subjects of security from foreign invasion : but they were
ignorant of the details of its administration, of the wheels with-
in wheels which connected the governed and the governors, of
the changes which would take place in their relations to each
other, and of the many causes which would tend to affect their

BRITISH ADMINISTRATION OF SCINDE.

social arid domestic happiness. To such countries the Compa-
ny’s “ Ikbal" is doubtless a grand vision: but its glories too
often fade, the nearer it approaches. When General Napier
drew the sword in Scinde, the task before him was (as compared
with that before other invaders) an easy one; though its glori-
ous termination, with the scanty means at his disposal, shed a
noble lustre on his already high military renown. He had not
to conquer Scinde, but the Amirs and their mercenaries. A
victory over them once obtained, the work was done. There were
no men of real influence about the court ; few, who had influ-
ence even among the soldiery; and none, who could influence the
country. Once thoroughly broken, there was no one, who
could afterwards raise the standard of revolt, or even cause
temporary annoyance to the Government by any attempt to do
so. Sensible of this, the General himself was able to assert,
immediately after his crowning victory, that “ not another shot
would be fired in Scinde.” The expulsion of the Amirs, the
dispersion of the army, and the peaceable disposition of the
people, formed a rare combination of circumstances, which
enabled the Governor to pursue his system of administration
in tranquillity and ease. It then rested solely on the capacity
of those first intrusted with power to strengthen and define
the hitherto dawning, but vague, popularity of the new order
of things — or on their incapacity to weaken and eventually
annihilate it.

It has been sometimes asked, “ What has become of those
masses, who retreated sulkily from the Fulaili, on the memo-
rable 17th February, 1843 ?” Let us consider the nature of
those masses, and we may arrive at the solution of the ques-
tion. Each Amir had his own retainers, and these consist-
ed of many classes — the Rajput, the Pathan, the Beluch, and
the Sidi. Not only the reigning Amirs, but all their nu-
merous relations, were alike attended by bands of retainers :
and each jaghirdar, who held his possessions on military ser-
vice, brought his knot of followers to swell the heterogeneous
horde. Thus were collected from all quarters of India the
thousands, who vainly opposed themselves to the British bayon-
et. Every one, who has had experience of the tribes of Western
India, will be aware of the facility in raising from them a large
army of military adventurers, who have nothing to lose at home,
and everything to expect abroad. The Amirs, their relations,
and feudal dependants, were possessed of wealth, the great at-
traction. High pay, and a free and easy life, were the induce-
ments offered to retain their services, which were at the disposal
of their masters, so long as the coffers of the latter were full.

BRITISH ADMINISTRATION OF SCINDE.

But they were unaccustomed to fight “ en masse/' were unin-
structed in war, and had no common bond of interest. But a
small portion of those, who fought at Meani, had a real inter-
est in the country ; and even defeat was not apprehended by
the majority as entailing any permanent misfortune — nothing
beyond a temporary want of employment. Such were the men,
whose many-coloured turbans and varied costume caused that
picturesque appearance, which has been not inaptly compared
by the chroniclers of those events to “ a field of poppies.”
When the struggle was over, and victory declared against them,
when their masters were expelled, and their coffers the prize of
the victors, these mercenaries had nothing more to look for ; there
was no latent hope of their services being again put in requisi-
tion ; and the only course left to them was one, to which they
were not unaccustomed, viz. to return to their various homes,
and seek employment elsewhere. Nothing opposed them. No
pursuing army was at their heels. No intermediate allies of the
conquering power interfered to stay their progress. Meanwhile,
the jaghirdars, now freed from their allegiance to the Amirs (for
they were in fact mere contractors for mercenaries), had no longer
any motive for retaining their soldiery ; so that these too received
their discharge. The dispersion was general, but gradual ; the
disbanding took place at different points, and the discharged
adventurers journied towards various quarters. The same fa-
cility existed for their dispersion as for their collection.
Probably not ten of those, who appeared at Meani, could
now be found together out of employment. All left Scinde,
and are now scattered over the hills of Beluchistan, the
countries beyond the Bolan Pass, Kajputanah, and some parts
of the Punjab, with no intention or inducement to return
to Scinde. Nay, probably many fought with us and our ally
of Bahawulpur in the late campaign. Some few remained,
and found employment, either under the British Government,
or in the territories of Mir All Morad ; whilst a portion of
the Beluchis returned to their villages and to more peaceable
employments.

With this general internal quiet, and good feeling towards
us, how stood the country with regard to its neighbours ?
To the East, there was nothing to fear. To the North, there
stood a bugbear, but only a bugbear — the Punjab. Invasion
from that quarter was as needlessly feared, as it was fre-
quently prophesied. Violent and fretful as was the Sikh army,
there were yet able and far-seeing men, whose councils in-
fluenced it, and whose main ends would have been frus-
trated, had they turned their attention to Scinde. Was the ad-

BRITISH ADMINISTRATION OF SCINDE.

vance to bs made from Lahore ? With the British to the east,
hostile tribes to the west, and a known intriguer and danger-
ous friend to the north, the idea was too ridiculous to be en-
tertained. An invasion was still less to be anticipated from the
South : for there we had no enemy, but the Multan Dewan,
with the small garrison of his Fort, amounting, at the outside,
to 4,000 men, and these principally foreigners. It may be said
that he afterwards found no difficulty in raising an army to defy
the British. But it must be recollected that incomplete ar-
rangements and delays gave him many advantages, and lent
to his cause a partial semblance of success ; and even then,
comparatively few of his troops were Sikhs — the remainder con-
sisting of mercenaries, willing enough to enter his Fort, and
draw his pay, but men, who, under no combination of circum-
stances, would have joined hi3 standard in the field for the
invasion of a country distant from their homes. Guns he
had, it is true, but not in a condition to move them through
a difficult country. Even when the revolt was wide spread, and
victory was closer to the Sikhs than it had been to any native
power we have met in India, to hold his own was all that was
required of, or attempted by, him. But whether from Multan
or Lahore, the invading army would have had the Bahawulptir
army on their left to oppose them, and tribes of no friendly
feelings to their right, with our creature All Morad in their
front.

Invasion from Candahar was still more chimerical. It could
not be anticipated, except as the result of a combined move-
ment: and the chances of such a combination may be calculated
from late events. When Scinde was almost denuded of troops,
and reinforcements from Bombay, or the north, were out of
the question, even when actually invited by the leaders of an
apparently successful revolt, the Sirdars of Kandahar could
do no more than boast and promise. Thus was Scinde as
really free from all fear of foreign invasion, as of internal ris-
ings or revolts. One only cause of annoyance remained, in
the predatory character of the Bugtis, Mums, and other hill
tribes on the N. W. frontier, whose excursions became fre-
quent, and gradually so daring and formidable, that it behoved
the Government to suppress them. Even here it must be re-
membered that a broad tract of desert intervened between their
mountains and the inhabited parts of Scinde ; so that it was
the few villages on the borders, which alone were disturbed. It
was necessary however to throw our protection over the re-
motest corners of the newly-acquired province : and accordingly
Sir Charles Napier undertook the vigorous hill campaign of

BRITISH ADMINISTRATION OF SCINDE.

1844-45, which terminated in the capture of the chief of the
Dumki tribe, and the suppression of the plundering in any
formidable degree. The campaign also gave his officers ex-
perience of the country and of the character of the enemy, which
was advantageous in cases of subsequent aggression. When
the General returned to his province, he left an officer to guard
the frontier, who, formerly renowned, obtained here still further
laurels, and gained a name prominent in the annals of Eastern
Armies. Major Jacob and his illustrious oorps were left to
guard the troublesome frontier ; and they performed that duty
as they have performed all others.

Ere we leave this head of the subject, we must remark the po-
pulation and extent of country, with which Sir Charles had to
deal. The population of Scinde has been variously estimated at,
from twenty to thirty per square mile : but, from the few local
calculations which have been made, it appears that these num-
bers are too high, and fifteen per square mile seems nearer the
correct proportion. An attempt was commenced in Scinde to
make a census of the country : but it was supposed to be very un-
popular, and connected with taxation, and.was accordingly soon
dropped. It is a pity that so little attention is paid in this coun-
try to statistical details. Some supposed disinclination on the
part of the people is, in most cases, allowed to prevent the in-
quiry. But from what has been done, it is evident that much
more might be effected by an uniform and unobtrusive method,
whilst the reports of each year would be more accurate than
the preceding one, as the people discovered that no results in-
jurious to them were to be feared, and therefore came forward
the more readily to assist in the preparation. The chief re-
quisite is to obtain answers to the inquiries through the village
officers.

The Scindians are principally cultivators and artisans. They
are divided into numerous families or tribes ; and the inves-
tigation of their origin and first settlement in the country would
be an interesting enquiry. A great portion of them claim to
have been originally Rajputs : — and we find members of most
of these families in the Punjab, some of them yielding prece-
dence to the settlers in Scinde, and others claiming the chiefship
for themselves. The fishermen, located in villages on the banks
of the river, are a poor, but industrious, class. The Hindus
are of two classes — the traders, and the men, who gain a living
in the employ of Government. Almost all the revenue officers;
and the hordes, who are sent out every season as assessors,
amins, zabits, &c &c., are furnished from that class. From
living in a tolerated state in a Muhammadan country, they have

BRITISH ADMINISTRATION OF SCINDE.

lost much of their religious scruples, and are lax in the ob-
servance of their rites ; they wear beards, adopt the Beluch
head-dress, eat flesh and fish, and drink wine !

The best calculations, which have been made, seem to indi-
cate the following proportions : —

Scindian Agriculturists and Fishermen f

Hindus

Labourers of kinds,

Beluchis

On looking at the Map, we are led to estimate too highly
the nature and extent of country, which is under the British
Government. On the left bank of the Indu3, a strip of land
from Ghotki to Rori is British ; but it is very narrow. The
country, south of Ron to near Hyderabad, forms the territories
of Mir All Morad — together with some very fertile districts
between Ghotki and Subzalkot, which were made over to him
by Sir Charles Napier, in exchange for a barren and trouble-
some tract on the right of the Indus. The country south of
Hyderabad is also British, as far as Cutch. On the right bank,
the strip of land between the river and the west range of hills
is British : but it must be remembered that this is not all well
inhabited and cultivated. A desert tract runs between the hills
and the cultivated strip by the river — very broad to the north,
but diminishing as it proceeds towards Sehwan. Including
this desert, the Province does not exceed in area 35,000 square
miles : and, estimating the population at fifteen per square mile,,
their number does not exceed 525,000 souls.

Such was the country which General Napier found himself
called on to govern ; and it may not be uninteresting to compare
its state with that of the country, since annexed to our Empire, by
the conquest of the Punjab. In the latter, we had to encounter
the firm national and religious bond, which bound the chiefs
and army so closely together — a general odium towards the
new power — the disaffected and turbulent state of the whole
country — and the difference between men fighting for all they
held dear and sacred, and those fighting as mere task work.
In the one case, the army finished its work by the capture of
the reigning Princes: in the other, it found in the ranks of the
enemy a numerous and able body of chiefs, ready to succeed
each other in the command and respect of their troops. In the
Punjab, we found hostility and treachery on every side, fierce foes
and dangerous friends; and, instead of a people, coming wil-
lingly forward to do what was required of them, and who had
never joined in arms against us, we had a mixed and turbulent
population — Sikhs, Afghans, and Hindus — all lately our enemies.

BRITISH ADMINISTRATION 01 SCINDE.

and all hating and keeping aloof from their conquerors. Here
obviously caution was required at every step, and sound prac-
tical measures were demanded, with a stern disregard of all
theoretical experiment, or pre-conceived prejudices. As might be
expected therefore, the first measures taken by the two Govern-
ments were entirely different.

From the state in which Scinde was found at the conquest, we
have shown that its future prospects and welfare were parti-
cularly liable to be affected, by the kind of officers selected
at first to carry out the views of Government — their aptitude
and capacity being sure to produce good effects, which sub-
sequent misrule would not entirely or speedily remove ; whilst
tbeir errors or incapacity would produce evils, which no after
sound measures could easily eradicate. Let us then briefly
enquire who those officers were. The Governor and Chief
Magistrate was the conqueror of the country : and probably a
more despotic, independent, and uncontrolled authority has
never been vested in any other individual in India, or elsewhere.
Most important and various were his duties. As the commander
of a large division of the Army — and a commander too, who was
not only so in name, but under whose keen eye passed all the
minutest details of the Adjutant General’s, Quarter Master Ge-
neral’s, Commissariat, and Ordnance, departments — nay, even all
the workings of regimental routine — everywhere his regulating
hand was observable. In his Military capacity, however, his
power was limited : he was still subordinate to higher authority.
But it was not so in his civil capacity. On him alone devolved,
in addition to a large Military command, the absolute conduct-
ing of the civil department in all its branches of the revenue,
of civil and criminal jurisprudence, of the police, and of our re-
lations with neighbouring powers. The weight of responsibi-
lity, which these multifarious and arduous labours imposed upon
that one man, will better appear as we proceed. But we may
here enquire what qualifications he professed to bring to this
Herculean task.

Sir Charles Napier was a man of vast and varied experience.
Early trained to arms, he had in many quarters of the globe ob-
tained an acknowledged eminence and a well deserved fame,
though hitherto rewarded with comparatively slight honours.
He was a man too of undoubted general ability, of keen per-
ception, of unwearied energy and application, of great firmness
and decision, and with a peculiar act of ingratiating himself
with those placed in subordination to him. Filled with bound-
less ambition, he was brought, late in life, for the first time
into a position, which held out to him the prospect of

BRITISH ADMINISTRATION OF SCINDE.

feeding that ambition to the utmost. With a preconceived
and deeply-rooted aversion to every thing that originated,
or had any connection, with the members of the Civil Service,
he struggled, and certainly not without success, to render
his Government as unlike any hitherto known in India, as
possible. With no revenue experience to guide him, he yet
paused not in attempting to hurl down, and to re-build upon
European theories, systems and customs, whose venerable anti-
quity claimed and required at least a careful and experienced
hand to remodel. If we consider the great difference, observ-
able throughout India, in local customs and institutions in
different districts and even villages, which renders a perfect
experience in one part insufficient to guide a man in another,
we must admit that a total inexperience is not likely to render
any man competent as a Civil administrator. That errors
have been made in the earlier periods of our Indian rule by
Civil administrators is a notorious fact : but the Acts, passed at
the commencement of the present century, must not be looked
upon as the standard of subsequent enactments. These acts now
stand out as warnings, while the steps, which have been since
taken in the right direction, serve as strong encouragements:
and no impartial person could view without admiration, what is
perhaps the greatest improvement of all .tlie settlement of the
North West Provinces. This work of many years — calling forth
such a vast fund of talent, zeal, and benevolence — has resulted in
the establishment of a system of revenue administration, which is
not surpassed in any country, European or Asiatic, whether
we look to it, as having reference to the general peace and pros-
perity of the country — the individual happiness of the people —
the security of private rights — or the stability and benefit of the
Government. In Scinde both the warning and encouragement
were overlooked. They were the acts of a civil Government;
and therefore the new Government would none of them.

Let us now turn to the subordinate officers of Government.
Sir Charles Napier neither desired, nor sought for, in his secre-
tary, one, who could counsel or warn him in revenue matters ;
and his choice fell upon one, who, in every other way, was suited
for his office. Industrious, clever, and, what is called, “ a good
office man,” the late Captain Brown deservedly obtained much
credit in the discharge of his duties, and possessed the entire
and expressed confidence of his chief. But the men of most
importance, as being those through whom the orders of Govern-
ment were to be carried out, and who were to be in direct
communication with the governed, were the collectors and their
deputies. These were all military men, taken from their

BRITISH ADMINISTRATION OF SCINDE.

regiments without a day’s experience of civil duties in any
department, the greater part of whom had even, when in charge
of districts, to learn the difference between the Rubbi and
Khurif. Thrown upon their own resources, the deputies had
none to instruct or encourage them ; for the collectors, their
immediate superiors, were as ignorant as themselves* and those
perhaps succeeded best, who followed their great master’s ex-
ample, made the most of theory, and cut, instead of unravelling,,
the Gordian knot of each difficulty, which presented itself.
Some doubtless, both collectors and deputies, were not con-
tent with such summary proceedings, but set themselves to
work to teach themselves, and, in the course of time, obtained
some insight into the nature of their duties : but the process
was slow, even when this was the case, and the result but slightly
advantageous to the people, or to themselves. A suggestion, or
a hint, was replied to by the remark, that “ His Excellency had
not called for, or required, their suggestions.” One would
have supposed that the Governor of a newly-acquired territory,
himself without the means of a personal communication with
the people, would rather have encouraged than checked such
suggestions ; for, though most may have been crude or fanciful,
some may be supposed to have arisen from careful observation
and natural ability ; and, it may be asked, why men, whose sug-
gestions were not considered worthy of notice, were yet left in
charge of districts with scarcely any check ? But the evils, aris-
ing from the want of experience of all the officers of Govern-
ment, were increased by other circumstances, unavoidable under
the constitution of the Government, but traceable to that con-
stitution. These were the want of leisure for inquiry, and the
multifarious nature of the duties imposed on all. We find the
Governor leaving his desk at the close of the year 1844,
not eighteen months from his assumption of the Government,
again to wield the sword, and at the head of a force to march
against the mountain tribes, and carry on a difficult and arduous
hill campaign — and this too at a period when his presence was
so urgently required in establishing his new Government. It is
true, that this could not be completed until the turbulent robbers
were repressed : but, with two general officers under his com-
mand, it is strange that he himself should have been compelled to
move ; and, if every military undertaking was to be carried on by
the Governor in person, the civil administration should, in com-
mon justice to the people, have been committed to other hands.
The hot weather of 1845 was setting in, when Sir Charles re-
turned to his Head Quarters, and had again leisure to draw up
his measures of reform. But not long was this quiet allowed

BRITISH ADMINISTRATION OF SCINDE.

him. We find him in the next cold weather again leaving his
province to join Lord Hardinge at Lahore, delegating his
powers in Scinde, civil and military, to Major General Simpson,
his second-in-command. In the early part of 1846, he returned
to Scinde, and remained at Kurrachi till his final departure in
October 1847. Nor was this want of leisure confined to His
Excellency ; it extended also to the collectors and their de-
puties. The moving of the troops through the country required
them to use their utmost exertions to collect and forward sup-
plies : and this, it may truly be said, occupied the greatest share of
their time and attention to the exclusion of more important
matter.

Another great evil was the constant change of officers. There
were five collectors of Upper Scinde in the first eighteen
months, succeeding the annexation of the country ! Instances
occurred in some districts of seven deputy collectors within five
years (two of whom were acting only) — and even of seven
within four years, all of whom were permanently appointed.
When we remember that these were all inexperienced, and had
no systematic rules to guide them in revenue, civil or criminal
matters, we may imagine the confused state of affairs, which
must have arisen as the result ; and we shall the less wonder at
the cases of embezzlement, &c. which will presently come under
our notice. It seems to have been the intention of Lord Ellen-
borough to adopt the arrangement, since pursued in the Punjab,
of uniting the members of the civil and military services in the
administration of the country, for which purpose he placed at
Sir Charles’ disposal three young officers of the former branch.
But their stay was not long : they were soon returned in ap-
parent disgrace, and met with a signal mark of the disapproba-
tion of Government. It is supposed that the immediate cause
of their removal originated in a complaint, that they were want-
ing in industry, and (puffed up with their own importance) re-
fused to consider themselves as the mere writers of their im-
mediate superior. That they were not wanting in ability,
industry, or subordination, their subsequent career has abun-
dantly proved; and if (as is said) the principal duties of them-
selves and their successors consisted in the copying of letters,
the least that can be said is, that it was very expensive penman-
ship, when the work would have been done far better probably
for 100 rupees per mensem. We will now turn from the officers,
to the details, which they were to carry out in the different
branches of the' administration. Let us look first to the revenue.

For the first two years, no alterations were made in the mode
of assessment, or of collecting the revenue. This, under the

1 G

BRITISH ADMINISTRATION OF SCINDE.

circumstances, was a judicious proceeding: but, even if other-
wise, it could not be avoided, for nobody knew what was to be
altered, or what to be substituted in its room. The changes of
officers were most frequent during this period : the Governor
himself, as we have seen, was absent on a campaign for apart of
it : and we may presume that a great portion of the time was
occupied in making the primary arrangements, not only to secure
the revenues, but also to place in working order all the other
branches connected with the Judicial and Police departments.
For this period, then, every thing was necessarily in the hands
of the native officers. They sent in the accounts monthly in the
old style to the collectors : and, as subordinate officers were
appointed, translated abstracts were received from the district
officers ; but these were neither checks, nor guides in their then
state of brevity and confusion. We have said that the assess-
ment and mode of collection remained for two years “ in statu
quo and we must briefly describe both, in order that the state
of affairs during that period may be understood, and that we
may refer to it, when we come to describe the alterations subse-
quently introduced.

Under the ex- Amirs, and for centuries before them, there were
three modes of assessment — Buttai, Kasagi, and Cash Rents.

The Buttai was a division of the produce between the farmers
and the Government, the latter receiving its share in kind. This
share varied from J to \ ; but was, in most instances, f .

The Kasagi was also a mode of assessment, in which the
Government share was taken in kind ; but there was this ma-
terial difference, that, whereas with regard to lands paying by
Buttai , the Government share was levied according to the pro-
duce of the season, without reference to the extent of land cul-
tivated,— on the other hand, with regard to lands paying Kasagi ,
it was levied according to the extent of land cultivated, without
reference to the produce of the season. The word is derived
from “ kasah,” the sixtieth part of a karwar.* The assessment
was so many kasahs per bigah. The average rate was seven
kasahs : and, as thirty kasahs were the usual produce of a bigah
in ordinary seasons, the demand was equal to something less
than

The Cash Rents varied from three to five rupees according to
the nature of the crop, and sometimes amounted to seven.
These were principally levied on such remunerative crops, as

• The revenues in kind, and most other grain transaction? in Scinde, were by
measurement, and not weight. The scale was 4 Chaotis = 1 Patol ; 4 Patois = 1
Toyah; 4 Toyah s = 1 Kasah ; 60 Kasahs = 1 Karwar. For purposes of general
calculation, the Karwar was employed ;but for actual measurement, the Toyah was
invariably used.

BRITISH ADMINISTRATION OF SCINDE.

tobacco, tfbtton, sugar, and vegetables, grown in small fields
and enclosures. The cotton, grown extensively, paid by Buttai .

By one or other of these methods was the revenue fixed :
but they varied in the different villages, and even in different
lands of the same village, and in the lands of the same pro*
prietor. From the expressions made use of, it seems probable
that one rate was originally fixed in each district or village : but
leases given to individuals or communities, on bringing waste land
under cultivation, digging a well, or cutting a canal, gradually left
but a small portion of the village lands assessable at the old rate. ■
The frequency, with which these leases were changed by the Amirs
themselves, or by the local Kardars, and the circumstance that
the original puttahs remained in the possession of the grantee,
copies only being appended as vouchers to the accounts, led,
at the commencement of the British rule, and even at a later
period, to much chicanery and imposition — puttahs being pro-
duced of an old date, which contained more favourable terms
than those of a subsequent date. At this time too the alter-
ation of old, and the giving of new, puttahs were vested in the
several revenue officers, or, if not regularly vested, were, at all
events, assumed to be so. The heterogeneous nature of such leases
may easily be imagined. In some cases, lands, described as “waste
for years,” but which in reality had been under annual cultiva-
tion, were re-assessed for a term of years at a rate, at first
nominal, and gradually increasing to the established rate of
the village : but this of course greatly depended on the degree
of interest possessed by the parties with the Kardars, whose
report was to decide the merits of the case. Such were some
of the eccentricities of these martial economists : but it would
occupy too many of our pages to dwell in detail on all the re-
sults, arising out of their ignorance and incapacity, and leading
to much confusion and loss to Government.

Besides the amount, or share, at which the lands were assessed,
several fees were also levied, varying in their nature according
to circumstances in different districts, and frequently in different
villages. They seem originally to have been very few ; but
their number eventually increased, as acts of extortion came
to the notice of Government, on the part of the several officers
and subordinates employed in the revenue collections. The
sums, illegally demanded by them, and paid by the cultiva-
tor, were confiscated, and became thenceforth permanent fees
levied by the Government. These were very complicated ; and
rendered the collection the cause of infinite petty vexation
and interference on the part of the native officers. Their gross
average on land, paying cash rents, was five annas per bigah, and

BRITISH ADMINISTRATION OF SCINDE.

two annas per rupee on the amount of revenue paid ; on lands
paying by buttcii, from two to three kasahs per karwar on the “gross
produce and on lands paying kasagi , from twenty to twenty-five
rupees per hundred bigahs. Besides this, before the grain was
divided, a portion was set aside on no fixed scale for the payment
of weighmen, field watchmen, &c. &c. We must not omit to
mention here that the kasagidars frequently made their pay-
ments, not in kind, but in cash, at the half-yearly market value
of the grain, estimated from the village records of certain fixed
villages in the vicinity. The general rule appeared to be that all
grain dues, not paid by a certain time, should be so commuted
with a view to close the accounts.

From this brief statement of the modes and rates of assess*
ment, let us turn to a consideration of the actual collections.
The country was divided into divisions and districts, called per-
gunnahs and tuppahs respectively. Over each division , or over
two or three according to size and extent of cultivation, was
placed a Sazawul, or head collector, who exercised a general
superintendence over the whole, and had an establishment, vary-
ing according to the extent of his charge, with a treasurer, eight
or ten munshis, and a party of peons. Over each district , was
a Kardar, with a small establishment of munshis and peons ; and
he exercised a general superintendance over his tuppah or dis-
trict, under the Sazawul of the division. These officers tran-
sacted all the revenue business of the country : and the men,
selected as Sazawuls, were men of ability and good family —
generally those who had been bred and born at the court of the
Amir, whom they served. They were liberally paid, receiving
nominally from three to five hundred per mensem, were treated
with respect at court, and received numerous presents from their
masters, and often gifts of land; whilst they had further ample
means of providing for their immediate relatives. The Kardars
were also men of respectability, and treated as such. Every
season, an officer was sent by the Amir to take from the Saza-
wuls their accounts, to inspect the districts, to correct abuses,
and examine into complaints, who, for the time being, was vest-
ed with a general power over the local officers. He was usually
one of the ministers, or sometimes a relative of the Amir.
With regard to the granting of leases, when the question was
one of importance, or required terms more favourable than those
usually given, application was made to the Amir himself; but
all ordinary pottahs were granted by the Sazawuls and Kardars,
who were the men most cognizant of the reasonableness, or
otherwise, of the application. Arrangements were also made by
these officers for the collection of the revenues, and the dispo-

BRITISH ADMINISTRATION OF SCINDE.

sal of the grain. With regard to lands paying by buttai , it
was essential for the interests of Government that the crops
should be watched, from the time of their commencing to ripen
till the revenue was realized. A buttai-dar or two were appoint-
ed to each district for a season, whose first duty was to
appoint and place watchmen over the crops of each village.
These field- watchmen were paid both by the farmers and the
Government. The former usually paid in kind, and the latter at
the rate of two rupees per mensem. When the grain was cut,
cleaned, and collected, it remained under the Government seal,
and in charge of grain-watchmen , until the rounds of the but-
tai-dar brought him to the village. The division of grain, with
all the fees, &c., was the final work : after which the Government
share was made over to the grain factor, under whose responsibi-
lity it remained. A very general mode of disposing of it however
was to grain merchants, who purchased it wholesale upon the
ground, and, from an examination of the accounts of the former
Government, it appears that very little grain remained on hand
at the closing of the accounts, beyond what was required for
advances for zemindars, charitable grants, and payment to
labourers on canals, &c.

The kasagi collections were more complicated. This mode
of assessment was computed originally with relation to the but-
tai of neighbouring crops ; thus, if the Government share of the
latter was J, the equivalent kasagi rate under ordinary circum-
stances would be seven kasahs per bigah : if f, twelve kasahs
per bigah ; and so on. Now, it is evident that in a bad season,
when the crops partially or wholly failed, the Government
demand would still be but J or f of the produce absolutely ob-
tained ; whereas in kasagi lands, the proprietor would pay
alike in all seasons. As a remedy for this, the method of ap-
praisement was adopted. When the crops were nearly ripe, ap-
praisers were sent out to examine them, and estimate the portion
of the crop which had failed. Their reports were sent in to the
Kardars, who, in making up their accounts, calculated the extent
of land to be assessed, after deduction of the number of bigahs
estimated (by the amin or appraiser) to have failed : and that
officers report was the voucher. The measurement of the fields
proceeded as usual ; and the grain due was either paid, or com-
muted, as above mentioned.

The cash rents were paid in to the Kardars, after the measure-
ment of the field.

As has been stated already the modes of assessment and of
collection for the first two years after the conquest remained
unaltered in principle : but a great change took place in the
native officers. The Collectors at first were employed in ob-

BRITISH ADMINISTRATION OF SCINDE.

taining information, appointing and sending out the district
officers, and examining the office records, which had come into
their possession ; and in these duties they were most ably
seconded by the Sazawuls and Kardars of the former rule,
without whose help and instruction , they would have foun-
dered, and eventually sunk in a sea of confusion. With
proper treatment, these men would have been invaluable ; but
they were made use of, merely to be laid aside as soon as the
newly fledged Collectors could see their way at all, or rather
thought they could. The difference first observable was the
appointment of an European Collector, in room of the deputy
sent formerly by the court, to superintend the accounts and
examine the state of the districts, and of a Deputy Collector
in the room of the Sazawul — the Sazawul himself being
• retained as a mere head Kardar. These latter received no
detailed instructions, but were instructed to continue in the
exercise of their former functions till further orders, re-
porting and sending their accounts to the Deputy Collectors.
But as usual, the first work was reduction . The former Saza-
wuls were reduced to a salary of a hundred rupees per men-
sem, and their office altogether abolished ; subsequently, their
establishments, and those of the Kardars, were reduced one-
half; and the Kardars received, instead of fifty, only twenty-
five rupees per mensem. They no longer possessed the con-
fidence of their masters, and were no longer treated with
respect, but denominated rogues from top to bottom. The
natural consequence was the retirement of all men of real
respectability and experience, and the substitution in their
room of a worthless set of scoundrels, who consented to receive
diminished salaries, and, with much self-laudation, proceeded to
occupy the posts of men, whom they had lately looked upon,
and not without reason, as their superiors in every wray. At
the same time the sphere of their duties was enlarged, and, for
the sake of economy, districts were amalgamated. No longer
a respected class, but hated on account of their oppressive ex-
tortions, the people at first complained against the officials; but
the inexperience and misunderstandings of their new masters
prevented anything being proved against them: and the sufferers
gradually adopted the only other method left,— that of uniting
themselves with their tenants, and, for a douceur, sharing in the
general scramble and plunder of the Government.

Supposing the Collectors to have been the ablest men in India,
such a state of affairs was inevitable, and cannot be laid at their
door, but must be thrown upon the shoulders of those, who en-
trusted the welfare of thousands to inexperienced novices. If such
were the Sazawuls and Kardars, what coqld be expected of the

BRITISH ADMINISTRATION OF SCINDE.

hosts of minor instruments — the land measurers, the appraisers,
the buttai-dars, “et hoc genus omne,” let loose like destructive
locusts on the country ? Not one of the frauds practised by
these myrmidons could have escaped undetected under the former
Government; but the new race of officials soon discovered their
safety in the ignorance and inexperience of their European mas-
ters. The accounts too were unchecked, and the receipts regu-
lated by the pleasure and caprice of the Kardars. Under the
Amirs, a certain month saw the accounts of each season closed ;
but now those of one season remained unadjusted, long af-
ter the crops of the following season were off the ground.
During this period, we might, not un-faithfully, describe the
system adopted, as the retention of all that was oppressive
or evil in the old system, the discarding of all that was useful,
and adding much evil of our own; whilst experience and
honesty were exchanged for inexperience in the superintendence,
and fraud and oppression in the subordinate branches. However,
a change was looked for, and it was not long coming. Sir
Charles Napier, on his return from the Hill Campaign to Kurra-
chi, summoned thither his three Collectors to frame the rules,
which were to regulate the future revenue proceedings of the
province. One of these Collectors had accompanied Sir Charles
on his late campaign, and had had a few months’ experience only
of civil duties ; the other two had made scarcely more progress
in their new studies. The Council met, and wasted several months
at Kurrachl in organizing their system, which was at length
given to the world, or rather to a portion of it: and, in the
autumn, the members returned to their posts to carry it out.
The documents commenced thus — “ The Governor, in commu-
‘ nication with the three Collectors (Shikarpur, Hyderabad, and
‘ Kurrachl) has determined,” &c. &e. The first article was the
abolishment, “ in toto,” of the kasagi mode of assessment.
This was a judicious measure: for, complicated and liable to abuse
even under the former Government, the Kasagi was still more
so under our own ; and its abolition was advantageous to
all parties. The second clause declared, that two modes of
assessment were henceforth to be adopted, at the option of the
farmers themselves, who were to sign engagements to pay their
revenue in one or other of those modes for seven years. The
Buttai rate was fixed all round, and in both seasons, at J of the
produce, and a fee of four kasahs per karwar ; and the cash
rents, in Upper Scinde, at 1-8 per bigah in the kliurif* and

* The inundation takes place in the Kliurif season, t. e. between May and Sep-
tember; but it benefits in the Rubbi, or next spring crop, sown after the receding of
the waters.

BRITISH ADMINISTRATION OF SCINDE.

2-8 per bigah in the rubbi ; and in Lower Scinde “ vice
versa”; together with a fee of six per cent. No distinction was
made between the nature of the soil, and the capabilities of the
different villages : all were to pay alike. The difference, observ-
able in the cash rates between Upper and Lower Scinde, was
caused by the circumstance, that, in the former, a much larger
portion of the land is subject to inundation than in the latter ;
and the expenses of cultivating such land were very trifling, in
comparison to those incurred in cultivating the higher land.
It was a just argument on the part of the Upper Scinde
Collector, that such lands could afford to pay at a higher rate
than the lands not subject to inundation. But, said the Lower
Scinde Collector, “ the Khurif in my district is of far greater
extent than the Rubbi : and although the same arguments
hold good regarding the greater facilities and benefits to the
farmer in the cultivation of inundated lands, yet my revenues
will be less than his.” We are not surprised at such argu-
ments being advanced ; but we are surprised at “ the Governor
determining” to be guided by them. If it was determined to
make but two broad distinctions between all lands in their
assessment, the rules for Upper Scinde, founded on good sense
and sound principles, should have been extended to Lower
Scinde. As it is, it comes just to this — that, of inundated and
un-inundated lands, those should be assessed at the highest rate,
which were most extensive, and would therefore, by being so
assessed, yield the largest revenue to the State 1 With regard
to the rates themselves, we do not remember meeting with any
so high in the whole of India :* for it must be remembered,
that the measurements of, and payments for, lands, were made
every harvest, and that the above rates are not annual. We have
it not in our power to state which of these modes was most
universally adopted : but neither was received with satisfaction,
though the cash rate was advantageous to those, who cultivated
tobacco, sugar, and vegetables, which formerly paid cash at
higher rates. These sowings however were of small extent. The
great error of this assessment was the placing all lands upon
an equality, whatever might be their respective capabilities ;
whilst, on the other hand, it had the advantage of abolishing the
former system of taxing the land with reference to the crops
produced : but perhaps the advantage was not equivalent to the
disadvantage, inasmuch as the nature of the crop produced was
in very many cases a tolerably correct criterion of the quality
of the land. It is true that the Collectors had the power of

• The Napierian bigah was fixed at 2,500 square yards, or 22,500 square feet.
The Bengal bigah varies from 14,400 to 16,000 square feet.

BRITISH ADMINISTRATION OF SC1NDE.

recommending “ pottahs” for waste land brought under culti-
vation, granting them rent free for two years, and also of recom-
mending an increased rate, where the vicinity to market towns,
or other causes, gave the cultivators superior advantages. In
this proclamation was also contained a permission for the pur-
chase of the fee simple of land, for a term of 7, 14, or SI years,
at such rates, as the Collector might think just to both parties.

A species of Licinian Law followed* declaring that no man
should hold more than a certain number of bigahs of land ;
that what he could not cultivate in excess, might be cultivated
by any applicant, whose property it should then become !
This decree was attempted to be justified by a reference to the
evils caused by an overgrown landed aristrocracy in Europe : in
fact, it was an anticipation of the ‘ coming man’ — M. Prudhon.
The document concluded by a request to the Collector to in-
troduce the Kyotwari system, so beneficially adopted by Sir
Thomas Munro in the Madras Presidency, in order to avert the
evils which had befallen Ireland through middlemen. Now
both these last decrees showed either an utter contempt, or
a total ignorance, of the local institutions and landed tenures,
not only of Scinde in particular, but of India in general. As
might be expected, both remained a dead letter ; — not that the
Collectors considered them unadvisable innovations, but because
they were partially unfeasible. With regard to the first, it is
an undoubted fact, that there are vast tracts of uncultivated
land in Scinde, for the most part the hereditary property
of individuals : but it was not the latter circumstance merely,
that served to keep those lands uncultivated : — it was the want of
population. The uncultivated land might be cultivated by any
party desirous of doing so, on the payment of a proprietary fee
to the Zemindar, the amount of which was in all cases fixed
by local custom, and was in no instance so exorbitant, a3 to act
as a preventive to their cultivation. It must also be borne in
mind, that the irrigation in Scinde is artificial, in all tracts be-
yond the influence of the annual inundation; and that conse-
quently the uncultivated lands of villages require a large outlay
to place them in a culturable state. Supposing a Zemindar,
A, to have expended considerable capital in bringing a water-
course through his estate, and carrying it on half a mile beyond
the cultivated portion of it, in the expectation of extending his
cultivation as opportunity offered ; — in the next generation, the
estate is in the united possession of B, C, and D, his sons. A
foreigner, E, taking advantage of the new law, comes and settles
at the outskirts of their cultivation ; and, to bring the land un-
der cultivation, he must continue the watercourse. The conse-

24 BRITISH ADMINISTRATION OF SCINDE.

qaence of this would be, that the original lands would receive
in many years an inadequate supply of water, and in all less
than formerly. But would this be fair to those, who had expended
their capital upon it ? Would it not be to benefit, at their expense,
a new settler ? Now supposing F to have gone in the first instance
to B, C, and D, and applied for the land, on the usual terms of
the village ; he would have received land more advantageously
situated, besides saving himself much outlay. If it were neces-
sary to extend the watercourse, the Zemindars would have an
equal interest with himself in prosecuting the work, and, accord-
ing as the one party or the other took the lead therein, the
rent would be fixed. Further, the men, who would avail them-
selves of this law, would be men of capital. Besides, all the ca-
pital available to agriculturists would be expended on their own
lands, and on the extension of them by purchase: such men would
not remove to a distance to expend it. On the other hand,
Hindus would rarely be found willing to lay out their capital
in the cultivation of land on their own account. They might,
indeed, by making advances at an exorbitant interest, settle culti-
vators upon it : but what would be the advantage to Government of
placing land in such a condition ? Here indeed would be middle-
men— and no mistake. Nor could it be supposed that the coun-
try would ever be apportioned amongst a class of overgrown
landed proprietors. The laws of inheritance were sufficient
guarantees against such a result. They are not those of Eng-
land or Ireland.

With regard to the last decree, it is difficult to understand
what was intended by the “ introduction of the Ryotwari sys-
tem,” or by “ middlemen.” The latter did not exist in Scinde.
It could surely not be applicable to the Zemindars. A man,
who is held responsible for, and personally transacts all business
connected with the management of his hereditary possessions,
cannot be denominated a “ middleman.” There was no right,
hereditary or other, in Scinde, which gave the superintendence
of estates, singly or in batches, to the class of men, known under
various names in other parts of India, as talukdars, tokdars,
&c. &c. It is needless to enter at any length into the nature
of the tenures of that country, for they are in principle the
same as exist in most part of the countries of the Bengal
Presidency. Local customs there are, which do not affect
the general principles, either of landed rights, or the laws
of inheritance. We find then the bona Jide Zemindar, the
Biswadar, the hereditary cultivator, and the tenant at will,
with all the village officers, and uniting bonds between all
classes. But the intention appears to have been, to render the

BRITISH ADMINISTRATION OF SCINDE.

cultivators independent of the Zemindars — the nucleus of the
anticipated “ overgrown landed proprietors.” This was in
fact to change with one stroke of the pen all existing rights, and
to substitute those, which must inevitably have led to violence,
fraud, and the eventual ruin of the country. What can be
thought of a proposition, which practically would be tantamount
to making over to the cultivator that portion of the rent payable
to his landlord, which remained after payment of the revenue ?
This would be the assumption of an absolute proprietary right
on the part of Government, which no argument can justify.
But, as we have above observed, this decree remained a dead
letter. Its import was not understood: and it was certainly too
much to expect from inexperienced revenue officers, that they
could carry out measures connected with such weighty and
important subjects, and comprehend at once what has taken the
most ^ble men many years to obtain any insight into. At the
same time, no steps were taken to record or define existing rights,
which must ever be the first duty of Government in a newly ac-
quired country, whatever mode of assessment it may adopt.
Rights and customs, which have existed uninterrupted for cen-
turies, must have some features, which are congenial to the habits,
tastes, and wants of the people, and cannot be supplanted by
chimerical theories. To record, define, and protect those rights
should be the object of Government, and not to change them.
No further rules ever existed for the Collectors : a few circu-
lars, bearing on certain points, were indeed occasionally issu-
ed ; but these were not of any general application.

We have said that the option was given to the landholders be-
tween the above two modes of assessment ; but even in this, there
was much error. In the first place, time was not allowed to the
parties affected to examine a question of such importance to
them, and which was rendered still more urgent, when it was
stated to them, that all the lands of one village must be assess-
ed in the same way, and that all must choose the same. Now a
part of the land might have been so situated, as to have rendered
a Buttai assessment advantageous ; and the rest, cash rent. If
these lands were held by one and the same party, to have adopt-
ed either the one, or the other, mode would have been injurious
to him ; but, where they were possessed by different parties, how
was the case to be settled ? Why the weakest must go to the
wall. Nothing like cutting the knot! So thought the incipient
Munros.

Whilst this change was taking place, no alteration occurred
amongst the European officers. The Province continued to be
divided into three collectorates, each collectorate being sup-

BRITISH ADMINISTRATION OF SCINDE.

plied with five or six Deputy Collectors, whose duties in the
Revenue Department mainly depended on the Collector : one or
two generally remained at Head Quarters, and the remainder
were sent into the district. Each Deputy superintended a
district, containing from 300 to 400 villages, and yielding a
revenue of about two lacs, or two and a half. The whole Province
was not much more than a Commissionership in India — the Col-
lectors having charges of perhaps equal extent with those in the
N. W. Provinces ; whilst the charges of Deputy Collectors were
about equal to Tahsildaris. In each Deputy Collectorate were
from 10 to 15 Kardars with their establishments, having from 50
to 80 villages in their Tuppahs. Further reductions took place
annually ; and the Collectors seemed to consider it necessary to
shew reductions in each succeeding annual report, though no
reason was ever assigned for this repeated crippling of esta-
blishments : but it looked well on paper.

The Scinde establishments have frequently been considered by
those, who have seen only partial statements, to have been at all
events cheap. But, on the contrary, they were not only inefficient,
but exorbitantly expensive. A number of ill-paid, and con-
sequently untrust-worthy, men were located all over the country,
for the performance of duties, which a few well paid men of res-
pectability could have done far better. European officers were
placed in great numbers — six being appointed, where two would
have sufficed. It is true that the pay of these permanent
establishments did not appear large in the aggregate ; and
the pay of these only has been hitherto taken into account.
The enormous multitudes of land measurers, Buttai-dars, and
their munshis, with the field and grain watchmen, and the ex-
penses of stowing and weighing grain, have never been brought
into the calculation, and were charged in contingent bills. These
officers and watchmen, who were nothing less than a permanent
gang of thieves fixed on the country, amounted on the lowest
scale to 40,000 men. After all the reductions made, the ex-
penses of collection in Scinde amounted to not much less than
fifteen per cent, on the gross revenue. It has been estimated
that the whole civil expenditure of the Punjab (a newly
acquired country) will not exceed that per centage.

With regard to the native officers, their low pay and want of
respectability were not the only objections to them. They were
mostly paid in grain. Now this gave them vast opportunities of
extortion. The receipt of money from the farmers could never be
criminally brought against them ; for it might appear readily
as payment for grain, and a fair transaction between man and
man ; at the same time that it obliged them to speculate more

BRITISH ADMINISTRATION OF SCINDE.

or less — a custom most objectionable. But the system was
injurious to the country. As much coin, as could be gathered,
was thrown into the Treasury : but not a pice ever left in it, for
which a grain equivalent could be given. The management of
the grain sales was left entirely in the hands of the Collectors,
and possessed too much of a mercantile character. In some
parts, the grain was sold peremptorily without reference to the
state of the market : and this was the best and only legitimate
method of procedure. In other parts again, it was kept in
store till prices rose : and it is quite certain that the eventual
loss to Government by this practice was more than could be
compensated by occasional profits, at the same time that it
gave an improper influence to Government in the market.
The injurious plan was afterwards contemplated of leaving the
grain in the hands of the Kardars, who were to receive a per-
centage on the sale.

Another point connected with the BevenueDepartment remains
to be observed, viz. the system of accounts ; and here, as might
be expected, was much confusion. The complicity of the collec-
tions at every stage, of itself, rendered a clear account impos-
sible ; nor was it known in the offices what statements and re-
turns were necessary as checks. The only accurate document
therefore was the monthly Treasury account ; that is to say,
the Collectors accounted only for sums absolutely received : but
from that it was in no way evident, that the said sums were
what ought to have been received. Every thing from first to
last was speculative. The Collectors might indeed, at the com-
mencement of the harvest, frame an estimate of their probable
receipts from the average of former years, and the general pros-
pects of the season ; but such documents were not to be de-
pended on ; and no correct account could be given of each
season’s receipts, till the whole had been collected, and the grain
sold, which was frequently not till several seasons had passed
by. No periodical returns were furnished, except of actual
monthly, quarterly, half yearly, or annual receipts and dis-
bursements— those of the different seasons running into each
other.

It is true the accounts of each season were drawn up in Per-
sian, and lodged in the Collectors’ offices. But it must be re-
membered that few of the Collectors and Deputy Collectors
could read, write, or understand Persian. Even those, who
could, had not the leisure to go over the voluminous records
contained in each season’s accounts ; so that all were more or
less in the hands of an ill-paid office munslh. As for audit,
it was a farce ; there was no real auditor, but the Collector

BRITISH ADMINISTRATION OF SCINDE.

himself. The Bombay auditor certainly might check errors in
the abstracts of permanent establishments, or errors in calcula-
tion; but that might have been done equally well by a good head
clerk. But with regard to the items in the Contingent Bill,
which contained all the large and important sums of ex-
penditure, the payment of the real ministers of collection, &c.
&c., the auditor-general could merely gaze at them, wonder,
and suppose it was all right. What did he know of field-
watchmen, storekeepers, buttai-dars, zabits, &c. &c. ? How
could he assert, that five field watchmen were entertained, at
village A or B, in excess of what was required ? And when they
came to be paid in grain, by certain portions of the fees levied,
it became a case of ‘confusion worse confounded.’

During this time, the Collectors, as they gained experience,
detected the more glaring evils, which appeared in the mode of
collection, and applied remedies of greater or less efficiency.
Thus the facility for fraud, by the use of the heaped mea-
sure, early met discovery ; and a strike measure was sub-
stituted with great advantage. The original measure had
been, as observed in a former note, the toyah. It was a
conical wooden measure with an iron rim ; and it i3 evident
that, by the mode of heaping it up, a vast difference might be
caused, which, in large measurements, would amount to an
immense sum.* An iron measuring rod (symbolical, to
some fertile imaginations, of the Napierian rule) was substi-
tuted for the old wooden one; and both these strike mea-
sures and measuring rods were obtainable from the Collec-
tor by private individuals. These improvements were all me-
chanical. The universal frauds, committed by the Kardars, and
every man subordinate to them, in the collection of the revenue,
early attracted notice ; and measures were adopted with a view
to check them : but all was patchwork, and none struck at the
root of the evil. The most common was the use of that
degenerate class of men — informers. Low-born rascals, of

infamous character, with cringing, buttered manner, spread
their influence, like a foul and noxious vapour, over the length

* It must be remembered that all grain transactions in Scinde were regulated
by' measurement. The average weight of the undermentioned grains per karwar of
210 Toyahs, was :

Jowain and Barley. . .
Bajhue and Gram .. .

Rice and Aijun

Wheat, Pease, Mung
Mustard andKunjud

38 mds.
20 „
14= „
21 „
16 „

Now if we consider that 1 toyah was thus equal to only about 3 seers, we may
imagine the difference that could be made by fraudulent variations.

BRITISH ADMINISTRATION OF SCINDE. 29

and breadth of the land; their very touch, pollution; their
haunts, a sink of iniquity. The alliance of Government with such
a class of men could not be otherwise than defamatory. Nor
did it answer the end in view. Without checking fraud, it only
tended to a wider perpetration of it, and the entire withdrawal
of good men. A few karwars of grain propitiated the in-
former; whilst the Kardar, unable or unwilling to pay the re-
quired douceur , was seen on the roads of the principal station,
adorned with the felons distinguishing mark. But we were still
as far as ever from the radical evil. In all these attempts at
improvement, the Collectors were left to their own resources,
and each adopted his own views of the case ; so much so, that
from the system in force in each district we might without
difficulty or previous acquaintance describe the characters of
the several Collectors.

“ All philosophers, who find
Some favourite system to their mind,

In every point to make it fit,

Will force all nature to submit”

Another crying evil, attended at times with equal injustice,
was the trial of revenue officers by military commissions ; but
we shall speak more at large upon this point presently, when we
examine the nature of those Courts. We now turn for a while
to the mode of administering criminal and civil justice in
Scinde.

The Iona Jide Magistrates were the Collectors and Deputy
Collectors. But the Captains and Lieutenants of Police had
also magisterial powers, and at first exercised them as fre-
quently as the regular Magistrates. The officers, commanding the
Scinde Horse, and the Camel Corps, were likewise magistrates,
as well as the Officers of the Camel department, and of the Indus
Flotilla. These department-magistrates were intended to act
only in cases connected with men serving under their immediate
command ; but this was not specially stated ; and the rule was
often transgressed, even when a regular magistrate was on the
spot. The plan was good ; for when a corps, as the Scinde Horse,
was at a distance from any Magistrate’s station, with a large
bazar, and a number of camp-followers, it was very expedient
that the Commanding Officer should be vested with magisterial
power : it saved much time and expense. We cannot see the
advantage however arising from the extension of the system
to officers of corps at the station of a magistrate, or to officers
of the Navy, who were similarly located. These departmental
magistrates furnished no periodical returns, and were subordi-

BRITISH ADMINISTRATION OF SCINDE.

Date to no superior. Collectors, Deputy Collectors, Captains and
Lieutenants of Police, were all vested with equal powers. They
were empowered to punish summarily by imprisonment, with
or without labour, for three months ; by corporal punishment
of fifty lashes ; or by fine of 100 rupees. In all such cases, the
entry of the case, in a book kept for that purpose, was deemed
sufficient. They might punish by imprisonment, with or with-
out labour, for six months, on taking down the proceedings in
Persian. But this was a mere farce, and served as no check,
because there was no system of appeal in such cases ; the pro-
ceedings were briefly, carelessly, and unmethodically recorded ;
and remained in the office to rot. Of both these kinds of
cases, a monthly return was forwarded, through the Collector
(who had no superior powers to the Deputy Collector), to the
Judge Advocate General at Kurrachi. In cases requiring a
higher punishment (except fraud on the revenue by Kardars,
highway robbery, wounding, or murder), the proceedings were
taken down in English as in a Court Martial.

The following is the form of record employed —

“ Proceedings held before , Magistrate of , upon the trial

of , who appears a prisoner before the Court, and the following

charge is read to him : —

CHAKGE.

For having on or about near , between the hours of ,

stolen two bullocks, the property of , of .

Q. How say you — ? are you guilty or not guilty ?

A. ■

The witnesses for the prosecution are then called in, and
examined — the questions and answers being all recorded verba-
tim, and so those for the defence. The finding and sentence
follow in due form. The latter was at first unlimited : but after-
wards a scale of punishments was drawn up, giving the mini-
mum and maximum in each case ; and Magistrates were advised
to adopt a middle course, where no circumstances appeared of an
extenuating or aggravating nature. These proceedings were
forwarded to the Collector by his Deputies, and to the Captain
of Police by his Lieutenants. These officials expressed their ap-
proval or disapproval of the finding, or sentence, by remarks at
the foot, and transmitted them to the Judge Advocate General at
Kurrachi, who made his remarks upon them ; and they were finally
submitted to the Governor, who perused them, and made his
remarks either confirming, commuting, remitting, or increasing
the punishment. This was final. An extract of the charge, finding,
sentence, and the remarks of all the intermediate authorities,
was made in the Judge Advocate General’s office, and returned
through the regular channel to the Magistrate, when the sen-

BRITISH ADMINISTRATION OF SCINDE.

tence was carried out. Where corporal punishment formed a
part of the sentence, it was carried out on the spot : — pleasant
to men, who might after all be acquitted ! There is however much
in this system to admire. In cases finally disposed of by the
Magistrate, a system of ready appeal might advantageously have
been introduced ; but even here, if the inadequacy of his punish-
ments to the crime was constant or glaring, his monthly returns
would shew it, and the error be checked for the future. With
regard to the record of the proceedings in Persian, in cases
requiring from three to six months, it might as well have been
omitted. But we think that the method, pursued in more
heinous cases, was, in itself, admirably arranged, and tending
to the administration, in the great majority of cases, of strict
and substantial justice. We have first the opinion of the
Magistrate on the spot, who observes the manner of the
several witnesses, is aware of local customs and habits, and,
by recording the case in his own language and with his own
hand, has all its merits before him. We have next the opinion
of the Collector, or Captain of Police, supposed (though it is
a non-sequitur) to be more experienced than his Deputy or
Lieutenant, and who, at all events, views the case apart from
all the circumstances, which might have acted, prejudicially or
favourably, on the mind of the first Magistrate : then the opinion
of the Judge Advocate General, a man, whose whole time and
attention is given to the investigation of such cases, and who is
best able to detect erroneous conclusions or omissions — and
lastly, the judgment of the Governor himself. The decision,
in cases so closely scrutinized, is likely to be as correct and just,
as one given from the Bench or closet of the ablest Judges.

But whilst we admire this system “ in se” we cannot overlook
the circumstances, which are against it. We must reflect on the
great loss of time occurring, when the duty of the Magistrate
is thrown on the shoulders of men, whose time would be more
than occupied in a proper performance of their other duties.
Had the Collectors of Scinde been better acquainted with those
duties, and consequently better able to perform them, they could
not have had time to try and record such cases without assistance.
It will be supposed that a large English office must have been
attached to each Deputy Collector. Not so ! — the establish-
ment given him for all his duties, revenual and judicial, consisted
of one English writer, two munshis, and two peons. Another
thing must be considered — the character of the Governor. Sir
Charles’s energy and admirable habits of business enabled him
to undertake a task, which most men would have shrunk from,
with far fewer duties of other descriptions to occupy them, and

BRITISH ADMINISTRATION OF SCINDE.

which few men, military or civil, would, under similar circum-
stances, have had the ability to go through. Even Sir Charles
himself was, after a time, compelled to delegate the confirming
power to the Judge Advocate General, in cases, regarding which
he agreed with either of the former officers, or when he dis-
agreed with both. But where the trying Magistrate still retain-
ed his opinion, he had permission to have the case referred. In
such cases, too, the Judge Advocate had not the power of
increasing the punishment originally awarded by the Magistrate,
though he could remit a portion of it.

And now for the heinous cases above mentioned. In these, the
Magistrate confined himself to an investigation of the charge,
which was also recorded in English, as in a Court of En-
quiry— the Magistrate confining himself to the expression of
his opinion, as to there being sufficient grounds or otherwise
for further proceedings ; and this record, like those of regular
trials, was transmitted to the Governor through the Collector
and Judge Advocate. Here we must notice the formation of this
department. The Judge Advocate General resided at Kurrachi,
and was the medium of communication between the Courts and
the Governor. He had three assistants, at Kurrachi, Hyderabad,
and Shikarpur. These were generally officers of Her Majesty's
service, and conducted the proceedings of Military Commis-
sions. Were the case deemed fit for further trial, the
proceedings of examination were forwarded to the Deputy
Judge Advocate of the division, for trial by Military Commis-
sion. These Courts were held under a letter from the Governor-
General (Lord Ellenborough) in Council, authorizing Sir
Charles, till further orders, to assemble such Courts for the
trial of heinous offences — the letter, however, recommending
that regular Criminal Courts should be constituted as early
as practicable. The Court was composed of a Field Officer
as President, and two Members (who were not to be under the
rank of Captain, where practicable, and in no case to be officers
of less than seven years’ standing), an Interpreter, and the Deputy
Judge Advocate. On the receipt of the original proceedings,
the latter officer summoned the witnesses, and, when prepared,
requested the officer commanding the station to assemble the
Commission. The Court proceeded as at a Court Martial, and,
though no rule beyond that of conscience was given for their
guidance, yet the principles of English law, as laid down by
the judicial officer, were attended to at the discretion of the
Court. The proceedings were then submitted to His Excel-
lency, who had power either to remit a portion, or the whole, of
the sentence, to commute it, or even to enhance it. He might

BRITISH ADMINISTRATION OF SCINDE.

also quash the proceedings, and direct the prisoner to be tried
“de novo.” Some officers were loth to pass a sentence of
death under such a warrant ; but there is no doubt that, as long
as Sir Charles Napier remained as Governor, the warrant was
good in law ; though we doubt his power of enhancing the
sentences. The recommendation for an early institution of
regular Courts was not attended to ; and the Military Com-
missions continued judicial Courts, even after Sir Charles
had left Scinde, though their sentences required the con-
firmation of the Bombay Government. For the first few years
after the annexation (though there does not appear any suf-
ficient reason why such Courts should have existed for more
than a year or so) it was as cheap and summary a mode of ad-
ministering justice, as any which could have been devised. But,
after all, they had no real 'power. So long as they continued to
sit, they were merely the advisers of the Governor, who could
attend, or not, to their opinions. Had the decision of the
Court been final, or, at all events, not subject to enhancement,
we should have approved, at that early stage, of the system
adopted ; for, as in the minor cases, so here, there existed a strict
investigation by different parties, entirely unprejudiced ; and we
see no reason for supposing that impartial and speedy justice
could not be administered equally well in this mode, as in
modes of greater technicality.

But no impartial person can acquiesce in either the justice,
or prudence of rendering revenue officials amenable to these
Courts, for frauds committed on the revenue, even had the
revenual administration of the country been perfect, and had the
European officers been well instructed in its details. But what
must have been the case, where the revenue, in all its branches,
was in a state of indescribable confusion — where there was no re-
gular system of accounts — and where all details were kept only
in the Persian language and character, or, with respect to
private transactions, in the Scindi ? To investigate, with any
show of justice, cases connected with fraud on the revenue, re-
quired at least some knowledge of its details, of the terms em-
ployed, and of the system of accounts. Yet men were tried on
such charges before a Court, composed of officers, previously
engaged only in military duties, who knew no difference between
buttai and kasagi. between a jumabundl and a jumakhurch, who
knew nothing of the duties, or responsibilities of a Kardar, or the
commonest terms employed in the revenue or mercantile trans-
actions. It is to be observed that no Kardar was ever brought
to trial upon the bond fide detection of fraud by the Collectors.
Their real prosecutors and persecutors were the above-mentioned

BRITISH ADMINISTRATION OF SCINDE.

knavish race of informers, who made the calumniating of others
their trade, — and a thriving one too in Scinde. Now no Kardar
would openly commit fraud ; such actions might be brought to
light, either from a most careful perusal and comparison of pa-
pers, or the chance-finding of some private document. The real
proof rested in most cases upon documents, the vague and ex-
traordinary nature of which seldom led to any clear results, and
often led to the seizure, and unjust and injurious retention, of
all the books and accounts of respectable members of the mer-
cantile community. It may well be conceived what mischief was
caused by these Courts, and with what general odium they were
looked upon. We have not heard of one man brought before
them, as a revenue embezzler, who was acquitted. The members
of the Commission could not be blamed. They admitted the
incompetency of their Courts to adjudicate on such matters :
and we doubt not for a moment, that they acted to the best of
their judgment. But there was a feeling, prevalent amongst all
military men, adverse to Kardars, and men employed in revenue
matters. In fact one seldom heard their names mentioned, un-
accompanied by some epithet of abuse. Bad as the men might
be, justice required that they should be tried by a competent
tribunal, or jury. The sentences were exorbitant. They were
adjudged to very heavy fines, amounting often to ten, fifteen, or
twenty thousand rupees, in addition to imprisonment, with la-
bour in irons, for periods of seven and ten years, and sometimes
more. Now, when we consider the lowness of their pay, the
ready hearing given to informers, the difficulties thrown in their
way in exculpating themselves (none would come forward
against Government for fear of being apprehended as accom-
plices), and the utter ignorance, on the part of the Court ap-
pointed to try them, of all matters connected with the sub-
ject under investigation, the almost certain punishment, and
the final disgrace and impoverishment of themselves and
families, we may well ask what man of common respecta-
bility and honesty of purpose would accept of service in
such a state of affairs ? If cheapness were the object, surely
a more efficient Court could have been established ; and those,
who were at all events the best acquainted with revenue
details, might have been selected to compose it. Why should
not the Collector have been President, and two of his de-
puties, or those of the neighbouring Collectorate, the members
of the Court — the committing Collector or Deputy acting as
prosecutor ? This would have been something in the right
direction, though still open to much abuse and error.

The administration of civil justice was also in the hands of

BRITISH ADMINISTRATION OF SCINDE.

the Collectors and Deputy Collectors. The departmental Magis-
trates, however, had power to take up and decide civil suits, not
connected with land — as also the Captain and Lieutenants of
Police. These all were independent : save that monthly returns
of all suits were sent in to the Judge Advocate General, who,
together with his Deputies, was likewise authorized to decide
civil cases. The instructions stated that Magistrates were to
decide all civil suits brought before them to any amount , merely
remarking that none but Collectors and their Deputies were to
take up suits connected with land. It was also ordered that in
cases, where the amount in litigation was more than three hun-
dred rupees, the proceedings were to be recorded in Persian ;
but this remained a dead letter, for no form was given, and all
suits were in fact summarily settled. No suits were to be
heard, where the cause of action dated before the battle of
Meani ; but in cases, where good reason was assigned, the period
was extended to three years prior to that event. The great
majority of suits terminated, where they were instituted; though
they were frequently brought up again at a subsequent period,
either before the same or another Magistrate.

When a suit was carried through, there was no regular mode
laid down for the execution of the decree : that was effected
at the discretion of the Court. Where large sums were in
dispute, and decrees given, there were very few cases, in
which the holder of the decree obtained the value of the
award. Perhaps there was no department in Scinde, where
more weakness was displayed, than in the execution of decrees.
They were generally so much waste paper. No stamps were
employed ; and the petitions daily presented were innumerable.
For one case, where a just decree was fully carried out, there
were ten not enforced, and more than forty times the number
instituted only to annoy parties at a distance, by causing their
being summoned to the Court. The imprisonments, seizure of
papers, placing property under the seal of the Court, and other
arbitrary measures, taken with a view to carry out decrees, exceed-
ed all belief. Vakils were allowed to plead in Court ; and at all
the larger towns these existed in numbers, nor were the Courts
ever free of them. There was no appeal established by law :
in some cases the Collector assumed the right, but very sel-
dom. Sir Charles heard all cases brought before him : but this
could only be done, when he was marching through his district,
and that was only once. Even cases, which found their way to
him, usually led to nothing more than a call for explanation
from the Collector, and a confirmation of his decision. The
execution of decrees, the summoning of parties and witnesses,

30 BRITISH ADMINISTRATION OF SCINDE.

&c. &c., were all effected through the Police, or Kardars, accord-
ing to convenience; and such orders, and all others, even in the
Revenue department, were transmitted by the hand of the plain-
tiff or petitioner, which opened the door for much bribing and
extortion : whilst the officer, from whose Court the process ema-
nated, frequently heard nothing more of the case. Fraudulently,
debtors were allowed to be imprisoned on the payment of their
subsistence money by the decree-holder. No remuneration
was given to witnesses summoned in civil suits. Those re-
quired in criminal cases were paid, at the discretion of the Court,
up to four annas per diem. The adjudication of cases by Pun-
chayat was authorized and recommended ; and the Magistrates
gladly adopted a system congenial (fortunately) both to them-
selves and to the people. In suits connected with land, and in
cases of undue exaction on the part of a landlord, or of non-
payment of rent on the part of tenants, there was equal confu-
sion and want of system. A perwannah (often loosely worded)
to the Kardar generally terminated the case ; though it might
only have called for information on certain points ; and this fre-
quently was never given at all. The evil practice, so common un-
der native governments, was freely adopted in Scinde, viz. that
of granting provisional orders, that, if the Kardar on enquiry
should find so and so to be the case, then he should do so and
so — a practice, which was tantamount to the delegation of judicial
authority from the Governor down to the lowest order of officials.
It has been stated that no stamps were employed : but subse-
quently five per cent, on the value of property in litigation
was ordered to be levied in all cases. In other departments of
the administration, it is not to be denied that there were many
points of excellence, but in that of civil justice we can see ab-
solutely none.

We turn next to the Police, which Sir Charles Napier has, in
his public dispatches, styled “ admirable and so, in some res-
pects, it was. The European officers were distributed in three
divisions ; the Captain and a Lieutenant were stationed at Kur-
rachi, and Lieutenants at Hyderabad and Shikarpur. The
force under these officers consisted of mounted, rural, and town
Police. There were in round numbers : —

Mounted 600

Rural 1,500

Town 300

Total 2,400

The greater part of these were retained at head-quarters ; the
remainder were scattered over the country in small detach-

BRITISH ADMINISTRATION OF SCINDE.

ments of three or four men, and a native officer, in charge of a
district. The mounted and rural Police were drilled and disci-
plined, and went into their districts with their arms and accou-
trements, the former a fusil and bayonet. The town Police
were located only in cities, to patrol the streets. One of the
reasons for forming this Police, was to render them capable,
on an emergency, of taking the place of regular troops : and this
they have often (especially the mounted Police of Upper Scinde)
most praiseworthily done in small “ dours.” But if the Police
were not required internally, why raise them at all ? And if
so required, and they were drawn together to repel foreign
attacks, who were to supply their room in the districts ? More-
over, when we consider that the greater portion of the Police
was nearly always (in bands of a few men) distributed over
the country, we cannot expect that their discipline would remain
intact. When so situated, such men are better without disci-
pline at all. Their dress and their heavy arms unfitted them
for the duties of an active Police. The horse were excellent as
patrols, but we speak more of the rural Police. No man, ac-
quainted with the native character, will attempt to deny that
a man on seven, or even ten, rupees per mensem, placed in a
village far from controul, with extensive powers, will abuse those
powers, and do as little active work as may be. Now, it is a
known fact in Scinde, that although less evil resulted than
might have been expected — yet that the Police in the villages
did commit many overbearing acts ; that men were kept in the
stocks, were sent as prisoners long distances to the nearest Ma-
gistrate on frivolous and sometimes groundless charges ; that
immediate steps were not always taken to apprehend offenders ;
and that they had the power, and frequently used it, of submit-
ting men of respectability to much inconvenience, if not to ab-
solute disgrace. No regular mode of reporting existed : and the
general mode of procedure was to detain a prisoner in the stocks,
until the Policeman (frequently a naick or havildar) had made
such investigation, as the case appeared to him to require. After,
in many cases, a long detention, the prisoner and witnesses were
sent in to the Magistrate, even though the Police officer might
have considered him innocent. These acts are not to be laid
to the policeman, for he had no contrary instructions, whilst
vast power was left in his hands : and it would be absurd to sup-
pose that the men, who formed the Scinde Police, were a superi-
or class of men. We do not recollect having heard of any
case in which the Police prevented crime, and few in which
they even were the bona fide apprehenders of criminals. The
people trusted in most cases to their own efforts ; where crimes

BRITISH ADMINISTRATION OF SCINDE.

were committed at a distance from the Police station, they were
seldom reported; for the inconvenience and discomfort attendant
on our Courts were such as prevented a man’s willingly coming
forward. He knew that he seldom recovered his property
through the Government agents; and, if he did, thatcircumstance
was no compensation for the loss sustained by a long journey,
and probably longer detention at the Magistrate’s Court. In
petty cases of assault, petty theft, &c., it was not left optional
to the parties to prosecute — not reporting such acts led to the
imprisonment of the prosecutor himself. We have said that
the people generally trusted to their own exertions to recover
their property ; and this is certainly advantageous in all countries :
but that is no excuse for a Police becoming less vigilant or
active. Mutual assistance should be given and received. In
most Oriental countries, there exist systems of internal Police
of greater or less efficacy according to the nature of the Go-
vernment. In Scinde, such a system had long existed in great
perfection. It may be observed, that the act of tracking up
thieves and cattle by their foot-prints was one in general use,
and carried out with astonishing success. As the zemindars
of villages were held responsible for property so traced to his
village, unless he could carry the marks out of it on to the lands
of another, it was his interest that his village should boast
of one or more able and experienced trackers : and, as they were
well paid, they were a numerous body. But it must be borne
in mind, that the zemindars had then greater influence in their
villages. They were respected and looked up to, and consequently
possessed the means of producing the thief, if really in the
village ; and they received several privileges and immunities
for these and other responsibilities attached to their position.
Besides this, there were several other village officers, kotwals,
and choukidars, who remained at the village, and watched and
protected it, receiving for their pay either certain lands at the
village, or fees at harvest time in cash or in kind. Now our
rule superseded all this internal economy, or at all events dis-
regarded it. It is true we adopted the system of tracking, and
acknowledged the responsibility of zemindars in cases, when the
prints were taken to their villages. But here the trackers were
not the only parties in such pursuits : the Police must be there
too : and in all cases the tracker must be sent up to the Magis-
trate, and suffer all the losses attendant thereon. Good trackers
therefore became scarce. They bargained not for all their new
extra labour and unpaid endurance: it was no longer an honour-
able and well-paid employment. In many cases, they did not
even receive the original fee bargained for ; and thus we lost the

BRITISH ADMINISTRATION OF SCINDE.

best aids to our Police, that could have existed. But if a good
tracker was not procurable, one must be forced from the nearest
village, who, in all probability, never tracked for twenty yards
in his life. His only course was at once to proceed to the
next village, and throw the responsibility on the zemindar.
What was originally, and is, in itself, an admirable preventative
of crime, became under us the means of injustice and oppres-
sion, and tended to facilitate crime. Moreover, we had, from a
bias against zemindars in theory, and a tendency to uphold
their tenants and dependants against them, caused them to
lose much of the respect and influence they formerly possessed ;
and we therefore crippled them in their ability of knowing and
watching the internal condition of their villages : at the same
time that they lost under us all their former periodical grants
in the shape of remissions, lungis, &c. &c. Was it fair then
to continue holding them equally responsible ? The people
no longer paid, with their wonted regularity, the kotwals and
other village officers, who accordingly no longer performed their
duties. Government did not enforce them : and all these causes
led to the natural result of a general break down of all that
was good and useful in the old regime, while in its place was
substituted an inefficient and uncongenial Police.

It has been frequently remarked that Sir George Clerk,
when Governor of Bombay, and on a visit to Scinde, highly
praised the Scinde Police: and, seeing it, as he did, this was
no wonder. He came to Kurrachi, stepped on board a steamer,
and was conveyed to Hyderabad ; whence, two or three days
afterwards, he returned by the same conveyance to Bombay.
His Excellency therefore had no opportunity of seeing the Police
in villages, or of hearing the accounts of villagers : and,
highly as we must esteem the opinion of such a man, we
cannot, in this instance, take it as at all affecting the real
merits of the case. The powers and duties of the European
Police and revenue officers were not sufficiently defined.
Both were Magistrates : but offences committed by the Police
were punishable only by their own officer, and not by the
officer, in whose district they were serving ; and consequently
they had no dread of the latter. If a policeman committed
an offence, or neglected his duty, he had to be sent ninety or
a hundred miles off sometimes, although two or three Magis-
trates were located on the road. The one officer complained,
and the other retorted : and this constant clashing of their
masters led to similar misunderstanding amongst the subor-
dinate native officers. Scinde, from first to last, was a com-
pound of parties.

BRITISH ADMINISTRATION OF SCINDE.

The Scinde Police has been upheld by some on account
of its cheapness. It was certainly small in number : but we
must recollect that its duties were limited, and that a great
portion of its real duties were thrown on the regular troops.
In a country, where the Military and Civil Government was
in the hands of one man, this was easy. In Scinde, the
guards over Civil Treasuries, the Jail guards, Treasure (civil)
escorts, guards over prisoners on the roads at the Central
Jail, and the guards over gangs of prisoners sent from one
Jail to another, were taken from troops of the line. Deducting
all these expenses from the Civil Department in India, or
the Punjab, and testing the result, cheap enough would be the
Police required for other purposes ! Further, we must not for-
get that, if internal disturbances had taken place, the Police,
scattered about in small numbers, could have done nothing
by themselves : but there were troops of the line at hand to aid
them. There were troops at Sukkur, troops at Shikarpur, troops
at Larkanah, troops at Khangrah, and at out-posts along the
frontier, troops at Hyderabad, and troops at Kurrachi ! The
tranquillity of Scinde is not so much to be ascribed to the
Police, as to the presence of the soldiery, and to the natural
peaceableness of the people.

As connected with the Police, we cannot pass over the Jails of
Scinde. They were, for the most part, inappropriate buildings,
admitting no classification of the prisoners. All were kept toge-
ther : and the hardened criminal and the young offender, con-
victed of a first misdemeanour, worked in irons, side by side.
Sufficient attention also was not paid to their food and treatment.
No reports have reached the world, but many emeutes have
occurred, which, had they happened in India, would have called
up a hurricane of indignation, and lengthened enquiries. Pri-
soners shot “ en masse” in attempting to escape, and gangs
effecting such escape, are not incidents unknown to the Scindians,
though they are unknown beyond its frontiers. In every country,
especially in a newly-acquired one, such occurrences may take
place. They are mentioned here to shew that the amazing
efficiency and excellence of all Scinde measures are not quite
so apparent, as some have wished to shew.

We have yet one more department to notice, namely, that
of the canals and forests. The intention, which led to the
formation of this department, was an excellent one. The
country, being visited by no periodical rains, was depend-
ent on artificial irrigation, beyond the influence of the in-
undation of the river. Any thing, therefore, likely to render
the means of irrigation more extensively and amply available to

BRITISH ADMINISTRATION OF SCINDE.

the people, must be looked upon as liberal and judicious, and
any outlay on such works cannot reasonably be carped at.
Such an extensive work must, at the outset, be opposed by
many difficulties, and should not receive censure for not pro-
ducing immediately any extraordinary results. Statute labour
was required in Scinde, and was very justifiable. Perhaps, how-
ever, there might have been a more systematic and fairer selec-
tion of such labour : and the payment in grain, not always of
the best quality, was not a pleasing arrangement. Native agency
too might have been more extensively employed, and local native
experience. We should like to dwell at greater length on this
important subject: but we have not space to do so in this article,
and moreover we would not wish to appear to censure, where so
much of what would call it forth was really unavoidable.

We do not purpose at present to enter into any discussion, as
to the absolute net revenue derived from the Scinde Province.
We believe that no correct return has as yet been presented
either to the public, or to Government : and, moreover, we
believe that the necessary records for the preparation of
such a return do not exist, and could not be framed in the pre-
sent state of the revenue offices in the country. But we cannot
conclude this brief summary of the working of each separate
department without giving, in round numbers, a general idea
of the expenses incurred, in comparison with the receipts obtain-
ed. The revenues of Scinde have been variously estimated :
we will assume them at the highest figure, which, with any
shew of reason, has been put forth — namely, forty lacs. The
general return of the revenue and expenditure of India for
the year 1844*45 gives the receipts from Scinde at twenty-
five and a half lacs, and its charges at nearly fifty-five lacs ;
and, for the year 1845-46, its receipts are stated at twenty-six
and a quarter lacs, and its charges at sixty-four lacs ! But in
this are of course included its military charges. Allowing,
however, forty lacs for receipts — and we will venture to say that
the estimate will be found far too high — against this, we will
set off the civil charges only.

Gross estimated Revenues Rs. 40,00,000

Expenses of Collection including that of

Land Revenue, Customs, &c. &c. 8,00,000

Police charges 4,50,000

Judicial charges, including Jails 2,00,000

Canals and Forests 1,50,000

16,00,000

Balance.,.., 21,00,000

BRITISH ADMINISTRATION OF SCINDE.

This would leave a balance of 24,00,000 Its. for its general
and military charges. We have not included the charges for
jaghirs and charitable grants, supposing them to have been
deducted from the gross revenue : nor have we alluded to the
charges on account of public buildings. It must also be borne
in mind that many of the most important of the police and
civil duties were performed by troops of the line ; that mili-
tary officers, receiving no extra pay, formed the principal judi-
cial Courts of the country ; all of which, if comparison be
made with other provinces and districts, must be considered.
The military charges to be computed are those of a divi-
sion staff, of an arsenal and ordnance department, an ex-
tensive commissariat, the Executive Engineer’s department, of
the wear and tear of large barracks, of the two regiments
of Scinde horse, the camel baggage corps, one troop horse
artillery, two field batteries, one regiment of European in-
fantry, four regiments of Native infantry, two Beluch batta-
lions (officered as local regiments), and the contingent expenses
of all these.

We must not close the period of Sir Charles’ administration
without alluding to some general measures, which we have not
yet noticed. The first of these was the abolition of slavery.
Slavery in Scinde was in a state of comparative leniency, its name
being all that was practically infamous ; for the so-called slaves
were rather dependants of the family, and in most instances had
no other homes to go to. Nevertheless, the abolition was a liber-
al and humane measure. It closed the door to much of what,
at all events, appeared tyrannical ; and, being carried out with
great vigour, was useful in proving the power of the Govern-
ment, and shewing that power first exerted in the cause of the
most helpless class. Two other measures, equally productive
of good, and both founded on philanthropy, were proclaimed
and most vigorously enforced. The Scindians, like all the people
beyond the Indus, were accustomed to travel abroad, armed
with swords ; and the natural consequence of this was the
frequent occurrence of woundings, and even murder. In gene-
ral, no search was made for arms : but it was prohibited to
wear them : and any infringement of this law was visited
with the heaviest punishments ; so that, in a short time, one
might travel through the length and breadth of the land with-
out meeting an armed person, when formerly to have met an
unarmed one was an equally rare occurrence. We admire too
the mode of enforcement employed. A general search by the
police, or others, would have led to much petty annoyance and

BRITISH ADMINISTRATION OF SCINDE.

social disturbance : but the mode adopted left with honest men
the means of self-defence.

The other measure, to which we allude, was the prohibition of
that barbarous custom, so prevalent in Scinde, of murdering
parties caught in adultery — a custom rendered legal by the
former Government. It is said indeed by some, that though
this practice appeared to be on the decrease, yet that it still
continued in secret : that the death of the female was equally
brought about by the more secret means of poison or the cord ;
and that the frequency of cases of alleged suicide on the part
of women was to be attributed to this ; but we do not agree with
this statement, and are of opinion that the crime was really less
frequent. Suicides appear to have been equally frequent in
the time of the Amirs: but the local officers, not at first aware of
suicide being held as a crime, did not report them, till the vigor-
ous move made by Government, in all cases connected with the
death of women, brought such deeds to light. And further, in
most cases of suicide, there existed some cause for the act. They
generally occurred in the poorest families, and were committed
by old, as well as young, women. Disease, rage, poverty, or
ill-treatment were not amongst the Scindians to be considered
as inadequate persuasives to the act : and, in the case of younger
females, may be added the strong incentives of jealousy and
resentment. We think then that the crime of murder did de-
crease, which was all we could immediately look for. It was
not to be expected that men, who had had peculiar and national
ideas of honour, and of the consequences, general and social, of
the loss of that honour, could be all at once disabused of their
error by the mere dictum of foreigners, who differed from them
in religion and social feelings. But it behoved the Government
to take the lead, and to use its power, rather than its influence , to
stop the evil. Time alone could render the remedy perfectly
efficacious: but the greater the power exerted by the Government,
the sooner would that time arrive. More aid should have been
sought, however, from other quarters, and principally by meeting
with severity the great root and cause of the evil — viz., the crime
of adultery. Seeing the almost certain bloodshed resulting from
it, it should have been attacked with vigour, and a further punish-
ment should have awaited it, than could be awarded by the decrees
of Civil Courts. This was a point well deserving the attention of
able legislators, and of those especially, who were well acquainted
with the people, and competent to trace, through all its blood-
stained course, the numerous circumstances attending, facilitat-
ing, or retarding that crime.

BRITISH ADMINISTRATION OF SCINDE.

The abolition of taxes was another measure, which, under the
circumstances, was attended with advantage. We do not see the
necessity of such abolition in so strong alight, as many do : but
as the East India Company have chosen to abolish them in their
other possessions, the benefit was fairly extended to Scinde. We
think, that when they have existed on a just principle, or are
capable of being fairly equalized, that they might be advantage-
ously continued — with an adequate diminution of the tax on land.
The great evil, usually resulting from such taxes under native
governments, is the fact of their being almost universally
farmed out to contractors, who abuse their trust. The taxes
in Scinde were of three kinds — 1st, “ Sharshumair ;** this was
not (as its name imports) a poll-tax (counting of heads), but
rather a shop tax. It was only imposed on such artificers as were
Muhammadans, and was levied on every shop at rates varying
from two to nine rupees per annum, having no reference to
the number of individuals composing the family, — though it
made allowances for those men, who could not carry on their
business without hired aid. At the father’s death, if the son
carried on the trade, he continued to pay the tax : but, if too young
to do so, nothing was levied from him, till he opened business.
Weavers paid four rupees per annum, paper makers eight rupees,
dyers nine rupees, &c., &c. The second tax was called “ Bahrah,’*
and was levied upon the fishermen. They formed “ Mianis”
or fishing bands, — each Miani being taxed “ en masse," and
fixing among themselves the rate at which each was to pay.
The third, or “ Peshkush,” was a similar tax levied from Hindu
communities, fixed for the town or village, and portioned off
into shares by themselves. These taxes were abolished on Sir
Charles’s return from the hill campaign.

Let us pause here awhile, to consider the vigour and energy
of all his measures up to this time. We find Scinde not only
conquered as to its armies, but the people sensible of our power,
and seeing the Government seeking the advantage of the poorer
classes, and adopting measures for the better preservation of life
and property — and not only framing such laws, but enforcing them,
before it arranged for its own revenues. They saw the inroads of
their frontier foes repressed, and provision made to secure future
tranquillity. They saw too, in the very first act affecting the re-
venue, the foregoing by Government of a large sum, which it
might have demanded. Scinde was in fact fully ready to
receive our civil rule, and, as such, had been conquered in the true
sense of the word. Up to this time how greatly must we
admire the vigour, energy, wisdom, and philanthropy, which

BRITISH ADMINISTRATION OF SCINDE.

had marked the steps of the conqueror ! — how deep should be
our admiration of the man, who had extended such blessings to
half a million of people, and opened the way for their further
enhancement under a more settled government ! Here his duty
properly ended : and it would have been far better for Scinde,
and probably for his own fame, had he then withdrawn.
The confused state of the revenue would have been in no
way attributable to him, but looked upon as a natural con-
sequence of the change of dynasty, and as offering the first
object of attention to an experienced hand. But alas ! he
undertook more than he could perform. The undivided
wisdom of a Napier, in suffering itself to be supplanted by
the crude theories of the Kurrachi Revenue Triumvirate, at
the same time that it assumed the paternity of their measures,
lost its glory.

From this time forth, the acts of the Government were marked
by want of vigour, of energy, of wisdom, and of experience.
Measures ill-conceived and worse carried out, if carried out at
all, brought forth nothing but confusion, fraud, and uncer-
tainty. We have before remarked, and would here again observe,
that most of the decrees, circulars, and documents, which
emanated from the Government, were so much waste paper.
They were not in themselves feasible : and even, had they
been so, there was no machinery to carry them out. What
was called machinery was so many separate wheels, uncon-
nected, and therefore useless, and, in their nature, of a wrong
sort. It seemed to be considered necessary that there should
be a certain number of wheels — whether cart-wheels, or watch
wheels, was immaterial ! They must be constantly revolving,
but not with any reference to each other, or to any central
directing power. The energy of the Government alone was to
render everything else unnecessary. Now Sir Charles left no
doubt as to the nature of the Government which he aimed at :
in his own General Orders he asserted it to be “essentially mili-
tary”— to such an extent, even, that the senior Officer at a Station
(in army rank) was to command at that Station ; and, in the
same way, a military Officer, employed in his military duties,
might interfere with an Officer employed in the civil depart-
ment, on his own responsibility, if such latter officer was
junior in army rank. But this principle is plainly and grossly
erroneous : for it follows from such a rule, that the Captains
of a Regiment must be more fitted for civil affairs than the
Subalterns — and that merely, because one is Captain, and the
other Lieutenant. Yet many Subalterns have proved them-

BRITISH ADMINISTRATION OF SCINDE.

selves good civil Officers ; and^ we doubt whether any vast
amount of administrative talent must necessarily exist in the
venerable brains of every Brigadier. After all, the distinctive
character of a Military Government is not, that army rank
is the rule in all departments ; and that the two great branches,
the civil and the military, are to be inseparably connected ; nor
does the mere employment of military officers justly give a Govern-
ment that name. If it did, what a vast portion of India is still
under military rule ! When therefore we talk of a Military Go-
vernment, we mean one that is so in its principles of action — one
that is divested of forms and technicalities ; where expediency is
the great moving principle; where the summary proceedings
of military law in the field are the temporary law of the land;
where there is no civil power ; where armed and disciplined
forces take the duties of the police ; and where the institutions
are temporary — their duration depending on the military opera-
tions going on in the country : in short, a Government of
physical , as opposed to one of moral , force. The object of
such a Government ought only to be to prepare the way for a
Civil Government. To argue that it was required in Scinde
permanently, would be to declare that Scinde is still uncon-
quered. To say that the Scindians would gladly retain it,
would be absurd ; for there is nothing in its nature congenial
to their habits and institutions. But we need not argue
further, for the Government in Scinde was not Military beyond
the year 1845. Afterwards, it was an attempt, and a very unsuc-
cessful one, to amalgamate the Civil and the Military ; and it
is to be hoped, for the sake of India, that such administra-
tive experiments will not be suffered to occur again.

We have alluded in several places, to the confusion and
want of checks, observable in all the departments. A plan
was adopted to remedy this ; viz., periodical (weekly) diaries
were required from every person at the head of an office,
which were perused by the Governor. These contained the
subject-matter of every English letter received in, and des-
patched from, the office, and a similar brief record of every
Persian paper so received and despatched, also of purwanahs
and urzis. Rubukans were unknown in Scinde. It is evident
that this plan must have caused great labour in an office, the
English duties of which devolved on the European Officer and
his clerk. The labour, however, would have been of slight mo-
ment, if the system acted as any real check ; but, except in glaring
cases of irregularity, it failed in being of any general utility.
In such a brief record, it was impossible to enter into the

BRITISH ADMINISTRATION OF SCINDE.

merits of a case ; and the subject-matter, as recorded, might
be very different from the real contents of the purwanah , or
urzi , through the total inadvertence of the transmitting officer.
Thus the following might be the entry “ To the Kardar
of so and so, informing him, that a lease had been given
to A. B., granting him twenty bigahs of land in village
X)., rent free for two years, and subsequently to be taxed at
the usual rate.” Now who was to judge of the expediency of
this lease, or of the circumstances attending it ? What check
was this brief memorandum ? In some cases, however, it acted
well, as in the following supposed entry : — f‘ To the police officer
of Allahabad, blaming him for the long detention in confinement
of Kadir Buksh, accused of theft, without reporting.” Now, if
such an entry as this appeared frequently, and served to
indicate an existing evil, it might lead to a circular order,
laying down some rule for the timely reporting of such deten-
tions. But one letter would have answered as well ; and the
remedy would have been applied at an earlier date. In fact, the
diary was a good means of testing the qualifications of differ-
ent officers, by shewing their attention to their duties and
to minute details : but it was, and could be, no real check.

At length, in October, 1847, Sir Charles Napier left Scinde
for England, and was succeeded in the Civil department by
Mr. Pringle of the Bombay Civil Service, under the title of
Commissioner of Scinde. Sir Charles, on making over the pro-
vince, proclaimed it to be no longer under a Military, but under
a Civil, Government : and great changes were naturally expected.
But these came not so rapidly : every thing remained as before :
even the Military Commissions continued to be the chief Crimi-
nal Courts, although, we believe, they were thenceforth illegal.
A report indeed obtained circulation, that Mr. Pringle saw nothing
requiring immediate change, and that the then existing system
met with his cordial approbation. This, however, was given out
so immediately after his arrival, that we are not inclined to attach
more credit to it, than to the alleged extempore satisfaction of Sir
George Clerk with the Scinde Police : and Mr. Pringle’s subse-
quent cautious conduct does not warrant our acceptation of this,
certainly premature, opinion. However, whether by choice or
necessity, no radical changes were made. But it soon became
apparent, that the vigour and energy of the head were gone : and
this fact speaks volumes against a system of Government, the
success of which depended on so precarious a circumstance, as
a change of Governors. Vigour was the main spring of the
former rule, and alone had given it whatever it possessed of good

BRITISH ADMINISTRATION OF SCINDE.

working and success. A want of it by degrees crept into all
departments ; and what had been bad before, became worse now.
As no change in revenue matters, which had been so long looked
for, seemed likely to take place, the landholders resorted with
greater freedom to their only resource ; viz., extensive com-
binations with the Kardars, and other native revenue officers.
Even supposing Mr. Pringle to have had the option and inclina-
tion of placing the revenue administration on a firmer and
more efficient principle, he could not have carried it out with-
out competent ministers ; and those of the old school would not
easily have been broken in for the work. Besides, we believe,
the powers, with which the Commissioner was vested, were not
so ample as some have supposed. He certainly conferred
one great benefit on the people, by throwing wider open the
door of appeal. This soon became known : and his Court was
overwhelmed. But these appeals were not (as they ought to have
been) direct. They were forwarded by dak to the Commission-
er’s Persian Interpreter — an excellent officer of Her Majesty’s
army : the subject-matter was written in English on the back, and
the Interpreter passed the order received from the Commissioner,
in English, or Persian, on the face. If the Courts of the Western
Presidency at all assimilate to those of the Eastern, Mr. Prin-
gle must have had certain muscular twitchings, on receiving the
proceedings, which emanated from some of the Courts of Scinde.
They consisted, for the most part, of the original petition of
plaint, with the decree written across it, or in a corner, varied at
times by the annexation of a Scindi scrawl, supposed to be a
bond. At all events, a stricter adherence to form was the con-
sequence, and it may be supposed, in many cases, a more im-
partial judgment. Beyond this, and a few other patchings, no
radical change has been as yet introduced.

An attempt has been made towards a settlement : but it has
failed. The reasons are obvious. The mere limitation of
the Government demand for a term of years will not render
it popular or advantageous, unless the interests of all parties
in the estate are so clearly defined and secured to them, as
to render the advantages resulting from such limitation, not a
matter of scramble and speculation, but of fairness and cer-
tainty. This can only be effected by a record, however brief,
of the rights of all individuals concerned — and this for each
village. The primary settlement of a country, though car-
ried on without such accurate data as those made at future
periods, is, perhaps, of all the most important : and, it seems
to us, should not only never exceed, but should even fall

BRITISH ADMINISTRATION OF SCINDE.

short of the rates, which appear in the first instance to the set-
tlement officer to be just. Nor should his work be done at hi3
Sudder Station, but at the villages — too much stress not being
laid on the absolute returns of former years, but due allowances
made for the nature of the lands, and other local circumstances
affecting each community. Nothing of this nature, however, can
be expected in Scinde, so long as the present race of Kardars
remain in power. It is against their interest, and that of the land-
holders in combination with them, to aid the introduction of such
a system. The province of Scinde (as we said before) is not of
greater extent than would form a good sized Commissionership,
containing three subordinate districts, or four at the outside,
with a district officer and two assistants, civil or military,
covenanted or uncovenanted, in each. Well-paid Tahsildars
would occupy the posts of the Deputy Collectors now existing.
The combination would be broken, and the settlement of the
country effected. If a cash payment was found impracticable at
first, the Jumma might be fixed, partly in cash and partly
in kind ; but the inconvenience and loss entailed on the farmers
by this mode of payment would become practically so apparent
to them, that, we confidently believe, its adoption would not
be necessary after a few seasons. The regular payment of
instalments, a matter hitherto totally neglected in Scinde, would
not be the least advantage resulting both to Government
and to the people from this system. Another great practical
benefit would be the greater efficiency of the establishment, and
the carrying out of all orders, instead of their dwindling down,
as is now too frequently the case, into mere delegations of
authority. The wish of the Collector would be the turning
point, and not that of the Kardar.

“ Sit annulus tuus, non ut vas aliquod, sed tamquam ipse
tu, non minister alienee voluntatis, sed testis tuse.” — Giceronis
Ej>ist.

We must now bring our remarks to a close : but before doing
so, we would remove an objection, which might be brought
against us, for an overweening estimate of the merits of Civili-
ans, as a class. The inefficiency, which we have had to notice
in the executive officers in Scinde, was not intended to be
brought against them as military , but as untrained , officers :
and our remarks would apply with equal force to mem-
bers of the Civil Service, placed in such important situa-
tions, without previous training in subordinate posts. We are
not of those, who consider a two years’ residence at Haileybury
as necessarily making a youth more absolutely qualified for

50 BRITISH ADMINISTRATION OF SCINDE.

civil duties, than liis brother, the soldier. According to the
disposition of the lad, it may or may not act beneficially on him,
by implanting habits of industry and study, which will tend to
lead him through his career in life with honour to himself and
utility to his fellow-creatures. But the same objects are attained
by the soldier, who receives the liberal education of a gentle-
man (and what soldier does notin these days ?) and we believe
the one to be equally qualified with the other for civil duties,
so far as education is concerned. Let the young man, fresh
from Haileybury, and the ensign, from his regiment, come toge-
ther in India, and commence training— and all will rest on their
relative natural abilities, industry, and perseverance. Accord-
ing to that, ten years will see the civilian and soldier, either
neck and neck, or distanced the one by the other. The names
of some of the ablest of India’s civilians are coupled with a
military title ; and in some cases too, their brows are adorned
with the laurels of the hero. We cannot but think that all
impartial men will agree with us as to the inefficiency of either
the untrained civilian, or the untrained soldier, when placed in
civil charge of a district.

In conclusion, we trust that we have, to a certain extent,
succeeded in delineating the general nature of an administration,
which was truly one by itself — which owed all its advan-
tages to its illustrious designer, and many of its failings to
causes, over which he had no controul — in which weakness, in-
efficiency, and injustice were strangely blended, with vigour,
talent and philanthropy ; and in which the candid observer
will find so much to censure, and so much to praise.

Mackenzie’s “ fair maid of caubul.”

Art. II. — Zeila ; the Fair Maid of Caubul ; a tale of the
Afghan insurrection and massacre of the British troops
in the Khund Caubul passes, in six Cantos ; by Charles
Mackenzie, Esq., late 41 st Welch Regiment. London . 1850.

A poem in six cantos, and four hundred long octavo pages,
is rather more than we can stand in this, the prosiest of ages.
But from his work, whatever he think, a doughty critic must
not shrink. Being “ a scholar,” it is fit, that he should boldly
“ speak to it.”* * * § Tis true such apparitions are, in these prosaic
regions, rare. They seldom come across our path, to win our
smiles, or wake our wrath. We very rarely have to do, with any
thing that is not true. Our pages have a sombre hue. And
yet we do not look askance, at either poem or romance. Far be
it from us to refuse a fitting welcome to the Muse. But ever
on the critic’s table, lie heaps of fact and little fable. Southey is
dead and Moore is dying, perhaps, e’en now, in grave-yard lying.
Scant, therefore, are the streams that flow, from the great Spring
of D’Herbelot.f It would be something to review Keliamct
on the banks of the Ganges ; and Lalla Rookh — dear Lalla — too,
where now encamped are our phalanges, at Hussan Abdul,}:
charming spot, where Akbar’s son the world forgot — forgot his
throne, pomp, power, and all, in presence of his Nourmahal.
But hard, most hard, the critic’s fate, born half a century too
late. Practise we must, however inclined, reviewing of another
kind ; for, fatal to poetic hopes, our work is now with troops,
not tropes. With fleshly feet ’tis ours to tread lands to
which airy fancy sped — with adult eyes to look on things,
beyond our young imaginings. Hydaspes now, or Hvphasis,
like any other river is ; and <e frosty Caucasus5’§ no more, than

* “ Thou art a scholar. Speak to it, Horatio.”— Hamlet.

+ D’Herbelot’s Bibliotheque Chientale was once the Hippocrene of our Eastern tale-
tellers. They drank their inspiration there. “ I dont care one lump of sugar for my
poetry,” said Lord Byron; “ but for my costume and my correctness — on those points
I will combat lustily.” All things considered, our English Poets got up their orien
talism with tolerable correctness. The only wonder is, that they did not make more
mistakes.

J Hussan Abdul is honorably mentioned in Lalla Rookh, as one of the halting
places of the princess, and we are told that “ here often had Jehanguire, the Light of
the Faith, wandered with thebeloved and beautiful Nourmahal ; aud here would Lalla
Rookh have been happy to remain for ever, giving up the throne of Bucharia and the
world for Firamorz, and love in this sweet lonely valley.”

§ Or who can hold a fire in his hand.

By thinking of the frosty Caucasus? —

Horace calls it 1 the inhospitable Caucasus’ —

Sive facturus per inhospitalem
Caucasian, vel qua loca fabulosu3
Lambit Hydaspes,

Mackenzie’s “ fair maid of caubul.’

Shooter’s Hill in days of yore. ’Tis nothing now at all to scan
the mystic realms of Khorassan ; we look at it quite close and
swear, that there are no “ veiled prophets” there. Whilst even
in thy fair realms, Cashmere, we smoke our pipes and drink our
beer. Thy blissful vale, thy perfumed lake, are only things for
ns to — take . Time was , we dreamt of thee with rapture. Time
is, we think but of thy — capture !

But happily we are not so pressed for time as to be unable
to write ordinary prose. Mr. Mackenzie seems to have found it
very easy to write verse. When Mr. Wakley said in the House
of Commons that it was very easy to write such poetry as
Wordsworth’s by the mile, he made a very grievous mistake ;
but it certainly is not difficult to write verse by the mile. It is
easier indeed to write verse of a certain kind than to write well-
balanced prose. One is seldom at a loss for a rhyme ; but one
is often sorely puzzled about the euphonious rounding of a
sentence of prose. Many people can dance tolerably well, who
cannot walk with becoming elegance and dignity. We do not
say that this is Mr. Mackenzie’s case. He walks better than he
dances. We like his prose, of which there is a scattering in his
notes} much better than his poetry. We do not see under what
compulsion he was to deliver himself in verse. Judging by the
notes, to which we have referred, our author possessed a “ MS.
Journal,” kept during his residence in Afghanistan, — a jour-
nal which, judging by the specimens before us, would have
been more acceptable to the friends, who have subscribed to his
book, and more likely to be patronized by the public, than the
poem in six cantos before us. We do not ask why the author
publishes at all. He has satisfactorily answered the question ;
and we honour him for what he has done. “An object,” he
says, “ of the deepest and most filial interest has sanctified
‘ the author’s labours throughout the composition of the present
* work;” and we have heard enough from other sources to believe
that no book was ever written under a worthier impulse, or
better deserved the patronage of the public. All we ask is
why he should have written a poem in six cantos, whilst he,
apparently, had a volume of unexceptionable prose already writ-
ten on his table. We say “ apparently,” for it is just possible
that the oft-quoted “ MS. Journal” may be something like

Our troops who wintered at Barman, found it both frosty and inhospitable. As for
the Hydaspes, in spite of the enthusiastic protest of a writer in the North British Re-
view, it has ceased to be a “ fabulous” river. It is nothing more to us now than the
Thames. Victor Hugo thought it a very fine thing to read the Constitutionnel on the
hanks of the Hydaspes. In these days we read anything anywhere, and feel no sur-
prise at all.

Mackenzie’s “ fair maid of caubul.”

the “MS. Dramas,” which novelists, lacking more legitimate
mottos, are apt to quote at the head of their chapters — useful,
and not unpardonable, fiction. But assuming the journal to be
a fact, we cannot help thinking that Mr. Mackenzie would have
acted with more wisdom in publishing it, than in writing and
printing eight thousand lines of octo-syllabic verse. The “ sub-
scribers,” whose names are printed in the volume before us,
would have paid their guinea, we repeat, quite as cheerfully
for the writer’s prose as for his verse ; the public would, to some
extent, have purchased the volume ; and it is not improbable that
we should have had to welcome a really valuable addition to our
scattered records of the Afghan war. As it is, we can hardly
hope that Zeila will find many purchasers among the public,
or many critics among the press. There are very few poems in
the present day, which find either purchasers or critics.

We are very sorry for this. We are always sorry for the
poets. They are more sensitive on the score of failure than
other men, and they are much more certain to fail. A novel-
ist, an essayist, or a writer of travels, seldom fails altogether.
He obtains some readers; he sells some copies of his book;
he is pretty sure to be noticed by the critics. But for the poet
there is nothing but great success, or profound abysmal failure.
It was recently remarked by a writer in one of our local jour-
nals, dating from that great mart of unsaleable literature, Lon-
don, that there is nothing sadder in the vocation of the critic
than his necessary contact with heaps of poetry, that he cannot
conscientiously praise, and which he is most reluctant to con-
demn— poetry, which he knows will neither be bought nor read
by any living creature beyond the pale of the author’s own imme-
diate connexions. Doubtless, this is very sad. Poets, as we have
said, are very sensitive, and their delusions are very strong.
They have great faith in themselves. An historian has faith in
his facts ; a novelist has faith in his story ; but a poet has faith
in his own genius, and believes that that will sell his book.
His failure is, therefore, the more mortifying, inasmuch as it
is more personal to himself. He has more pride in his work
than any other literary workman, for it is more immediately, and
more entirely, an emanation from his own soul ; and he loves his
brain-child in proportion to the pleasure, which it has afforded
him to beget it. It is fortunate, if poetry is to him “ its own
exceeding great reward for it is often-times the only reward

* If we err not, this declaration has been put forth manfully enough by a young
Anglo-Indian poet, in one of two volumes of poetry, of more than ordinary merit,
recently published in London. We have now only one of these before us, and in this
he writes I have written poetry, because I felt it ; I publish for no better reason.”
Mr. Minchin, who dates his prefaces from Tranquebar, is, we believe, a young Civilian

54 Mackenzie’s “ fair maid of caubul.”

that is in store for him. The public will read very bad novels,
very indifferent biographies, and very vapid books of travel,
but they have no place in their hearts, or in their libraries, for
any but good poetry. It must be very good to induce them to
read it at all.

We are sorry then, that Mr. Mackenzie should have thought of
writing a poem in six cantos instead of publishing a volume of
prose : but, as the deed is done and not to be cancelled, we
purpose to give some account of the performance. The char-
acter of the work is pretty clearly indicated hy the title-page.
A little time ago, the loves of an English officer and a fair maid
of Kabul would have afforded a subject for one of those wild and
incredible romances, which the reader never thinks of associat-
ing with the incidents of real life, any more than he does the
exploits of Hercules, or the achievements of the Giant-killer.
Now such an incident belongs rather to the historical, than to the
romantic. “ Omne ignotum pro poetico ” We think of the
intrigues of British officers and Kabuli ladies, not to marvel*
but to deplore. No sketch of imagination is demanded. We
have to regard but a sombre fact. The Parises and Helens of
the Afghan war are, unhappily, no creatures of the fancy.
When the history of that great event comes to be written, the
historian may deal gently with the crime, by fairly weighing the
temptation : but he must not obscure the fact. Like all other
facts, it must have its legitimate place in history. The “ causa
teterrima” was there. But to what extent it conduced to the

on thd Madras Establishment. His two volumes of poetry published in England —
“ Trafford, the Reward of Genius, §c.” are of too European a character to warrant
our reviewing them in this journal ; but we may here transfer to our pages a line
sonnet, addressed to a Jesuit Missionary in India. The poems are among the best,
that have emanated of late years from authors unknown to fame, and, as such, have
been honoured with unusual commendation by some of the leading critical journals
of Great Britain : —

May the pure thoughts, that in thy spirit bloom,

Shield thee from all the glooms that might appal.

Seldom on thee thy country’s accents fall :

In youth and health thou seek'st a living tomb.

The comforts of an affluent English home,

The voices of affection, that would call
Thee back to earth, thou hast abandoned all,

And followed God. Wait: thy reward will come.

We are of different creeds : but He recks not

What human names they bear, who love Him here :

The forms, for which we battle on this spot

Of earth, are nought to Him. The heart sincere
Makes the true worship : and a world forgot
Is, aye, the noblest altar we can rear.

This is very dangerous doctrine, but it is not bad poetry. Wc hope that Mr.
Minchiu will give us some day an opportunity of reviewing a volume of his poems.

Mackenzie’s “ fair maid of caubul.2

great Kabul outbreak, it is the province rather of the histo-
rian, than of the critic, to declare. Mr. Mackenzie seems to
have very little doubt about the matter himself. But what
would the Iliad be without Paris and Helen ? What should
we care about the siege of Troy, but for the judgment of Paris,
and the fatal gift of " Idalian Aphrodite golden-reined ” —

The fairest and most loving wife in Greece ?*

What should we care indeed, for the battle and the strife, but
for these loving auxiliaries ? And what would Mr. Mackenzie’s
poem be without its Zeila ? But we must proceed to show what
it is.

The poem opens with a brief description of an Afghan au-
tumn, which is not an unfavourable specimen of the author’s
powers of rhyming: —

O’er Caubul’s far famed clustering vines
No more the summer’s sun declines ;

O’er orchard, bow’r, and shady grove,

The signs of early autumn rove ;

And russet tints o’er nature fling
A sober dim apparelling ;

The waning earth seems strewn with gloom ;

And, mournful of her summer bloom,

The year, grown ancient and sedate,

Lacks the broad, genial beams, which late,

With affluent sheen and fervid pow’r,

Gladden’d its lost meridian hour ; —

And summer smiles no longer strew.

The rugged steeps of Behmaroo,

Or sport the heathery shrubs among,

Which stud the slopes of Seah sung !

The time being thus indicated, we have a sketch of the place.
The reader is told that if he would “ Caubul’s city fairly view,”
he must “ seek Kaja-Suffa’s westward height, when morning
beams are o’er the dew and, looking down thence, he will see
“ the village roofs of Beni-sher” and the “ hushed city,”
“ Belimaroo’s storied height, and the British cantonment.”
This last unfortunate section of the panorama calls forth some
serious reflections, and is indignantly apostrophised by the
poet : —

Doth martial musing chain thy mind?

Sad recompense thou’lt surely find,

If fall, in mute and just surprise,

Thy practised and prophetic eyes,

Where the ill-famed cantonment lies.

Oh ! monument of feeble skill !

Oh! offspring of one ruling will !

* So Alfred Tennyson— but whether Helen was the most loving wife in Greece, let
Menelaus declare.

MACKENZIE’S “ FAIR MAID OF CAUBUL.”

Oh! sorry stronghold, wrought and planned
With scarce the merit of design —

Hemmed in, o’er-looked on every hand ;

The neighbouring forts, and heights command
Each inmost or more distant line !

Oh ! was it that our English blood,

However ’gainst fierce odds, withstood
Victorious and triumphantly.

The battle-shock on open field,

Unaided by the rampart’s shield,

That thou wert fashioned thus to be
The grave-yard of our chivalry ?

On whom may fall the signal blame,

Be their’s the deep and lusting shame —

Be their’s the woe, which harrowing roams
Through Britain’s desolate bleeding homes —

Be their’s with shrinking soul to hear
The phantom wail and shriek of fear,

Yelled constant o’er the severing wave,

From that barbarian distant clime
Of treacherous wrath and damning crime,

Where Britain’s thousands for all time,

Have found a wide unhonored grave ?

Having thus bestowed a poetical imprecation upon the de-
signers of the Kabul cantonments, whom, perhaps, in Parlia-
mentary language, we ought to call upon him to “ name
our author proceeds to describe the state of suppressed feeling
at Kabul — the smouldering fires of yet undeveloped rebel-
lion. He asks —

Why doth each stalwart Barukzye,

With restless and indignant eye
Each passing Affghan vengeful scan,

Who wears no emblem of his clan ?

and then proceeds to answer the question, by saying that the
hated Suddozye brood had “ turned a traitor hand” against
“ their common country’s good” and were lording it uncontrol-
led : —

Upheld by British foemen’s gold,

And British aid alone.

The poet then apostrophises the unfortunate Shah, and
plainly demonstrates that he is no supporter of the Palmerston,
Auckland, and McNaghten policy: —

Oh! thou Shah Sujah — puppet king-
imbecile and misgoverning !

Thou, o’er whose long-debased soul,

No virtue holds a due controul ;

Thou, false alike to friend and foe,

False to thy birth-land, and her woe—

Cruel, sagacious, and forsworn,

Beware, beware ! The coming morn
Of retribution is at hand,

When the night-darkness of the land,

MACKENZIE'S “ FAIR MAID OF CAUBUL.

And fell oppressions cankering blight,

Shall yield to freedom’s holier light !

Beware ! Fate’s keen and vigilant eye
Now gloats above thy destiny.

Full soon one vengeful, Afghan knife
Shall seek thy long proscribed life ;

For vow’d and planned the signal doom

Which shall consign to traitor’s tomb ! i

What, though the striker sear thy name !

Not his shall be the assassin’s fame ;

But thousands shall applaud the blow
Which lays the tyrant sovereign low.

And vaunt thy double treachery’s meed,

A glorious and a patriot deed !

Poor Shah Sujah ! He has no friends, not even among the
poets. The gentle race deal with him even more ungently than
the historians. He tried very hard to convince the world,
through our political officers, that he was true to the British
cause ; but neither the political officers, nor the world, would
believe his stories. When he fell at last — when his strange
eventful life was ended by assassination — no man sorrowed for
his fate. Mr. Mackenzie, it may be remarked, has taken a
poetical licence in the couplet, which describes the death of the
king. He says His Majesty fell by “ one vengeful Afghan
knife and then, in a note, quotes a passage from Eyre’s Jour-
nal, showing that he was shot by a double-barreled gun. The
knife of the assassin is, we know, the legitimate instrument
sanctioned by poetry and romance, and it has the advantage
of rhyming with “ life,” which a gun cannot possibly do.

We suspect that our author is not far wrong in his estimate
of Shah Sujah’s character. That he was the falsest of the
false, it is difficult not to believe. We do not mean to say that
this is broadly apparent on the surface ; for nothing more puz-
zled our political officers, both before and after the Shah’s death,
than the part taken by His Majesty in the disastrous rebellion,
which terminated his own life. When Mr. Mackenzie says that
he was “false alike to friend and foe,” he probably lands,
after a flying leap, in the same conclusion, that would be reach-
ed, after much diligent investigation and much balancing of
evidence, by a pains-taking laborious historian. The Shah
probably had no settled purpose of any kind; but was willing
to unite himself with one party or another, as his interests or
his fears dictated. Intensely selfish, he cared neither for the
British, nor for his own countrymen, and would have sacrificed,
for any purpose of his own, the one with as much willingness
as the other. He was ostensibly going out to attack Jellallabad,
when he was murdered ; and, whilst preparing for the expedi-
tion, was writing letters of fervent devotion to the British

£8 MACKENZIE’S “ FAIR MAID OF CAUBUL.”

authorities, and urging them to supply him with money. He
professed the same loyalty to both parties, and would have been
prepared at any moment to ally himself with either, as soon as
victory declared itself unmistakeably on one side or the other.
What he wanted all along was British money and British sup-
port, without British controul. The Company has had many
hard bargains in its day ; but never such a bargain as that
Shah.

After thus apostrophising the “ Puppet King,” the poet goes
on to describe the general longing of the people of Kabul for
the return of Dost Mahomed. Britannia is then exhorted to
look to her fading laurels, —

For Caubul owns one resolute man,

The astute Aminullah Khan.

We have then a sketch of the career of this resolute man ;
and are presently introduced to “ Aminullah’s halls,” where
the conspirators are assembling. The picture of the Afghan
Sirdars is not a very flattering one. Their antecedents are set
forth in the darkest possible colours ;

For there he those, whose deeds may vie
With aught of foulest, darkest die ;

Whose fiery temperaments may mock
The tempest’s most unfett’red shock ;

Whose appetites for blood may suit
Alone th’ untamed and tameless brute ;

Or those terrific monster forms
Which Afghan superstition deems,

To o’errule the devastating storms,

And guide the lightning’s livid beams.

We then have a sort of Homeric catalogue of these worthies,
now deep in the conspiracy. “ Sage Aminullah leads the
van,” and after him come divers chiefs, whose somewhat im-
practicable names are thus ingeniously woven into verse : —

Moollah Shikor — Nawaub Zemaun j
The fierce implacable Sultan Jan ;

Syud Gholam Moyanudin,

The Mullah Momund ; Khan Sherin,

The Mirza of the Kuzzilbashes ;

The Sirdar of the Hazirbashes ;

The bold and chivalrous Shumshudin,

The chieftain of Jubbar Khail ;

The brother of th’ exiled Amir,

Gaunt Jubbur Khan— and Khojah Mir ;

Abdullah, Lord of Pisheen’s vale,

The leader of the Atchukzyes ;

Mahommed Shah — the powerful Khan,

And chieftain of the fierce Ghiljyes ;

Asman, chief Khan of Kohistan,

Taj Mahommed — -Abdul Rahim ;

The Khans Secunder — Zulficar — Kurim,

MACKENZIE'S “ FAIR MAID OF CAUSUt.

And Sultan Khan and Shah Pazi,

With Sirdars of less haught degree.

And never since the race of Ghore,

In the stern boist’rous times of yore,

Allegiance to their Shah forswore,

Was like assemblage known.

This, -we think, very probable. That such assemblage was
ever known at all seems in the last degree problematical.
We might take exception to more than one name in this list:
but it seems especially hard that poor Khan Sherin Khan —
the chief of the Kuzzilbashes, who, Mr. Mackenzie tells us
in a note, was the only chief true to the British — should be
included among the conspirators. It was a great mistake that
we did not make more use of this man. He might have done
us good service in our need.

This respectable assembly is harangued by Aminullah
Khan, who begins by denouncing the amours of the Fe-
ringhis : —

And shall we brook the foul disgrace,

The Kaffir heaps on our ancient race ?

Must we our nerveless spirits school,

To fawn and cringe to British rule,

With freedom— birth-land — bought and sold.

For the accurs’d Feringi’s gold ?

Shall the Feringi’s gentler voice
Ravish unscath’d our household joys ?

The recreant daughters of our land
Stretch out the soft enticing hand
Of fellowship, and all resign
Their yielding nature’s frail design,

To amorous dalliance, and their charms
Confide to our oppressors’ arms I
The laced Rhoobundis, cast aside,

No longer their bright features hide ;

But, careless of their country’s woes,

They wive them with its bitterest foes !

They taunt us— ceaselessly revile,

And insult upon insult pile !

Declares each braggart infidel,

In Afghan promises may dwell
Nor faith nor truth ; that they
A wide interpretation claim —

For shameless guile the fitting name ;

That honour’s fair and stainless fame
Our household dictates disobey —

That no more ruling feature they
In Afghan character descry,

Than dark deceit and treachery !

They tell us too in ribald words.

How Afghan wives despise their lords.

And scandalous proverb quote :

An Afghan dame in Burka-cover
Is never without a secret lover —

Woe worth each lying throat !

Having said this, and much more besides, in denunciation of
the British, he is followed by “ Gaunt Jubbur Khan” (we cannot

MACKENZIE'S (< FAIR MAID OF CAUBUL.”

extol the felicity of the epithet) who descants upon the wrongs
of the Barukzyes, and promises to revenge the sufferings of his
tribe upon “ haughty Shuja’s race accurst.” Abdullah Khan
Atchukzye is the next speaker, and he does not mince his words
more gently than the former speakers.

’TVere waste of words and time to tell
"What further in the conference fell —

says Mr. Mackenzie ; and the curtain falls on the first canto,
the seeds of rebellion having been sown broadcast over the
doomed country.

From this dark scene of rebellion and revenge we are sud-
denly transferred, with good artistical effect, to a paradise of fair
women, doubly gentle and doubly delightful after our recent
intercourse with the bloodthirsty vindictive Khans. There is
some good scenic description ; and then we come to this very
enticing account of the dames and maidens of Kabul, who are
sporting free and unfettered in the open air : —

A merrier band hath never yet
’Mid those secluded precincts met,

To hold a festal jubilee,

Than now, in joyance wild and free,

Spirit away the tedious hours,

Disporting mid the laughing bowers,

O’er-clustered thick with autumn flow’rs.

The merry song-note rings on high,

Twin’d with the rheband’s harmony,

And the light echoes sweetly roam
Along the Musjid’s fretted dome.

Joy, the welcome guest, is there
Caressing fond each maiden fair,

Shedding o’er each fluttering heart
The emblems of his subtle art,

Fanning now with pliant wing
Each secret soft imagining,

Gilding each moment as it flies
With the sunshine of his smile,

While around are sparkling eyes.

Just tribute paying all the while.

A carpet rich in brightest hues
The Musjid’s marble floor bestrews ;

And its soft and yielding breast
By damsel forms is lightly press’d.

Grouped around like cluster’d roses,

Here one listless form reposes,

In lolling ease ; another there
Braids her chosen comrade’s hair ;

Another yet, and fairer still,

Binds, with happiest taste and skill.

Wreaths of rare and radiant flowers,

Rifled from the neighbouring bowers j
While her next companion’s eyes
Gleam with eloquent surprize,

MACKENZIE’S “ FAIR MAID OF CAUBUL.”

As her graceful arm she throws,

Child-like, around the breathing snows
Of an envied favourite’s neck,

To scan with feminine delight,

The mingling chains of sequins bright,

And jewels rare, which sparkling deck
The wearer’s form with rays of light.

Twain, engaged in grand duello,

With a well-judged aim and sure.

Launch the purple globes and mellow
Of luscious Husaini Angur ;

Or, continuous to and fro,

O’er the carpet’s noiseless breast,

Opposing Surdas deftly throw ;

While triumphs one with child-like jest,

If, in the opposing shock, the first
Her rivals fruity missiles burst ;

For scattered wastefully around
Ripest fruits bestrew the ground,

Mingl’d with flowers of lustrous bloom,

Wafting floods of rich perfume ;

While sprinkled o’er the numdah’s green
Honied sweet-meats various hued
Recal the modest daisy’s sheen
O’er trim lawn adorning strewed.

Thus the lessening hours pass by
Unshadowed, sinless of alloy,

Beaming ever rapturously,

Banded neath the rule of joy !

We are then introduced to Zeila herself, —

proud Caubul’s boast,

The loveliest of her damsel host ;

The heart, the pride of Kohistan,

And ward of Aminullah Khan !

It appears from the account given of her “ birth, parentage,
and education” that she was bom in Kashmere, raised in
Kohistan, and called the Fair Maid of Kabul.

Night came on, as it ever will in Kabul as in other places,
and the “ damsel band” were compelled to betake themselves
home again “ to their lordly halls.” Their horses were brought
to convey them homewards ; and so, encasing themselves “ in
the all-concealing Burka cover,” for which Mr. Mackenzie, like
other men of taste, has no toleration, they started for the town
of Kabul. On the road, however, Zeila’s palfrey runs away, and,
making a desperate leap over the trunk of a tree, “ stumbles,
struggles, scrambles on,” and presently comes fairly down with
his lovely burden. Just at this critical moment, the hero of the
tale makes his appearance : —

With one unearthly giant bound,

He clears the space — now rescuing weaves
His powerful arm her form around,

From scaith, perchance from death receives
The maid, ere yet she reach the ground !

Mackenzie’s “ fair maid of caubul.”

We are greatly relieved by this assurance ; for, as the lady had
fainted, and the horse had “ rolled prostrate upon the grass,” we
confess that we had jumped to the conclusion, that the lady
had reached the ground.

For sometime we are left in doubt as to the nature of “ the
form,” which, “ with lightning rush, burst through the dense
and neighbouring bush.” It might be an Afghan — perhaps,
Aminullah Khan himself ; or an Englishman, Sir William
McNaghten, General Elphinstone, Sir Alexander Burnes, or any
other distinguished character. Whoever it might be, we soon
learn that, determined to prove that it is something more
than a bundle of clothes which he has rescued, he “ unclasps
the jewel band,” and the “ unfettered folds reluctantly” —

From the veiled features slowly glide,

And, falling timorously aside,

Reveal the lovely mystery.

We have then an animated account of the beatific vision,
that burst upon his enamoured sight ; and, in the following
stanza, we learn that the gentleman, who is so “ enraptured
and amazed,” is “ young Evelyn.” The effect of so much beauty
was quite bewildering. It was too much for his weak intellect
to withstand : —

So wild the visionary trance,

Which steeped his being with delight,

That all around him seemed to dance
And float amid a sea of light ;

The very sward, the circling trees,

Seemed life-endued : the moaning breeze
Hovered above the silence there,

With pinion jubilant and benign,

And seemed to modulate the air
With hymns unearthly and divine ;

Gazed he, and gazed he o’er again,

With feelings, which were almost pain ;

He kindled ever and anon,

’Neath the new light which round them shone ;

And he had spurned in that rapt hour,

All that the world most values ever,

Riches, pride, birth, dominion, power,

Might that fond vision vanish never.

To measure aright the extent of this sacrifice, we should
remember that young Evelyn was a subaltern in the army.

Zeila comes to life again in due time ; and then, —

Oh ! Heaven ! she finds her unveiled charms
Gaz’d o’er, and clasped by stranger arms.

And, soon after she has made this alarming discovery, there is
a noise of men and horses, and a party appear, who have come
in search of the missing Zeila. The lady upon this discreetly
desires the stranger, whoever he may be, to depart as quickly as

Mackenzie’s “ fair maid of caubul.

possible. Whilst he is making up his mind on the subject,
she gives him a love-token; and it is very evident that love at
first sight has taken possession of them both. Young Evelyn
hurries off, “ deer-like, o’er the ground and, a flood of deso-
lation falling over poor Zeila, she sinks —

the lovely and ill-starred,

W eeping and desolate on the sward !

Evelyn gets safely home ; but does not sleep comfortably that
night. So he leaves his sleepless couch, and begins wandering
about in the open air, thinking of the fair Zeila. After a little
time, he begins to ascend the Jehan-numah. Having climbed the
rock, he looks down, just as morning dawns upon the scene
below, of which we have a very animated and picturesque des-
cription. Evelyn, looking down upon the landscape beneath
him, falls into a brown study, from which he is awakened by—

— ■ sounds of war
And shouts tumultuous from afar !

Hark ! ’tis the crack of long jezail,

That rings adown the neighbouring vale !

Again, again, with rapid sound

The mingling matchlock shots resound !

Hark ! ’tis a bugle’s distant note
That rises on the passing breeze :

Hark ! louder still the echoes float
Amid the hill declivities !

In short, the rebellion has commenced ; and young Evelyn has
nothing to do but to make the best of his way to cantonments.

That bugle’s summons, loud and shrill,

Has shorn him of his personal will,

And claims his martial energies.

The poet then gives us a description of his hero, from which
we gather that he is a Scotchman, and that his name is not
Evelyn, but Bruce, or rather that he is called Evelyn Bruce,
and is a descendant of the hero : —

The Bruce, the Bruce ! Yes ! his- to claim
That monarch’s lineage and his name !

The glorious blood, now throbbing wild
"Within each young and ardent vein,

Retinged with nought of southern strain,

Speaks him old Scotia’s reverent child.

The Bruce, the Bruce 1 Oh yes from him
The grace and vigour of each limb,

The bold, commanding, noble mien,

The beauty on each feature seen,

The haught nobility of soul,

No recreant thought may dare controul,

The dauntless courage native-born,

From childhood mid his mountain’s nurst.

Which e’er doth toil and danger scorn,

Which, second to none, must needs be first
To nobly face and dare the worst,

MACKENZIE S “ FAIR MAID OF CAUBUL.~

“ Such Evelyn Bruce” — in outer semblance. The character-
istics of his mind are next set forth — his gallantry, his loy-
alty, and his other high qualities : and then we are told that,
hearing the shrill bugle-notes.

With zealous haste he onward flies,

And cityward shapes his arduous way,

To join the distant, deathful fray.

It appears that the Bruce was at this time attired in the
Afghan costume (though we are not quite sure that Scotia would
have approved of his thus denationalising himself) and that he
therefore managed to escape, “unharmed, unquestioned, unob-
served.” The rebellion has broken out. It is the fatal 2nd
of November. The whole city is in a blaze : —

In vain, O Burnes ! are watch and ward j
In vain the prowess of thy guard,

The valiant, the devoted few,

To the last gasp so staunch and true ;

In vain thy noble brother falls
Pierc’d by a score of matchlock balls ;

In vain doth gallant Broadfoot bite
The dust amid the unequal fight.

Immortalised thro’ every age,

Be that brief conflict’s fruitless rage :

Died they as soldiers alone may die,

Flashing (the gaze of their agony,

Full on the face, as their bold spirits passed)

Unshaken defiance, and proud to the last.

We have then an animated stanza, devoted to a record of the
murder of Burnes : —

Vainly they fought, as vainly fell
For hark, a wild discordant yell
Of savage triumph peals around.

Their bloody search hath prosper’d well.

A nobler victim they have found !

Horror ! Oh most unholy sight !

Whom drag they, thus denuded, forth
From out yon hummaum’s narrow door ?

Whom ’neath redoubled sword strokes, smite
They ruthless to the soddened earth,

A weltering mass of wounds and gore ?

See how the assassin miscreants swarm
Around that gashed and fallen form !

Ill-fated Burnes ! What hidden power,

Malignant ruled the imminent hour,

And thus revealed thy fatal place
Of shelter to thy murderer ’s gaze ?

Oh ! was it that presentiment
Of scaith so long foreseen, which bent
Thy high-souled daring to out-brave
The unsparing stroke of Afghan glaive ?

Or that devotion of thy soul
So swayed by honor’s high controul —

So wedded to the noblest sense
Of duty’s every exigence ;

MACKENZIES “ FAIR MAID OF CAUBUL:”

So glowing with the sacred flame*

Which gilds the patriot soldier’s fame,

And bids him ’mid the ranks of death,

J oyous, yield up his latest breath.

If left unstained his country’s name.

Though undismayed, unrobed, unarmed,

Why sought’ st thou, with persuasions vain,

Rebellion’s outburst to restrain ?

Full well hadst thou escaped unharmed,

Thy bloody fate : the favouring bath
Had shielded from their murderous wrath.

Yet didst thou, in that hour of woe,

Give thee to their death dooming ken :

Nor parley nor remonstrance then
Might turn aside one deathful blow.

Too well thy prescience had foretold
The coming crisis, and the doom
Which must consign thee to the tomb.

Vainly thy warnings sought t’ unfold
The growing evil, vengefully
Doomed in rebellion to outburst ^

And thou, oh ! Burnes, ordained to be
Its noblest victim and its first !

Evelyn makes his way through the city; and, as he is going,
somewhat doubting what course to take, he is arrested by a
strange object, which “ smites the ground close by his feet;” it
turns out to be “ a slender arrow curiously wrought, with amber
barb and shaft of gold,” and attached to it is “ a scroll with some
fair legend fraught.” This is, of course, a letter from Zeila,
warning him to escape from the city, and telling him that two
steeds are waiting him, “ or at the Shor's, or Chandoul’s gate,”
and that he had better fly as far as he can. But how the fair
Zeila was so well acquainted with the accidental movements of
the Bruce, does not very plainly appear.

Of course the Bruce rejects this unbecoming advice, and
journeys on his perilous way through the city. Our apprehen-
sions for his safety are here somewhat mitigated by the disco-
very, that he has both a sword and a pistol under his cliogah ,
which, having been previously assured that he was “weapon-
less,” we had not by any means suspected. A party of rebels
discover him to be a Kaffir, in spite of his disguise, and inconti-
nently attack him. He stands at bay for a little time, but
his “ better angel ” discretion “ prompts him well ;” and he
“ springs aside,” turning up a narrow lane, and speeding
on, until a “ half-ruined dwelling meets his view,” and seems to
invite him to enter. He plunges in, ascends the staircase,
finds himself on the roof, and

thence on he strains

Along the far outstretching line
Of house-tops.

The enemy pursue him ; and his doom would now soon

Mackenzie’s “ fair maid of caubul.’

be sealed, but that he comes fortunately upon a something,
that affords him a chance of escape : —

Ha ! yon object strange
A partial shelter may bestow,

And cheat their eyes’ eluded range !

Forward he springs ; not far aloof
A fabric rude and perch -like rose
High from the centre of the roof;

What may its farmost side disclose ?

’Tis hollow — happy chance, and lo !

A flight of steps conducts below.

Evelyn descends the steps ; and the readers of romance will be
less surprised than delighted to learn, that he soon finds him-
self in the presence of the beloved Zeila. A very tender scene
then ensues ; the lovers, surrounded as they are by danger,
plight their troth to each other, and, in an agony of alarm
on the one side, and of desperate but manly sorrow on the other,
part, as the footsteps of Aminullah Khan are heard upon
the stairs. Evelyn escapes through a secret door ; and Zeila is
left alone with her grief.

Evelyn makes his way through strange passages and dun-
geon vaults, until at last he emerges into the light of day,
near the Chandoul gate, and finds the steed, which had been sent
there by the faithful Zeila. Perceiving that it is the iden-
tical animal, that had rolled over with the fair maid, he mounts
and gallops off

To safety and to Khan Sherin,

whom we are glad to see no longer classed among the rebels.

We are then again introduced to the conspirators assembled
in Aminullah’s halls ; and somewhat surprised by the appari-
tion of Akbar Khan, whom we did not expect to meet at so
early a stage of the proceedings; as history asserts, with much
confidence, that he did not reach Kabul, before the 25th of
November. Aminullah is of course rejoiced to see him, and
exclaims,

Allah ! be praised ! Oh ! hour of pride,

Which views brave Akbar by my side.

Akbar, disclaiming all powers of eloquence, makes a long
speech about patriotism ; but the time for talking is at an
end, and the conclave is soon broken up by the bombardment of
the city : —

Hark ’tis the boom of a heavy gun ;

Full soon has the work of wrath begun ;

A fearful crash ! a well-aimed ball

Hath shattering rent the chamber wall ;

Another boom and the echoes tell

The rushing flight of the death -winged shell !

Up-spring the Khans —

and we are soon in the midst of the rebellion.

MACKENZIES “ FAIR MAID OF CAUBUL.'

The events, which followed each other in such rapid succes-
sion through that perilous November, are but briefly recited
by the poet. A hasty tribute, however, is paid to the memory
of those who fell : —

The martial spirits of after-days
Shall proudly re-echo their kindred praise ;

Shall the wondering ear of their offspring court,

Mayhap with a faltering voice to teach,

How dauntless Raban o’er-crowned the breach,

In the storm of Sherif Mahommed’s fort ;

How there in his glory and youth he fell :

How fought — how died brave Mackerell,

Ere the Rickabashie’s hold was lost,

To the murderous bands of the Yaghi’s host —

How then the glorious Bird laid low
With his single arm, in tens, the foe ;

How there, sword-gashed and pierced with shot.

Fell nobly the gallant Westmacott ;

How Wyndham, Jenkins, King, to fame.

Bequeathed an undying and hero name ;

How Leighton, Macbrea, S wayne, Robinson,

And Gordon, their heart’s bright blood outpoured,

As their souls on warrior pinions soared
To the highest heaven, and glorious won
Their honour’d names from oblivion.

The passage, which follows this, though there be nothing
very original in the conception, is among the best in the entire
volume : —

Midnight’s silence dark and deep
Caressing laps the soldier’s sleep,

Wearied, mid the morning’s fray,

Or martial duties of the day ;

Stretched upon the cold bare ground,

Rest at length his limbs have found.

Mayhap, mid his peaceful slumbers,

Foemen slain he boastful numbers ;

Or, amid his dreamy trance,

Marks, with eye of proud disdain,

Fresh opposing foes advance

With flint of steel and quivering lance,

Ready to act on bloodless plain
Yestennom’s fierce scenes again ;

Or haply now his errant dreams,

O’er the severing ocean’s foam
To the far off island roam,

Where the westering sunlight beams
On verdant meads and purling streams,

Round his merry childhood’s home ;

While above his joyous dreaming
Memory’s blazoned wing is gleaming,

Each familiar voice recalling,

Each beloved familiar face,

Clothed in beauty’s maiden grace,

Every joy ere while enthralling

Each emotion of his soul

With subtle art and love’s controul.

6$ MACKENZIES “ FAIR MAID OF CAUBUL.”

Soldier ! slumber on, nor wake,

Till the ruddy morning break :

Then thy weary couch forsake.

Martial trapping o’er thee cast,

For the trumpet’s jarring blast

And the bugle’s rousing note

Must o’er the camp’s deep silence float ;

Neigh of steed and tramp of men
Mingling with the turmoil then,

And the tone of high command
Coercing rank’d and filing band
Must, till the camp’s awakened life.

Prepare it for the coming strife.

After a brief glimpse of the sorrowing Zeila, we come upon
an account of the unfortunate affair of Behmaru : —

Now fetterless incapacity

Lords it with mandate sternly high ;

Inertness, culpably obtuse,

Has shorn each weapon of its use.

The poet does not attempt to veil the melancholy truth, but
describes the rout of the British troops in a manner too humi-
liating for quotation.

The next canto brings us back again to the young lovers. In
spite of war’s alarms, they have contrived to meet at a con-
venient trysting place, and to snatch a brief rapture amidst
the all-surrounding misery and strife. Evelyn is wounded at
Behmaru ; but he nevertheless carries his “ cleft cheek ” and
“ wounded hand ” to the pressure of the fair Zeila, who tells
him that Akbar Khan has determined to seize the person of
the Envoy. On this Evelyn hurries off to McNaghten ; but
his warnings are disregarded. The conference takes place, and
the Envoy is murdered.

Out burst fierce Akbar,— “ Never more
Canst thou our confidence restore,

Foul liar, nor thou, nor thy base host
Shall friendship hence, or mercy boast ;

Know thou art trapp’d, thy cause is lost,

Infidel dog, thou’lt rue the day
When soughtest thou Akbar to betray :

Begur— Begur — bind, hence convey.”

Sprung instant boldly to their feet
The Envoy and his startled suite ;

Trevor, Mackenzie, Lawrence, all,

Dauntless their ready blades unsheathed,

And fierce defiance loud out-breathed,

Resolved to shield him or to fall.

“ What,” cried the furious Akbar, “ Slave,

Darest thou to struggle and outbrave
My will ? Take then the fitting meed
Of traitor, foul and doubly banned :

Outwitted fool ! Thine own base hand
Behold, hath furnished well my need —

On thine own head the vengeful deed.”

Mackenzie’s “ fair maid of caubul.'

MacNaghten bleeds. That pistol shot
Hath reached his life’s most vital spot.

He reels, — he falls — the Ghazi throng »

Rush round -with yells of vengeance fierce :

They seize, they mutilate, they pierce ;

Adown the slope they drag along
The lifeless carcase ; piecemeal hewn
At length around ’tis widely strewn.

The sixth and last canto is devoted to the retreat of the
doomed force through the dreadful snow. Evelyn and Zeila
have bidden adieu to each other, and the army has commenced
its march. The sufferings of the unhappy troops and the more
unhappy camp-followers are traced from day to day with much
painful minuteness. Evelyn toils and fights on through the
cruel passes, but at last is stricken down and left upon a heap
of slain. Here Zeila comes to seek him. Disguised as an
Afghan youth, she has followed the remnant of the retreating
army, and now seeks the body of her beloved ; —

Slender of form, of youthful mien,

Around his brows a turban green ;

The russet chogah, flowing wide.

May not the broidered nimchi hide ;

The kummerbund about him wound
Doth not, as wont, with arms abound ;

An Afghan youth in peasant guise
Seems he, who thus all mournful plies,

Amid his slaughter’d enemies,

Some filial search of tears and woe ;

For mingling with the Kaffir foe,

Lie forms abundant weltering there,

Who Afghan form and features wear.

She succeeds at last in her melancholy search, and finds the
bloody and seemingly stark corpse of her beloved; but, still
not abandoning all hopes, tears the turban from her brow to
bind his wounds, and then —

the eager gusty wind

Doth now each raven tress unbind —

Scatters aloft with sudden whirl,

The beauty of each moon-lit curl,

And lo! reveals each softer trace,

That lines on gentle woman’s face;

For ’tis a maiden’s form, that bends
Above the dying soldier there ;

It is a maiden’s heart that rends,

Anguished and torn by deep despair ;

A maiden’s tear-flood, which descends
So affluent, and so scorching warm,

Upon that mutilated form.

It is, in fact, Zeila herself, who, faithful to the last, has come
to die with her Evelyn ; —

Yes; yes, twas Zeila! Almighty pow’r !

Oh! comfort in this bitter hour !

MACKENZIES “ FAIR MAID OF CAUBUL.”

Her Evelyn she had sought among
Those stiffening corpses strewn around ;
m At length that lov’d one she hath found ,

In whom her last fond hope was bound,

Her heart’s sole Lord, so dauntless, young.

To whom alone her being clung ;

Oh! God, and thus to find him lying
Dead, oh! merciful Heav’n! quite dead ;

Churl — churl! with utterance too all fled,

Nor yet one slenderest hope supplying!

Could but one tender accent fall
Upon her vainly listening ear.

Though worlds were all the risk— oh! all,

How proudly could she brave and bear.

In the agony of her grief she calls upon him to speak only
one word to her ; and, as she pours out her distracted sorrow,
the body begins to move ; —

It breathes— it palpitates— revives ;

Kind Heav’n! its death -hour still survives.

But the gleam of life is but momentary. The dying soldier
opens his eyes, recognises his beloved, faintly murmurs “ my
own — own Zeila !” and expires. Upon which Zeila goes mad —
and not improbably perishes in the snow, though the poet is
silent on the subject.

We have now given some account of these three hundred and
fifty pages of verse ; and we turn, with something of a sensa-
tion of relief, to the notes which conclude the volumes. The
most interesting of these are extracts from the author’s “MS.
Journal.” Mr. Mackenzie has considerable descriptive powers,
and he never appears to so much advantage, as when he is writ-
ing of what he has seen — jotting down the impressions of the
moment. Then he is often picturesque, and minutely faithful
in his details. The following is not a bad description of the
Shor Bazar of Kabul : —

The Shor Bazaar is the most beautiful and remarkable structure in
Caubul. It was erected by the celebrated Ali Murdan Khan, some time
Governor of Candahar, during the reign of Jehangir. He was a chief of
great power and distinction, and possessed of such vast treasures as to have
excited the cupidity of his master, the Shah of Persia, who endeavoured to
obtain possession of his princely person, in order to divest it of its
capital embellishment. To save his head and enormous riches from the
cruelty and grasp of the rapacious Lion of the Sun, Ali Murdan yielded up
Candahar to the Emperor Jehangir: and, being received with much kind-
ness and distinction by that monarch, lived in ease and quietude for the
remainder of a long and honourable life. His memory is perpetuated in
the beauties of the Shor Bazaar of Caubul. It is a succession of four lofty
arcades, two stories high, between fifty and sixty yards in length, and seven
or eight in breadth, and separated by three open intervals, about sixteen or
seventeen yards square; in the centre of each of these spaces is a small tank,
or basin, coped with white marble, and supplied with a jet d’eau, for the
refreshment and delectation of the frequenters and occupants of the

Mackenzie’s “ fair maid of caubul.'

Bazaar. These roofless intervals are called chouks ; and their sides are
occupied by a number of small shops, built in an octagonal form, as the
path leads round on either side of the reservoirs, from the extremity of one
arcade to the entrance of another. At the outward extremities of the first
and last of these covered passages, are two open spaces of larger dimensions
than the intermediate ones — these being about forty yards square. The
arcades are all constructed of brick, and in a perfectly straight line. The
interiors are somewhat grotesquely painted; trees, fruit, animals, and the
“ human form divine” in every possible phase of distortion, daubing, and
chaotic grouping, affright the fastidious “ connoisseur” — purple, red, green,
and yellow, predominating on a white or rather whity brown ground —
the clumsy skill of the artist being lamentably conspicuous in a thorough
contempt for the accessory contingencies of proportion and perspective.
A range of shops occupies the lower portion of each arcade ; and the upper
story is partitioned into small apartments, the habitations of the vendors
of the various articles of merchandize, of which the Shor Bazaar is the
grand emporium.

The next prose extract, which we have marked, is descriptive
of the night after the taking of IstalifF. We have reason to
think, that the horrors, which attended the capture of the place,
are here somewhat exaggerated. The passage, however, is
on many accounts very interesting, and is by no means badly
written : —

The night was bitter — intensely cold ; it was scarcely possible to sleep,
and many of us were unprovided with either cloaks, or pasteens. The
wind rose high and cutting about midnight. A sharp frost set in, and
continued throughout the whole of the following day and night. During
the earlier part of the day, towards the close of the fighting, which had
continued for nearly five hours, and when the terrified inhabitants became
conscious that their last hope of successfully resisting us was gone, and that
the city must inevitably be ours within another hour, they had poured forth
in hundreds from the upper part of the town, and began to ascend the
heights in its rear, to seek safety in flight and in the fastnesses of the hills
beyond. Hundreds of women and children, enveloped in their long white
burkas, studded the side of the mountain, as they plied their rapid and
dangerous way towards the summit. Every moment their numbers
became more dense, until at length the face of the hill appeared almost as
if a wide and snow-like sheet had overspread it. The whole of the female
population of Caubul, and their families, had been removed for greater
safety to IstalifF. on the near approach of General Pollock’s force — the
impression obtaining that the “ maiden city” as it was termed (and which
was traditionally known never to have been taken, and hence considered
impregnable) could never by any possibility fall into our hands. Fatal
mistake ! It fell ; and throughout that bitter and inclement night, the
shrieks and wailings of perishing thousands were borne past by every
icy gust, which howled amid the ruins of the old Castle — chaunting, as it
were, an unearthly requiem over the stark remains of Evans, who had been
shot through the heart on that eventful day. It was subsequently
reported, that upwards of 4,000 men, women and children, had perished
from cold and hunger among the mountains A mighty woe had indeed
fallen upon the devoted city : its pride was quenched for ever ; for, super-
added to the thousands, who had succumbed to the extermination of cold
and famishment among the hills, the purling and slender rivulets, which

MACKENZIES “ FAIR MAID OF CAUBUL."

hurried adown her precipitous streets and declivities, were deeply tinged
with the blood of numbers of her defenders, whose lifeless and mutilated
forms mingled in incongruous heaps with every imaginable description of
merchandize, furniture, tents, brocades, velvets, satins, and similar costly
articles, choked up every avenue which led to the citadel. The sufferings of
those devoted people must have been terrific. On the morning of our depar-
ture from the scene of slaughter and devastation, even the fear of being
shot down by the rear guard did not deter numbers of famishing wretches
from swarming different portions of the encamping ground, which had been
but a few minutes before evacuated, and gathering together every rag, or piece
of clothing they could find, and every revolting particle of offal, or bone, that
was likely to appease their ravenous hunger. This I witnessed with my
own eyes, when, as the troops departed, I lingered behind for a few brief and
sad moments over the scarce recognizable graves of my poor friend, the
youthful, gallant, and ill-fated Evans, and M’Kerricker — the former a bro-
ther subaltern with me in the Light Company, and whom I had known as a
child — and the latter also alight Bob, one of the bravest and most favourite of
my men : and yet as I bent a last look upon that spot, which even I could
scarcely recognize, so metamorphosed had it become by the heaps of straw,
which had been burned upon it, and the quantities of feathers and rubbish
strewn over it to prevent its being detected by the enemy after our depar-
ture, whose invariable practice, whenever they discover the grave of an infidel,
is to disinter the body, mutilate it, and cast it to the four winds of heaven —
yet, as I say, when I looked a last adieu upon the gory resting place of the
boy-soldier thus smitten in the very bud of youth, and hope and glory,
but who had nevertheless attained the zenith of affectionate esteem in the
hearts of all his comrades, and of the veteran soldier, who slept beside him,
it was a matter of somewhat mournful gratulation, that scarce recognized by
myself, that mountain grave would remain undesecrated and unpolluted
by the hand of the ruthless and vindictive Afghan. I turned from
that dreary spot with a pained heart and humbled spirit. I gave
them all that I could give, a sigh, a parting tear. I went on my way, breath-
ing a prayer for the peace of their mortal ashes, and yet another for the salva-
tion and bliss of their franchised and etherealized spirits ; not unforgetful
also, in all the humility of a genuine grief, of our silent, -yet soul-felt
impulse of homage and thanksgiving to that sole and omniscient Euler of
the Universe, who had so long spared, and might still spare, me amid dan-
gers as imminent, and battle-fields as stormy and blood-dyed, as that in
which their noble and gallant hearts had fallen.

With two brief personal notes we shall bring our extracts to
a close ; the first is in illustration of the dangers, which some-
times befel our officers from wearing the Afghan costume : —

The native costume was not always the most safe, however, as an
incident, which occurred at the taking of Istaliff in the Kohistan, had very
nearly and fatally exemplified. All the prisoners, after their liberation
from the clutches of Akbar Khan in 1842, on their arrival at Caubul,
wore the Afghan costume ; indeed they were destitute of any other
description of clothing. Captain Colin Mackenzie was one of them, and
subsequently accompanied the expedition against Istaliff. He still wore
the oriental costume, and narrowly escaped being shot dead by one of
the Light Company of the 41st Eegiment, the soldier having mistaken
him for one of the enemy. Strange to say Captain Mackenzie recovered at
this very place a portion of his European wardrobe, which had been
plundered from him during the insurrection and massacres of the January

MACKENZIES tf FAIR MAID OF CAUBUL.”

previous. A pair of regimental pantaloons in particular were brought
to me by one of my own men, who imagined that they must be mine,
as they were marked with my initials and name, which are the same as
those of my gallant and distinguished kinsman.

The second relates to Sir Alexander Burnes : —

I am enabled to state positively, on the authority of a letter from Sir
Alexander Burnes himself (one of the last he ever wrote, and addressed to
an officer of high rank and one of his most intimate friends), that poor Burnes
had long foreseen the crisis which had arrived ; for, in the letter alluded to,
he states his conviction in the most solemn terms, adding moreover, that he
knew that he was a marked man, and would inevitably be the first
victim ; but, nevertheless, he would never flinch from doing what he
conceived to be his duty, although all his warnings had been disregarded.
Noble fellow ! He was indeed — as his own words and prognostications
implied — the first victim, and died at his post.

There is much more interesting and suggestive matter in
the notes, culled from the author’s “MS. Journal.” We wish,
indeed, that he had given us more prose and less poetry. No-
thing, hut the very highest genius, can sustain a man through-
out eight thousand Tines of verses : cleverness will not do.
The poetical temperament must be in the fullest state of per-
fection to preserve the writer of such a work from failure. It
is no discredit to a man to fail in that, in which few have ever
succeeded : but it is a pity that such a writer as Mr. Mackenzie,
who has obviously very considerable talents, should not have
achieved more by attempting less.

THE BENGAL MILITARY FUND.

Art. III. — Report on the Bengal Military Fund, by F. G. P.

Neison, Actuary of the Medical , Invalid, and General Life

Assurance Society. Lo?ido7i. 1849.

It is necessary to explain in a few words the circumstances,
under which Mr. Neison has been called on to make the
enquiry, of which this report states the satisfactory result. In
the year 1843, doubts having arisen among the officers of
the Bengal Army, as to the correctness of the calculations
forming the basis of their magnificent Fund, it was deter-
mined to submit the accounts and rules to an eminent actu-
ary, Mr. Griffith Davies of the Guardian Life Assurance Com-
pany, in London. That gentleman devoted much time and
attention to the consideration of the subject, and at last pro-
nounced the alarming verdict, that the Fund was insolvent to
the extent of upwards of £400,000 ! On the appearance of this
startling piece of intelligence, several authorities pointed out
that Mr. Davies had over-estimated some of the liabilities of the
Fund ; and a few minor inaccuracies in his data and results
were subsequently brought to notice. Still, as it was ascertain-
ed that he had compiled his law of mortality affecting officers
in India from the records at the India House, and other pre-
sumed good authorities, on the accuracy of which the whole
question hinged, there remained considerable alarm in the
minds of all connected with the institution ; and it was resolved
in 1847, that the whole of the documents, with additional
information collected since 1843, should be placed in the hands
of another eminent London actuary ; and hence the Report,
the substance of which we are about to lay before our readers,
from Mr. Neison.

It will soon be understood that, besides the mere question
of the insolvency, or otherwise, of the Military Fund, so impor-
tant to its subscribers, there is much information, which will be of
value to our general readers. It is from the light now thrown
upon the vital statistics of Europeans in the East, that the facts,
brought to notice by Mr. Neison, become also so peculiarly
of interest to all connected with our Indian possessions.

An institution, like those of the Military F unds in India, where
the living subscribe for the benefit of their widows or families,
must demand that the Fund shall receive, on a general average,
a sufficient sum from the existing contributor, before his death,
to meet the claims on its resources, which he leaves behind

THE BENGAL MILITARY FUND.

at his demise. The simple question then resolves itself, in
viewing the opinions of Mr. Davies and Mr. Neison. into this
one position. Mr. Davies asserts, that such is the law of mortal-
ity for British India, that an officer cannot, as a living member,
contribute sufficient, ere he die, to make up the sum necessary
to pay the pension of his widow, as prescribed by the rules.
Mr. Neison, on the other hand, comes forward, with seemingly
unanswerable assertions and figures, to the effect, that the danger
to life in India has been over-stated by Mr. Davies, and by every
actuary or authority, who has hitherto investigated the subject;
— in a word, that Europeans live longer in India, than has been
hitherto imagined. To our mind he makes his assertion
good ; and, having done so, he shews plainly that a subscriber
to the Fund lives to contribute to its means far longer than was
assumed; that the capital is proportionally improved by the more
enduring subscription of the survivor ; and in fact that the
affairs of the Fund are not in the state of alarming insolvency,
predicated by the learned actuary of the Guardian.

The following table will shew the difference in the ratio of
percentage of mortality of the officers of the Bengal Army,
as exhibited by the two gentlemen we have named : —

Age.

Mortality per cent, per annum.

Mr. G. Davies.

Mr. Neison.

16 to 20

2.614

1.447

21 ... 25

2.682

2.323

26 ... 30

2.799

2.500

31 ... 35

3.029

2.779

36 ... 40

3.287

2.863

41 ... 45

3.639

2.970

46 ... 50

4.061

3.792

In the preparation of the above, Mr. Neison has come upon
a few rather interesting facts. Hg states that, from 1800 to 1847,
the total number of cadets arriving in Bengal has been 5,199.
Of these, 1,874 have died. The total number, who have dis-
appeared from the ranks of the army, including the deaths in
forty-seven years, are 2,665, or more than half ; and, as the ma-
jority of the cadets, who entered the service, belong to the more
recent portion of the forty-seven years, a rather startling picture

THE BENGAL MILITARY FUND.

is given of the perpetual mutability of the component members
of the Fund. Still, as regards actual casualties by death, the
general yearly per centage of all ages is not so fearful — 2.6 per
cent, being the average ratio of mortality.

Mr. Neison next proceeds to examine into the law of mor-
tality, affecting ladies in India, the wives of the Bengal officers.
Mr. Davies, from the small number of data afforded him, had
over-stated their chances of living; and had, in fact, assumed,
that the widows had exhibited a more enduring tenaciousness of
life, than falls to the lot of ladies even, who had never been fated
to leave their native home in Europe. This was evidently erro-
neous; and had been pointed out by the [Registrar General’s de-
partment in England at the time. There is no doubt, as has
been shewn in the work under notice, that residence in India is
much more congenial to female European constitutions than to
those of males ; and this, as Mr. Neison remarks, may be ac-
counted for by the less varied and more simple habits of female
residents in India. But the difference is remarkable, and is not
sufficiently explained by the influence of military duties pecu-
liar to the males, and their greater exposure to the climate;
for the vicissitudes connected with these circumstances, the resi-
dence at unfavourable stations, the movements from place to
place, and other inconveniences, are often shared in full measure
by the females.

Mr. Neison however finally states that the widows of the Mi-
litary Fund shew no very marked difference from the rate of
mortality of the female population of England ; and our readers
of the gentler sex, if we may fortunately be favoured with any,
may congratulate themselves with the consoling reflection, that,
although in our land of heat and musquitoes they may not
have the robust health or roseate hue of their fair sister-
hood in Europe, they are still comparatively spared by the
climate, as regards life itself, and may live eventually to
return, and compete with the fairest and healthiest of their co-
temporaries in the land of their birth.

Having established thus two grand points in his examination
of Mr. Griffith Davies’s Report ; viz., the greater duration of life
in the male c ontributors to the Military Fund, and that their
widows, whe^ brought upon the Fund, do not live longer than
other widows in England, and consequently are not so long
in the receipt of annuities as determined by Mr. Davies — Mr.
Neison proves that the receipts of the Fund from living con-
tributors are more, and its payments to their annuitants less, than

THE BENGAL MILITARY FUND. 77

had been alarmingly put forth in the former Report. And farther,
by some additional results in his investigation, he clearly arrives
at the satisfactory conclusion, that, instead of the Fund being
forty-three lakhs in debt, it is only about ten lakhs deficient, with
ample elasticity in its own resources to meet the deficit, without
either increasing the subscriptions of its members, or, what was
far more important, reducing the pensions of its widows.

On the arrival of the Report in India, it was submitted to
Captain Hannyngton, who had devoted much time to research
into questions affecting the law of mortality for British officers
in India. Captain Hannyngton, we are happy to find, at once
pronounced it an able and elaborate Report ; though his own
investigations of the state of the Military Fund led him to
believe, that one or two important elements of calculation had
not been sufficiently allowed for by Mr. Neison. In conse-
quence of the change of currency in use for the payment of
troops, there had been considerable variation in the value of
the rupee from time to time. When the Military Widows’ Fund,
on which the present Military Fund was based, was first instituted,
the rupee was valued at 2s. 6d.; and the scale of contributions and
of the pensions to widows was framed accordingly. But when
the various coins in circulation in British India became con-
solidated in the Company’s rupee — which contains only 165
grains of standard silver, and is actually equivalent only to two
shillings of English money, and when the subscriptions to the
Fund in India became payable only in the Company’s rupee —
it was found that the payments to widows in Europe of the
original pensions, at the former exchange of 2s. Gd.} entailed a
heavy loss, or increase of expense to the institution. This was
attempted to be met by the Honourable Court of Directors
agreeing to pay the English pensions and other benefits of the
Fund at a fixed rate of exchange, at a better rate than 2s. per
rupee. Still, as Captain Hannyngton has clearly shewn, the
Fund nevertheless loses largely under the present arrangement.
He affirms that the total value of the loss to the institution
cannot be estimated at less than ten lakhs of rupees, from the
total value of its assets and capital.

Mr. Neison, on being furnished with Captain Hannyngton’s
observations, admits the loss to the Fund, but is not prepared, on
the present information, to fix it at any definite sum. Captain
Hannyngton farther had some apprehensions, that, in framing
the law of mortality from the records at the India House, Mr.
Neison had not been sufficiently furnished with correct informa-

THE BENGAL MILITARY FUND.

tion in regard to a large class of retiring officers, and others,
whose names had been discontinued from the lists in India, and
that, many of these names being inaccurately continued in Mr.
Neison’s tables, the results must have been in some degree
vitiated. Mr. Neison has since satisfactorily proved, that he had
only availed himself of such names, as he could accurately trace
during their entire career on the books at the India House;
and that the final tables, which he has prepared, are free from the
objections, which Captain Hannyngton had, with some apparent
reason, suggested. We are glad of this subsequent little dis-
cussion, as it has tended in our minds to raise the value of Mr.
Neison’s Report, and establishes that his declared opinions, in
regard to the solvency of the Military Fund, are the more worthy
of full confidence.

Mr. Neison, we hear, in a paper recently prepared on this sub-
ject, has shewn, moreover, that the Fund possess many important
sources of increasing capital. In the valuation, which he has given,
of the donations and contributions of the married members, he
had only determined the value of their contributions during the
joint lives of the member and his wife ; but he had not taken
into calculation the reversionary subscription payable to the
Fund by the member, should he survive the wife, and which, by
the rules of the Fund, he must then continue as an unmarried
member. Mr. Neison has exhibited the importance of this
hitherto overlooked element in the assets of the Fund, and
states that the present value of the future donations and
monthly subscriptions of the widowers, who may thus have to
continue their support, exhibits an increase in favour of the Fund
of no less a sum than Rs. 6,79,846. He also adduces some
other sources of hitherto unexhibited profit to the institution,
and proves that, in addition to the sum of Rs. 1,03,92,918,
which he gave as the total assets of the Fund, on the 1st
January, 1848, it may take credit altogether for Rs. 8,70,763-6
more, thus leaving the total assets at the date mentioned at
Rs. 1,12,63,681, or within the sum of two lakhs only of the
then stated entire liabilities.

Having thus detailed a few of the leading features of Mr.
Neison’s Report, it may not be uninteresting to many of our
general readers to describe the Military Fund itself — the
noblest, and probably the best extant, of all known charitable and
mutual insurance institutions. It is, however, one only of se-
veral, of nearly equal importance, supported by the Indian Army.
The Presidencies of Madras and Bombay have their separate

THE BENGAL MILITARY FUND.

Military Funds, conducted on the same principles, for the benefit
of widows — and, in these Presidencies, embracing also provision
for the orphans of their brother officers. In Bengal, the Orphan
branch is managed by a separate institution, under a distinct
set of laws and regulations, and provides for nearly 700* child-
ren of the deceased officers of the Honourable Company’s
Army.

The following exhibits a comparative statement of the pen-
sions to widows of the three Presidencies, as granted by their
respective Military Funds : —

Widow of

Bengal

Military

Fund.

Madras

Military

Fund.

Bombay

Military

Fund.

Colonel, and (Bengal) 18 Sur-

£.

geons, 1st class

Lt. -Col. and (Bengal) 18 Surgs.,
2nd class, and (Bombay)

342

235

250

Members of Medical Board
Majors, & (Bengal) Chaplains,
and 18 Surgeons, 3rd class,
and (Madras) Chaplains of
10 years’ standing, and Asst.
Chaplains of 15 years’ stand-
ing, and (Bombay) Superin-
tending Surgeons, and Chap-

273

208

210

lains of 10 years standing...

Captains, & (Bengal) Surgeons,
and Assist. Chaplains (Mad-
ras), Assist Chaplains under
5 years, (Bombay) Surgeons,
Chaplains of 10 years, and
Assist. Chaplains under 15

205

181

170

years

Lieutenants, (Bengal & Bom-
bay), Assist. Surgeons, and

136

135

Veterinary Surgeons

102

Cornet, 2nd Lieut, and Ensign

We also give below a comparative statement of the benefits
granted by the three Presidencies to orphan children* In
Bengal, the benefits are granted, as before stated, by the
separate orphan institution, the head quarters of which are at

In June last the numbers were, in England, 455 ; in India, 306. Total 661.

THE BENGAL MILITARY FUND.

Kidderpore, near Calcutta ; but, at the other two Presidencies,*
the orphan branches are component parts of the Military Funds
of each : —

* "We subjoin statements of the present affairs of the Bombay Military Fuud.
We have not before us a similar detail of the affairs of the Madras Fund; but have
reason to believe that both Funds are admirably attended to.

State of the Bombay Military Fund, 1st May, 1848.

Subscribing Members.

•57

289

448

125

239

1,402

533

837

1,402

1847
1st May

1848
1st May

Increase.

Colonels.

Lt. Colonels.

Members of Medi-
cal Board.

Majors.

Chaplains above
10 years.

Superintending

Surgeons.

Captains.

Chaplains under
10 years.

Asst. Chaplains.

Surgeons.

Lieutenants.

Asst. Surgeons.

Veterinary Sur-
geons.

2d Lieuts. Cornets
and Ensigns.

Members.

Married.

r Widowers with
l offspring.

Unmarried.

Rupees.

36,73,489

38,51,216

413,267

433,261

1,77,727

19,994

Surplus of year
1S47 — 8.

Receipts.

Rupees.

£.

Amount Funded, 1st
May, 1847

36,73,489

413,267,

Received in 1847-8 to
30th April

6,65,970

74,921

Total, Rs...

43,39,460

£488,189

Expenditure.
Income Allowance. . . .

12,812

1,441

Home Passages

57,817

—

6,504

10,

Outward Passages ....

1,474

10l

—

165

♦Passage Money Loan

11,013

— ■

1,239

Equipment Allowance

18,925

—

2,129

I 3

Annuities to Widows
and Children

2,96,122

33,313

15l

! 4

+On Loan

59,469

1 o

—

6,689

! 5

MiscellaneousCharges

24,879

,13

—

2,798

,19

i 7

Secretary’s Establish-
ment

5,739

645

Expended 1st May
1847, to 30th April
1848....,

4,88,243

54,927

Funded 1st May 1848.

38,51,216

433,261

Grand Total, Rs. . .

43,39,460

488,189

1 4

Funded

38,51,216

433,261

1 *11,013

i 5

—

1,239

t59,460

6,689

Grand Total of Fund..

39,21,689

! 7

441,180

Including the Bishop of Bombay who subscribed as a chaplain.

THE BENGAL MILITARY FUND.

Bengal.

Children who have lost
their father :

Under 6 £30

6 to 17 (boys) .. 40

6 to 18 (girls) .. 45

Orphans in England,
when struck off,

receive £63

Girls, who are in India,
at 18, receive pensions till
death or marriage, and
marriage portions of Rs.
1,500.

Madras.

Children, who have lost
one parent:

Under 6 years £20

From 6 to 12 years . . 30
„ 12 to 15 do. .. 40
Children who have lost
both parents :

Under 6 years . * £30

„ 6 to 12 do 45

And 12 to 21 do, . . 60

Bombay.

Single donation.

Increased

donation.

Lost father only.

Under 7 years. £20 £27 10

7 to 10 do. . . 27 10 35

10 to 18 do. . . 35 42 10

Lost both parents.

Under 7 years.£32 10 , £40

7 to 10 do. . . 43 15 55

10 to 18 do. . . 55 I 70

Boys receive £225 from the Fund
at 18, and are then off its books.

Girls may either receive this, or
continue on the Fund until marriage
or death, on giving up their claim to
the portion.

In Bengal, after the success, which attended the admirable in-
stitution of the Orphan Society, which was organised about 1784,

The Bombay Military Fund was established, on ls£ May, 1816; and the following
statement has reference to ls£ May 1848, after 32 years.

Original Subscribers, 1st May,
1816.

Living
18 th May
1848.

Dead.

On 1st May, 1848, the subscribing
members were as follows.

8 1

Colonels

Colonels.

Lieutenant-Colonels ....

Lieut. Colonels.

Members of Medical Board.

Majors

Majors.

Senior Chaplain

• • • •

Chaplains above 10 years.

Superintg. Surgeons.

101

Captains

289

Captains.

1 Chaplains

Chaplains under 10 years.

Assistant Chaplains."

Surgeons

Surgeons.

234

jLieutenants

148

448

Lieutenants.

Assistant Surgeons

125

Assistant Surgeons.

Veterinary Surgeons.

1 Ensigns, &c

239

Ensigns, &c.

470

Total

169

301

1,402

Total.

A married officer pays
as follows :

donation

jin Europe.

Widow’s Pen-
sion.

Equal in each
year to what
is paid in

Per Month.

Per

Year.

Yrs.

Mns.

Days.

A Colonel ....

0 '

250

Lieut.-Colonel .

0 !

210

Major

170

Captain

135

Lieutenant. . . .

0 i

102

Ensign, &c . .

104

6 1

THE BENGAL MILITARY FUND.

it was determined to set on foot a similar fund for the benefit
of widows ; and, in the commencement of the present century,
some benevolent and active officers obtained the support of a
considerable number of contributors, both married and unmar-
ried, whose object was to provide annuities on a liberal scale for
the bereaved wives of their brethren in arms.

In August 1805, the Government in India had already autho-
rised the Pay-Masters of the Bengal Army to receive the amount
of donations and subscriptions, at the tJp-Country stations, and
to remit the amount monthly to the Treasury at Fort William —
thus giving a valuable public aid and official sanction to the
undertaking.

The Military Widows’ Fund worked well for about twenty
years. It admitted officers of the Royal Army to a participation
of the benefits, and was a popular, and, to all appearance, a
respectably-conducted Society. We shall shortly have to ad-
vert to a gross fraud, that was practised on its resources for a
long series of years, by Mr. Martindell, its Secretary; but, in the
year 1824, when it was merged in the more generally useful
institution, called the Military Fund, it had a list of married
members, amounting to 251 in number, of all ranks, and no less
than 166 unmarried subscribers, who either supported it from
charitable and benevolent motives, or from a hope at some
future day of themselves attaining the honours of matrimony.
At that period, there were eighty-seven widows in receipt of
pensionary stipends from the Fund ; and it possessed about
nine and a half lakhs of reserve capital.

At this period, or rather in 1823, the Court of Directors —
finding that more efficient funds had been established at Ma-
dras and Bombay for some years, embracing the grant of bene-
fits to sick subalterns, children and others, besides the mere pen-
sions to widows, and their affording more general advantages to
their respective armies than that in Bengal — forwarded instruc-
tions to the Government at Fort William to call on the army
to frame a new fund similar to those of the other Presidencies ;
and intimated that, unless this were carried out, the Government
would withhold the usual annual donation of 22,000 rupees,
and the high rate of interest of eight per cent, per annum, which
had been granted to the accumulating capital of the Widows’
Fund. The members of the last-mentioned Society had there-
fore no choice, but to submit to the army a proposition to au-
thorise the old Widows’ Fund, with its incumbents, subscribers,
and capital, to merge into a new Bengal Military Fund, framed
on the basis and rules, pointed out for their guidance, as esta-
blished at Madras and Bombay : — and thus, in 1824, rose into
being the noble institution we are describing.

An idea may be formed of the progress and powerful in-

THE BENGAL MILITARY FUND.

crease of the operations and resources of the Military Fund
since 1824, by contrasting a few of the details at the two
periods. The first year exhibited is that of 1825-26, after one
years operations; the year 1850 gives the accounts for 1849, as
closed 31st December, 1849 : —

Total Receipts from Subscribers, 1
Interest, and Government Do- 1

nation J

Total disbursements, including 1
Pensions, Income Allowance. 1-

and all expenses J

Capital in hand

Number of Widows in receipt of ^

Pensions of all ranks ... $

Number of Subscribers of all ^

ranks S

Number of Subalterns, drawing >

Income Allowance in Europe. ]

In the year 1849, no less than forty-two widows were admit-
ted to the benefit of the pensions, and forty-seven subalterns to
that of income allowance in Europe — forty-six having the grant
of outfit allowance, and fifteen that of passage money.

The value and extensive advantages of the Fund may he ga-
thered from the fact, that, at the present moment in Europe,
there are

56 Ladies, the widows of Colonels, receiving

each a yearly pension of £342 3 0

57 Ladies, widows of Lieut-Colonels, Ditto... 273 15 0

62 Ditto, ditto of Majors, Ditto 205 6 3

328 Ditto, ditto of Captains 136 17 6

54 Ditto, ditto of Lieutenants 102 3 9

Besides, there are fifty-five widows remaining as chargeable to
the Military Fund, from the eighty-seven pensions and the other
claimants handed over from the Widows’ Fund in 1824 — these
widows receiving pensions, varying from £100 to £300.

We have adverted, in a former paragraph, to heavy losses, which
the former Widows’ Fund, and the succeeding Military Fund, in-
curred from frauds practised by a former Secretary, named Mr.
Henry Martindell, who was employed by the Fund in that capaci-
ty for a period of nearly forty years. Mr. Martindell died in the
beginning of 1840; and, on his death, some inaccuracies in hi3
cash-book, and certain suspicious-looking entries, led the Di-
rectors to look narrowly into his books. It was then discovered
that, for upwards of thirty years, he had contrived to suppress
all record, in his otherwise most regularly balanced ledgers and

1824-25. 1850.

Sa. Rs.

1,81,081

Co.’s Rs.

17,88,629

1,29,551

9 9

17,48,371

„

13,29,514

52,28,785

109

462

1,331

3,151

102

THE BENGAL MILITARY FUND.

general accounts, of certain chance arrears of subscriptions and
of payments to him, which reached the Fund irregularly, from
the constant moving of officers from pay-division to pay-divi-
sion, their frequent furloughs, fines, marriage donations, &c. &c.,
which, from the fluctuating and uncertain nature of the cir-
cumstances, could not be entered monthly and uninterruptedly
on the different public pay office accounts. These sums, it
appeared, he managed always to receive himself, or through
the agency of some confederate sircars : and, as he never en-
tered them in the daily cash-books, or let them appear in
his public accounts, while the said public accounts were ever
beautifully prepared, as to book-keeping appearance, posted
and accurately balanced, and abstracted in the minutest parti-
culars, he fairly blinded, for thirty years, some of the best ac-
countants, auditors, and others, who were successively appoint-
ed Directors, during that long period of his delinquencies. To
deceive individual officers, who must have known the date of
their separate respective payments to the Fund, he had art-
fully prepared, in a peculiar form, a description of separate
ledger in his own handwriting, for the purpose of shewing
distinct accounts to each officer, who might refer to him for
the present state of his subscriptions : and, as this record only
professed to balance each individual’s account from time to
time, and most accurately exhibited even the purloined sums,
while it afforded, from the deceptive manner of its con-
struction, no means of clashing with, or comparison with, the
public yearly accounts, it continued to deceive hundreds and
hundreds of officers, who applied to him. Since Fauntleroy’s
celebrated forgeries, and falsification of books and accounts in
Europe, so continued and successful a series of frauds has
not occurred in the history of swindling: and, as during the
number of years they were in operation, Mr. Martindell fre-
quently abstracted more than 10,000 Rs. per annum, the loss
to the Funds must have proved immense. Upwards of two
and a half lakhs of defalcations were traced : and, if we add the
loss of eight per cent., which the Funds were deprived of for
years, the actual injury to the present accumulated capital of
the institution cannot be estimated at a less sum probably
than six or seven lakhs of rupees.

We have entered so fully into the history of this astonish-
ing fraud, mainly with a view to shew that the resources of the
Military Fund must be indeed great, and its capabilities be-
yond doubt (as indicated by Mr. Neison in his Report), when
the present solvent and flourishing condition of its assets can
be thus exhibited by an eminent actuary, like Mr. Neison, in

THE BENGAL MILITARY FUND.

spite of so perilous a loss, as that inflicted on them by the dis-
graceful robbery, which we have described.

But to revert to Mr. Neison's Report itself. If tbe accuracy
of his results is to be held as unimpugned and unassailable,
the facts stated by him are of more importance to the Indian
community, than may strike many at first sight. All former
authorities have stated the rates of mortality in India among
the better class of Europeans (that is, excluding the seamen
and private soldiers), to average about three per cent, per
annum. Mr. Neison asserts, that the mortality is not above
2.6 per cent. In other words, as we have before stated, Mr.
Neison asserts that in every thousand of the gentlemen, com-
posing the Military Service, who are exposed to the climate
for one year, there survive at the end of the year in India
974 persons, while twenty-six have been carried off by death.
Eormer authorities would leave only 970 alive, and affirm that
thirty must have died.

One of the great points, affected by these facts, is that of the
calculating of promotion in the army. The Indian army is a seni-
ority service, like the Marine corps, and other Ordnance branches,
in Her Majesty’s army. Nothing can be worse for efficiency
in the higher ranks than such a system. Were the mortality
twice as great, the fortunate survivors would nevertheless be
old men, before they could reach the command of a regiment :
but, as it is, with the few retirements or resignations that take
place in the first twenty five years of service to quicken pro-
motion among the juniors, the case is hopeless. Mr. Neison has
shewn that, in twenty-five years after joining the army, out of
5,199 officers, only 230 have retired, 53 have been invalided, 75
have been dismissed by Court Martial, 54 have been pensioned,
and 186 have resigned ; the whole giving a total only of 598 with-
drawn during the first twenty five years of service, from the entire
5,199 Cadets, who have joined the army since 1800. Out of the
remaining number, while clinging to the service, 1,662 have died
in the first twenty-five years of their Indian career; there must
remain therefore a large residue of men, who, in their forty-fourth
or forty-fifth year of age, have to be provided for in the higher
ranks of the service. But there are only about 300 field offi-
cers in the Bengal army. How many therefore of inferior
rank must hopelessly toil on as captains, long after the first
energies of life have expended themselves, and who must be
worn out and effete for years, before they can hope to reach
the command of a regiment. The conclusion is evident. If
the officers of the Indian army wish to reach the higher ranks
in a reasonable time, it must be by their own exertions, and

THE BENGAL MILITARY FUND.

by some extraneous aids to promotion alone, that they can
attain the object of their ambition. They must purchase out
largely from among all, who come within the periods of possible
retirement. As for new regiments, or any increased expen-
diture on the part of Government for the benefit of the army,
such assistance to promotion need hardly be anticipated in
these days of public economy, and parliamentary animosity to
army estimates at home or abroad. Officers must carve out
their own means of early retirement to the land of their birth :
and encouragement ought to be unanimously given to every
well-digested plan, which facilitates this most essential of all
objects. Let the ambitious, the healthy, the untiring soldier
of fortune cling on to the service. It is a glorious field for
his ambition : but the prizes are too few for all to aspire to
them ; and it is for the benefit of each and all, to foster and
facilitate every means of retirement to Europe, to a large por-
tion of their community.

The health may fail ; the climate will not agree with all ; and,
where is the advantage of lingering on in exile and exposure to a
tropical sun, with all its evils of wasting strength and debilitated
constitution, when the means of escape may be secured by a few
vears of patient economy and common prudence? Since the
failure of all attempts to establish a general Retiring Fund, either
by the aid of a Curnin, or the more reasonable efforts of a
Hannyngton, there is, now, we find, an opening to secure the
blessing of deferred annuities and endowments by a chartered
public insurance office, the Family Endowment Society, under
the patronage of a well-known former Governor-General, and
supported by some long tried public officers of the Government,
and others in England. A moderate monthly, or periodical
subscription, fox a continued number of years, will ensure a
competent retiring endowment, or annuity : and we would strongly
recommend the plan to the earnest consideration and approval
of our military readers. The possession of such an endowment
would enable officers at any time to retire to Europe : and, with-
out some such aid or means of escape, it is utterly impossible
for the army itself to hope to diminish the obstacles to promo-
tion, or to remedy the wretched stagnation of all advance-
ment to rank in an army, which, when speaking of its physical
efficiency, and the prospect of early retirement to Europe, with
the benefits of advanced rank, may truly be said to be cursed
with a system of seniority promotion.

The next essential point, which is affected by Mr. Neison’s
results, is that of Life Assurance in India. If Europeans die
there at the rate only of 2.6 per cent, per annum, it is suscep-

THE BENGAL MILITARY FUND.

tible of easy demonstration, that the present offices for life
assurance in India, with very few exceptions, are most cruelly
fleecing the insured classes, by the high rates of premium,
which they are extorting.

By Mr. Neison’s figures, and from what we have already
stated, it is plain that if 1,000 men insure, each 1,000 rupees,
there will be twenty-six deaths; and the office will have to pay
26,000 rupees for that number of policy-holders, who have died
during a year. If the offices receive 26 rupees yearly from
each individual of the 1,000 policy-holders, they will suffer
no loss, except it be for their expenses and establishment.
But as all premiums are paid in advance, and the office has
the benefit of interest on the pre-paid premiums ; and, as all
policies, discontinued or thrown up at any time before death or
completion of the term, are clear profit to the office, it may
safely be inferred that all premium, in excess of the mathemati-
cal risk, which is demanded by an insurance company, is a
profit to itself, and so much overpaid by the party holding a
policy.

But it may be right and proper for all insurance offices,
protected by a body of responsible shareholders, who have to
pay up an amount of capital in the first instance, to have a
certain margin of profit, in excess of the mathematical risk.
In Europe, about twenty to twenty-five per cent, is added therefore
to the scale of premiums, for the purpose of giving, from this
source of advantage to the office, the usual interest allowed for
the capital of shareholders; and the residue profits are then dis-
posed of, either among the policy-holders, or the office at large,
as may be laid down in the printed rules of each Society.

But in India, how stands the case ? We have shown,
that to insure 1,000 rupees, 2-6 per cent., or 26 rupees, is
the mathematical amount required to meet the risk, even if
money have no interest at all. Now the Indian Laudable
Society demands on an average , between the ages of twenty
to fifty, no less a sum than fifty-eight rupees per thousand ;
the Oriental demands the same ; and the Universal asks for fifty-
nine rupees to insure the same amount. Had these offices
exacted an additional fifty per cent, even, instead of the twenty-
five per cent, recognised in Europe, as sufficient advance on the
real risk, the rate of premium would still have been but thirty-
nine rupees per thousand ; but, as it is, they have overcharged
the policy-holder more than cent, per cent, for their own profit
and expenses !

If the Indian community choose to submit to pay such
extortionate rates of premium, after this plain exposition of

THE BENGAL MILITARY FUND.

the state of the case, it is their own fault. The whole system,
as at present managed, is most lamentable and faulty. It is
idle to talk of division of profits, and returned premiums. No
division can take place, till a policy-holder has run the gauntlet
for several years ; and he must survive five or six years, be-
fore he can have a chance of his over-payment being accounted
for to him. Why should he be subjected to over payment at all?
It defeats the legitimate object of life insurance, so advantage-
ous in European communities to the mass of the middling
classes, where cautious provision for families and children, and
accumulation for old age, are economically attained ; and in India
it follows that none resort to life assurance, except the debtor,
the adventurer, or those driven into it by speculations in heavy
indigo advances, or other necessitous and calamitous circum-
stances.*

We do not mean to assert that it would be safe either for the
assured, or for an assurance office, at once to adopt Mr. Neison’s
law of mortality as the basis of their operations. His tables shew
that, for the last septennial period of the present century, there
has been a far greater average of deaths, than in any other preced-
ing seven years since 1800. Any new office, therefore, establish-
ed within the last few years, and framing their tables of premium
only on Mr. Neison’s general average of data, would have suf-
fered immense losses. But we defy the Indian offices to prove
that — if, at the age of twenty, an insurance office had demand-
ed for that term, three per cent, as premium, at the age of thirty,
three and one-third per cent. ; at the age of forty, four per cent ;
and at the age of fifty, five per cent. — any principle of perfect
safety would have been compromised, or that the shareholders
would not have been fully protected, and remunerated for their
risk.

But another important feature must arise from Mr. Neison’s
calculations. All deferred annuities and reversionary benefits,
and all post obit expectancies, must be materially altered. In the
question of deferred annuities, or pensions, the difference is
immense. The expectation of life is so much increased by the
result of Mr. Neison’s researches, and the chances of living
longer in India, and of retirement to Europe, are so largely aug-
mented, that it would require nearly one-fifth more money, by
Mr. Neison’s figures, to secure a given yearly sum to an annuit-
ant, than by any former calculation known in India. Let U3

* This statement is strikingly confirmed by the fact of the very short average
duration of policies in the Calcutta offices, as stated by Mr. Francis, and adverted to
in our notice of his pamphlet in our last No.

THE BENGAL MILITARY FUND.

select Mr. Griffith Davies’s value of annuity at the following
ages, and contrast the same with Mr. Neison’s.

Value of an Annuity of £1

Age.

Davies.

Neison.

9.9753

11.6349

9.8634

11 5499

9.7478

11.4597

9.6324

11.3638

9.5153

11.2623

All offices, public funds, or annuity societies, which grant
prospective benefits, will do well to attend to this most serious
consideration ; else, at the end of ten or twenty years, they may
find themselves in a ruinous dilemma.

It is not an usual operation for Europeans in India to raise
money on reversionary expectations : still the facts, which are
elicited by Mr. Neison, will be found practically to touch upon
many and various interests of the community at large, be-
sides the stagnation of military promotion. Mr. Neison’s tables
are valuable to the official statist, to the aspirant for advancement
in the civil and uncovenanted appointments of the State, and to
the tenure of public employment generally ; and all concerned
will do well to give some little attention to the able and valuable
report before us.

It is somewhat sad to close this notice by an intimation, that
the labour of the indefatigable actuary, which has produced these
results, has been a very unprofitable occupation to himself.
He undertook, we have heard, the enquiry into the affairs of the
Bengal Military Fund for a fee of 200 guineas, and the expenses
of printing his report. It has come to our knowledge, that, at the
India House alone, his researches there have cost Mr. Neison far
more than the amount of his honorarium, for bona fide payments
to the assistants, whom he employed under him in the investiga-
tion. We cannot conceive that the army, or the Indian Govern-
ment, will permit Mr. Neison to be thus positively a loser by his
exertions in their behalf. The Directors of the Bengal Military
Fund, we hear, have submitted the case for the favourable consi-
deration of the Home Authorities.

Since this article was written, the affairs of the Fund, to which
it relates, have been much before the public, in consequence of
the detection of a fresh instance of abstraction of its Funds, and
falsification of its accounts. The offender, this time, is a native

THE BENGAL MILITARY FUND.

sircar, who has made himself scarce, and who has not as yet,
so far as we have learned, been apprehended. The amount of
plunder, though far short of that on the former occasion, is
very considerable. The Secretary, and the Auditor, of the Fund
have both been dismissed — not because of any the slightest
suspicion, that either of them had any thing to do with the
delinquency, but because neither of them was either acute
enough or attentive enough to detect it. Considerable discus-
sion has taken place, as to the propriety of the dismissal of the
Auditor, who had strongly remonstrated against the system of
book-keeping pursued in the office, and who avers, we believe
truly, that, if the system, which he attempted to introduce, had
been adopted, the fraud, which has actually escaped detection
through several audits, must of necessity have been detected
at once. While this considerably diminishes the blame, that
seemed at the first blush of the matter to attach to the Auditor,
we cannot regard it as sufficient to warrant his retention in
office. The whole matter seems to lie in a very small compass.
The accounts were badly kept : that is not disputed. Mr. Cooke
did all that he could do, in order to get them better kept :
and, had his method been adopted, the fraud could not have
taken place, or must have been detected at once. This also
is granted. But still the fact remains. The accounts, as
kept, were either auditable, or they were not. If they were
not, Mr. Cooke should not have accepted a salary for professing
to do that, which could not be done. If the accounts were
capable of audit, the alternative charge of incompetence, or in-
attention, must lie against Mr. Cooke.

Various means have been suggested for the avoidance, in
future, of such frauds as these. The two, that seem to find
most favour, are a paid Directory, or the transference of the
entire management of the Fund to the Government. As to
the latter mode, we question whether the Government would
accept the charge. As to the former, we question whether
officers of standing could be found willing to undertake the en-
hanced responsibility, that is understood to attach to a paid
official. To us it seems, that the only thing, within the power
of the Army, is the appointment of a well-paid Secretary of
business habits, a competent and active Accountant, and an
Auditor, who should be so remunerated, as to enable him to
bestow a fair amount of attention to the duties of his office.
With this, and with a greater amount of publicity given to the
statements of the Fund’s affairs, we doubt not that an effectual
check would be put to the evil practices, that are so much to be
lamented.

CENTRAL INDIA UNDER BRITISH SUPREMACY.

Art. IV. — 1. Malcolms ( Sir J.J Memoir of Central India ,

3rd Edition. 2 vols. 8 vo. — London. 1823.

2. The Bengal Hurkaru , The Englishman , The Eriend of

India , dec.

Three and thirty years ago, the few British statesmen, who
in those days paid any attention to the affairs of India, or were
interested in its welfare, knew that the time had arrived, when
a great effort on the part of the British power was inevitable.
They were aware that that power — from its character and con-
stitution, the friend of order and of security of person and pro-
perty— was necessarily in permanent antagonism to the chaotic
misrule and licence, which were devastating not only Central
India, but also all the adjacent territories. Our statesmen felt,
therefore, that the decisive struggle between the Anglo-Indian
armies and their numerous, but ill-organized, opponents could
not be longer deferred. The conflict was for the ascendancy
of good or evil. Never, in the course of our rapid rise to
supremacy in India, has the sword been drawn more justly,
or with more humane motives, than by the Marquis of Hast-
ings in 1817 ; and seldom did God grant a good cause more
entire success.

In these times, it is not easy to realize in idea the state, into
which the ceaseless strife and turmoil (internal and external)
of the Mahratta Governments, and of the Bajput principali-
ties, abetted by the common foe of all, the Pindarris, had
plunged the wretched people of Central India. One and
thirty years of comparative calm have not yet effaced from
the minds of chiefs and people those days of affliction : and,
well as Malcolm and others of our Indian historians have
sketched the miserable condition of society during the “ times
of trouble,” as they are still emphatically designated, they have
barely succeeded in giving more than a faint outline of the
reality. Talk to the elders, whether of chiefs or people — to
those whose years admit of their instituting a comparison be-
tween the scenes in which youth was passed, and the repose
in which old age is closing — and the vividness of human speech
and feeling brings home to the heart the misery, in which the
largest and worthiest classes of the population were, to all ap-
pearance, irretrievably immersed. An Englishman can with
difficulty pourtray to himself so woful a state of society. The
scenes, with which revolutionary war has made them acquainted,
might enable a Croat or Hungarian to do so : but, on the con-
tinent of Europe, licence and oppression, under the mask of

CENTRAL INDIA UNDER BRITISH SUPREMACY.

liberty, are of a less clironic character, and civil war, with
Christian lands for its theatre, falls short of the horrors of a
Pindarri incursion ; even Red Republicans are scarce so basely
and systematically cruel.

Our purpose is not here to follow the events, by which Pro-
vidence gave peace to these long distracted countries. We shall
not trace the assembly of the British Armies ; their simultaneous
advance from the Nerbuddah and the Jumna; the ancillary
political negociations ; the conduct of doubtful allies ; the
treachery of compulsory ones ; the sweep over Malwa by Mal-
colm, Adams, Marshall, scattering before them the Pindarri
hordes; the battle of Mahedpur; the entire dispersion of
the Pindarris ; and the capture, surrender, or destruction of
their leaders. Our business is rather to avoid achievements so
well known and so well told, and to content ourselves with the
endeavour, to lay before the reader a general view of the system,
which took the place of the anarchy, to which we have alluded.

Prom the period that the Mahrattas gained the ascendant in
Central India, and the Mogul Empire ceased to be otherwise
than nominally supreme, the once controlling power of the
latter was succeeded by no correspondent authority. True it
is, that the influence of the Mogul Emperors over the more dis-
tant portions of their dominions was uncertain, and oscillated
with the personal character and renown of the individual on
the throne — being shadowy, or real, in proportion to his wisdom
and strength ; but, even in the weakest hands, the Emperor’s
authority had a form and substance, which were wanting to that
of the Paishwa. The controul of the latter over the Mahratta
states, which had loosely aggregated, rather than formed them-
selves, from the debris of the empire, was, when compared
with the influence of the Mogul Emperors over their territorial
subordinates, a mere mockery of supremacy. The Mahratta
rule and institutions, with their peculiar basis of Hindu thought
and feeling, lacked the principle of concentration. Even in
the event of the Mahratta powers not having been so circum-
stanced, as to be early brought into conflict on various points
with growing and vigorous Anglo-Indian Governments, it may
be doubted, whether the Paishwa, or any other Mahratta Prince,
such as Holkar, or Scindia, would ever have succeeded in esta-
blishing a virtual supremacy over the countries under the sway
of the various Mahratta Rulers. The battle of Paniput tested
the pith and quality of a Mahratta confederation.

Satisfactorily to assign a reason for these centrifugal tenden-
cies is difficult. Enlisting, as they necessarily must have done,
the sympathies of the Rajput Princes and of the great mass of

CENTRAL INDIA UNDER BRITISH SUPREMACY.

the Hindu population, both of whom they freed from a yoke
galling and obnoxious, the Mahrattas had much to favour the
consolidation of their acquisitions and conquests into an empire
of some solidity of fabric. A very loose confederacy was, how-
ever, the utmost to which it attained. The fact is a remarkable
one. We may observe, however, that among the very numerous
sects classed under the generic name, Hindu, though there
exist points of strong sympathy, these are not sufficient to
counteract the isolating and repellent properties of Hinduism,
as a system; for its whole tendency is to split its votaries into a
multiplicity of petty communities, having with each other no-
thing but distant and constrained social intercourse and relations.
The bars to intimacy are insuperable ; and encroachments on
the petty demarcations, not only of caste, but of sects of castes,
are jealously watched. Minds, trained from infancy in such a
school, are imbued with the contractile spirit of pertinacious sec-
tarianism; and, though they maybe greedy of power and wealth,
and extremely patient and subtile in their pursuit, yet they
enter upon such a career, incapacitated for the entertainment
of those comprehensive views, which enable ambition to esta-
blish empire. The case is different with the Mussulman. His
creed, in these respects, is in marked contrast to that of the
Hindu, and has a direct tendency to mould the mind to the
idea of concentration of power. The Deism of the one is not
more opposed to the Polytheism of the other, than are the
several tendencies of these two great classes of India to mono-
cracy and polycracy.

Though no ocean divided them from their mother-coun-
try, the Mahratta colonies, for such they may be styled,
owed but a nominal allegiance to the Paishwa. His supre-
macy was a phantom, if not a nullity. After the battle of
Mahedpur, not only the Paishwa’s, but the real influence
of the Mahratta States of Holkar and Scindia, were dis-
solved, and replaced by British supremacy. The latter came
to a chaotic inheritance ; and, in order to judge how the
restorers 'of order performed their high duty, it must be
shown, however faultily and inadequately, what the establish-
ment of our authority involved. Within the limits at our
disposal, we cannot attempt to review in detail the conduct
and labours of the various subordinate agents of the Anglo-
Indian Government. Nor is this necessary in order to obtain
a general idea of that, which had to be accomplished. If we
confine ourselves to a general summary of the duties entrusted
to the ministerial representatives of British power, and to
the circumstances under which they have been placed and

CENTRAL INDIA UNDER BRITISH SUPREMACY.

acted, the patience of the reader will he spared — at the same
time that he obtains a sufficient insight into the system, which
succeeded to that of the Mahratta ascendancy.

Most men in India have read Sir J. Malcolm’s instructions
to the assistants and officers acting under his orders : and, whilst
from these the spirit, in which the British agents entered upon
the exercise of power, may be gleaned, a reference to Malcolm’s
appendix to his valuable work on Central India will make the
reader acquainted with the number of States, petty Chiefs,
Grassiahs, Bhils, and Pindarris, whose affairs had to be adjust-
ed by the intervention of functionaries, who earnestly and ably
applied themselves to the work, in the spirit of conciliation,
which pervaded their Chief’s orders.

None of these States, or Chiefships, were otherwise than de-
pendent on the paramount authority ; and it must be borne
in mind, that this dependence was, notwithstanding that some
had entered into treaties with the British Government, often
most indefinite ; that their relations with each other were fre-
quently peculiar, and, in cases of tribute, often delicate and
complicated ; that, however small the state or principality, ex-
treme jealousy of encroachment on their territory, or of neglect
of their dignity, was a common characteristic ; that, in conse-
quence of the distracted condition of the country and the
repeated changes and revolutions, which every State, small or
great, had undergone, the boundaries of all were unsettled ;
that, as a general rule, the power to assert and keep had been
the definer of each State’s boundary ; that the latter had there-
fore expanded or contracted, according as accidental circum-
stances favoured, or were adverse to a Chief’s pretensions ; that,
besides the number of different petty States and Chiefs with
ill-defined possessions, both Holkar’s and Scindia’s territories
were strangely intermixed with them ; that Scindia had out-
lying districts, isolated from his main possessions, and cast,
as provocatives of discord and misrule, in the midst of the
domains of other States ; and finally, that none of these
States, or Principalities, had anything deserving the name of
a systematic internal administration. The necessities of the
Eulers drove them to extort as much as possible from the
people; the Eevenue Department, therefore, was an object
of much and constant solicitude ; but justice, civil or criminal,
was rather regarded, as a subordinate branch of their fiscal
system, than as an important department of good government.
Coin was struck everywhere. Transit duties wTere levied in
each State, small or great, and with no fixed rule but that
of the will of the Chief, and the moderation of his unchecked

CENTRAL INDIA UNDER BRITISH SUPREMACY.

tax-gatherers, usually the farmers of the revenue. The people,
exposed to violence from their neighbours and to frequent
robbery, and unable to secure redress, had recourse to retalia-
tion; and thus habits of plunder, particularly of cattle-stealing,
became very general amongst the village communities. The
custom of reprisals soon passes into confirmed predatory habits,
and rapidly demoralizes a people. To crown the whole, many
Chiefs and Thakurs did not scruple to share in the proceeds of
the plundering expeditions of their subjects — thus encouraging
their adventures as profitable sources of income.

Little reflection is necessary in order to imagine that, when,
under such circumstances, a paramount power of overwhelming
strength suddenly appeared upon the scene, and scattered its
agents — men of undoubted integrity — over the face of the coun-
try to watch events and maintain tranquillity, these representa-
tives of a power (resolved to have, and able to enforce, order)
became the foci of reference on a host of subjects from a mul-
tiplicity of different quarters and people. They found them-
selves forced to take up questions of every class and character :
and it would be hard to say, whether the military, political, finan-
cial, or judicial prevailed. The importance of the matters, which
came before them, of course varied ; but it would be a misnomer
to apply the term “ international cases” to the greater part of
the requests for the intervention of the British officers. Private
international cases, though circumlocutory, would be a more
appropriate designation : they seldom have risen to the dignity
of national negociations or controversies, but have turned in
general upon private interests and common business. If, in the
United States, where municipal administration is well under-
stood, and the common law of England forms the basis of the
Lex Loci, it has been found that very complicated private rela-
tions and rights arise between the citizens of some six or seven
and twenty independent States, and that there is a necessity for
the constant administration of extra municipal principles (as
one of their juris-consults terms them), how much more ought
this to prove the case in a country like Central India ? Any
common law is unknown : the country is studded with petty but
independent States and principalities, acknowledging as their
heads, here a Mahratta, there a Rajput, further on a Mussul-
man ; each has its own local laws and customs, and often its dis-
tinct religion ; and there is not even a common basis, such as
affords some bond to the United States of America. Should
it be asked, What was the code furnished to the British agents
for their guidance under these circumstances of incontrovertible
difficulty ? the reply is simple — None whatever. But as men

CENTRAL INDIA UNDER BRITISH SUPREMACY.

in their positions must, it will be rejoined, be guided by some
rules or other, what was it that regulated their proceedings, and
the exercise of their authority, amid this conflict of laws and
customs ? We cannot claim for them, as a body, any great
knowledge of jurisprudence. By far the greater number had
wielded the sword, before they became administrators : and they
pretended to no acquaintance with Huberus, Boullenois, or Vat-
tel. At present there is not perhaps a man among them, who has
heard of Burgi or Story. Nevertheless, acting upon an axiom,
which is the fundamental one of all justice — “Do unto others, as
you would that they should do unto you” — they proved good
practical administrators, and were kept pretty right in the dis-
charge of their mixed political, judicial, and administrative,
functions, by the golden rule, which they owed to their Christian
education. They were led by it to a practical sense of what
public interest and utility required, and of the inconveniences,
which cannot fail to arise from any neglect of this moral foun-
dation of justice. They felt, and felt rightly, that the para-
mount power had neither the right nor the wish, in maintain-
ing the public peace, to enforce laws, customs, or institutions,
subversive of the social polity and morals of the different races
under its sway. Very few fixed and certain principles were ever
enunciated by the Government to its agents ; and it was not till
late, that the Court of Directors hazarded a few brief rules for
the guidance of their political officers. It may be said that the
vast mass of private international cases, disposed of before the
tribunals of our Residents and Agents, have been decided by their
sense of what was just and equitable, rather than by any fixed
principles. Both the Home and the Indian Governments
shrunk from the delicate duty of legislating on such matters.
For the former there was an excuse ; “ Trois de g res d' elevation
du pole renversent toute la jurisprudence ; un meridien decide
de la verite.” The Supreme Government, however, seemed not
a whit more ready to face the difficulty, and preferred building
on the good sense, right feeling, and sound integrity of its
servants, rather than on its own wisdom and the sufficiency of
legislative enactments. Responsibility was thus kept with its
full weight on the shoulders of the agents of the paramount
authority. They could appeal to no code, to no rules, and must
always be prepared to show that their acts and decisions were
in conformity to the most comprehensive views of equity.

Nothing is further from our intention than to give an exag-
gerated notion of the ability and judgment of the various
principals and subordinates, who have taken part in the admi-
nistration of the affairs of Central India. Men of every shade

CENTRAL INDIA UNDER BRITISH SUPREMACY.

of opinion, acquirements, and character, have figured on that (of
late but little observed) scene. Of these, few have proved defi-
cient either in ability or in character; whilst some have been
much distinguished, both for their attainments, and by their
zealous exertions and exemplary discharge of duty. The
attempt to compare or analyse the labours of so many valuable
officers would be invidious ; but we may safely assert that, as a
body, their conduct has been such as to create confidence in the
ability and impartiality of our countrymen ; while, as to them-
selves, the result has been, that they have found themselves
forced to discountenance reference to their tribunals, rather
than to grasp at authority ; and, in spite of this, they have
often found themselves with more work on their hands than
could well be done by them. Instead, therefore, of seeking to
extend their jurisdiction, and to arrogate to themselves undue
power and interference, their endeavours, with few exceptions,
have systematically been turned to strengthening the hands of
the petty rulers, with whom they were brought into connection.

Under this system, person and property have attained a con-
siderable degree of security, and the predatory habits of the
people have undergone a marked improvement during the thirty
years of its continuance. “ We are now in the English times,”
has become a proverbial mode of concisely signifying that the
spokesman has no intention of submitting as helplessly and
hopelessly to oppression, as he might have done in the “ times
of trouble.”

Let us not, however, be mistaken. We have no wish to give the
English times a particle more of credit than may be their due,
or to ascribe to the system and its agents a degree of success, to
which they themselves have never pretended to attain. Our
readers must not suppose halcyon days for Central India. They
must not imagine that person and property are as secure, and
the countries, which it comprises, as free from marauders, as is
the case in England. They will misunderstand us completely, if
they arrive at any such conclusion. Neither the spirit, nor the
practice, of marauding are forgotten, or out of vogue. When-
ever favourable opportunities present themselves, events still
occur, which teach how difficult it is permanently to subdue the
predatory habits of a people, or of tribes. The seeds of evil
may lie buried a while ; but they spring into life and organized
activity with wonderful alacrity, when circumstances suit. The
causes of this are various ; and it will be well to note a few of
the chief.

Our power, when it has to cope with an object of sufficient
magnitude, is capable of great efforts, and treads down opposi-

CENTRAL INDIA UNDER BRITISH SUPREMACY.

tion, or crashes evil, as in the case of the Pindarris, with irre-
sistible force. But — the effort over, and the strength of first
impressions gone — the knowledge gained of the cost and
difficulty of putting our masses into motion soon restores con-
fidence to the free-booter, who seldom has any apprehension
from the march of a single detachment, — escape from such being
a matter of extreme facility. Intermixed territories, under the
rule of weak, and, sometimes distant Chiefs, as in the cases of
Holkar and Scindia ; a very imperfect Police ; a pervading fear
of the resentment of the marauders ; a consequent anxiety among
the people to secure, to themselves and their property, impunity
from vindictive violence, by silence and secrecy as to the move-
ments of predatory bands, and by compliance with their requi-
sitions for food and shelter ; the apathy, fear, and (worse still)
the corruption of the amils and subordinate servants of petty
States ; the difficult nature of the jungles and wild country, which
are usually the haunts and power of the marauders ; want of
information, as to their times and places of assembly, plans,
and movements ; if by accident any should be caught and deli-
vered into the hands of a Chief for punishment, the misjudged
leniency exhibited ; the fact that occasionally a respectable man
is driven to revolt and plunder by the oppression and spoliation
of men in authority ; the pretext, which such instances afford,
for those who choose, by plunder and violence, to seek to
enforce compliance with unreasonable demands and preten-
sions ; the favour, with which such men are invariably regarded
by village landholders and authorities, who are always prone
to think that the case may, any day, be their own ; the ea-
gerness, with which systematic plunderers range themselves
under such leaders, in order to indulge marauding habits under
the sanction of a cause, which unfortunately bears with it
the sympathies of the people ; the number of adventurers,
either seeking for, or discharged from, the service of petty
Eulers — a class of men hanging loose on society, and possessed
of no means of livelihood except their weapons ; intermixture
of jurisdictions and territories, each jealous of trespass, even in
pursuit of the greatest of criminals ; — all these, and a variety of
minor circumstances, which reflection cannot fail to derive from
those specified, have favoured, and still do favour, the unex-
tinguished spirit of marauding, which has few better fields than
Central India.

In 1837, the Supreme Government was fully alive to the real
state of affairs in Malwa and the neighbouring countries : and
much consideration was bestowed upon various plans for more
effectually subduing these evils. Lord W. Bentinck had seen

CENTRAL INDIA UNDER BRITISH SUPREMACY.

the futility of the principle of holding petty and weak Chiefs
responsible for the acts committed in their territories. Theore-
tically the principle could not be departed from : but much com-
bined to render its practical application often impossible, and
often inequitable. He had shrewdly enough seen the ineffici-
ency of reclamations by Political Agents, through durbars and
their vakils — that nerve, energy and action were paralyzed by
such a system — and that, with the view of our influence being
efficacious, it must not be diluted by passage through such a
chain of references, but that controul must be brought more
directly and immediately to bear.

The first project, entertained and discussed, was to entrust the
general charge and direction of measures against marauding
bands to one military officer, the Political Agent at Mahedpur ;
placing under his command all the military means of the coun-
try, whether contingents trained and commanded by European
officers, or undisciplined troops, Horse and Foot, in the service
of the various States. This proposition, however, met no sup-
port from the Residents and Political Agents consulted, and was
rejected— mainly on the ground, that the country was too exten-
sive to be effectually controlled by being placed under the super-
vision of one military officer.

The second project was concentration of authority in the
hands of a Resident, or Agent for the Governor- General, who
was to reside at some central point between Indore and Gwa-
lior, and who was to have the general political superintendance
of Malwa, and of all the States and Dependencies then under the
separate Residents of Indore and Gwalior. The plan was ana-
logous to the one originally recommended by Malcolm, excep,
that the latter wished to create a Government out of this charget
whereas with Lord W. Bentinck it found favour, because it would
have enabled him to abolish a Residency. He accordingly
consulted Speirs, Sutherland, and Wilkinson respecting its
merits : but the plan was less agreeable to these officers than
to the Governor-General. They had differing views and opini-
ons : and finally the idea was relinquished from the opposition of
Scindia’s Durbar — the Maharaja being averse to a measure, cal-
culated, in his opinion, to lower the dignity, and weaken the
authority of his Government. Under these circumstances,
recourse was had to a circumscribed and modified form of the
first proposition. A detachment of Scindia’s Contingent was
moved to the Sathmahilla ; one, from the Mahedpur Contin-
gent, to the Rampura district of Holkar ; and the charge of
operations was entrusted to the Political Agent at Mahedpur,
Lieutenant Colonel Borthwick, who effected temporarily as

100

CENTRAL INDIA UNDER BRITISH SUPREMACY.

much as could be expected, from the means at his command, and
the limited nature of his authority.

Nothing however of a more permanent or comprehensive
character was done : and, with the exception of raising Bhil Corps
— one for the Yindhya Range, and one for the Southern Frontier
of Oodeypur — and entering upon a discussion of the proposal for
establishing, in Malwa and Rajputana, Courts similarly consti-
tuted to those in Kattywar and Myhi Caunta, the measures
adopted were of little importance or effect ; and the predatory
spirit met with but a partial check, whilst minor kinds of
marauding, and particularly cattle-stealing, flourished with as
much vigour as ever. Discussion regarding the establishment
of principal Courts, similar to those instituted in the Myhi
Caunta, for the adjudication of international offences in Malwa,
did not indeed drop ; but it was continued to small purpose.
Mere forms of procedure were not wanted, but modes of rapid
organized action. These deliberations on the applicability of
Kattywar Courts to Malwa served the object however of a Go-
vernment, too deeply interested in the current of events on
the North West Frontiers of India, to have leisure for such
minor considerations, as those of the real improvement of the
internal administration of Central India. Absorbed by the con-
templation of the terrible turn of affairs in that distant scene
of disaster, the Governor- General could only have regarded the
discussions, above adverted to, as the least costly mode, whether
in time, means, or thought, of evincing solicitude for the heart
of an empire shaking in his grasp. He was, besides, appar-
ently unaware that the elements of disorder were fast re-kind-
ling. Beyond a few long despatches on the subject of these
Courts, matters remained exactly as they had always been ; and,
as the attention of Residents and Political Agents was soon
concentrated upon threatened disturbances of a more serious
aspect than mere plundering adventures, they were not in the
humour to pay much further heed to disquisitions never very
apposite, never based on any clear apprehension or enun-
ciation of principles, and the importance of which, if ever imbued
with any, was vanishing before more pressing considerations.
As our misfortunes thickened, the activity of latent enemies
gained confidence ; and emissaries were everywhere busy, dis-
turbing the minds of the people, and exciting the turbulent
to take advantage of our humiliation. It was no longer a ques-
tion of a few predatory bands, but of watching over and main-
taining the supremacy of the British name and power. From
the Kistna to the Jumna matters were ripe for confusion. A
spark might have kindled a serious conflagration. Indeed, at

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101

one time it had nearly done so ; but a bold deed or two of timely
stroke checked the growing spirit of disaffection, and kept
things quiet in Central India, until our armies and authority
had recovered their wonted ascendancy.

From that time up to the present moment, war, or the con-
sequences of war — embarrassed finances, have so occupied our
Rulers, that, provided the agents of Government (employed
elsewhere than on the actual scene of operations) could manage
to rub on, keeping matters as they found them, and could avoid
drawing too largely on the time and attention of the Govern-
ment, the policy of successive Governors- General was satisfied.
Under the pressure of such a state of affairs, Central India was
not likely to be the subject of excessive care or cost : and the
Residents and Political Agents have remained, except as to
emoluments, much what they have always been, since the time
of Malcolm and Wellesley (of Indore), and quite as unshackled
in influence and authority.

Some modifications have taken place within the last few years ;
but they are not such as have been productive of improvement.
Whatever the necessity of humiliating the Court of Scindia after
the battle of Maharajpur, it may be doubted whether the substi-
tution of an assistant, in charge of the affairs of Scindia’s Go-
vernment, in lieu of a Resident, was the most judicious method
of marking the displeasure of the paramount power. The mea-
sure weakened our direct controul over the Durbar, at the very
moment that every thing should have been done to strengthen our
influence. It was not that the change in the official designation
of the Resident Agent mattered in the smallest degree : provided
that officer had been kept in direct communication with the
Supreme Government, the latter might have styled him what
they pleased, and his real influence would have been as great as
was desirable ; but reference to a distant superior, laden with
the charge of the Saugor and Nerbudda Territories, placed the
officer at Gwalior in a secondary, an ill-defined, and a most
anomalous position. We advert to this fact, in order that our
remarks upon the detrimental effects of the measure in question
may not be supposed to imply any animadversion upon the
distinguished officer, to whom this delicate, but unsatisfactory,
charge was entrusted. No one could probably, in that position,
have effected more ; and when we state, that little has been
done towards the introduction of an improved system of inter-
nal administration throughout Scindia’s long straggling coun-
try, and that little has been accomplished towards the eradica-
tion of predatory habits and the security of person and property
throughout that extensive line of territory, we reflect on the

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CENTRAL INDIA UNDER BRITISH SUPREMACY.

measure, and not on the man. The resulting evils would have
been greater, had it not been for the minority of the Maharajah ;
the party of the Bhai, who had adopted the young prince, was
always in conflict with the Regency and its President. As the
Regency was by treaty under the controul of the British agent,
the President naturally leaned for advice and strength, where
both were to be had ; and thus the resident officer, though only
a subordinate, enjoyed greater influence than would otherwise
have been the case. But, though the peculiar circumstances and
constitution of Scindia’s Government thus happened to be
favourable to the weight of the local subordinate, they, by no
means, counter-balanced the disadvantages inherent in, and in-
separable from, his position.

One of the best men and best writers of the age, speaking of
the spheres of action of Gospel ministers, says — “ Where in-
fluence is diffused beyond a certain limit, it becomes attenuated
in proposition to its diffusion : it operates with an energy less
intense:” — the remark is as applicable to political, as to clerical
charges, and the Anglo-Indian Government would do well to
bear it in mind. There is a tendency to confound two very
distinct things — concentration of authority, and efficacy of be-
neficent sagacious influence. Government seems apt to con-
sider these as exchangeable terms. This is a mistake/ There is
a certain sphere, within which personal agency can operate with
advantage, and occupy the space with a suitable pervading
energy; beyond this sphere, it ceases to act with regularity, and
only makes itself felt by occasional impulses — and these, not al-
ways either well-timed, or free from detrimental accompaniments.
Concentration of authority is then synonymous with dilution of
influence. Accordingly, during a minority, when every circum-
stance was favourable for the fullest impression and effect of our
influence upon the councils and administration of Scindia’s
Government, what are the fruits ? what has been accomplished ?
Is the youthful prince well educated, and fitted, by habits of at-
tention to business and acquaintance with the actual condition and
policy of his State, for the exercise of authority ? Is the system,
so much reprobated by Sleeman and others, of farming districts
on very short leases to revenue contractors, reformed ? Is the
Sathmahilla free from bands of predatory Soandis, and are dis-
tricts, much nearer to the capital than the one named, unaccustom-
ed to witness scenes of plunder and violence ? Do neighbouring
States enjoy paradisaical repose from the incursions of such ma-
rauders ? Are the grinding vexatious transit and other taxes, in
which Mahratta intellect has shown so much pernicious inge-
nuity, annulled or modified ? Are the municipal cesses and dues

CENTRAL INDIA UNDER BRITISH SUPREMACY. 103

levied in their larger towns improved, and have the latter, such
as Burhanpur for instance, increased in size or population ?
Has the trade, the wealth, the prosperity of Scindia’s country
advanced, and are the agricultural classes more numerous, intel-
ligent, and contented, than they were thirty years ago ? If, with
a few exceptions, a negative must be given to these queries, what
does our Government anticipate, when the Minority and the Re-
gency terminate ?

Whilst the state of affairs at Scindia’s Court has been most
favourable for the exercise of British influence, the existence,
contemporaneously, of a Minority and Regency atHolkar’s Court
offered to the Indian Government precisely similar advantages,
and a combination of circumstances, under which much ought
to have been done for Central India. Who can say how much
might have been effected, could an able Governor- General —
impressing upon those regencies, through the agency of the Re-
sidents, unity of action and congruity of purpose — have given
his attention to comprehensive measures for the welfare of the
two countries, and moulded the two Durbars into a practical
co-operation for the common improvement of the territories
under Mahratta rule ? Virtually wielding the power of Holkar’s
and Scindia’s Governments, such an organized system might,
by this time, have been in full operation, that when the minors
severally came of age, they could not well have broken loose
from the established order and relations, which it would have
continued to be the duty of the Residents to watch, and, by
their advice and influence, to perfect and secure. As the Muham-
madan State of Bhopal (Muhammadan only in its rulers) was
similarly circumstanced with Holkar’s and Scindia’s, having a
minor at its head, there is no exaggeration in saying that the
whole of Central India was under the direct controul of the
paramount power. We must deplore the want of thought, or
the too absorbing interest of events on the North West Fron-
tier, which rendered our rulers negligent of such propitious
contingencies.

Young Holkar has had justice done him. The Resident at
Indore speaks and acts with no reflex authority : and, as the
adoptive mother of the young Chief was sensible, and exercised
such influence as she possessed discreetly, the training and
education of the youth have been in conformity to the plans
and wishes of the Resident, and the late Bhai Sahiba. Young
persons, of his own age, and destined to he members of his
Durbar, were associated with the Chief : and thus, in the course
of his education, his abilities were afforded the benefit of a
wholesome, though probably subdued, competition. The result

104 CENTRAL INDIA UNDER BRITISH SUPREMACY.

has been excellent. His own language — Makratta — he is master
of; he can read and understand English; is ready at arith-
metic ; and has more than an average knowledge of geography,
besides much general information, and a desire for its acquisi-
tion. So far therefore as the welfare of Holkar’s country may
be considered to depend on the general intelligence of its
ruler, its prospects are fair; and both young Holkar and the
British Government are indebted for this pleasing circumstance
to the exertions of Mr. Hamilton, the Resident.

The charge of the Resident at Indore is considerable; under
his own superintendence are the States of Holkar, Dhar, and
Dewass. A Political Agent at Mahedpur has Rutlam, Jelana,
Sitamow, Jhabua, and Jhowra under his Supervision. Another
at Sehore has Bhopal, Kurwai, Nursinghur, Rajghur, and
Kilchipur. A third officer has Amjhera, Burwai, and Ali
Mohun. Besides these functionaries, who are under the general
controul of the Resident, must be added much miscellaneous
business connected with the administration of the southern
districts and the out*lying fragments of Scindia’s territory,
so inconveniently interspersed with the possessions of other
principalities. He has charge also of the Opium Agency :
and, though this, and the Thuggi Department, are, in a great
measure, devolved upon his assistants, the amount both of work
and responsibility is heavy. During a minority, the weight of
these is necessarily much increased : for on such an occasion,
whatever the form of administration — whether the functions of
Government be carried on by a Council of Regency, or by a
Regent — the representative of the Supreme Government is held
responsible for the welfare of the State, which, during the
minority, is regarded as being specially under the protection
and guardianship of the British power. This trust, involving
as it does the good faith and character of his Government,
invests the Resident with the entire controul of the Regent, or
Regency. Accordingly, at Indore, every thing done or contem-
plated must have his approval ; and thus, virtually, the adminis-
tration is in his hands. The Bhai Sahiba, when alive, though
cognizant of all that took place, was not authorized to interfere
in the conduct of affairs ; and the frequent changes of minis-
ters, if they deserve the name, ending in the appointment of
the Munshi, against whom, through the press, constant attacks
are now made, prove that the Resident in fact exercises the
power of appointing what minister or ministers he pleases.
Under these circumstances, he is, undoubtedly, responsible for
the administration of Holkar’s Government and country: and
we might proceed to ask similar questions to those we have put

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105

with respect to the progress of improvement in Scindia’s terri-
tories. With the exception however of young Holkar’s com-
parative proficiency, and a revenue administration not quite
so faulty, we fear that the replies would, on the whole, prove
unsatisfactory.

Central India is, it must be confessed, very much where
Sir J. Malcolm left it. Thirty years have gone over it, with but
few and partial improvements, and very moderate advance in
general prosperity, if any. The Bombay and Agra road can,
it is true, be noted ; but in doing so, attention is called to a
long line of marked out, unmetalled, and unbridged road, in
many parts impassable during the rainy season. No practi-
cable roads unite the military Stations along the Nerbudda, and
the lines of communication throughout the country generally
remain as execrable as ever. Education owes such progress as it
has made, chiefly to the exertions of one individual, Mr. Wilkin-
son. His Sehore School bears a name, which the Indore and
Gwalior establishments have not as yet attained. These are
the main public educational establishments which have arisen
under our influence ; as exponents of the sense entertained by
the native Chiefs and community of the value of learning, they
are, except perhaps Wilkinson’s, but sorry institutions. An
English reader will probably ask whether European science,
languages, and history have been the subject of attention.
At these institutions it would not, perhaps, be natural to expect
or look for much infusion of the spirit of European knowledge
or ethics. A few works may be seen, purporting to be on
objects of history or science, and to be either translations or
compilations from European works. But watch the course of
tuition, and you will soon observe, that these treatises are not in
vogue, and that the inanities of Hinduism are the staple — the
only pabulum, which the scholars are taught to relish. Of course
this remark does not apply to the Mussulman youths, who how-
ever stick with equal pertinacity to the ordinary course of
Persian classics. As for Hindu Patshalas and Moslem Madrissas,
they remain what they were in the days of Akbar — and this
whether they owe their origin to our influence, or not.

In Malcolm’s time great hopes were entertained of the rapid
development of the resources of the countries comprised under his
charge. It was believed that one and all of the territorial Chiefs
would, in the course of a quarter of a century, find their revenues
largely augmented, in consequence of the increase of cultivation,
commerce and population. The result has not borne out these
sanguine expectations. After the dispersion and settlement of

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tlie Pindarris, and the establishment of comparative security of
person and property, the various states regained speedily an
average state of prosperity, at which they have ever since re-
mained, far more permanently and with much less progress, than
might reasonably have been anticipated. Were we to institute
a comparison between the gross revenues of the states of
Central India in 1825 and in 1850, it would be surprising
how small the improvement demonstrable. The production of
opium has been fostered by the demand for the drug — the
high profits realized, and the portability of the article, encourag-
ing the Malwa cultivators ; but, highly favourable as is their soil
and clime to the culture of some of the most valuable of
agricultural products, none has met with the like attention
and energy as the poppy. Considering that the price of the
necessaries of life is very moderate, labour cheap, failures of
crops and famines almost unknown, land (uncultivated, but cul-
turable) abundant — the causes, which have operated inimically
to the increase of population and the extension of agriculture,
must be forcible and constant. Some of these are patent and
easily stated ; others lie deeper, have moral sources, and are
not so easily laid bare. Want of internal communications,
and distance from the sea-board ; heavy, vexatious transit duties;
a general rule to take from the cultivator as much as can be
taken without driving him from the soil ; the system of
farming whole districts on short leases to revenue contractors ;
the great positive poverty of the people ; and the fact, that the
balance of emigration and immigration is agaimt the countries,
which border provinces under the management and administra-
tion of the Indian Government and its officers, have all tended
to retard the population and general improvement of Central
India. The moral causes are likewise numerous, and to the full
as operative. Since Lord William Bentinck’s time, female in-
fanticide cannot be reckoned as one of these; nor do the
checks on marriage, numerous as the considerations of caste
and family and expense of ceremony render these, operate
very seriously in giving men a Malthusian spirit of anti-connu-
bial caution. But any one, who has mixed with the different
classes, forming the population of Malwa and the neighbouring
countries, cannot fail to have observed that large families are
rare ; and that those, considered such, would scarcely be so
regarded elsewhere. Reasons for this may be found in the
dissipated habits of the larger towns, the general use of opium,
and of various other deleterious drugs, besides no small consump-
tion of spirits.- But if the men can with justice be taxed with

CENTRAL INDIA UNDER BRITISH SUPREMACY.

107

indulgence in these and similar practices, there is such a general
knowledge and practice of methods of procuring abortion, that it
would be hard to say which of the two sexes frustrates nature most,
or suffers most by the destruction of health and constitution.
Whatever the combination of moral and physical causes, certain
it is, that there cannot be a greater contrast, than the rapid in-
crease of population during a period of 25 years in the United
States, and its lagging pace in the countries of which we are
writing.

If it be asked, What then has been the result of our two and
thirty years supremacy in Central India ? we must, we fear, re-
turn a very moderate and probably disappointing reply. There
are now comparative security of person and property, a curb on
the violence and oppression of princes and chiefs, a curb too
on the marauding habits of large classes of the people, and
a general impression of the impartiality of the tribunals over
which British Officers preside. The character of the Agents
of the British Government stands high, as unbiassed, in-
corruptible judicial functionaries, though viewed with suspicion
as political ones, from the apprehension that the tendency
of our system is gradually to undermine the influence and
authority of the chiefs, and, upon any plausible pretext, to
absorb all petty states. This feeling is by no means incom-
patible with their acknowledging, that many of them owe to
the Government of India all they possess, and that, but for
our intervention, they must have been swallowed up by their
potent neighbours and rivals. But they regard this to have
been the policy of our rise, and are not at all sure that it
may continue the policy of our empire, when freed from all
external foes, but embarrassed by the financial difficulties, which
have accompanied conquest.

Our mission cannot, therefore, be said to have altogether fail-
ed ; though, if weighed in the balance of our opportunities and
circumstances, it must be acknowledged to have very partially
fulfilled its high duties.

That our agents have maintained the character and authority
of the Government, which they represent, and have manfully
laboured, though little heeded or encouraged, to do the good
which was in their power, reflects credit on themselves, and on
the Government, which they have served. It is something to have
established confidence in our rule, and confidence in the ge-
neral conduct and integrity of those, to whom the exercise of
great and undefined powers are entrusted, and who, sensible of
the weight and importance of the trust, have there, as elsewhere.

i 08

CENTRAL INDIA UNDER BRITISH SUPREMACY.

done their duty to their nation, and to their Government. The
latter has no less a duty to perform to them. Their character
and conduct are its own. The least, it owes them, is, that
neither should be hastily called into question ; and that, when
this clearly appears to be an imperative duty, no matter whether
the Officer be a Civilian or a Military man, publicity of investi-
gation should mark the course pursued, in order that the guilt,
or the innocence, of the functionary be as clear to the public.
Native and European, as to the Government ; and that the
latter may escape suspicion of bias or partiality.

We are inclined to the opinion that in the late inquiry, which
has formed the subject of much press discussion, the Govern-
ment rather lost sight of these truisms, and acted neither warily
nor wisely. As this has drawn, more than usually, public atten-
tion towards Central India, we shall for the satisfaction of our
readers offer a few remarks upon the events, which gave rise to
it; premising, that we find ourselves in the curious predicament
of not being perfectly satisfied with any party — Government,
accused, or accuser. The facts appear to be as follows.

Captain Harris, during the absence on duty of another officer,
received temporary charge of the Indore Treasury ; and, whilst
performing the duties thus entrusted to him, he became cog-
nizant of entries in the accounts, which appeared to him of
very doubtful propriety. As the books bearing these entries,
whether very lucidly kept or not, had the sanction of his
superior, who was responsible for their correctness, we think
that Captain Harris’s first step should have been to communicate
with the Eesident upon the subject of the items, which excited
doubts, in order to ascertain whether or not a satisfactory ex-
planation could be given. Captain Harris would not have been
compromised by such a step : and it was due, and, in our
opinion, imperatively due, to the rank and position of the
Eesident. Instead of adopting this course. Captain Harris
seems to have drawn up a statement, founded entirely on
the entries copied from the account books, and exhibiting
an expenditure of upwards of Es. 60,000 under a variety of
headings, some of which, such as “ pay of a band Es. 3,000,
ice pits Es. 9,000,” besides sundry others, wore a curious as-
pect. As the money was chiefly derived from the proceeds
of fines , of a judicial character, its application to purposes,
apparently so immediately connected with the Eesident’s state
and convenience, made the matter look the worse. The state-
ment in question does not seem to have been in the form
of regular charges : but, Captain Harris, suspecting misappli-

CENTRAL INDIA UNDER BRITISH SUPREMACY.

109

cation of public money, brought to the notice of the Gover-
nor-General the existence of these dubitable entries, leaving it
to that high authority to act upon the intelligence, as might
seem proper. Here again Captain Harris omitted to furnish
the Resident with a copy of the communications, which he had
made direct to the Governor-General. The latter however, ap-
parently entertaining no scruples as to the propriety of Captain
Harris’s mode of procedure, after receiving and perusing his com-
munications, wrote to him the letter, which has already appeared
in print, and which assured Captain Harris that, even if the cases,
which he had adduced, should eventually receive a satisfactory ex-
planation from the Resident, they did appear to the Governor-Ge-
neral, as they then stood, to be so objectionable and so liable to
question, that the Governor- General considered Captain Harris
called upon absolutely by his duty, as an Officer of the Hon’ble
Company, to bring the subject at once under His Lordship’s
notice. As if this were not sufficient, the letter proceeded to
state that the Governor- General entirely approved of the manly
and honest manner, in which Captain Harris had performed a
painful and invidious duty, and was quite satisfied of the purity
of the motives, on which he had acted. We think that the noble
Marquis was somewhat precipitate in thus writing — and that, before
expressing such strong opinions, he should have waited for fuller
information, and a word or two from the opposite party. The letter
however proves, that the statement of suspicious entries could
not have been a series of charges ; that the matter was left
open for the Governor- General to adopt such aline, as he might
deem fitting ; and that it was so understood. Though wanting
in caution, the candid avowal of opinion and the assurances made
were the emanations of an honest mind, and did credit to the
spirit, which dictated them. We are not inclined to cavil at a
little warmth and readiness, in support of (what the Governor
General deemed) manly honesty and uprightness.

The explanations of the Resident do not seem to have satis-
fied the Governor-General, who ordered a commission composed
of Lieutenant Colonel Low and Mr. M. Smith to assemble at
Indore, and to investigate the questionable entries. The Com-
missioners had, we are given to understand, extensive powers :
and it was optional with them to extend their sphere of inquiry,
and to enter upon a wider and more comprehensive investiga-
tion, if they saw reason.

We are not disposed to impugn the nomination of the Com-
missioners. Lieutenant-Colonel Low is a Political]/ Officer of
character and experience, and Mr. M. Smith, a Civil Officer,

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CENTRAL INDIA UNDER BRITISH SUPREMACY.

whose course of service has been entirely in the Judicial De-
partment. Both were competent by position and experience
for the delicate duty entrusted to them : but the general opinion
was that there should have been a third Commissioner — one
wholly disconnected either with the Political or the Civil Service.

No inquiry could have been more carefully conducted, with
respect to secrecy, than the investigation at Indore : and, as no-
thing has hitherto been made public by the Government, except
the removal of Captain Harris, the details of the investigation
are unnecessarily a mystery. It was however generally known,
that the Commissioners, being furnished with Captain Harris’s
statement, the Resident’s explanations, and the remarks and
orders of the Governor* General, found, that, in the first place,
they had to decide whether certain funds were, or were not,
entirely at the discretion of the Resident, to spend as he pleas-
ed, without any obligation on his part to render any account at
all to his own Government. This, we understand, was the Resi-
dent’s assertion, coupled of course with entire willingness on
his part to submit, for examination and report, the accounts of re-
ceipts and expenditure of such funds. The objection amounted
to stating, “ This is not Government money, nor under its con-
troul ; nor is it entitled to call for an account of its disposal,
though of course I am ready to give one.” To ascertain how far
this plea was valid, the Residents and Political Agents, both
within and beyond the limits of Central India, were addressed,
and requested to furnish information upon the nature of the
Local Funds at their disposal, the manner in which these were
expended, and the accounts rendered of such expenditure — and
also, as to what had been the custom with respect to Judicial
Fines.

The origin and character of the various Local Funds in exis-
tence were of course found to vary. Around most Residencies and
Agencies, particularly where troops or Contingents have custom-
arily been near them, there has usually been assigned, by the
Territorial Chief, a circle, within which the Jurisdiction, Civil and
Military, was to be undisturbed by the local authorities, and to re-
main under the administration of the Residents, Agents, or Com-
manding Officers, as the case might be. The object of such allot-
ment was to avoid the continual conflict on matters of police and
discipline, which would otherwise inevitably be of frequent
occurrence. Experience has proved the necessity of such an
arrangement; and it is very rare that such an infraction, as that
which has lately taken place at Hyderabad, would pass without
severe punishment. Within the precincts of the Residency and

CENTRAL INDIA UNDER BRITISH SUPREMACY. Ill

cantonments, British Rule and discipline take their course ;
beyond those limits, the lex loci , whatever that may be, good,
bad, or indifferent, holds on its own way. Bor the police, and
conservancy of bazars, grounds, roads, bridges, and the like, it
has generally happened, that whatever cesses would, according
to the custom of the country, have been levied by the Terri-
torial Ruler, have, within such Residency or Agency precincts,
been collected by the Presidency or Agency Kotwal, the native
officer charged with the care of the bazars. Fines levied for
misdemeanours, infractions of bazar rules, and the like, have
usually been carried to the same account, as the proceeds of the
bazar petty taxes. The Fund, thus formed, was expended at the
discretion of the Resident or Agent, but for such purposes as
were above set forth ; sometimes with, and sometimes without,
the form of rendering an account to the Territorial Chief of
the gross receipts and expenditure. Sometimes mixed with,
and sometimes separate from, the Bazar Fund, were the acciden-
tal receipts from incomplete establishments, analogous to the
Towfir Funds, once prevalent amongst our Magistrates, but long
since abolished by order of the Court of Directors.

We have before noted the higher species of jurisdiction, exercis-
ed in Central India, both by Residents and Political Agents. This
is not limited to the private international cases before alluded to,
but extends to the cognizance of the crime of murder, or of acts of
gross cruelty and oppression on the part of Chiefs. The fines
levied in such cases have been often heavy, and were then
imposed with the sanction of the paramount authority, which
occasionally directed their application. But even in this class of
fines, the practice varied — some Political officers carrying them
to the account of Government, whilst others, as would seem to
have been the case at Indore, brought them to account in the
Local Funds, disclaiming the right of the British Government
to such .sums, and acting on that opinion.

Finding the practice in the Political Department to vary, the
Commissioners admitted to a certain extent, it would appear,
the plea of the Resident. That some of the charges on
the Fine Fund were of most doubtful propriety, such as that for
the Ice pits and for the Band, was palpable. But, admitting the
above mentioned plea, and the uncertainty of practice as to
Judicial fines, there was no peculation, no misuse of Govern-
ment money ; and, though the love of state and show had
drawn the Resident into these and other indiscreet modes of
expenditure, the Commissioners, who probably confined them-
selves to the points specified by the Governor- General, came to

112 CENTRAL INDIA UNDER BRITISH SUPREMACY.

a conclusion, as evidenced by the second letter to Captain Har-
ris, favourable to the integrity of the Resident, though not flat-
tering either to his discretion, or to the clearness of his accounts.
Their report, therefore, we must presume, exculpated him from
the suspicion of dishonourable conduct, or of misapplication
of Government money ; but it could not have approved of the
irregularity of procedure, fairly attachable to several of these
pecuniary acts, and still less could it have countenanced the
latitude of discretion, which he had assumed, in the management
of funds which, if not strictly belonging to the British Govern-
ment, as he argued, were nevertheless a public trust.

We think their general views correct, and their opinion,
based on the uncertainty of practice, sound ; nay, we go further
and doubt, whether a freer and more full inquiry, and a permis-
sion to Captain Harris to bring forward all that he wished, would,
in the end, have modified their decision. But it must be borne
in mind, that Captain Harris was not present during the proceed-
ings ; was not furnished with the refutation, which the Resident
laid before the Commissioners ; was not called upon to substan-
tiate his allegations : in fact, was not at all treated like an accuser,
any more than the Resident like an accused person. The Commis-
sioners proceeded in their quasi-judicial investigation's if they
were simply inquiring, whether there were, or were not, grounds
upon which Government ought to frame charges against a public
servant. Viewed in this light, their proceedings would seem to
have been unexceptionable. The Government however did not
act, as if it regarded them in this light. Their report was treated
as a Judicial decision ; and the letter, which was addressed to
Captain Harris, and which was given the run of the public Press,
is penned exactly, as if there had been a fair open trial, and as if
the accuser had framed charges, and, having had the opportunity,
had failed to substantiate them.

Now we venture to doubt whether Captain Harris himself, after
the assurances he had received, could have been more surprised,
than the Commissioners must have been, at such an application,
with respect to himself, of their opinions. And until their
report is published, we shall, with the example of the Governor-
General’s first letter before us, persist in doubting, whether any
honourable man would have pronounced Captain Harris’ conduct,
as not coming within the limits of excusable error.

There is so remarkable a difference, such absolute contradic-
tion between the Governor-General’s views and opinions, as first
communicated to Captain Harris, and those ascribed to the Go-
vernor-General in Council, in the final letter to the address of

CENTRAL INDIA UNDER BRITISH SUPREMACY.

113

this officer, that, although in the latter communication advantage
is taken of the expression “ defrauded the Government” to aggra-
vate the conduct of Captain Harris, yet these two letters
must be pronounced utterly irreconcileable. The Governor-
General in Council is put on his defence against the honest
warmth and candour of the Governor- General. How is this to
be accounted for ? Can we suppose a nobleman of the Go-
vernor-General’s ability, tact and experience, so light in his
opinions, that a weathercock turn of this kind is congenial
to his mind ? We give him credit for higher and nobler quali-
ties, and for greater consistency ef thought and action. We, in
Calcutta, know the import of the words “ in Council,” — have
an inkling of the constitution of that body, of its tendencies,
and how its powers are actually wielded. We are inclined,
therefore, without any disparagement intended, to look upon
these significant words “in Council,” as the tail of the weather-
cock on this occasion. No such change was possible without its
instrumentality.

Our readers will have seen that, excepting perhaps the
Commissioners, we consider all parties more or less wrong.
Even the Commissioners would have acted more wisely, and would
have had more credit with the public for impartiality, had there
been less secrecy and a more reserved bearing towards the
Resident. The Governor-General might, with advantage and
propriety, have suspended his judgment, and not pledged him-
self so early to opinions and assurances, highly favourable to the
motives and conduct of Captain Harris. This officer would have
lost no credit for the purity of his intentions, had he been more
fair and above-board with his superior — animated by a more cour-
teous, and a less bitter spirit, — and more discreet of tongue. But
the decision of the Governor-General in Council with respect to
Captain Harris appears to us — unless borne out by a very strong
opinion on the part of the Commissioners, as to the inexcusabi-
lity of his error in doing that for which the Governor-General
applauded him — neither consonant with the assurances given
to him, nor with the reproof and censure, which, it is whispered,
was conveyed to the Resident, for the unwarrantable latitude of
discretion he had assumed in the discharge of a public trust,
and the confusion of accounts, which characterised the system he
pursued, and which appears to have puzzled the Commissioners,
as much as it must have done the unlucky Captain Harris, when
he took charge of them. How was the latter to clear these of
their obscurity? Could he unauthorizedly assume the func-
tions of the Commissioners, and collect information from various

114

CENTRAL INDIA UNDER BRITISH SUPREMACY.

quarters, by which to test the accuracy of the plea put forth by
the Eesident for his full discretion in the expenditure of local
funds ? How was he to know the plea, before it had been made ?
and what would the Residents and Political Agents have said
and done, on receiving inquisitory mandates from the second or
third assistant of the Indore Residency ? The remarks upon the
previous investigation, which Captain Harris might have made,
appear to us devoid of 'justice and expediency. The doctrine
is a new one, that subordinates are at liberty to make such com-
prehensive inquiries, as the Commissioners were forced to make,
before they could offer an opinion, whether the questionable
entries involved serious culpability, or not. The matter could
not have been so very clear, since the Governor-General, with
the Resident's explanation before him, saw reason to appoint a
commission of inquiry.

We cannot omit to notice, that, from the remarks of the Press, it
appears that the letter to Captain Harris, after the investigation,
was circulated (lithographed) from the Indore Residency, and
thus found its way into the Local Newspapers — but unaccom-
panied by the letter to the Resident — a strange omission, and
one, which the Government ought, in our humble and unofficial
opinion, to rectify, as it might serve to place their own conduct
in a less objectionable point of view.

We have stated our opinions the more frankly, because we feel
that Central India, unless very unlike other parts of our
Empire, is not likely to be benefited by these proceedings. Too
much, or too little, has been done : and the native community,
princes, and people, must be in doubt, less of the conduct of
the officers of the British Government, than of the principles
which guide the latter in its measures toward its agents.

In our opinion, then, (to return from this digression), we
have allowed to pass by us, unimproved, the finest opportu-
nity for the introduction of wholesome comprehensive mea-
sures in behalf of Central India, which providence could have
afforded us. Such another is not likely to recur. We have
failed in thirty years to impress a forward movement, either
morally or physically, amongst the people of large tracts of
fertile country in the heart of our empire. They are the same
poverty-stricken race we found them : and, except in the one
article, opium, we have done nothing to develope the resources
of the land. If we extend our view to the tracts south of the
Nerbudda, matters are rather worse. The Nizam’s country, its
financial bankruptcy, and its abundant elements of confusion
and disorder, cannot be conveyed to the mind of the reader by

CENTRAL INDIA UNDER BRITISH SUPREMACY.

115

a sentence at the close of an article. Much trouble may boil
over from that cauldron. Any remedy to these and other evils
would be only preliminary ; for we should then be still far from
having made India the great rich cotton field of England — al-
though by no means its best sugar manufactory. In a year like
the present, when the home market apprehends a failure in the
supply of American cotton, we read of some talk about India,
and of projects in contemplation by men (of more energy and
confidence, than knowledge) desirous of occupying this unworked
field. But will these crude projects of men, who are ignorant
of the difficulties against which they would have to contend,
prove any thing more than talk ? English Capital has been
slow to embark on this great theatre of action : for capital
looks for security, and our system has hitherto offered it none.
Our local mercantile character, thanks to ourselves, stands
very low. The financial condition and prospects of the Go-
vernment are any thing but smiling ; and war has, ever since
June 1838, so occupied the attention of our rulers, and consumed
the resources of the State, that all great and statesman-like
measures for the real improvement of India have long been in
abeyance. We have been, and are, draining India of its wealth.
English Capital might do much, under God’s blessing, towards
giving life to the dormant energies and productiveness of our
Empire, could means be devised to afford it reasonable security:
and we scarcely look for any great forward movement, until the
wealth of England turns some of its streams to the fructification
of “ poor ” India.

110

ANGLO HINDUSTANI

Art. V. — The Anglo-Hindustani Hand-Book ; or Strangers

Self -Interpreter and Guide to Colloquial and General Inter-
course with the natives of India. With a map and five

Illustrations. Calcutta. 1850.

This work is near akin to Mr. Grant’s delightful book, the
“ Anglo-Indian Domestic Sketch,” which we had the pleasure of
reviewing at considerable length some months ago. The aim
of each is to “ put its readers up to a few things” respecting the
daily life of Anglo-Indian people, in so far as that life takes its
colour from the environments amidst which it is passed. But
the two books are designed for quite different classes of readers,
whose purposes, in seeking to be made acquainted with Anglo-
Indian matters, are widely different. The “Sketch” is mainly
designed for the use of those who wish to know about us and
our on- goings, by reason of the pure affection they entertain
towards us, and the kindly interest they take in all that is of in-
terest to us. The “ Hand-book,” on the other hand, is designed
for ourselves, and for those who are on the eve of becoming
members of our community ; that they and we may be enabled
to comport ourselves with the more propriety and credit in
our daily and hourly intercourse with the people of the land, in
which it is appointed unto us to sojourn. Hence it is evident,
that the sentiment, that was all in its right place in the artist’s
“ Sketch,” would be quite unappropriate here. Like the sisterly
conductors of some very respectable Seminaries, the brother-
books exemplify the principle of the division of labour — the
one undertaking the plain-work, while the other does the orna-
mental. Not that we would be understood to sanction a divi-
sion, that would imply that there is a necessary separation
between the useful and the ornamental. Is there nothing
ornamental in the husband’s well stitched shirt-collar ? Is there
nothing useful in those accomplishments, by which home is
rendered more attractive ?

In the course of our review of the “ Sketch,” we went a little
out of our way to address a somewhat grave lecture to our
Anglo-Indian readers, as to the propriety of their making a
steady effort towards the acquirement of Hindustani at least, and
(if possible) one other of the languages spoken by the natives
of India, as Bengali, Ooriya, Tamul, or Marathi, according
to the places of their residence. The lecture we then read
to them, was not, we trust, out of place there ; but it would
have been still more appropriate, had it been reserved till the
present occasion, and delivered in connexion with our present

HAND-BOOK.

117

text. It is surprising, indeed, with how small a stock of lan-
guage a person may actually “get on” in India. There is a
legend of a lady, who once on a time travelled from Calcutta to
Ferozepore, on the strength of one word — Jaldi ( quick) . Per-
haps, after all, she acquitted herself fully as creditably as
many with a more extensive vocabulary ; — for, to say the truth,
there are many amongst us, whose knowledge of the language
is more extensive than either elegant or correct. Mr. Coleridge’s
neighbour sank sadly in his estimation, from the mode in which
he expressed his delectation at the appearance of his favourite
viands. If our present lucubrations should by accident fall
into the hands of any new comer, whose ambition aspires no
higher than to the attainment of the minimum amount of
knowledge of the ways and language of the people, which is ab-
solutely necessary for the mere purpose of vegetating amongst
them, — or into those of any old resident, who has vegetated
for many years, and who feels no want of any thing more
than he already possesses — it is vain to recommend to either
of these individuals to procure the volume before us. To
them it would be but so much useless lumber, tending rather
to impede, than to aid, the vegetative process. It is not,
however, of such mere vegetables that the readers of the
Calcutta Review are composed, and therefore we need not
address ourselves to them. Again, we may safely calculate,
that a large number of our readers have got far beyond
the rudiments of the language, and have already acquired, from
personal observation and experience, an adequate amount of
acquaintance with the more immediately practical subjects,
of which the Hand-book treats. To these also we need not
recommend it, although we doubt not, that many of them will
take no little pleasure in perusing considerable portions of it.
The girl, who could not understand why people should take
pleasure in reading Burns’s Cotter s Saturday night, since it was
not poetry at all, but just a description of what was every Satur-
day enacted “ at hame,” probably did not relish the description
the less, because it gave her no new information, but only pre-
sented vividly, before her mind's eye, what had been familiar to
her from her earliest childhood. So it may be, that some old
Indians will take no little pleasure in perusing the book, on
the very account that it contains so much of what they know
already ; and such perusal will be amply beneficial, even to
them ; as there is much in its pages, that cannot fail to be in-
structive even to the best informed on Indian affairs.

But doubtless a large portion of our readers consists of
the very class, for whose special benefit the Hand-book is com-

118

ANGLO-HINDUSTANI

posed — the strangers {Anglo- Indice, Griffins), who have lately
arrived in India, and those, who, are only looking to India yet,
as the unknown and mysterious land in which they are likely
to spend the greater portion of their days. These will find
it for their interest to make themselves thoroughly acquainted
with the contents of the Hand-book. If a man were to study
it for an hour each day throughout the outward passage — if
he would take it up occasionally after his arrival — if he would
mark down under appropriate heads in an interleaved copy of it,
every thing that struck him as disagreeing with any statement
contained in it — the exercise would be a singularly salutary
one, and would enable him soon to shake off the prejudices
and false notions that we all bring with us to the land of our
sojourn. We are quite willing to give our vote, that, in the case
of all such as shall be able to shew that they have used diligence
in this study, the period of griffinage shall be held to have
terminated at the close of six-months-and-a-day’s residence
in India : whereas, in the case of all who fail in establishing
the fact of such diligence, the period of griffinage shall extend,
as at present and throughout all the past, over the full length of
a year and a day.

It were impossible, within moderate limits, to give any but a
very general account of the multifarious matter contained in
the thick and densely printed volume before us. First of all,
we have got a grammar of the language, which seems to us to be
simple and good ; with the exception of one fault, as we esteem
it, which indeed pervades the work, and which it may be as well
to notice now, once for all. The Author has adopted the
system of Romanizing, invented by Dr. Gilchrist, deliberately
preferring it to that of Sir William Jones. To us it seems only
strange, that such a preference should have been given to a
system, which is both unsound in its principle, and difficult in
its use. A good system of Eomanizing should be such, that
a person, knowing the original and the substituted character,
should be able at once to convert the one into the other. Now
the system of Sir William Jones, especially as modified and
perfected by Dr. Duff, is such, that this can easily be effected.
Even an ordinary compositor can print off in the Oriental cha-
racter from Romanized “ copy but this would be altogether
impossible with a system which does not profess to give letter
for letter in every case. We cannot but express our regret, that
the very intelligent Author of the Hand-book should have
given his suffrage in favour of the revival of a system, which
we had regarded as deservedly exploded long ago.

After the grammar comes a vocabulary, arranged, according

HAND-BOOK.

119

to the old-fashioned system in Latin and French vocabularies,
according to subjects. This we should reckon any thing but a
good arrangement for a mere vocabulary ; but it is very
suitable to the character of that before us, which is not merely a
catalogue of words with their meanings, but includes also vari-
ous dissertations upon things , which could not have been intro-
duced so suitably, had an alphabetical arrangement obtained.
There is, for example, a description of the various kinds of
serpents, occupying four pages; fishes (14 pp.) ; plants (14
pp.) ; domestic servants (10 pp.) ; Hindu Castes (6 pp.) ;
native dresses and jewellery (5 pp.) ; boats (4 pp.) ; Indian Chro-
nology (25pp.) ; Indian moneys, weights and measures(23 pp.) ;
Indian cookery (6 pp.) ; games, sports and pastimes (4 pp.) ;
Musical Instruments (3 pp.) ; Hindu Mythology (48 pp.); Hin-
du and Muhammedan festivals (27 pp.). This list, which might
he considerably extended by specifying more of the shorter
articles, will shew that the vocabulary is rather an encyclopaedia
on a small scale. We should also state that a considerable
number of cuts are introduced into this part of the work,
which tend still further to enhance its value. We should like
to give a specimen of this part of the work ; but the parts that
would suit us best, are those that are thus illustrated ; and it
would not be fair to give the text without the illustrations. Such
are the notices on “ games, sports and pastimes on “ music and
musical instruments;” and on “ Hindu Mythology.” We there-
fore select a portion of the notice of “ native dresses,” as an
average specimen of the way in which subjects are treated in
this portion of the Hand-book : —

Native Dresses — HindoosJanee Po.shak.

Boor,fta : a Sheet Veil , thrown over the head and concealing the whole
person, having a net worked space for the sight, in that part which covers
the eyes : worn, in Lucknow, Dehli, and other parts of Hindoostan, by
modest Moohummudun women, whom poverty compels to walk in public.
This covering in Calcutta is confined to the Jewish women, — Moosul-
manees there being seldom or never seen so attired.

Bu£,£ee : f. a Turban, compactly formed, having its outer folds so twisted
as to resemble a coil of cloth cords : usually worn by Rajpoots, and
Puthans, (as illustrated in the sketch of Eusuph Khan, in C. Grant’s
“ Oriental Heads”).

Cha,^ur : f. > literally Sheet : most usually worn by Moohummu^un
Chod,dur : f. $ women, who use it as an outer covering, or Shawl for the
upper part of the body, and as a partial veil for the head and face. At
night, the Chadur is the bed sheet of all classes of natives, of both
sexes.

Chup,kan : f. a close long skirted gown, resembling the Ungarkba, and
the usual dress of respectable male domestic servants, both Hindoos and
Moohummuduns.

Dhojee : f. the usual home undress of all classes of male Hindoos, and
the common and only dress of the majority of the poor classes of Hin-

12 0

ANGLO-HINDUSTANI

doos and Moohummuduns ; consisting of a sheet of cloth wrapped
round the waist— in the lower provinces, one end being gathered in loose
plaits in front, and the other end passed between the thighs, and tucked
within the upper skirt at the back : in the upper provinces, however, both
ends are passed under the thighs, and tucked in at the back.

Z>o-put,ta (literally two breadths) : a sheet of cloth thrown loosely over
the shoulders of male Hindoos ; the common every day costume of many
of the middling classes consisting of the Dhotee and Doputta only. The
Z?oputta is also generally worn by Moohummudun women, and Hin-
doo women of the upper provinces, in lieu of the Chadur.

Z>oo-Sha,la (literally two Shawls ) .- a pair of shawls, substituted by wealthy
natives, and particularly in cold weather, for the Z>o-putta.

Gosh,wa,ra : a band of brocade tied round the “ Khirkee,-dar-pugree
forming part of the honorary dress, usually presented by native Princes,
and the English Government, to native gentlemen on certain state oc-
casions.

Ja,ma : a male full dress Gown , worn by the higher classes at native
courts ; having loose skirts gathered in close plaits at the waist, with
double breasted body (as partially seen in the figures of Baboo Chotalal
and Raja Kalikrishna, in Grant’s “ Oriental Heads”).

Joob,ba : a Persian upper coat, or cloak.

Joo,re,darpug,ree : f. a Turban, differing from the Put,tee-dar in the ad-
dition of a knot on the crown : worn by respectable natives, Hindoo
and Moohummudun.

Khir,kee,dar-pug,ree : f. the full dress Turban of Indian Courts, worn by
Hindoos and Moohummuduns, though in the lower provinces worn only
by Hindoos (as illustrated in the sketch of Raja Kalikrishna, in Grant’s
“ Oriental Heads”).

Koorja : a long, loose skirted under gown, or shirt, worn by men, both
Hindoos and Moohummuduns. From the Arabic name of this dress the
shirt of the English derives its Hindoostanee name — Kumeez.

Koor^ee : f. a short bodice, reaching to the hips, with very short (if any)
sleeves ; open at the chest under the throat ; worn by Moohummudun
women.

-Sub, a : f. a close long gown worn by men, Moohummuduns and Hindoos;
differing from the Ungurkha in being open-breasted, and worn over the
Mirzaee, Kooida, and sometimes the Ungurkha.

Kuf.cha : an open Jacket, differing from the Mirzaee in having tight
sleeves.

Kum, ur, bund : Waist-band or Sash, of various descriptions and sizes,
invariably worn round the loins of respectable natives, Hindoos and
Moohummuduns, when full dressed.

Luhn,ga : skirt Petticoat, tied round the loins, and extending to the feet,
or ground : worn by Moohummudun women in European service, and
by Hindoo women of the upper provinces.

Mir, za.ee : an under Jacket . with long loose sleeves and open cuffs, worn
by respectable Moohummuduns, and by upper servants, in European
employ, under the ATuba, &c.

Pa,e,ja,ma : Trousers, variously made, loose or scant, in different parts of
India : worn by Moohummuduns of both sexes, and occasionally by
Hindoo gentlemen.

Pesh.waz : f. a female full dress Gown , like the “Jama,” but reaching
a little below the knee only : usually formed of colored muslin, and
now worn only by HindoosZanee dancing girls.

Pug.ree : f. Turban, of which there are numerous varieties, taking their
names from the forms they bear, or the materials of which they are made.

HAND-BOOK.

121

Put,tee,dar-pug,ree : f. a Turban of compact neat appearance, worn by
numerous respectable Hindoos and Moohummuduns, and very generally
by the upper servants in European service.

Sa,ree : f. the common dress of Hindoo women of all classes, and Moohum-
mudun women of the lower class throughout Bengal: consisting of
a sheet of cloth worn round the body, and passing over the head and
shoulders like a hood.

Shum,la ; a Shawl Turban.

To, pee: f. Cap of any kind; worn by men only: the women of India
wearing neither Caps nor Turbans.

Ub,a: the Arabian and Persian Cloak, forming the outer garment over all
others; worn open in front, and much resembling an English boatcloak.
Um,a,mu : a loose Turban peculiar to the Arabs and Persians (as illustrat-
ed in the portraits of Hajee Mirza Muhummud Mehcly ; Muhummud
Sale ; and the Villagers of Herat , in Grant’s “ Oriental Heads ”).
Ung,i,ya: f. a female Bodice , worn beneath the “ Kooidee,’’ and tied
behind.

Ung,urk,ha : a close, long skirted gown, with long sleeves, and closed or
covered breasts : worn by all classes of respectable natives, Hindoo and
Moohummudun.

Such is a list of the articles of raiment which go to make up
the costume of our fellow-subjects in the “ gorgeous East.”
To make the matter complete we must extract also the account
of the main articles of bijouterie in use amongst them.

Jewellery — Guhna.

The following list includes the most common native Jewels and orna-
ments, of which, however, there are innumerable varieties, known under
numerous names in the different provinces throughout India : —

Ar,see : f. Thumb-ring, set with a mirror about the size of a rupee : worn
by women, both Hindoo and Moohummudun.

Ba,la : large Earrings, worn by women, both Hindoo and Moohummudun,
and in some parts of India by the men.

Ba,lee : f. Earrings , plain or set: worn by women — both Hindoo and
Moohummudun.

Bool,aA; : a nasal trinket appended to the centre cartilage of the nose, and
resting on the upper lip : the lower part set with pendants : the surface
flat, and set or plain : worn by Moohummudun women.

Bu£,a,na : Bracelets, formed by a series of rings, of gold or silver, the
number worn on each wrist varying from 4 to 6, worn by women — both
Hindoo and Moohummudun.

Ba, zoo-bun d:\UpperArmlets (from Bazoo or Bhooj — upper-arm ; and
Bhooj-bund : J bund— tie) : a general name for various trinkets worn, by
ties, on the upper arms of women, both Hindoo and Moohummudun.

Cbhul,la: plain Finger or Toe Ring : w'orn by women and men of all
classes.

Choor : Bracelets, differing from the Bu£ana in the rings being united,
formed of conch, and worn exclusively by Hindoo women.

Choor, ee : f. Bracelets, like the Bu£ana in shape, but formed of coloured
glass or lac : worn by women, both Hindoo and Moohummudun.
Chum,pa-kul,ee : f. Necklace of silk, on which are strung 30 to 40 pen-
dants of crystals or precious stones, set in gold or silver, and formed in
imitation of the unblown flowers of the Chumpa : worn by women, both
Hindoo and Moohummudun.

122

ANGLO-HINDUSTANI

Ghoang.roo : Anklets of silk, from which are suspended little hollow spheres
charged with shot, which tinkle as the wearer walks * : worn by women
and children — both Hindoo and Moohummudun.

Har: Necklace — of beads, flowers, or any thing strung.

Jhoom.ka : Bell-shaped Earring.

Jhoo.mur : a frontal or temple ornament, formed of three, or more gold
chains, or strings of pearls, one end of which is hooked to the centre of
the head, whilst to the other end are attached variously shaped pendants,
hung, from the parting of the hair to the temple, between the eye
brows: worn by women, both Hindoo and Moohummudun.

Juog.noo : a small semi-lunar ornament, worn in the centre of a necklace
of pearls, &c.

Kur,a : Anklet or Bracelet of solid gold or silver : in the shape of the
letter c terminating with a nob at each end : worn by women, both
Hindoo and Moohummudun, and as bracelets, in many parts of India
by the men.

Mang-put,tee : f. a golden ornament, worn over the line on the top of the
head where the hair is parted, and reaching to the back part of the
head ; worn by women.

Moo.hur : f. Seal

Moor.kee : f. Earrings, worn by women in the tragus of the ears.

Muchh,lee : f. Earring -drops, made in the form of fish.

Nu£h : f. Nose-ring, formed of gold wire, on which are strung two pearls
and a ruby : diameter — 2 to 2J inches, worn by women. The Hindoos
add 2 thin plates of gold with serrated edges, between the ruby and each
pearl. This ring is essential to the marriage of both Hindoos and
Mooslims, and is never laid aside but on the death of the husband.

Nuih.rcee : f. Nose ring, smaller than the Nuih, and worn by children of
both sexes.

Pa,e,zeb: f. Chain Anklet, consisting of heavy rings of silver resemb-
ling a curb chain, occasionally set with a fringe of small spherical bells,
charged with shot, all of which tinkle at every motion of the legs :f
worn by women.

Pouhw,chee : f. Bracelet of any shape.

Pu£,£e : f. Earring -drops, in the form of leaves, plain or set.

Put,ree : f. Bracelets, like the Choor — but made of gold.

T a,weez : Amulet, a gold or silver case enclosing quotations from the
iTooran, some mystical writing, or vegetable or animal substance, as the
teeth or nails of a tiger, &c. : worn by Moohummucfiins, men, women,
and children, on the neck, arm, and waist.

Tee,ka : a f rontal or temple ornament , differing from the Jhoomur in
having only one chain or string of pearls.

Touk : Neck Collar of gold or silver, varying in form, but usually in the
shape of the letter c, terminating with nobs at the ends which nearly
meet : worn by women and children of all classes.

Ung-oo,thee: f. Finger-ring { set.).

Zun,jeer : f. Chain .

* “ With bells to her ancles, and rings on her toes,

She shall have music — wherever she goes !”+

Nursery Rhyme.

+ We question the correctness of our Authors’ reading of this Nursery Rhyme.

Moreover it strikes us that he might have found much apter illustrations of the

eastern practice of wearing metallic ornaments on the feet. The Scriptures abound

with allusions to this practice. We may only refer, for example, to Isaiah, III.

16.— Ed. C.#.

HAND-BOOK.

123

After this cyclopaedic vocabulary, comes a number of “ short
sentences in English and Hindustani,” which remind us of those
in Marryatt’s signal code ; — and, next, a collection of ” Oriental
Proverbs.” Some of these seem to us to possess in a very
high degree the characteristics that constitute excellence in a
proverb ; and our readers will be pleased by our selecting a few
of them, omitting the Hindustani, and giving merely the au-
thor’s literal translation and the short explanatory note that he
appends to each.

“ A blind man loses Ms staff but once ”

“ A burnt child dreads the fire.”

“ A buffalo does not feel the weight of his own horns."

“ A man does not repine at the maintenance of his own family.”

Without questioning the accuracy of this explanation, we
may remark, that it does not seem to us to exhibit very clearly
the point of the proverb, which is a beautiful one. The great
matter intended to be expressed is the blessedness of having
children, which is so closely interwoven with all Oriental no-
tions. What the horns are to the buffalo, children are to a
man. The same idea is expressed by the Psalmist, when he
says, “ as arrows are in the hand of a mighty man, so are chil-
dren of the youth ; happy is the man that hath his quiver
full of them ; they shall not be ashamed ; but they shall speak
with the enemies in the gate.” Such then being the usefulness
of children, the proverb points out the foolishness of murmur-
ing at the expense attending their “ up-bringing.” As well
might the buffalo complain of the weight of his horns, which
are his great instruments of defence and offence. •The same
notion is also recognized in the law which required the Roman
soldier to carry a certain weight of baggage “ in addition to
his arms, which were regarded as part of himself.” We suspect
the proverb is also used as expressive of the influence of habit,
without any reference to children at all. As the buffalo’s horns
grow imperceptibly with his own growth, and as he is uncon-
scious of their weight, in consequence of his having been habi-
tuated to it by imperceptible degrees, so do we form habits
unconsciously for good or evil. We go on with our selections.

“ A mountain hid behind a straw .”

“ To express something of the greatest utility, which may he attained by
an easy process, when once known.”

This is the principle on which Lord Bacon expatiates con-
stantly, recurring to it again and again in various parts of his
works. Printing, gunpowder and the compass were all hidden
behind straws ; and when these straws were removed, people

124

ANGLO ‘HINDUSTANI

could not but wonder that they had been so long concealed.
We suspect also that the same, or a very similar, proverb is
used to express the excessive caution of a man who sacrifices a
prospective good to a present convenience.

“ Come , bull , gore me."

“ Come , misfortune , embrace me"

“ Spoken by or of one, who, under an erroneous act, is resigned to the
consequences.”

Or rather, we suspect, designed to show the evil of inviting
misfortune by passivity, instead of making strenuous efforts to
avert it.

“ He puts the milk by itself, and icater by itself."

“ Figuratively — he who separates truth from falsehood : a phrase used to
express just decision and accurate discrimination.”

“ In other words, a sharp analyser, or, as our trans-atlantic
cousins have it, “ a ’cute chap.”

“ If the quince be ripe what advantage is that to the crow ? ”

“ Eeferring to the Bengal quince (the bel,) the rind of which is so hard,
that the crows cannot pierce it with their bills — used by those who hear
advantages described, of which they cannot partake.”

“ If you go on every branch , I will go on every leaf ’.**

“ Whatever stratagems you practise, I will overmatch you that is — Oi's
Yorkshire too.

“ In the city where you wish to sell flowers, do not kick up the dust"

“ That is, offend not those whom it is your interest to conciliate .”

Or do not quarrel with your bread and butter.

“ One and one make eleven ”

“ Taken from the way of writing eleven in figures. Used to express the
great advantage of acting in concert"

This seems to us to be a peculiarly neat and elegant proverb,
expressive of the important truth “ that union is strength.”
The converse of this truth is expressed by the maxim —
“Divide and conquer;” and the truth itself is well illustrated
by the fable (or history) of the old chieftain’s sons, who strove
in vain to break the sheaf of arrows, but snapped them without
difficulty one by one.

“ Small rain fills a pond "

“ Gutta cavat lapidem, non vi sed scepe cadendo."

Or cc many littles make a muckle.”

“ The neem-tree will not become sweet , though watered with syrup and ghee."

HAND-BOOK.

125

“ What is bred in the bone, will not come out of the flesh.

These may suffice as specimens of the proverbs that are in
frequent use among the people of this country, and which
often give an air of quaintness to their conversation, that is
very pleasing to those who can appreciate it. The only evil
attached to the good is, that these proverbs, however they may
be introduced, always stand for irrefragable arguments. The
analogical principle is exceedingly strong in the minds of the
people ; and in every question that comes under discussion, an
illustration or illustrative proverb is held to be unanswerable.

After the proverbs, comes a series of dialogues in English
and Hindustani, precisely similar to those that occur in all
French and Italian and German Hand-books. The compilers
append an apologetic note, expressive of regret that the dia-
logues have been inserted at all, because, as they say, quoting
from Dr. Gilchrist, “ it must be wholly impossible to put such
words in the mouths of the persons addressed, as they will
actually adopt. To every question or remark, there may be at
least twenty different modes of reply ; and an author must be
fortunate indeed, should his work contain the very answers that
will be made to all his reader’s queries of any kind, in a foreign
tongue, unless his book be extended to a size far beyond the
ordinary limits of these productions.” — Very true, good doctor,
and very far short of the whole truth. To contain all the con-
versations that may be held between man and man, would re-
quire not only an enlarged hand-book, or an arm-book, but a
world-book. But, for all this, we do not agree with the com-
pilers in the self-condemnatory apology that they offer for the
insertion of these dialogues. Their object is not to furnish
their readers with the matter of what they are to say, and what
is to be said to them, but to assist them in forming a good
conversational style. A man may be benefited by studying
the historical style of Hume or Macaulay, although he has
the intention of writing — not a history of England, but a his-
tory of Timbuctoo.

We are next presented with “ brief descriptions of the
months of Bengal; with lists of their respective edible produce
procurable in the meat, fish, fruit and vegetable markets in
Calcutta.” This statement is taken from Mr Speede’s Hand-
book of Gardening, and Messrs. S. Smith and Co.’s Almanac.
It just strikes us, that it may tend to give our outside readers a
notion of the climate and various other particulars which it
may be interesting to them to know, if w’e attempt to embody
the most important information contained in this portion of
the work in a tabular form. So far as our recollection goes,

126

ANGLO-HINDUSTANI

tlie statements respecting the weather are very correct, and we
believe the produce of the markets is accurately stated.

Months.

Temp.

Meat.

Game.

Fish.

Fruit.

Vegeta-

bles.

t Plenti- }
< ful&ex- >
t cellent >

January ...

52° — 63°

Abundt...

5goodsrts.

8 sorts.

33 sorts.

February...

58—75

Ditto

34 „

March

68—82

Good

29 „

April

80—92

f Flabby "1

21 „

\ & poor. /

Mav

85—98

S Worse )

9 ' „

17 ”

{ &worse y

.Time

80—100

Ditto

.Tipy _T . , , tT T

80 — 89

Ditto

”

9 9

LU 99

16 „
14 „

August

80—90

Ditto .......

w 99

9 „

September..

78—85

Ditto

„

12 „

October

75—80

Improving .

3 sorts ...

13 „

November..

70—75

Ditto

Plentiful.

Perfect

27 „

December...

58—65

Perfect

Abundt...

29 „

It is also stated, that the following commodities last through-
out the year, viz., beef, kid, lamb, mutton, pork, veal ; ducks,
fowls, geese, pigeons, turkeys ; venison and rabbits ; of fish,
chingree (prawns) choona, kutla, kuwy, magoor, moonjee,
rohee, sowle, tangra ; and of the vegetable kingdom the banana
or sweet plantain.

From this table it will be seen that there is no difficulty in
procuring table supplies throughout the year ; and, although,
during the hot and rainy seasons, the meat, especially the beef,
is not so good as in the cold weather, it is by no means to be
despised. Of vegetables there is during the greater part of
the year quite an embarras des richesses, and fruits are abun-
dant during, at least, half the year.

The next subject brought to our notice is that of travelling
by water and by land. This is treated in two extracts from Mr.
Parbury’s Hand-book, which was written at a much less advanced
state of the river steam navigation than that which we have now
reached. This portion therefore, of the work, is a little out of date,
and ere long, the dak palki will be found only in our Museums,
as an interesting relic of the old slow times. On the subject
of river-travelling, we may as well take occasion to allude to a
very great improvement introduced, within* these few years, into
the boat-economy of the river, in the shape of paddle-boats,
propelled by coolies working tread-mill fashion. These boats
were first introduced by Messrs. Burn and Co. of this city, and

HAND-BOOK.

127

have now become pretty common, although, we believe, their
possession hitherto is confined to private gentlemen ; at least,
we are not aware that any are kept for hire. It is stated in the
books on animal mechanics, that the most telling way of applying
a man’s muscular energy is, by setting him to pull at an oar;
but he must pull as English man-of-war’s men pull, and
not merely jabble up a lave of water against the sides of the
boat, according to the invariable and incorrigible mode of the
Bengali boatmen. In working the paddle-boats, of which we
have spoken, all is done by the dead weight of the coolies, or
at least very little is left to be accomplished by their muscular
energy. The result is, that these boats go at nearly double the
rate at which they would be propelled by an equal number of
oarsmen. Hence, the thanks of our community are well due to
their inventor. So far as we have learned, the Archimedean
screw has only been tried in a single instance, and without suc-
cess; but we should think the experiment well worthy of repe-
tition.

In the matter of dak travelling also, an improvement was
introduced a few years ago by Colonel Pownev — in the shape
of a palki that could be used as a carriage to be drawn by
one or two ponies, or pushed by men, or carried like an ordina-
ry palki. Wheresoever there are roads and horses, it is a
comfortable carriage; where there are roads, but no horses,
it is a carriage still ; where roads are not, the wheels are
unshipped and stowed away on the roof, and the carriage
becomes a palki. If a keel could be put upon it, so that it
might cross an occasional ferry, it might be regarded as a
universal travelling apparatus. The great trunk road, and
the Inland Transit Company afford the Anglo-Indian the means
of travelling in a sort of stage-coach ; but we fancy it will
require him to “ make-believe very hard,” before he can per-
suade himself that it is the genuine thing. Our Post Master
General has also recently laid on a mail-coach to carry passen-
gers between Calcutta and Burdwan, with the promise, that
if the experiment succeed, it shall be extended. But we scarcely
expect that it will. While we write, however, the times are
big with the greatest of all improvements in the locomotory
art. After long and tantalizing delays, it seems now not
improbable, that we shall soon have a railway. While we
write, we learn that the Governor General’s final sanction has
been received for the immediate commencement of a line from
Howrah to Hoogly ; and we doubt not that this wedge-point
introduced, this inch given, is the beginning of great things.
It is but a few years ago that the Quarterly Review, in a paper

12 8

ANGLO-HINDUSTANI

on Steam Navigation to India, gave a decided preference to
the Red Sea over the Euphrates and Persian Gulf route ; but,
after calculating that the expense of running a steamer once
in two months between Falmouth and Bombay would be
^33,912, threw cold water on the whole scheme by asking whe-
ther this “terrific expenditure ” “ is to be incurred for conveying
a few letters and despatches, and now and then three or four
passengers.” The result has been the twice-a-month com-
munication between England and India, with an overflow of
passengers. So much for the sagacity of the most sagacious,
when they attempt to deal with matters untried. May we not
hope then that in the same way all the most vivid expectations of
the projectors of our railway will ere long be far more than realized,
and all the fears of the croakers converted into matter of amuse-
ment ? Ethnologists talk of the venatory, the pastoral, and the
agricultural states, as the several stages in the career of human pro-
gress. Perhaps the kutcha-road state, the pukha-road state, and
the rail-road state would not be a less appropriate division. Now
it certainly is strange, in this view of the matter, that the most
thoroughly stand-still people on the face of the earth should
be destined to pass, as they appear to be, per saltum from the
lowest of these states, to the highest, from the mere foot-path or
dak-road to the rail-road, from the palki to the steam-train.
This may be anomalous, and probably it is so ; but there seems
no small likelihood of its being realized — for at present, it
cannot be doubted, notwithstanding the existence of the great
trunk road, and a few other roads of very small length and
generally of very indifferent quality, that the great mass of the
goings and comings of the people of India is perpetrated either
by water carriage or by foot-path travelling. This being the
present state of things, and there being every prospect of a rail-
way being immediately set agoing, it will follow that the transi-
tion from the worst to the best will be effected by a single stride.
We do not imagine, however, that the pukha-road stage will be
passed over altogether, but rather that it will come after the
rail-road stage. Indeed we cannot doubt that the effect of the
rail-way will be to cause the multiplication of good common
roads. These will be necessary in order that much good may
be derived from the rail-way, and we have no doubt that the
demand will create the supply.

The next subject that meets our eyes in turning over the
pages of the book under review is that of “ gentlemen’s cloth-
ing for India.” Here again our authors are a little behind date.
A few years ago every man wore a white jacket on all ordinary
occasions ; now nothing is worn but black alpaca coats. To

HAND BOOK.

129

our humble thinking this is not at all an improvement. We have
no objection to the substitution of the coat, or shooting jacket, for
the short jacket ; inasmuch as it can scarcely be disputed that
on some figures, the latter is not a very becoming vestment ;
but the substitution of black for white, we regard as a positive
evil. The material also, though certainly very light,* is not, to
our taste, by any means so pleasant in very hot weather when
there is no breeze, as is the usual calico, or whatever be the
technical name of the stuff of which jackets are made. Then
the expense must be at least three times as great as that of
jackets; — as thus.

Two dozen jackets will cost rupees 30, and last three years.

Two alpaca coats will cost also rupees 30, and will not last one
year without great seediness.

That is on the supposition of the mere wear, without any
allowance for casualties. But it must be considered that a
single tear will put either coat or jacket hors de combat , and
the coat as easily at least as the jacket. Now when the alpaca-
wearer has submitted to two tears, he is finished, done up en-
tirely; whereas the man of calico has twenty-two out of his
twenty-four suits as good as ever. It is therefore, from all these
considerations, our confident expectation that the alpaca race
will not long enjoy its usurped prerogative; but that the calico
dynasty will soon be restored to its rightful ascendancy. For
ourselves, we have resolved to retain our loyalty to the exiled
family, and to live in patient hopeful expectation of the time
when “the king shall have his ain again;’ — and why not?
Have we not lived to see the restoration of the Bourbon race
in its two branches, and again the virtual restoration of the Corsi-
can race — and why should we despair of the fortunes of calico ?
But, at all events, our resolution is taken.

We ought to state that the advices given to those making pro-
vision for the outward voyage seem to us to he very judicious.
They are practical and to the point. By following them, a
good and useful outfit may be got for very considerably less
money than is usually expended on a comparatively useless
one. For ourselves, if we had to come to India again, we
should not spend much more than a third of the money on
outfit that we expended in the days of our griffinhood. Expe-

* Messrs. Harman and Co. state that their zephyr coats weigh 7 oz. We have
just had the curiosity to weigh a jacket of ordinary thickness, and have found that its
weight is 12§ tolas, = 5 oz. dr. Now it is true that the difference, or 1 oz. 13-^dr.
is not a great weight, still it is more than one-third (13-36ths) of the whole weight
of the jacket.

130

ANGLO -HINDU STAN [

rience teaches — even fools, and, a fortiori , sage and sapient
reviewers.

We must presume that the advice given to ladies on the
subject of their wardrobe is equally judicious and to the point:
and we have no doubt that it is all this and more, inas-
much as it is taken from Miss Emma Roberts. We there-
fore refer our fair readers either to that lady’s “ East Indian
Voyage,” or to the volume before us, for all needful information
respecting dress and knick knackeries.

Passing on then from this delicate subject, we come to
“ Hygeian notes on dress in India.” For ourselves, one rule
embodies all that a pretty lengthened experience has taught us
as to the influence of dress on health — and that is, in the hot
weather and the rains to keep ourselves as cool as possible,
and in the cold weather to keep ourselves sufficiently warm.
The only exception to this rule is in the case of the occurrence
of a North-Wester. In the season when these occur, it were
well to have a flannel coat or jacket ready to put on the mo-
ment that the hurly-burly begins; for although the coolness is
very pleasant, yet it is very apt to be hurtful. With this excep-
tion, for eight months in the year the coolest dress is the best for
strong people, and we believe for weak ones too. But from the
middle of October to the middle of February the case is altered.
Then woollen stuffs must be worn, every morning and even-
ing, and they are not generally found to be unpleasant during
the day.

We pass over a great deal of matter respecting the preserva-
tion of health by diet and exercise, respecting smoking, sleep,
prickly heat, and cholera, and come to a subject on which we
shall offer one or two observations, that of snake-bites. There
are probably few subjects on which the notions of new-comers
more need rectification than this. Many seem to imagine
that the bite of a venomous serpent is so common an occur-
rence, that escape from it for any lengthened period is not
to be expected by any one. We need scarcely say that this
is an erroneous notion altogether. There are very few places
whither Europeans resort where serpents are at all nume-
rous. Then, of all the snakes in any given place, a very
large proportion are either perfectly harmless, or their poi-
son is of so mild a nature as to produce no evil effect beyond
a little pain. Moreover, of all the snakes in India, we never
saw any one that will attack a man, or any except the cobra
that, when attacked, will stand at bay if he can in any possible
way effect an escape, In fact our idea of the valour of snakes

HAND-BOOK.

T3I

has been very much lowered by our acquaintance with them.
And then, last of all, it is scarcely possible for any snake, that
we have ever seen, to bite a person in a European garb. All
these circumstances combine to render a venomous snake-bite
an exceedingly rare occurrence amongst Europeans. We be-
lieve many medical men have been in extensive practice for
very many years, without having had an opportunity of treating
a single case. In so far therefore as any personal danger is
concerned, the likelihood of being bitten is so small, that even
the strictest prudence scarcely requires us to adopt any pre-
caution, or to provide ourselves in anticipation with any
remedy. But those who reside in the Mofussil may some-
times be called on to afford aid to natives, whose costume renders
them so much more liable to be bitten ; and at all events the sub-
ject is one of great interest. Erom all that we have read
of the subject, we have come to the conclusion that the
wisest course, when any one has been certainly bitten by a
cobra or other deadly serpent, is immediately to apply the
actual cautery, after binding the limb with a cord above the
bite as tight as possible, so as to stop the circulation as nearly
as possible, and prevent the poison-impregnated blood from
reaching the vital organs. As soon as a red-hot iron can be
got ready, it should be unshrinkingly applied to the wound,
nor removed until the flesh is completely scorched. After this
the patient should be kept awake by stimulants, and by being
compelled to keep moving about. Our authors bring to notice
the virtues of what is called the “Tanjore pill,” the ingredients of
which are white arsenic and quicksilver and four vegetable sub-
stances. The efficacy of this pill is vouched for by the venerable
Swartz; and it is very much to be regretted that the vegetable in-
gredients are not ascertained with perfect certainty. We confess
however that we have always considerable doubts as to the
efficacy of any such remedies, however attested. In so many
cases are wounds supposed to be caused by the bites of cobras
and other deadly snakes, which are either caused by the bites
of comparatively harmless snakes, or even by the mere prick-
ing of thorny shrubs ; and, so proper is it in case of doubt to
err on the side of safety — that we are persuaded that many
specifics acquire reputation by curing imaginary cases, where
no cure at all was required, or slight causes which yield to
remedies that would not reach the real evil. It was thus, we
doubt not, that the root of the Aristolochia Indica acquired
a temporary reputation a few years ago ; which was blasted,
so far as we recollect, by a series of experiments conducted-

132

ANGL0-H1NDUSTANI

by Mr. Meade at Madras. A priori we should scarcely expect,
that a medicine taken into the stomach is the best antidote
to a poison of such speedy action imbibed through the absor-
bents. We should rather expect that the best way to grap-
ple with the evil was either to send a neutralizing sub-
stance after it, or else, by the vigorous method we have
alluded to, to destroy the absorbent organs altogether, or
thoroughly incapacitate them for conveying the poison into the
system.

The next section of the work bears the somewhat curious
heading, “ Domestic Pests.” We shall not tell our readers
what these are. If ignorance be possible, it will certainly be
bliss.

We next come to a dissertation on the “ Natives of India,
their character, customs and prejudices.” On such a subject
nothing has produced more confusion and contradiction
than undue generalization; and this, it is due to our au-
thors to say, that they strive to avoid. In fact it were
almost as possible to describe in a chapter the natives of
Europe as the natives of India. What is true of one class
is utterly inapplicable to a dozen of others ; and what is
the most distinguishing characteristic of many individuals in any
one great class, may be wanting altogether, or existing in very
limited degree, in many other individuals of the same class. It
is therefore manifest that all general descriptions must be very
vague, like those which occur in books of geography “ for the
use of schools,” which seem to suppose that they have told
us all that can be told about the characteristics of the several
nations, when they have stated that theEnglishman is hospitable,
the Scotsman industrious, and the Irishman light-hearted. It is
not by such generalities, however, that we can learn aught that is
worth learning respecting a people. The only things that are
of any use in this respect are facts, numerous facts, from which
we may derive our own conclusions. But however much the
various nations that inhabit this great continent, rather than
country, may differ from each other, we cannot go any where
amongst them without seeing that they are all largely tainted
with evil practices which nothing but the diffusion of Christianity
amongst them can root out, and sadly defective in certain quali-
ties, that nothing but Christianity will ever impart. This is a
serious subject — some may think too serious to be introduced
alongside of the melanqe that we have gathered together into
this article; but we must express our decided conviction that
the character of the people of this country, however it may be

HAND-BOOK.

133

modified as it is developed in different classes and different
individuals, is a character radically and essentially evil ; that no
influence that can be brought to bear upon it is adequate to the
production of a radical and essential improvement, excepting
those influences that are exhibited in the Bible, and that are
exerted, in greater or less measure, wheresoever Christianity is
diffused amongst a people in any considerable degree of purity.
This is our deliberate conviction, which all that we see going
on around us in this age of progress tends amply to confirm.
Without the influences that we have spoken of, all the other
means that naturally tend to elevate the condition and improve
the character of a people, are deprived of nine-tenths of their
legitimate influence. Take as an example the mightiest and most
powerful of all human agencies — the press. What is the effect
of the indigenous literature that issues from the native press in
Bengal? Let our readers turn again to the account of it con-
tained in our last issue,* and let them take into consideration
that not a tithe of the evil of the staple literature of the coun-
try is exhibited there, or can ever be exhibited in our pages ;
and we are persuaded that they will come, as we have long ago
come, to the conclusion, that all external improvements must
fall infinitely short of the end of elevating the people of India
to that point in the scale of character, which their well-wishers
desire that they should attain. It is the same with commerce,
improved modes of communication and transit, mental culture,
and every thing else. All these are good and valuable in their
own place, as subordinate to Christianity ; but, apart from it, the
benefit they can confer is very doubtful, and at the best ex-
tremely partial.

The ties of nature do but feebly bind,

And commerce partially reclaims mankind ;

Philosophy, without his heavenly guide,

May blow up self-conceit, and nourish pride ;

But, while his province is the reasoning part,

Has still a veil of midnight on his heart.

’Tis truth divine, exhibited on earth,

Gives charity her being and her birth.

It is this charity, and nothing short of it, that will really
elevate our native fellow-subjects; will introduce among them
a new set of ideas; will so modify their social and domestic habits,
without unduly interfering with their nationality, as greatly to
alter the detail of the intercourse between them and Euro-
peans ; will introduce amongst them the hitherto unknown idea

Cal. Rev. No. XXVI. Art. 2.

134

ANGLO-HINDUSTANI

of home, break down the system of caste, and “ humanize "
tens of thousands of those who may not be actually converted.

The second part, occupying about half the volume, consists
of what is styled a vocabularic index. This is simply an Eng-
lish and Hindustani dictionary, with references throughout to
such places of the former part of the work as treat of the sub-
ject to which any word refers. This strikes us as likely to prove
very useful to the student, providing him as it does at once
with a dictionary, and an index to the very varied contents
of the former part of the hand-book. It is also interspersed
with occasional dissertations, as they may almost be called, on
many subjects of interest, which contain a truly surprising
amount of information in a very small compass. Take, as a
specimen, the following account of the Hookah : —

Hookah cor. of Hook’ku. ; the better description of which consists of the
following named distinct portions, viz. 1. H ook’ku, the glass, metal, or
earthen-ware water-vessel. 2. Kur’ee’na orNi’ga’lee, f. the double-pipe which
fixes into the water vessel. 3. Gut’ta, the socket of the kureena. 4.
Ny’chu, the Snake, or Pipe which unites with the shorter pipe of the
kureena. 5. Moowh’nal, the metal or mineral Mouth-piece. 6. Ur’uft-^an
or Chil’-um-chee, f. the metal Saucer which connects the longer pipe
of the kureena with the chilum. 7. Chil’um, the metal or earthen-ware
Cup or Bowl in which the tobacco, ifu’wa, and fireballs are contained. 8.
Git’a or Git’ikh, the small earthen-ware tripod plate fixed between the
concavity of the chilum and the tobacco. 9. Tu’wa, the metal or earth-
en-ware circular plate interposed between the tobacco below and the
fire-balls above. (Tum’a’koo, the Tobacco. — v. note, p. 442. — Gool, the
charcoal fire-balls.) 10. Sur’posh or Chum’bur, the metal ChiVum-cover.
11. GhiY af, the Nychu slip or cover. 12. Zer’un’daz, the hookku
Carpet.

Hook'ku, varieties of the. — Dum’ee, f. Fur’shee, f. Koo\'koo'\&, — (a small
kind), G oor’goo’ree, f. — (used by a class of Fukeers), My’^an’ee, —
(made of cocoanut), Nar’i’yul or Nar’i’yuree,( — of earth en-ware),
Thur’i’ya.

Hookku attendant , Hooft’/mbur’dar, 63.

Hookku pipe, straight — Cbou’ga’nee, f. — bent (as of the goorgooree), Do-
Mum’mu.

Hookku-.snake, Ny’chu.

Hookhu-snake maker, Ny’chubund.

Hookku-snake making, Ny’chu-bundee.

We have often thought that a great deal of correct deduction
might be derived from the contemplation of the cumbrous para-
phernalia of the hooka in reference to the character of the peo-
ple. Compare it with the Irishman’s “ dooden,” or even John
Bull’s f< yard of clay,” and you will see the difference between
the race that makes a business of pleasure, or makes the chief
enjoyment of life consist in the dolce far niente , and the race
that habitually prefers duty to enjoyment.

HAND-BOOK.

135

The notices of plants and trees are valuable, although we
see several indications that the author is neither a botanist nor
a practical cultivator. The notices of the coinage, under the
articles mohur , pagoda, pice, pie, and rupee , strike us as parti-
cularly good, containing a vast deal of really useful informa-
tion in a wonderfully concentrated form. It would be of no
use to extract one of these notices apart from the others, as
they are all closely connected with each other ; and to extract
them all would encroach to far too great an extent on our
space. We shall therefore select another extract, almost at
random, and with this we shall bring our somewhat desultory
article to a close : —

Thug, (hiri.) generally — a robber, assassin, cut-throat ; cheat, impostor :
especially one of a gang of hereditary, professional assassins, Hindoos
and Moosulmans, who range the high roads and rivers of various parts
of India , and, under the guise of friendship , win the confidence of
unsuspecting travellers, and, after accompanying them for a stage or
two, on reaching the first selected retired spot (in Thug slang, Bel or
Beyl — the place chosen for burying their victims ) or, if on the river ,
the first safe locality, murder them by strangulation, and plunder their
property. In different parts of India these ruffians assume, and are
designated by various names, derived either from the mode by which
they despatch their victims, from the purpose for which they destroy life,
or from the arts by which they inveigle their prey to destruction. In the
more northern parts of India they are called Thug, the name by which
they are most generally known among Europeans. In some provinces
to the southward, they have obtained the name of Phara’see’gars or
Stranglers, from the Sanscrit Phan’see, f. a noose, loop, halter, strangu-
lation ; and in the Tamul language, (according to Dr. Sherwood,) “they
are called Ari tulucar, or Mussulman noosers; in Canarese, Tanti Cal-
leru, implying thieves, ivho use a wire or cat gut noose ; and in Telugu,
Warln wahndlu, or Warlu vayshay wahndloo, meaning People who use
the noose.” — Thus far the common interpretation of the word thug : but
after the crime of murder by Thugs had, for some time, engaged the
attention of the E. I. Government, and stringent laws been enacted for
its punishment, doubts and difficulties arose, as to the meaning of the
words “ Thug” and “ Thuggee,” and the expression “ Murder by Thug-
gee,” when used in the Acts of the Council of India : for the removal of
such doubts, therefore, the legislative branch of the Government provided
a legal remedy by the Act No. III. of 1848 — passed by the G. G. in
Council on the 26th Feb. 1848, which declares and enacts — “ that the
word ‘ Thug,’ when used in any Act heretofore passed by the Council of
India, shall be taken to have meant and to mean a person who is, or has
at any time been, habitually associated with any other or others for the
purpose of committing, by means intended by such person, or known by
such person to be likely, to cause the death of any person, the offence of
Child-stealing, or the offence of Robbery not amounting to Dacoity.
And that the word ‘ Thuggee,’ when used in such Acts, shall be taken to
have meant and to mean the offence of committing or attempting any
such Child-stealing or Robbery by a Thug. And that the expression
‘ Murder by Thuggee,’ when used in such Acts, shall be taken to have

136

ANGLO-HINDUSTANI

meant and to mean Murder, when employed as the means of committing
such Child stealing or such Robbery by a Thug.” — A legal difference
existing between the crimes of Thuggee, Dacoity, and Robbery by any
other “ wandering gang of persons associated for the purposes of* theft
or robbery, not being a gang of Thugs or JDacoits,” the Act No. XI. of
1848 — passed by the G. G. in Council on the 20th of May 1848, entitled
“ An Act for the punishment of wandering gangs of Thieves and Rob-
bers”— extends some of the Provisions of the Law for the conviction of
Thugs and Dacoits to offenders of the other class referred to ; 1st. in
subjecting them, on conviction, to “imprisonment with hard labour for
any term not exceeding seven years.” 2nd. in enacting that any person
accused “ of belonging to any such gang,” or “ of knowingly receiving or
buying property stolen or plundered by any such gang, may be commit-
ted by any Magistrate within the Territories of the E. I. C.” and be
tried by any Court which would be competent to try him, if his offence
were committed within the Zillah where that Court sits. 3rd. in enacting
that “ No Court shall on the trial of any offence under this Act, require
any Futwa from any Law Officer.” — There are fair reasons to justify the
belief “ that the system of Thuggee (more correctly Thug’a’ee, f.) or
Phanseegaree, originated with some parties of vagrant Mahommuduns,
who infested the roads about the ancient capital of India,” where it
“ found a congenial soil, and flourished with rank luxuriance for more
than two Centuries, till its roots had penetrated and spread over almost
every district within the limits of the E. I. Co.’s dominions :” that the
British Government knew little or nothing of the Thugs “until shortly
after the conquest of Seringapatam, in 1799, when about a hundred were
apprehended in the vicinity of Bangalore ;” and that it was not until
1807, when several Thugs were apprehended between Chittoor and
Arcot, that information was obtained, which ultimately led to the deve-
lopment of the habits, artifices, and combinations of these atrocious
delinquents.” The development referred to was the labour of years, and
“ up to 1829 these assassins traversed every great and much frequented
road from the Himaleh Mountains to the Nerbudda River, and from the
Ganges to the Indus, without the fear of punishment from divine or
human laws.” But in 1830, Lord William Bentinck, the then Governor
General, with that judgment and decision which characterized his rule,
adopted the plan of operations which has been so ably and successfully
carried out for the suppression of the Thug associations by Major Slee-
man and others, whose services have been dedicated to that object. In
1840, the only parts of India in which there were any Thugs at large, and
not entered in the proscription lists of those gentlemen, were believed to
be the Eastern Districts of Bengal, and between Midnapore and Nag-
pore, along the road leading from Calcutta to Bombay ; and as measures
were then in operation for the detection and apprehension of the sup-
posed offenders, it is now ( March , 1849 ) more than probable that in the
Co.’s Territories, the crime has ceased — and that the only Thugs remain-
ing are those who have deserted the evil practices of their caste , or are
otherwise expiating their past wickedness by hard labour, as felons, on
the Coast of Martaban.

Like most other crimes indigenous to India — Thuggism has the sanction
of Religion, so called, for all its diabolical practices : — Thugs, Hindoos
and Moossulmans ( Par nobile fratrum !) alike professing in all their
deeds and practices, to act under the direct sanction and patronage of
JDev'ee or Bhu’wa’nee, the wife of Siva (or Doorga in her pacific form !)

HAND-BOOK.

137

to whose divine will they attribute its origin, and whose favour they con-
jointly propitiate by rites, sacrifices, and offerings ! — For full details of
this iniquitous system, the reader is referred to Major W. H. Sleeman’s
“ Ramaseena, or a Vocabulary of the peculiar Language used by the
Thugs, with an Introduction and Appendix, descriptive of the system
pursued by that fraternity, and of the measures which have been adopted
by the Supreme Government of India for its suppression.” Calcutta,
1836. — The same author’s “Report of the depredations committed by the
Thug gangs of Upper and Central India, from the cold season of
1836-37, down to their gradual suppression, under the operation of the
measures adopted against them by the Supreme Government in 1839.”
Calcutta, 1840. — And “ Illustrations of the History and Practices of the
Thugs, and notices of some of the Proceedings of the Government of
India, for the suppression of the crime of Thuggee.” London, 1837 ;
from which works (the 3rd a compilation chiefly from the 1st) this
article has largely quoted. — See also the article Ka’lee, p. 261, of this
work.

Thuggee , robbery, theft, cheating, (hin.) Thug’a’ee, f. — See the foregoing
article

ThulinTf/ | (bin ) a female ThufJ-

Altogether we regard the Anglo- Hindtistani Hatid-Book
as a valuable work. Perhaps it would have been all the better,
had it been somewhat shorter ; but it would be difficult to say
what portion of the matter could have been omitted without
detriment, and still more difficult to say how so much matter
could have been compressed into a smaller space. Our best
wish for the author,* to whom we feel ourselves in no small
degree indebted, (and he will admit that his best friend could
not form for him a better wish) is, that he may speedily see
“ the long-promised conclusion of an Equity Suit, in which, un-
happily, he is an interested party.” In our ignorance of the
merits of the case, we will not so far prejudge it, according to
the newspaper phrase, as to express a wish that it may be de-
cided in his favour ; but we may well hope that the “ glorious
uncertainty of law ” may not add so worthy and so talented
a man to the list of its martyrs.

• We have sometimes, in the course of this article, spoken of the Author , and some-
times of the Authors, of this work. The reason is that the first part of the work was,
as explained in the Preface, prepared by two gentlemen, and the secoud part by oue,
who expresses very cordial acknowledgment of the aid received from bis co adjutor..

138

VILLAGE SCHOOLS AND PEASANT PROPRIETORS

Art. VI. — 1. Resolution by the Hofible the Lieutenant' Go-
vernor , N. W. P., General Department , dated §th February ,
1850. Published in the Agra Government Gazette of 19//*
February , 1850.

2. Gejieral Reports on Public Instruction in the N. W . P. of
the Bengal Presidency , from the year 1843-44 to the year
1848-49 ( inclusive J.

3. Report on Native Schools of the Futtehpore District , by
Wm. Muir, Esq., B. C. S., 1846. Published by order of
Government, N. W. P. Extract from Third Report on the
state of Indigenous Education in Bengal and Behar, by
William Adam. Published originally in 1838, and re-pub-
lished by order of Government, N. W. P., 1845.

4. An Educational course for Village Accountants CDutwarisJ,
i?i four parts, by Ram Surrun Doss, Deputy Collector at
Delhi, in Urdu and Hi?idi. Agra. 1844.

5. The Social Condition a?id Education of the people, by
J. Kay , M. A. 2 Vols. Longman and Co. London. 1850.

We purpose in the present article to give some account of
the new scheme of village schools and of vernacular education, in
connection with the Land Revenue system as it prevails in the
North Western Provinces. The Resolution, in which this educa-
tional scheme is embodied, forms our first heading. The Reports,
enumerated in the second, contain the history of past efforts
for the attainment of the end, which, it is hoped, will be ac-
complished by the present scheme. The third heading com-
prises one detailed, though isolated, report, which greatly tends
to elucidate the internal working of indigenous native schools.
It also includes one of Mr. Adam’s famous reports. This
report, though it treats of the Lower Provinces, yet stands in
a peculiar relation to our present subject. Mr. A.’s statements
are patterns for educational enquirers in this country. The
present extract was republished by the Governor of the North
Western Provinces, seven years after its first publication, in order
that it might form a model for the investigations into indi-
genous education in these provinces, which were then com-
mencing.; and its arrangement and method have been generally
followed in the preparations of the reports, from which the
bulk of our information regarding village schools is drawn.
The treatises, which are embraced in the fourth heading, form
a course of professional instruction intended for a class of village
accountants, whose functions will be described hereafter. In

IN THE N. W. PROVINCES.

139

the volumes, mentioned under the last heading, are to be found
the latest and fullest accounts of the results, which have attended
educational efforts on the continent of Europe.

We believe that Peasant Proprietorship existed originally
throughout a great part of India ; that a succession of con-
quering dynasties, and some of the earlier fiscal arrangements
enforced by the British Government, have tended to submerge
and even obliterate this class of tenures ; but that all the settle-
ments of the North Western Provinces of this Presidency,
and especially the last, have uniformly raised peasant proprietors
wherever they existed, have consolidated their position, and
protected their rights. So far then the course pursued by the
Government of these provinces is analogous to that adopted
with such success by the continental Governments of Europe.
And now, that there is announced a plan, having for its object
the intellectual advancement of the agricultural community, it
is to be devoutly hoped that this scheme may be the first step
in a progressing and ascending course, by which the members
of this class (who form the thews and sinews of the body-
politic in this country) may be led on to intelligence and pros-
perity.

The precise scope and intention of this educational scheme
are set forth in the opening paragraphs of the Resolution : —
“ The present scheme contemplates the employment of an
agency, which shall rouse the people to a sense of the
evils resulting from ignorance, and which shall stimulate
them to exertions on their own part to remove this ignorance.”
(Par. 2). “ The means of effecting this object will be sought in

that feature of the existing revenue system, which provides for
the annual registration of all landed property throughout the
country.” (Par. 4). It is well known that the land is mi-
nutely divided amongst the people; and that there are few of
the agricultural classes , who are not possessed of some rights of
property in the soil. It is then stated that for the protection
of these rights a system of registration has been devised ; that
it is necessary that the parties, whose rights are recorded, should
be able to consult the register ; and that this involves a know-
ledge of reading and writing, of the simple rules of arithmetic,
and of land measurement. Then (in Par. 5) we find — “ The
means are thus afforded for setting before the people the prac-
tical bearing of learning on the safety of the rights in land
which they most highly prize ; and it is hoped that, when the
powers of the mind have been once excited into action, the
pupils may be often induced to advance farther, and to perse-
vere, till they reach a higher state of intellectual cultivation.”

140

VILLAGE SCHOOLS AND PEASANT PROPRIETORS

We solicit special attention to these extracts. They contain
the very germ and essence of the plan. It is clear from
them that a two-fold object is proposed — first, that plain prac-
tical every-day knowledge should be imparted to a class, which
forms by far the larger and more important portion of the
whole population — and, secondly, that the popular mind having
been roused by the keen sense of personal interest, a higher
system of intellectual culture may be universally introduced.
The primary end is, as it were, within sight, and to be immediately
pursued by direct means. The secondary end is essentially
prospective : it is far off, and but dimly discernible in the
vista of futurity. It must be followed by indirect and varied
means. Its attainment is not possible for years and
years to come. By that time Missionary exertions may, by
Divine blessing, have made vast progress : and it is hardly chi-
merical to hope that the efforts of Government to civilize and
elevate the people may, in some measure, pave the way for the
reception of Christian truth. But we have now to deal with
the 'primary object of the scheme, which is simply this, that
every member of the landed and agricultural community, whe-
ther proprietor or cultivator, should be able to keep his own
accounts, to measure his own lands, and to read the register
of his own rights. It will be a great day for the North
Western Provinces when this, which is at present a desidera-
tum, shall have become “ un fait accompli.” A vast diminu-
tion of fraud and oppression, a greater security of property, -
intelligence in the internal management of estates, and improve-
ments in cultivation, will all follow in its train. To lay before
our readers this primary object in all its bearings, let us look
first to the class to be educated in its condition, its necessities,
and its capabilities ; and secondly, to the nature of the educa-
tion to be given.

To render the position and prospects of this class in any
way intelligible, it will be necessary to recapitulate briefly the
judicial results of the last settlement. Recent publications
have thrown so much light on its system and principles, that it
will be sufficient to remind the general reader that this is the
settlement, which has maintained the village communities in
their full integrity. The term “ village communities” is fraught
with historical and political associations of the highest interest.
In the whole range of Indian affairs, there is no term which has
been the theme of more descriptive eloquence than this. Suffice
it here to say, that this wonderful institution has successfully re-
sisted the different and opposite dangers, which have threatened
its existence under the native and British rule. Its most immi-

IN THE N. W. PROVINCES.

141

nent perils under native Governments were violence from plun-
dering marauders, and usurpation from foreign intruders. Under
the British Government, its besetting dangers are the fraud and
mal-practices of unprincipled speculators. The spirit and pa-
triotism, with which the first were encountered, is a matter of
history. The combination and firmness, with which the latter
are warded off, is a matter of every-day experience. We have
heard of its having been remarked by natives, that in former days
the stronger used to devour the weaker like a lion ; but that
now the strong man must do his work by subtle and regular
means, and must nibble at the weaker like a rat. The meaning
of the metaphor is, that what was formerly done by open
violence, must now be done by the chicanery and skill, which
can manage to convert just laws into engines of mischief. Both
these destructive influences have been at work upon the village
communities; but their dismemberment has never been effected;
and they still remain in their pristine integrity. Now, these
communities maybe kept up completely, or incompletely. They
were kept up incompletely from the year 1803 to 1822, dur-
ing which period the Government merely recognised the prin-
cipal men of the village, entirely omitting to respect or record
the rights of the subordinate shareholders. They have been
kept up completely since the late settlement (commenced in
1833), when the various sub-divisions of the community have
been clearly defined, the relative positions of the members
accurately determined, and the rights, holdings, and responsibi-
lities of each sharer minutely registered. It will be borne in
mind that these communities have been, from the beginning, re-
sident and cultivating; and that now each man is absolute owner
of his small freehold, his paternal acres, which he cultivates
himself, and for which he pays his fixed quota of revenue to
Government. The ties, which bind him to the guild in which
he was born, by the general laws of village clanship, will be
adverted to hereafter. There are of course many exceptions
to the general rule here laid down. Many states are held under
different tenures from this, in which the proprietor and the
cultivator are distinct persons. But in this latter class of
villages or states, one beneficent result of the late settlement is
observable. The rights of the cultivator have been ascertained
and secured. A ryot loves the soil which he tills. The son
loves to hold the ground, which his father cultivated before him.
This occupancy becomes hereditary, and a prescriptive right
of cultivating is created. This state of things is also conducive
to the landlord’s interest. He is glad to fix and even abate
the rates of rent for such cultivators, in consideration of the

142

VILLAGE SCHOOLS AND PEASANT PROPRIETORS

increased certainty and regularity of collection. At the last
settlement, all the rights of these tenants were made the
subject of investigation, and a distinction was drawn between
hereditary and non-hereditary cultivators. And now the here-
ditary cultivator feels, that he is no tenant-at-will; that, as long
as he continues to pay his fixed rent, he has a right to hold
his land ; and that no eviction can be executed on him for any
reason, except default.

All this seems, when simply stated, to be a very moderate
achievement for a civilized and enlightened Government of the
nineteenth century. At first sight it might not appear any very
great thing, that the actual condition of landed property should
be discovered; that the rights of individual proprietors should
be ascertained and secured; that the relations between landlord
and cultivator should be understood and defined ; and that one
of the most useful, notorious, and time-honored institutions
of the country should be preserved. But the magnitude and
value of an achievement must generally be estimated by the
number of failures which have been made, and the amount
of difficulty which has been experienced, in previously attempt-
ing it. Property in land, as now established in these Provinces,
is described in the institutes of one of the earliest legislators,* * * §
and was acknowledged by the greatest of the foreign emperors.f
Proprietors, such as those now recognised by our revenue sys- .
tern, are represented in the Shastras]; by the proprietary bodies,
of which the Gram Adikars are the head. The class, of which
these Gram Adikars are the type, may be found in every king-
dom, which professed the religion of Brahm, and which derived
its language from the great Sanskrit root. We recognise them
in the Bhumias of Rajputana ;§ the Jeth Byot and Muhto of
the Bengal Presidency ; the Padhan of Orissa; the Potel of
Mewar, Malwa, and Guzerat; the Junna Kirshan of Malwa; the
Talkarry of the Mahratta country ; the Reddy of the Northern
Sircars ;|| the Namburies of Malabar ; the Nayrs and Hullers
of Canara ; the Vellalers of the Southern Peninsula ; the Yidan
of the kindred institutions of Ceylon ;H and latterly in the

* Vide Menu s Code, Chapters VII., VIII., and X. Sir Wm. Jones’s Translation.

•t Gladwin’s Ayin Akbary, Vol. I., pp. 303 and 312; and Briggs’s “Land-tax of the
Mahomedans,” passim.

J Vide Briggs’s abstract of those portions of the Vigmaneshwara Shastra and
others, which bear upon this subject.

§ Tod’s Rajasthan, Vol. I.

|| Malcolm’s Malwa.

H Copious illustrations of all the tenures here alluded are to be found in Briggs’s
excellent work on the land-tax of India.

IN THE N. W. PROVINCES.

143

Muquddum of Akbar’s time, the Mirassidars of the Carnatic, and
the Mirassidars and the Wuttaris of the Deccan.* * * §

Yet with all these examples already existing in the country,
and with the best intentions, it is well known that the British
Government has introduced systems, which have subverted the
principles of real property current among the- natives, without
substituting any new institutions more beneficial than the old.
Political revolutions and state necessities had raised up various
classes of influential middlemen between the sovereign and
the landlord. The existence of such a class seems to have been
contemplated in the ancient books of Hindu legislation under
the names of Des Adikar and Des Lekuk.f The rise and
progress of feudal institutions in many parts of the Peninsula,
especially in Rajputana, added much to the importance of this
class. The Grassia Thakurs and other feudal chiefs of Rajas-
than,]; the Mangloe and Pandia of Malwa, the Khand Adipatis
of Orissa, the Naidus, Poligars and Motahdars of Madras,§
the Desaye and Mozumdar of Guzerat, the Des Mukhs of
the Mahratta country, the feudal Nayrs of Canara, and the
famous Zemindars and Talukdars of the Mussulman Govern-
ments— all appear to have occupied an intermediate position
between the landholder and the state. || The interposition of
this class, which had acquired certain rights and interests in
the soil, in many cases misled the judgment and obstructed
the vision of British statesmen. Exaggerated notions prevailed
also during the early times of our rule regarding the rights
of the crown. And further, many years elapsed before adequate
local information was collected. Be the causes what they
may, there can be little doubt that several of our most exten-
sive financial measures have crushed the original proprietors
of land in this country. Having made one or two disastrous ex-
periments— having made settlements with the officers of former
Governments, with usurpers, with ryots, with all manner of
people — the British Government, twenty- eight years ago, deter-
mined to make a settlement in these provinces with the real
owners of the land ; and thus, for the first time, on a large scale,
was realized, under our Government, the ancient Hindu idea of
village townships cultivated by a body of proprietors. This
system has now attained its mature development ; and to the class.

* Elphinstone’s Report, cited by Briggs.

+ Vide Briggs’s abstract of the Shastras, above quoted.

J Tod’s Rajasthan, passim.

§ Sir T. Munro’s Life and Letters, passim.

I! Full accounts of these secondary tenures also are given in Briggs’s work.

144

VILLAGE SCHOOLS AND PEASANT PROPRIETORS

which it has created, or rather upheld in the possession of their
ancestral rights, maybe applied the term (so well known in Eu-
rope) of Peasant Proprietors.

It is almost superfluous to state that, since the French
Revolution, a minute sub-division of the old feudal estates,
the creation of the peasant-proprietor class, the facilitation
of transfer and conveyance, the prevention of intricate and
prospective devises of real property, and the public registra-
tion of titles to land, have been effected in France, Germany,
Prussia, Switzerland, Holland, Belgium, Northern Italy, Nor-
way, and Denmark. It is equally notorious that throughout all,
or most of these countries (and in one or two countries besides,
where despotic feudalism still prevails, such as Austria), the
state has put forth all its energies in the cause of popular edu-
cation ; that enormous sums of money have been disbursed by
the Governments ; that a no less vast local taxation has been
imposed ; that the most active supervision has been exer-
cised by the officers of Government over the schools; and that
exertion on the part of the parents has been rendered compul-
sory by law — all in fulfilment of what is there considered the
first duty of the state, namely, the mental and social eleva-
tion of its people. Here then we have models on a grand
scale of the sub-division of the land among small proprietors,
and of the education of the people — one of which objects has
been accomplished in the North Western Provinces, and the
other is on the eve of commencement. Mr. Kay has treated
very humorously the present condition of the peasant pro-
prietors of Europe, their characteristics, habits, and feelings, and
their aptitude for education.

In order that we may apprehend with greater intelligence the
development of this class in North Western India, and foresee
more clearly what standard of social culture they may eventually
reach, it may not be amiss to consider the points noted in Mr.
Kay’s volumes regarding them. Several striking comparisons are
drawn of the condition of the peasantry, before and after the sub-
division of the land. The authority of Arthur Young is quoted to
show what the condition of the French and German peasantry
was prior to the Revolution ; what was the indigence of their
condition, the lowness of their habits, the coarsness of their
food, the discomfort of their dwellings — in fact their truly Irish
misery. Then, as to Ireland, that kving embodiment of wretch-
edness— take the Irishman from his own country, where he is
rack-rented, oppressed, and evicted by sub-lessees and under-
agents, and set him down as an emigrant in some free Eng-
lish colony, where he may cultivate a piece of land, which he

IN THE N. W. PROVINCES.

145

can call hjs own, and the nature of the man is changed : reck-
lessness is changed to frugality, listlessness to industry, rebel-
liousness to conservatism, discontent to cheerfulness, vicious-
ness to morality. Only get the Irishman away from the
influence of the cottier rents, put him into the army, work
him on a railroad, but above all give him a Lancashire freehold —
and see what he becomes. Mr. Kay has made some elaborate
references to the best authorities for the purpose of proving that
the Irishman always makes an excellent colonist, and distinguish-
es himself in the capacity of a peasant proprietor. We believe it
may be considered an established fact, that such is the case.

Switzerland furnishes some remarkable instances to the same
effect. Mr. Kay himself bears witness to the social difference
between the peasantry of the Romanist and Protestant cantons.
Both peasantries are of the same race, speak the same language,
and are in constant communication with each other. The one is
poor and debased; the other is prosperous and elevated. The
one possesses the instructions adverted to above ; the other does
not. Herein lies the cause of the difference.

On the other hand, beautiful as they are, these large pro-
perties of the nobility, which sometimes entirely exclude the
small proprietors, produce a melancholy impression. “When
I have been walking in one of those beautiful English parks,”
says D’Aubigne, “ I occasionally felt an indescribable sadness :
— ‘ Oh, who can restore me,’ thought I, ‘ those smiling habita-
tions, the delightful hamlets, the lively villages of my own
Switzerland.’ This is still more striking in Scotland. You
may travel for miles through the Highlands without meeting
other inhabitants, than thousands of sheep feeding in soli-
tude. ‘ Were I in Switzerland,’ said I to myself, * these
hill sides would be divided among small owners ; here would
be a farm ; there a chalet ; and every-where the animation of a
free people.’ ” — D' Aubigne s Travelling Recollections, page 76.

Thus much it seems sub-division of land and education can
do ; but it appears that Swizerland can yet offer one proof of
a still more cogent and conclusive nature. The old tenant-at-
will-and-no-education system has engrafted such radically bad
habits upon those who came within the sphere of its operation,
that, when they become subject to a more liberal and enlightened
policy, the vis ineriice still weighs them down — the old Adam
still clings to them with fatal tenacity. “ As might have been
anticipated,” says Mr. Kay, “ the difference between the pea-
sants, who are more than fifty years of age, and those pea-
sants, who have not yet attained the age of thirty-five years, is
still more singularly apparent.” — “ Those, who have attained the

146 VILLAGE SCHOOLS AND PEASANT PROPRIETORS

age of fifty, began their lives under the old system, never re-
ceived in their youth any education, were never taught by free
institutions to feel that their fate was in their own hands,
but were demoralised by contact with demoralized peasants,
such as those whom Arthur Young describes.” — “ They ($. e,
those of fifty years of age and those of thirty-five) belong to
distinct seras of civilization ; and each bear the mark of the
system, under which they have grown up.” Mr. Kay testifies
that this same rule holds good in Germany and Holland also.

A comparative description is given of Bohemia and Saxony.
The two countries lie side by side. The people in both kingdoms
are of the same race, speak the same language, profess the same
religion. But what is their relative social condition ? In
Saxony, there is no pauperism, the houses are well built, the
people intelligent, the children clean, the land beautifully cul-
tivated. In Bohemia, pauperism is abundant, the houses wretch-
ed, the peasants ill-clothed, cultivation inferior, vast tracts of land
lying waste. What causes this difference ? Mr. Kay answers —
peasant proprietorship and education. In Saxony, the entail
laws have been repealed, and the power of acquiring landed pro-
perty has been placed within the reach of every peasant. To
this is superadded a first-rate system of education. In Bohe-
mia, the Austrian ideas regarding real property prevail. The
land is parcelled out amongst great nobles, who leave their
estates to lessees and agents, and spend the proceeds in Vienna.
There seems to be no doubt that the cause is not difference of
soil ; and certainly it is not difference of race.

In Prussia again, Mr. Kay refers to some statistics published
in the National Zeitung of 1849, with the view of shewing,
by a comparison of the statistics of the different provinces,
that the larger and fewer the estates, by so much the less pros-
perous invariably is the condition of the peasantry. Where the
land is cultivated by the proprietors, the peasantry are intelli-
gent, industrious, and thriving. Where it is cultivated by day-
labourers and tenants-at-will, the peasantry are ignorant, de-
based, and pauperized.

We believe that these may be considered as authenticated
instances. If their correctness in point of fact be allowed, the
conclusions, which may be legitimately drawn from them, are
worthy, of attention. It is shown that a race, which is a de-
graded one in its own country, where no sub-division of land
exists, but where rather the very opposite distribution of real
property prevails, becomes intelligent and industrious when
transferred to other climes, where each may obtain, in absolute
proprietorship, as much land as he can cultivate. It hardly

IN THE N. W. PROVINCES.

147

admits of question that, in their own country, the same race is
disinclined for education or any intellectual exertion whatever ;
and that, in other countries, the habits of industry and prudence,
acquired under a system of peasant proprietorship, endow them
with great aptitude for learning, and make them fitting recipients
of knowledge. It is further shown that, in conterminous coun-
tries, the respective populations are widely different in social
elevation and in intelligence. In both are the race and
language the same ; in both are the soils alike : — but the institu-
tions differ. In the one country, real property rests with feudal
absentees ; in the other, with peasant proprietors. Education is
extended in both, though with some difference in quality. In
four great instances it is proved, that prior to the introduction
of these two institutions, viz., sub-division of land and systema-
tic popular education, the peasantry were debased and poverty-
stricken ; and that subsequently they have become intelligent, so-
cially elevated, and physically prosperous. Further, it is made
apparent that a disparity, similar in kind, though different in
degree, is perceptible between two generations in the same
country, one of which has lived entirely, the other partially,
under the above-mentioned institutions. Lastly, it is demon-
strated that in a country, where an educational course is alike
compulsory on all of every class, whether cultivator or pro-
prietor; that the small proprietor is more intelligent than the
small cultivator, learns more, thinks more, profits more by the
education he receives, and is in every way a more exalted being.
From these instances it is not unfair to conclude, that peasant
proprietorship may be generally expected to go hand in hand
with popular intelligence and morality ; and that an educational
system will work more successfully in a country peopled with
small proprietors, than in a country swarming with the tenants
and cultivators of great landlords.

For an examination into the moral and intellectual condi-
tion of an agricultural population, the consideration of their
dwelling-houses is a point of the first importance. We would
refer any reader, who wishes thoroughly to satisfy himself of
the immorality and debasement, which result from want of
room and comfort in the cottages of the agricultural poor in
England, to the heart-rending details which Mr. Kay has
drawn from public reports of the highest authority. Now
it will be found that wherever peasant proprietorship exists,
there are to be found good houses ; wherever it does not
exist, there are to be found indifferent houses : and, gener-
ally, where the dwellings are respectable, the poor will be found
to be comparatively moral and well-conducted. It may there-

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VILLAGE SCHOOLS AND PEASANT PROPRIETORS

fore be deduced that peasant proprietorship is, in this respect,
conducive to public morality.

We would next draw attention to the facts and figures
presented by Mr. Kay, which would seem to show that pea-
sant proprietorship induces habits of prudence, forethought,
and economy. It is shown by statistical tables, and enforced
by the observation of experienced investigators, both English
and continental, that marriages are fewer and later among the
poor, and that without any increase in immorality, in countries
where the land has been completely sub-divided among the pea-
sants, than in countries where it is monopolized by a privi-
leged class. In Switzerland and Prussia, which are living types
of the small proprietor system, the age of marriage is much
later than in England, and, as might be expected, the rate of the
increase of population is less in the former than in the latter
countries. Now, if these two points can be established with
reference to any particular peasantry, it is an unquestionable
' sequitur in economical science, that prudence and foresight
must be prominent features in the character of that peasantry.
We believe it can be proved that, in several countries where
the sub-division of land has been carried out to the greatest
extent, the increase of population is the slowest in Europe.
The minimum rate is to be found in France, where the
law forces the sub-division of landed-property. Hear the opi-
nion of Mr. Mill* (cited by Mr. Kay) ; — “ It is not to the intel-
ligent alone, that the situation of a peasant proprietor is
full of improving influences. It is no less propitious to the
moral virtues of prudence, temperance, and self-controul. The
labourer, who possesses property, whether he can read and
write or not, has, as Mr. Laing remarks, an educated mind :
he has forethought, caution and reflection, guiding every action ;
he knows the value of restraint, and is in the habitual ex-
ercise of it.” — “ If there is a moral inconvenience attached
to a state of society in which the peasantry have land, it is the
danger of their being too thrifty, too careful of their pecuniary
concerns, and of their becoming crafty and calculating in the
objectionable sense.” The opinion expressed in the last sentence
is supported by some instances of French peasants (and the
French are often reputed to be a pleasure-loving race), hoard-
ing up .five franc-pieces in leather bags, and keeping them for
whole generations, in the hope of eventually purchasing land.

The tests, now brought forward as proofs of prudence and fore-
thought in an European peasantry, are not of course applicable

* Author of an Enquiry into the condition of the poor in Holland and Belgium

IN THE N. W. PROVINCES.

149

to an Indian peasantry. With natives of India the rules of mar-
riage are intimately connected with those of caste. These rules
are universally imperative, and enforce marriage at the earliest
possible age. The contract is often made during the childhood
of the contracting parties. There is no reason to suppose that
any social change for the worse or better, short of absolute mi-
sery and want, would affect the number or period of marriages,
or that any moral consideration would check the increase of
population. But, although the religious system and the con-
stitution of Hindu society may render such tests as these inap-
plicable to an Indian community, yet these tests possess all the
value and force of analogous inductions. If it can be shown
that a certain system engenders in Europe that kind of pru-
dence and forethought, which an European nation is capable
of exercising, and which are ascertainable by the tests that
apply to the structure of European society, it is not unreason-
able to infer, that the same system, when introduced into an
Asiatic nation, may create habits of prudence suitable to that
frame of society, and discoverable by proofs deducible therefrom.

Further, Mr. Kay demonstrates from the tables given by the
Prussian minister of statistics, that the consumption of the
people has improved both in quantity and quality, since the sub-
division of the land. In the same way, witnesses of the highest
authority are brought forward to show that similar- results have
been attained in France, Germany, and Switzerland. It is also
proved that a corresponding improvement has been effected in
the clothing of the poor throughout these countries ; that the
character of the amusements common amongst the lower orders
has been raised ; and that constant occupation for leisure hours
is afforded by the gardens attached to the house of every small
proprietor throughout Western Europe.

We have thus endeavored to give an idea of the picture, which
Mr. Kay’s volumes present, of the present condition of peasant
proprietors in continental Europe. His work also contains some
valuable disquisitions on the economical results of sub-division
of the land. This part of the question we have not noticed, as
being foreign to the subject in hand. We wished to discuss
peasant proprietorship, not as an economical measure, but as a
machinery for moral and intellectual advancement, and to treat of
any physical result, only so far forth as it might afford an index
to the mental condition of a people. Without therefore in any
way trenching on the controversial question, as to whether the
large-estate or the small-estate system is most likely to found
and support national greatness, and mo3t conduces to agricultural
prosperity, and to the judicious distribution of wealth, we de-

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VILLAGE SCHOOLS AND PEASANT PROPRIETORS

signedly confine ourselves to a single point — namely. Is peasant
proprietorship likely to further the progress of intelligence, and
to promote the cause of education among an agricultural popu-
lation ?

But, by peasant proprietorship we must not be understood to
mean that excessive “ morcellement ” of the land, which might
produce pauperism, such as the progress of sub-division in
France seemed to threaten, and such as the enemies of the
system always predicted would make the country a “ warren of
paupers.” For ourselves we believe that these prophets of
ill were deceived, and that sub-division checks itself. However
this may be, we must return to our definition of peasant
proprietorship, by which we mean a system, which gives to
each cultivating proprietor an amount of land sufficient for
the support of himself and his family. Now, it is natural to
suppose that the feeling of property must supply the strongest
incentives to industry — must stimulate acquisitiveness. Let these
two habits be engendered, namely, the wish to acquire and the
power of bending all the energies to the furtherance of that
object — then how rapidly follow many of the secondary virtues,
such as the habit of calculation, of watching the present, of
considering the future, of acting by judgment, and not by im-
pulse, and of self-restraint. Even these a priori considerations
(supposing them not to have been verified as yet by experi-
ence) would seem to justify Mr. Laing’s opinion, that “ a peasant
proprietor must have an educated mind , whether he can read
a?id write , or not But a number of witnesses, some friendly,
some hostile to the system, attest in a remarkable manner the
industry, perseverance, skill and intelligence of the peasant
proprietors throughout Europe. Must there not, indeed, be a
spirit of independence, self-reliance, and resolution fostered
in a man, who is constantly working, thinking, and econo-
mizing, because he knows that he owns the land, and may
become the architect of his own fortune, who acknowledges no
allegiance to any landlord or superior, and at the same time un-
derstands that he can expect support from nothing but his own
exertions ? And, if it can be shown from experience in
Europe, where the system has had a trial of half a century,
has been fully developed, and has produced its maturest results,
that the moral, intellectual and physical condition of the agri-
cultural populations has been improved thereby ; that these
populations are the best educated populations in the world,
and almost the only well-educated agricultural communities ;
and, that among those communities, who live under a different
system, the state of education is disgracefully low ; — then there

IN THE N. W. PROVINCES.

151

is reason to hope that the system of peasant proprietorship,
which has been established in the North Western Provinces,
though it has hardly yet had time to spread its blessings
among the people, may eventually be fraught with conse-
quences similar to those visible in Western Europe, and that
the scheme of education now promulgated may be proportional-
ly as successful, as those carried out by the continental Govern-
ments.

Let us now proceed to consider the position and necessities of
this class in the North Western Provinces. For this purpose
it will be necessary to recapitulate the several existing tenures,
by which land is held. Their origin, formation and details
embrace many tempting topics of description and discussion.
We have only space to sketch an outline of their present fea-
tures. Much of the technical phraseology adopted may not be
current in other parts of the country ; but no phrase will be
used without a distinct explanation being attached to it; and it
will be understood that no other meaning, drawn from the
acceptation of the term elsewhere, should be held applicable
in the present instance.

The three main headings, under which all tenures may be
classed, are the Zemindari, the Puttidari, and the Talukdari.*
The primary kind of Zemindari tenure is the simplest of all.
It represents a single landlord (resident or non-resident), ma-
naging his estate himself, that is, collecting the rent3 from the
cultivators through his own agents, or leasing the land out to
farmers. This is the right down English idea of a landlord,
“the fine old country gentleman of the olden time.” Sometimes
estates are found to be held in this way by two or three, instead
of one, as for instance by seven brothers without any specifica-
tion of shares — it being implied by the rules of inheritance that
each has an equal portion. Often too the number of sharers
is greater : in such cases the land is held in common, and one
or two of the principal partners are elected by the rest to the
office of rent-gatherers, and are usually called Lumbardars.
These collect rents from all the cultivators. It will be remember-
ed, that if a sharer himself chooses to cultivate, he does so as
cultivator, and is the tenant of the body of sharers. Having
collected the rents, the Lumbardars first pay the Government
revenue. The surplus, that is, the profits, is divided among
the sharers ; and a dividend is declared according to some fixed
law, such as the following. The whole profits are represented
by a rupee. Each man's share is represented by so many

• Vide directions to Settlement Officers.

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VILLAGE SCHOOLS AND PEASANT PROPRIETORS

annas out of this. Thus, an eight-anna sharer is entitled to
half the profits; a twelve-anna sharer to two-thirds ; a one-anna
sharer to one sixteenth, and so on. Sometimes a hundred
bigahs is assumed as the representative of the whole profits.
Then a fifty-bigah sharer is entitled to one-half the profits, a
twenty-five bigah sharer to one quarter, and so on.

We hasten to the Puttidari tenure. This famous tenure is
the life and soul of the village communities. Its vast antiquity,
and its almost universal prevalency in some shape or other, under
the original constitution of Hindu society, from the Himalayas
to Ceylon, we have noticed before. The lands of the whole
monzah , or township, are held in severalty by a body of pro-
prietors. The constituency at large elect representatives, called
Lumbardars, from among themselves. The Lumbardar signs,
on behalf of himself and his constituents, the settlement con-
tract with the Government; he collects the half-yearly revenue due
from each individual ; he is “ primus inter pares ; ” beyond that
he has no authority over them or their property. Each man
has his own portion of the land (which he cultivates himself,)
and pays his fixed share of the Government revenue. This sys-
tem is strictly upheld, as long as each sharer continues to pay
up regularly. As long as every thing goes straight, no man has
any concern with his neighbour’s share. But if one or more
sharers fail to pay their fixed portion of the revenue, the others
must pay for them. If one or more sharers abscond, and leave
their shares uncultivated, the others must take up the cultiva-
tion, or, at all events, whether they choose to cultivate or not,
they will have to pay up the revenue, which is due from the
absentees. This rule is described by the well-known term of
“joint responsibility.” Such is the Puttidari tenure. It is
often called the “ perfect Puttidari,” in contra-distinction to some
variations, termed “imperfect Puttidari,” which we proceed to
notice. Imperfect Puttidari tenures are those in which part of
the lands are held in common, and part in severalty. The rents, or
profits, of the common land are first devoted to the payment
of the Government revenue. If there should be an overplus
(which is not often the case), it is distributed over the different
holdings, according to the size and importance of each. If (as
is generally the case) there should be a deficit, that is, if there
should be a round sum of revenue to be made up, after the rents
of the common land have been paid away, then this sum is
levied by subscription. Each subscriber or sharer pays accord-
ing to his holding. This subscription is known by a variety
of names, such as Bachji, Dhar Bacliji , or Bigah-dan. Joint
responsibility exists under this tenure, just as under the perfect

IN THE N. W. PROVINCES.

] 53

Puttidari tenure. Both tenures are called in many parts of the
country “ Bhyacharah , ” or brotherhood. Under both tenures
there are many perquisites, or manorial rights, which are gene-
rally the common property of the whole fraternity. Such are
the waste lands, from which wild grass may be mown, and
timber cut ; natural and artificial water, such as tanks, marshes,
from which irrigation may be drawn; the proceeds of ancestral
groves and gardens, containing fruit trees and timber trees ;
ground rent of land situated in the village, and useful for build-
ing purposes ;* tributary offerings from strangers, artizans and
operative classes, permitted to dwell in the village and carry on
their trade there ; tithes collected at the village fairs held perio-
dically ; rent of uncultivated land used by certain castes for
manufacturing purposes, such as the manufacture of saltpetre,
earthen-ware, &c. This is not meant to be a complete enumeration
of the multifarious manorial rights, which exist in these estates ;
but it may suffice to communicate some idea of their nature.
Their proceeds are generally distributed according to shares
and holdings; but of course local rules for such divisions
prevail. In the same manner there are incidental costs, which
must be borne by the community at large. Such are the vil-
lage police, alms-giving, law expences, deputation allowance
to those members who conduct the public business of the fra-
ternity, and so on. Further it must not be forgotten that large
Puttidari estates of both kinds often have sub-divisions.

The first-class sub-divisions are generally called Thoks ; sub-
divisions of the second class Behris ; of the third class Puttis.
These sub-divisions do not in any way affect the integrity of
constitution, or the unity of interest, which subsists among the
members of the whole fraternity. They are brought into existence,
as the family spreads, and as the founders of separate stocks arise.

* A more perfect instance of these cesses (which are however to he met with every
where) could not be adduced than the “Kunnni Baach” of Paniput. (See Settle-
ment Report, Para. 41, for Pergunnah Paniput, published among selected Reports of
Revision of Settlement in the Delhi Territory).

Para. 41. “ The Kumini Baach calls for some remark. Every non-agricultural
resident, with the exception of fuqirs, chumars, and one or two other classes, is now
liable to this impost, which is a species of ground-rent for the land that his
tenement occupies.” It much resembles the Mohturfah of the Doab. — In this

district, where the cultivation of the land is a matter of the utmost importance, all
non-agricultural residents, with the exception of artificers and others, who contri-
bute to the wants and comforts of the proprietors, are, in a strictly agricultural view,
unprofitable members of the community, and for this reason that the space for habita-
tions is limited, and they prevent the accession of agriculturists. Their presence, by
the land, which their houses occupy, by the cattle they keep, by the protection of their
property, imposes upon the community the necessity of maintaining a large village
police. A small tax therefore, of a rupee or two on each house, does not appear an
exorbitant price to pay for the privileges and immunities, which this class of residents
enjoy. — The proceeds of this Baach are applied generally to the payment of village
expences.”

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VILLAGE SCHOOLS AND PEASANT PROPRIETORS

They indicate in fact the various branches out of the genea-
logical tree. The constitution of the brotherhood is hereby
rendered much more complex ; and a quasi separation of interests
and responsibility takes place, for the regulation of which con-
ventional rules are framed by the society. If, for instance, insol-
vency occurs, and a share is left vacant in a particular Patti , the
default would be primarily made good, or the vacancy be sup-
plied, from that Patti . In event of failure the Behri , to which the
Patti belongs, would become responsible. If the Behri fails,
then the matter rests with the Tho/c, to which the Behri belongs ;
if the Thok fails, then the whole community must repair the
loss. So with the right of pre-emption. No co-partner can alien-
ate his share to a stranger, without first offering it to the mem-
bers of the guild to which he belongs. If they (or any of them)
are prepared to take it on the same terms as the stranger, they are
at liberty to do so. It is evident that this feature in the Puttidari
tenure has an important conservative influence. The principle is
especially recognised in Act* I. of 1841. Now, as before, suppose
a co-partner, belonging to a particular Putti, wishes to transfer
his share, he must first offer it to the members of his Putti, then
to the members of the Behri, of the Thok, and to the entire co-
partnery body in succession. If they all refuse, then, and not till
then, may he dispose of his property to a stranger. It will be
understood, however, that although Government possesses theo-
retically the right of enforcing the point of responsibility, yet
practically the right is rarely exercised, and that only in spe-
cial emergencies. Usually on the occurrence of default, Govern-
ment transfers the insolvent’s share for a term of years to one
of the solvent sharers ; and sometimes the share is sold sepa-
rately, under the provisions of Act I. of 1841.+ In all cases of
transfer, the revenue authorities follow the local custom, and offers
the share first to the Putti, then to the Behri, and so on.
Moreover all that has been detailed above regarding common
property and common expenses, may apply to the community,
which inhabits any particular sub-division, just as much as to
the whole brotherhood, or guild. Each sub-division may pos-
sess its own special commonalties, as well as its share in the
general commonalties. In its internal constitution it may be
a miniature portrait of the whole. It may have its own lands,
its own Revenue (jumma) responsibilities, its own headmen

* Vide Section IV. Act I. of 1841.

+ Act I. of 1841, Section IV. — “ If the lot shall have been knocked down to a
stranger, any Puttidar, or other member of the coparcenary, not being himself in
arrear, may claim to take the said Putti (lot) at the sum last bid, provided that the
said demand of pre-emption be made on the day of sale, &c.

IN THE N. W. PROVINCES.

155

(Lumbardars), copartners, and cultivators : its own accounts, its
own group of homesteads and cottages : its own waste, gar-
dens, reservoirs, and timber. Still the members will not sever
the link, that binds them to the whole. They still cling to the
parent stock, of which they are the off-shoots. They still main-
tain an interest in the chief central village, where, perhaps in
rougher times, the whole community resided under the protec-
tion of their rustic Fort ; but from which those portions of
the clan, whose fields were situated at a distance, emigrated in
more peaceful times to build them new homesteads, nearer to
the scenes of their agricultural industry. They still perhaps
claim their share in certain perquisites, such as the proceeds of
the Fairs held in the central village ; and they still bear their
portion of the local and incidental expenses. We believe that
some of the finest specimens of these monster communities were
(and are still to be) found in .Bundelkhund.*

One more feature in these coparcenary estates is worthy of
notice. The shares are parcelled out at the time of settle-
ment, and the quota of Bevenue is assessed on each. The
agreements, thus ratified by the sharers among themselves, are,
unless some stringent necessity arise, supposed to hold good for
the term of settlement, that is thirty years — for better, for
worse. But seasons are capricious; the soil is changeable;
the skill and energy of its holders are no less uncertain and
variable. Some of the subdivisions, which were flourishing
at the time of settlement, become after a few years unable to
bear the assessment formerly imposed upon them. A more
fortunate sub-division bears its burdens lightly, and has pros-
pered just as much as the other has fallen. Jealousy, shar-
pened by the pangs of distress, ensues. The poor distressed

* Vide Settlement Report for Zillah Hummerpur by Messrs. Allen and Muir. In
Section V. of his Report, Mr. Muir animadverts on the “ enormous extent of many of
these estates;” and goes on to say “ a correct conception of their extraordinary areas
can scarcely be conveyed without a few examples. Mouzah Putara in Pergutmah
Hummerpur contains 9,394 square acres : it is divided into twelve Behris and fifty-
seven Puttis, and the number of its Puttidars (copartners) is one hundred and fifty-
seven. Goindee in Jelalpur is another famous Bhyacharal estate; its area is 12,033
acres, and it numbers three hundred and ninety-five puttidars. But the most remark-
able of all the Bhyacharal villages is Khurela Kb ass : its area is 18,260 acres (being
no less thau 28§ square miles) of which only 1,090, are incapable of cultivation: and,
though it is separated into six Thoks, containing each a subdivision of Puttis, it has
always been regarded as one estate. The zemindars amount to three hundred and
seventy-nine : to assemble whom, when the Revenue is to be collected, a drum is beat
on the hill which overhangs the Town. But these are by no means singular instances.
In Pergunnah Jelalpore Khurela alone, there are eleven villages, the average of whose
area is 8,294 acres : and thirty-four whose average area is 6,111 acres. In the entire
district of Cawnpore, there are but three villages, whose area comes up to 5,000 acres.”
However some of the most unwieldy communities were broken up at the time of
settlement ; and some of their principal subdivisions, such as Thoks, &c., were formed
into separate Mehals.

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VILLAGE SCHOOLS AND PEASANT PROPRIETORS

Thok clamours for a re-adjustment of the Revenue, and prays
that some portion of the public burden may be taken off its
overloaded back, and saddled on its stronger neighbour. In
certain tracts of Bundelkhund, the Puttidari tenures possess
this additional peculiarity, that they provide for the periodical
re-allotment of the Revenue among the different sharers, in
accordance with the altered condition of their shares. Thus,
although the amount of Revenue fixed for the whole estate can-
not change, the assessment on any particular subdivision can.
In some places it is even customary to make an annual re-distri-
bution.* We may best close our notice of this great Puttidari
tenure by citing a passage from one of the settlement Reports
for the Delhi territory, which lies in the very heart of the Jat
village communities.

“ When strong clans hold a number of contiguous villages, it
must be admitted that communities, holding under the Bhyach-
arah (Brotherhood) tenure, are at times difficult to manage. The
Biswadars (copartners), from their numbers and clannish feelings,
and from the common interest which the whole body possesses in
the soil, are induced to combine and prevent the alienation of
their lands in cases of arrears of Revenue. Few people will
have the resolution to purchase, or farm, such villages ; and, when
they do so, they usually suffer for their temerity. For these rea-
sons such tenures are difficult to manage, especially to collectors
unaccustomed to the system. On the other hand, they are
admirably adapted to resist the evil effects of bad seasons, epi-
demics, and other misfortunes incidental to the country. Bound
together by the ties of blood, connexion, and above all common
interest, like the bundle of sticks they are difficult to break.
Droughts may wither their crops ; famine and disease may depo-
pulate their houses : their fields may be deserted for a time ; but,
when the storm blows over, they are certain to return. If an
accident happen to any individual, he is assisted and befriended
by his “ bhybunds” (relatives). But above all, the grand advantage
of this tenure over the Zemindari is, that the entire profits are
their own, and stranger’s. In the hands of the Biswadar,
the rent becomes capital, which directly or indirectly goes
to improve his property, or is available on future occasions ;
while that of the Zemindari is too often a mere revenue saving
to support a position in the adjoining town, and to keep up idle
servants, elephants, horses, and suwarri (equipage). In a flou-
rishing Pergunnah on this side the river (Jumna), we have no
large Zemindar with his lac, or two lacs, of annual income ; but,

* Vide Mr. Rose’s Report on the Bhej Berar, or Baachh Berar, Tenures of Banda,
published in Selections from Public Correspondence. Part VII.

IN THE N. W. PROVINCES.

157

on the other hand, we have thousands of small proprietors, each
with his brood mare, his buffaloes, his oxen ; in short, with
everything that marks a comfortable position in life.”*

We now come to the Talukadari tenures. It is impossible in
our limited space to offer details, that shall leave no phase or
peculiarity unnoticed. It will be sufficient for our purpose to
point out the general nature and origin of Talukas, and the
effects of the late settlement on the sub-proprietors. A Taluka is
a collection of villages. A large one almost equals a province ;
a small one is nothing more than a fine estate. The native
Governments, averse to the details of business, used to deliver
over the Talukas to some powerful Chiefs, and make them res-
ponsible for the revenue. The intention was, that they should
collect the revenue from the occupants of the land, and pay it to
Government, retaining a percentage for themselves. These as-
signees were called Talukadars. If a Talukadar gave satisfac-
tion, the office would be continued to his heirs. When the
family position became firm, the Talukadars would begin to
devote themselves to the delectable task of reducing and eject-
ing the village communities, with a view to constituting them-
selves landlords in their place. These amiable endeavours were
generally more or less successful. Often the brave and steady
peasants clung to their patrimony, though with depressed
spirits, withered energies, and shattered circumstances ; and
sometimes, in spite of their oppressions, they preserved their full
integrity. But, we fear, that in almost every Taluka in these
provinces, the original proprietors have in a great measure lost
their former vigour ; and their character exhibits marks of “ de-
cay’s effacing fingers.” At the last settlement, whereever
these people were found to be in possession of their villages,
they were declared to be bona fide proprietors, entitled to engage
for the Government revenue. They were made quite indepen-
dant of the Talukadar, who was debarred from any interference
whatever in the affairs of the Taluka. The Talukadars receive a
percentage from Government, fixed at a certain rate on the reve-
nue payable for the Taluka. It is quite obvious, that the condi-
tion of the proprietors has been much elevated hereby. The
communities have been restored to their ancestral privileges.
They enjoy the blessings of independence. “ Libertas, quse sera,
tamen respexit inertem.” Every one remembers the story of
the poor life prisoner in the Bastile, who, when released during
the revolution, died of sheer dejection at having left his prison-

* Vide report on the settlement of Pergunnah Delhi, (by J. Laurence, Esq.)
paras 25 and 26. Published among the “ Select Reports of the Revision of Settlement
in the Delhi territory/’

158 VILLAGE SCHOOLS AND PEASANT PROPRIETORS

home. The prisoner of Chillon says, “ my very chains and I
grew friends,” and “ even I regained my freedom with a sigh.”
So it is, we fear, with many of these restored communities.
Broken down by years of oppression, they are now too often inca-
pable of appreciating, or using, their independence. Still their
social rank has been undoubtedly raised, and it may be hoped
that the moral effects of the measure will be eventually ap-
parent.

Similar measures have been adopted in rent-free estates.
It is well known that the native Governments used to grant
away their rights in certain tracts of country to individuals,
either on religious grounds, or in lieu of services perform-
ed. The British Government also used to make similar
grants to powerful chieftains, in “ gracious consideration ”
of timely help in critical campaigns. These grants are
known by various appellations, such as Muafi, Istimrari,
Altumghai, Jaghirdari, &c. Now here, just as in the Talukas,
the Governments gave away what they themselves possessed,
leaving the grantees to collect the revenue from the proprietors
of the soil. As might be expected, the grantees pursued just the
same course as the Talukadars. Already getting the revenue
from the land, they wanted to get the rent as well. So they
proceeded to oust the proprietors and occupants. At length
Government interposed its strong arm between the oppressors
and the oppressed. The rightful position of the proprietors was
defined ; the amount payable by them to the grantee was fixed ;
and all subordinate rights were ascertained and recorded.*

With respect to the class of Kyots, or cultivators, we have
already adverted to the distinction, which has been recognised
and enforced between hereditary and non-hereditary cultivators.
We would wish to add one or two remarks regarding the many
enactments that have been passed with reference to this class.
That the unscrupulous agents of powerful landlords should
oppress the sons of the soil, is a danger felt in most coun-
tries, and especially in India. The fear of this danger seems
to have been always present to the mind of the Legislature.
In few countries is there more legal protection afforded to
cultivators than in India. The shield of the law is thrown
around them, as much as is consistent with the undoubted
rights of the landholders. Witness the laws to prevent im-
proper distraint and attachment, undue enhancement of rent,
exaction of extra dues, violent or irregular ousters, to afford

* Vide settlement of Pergunnab Sekrawab, Zillab Furruckabad, published in Selec-
tions from Public Correspondence, Part IV : and settlement of Pergunnah Kurnal,
Z ill ah. Paniput, also published among Selected Correspondence, Part VI.

IN THE N. W. PROVINCES.

159

cheap justice and speedy redress from those departments
which are most likely to be cognizant of the real condition and
wants of the parties. Whether these benevolent laws are ade-
quately administered or not, it can hardly be doubted, that their
enactment has done something to raise the ryots, and secure
their independence.

Such then are the various classes into which the agricultural
population of these provinces is divided. Before specially
considering the qualifications, need and aptitude of each for
educational advancement, we will notice briefly the elaborate
system of registration, adopted for the protection of the various
rights and properties above detailed. To English ideas, it
might appear almost preposterous in theory, and impossible in
practice, that a Government should undertake the Herculean task
of recording the names, rights, interests, and holdings of every
landholder and every cultivator in a country held by peasant
proprietors, parcelled out into minute divisions, and contain-
ing seventy-two thousand square miles (that is, as large as
England and Scotland put together), comprising eighty thousand
mouzahs (townships or villages), with an agricultural population
of between fourteen and fifteen millions. Besides this, every field
in these provinces is to be mapped and classified according to
the produce it yields. In short, Government possesses just as ac-
curate and detailed information regarding every estate in these
provinces, as is possessed by any landlord or farmer at home,
regarding his individual property. Organic as the undertaking
may appear, Government is steadily persevering towards its ac-
complishment. Much has been already done, and final com-
pletion cannot be very far distant.

The general registration may be conveniently divided into
three compartments, namely the settlement papers, the vil-
lage accounts, and the records of the Collector’s office.

The basis of a Settlement Record* is a field map of the whole
mouzahy just like the map of an Estate in England. The name
will at once convey an intelligible idea to the general reader.
The boundary outline of the whole estate would of course be
taken from the professional survey, and would be drawn with
scientific precision. The outline of each field is drawm by the
eye, — its proportions having been accurately ascertained by
chain measurement. Each field bears a number. To this map
is attached a general Index, in which each field is known by its
number. Opposite the number is given every conceivable parti-
cular regarding the field — the name of its owner and its culti-

* Vide translation of a proceeding regarding the settlement of a village published
by order of Government, N. W. P.

160

VILLAGE SCHOOLS AND PEASANT PROPRIETORS

vator, its length, breadth, and area, its produce, its local name ;
and lastly, under a miscellaneous heading, is appended any little
distinguishing mark it may possess, such as a large tree, grove,
tank, &c. The map is technically called Shujreh : the Index,
Khusreh. These two papers are of fundamental importance :
all the information, that can be desired, is contained in them.
In the other papers this information is abstracted and clas-
sified. One prime advantage is the absolute identification,
which is obtainable for every field. Formerly, justice used to
be at fault, fraud encouraged, judicial orders frustrated, by the
difficulty, or impossibility, of ascertaining exactly what was the
disputed ground. It is evident that a cultivator, or any other
helpless claimant, might easily be made a prey of by designing
persons, official or non-official, who could plausibly represent
that the land claimed was not even in existence. Now-a-days
nothing can resist the plain and unmistakeable entries of the
field map and its Index. A collector in his office can, with these
papers before him, decide just as well as if he were on the spot.
After these two papers, comes a list of cultivators (called Mun-
tukhub), showing what field each man cultivates, and the rent
he pays for every field, supposing him not to be a proprietor.
If he be a proprietor, the specification of the fields only is
given. Then comes a list of proprietors, with each man’s hold-
ings. If there be a fixed quota of revenue for each holding,
that is entered in its appropriate column. If payments are
made by Bach , or subscription, then the column must be left
blank. The holdings are of course classified according to any
sub-division which may exist. In the great Puttidari estates
this paper is of immense value, and its preparation requires
the exactest care. We would next notice the paper of adminis-
tration. The value of this paper rises or falls with the number
of proprietors. In Zemindari estates it is not of much impor-
tance ; in great Puttidari estates it becomes a highly interesting
document. In it are recorded all the regulations, by which the
internal Government of the community is carried on ; such as
the principles on which headmen (Lumbardars) shall be elected
— common property held, or divided expenses borne — the Go-
vernment Revenue parcelled out — subscriptions raised — re-ad-
justments effected, and so on. It is in fact an embodiment of the
Lex Loci. The other papers are merely formal and need no
comment. In the four papers above mentioned, is contained
the Magna Charta of the village communities. Let them be cor*
rectly prepared and rigidly enforced, and no injustice, no sacrifice
of right can take place. Let the people watch the preparation
and preservation of these papers, as they love their rights.

IN THE N. W. PROVINCES.

161

The village accounts next demand notice. The office of the
Putwari , or village accountant, is invested with the interest, and
surrounded with the associations, of antiquity. Its nature and
duties have been made familiar to the public by the many
Digests of Revenue Law which have been published. It is
almost superfluous to state, that although the Putwari is the
servant of the landholder, yet Government considers itself in-
terested in maintaining his position and efficiency. It warns
him when incompetent, instructs him when ignorant, removes
him when untrustworthy. It exercises a special supervision
over his work. It compels the landholder to exert equal vigi-
lance. It denies him the benefits of its revenue courts, till the
Putwari’s papers have been duly filed. It has attached a special
importance to these papers, by enacting that they shall form the
ground of all decisions in disputes between landlord and tenant,
between Lumbardars and their constituents. The duties of a
Putwari may be summed up as follows. He keeps a day-book
( Rojnamcha J in which every fiscal circumstance is recorded,
every contract between fellow-proprietors and between landlord
and tenant registered, receipts and disbursement entered, and so
on — all with their appropriate dates. To this is added an ab-
stract, called Khata Bahi , containing the amount, which each
man has paid, &c. A copy of the principal settlement papers
is deposited with him. He goes round the fields with the
field map in his hands : he notes where the boundaries of
fields have changed ; and if the changes are general (which may
be the case after a lapse of years), he re-constructs the map
partially or entirely. Then he has to prepare his rent-roll
(jumabundi), which shows the fields cultivated by each man,
with the rent or revenue payable therefrom, according as the
occupant is cultivator or proprietor. If the Bach system pre-
vails, he must assist the community in allotting the subscrip-
tions. An abstract of the rent-roll must be prepared, showing
the total holdings and payments of each occupant. Two ac-
counts current, are also made up, called the jumma wasil
baqi and the jumma wasil baqi tuhsil. The first shows how
each man’s accounts stand with the landlord, or with the body
of proprietors — according to his tenure. The second shows
how he stands with the Government. A general statement of
receipts and disbursements, and of profit and loss for the whole
estate, is drawn up. Lastly, there comes the register of pro-
prietory mutations, such as deaths, successions, transfers, and
so on. The papers are tested at the close of the year by the
Pergunnali Kanungo , and then filed in the collector’s office.
The importance of the Putwari to the well being of the com-

162 VILLAGE SCHOOLS AND PEASANT PROPRIETORS

m unity can hardly be over-rated. Of course his intelligence
and efficiency vary with the degree of perfection, to which the
present revenue administration may have arrived. Under all
circumstances, his influence must be great ; and, until they them-
selves can read and write, the villagers must repose great con-
fidence in him. Formerly these Putwaris held a very unworthy
position. They would perhaps be “ village bunniahs, ” and
would keep a small shop, which occupied most of their time.
They would accept the office of village accountant, merely in
the hope of illicit gain — the regular remuneration being quite
contemptible, and consisting perhaps of a few acres of bad
land, which they must cultivate, or get cultivated. Their ac-
quirements were of course rude and elementary. They wrote
a barbarous hand-writing, which they themselves could hardly
read, and which no one else, except a practised Kanungo, could
possibly decipher; and, worst of all, their work was most
unequal. One Putwari would have an estate not large enough
to keep an account ; another would be in charge of a parcel
of estates, that would furnish occupation for five or six accoun-
tants. Sometimes different estates, constituting one Putwari -
ship, would be “ wide as the poles asunder.” The unfortunate
Putwari would reside in one village of his division, and would
have to visit another of his villages, situated perhaps ten miles
off; or he might reside altogether at a distance from his beat.
Under such circumstances, the testing, correcting, and re-con-
structing of the field maps were quite out of the question. This
was lucky perhaps, inasmuch as few Putwaris in those days
could have mastered the idea of a field map. Now-a-days the
face of things has been changed. The authorities make provi-
sos regarding the Putwaris; first, that they shall possess personal
qualifications ; second, that their work shall be adequate, neither
too much, nor too little; and third, that they shall be placed in a
respectable and independent position. These views have been
carried out with more or less completeness in different parts of
the country; in some districts they have been put into the
most vigorous practice. The old method of writing has been
abolished, and the beautiful Nagri character has been substi-
tuted. A complete understanding of field maps, measurements,
accounts, and prescribed forms, has been made a sine qua non.
Then, as to work, each Putwari has a compact division of land
assigned to him, the whole of which he can easily traverse, and
in the centre of which he must reside. The size of each
division is so arranged, that he shall not have more than
he can attend to, and yet have so much that he cannot at-
tend to any thing else besides his official avocations. Then

IN THE N. W. PROVINCES.

1G3

as to position, liis salary is fixed at such a rate as shall afford
him the means of a decent livelihood, and shall render him
independent of all other sources of income. He is to receive
it in cash from the landholder. It is manifest that the most
beneficial results must accrue to the internal management of
estates from the creation of a respectable and intelligent class
of village accountants.

We hasten to offer a brief description of the Collector’s record
office.* This office was designed by our earliest revenue enact-
ments to be a depository of papers, which might ensure “ the
future security of the dues of Government, and of the rights
and properties of individuals.” The records of a district are
arranged; firstly, according to the village to which they belong,
and secondly, according to the pergunnah in which the village
is situated; A collection of papers, as for instance the record
of a case, is called a Misl. Each case is entered and classed in
a general index under its appropriate heading. The Misls of
each Mouzah (township) are thus collected together, and arranged
according to date. To each of these collections of Misls is at-
tached a fly-index, showing the date and subject of each case ; then
the papers of a number of villages are bound up together in a
cloth. On the outside of the bundle, thus formed, are inscribed
the name of the Pergunnah, and the letters of the alphabet,
under which the names of the Mouzahs contained in the bundle
fall. The bundles are then placed alphabetically on shelves.
That portion of the shelf, which contains the bundles of a par-
ticular Pergunnah, is marked off, and legibly inscribed with%the
name of the Pergunnah. What a contrast is thus presented to
the old record offices, ten or fifteen years ago ! The ancient
idea of chaos was quite a trifle in comparison with them ;
“ rudis indigestaque moles ” would barely furnish an adequate
description. The highest authority has described these records
as “loose sheets unconnected with each other, thrown together
in large chests. t Many such chests-full were found in Collectors’
offices, when attention was first turned to the subject.” Now-a-
days you need only know the name of the village and the Pergun-
nah. With that information go into the office, and call for any
case you want. The record-keeper at once turns to that part of
the shelf, or rack, on which the name of the Pergunnah appears
in large letters. A reference to the alphabetical list shows the
bundle, which contains the papers of your Mouzah. Open the

* Vide “ Directions to Collectors promulgated by authority of Government, North
Western Provinces, Section III., Par. 127, and Regulation XXIII., of 1803.

t Vide Directions to Collectors , page 59, para. 134, Section III.

104

VILLAGE SCHOOLS AND PEASANT PROPRIETORS

bundle, and your Mouzali appears. Consult the fly-index of the
Mouzah, and you find the date and subject of your case. The
various Misls being arranged chronologically, the knowledge of
the date enables you to lay your hand on the Misl you want.
Thus railroad rapidity is introduced into official routine.

Then this record office is thrown open to the public. Any per-
son, desirous of inspecting the record, notifies his wish to the
Collector, who refers the applicant to the record-keeper, who im-
mediately produces the papers required. The party then leisurely
inspects the papers,* in the presence of the record-keeper, or one
of his assistants. He has to pay a fee of eight annas per hour, to
every record-keeper so employed. Copies, authenticated or un-
authenticated, are to be obtained in a similar manner. Formerly,
the offices were inaccessible, and the papers undiscoverable. The
record-keepers had unlimited facilities for suppressing, sub-
stituting, or forging papers. Now the lists and counter-lists
render such a thing quite impossible. The papers can be
found without any laborious search or delay whatever. A record-
keeper, who could not turn up a case in a few minutes, would be
deemed unfit for his office. The principal kinds of papers,
which are kept in these offices, are the old Kanungo’s records of
dates prior to the British rule, the records of all settlements
made since our accession to power, the village papers filed
annually, and the Malguzari register. This register is defined as
“ showing who are the persons responsible to Government for the
payment of the revenue as proprietors, and for what amount of
revenue, and from what lands they are responsible. ”f The muta-
tions in this register record give rise to most of the cases which
are usually disposed of in the revenue department. The various
kinds of cases thus recorded have been classified by the highest
authority as follows — I. Union of estates. II. Division* of
estates. III. Changes of proprietors. IV. Bringing Mouzahs on
the rent-roll. V. Removal of Mouzahs from the rent-roll. VI.
Alteration in the jumma (i. e. revenue assessed on) Mouzahs.

We have thus attempted to describe a system of registration,
which in completeness of design can hardly be surpassed in
any country, and which, we will venture to say, is equalled in few.
The foundation-stone of this elaborate structure was laid at the
settlement. The first results were avowedly imperfect. But
since that time each year has witnessed progressive improve-
ments. Various officers were from time to time vested with special

* Sudder Board of Revenue Circular Order, dated 25th February, 1818.

[ Directions to Collectors , para. 161, Section III.

\ Ibid, para. 163, Section III.

IN THE N. W. PROVINCES.

165

powers, for the purpose of remodelling any settlement records,
which had been found to be defective ; and, in the year 1848,
these powers were conferred on all Collectors and Deputy Collec-
tors, with a view to their being enabled “ to complete the record
of rights in land, which should have been made at the time of
the settlement, and to correct the existing record, when found to
be at variance with fact.”* Thus the door has been opened to
constant improvement, which will doubtless advance pari passu
with the intellectual progress of the people. Much has been
already done to dispel popular ignorance and misapprehension,
but still more yet remains to be learnt; and it seems that
Government hardly ventures to hope that “ the registration of
rights will ever become perfect, till the people are sufficiently
able to understand it, and to watch over its execution. ”t

The inconveniences of the laws of real property in England
have been long felt and discussed. Among them the un-
certainty of titles is one of the most prominent. The search
after possible titles, which may exist, is always laborious and
expensive. And after all the purchaser, or transferer, can never
be quite sure, that, when the transfer is concluded, some undis-
covered title may not be brought to light. A system of regis-
tration, similar to that adopted on the continent, has often been
proposed with a view to rendering titles more secure.

The continental plan is very complete, and surpasses even
our Anglo-Indian system. In those countries, where peasant
proprietorship prevails, there are registration courts in each
of the provinces, where the ownership of every parcel of land
and the changes in the ownership are entered in a book
under the name and description of the land. All deeds and
papers of any kind affecting the land must be filed in this
office, otherwise they have no validity. These courts are of
course quite accessible to the public; and every direct or
contingent right possessed by any person regarding any piece
of land can be ascertained with little or no expence in a few
minutes.^ It is evident that a system of this nature, though
it may be described in a few words, must be infinitely
elaborate in practice, when rigorously carried out, as in the coun-
tries of Western Europe. Our system in one respect is in-
ferior to it. In India it is possible that a title might exist, which
should not be discoverable in any of the registration offices.
Such a thing would not be possible in any of the countries just

* Notification by the Lieutenant-Governor, Revenue Department, dated September
21, 1818.

t Directions to Collectors, Section III., par. 218.
+ Vide Kay, Vol. I., page 06.

166 VILLAGE SCHOOLS AND PEASANT PROPRIETORS

mentioned. With us, however, the possibility is somewhat re-
mote. There is nothing in the law, which renders unregistered
title-deeds inoperative. But in every district there is an office
for the registration of deeds. And of two deeds, affecting any
parcel of land, legal preference would be given to the registered
deed over the unregistered — c&teris paribus, of course. And
we have already seen that the Collector’s records would show
where the actual possession had been for centuries. Thus, al-
though a concatenation of circumstances might arise, in which
a title existed which should not be traceable from either
office, yet such a coincidence would be highly improbable. Posi-
tive possession in India carries more weight with it than in
Europe. Much state responsibility, and the liabilities of tax-
ation are, in India, attached to the possession of the land. Ac-
tual occupation accompanies many transactions, such as mort-
gages and all transfers of that nature, in which, at Home,
possession is not accorded, till the foreclosure takes place. We
are not aware that in any country such detailed information
concerning every field is registered as in India. And it may be
safely asserted that in no country are the rights to land more
complicated and multiform, and their registration more ardu-
ous than in India. On the whole then our system, though in
one or two respects inferior, is equal, or superior, to any in
comprehensiveness of detail.

We have now described the rights and positions held by the
various classes into which the agricultural population is divided,
and the method which Government has provided for the regis-
tration of these rights. Our readers will therefore be able to
apprehend what incitements, and what necessities for education
are felt, and what capacities are possessed by each class.

We commence with the class of small proprietors. In this
class may be included all those, who hold land by the great
Puttidari tenure, perfect or imperfect ; all those, who hold small
properties in Biswadari estates, having been emancipated from
the thraldom of the Talukadars ; all those, who possess similar
holdings in rent-free estates of every description, paying reve-
nue to the grantee, instead of to Government ; all the proprietors
of secondary Zemindari estates, which have a constant tendency
to sub-divide and merge into the Puttidari tenure ; — in short all
members of village communities, whithersoever found, and under
whatever circumstances. What capacities for education, then,
does this class possess? They have the feeling of indepen-
dence, and the consciousness that their property is fixed and se-
cure. They know exactly what their fiscal encumbrances will be
for a period of years. They perceive that industry, perseverance,

IN THE N. W. PROVINCES.

1G7

economy, and enterprise may create funds, by which improve-
ments in the land may be made, other lands acquired, and pro-
fitable speculations undertaken. Opportunities of purchasing
are not often offered to men of this class. Private sales are not
very common among village communities, and Government rare-
ly resorts to the sale process for realizing the revenue. Any
default, that may occur, is either made good by some solvent
sharer, who takes the defaulting share, or is demanded from the
whole body. These transfers are common. And private trans-
fers for a term of years are often made by the unfortunate, or
unthrifty, members in favour of their more prosperous brethren.
Thus the prospect of further acquisition (which has been
proved to impart so great an intellectual stimulus in Europe)
is fairly opened up to this class ; and mental habits of care,
vigilance, thoughtfulness, self-controul, and caution are steadily
and surely induced. But if so, is not the notion justified,
that a peasant proprietor “ must have an educated mind ?”
— must possess inherent capacities for regular education ?
Eormerly what motive had the small proprietor to work
his mind, to think, to ponder, and to plan for the future ?
When his right was not clearly fixed ; when he was at the
mercy of his own Lumbardar ; when his property was lia-
ble every day to be annihilated by some sweeping and indis-
criminate sale, to gratify the avarice of some intriguing native
official ; when he was exposed to the evictions, the grinding op-
pression, and the rack-renting of an unprincipled and grasping
Talukadar or Jaghirdar — in such times, what inducement had he
to seek after knowledge for the sake of the daily temporal advan-
tages which it might confer ? We have seen how different is
the case in times like the present.

Let us next consider the inducements to the acquisition of
common learning, which present themselves to this class. Most
of the influential members are old enough to remember the
time, when fraud flourished, because there was no record of
rights. Later experience reminds them of the advantages gained
by men who were versed in legal practice, who understood what
records did exist, could read them, and turn them to their own
profit. Often have they smarted from the consequences en-
tailed by the deceits palmed off by village accountants upon
their unlettered masters. Every day they learn to dislike
absolute dependance on a Putwari’s dictum. They see the mis-
chief, which accrues to individuals from a misunderstanding of
their own accounts. They perceive the confusion, which occurs
in the management of the public concerns of the community.

168

VILLAGE SCHOOLS AND PEASANT PROPRIETORS

the needless quarrels which arise, the delay and uncertainty
which result from the inability of the several partners to read
and write, and thereby to superintend matters themselves. The
desire once conceived, the means of gratifying it are ready to
their hands. Only let them learn to read and write and under-
stand the accounts, and all the above inconveniences are re-
moved. Every proprietor feels that the acquisition of ele-
mentary knowledge would enable him to satisfy himself as to
the measurement of his own land, and the equity with which his
share of the public burdens has been allotted to him by the
community, to test the daily entries to his name in the Put-
waris’ diary, and to examine the state of his accounts, when the
annual papers are drawn up. Then the settlement records are
fraught with the nearest interests of those concerned. Is
it to be supposed that an intelligent proprietor is satisfied
with the oral recitation of these papers, or with the exposition of
them by others ? Is he not anxious to con them over himself ?
So with the records of the Collector’s office, where the village
accounts for past years have all been filed — does he not feel
desirous to compare them with the present adjustment of ac-
counts ? If able to read Urdu, what an instructive history
would the records of his village unfold — what an insight into the
system of Government, under which he lives, would they give
him — what clear prospects for the future would they unveil to him,
— what excellent means would they offer of interpreting per-
sonal experience, and of forming a sound judgment as to the
general position of the brotherhood !

But besides stimulants and inducements, these communities
are urged on to the task of self-education by what is almost
tiecessily. When the complex form of a village community, and
the multiplicity of the springs, which move the great machinery,
are considered, it is evident that the members, though infinitely
sub-divided in interest, are yet ultimately and contingently united.
In times of yore, the bond of union was formed to repel aggres-
sion. In later times, it has been kept up to ward off the
consequences of uncertainty in the seasons, to provide for the
many chances and contingencies brought about by the iron
strictness of our revenue system, and to frustrate the designs
of fraudulent interlopers. The people adhere confidingly to
this institution, endeared to them by family associations, and
recommended by practical utility. Every man, though he feels
his own property to be distinct and separate, yet takes a bro-
therly interest in his neighbour’s. He is ready to encourage the
hesitating, to spur on the idle, to warn the improvident, to aid the
unfortunate. The fear of extra risk is more than compensated

IN THE N. W. PROVINCES.

160

by the sense of security. Joint responsibility is necessarily accom-
panied by mutual reciprocity. It may be irksome to a man that
he should be held responsible for the deficiencies of others, and
forced to sacrifice a portion of the advantages gained by personal
assiduity for the benefit of others. At the same time the thought
is no less grateful and consolatory, that other peojfie are equally
responsible for him, and are equally bound to render him assistance,
and to repair his misfortunes. Unexpected calamities may befal
him; inevitable default may occur; but his land will not pass
into the hands of a stranger ; his patrimony will not be reft from
him for ever. The brotherhood will make good his default, or
some single relative will pay up the required deficit, assume tem-
porary occupation of the property, and restore to its owner, as
soon as the original outlay with interest shall have been recover-
ed from the profits. A few hard cases may arise from the
enforcement of joint responsibility; but they bear, we believe, a
small proportion to the number of cases, in which individuals
have been redeemed from ruin by the steady operation of this
principle in the minds of the people. Tens may have been injur-
ed, but hundreds have been saved. The affairs of such commu-
nities are necessarily involved in much complication. For
instance what intricate calculations are required for the periodi-
cal re-allotment of the village revenue among the sharers, for
the ascertainment of the relative value, and the past and present
productiveness of lands ! Again, what numerous questions must
present themselves at the election of headmen and Lumbardars,
when the claims of rival candidates come to be discussed, at the
re-admission of dispossessed co-partners. Then how many
debateable points arise from the relations of Lumbardars and
Puttidars, regarding the privileges of the one, and the pre-
rogatives of the other! Then the cultivation of waste land,
causing alterations in the relative proportions of holdings, and
involving fresh estimates when the Bach is to be raised, and
the distribution of the proceeds realized from manorial rights,
rouse the passions and sharpen the wits of the various members:
and when land held in common tenure comes to be divided,
then every one is on the qui vive. The separation of interests,
the assignment of shares, the method of procedure, the adjust-
ment of details, afford ample scope for the exercise of judgment
and discretion. When partial default occurs, a prompt decision
is required regarding the manner in which it shall be made up ;
whether by general subscription, or by a particular sub-division
or Thok, or by individuals, or how ; if by subscription, then how
is the defaulting share to be managed, to whom should it be
made over, and so on. On all these questions, the settlement

170

VILLAGE SCHOOLS AND PEASANT PROPRIETORS

administration paper must be consulted. Doubts also have to
be solved regarding the interpretation of clauses and the appli-
cation of principles. This may suffice to convey some notion
of the many affairs, which come before the tribunal of public
opinion among the village communities. On the justness of
their votes often hang the welfare, even the safety of the clan.
Ignorance and misapprehension generally lead to internal
dissension. If the leading minds misinterpret, or the mass
misunderstand, their own customs — if misapplication of the local
rules creates injustice, or provokes discord, one of the first
results is general default, and that usually brings ruin upon all ;
and thus all the disadvantages of union are entailed, while all
its advantages are withheld. Knowledge then is necessary to
adapt men’s minds to the elaborate constitution of wheel within
wheel, under which they live. Without the rudiments of educa-
tion, they will not properly understand it, and they may not im-
probably misapply it. If they do misapply it, the community will
be broken up, when severance is too late to retrieve the mischief,
and individuals will be ruined, because at the fatal juncture
they possess neither the advantages of union nor of separation.
There can, therefore, we imagine, be little doubt that the diffu-
sion of elementary knowledge is necessary to render secure
the constitutional integrity of the village communities.

Variety of caste must not be forgotten. The idiosyncracy
of caste forms of course an important element in the general
character of any body of proprietors. A most complete de-
scription of the actual distribution of Zemindari possessions
among the different tribes throughout these provinces is given
in the maps appended to Sir H. Elliot’s Glossary of Indian
terms. From them, it appears that the greater portion of the
landed proprietors in the North Western Provinces belong to
the Jat, Gujur, Pajput, Brahman, and Kayth tribes. A certain
proportion are Mussulmans, among whom may be included the
Mewatis.

The Jats are principally to be found in the upper Doab and
the Delhi territory. They enjoy a wide spread reputation for
industry, perseverance, and agricultural skill. Their courage
has been generally appreciated by Europeans ever since the
siege of Bhurtpore. There is we imagine a good deal of Ger-
man phlegm and steadiness about the Jats. Their women
partake essentially of the character of the men, and their
industrial qualities are quite proverbial.* They claim high
descent, but we believe that the Brahmans and Kajputs some-

* Vide Proverb, cited by Sir H. Elliot in liis Glossary, under the heading of
Kunni.

IN THE N. W. PROVINCES.

171

what look down upon them. There are, however, very few tribes
of any country that have any real right, or can really afford, to
despise the moral and physical qualities of the Jats. Great as
their prowess in arms has been, their success in the arts of
peace has been still greater; some of the finest estates, the best
managed concerns, the best regulated communities in these pro-
vinces, belong to the Jat tribe. It so happens, that none of the
districts, at present selected for the scene of educational opera-
tions, are tenanted by the Jats. As the scheme is extended, a trial
will probably be given to this most meritorious class. Intellectu-
ally perhaps they may be inferior to some of the more aristocratic
tribes. It is not improbable that they may be led to appreciate
the practical benefits of elementary education ; and should their
attention be turned that way, and a fair opportunity offered them,
it is not unreasonable to expect that their known resolution and
perseverance may enable them to make marked and beneficial
progress. At present, however, in point of education they aro
even worse off than some of their neighbours. The returns for
the Delhi division show that they are entirely uneducated, and that
scarcely any of their children attend the indigenous schools.

The Gujurs are a thievish predatory set, and much addicted
to cattle-stealing. They are spread over the Delhi territory
and the extreme Northern Doab. The Seharunpore district
abounds in them. Their village communities hold together
closely and firmly, but not for any good object ; they unite not
so much for mutual support and encouragement in industry,
as for purposes of resistance and contumacy. We do not augur
much good from educational efforts amongst them. Those,
who have conducted the recent investigation into the state
of indigenous education, pronounce them to be utterly un-
instructed, and averse to education of any kind.

The characteristics of the Rajput and Brahman castes need not
here be detailed. From the maps appended to the Glossary, it
appears that the Rajputs still hold the largest tracts in these
provinces of any tribe, and that formerly nearly two-thirds of the
country was in their hands. It cannot be said that the Rajputs
are quite uneducated. Rajput children are to be found in most
of the village schools. But the proportion of children receiving
education to those fit for education and not educated, is pain-
fully small. In Ajmir (which, as most of our readers know,
though it belongs to these provinces, is geographically sepa-
rated from them, and lies in the very heart of Rajputana) hardly
any Rajput scholars are to be found in the village schools.
Upon these facts it was remarked that “ this confirms the con-
clusion to which we are led by the paucity of Rajput scholars

172

VILLAGE SCHOOLS AND PEASANT PROPRIETORS

iu other districts, that the Rajputs are, as a class, averse to intel-
lectual improvement/’* This conclusion appears to us some-
what premature. It is certain that among the Rajput children
some receive education, while, among the children of other
important Hindu tribes, there are absolutely none who go to
school. In industry and steadiness the Rajputs are inferior to
the Jats, and so are the Brahmans. In intellect and capacity the
Jats are not equal to either.

The Brahman caste, even in the agricultural tracts, has some
pretensions to education. The Sanskrit schools in the villages
are of course entirely supported by them ; and, in the Hindu
schools, they form a considerable portion of the teachers and
the pupils.

The Kayths, since our rule, have become a large, though very
scattered, class of landholders. They are of course not abori-
gines ; their titles are all acquired from the avroxOoves. In Akbar’s
time, in A. I). 1596, there were only four or five compact little
divisions held by these Kayths. But, since that time, these tracts
have increased and multiplied and replenished the land. They
appear like plague spots in every district. f These people have
settled themselves down, sometimes by fair means, sometimes
by foul. We doubt not that some of these properties were found-
ed by retired officials, men who had expended their ill-gotten
gains in landed speculations, and whose doings were parallel
to those recorded by the Special Sale Commission. It is super-
fluous to say, that the members of this tribe (which, according to
the division of labour in the theoretical Hindu state, has the
task of reading and writing assigned to it) have a natural apti-
tude for education ; — in fact most of them are educated already.
In the Hindi and Persian village schools, many of the mas-
ters and scholars belong to this caste. Among the Mussul-
mans, as a class, it will be shown subsequently that education is
partially extended.

The Mewatis, who reside principally in the district of Gor-
gaon, are represented to be utterly destitute of either the desire
or capacity for instruction.

From small proprietors we pass on to the large landlords. In
this set would be included the Talukadars, Jaghirdars, &c, that is,
those, who hold land by the primary Zemindari tenure. It will be
remembered that we have classed those, who hold by the secon-
dary Zemindari tenure, together with those who hold by the

* See Mr. Fink’s abstract for the Editorial Report for Ajmir, Appendix L,
General Report for 1845-46.

f Vide Sir H. Elliot’s Comparative Maps, showing the status of Zemindari pos-
sessions in Akbar’s time, and iu the year 18l4

IN THE N. W. PROVINCES.

173

Puttidar’s tenure, with small proprietors in general. These
great Zemindars are gentlemen, often non-resident on their
estates. They are of course generally an educated class, and
are not personally concerned in the village schools ; but they
might be induced to c'o-operate with the Government for the
purpose of educating their cultivators ; and any assistance from
them would be most valuable.

We have still one class among the sons of the soil to deal
with, namely, the .cultivators ; the improvements, which have been
effected in the position and prospects of this class, and the many
enactments passed in their favour, have been already pointed
out. The hereditary cultivators are not very far removed from
the small proprietors ; their hold upon the soil is much the
same, except that it is not transferable, and not so valuable, inas-
much as the small proprietor enjoys the profits accruing to both
cultivator and owner. On the other hand, they have less risk,
and they stand alone, being not bound to any community. Nearly
all, that has been said regarding the small proprietors, may be
applicable to these cultivators, except the remarks concerning
the necessity for education forced upon the communities by the
form of their constitution. The non-hereditary cultivators,
being simply tenants-at-will, are generally the dependants of an
absentee landlord, or else of an agent or lessee. Much capacity
or aptitude for education cannot be expected from them ; but
the advantages, which the ability to read and write would confer
on them, are very evident. How often it happens that wrong
leases (pottahs) and wrong receipts are purposely given to the
poor cultivator ! How often sums are put down to his name as
paid, which he never did pay, in order that the same sum may be
speciously demanded of him in future ! How often are fields
entered in the rent-roll, as cultivated by him, which he never
even saw ! These entries run on for years. Undisputed re-
cords must of course carry weight with them ; and, when the
demand is at last made, it is perhaps unavoidably enforced
against him. Had the man been able to read, he would have
at once represented the incorrectness of the entries to the
proper authorities, and timely redress would have been afforded.
As a rule then, this class are unintelligent, poor in spirit, care-
less, indolent, and migratory. We fear that they will not frequent
the village schools ; but bright exceptions are to be found in
some of the castes, which furnish hands to till the ground. The
Kurmis, or Kumbhis, Lodhas, Kachis, and Kochris, almost equal
the Jats in industry. The latter tribes cultivate garden soil, and
are always to be found in the neighbourhood of cities and large
villages. The first tribe cultivate those lands, which yield the
staple products. They are often hereditary cultivators. In all

174

VILLAGE SCHOOLS AND PEASANT PROPRIETORS

positions their general habits fit them for the reception of educa-
tion. In Cawnpore,* Futtehpore, and that neighbourhood,
members of this caste are to be found in the village schools.

We have thus endeavored to describe the condition of the
agricultural population in these provinces. It remains to be
seen what is the present state of popular education. That can
unfortunately be described in a very few words. The resolu-
tion of Government opens with the following sentences : — " En-
quiries, which have been lately instituted in order to ascertain
the state of education throughout these provinces, show that
the greatest ignorance prevails amongst the people, and that
there are no adequate means at work for affording them instruc-
tions. The means of learning are scanty, and the instruction,
which is given, is of the rudest and least practical character."
In the General Report on public instruction in the North Wes-
tern Provinces, for the year 1848-49, we find the following
paragraphs : — “ During the past year, the enquiries into the edu-
cation of the people, by means of their own indigenous schools,
have been brought to a conclusion. The reports have been
revised, and the table recast, to meet our more correct statistical
knowledge, and they are now in the course of re-publication in
a separate memoir, with a translation into the Urdu language.
The investigation has established without a doubt that the
mass of the population is in a state of the grossest ignorance,
and that even, were the desire for knowledge awakened among
them, there at present exist no means for its gratification. Mas-
ters and pupils are for the most part alike in darkness.” The
revised educational statistics, alluded to in the last extract, have
not yet been published, we believe : otherwise we should have
laid before our readers an abstract of their contents. But we
are enabled to offer a tabular statement, drawn up from the
separate returns for the different districts, which are to be found
amongst general reports. The latter will show the centesimal
proportion of male children receiving some kind of education,
to those that are fit for education but quite uneducated. We
are not aware that any complete statistical information on this
subject for the whole of the Lower Provinces has been published.
We subjoin a few extracts from Mr. Adam’s report for five
districts in Bengal and Behar ; and we add a table for the
principal countries of Europe taken from Mr. Kay’s work, in or-
der that (although no very accurate comparison can be drawn on
account of the several tables being prepared in different forms) an
approximate idea may be formed of the small amount of educa-
tion at present existing among the natives of the N. W. Provinces.

• Vide Report on Settlement of Cawnpore, by Mr. Rose, and Sir H. Elliot's Glossa:
ry, heading of Kurin i.

IN THE N. W. PROVINCES.

175

Table showing the centesimal proportion of the total number of Scholars
to the number of male children fit for instruction , assumed on total
population at one-twelfth, in the North Western Provinces.

Division.

District.

[Percentage of total
number of scholars'
to the number of
male children fit
for instruction.

Number

Schools.

Paniput

i “

Delhi

10.95

268

Rohtuk

’l 8

Gorgaon

3.4

100

Hissar

2.2

'Seharunpore

7.4

223

Muzuffernugger

7.6

289

5 -

Mirut

5.3

410

Bulundshuhur

5.07

187

Allygurh

4.5

296

Bijnour

4.4

278

r-f

Mo rad abaci

3.78

248

O -

Budaon

3.2

228

Bareilly

2.9

452

Shajehanpore

3.0

276

Muttra

3.3

181

Agra ...

3.2

284

Sb -

Furruckabad

4.4

334

Mynpurie

2.2

152

Eta wall

2.18

. f

'Cawnpore ,

6.6

195

*3 |

jFuttehpore

9.1

362

rQ 1
d j

iHumirpore

4.9

118

d i

Culpi

6.8

5 1

Banda

2.4

135

Allahabad

4.5

446

Guruckpore

1.9

428

TO I

[Azimghur

2.10

161

ilj J

Jaunpore

1.54

2 v

S 1

Mirzapore

p; !

i Benares

'Gazipore

3.6

389

Total number of schools.

6,989

There are 80,883 Mouzahs, or Townships, in the North
Western Provinces, and not quite 7,000 schools, of which at
least one-third belong to the towns ; so that the proportion
of schools to villages is very small.

J7G

VILLAGE SCHOOLS AND PEASANT PROPRIETORS

Table showing the state of Indigenous Education in Bengal arid Beliar.

’>

—

District.

City of Murshedabad

Thanah Doulatbazar district of!

Murshedabad J

Nanglia ditto of Birbhum

Culna ditto of Burdwan ...

pq L

Jehanabad ditto of South }

Behar S

Bhawara ditto of Tirhut ...

Proportion of children
capable of receiving
instruction to children
actually receiving in-
struction is as 100 to

Proportion of total a-
dult population to in-
structed adult popula-
tion is as 100 to

8.3

7.5

6.05

4.1

8.1

5.3

16.05

9.01

5.8

4.9

2.5

2.3

In the total number of children are included both males and
females : and in the number of children receiving instruction
are included those children, who receive domestic instruction,
as well as those who attend schools.

Table showing the proportion of Scholars in the Elementary Schools , to
the whole population iu different European countries.

Scholars. Inhabitants.

Berne, Canton of Switzerland

Thurgovie, ditto ditto

Yaud, ditto ditto

St. Gall, ditto ditto

Argo vie, ditto ditto

Neufcbatel, ditto ditto

Lucerne, ditto ditto

Schaffhausen, ditto ditto

Geneva, ditto ditto

Zurich, ditto ditto

Fribourg, ditto ditto

Solothurn, ditto ditto

Saxony, ditto ditto

Six departments of France (each)

Wurtemberg

Prussia

Baden (Duchy,)

Overyssel (Province of Holland) .

Drenthe, ditto ditto

Friesland, ditto ditto

Tyrol

I in
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
l
1
1

every 4.3

4.8

5.5

6
6
G
G
6.3
6 5
7
5
G

6.8

7.5

IN THE N. W. PROVINCES.

177

Scholars. Inhabitants.

Norway

Denmark

Holland (generally)

Bavaria

Scotland

Bohemia

Austria Proper ....
France (generally) .

Belgium

England

1 in every 7
l „ 7

1 „ 8

1 „ 8.5

1 „ 9

1 „ 10.5

1 „ 10.7

1 „ 14

It will be observed that Mr. Adam has taken the proportion
of the total number of children (male and female) to the num-
ber of children receiving instruction ; whereas, in the tables
for these provinces, the centesimal proportion has been taken
between the total number of male children and the number of
children receiving education. As girls’ schools do not exist, and
as female education is a thing unheard of, it has not been con-
sidered necessary to admit into the calculations the number of
female children. From general enquiries throughout the Pre-
sidency, it has been found that the total number of male chil-
dren comprises about one-twelfth of the whole population. In
the tables, this proportion has been assumed as the basis of
calculation, and then the proportion has been given between
the ascertained number of children receiving instruction, and
one-twelfth of the total population. We are not in the
possession of any statistics regarding the state of education
amongst the adult population in these provinces ; but a
comparison can be instituted between the centesimal pro-
portions of educated children, and educated adults in Mr.
Adam’s tables. And then, for these provinces, an inferential
idea of the state of adult education may be deduced by
parity of reasoning from the actual state of juvenile educa-
tion. In comparing the condition of school instruction in the
Lower and Upper Provinces, it must not be forgotten that Mr.
Adam has included female, as well as male, children in his esti-
mate of the juvenile population ; whereas, in these provinces, the
number of male children only has been calculated. Now, the
number of female children must be considered at least equal to
that of the male. The statistical results can therefore be only
balanced by doubling the centesimal proportions in the ta-
bular statement for these provinces. Also it should not be
forgotten, that Mr. Adam instituted enquiries into the state of
domestic instruction, and in his returns has given the number of
children receiving domestic instruction, as one-third of the edu-
cated community. No precise information on this head has been

178 VILLAGE SCHOOLS AND PEASANT PROPRIETORS

obtained in these provinces. It will be seen hereafter that
from the constitution of the schools, it is extremely difficult to
separate domestic from scholastic instruction. A vast number
of children, who might be considered as receiving domestic
instruction, have been returned as receiving scholastic instruc-
tion, to account for the difficulty which has been felt, in drawing
a line between the one kind of education and the other. In the
reports of one or two districts, allusions are made to domes-
tic instruction independent of the schools ; but in most dis-
tricts no such supposition appears to have been entertained. And
on the whole it may be concluded that the number of educated
children, not included in the reports, is small.

It is happily fruitless to compare the statistical proportions
of juvenile education in this Presidency, and in the countries of
Western Europe. In these latter countries, no proportion can
be said to exist between educated and uneducated children.
There all children are of necessity educated, whether in town or
country. In these countries every parent must send his chil-
dren to school, or incur heavy legal penalties. Besides, he
is bound by a moral controul, enforced by the universal consent
and customs of society, and far stronger than the authority of any
statute. Then each parent is compelled by law to combine
for the support of the parochial schools, and in those tracts
where, from the absence of peasant proprietorship, the peo-
ple are considered too poor to educate themselves, the large
landlords, the feudal lords of yore, are obliged to educate
at their own cost the labourers that cultivate their estates.
There are many philosophers, who would have pronounced it
practically impossible to carry out such a legal system, because
the minds and dispositions of men are not to be operated upon
by such rough instruments as statutory enactments — because it
might be advisable for a Government to educate the lower orders,
who are unequal to the task of self-education, but to force people
in a respectable station of life, to educate the children, would be
worse than vain ; and because official interference would be pro-
ductive of harm rather than good. But such dogmas have been
utterly refuted by the actual experience of Western Europe.
There the legal system of education is a vast machinery, spread-
ing its magnificent frame-work over the whole country, the
springs of which are supplied by the moral resolution and cordial
co-operation of society, the foundations of which are laid in the
hearts and minds of the people. Of course such laws, as those
now in force throughout Germany and Prussia, would be highly
unpalatable to the Zemindars of Bengal, or the great landholders
of these provinces. They would nauseate the idea of being

IN THE N. W. PROVINCES.

179

compelled to educate their cultivators. But they mightbe urged
and stimulated to contribute their efforts and influence towards
the attainment of this end. Allusions to this point are to be
found in the late resolution of this Government ; and, when Ver-
nacular schools were first set upinBengal during the year 1844,
the Sudder Board of Revenue expressly called upon the several
Commissioners and their subordinates “to instigate the more
opulent native inhabitants, whenever an opportunity is afforded,
to a liberal support of the proposed institutions, as being one of
the surest means of showing that they merit elevation and dis-
tinction from the Government and, in their letter to the Bengal
Government, the Board say “ the more opulent natives of each
district might be very usefully stimulated to establish, and place
under the controul of the officers of Government, Vernacular
schools, such as are now proposed, at their own expence.”*

It remains briefly to touch upon female education in India.
In the great educational countries above alluded to, male and
female education stand upon the same footing, and are carried
to an equal degree of perfection. In India, the case is lament
tably and notoriously the reverse. Female education is a
thing almost unknown in the N. W. Presidency. Not only is its
growth, in common with that of all kinds of education, withered
by the chilling influences of prevailing apathy, but the active op-
position of inherent prejudice is arrayed against it. Mr. Adam
gives the following description of the spirit, which militates
against it, at the same time supplying positive testimony to its
absolute non-existence in the Lower Provinces. (Sec. XII. ch. 5),
Speaking of native female schools established by benevolentEuro-
peans, he says : — “ The native prejudice against female instruc-
tion, though not insuperable, is strong ; and the prejudice against
the object should not be increased by the nature of the means
employed to effect it. Now it appears nearly certain, that, inde-
pendent of the prejudice against the object, native parents of
respectable rank must be unwilling to allow their daughters,
contrary to the custom of Native Society, to leave their own
homes, and their own neighbourhoods, and proceed to a dis-
tance, greater or less in different cases, to receive instruc-
tion.— “ To re-assure the minds of native parents, native ma-
trons are employed, as messengers and protectors to conduct
the girls to and from school ; but it is evident that this does not
inspire confidence, for, with scarcely any exception, it is only the
children of the very poorest and lowest castes that attend the
girls’ schools.” Further on, in Chapter XV., Mr. Adam writes,

* Vide General Report on Education in the Lower Province of the Bengal Pre-
sidency, for 1844-45 and 184&-46.

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VILLAGE SCHOOLS AND TEASANT PROPRIETORS

“ It lias been already shown that the schools for girls are ex-
clusively of European origin ; and I made it an object to ascer-
tain in those localities, in which a census of the population was
taken, whether the absence of public means of native origin
for the instruction of the girls was to any extent compensated
by domestic instruction. The result is, that in Thanalis Nang-
lia (Birbhum), Culna (Burdwan), Jehanabad (South Behar),
Bhowara (Tirhut), domestic instruction was not in any one
instance shared by the girls in those families, in which the
boys enjoyed its benefits; and that, in the city of Murshe-
dabad, and the thanah of Doulut bazar in the Mursheda-
bad district, I found only five, and these Mussulman families, in
which the daughters received some instruction at home.' —
This is another feature in the degraded condition of Native So-
ciety. The whole of the juvenile female population, with excep-
tions so few, that they can scarcely be estimated, are growing up
without a single ray of instruction to dawn upon their minds.”

In the reports for the North Western Provinces, we read
of six schools for Punjabi girls in the city of Delhi, and of one
female Hindu instructress in Ajmir. No other girl schools
whatever, we believe, are mentioned. But we conjecture that, in
Mussulman families, the girls do not unfrequently receive some
domestic instruction. In the present state of the native mind,
it seems hopeless to introduce any system of public instruction
available for girls : and private instruction (the only kind of
education which native parents would allow their daughters to
receive) is a matter beyond the controul or influence of any
Government.

Having thus completed the first division of our subject — name-
ly, the class to be educated, we pass on to the second — name-
ly, the nature of the education to be given.

This portion of the subject may be most conveniently com-
menced by a brief retrospect of what has hitherto been done
and written regarding Vernacular education and indigenous
schools in the North Western Provinces : On the third of May,
1843, the superintendence of public instruction in the North
Western Provinces was vested in the local Government; the final
allotment of the funds was completed on the 20th March, 1844.
The local Government was thereby entrusted with the annual sum
of nearly two lacs, and with the controul of three colleges at Agra,
Delhi, and Benares, and nine schools situated at some of the
principal stations. At these schools and colleges, instruction
•was given in the English language and in the higher branches
of education. The Colleges still remain : the schools have
dwindled away. In April of 1849, only three of the latter were

IN THE N. W. PROVINCES.

181

being kept up by Government. It is not our intention to trade
their history, or to discuss the many interesting questions con-
nected with them. Nor do we mean in any way to depreciate
them. But at present we wish to watch the progress of
opinion and action regarding Vernacular literature and indige-
nous schools.

Up to the year 1843, village schools had never been thought
of, nor had any information been either sought for or obtained
regarding indigenous education. But no sooner had the trans-
fer of superintendence from Calcutta to Agra been notified, than
the then Lieutenant Governor (the Honorable G. Clerk) placed
his sentiments on record, in a letter addressed to the Supreme
Government, on the 8th August, 1843. Ever since that time, the
stream of opinion appears to have flowed in the same direction.
We regret that we have not room to insert the whole of this
powerful letter ; but we must be content with drawing attention
to a few paragraphs of special interest.* “ It cannot be concealed
from any one, who has been in the habit of familiar intercourse
with the native gentry of these Provinces, that the colleges and
schools established by Government have neither their counte-
nance nor their support ; that to these institutions they neither
send their sons for education, nor do they themselves take the
slightest interest in their existence ; yet do they seek through
other means to give their children the best education they can
afford. In proof of the foregoing position, the Lieutenant
Governor would only advert to the frequent instances, which
have occurred, of the necessity to close and give up Govern-
ment schools in these Provinces. — In like manner, the Govern-
ment school at Ajmir was closed last year, not because there
was no desire for education amongst the community, but
because they would not resort to a school which was not in
union with their feelings. The sentiments of Colonel Suther-
land upon this subject are strongly corroborative of His Honors
opinion. That experienced officer was anxious that the Govern-
ment means should, if possible, co-operate with the existing
establishments, so that the interests of the community should
be retained, and their feelings carried along with the Government
undertaking. The Lieutenant Governor cannot but think that,
by such a course only, can real advancement be made in any
scheme of general and useful education. — Every town in the
Provinces has its little schools ; in every Pergunnah are two or
more schools ; even in many villages is the rude school-master
to be found. Yet from not one of them are children sent to

Vide Appendix C. to General Report for 1813-44.

182

VILLAGE SCHOOLS AND PEASANT PROPRIETORS

a Government school. — That education may be advanced ; that
the people do desire to learn ; and that there is no backward-
ness in any class, or in any sect, to acquire learning, or to have
their children taught, His Honor from a long personal inter-
course with all classes is convinced. It only needs that our
endeavours should be properly directed ; that existing native
schools should not be cast aside as useless, and the whole
population, as it were, arrayed against us, because we will not
bend to adopt an improvement on existing means.” Among
the general observations at the close of the year are to be found
some remarks in the same strain : — “ It must not be forgot-
ten, how much less encouragement there exists here for the
study of English than in the Lower Provinces, or in the pre-
sidencies of Madras and Bombay. There are here few English
residents. Except the functionaries of Government, there is no
wealthy body of European merchants, transacting their business
in the English language, and according to English method.
There is no Supreme Court, where justice is administered in
English ; no English Bar, or attornies ; no English sea-borne
commerce, with its shipping and English sailors, and constant
influx of foreign articles and commodities. Even in the public
service, the posts are few, in which a knowledge of English is
necessary for the discharge of their functions. — In addition to
the above obstacles, and perhaps in some measure springing
out of them, is another, of which the effects are universal-
ly felt in this part of the country. The boys, who attend
our institutions, and especially our provincial schools, are
seldom the children of men of independent property : hence
they are called away from school to earn their livelihood before
they have time to master a study, so strange to them, as that of
the English language. — This state of things tends to show,
that, if we wish to produce any perceptible impression on the
general mind of the people, we must attempt it through the
medium of the Vernacular language, and not through that
of any foreign tongue. — The present subject of Vernacular
education is connected with that of the indigenous village
schools. — Much simple, yet useful knowledge might be con-
veyed through their means, for instance, all the details of our
Revenue system. — The increased certainty and minuteness,
with which legal rights of all classes are now sifted and ad-
judicated in Courts, make it worth every man’s while, not only
to be able to check an account, but also to obtain a good practic-
al knowledge of our system and regulations. — Another depart-
ment of science, which is daily rising in practical value and im-
portance, is that of civil engineering. The roads and canals, which

IN THE N. W. PROVINCES.

183

are now in progress, will give ample employment for such
youths as may distinguish themselves in this line. It may also
be expected, that the minds of many landholders will be turned
to the improvement of their estates. The young civil engineer
may assist them in this object by showing the cheapest and
most effectual mode of forming wells, raising water, or draining
swamps.” In these latter sentences, we presume, lay the germ
of the Burki College. At the outset, then, it is clear that a
new principle was enunciated — namely, that Vernacular literature
and indigenous schools should be encouraged. As the first
step in carrying out thi3 principle, the Government charged
itself with the duty of superintending the preparation of school-
books in Urdu and Hindi. In Urdu literature, the lead was
taken by Mr. Boutros, Principal of the Delhi College. And lists
of Hindi works were furnished by Mr. Moore of Agra. Inves-
tigations into the actual state of indigenous education were
commenced by the appointment of Mr. Tucker of the civil
service to examine and report upon all schools in the Allahabad
and Benares divisions. Amongst the subjects, touched upon in
that gentleman’s report, are the want of good Vernacular class-
books, and of Vernacular literature generally, the want of Verna-
cular branch schools, and the improvement of the indigenous
village schools. Some paragraphs are also cited from a letter
of the Court of Directors, regarding Mr. Adam’s report for the
Lower Provinces. The Court say, — “ Mr. Adam expresses his
opinion that existing native institutions are the fittest means
to be employed for raising and improving the character of the
people ; that to employ those schools for such a purpose is the
simplest, safest, most popular, economical, and effectual plan
for giving that stimulus to the native mind, which it needs on
the subject of education, and for eliciting the exertions of the
natives themselves for their own improvement, without which all
other means must be unavailing.” Thus, from the proceedings of
the first year ending April 1844, it was evident that an intention
existed, in the highest quarter, of taking up and prosecuting vigo-
rously the hitherto neglected subject of indigenous education.

During the next year, 1844-45, a positive step was taken by
the appointment, first of Mr. Lodge, and then of Mr. Pink, to
investigate and report upon village-schools in the district of
Agra. This latter gentleman’s report was submitted to Go-
vernment shortly after the close of the official year. Its statisti-
cal results have been already exhibited, and the various princi-
ples detailed in it will be presently noticed, together with the
reports of the other districts. Progress was made in the
formation of Vernacular libraries for the distribution of elemen-

184 VILLAGE SCHOOLS AND PEASANT PROPRIETORS

tary works among tlie* village schools. Rewards for the pro-
ficiency of their pupils were offered to the school-masters. Lists
of the works proposed for study were also published. It was
further notified that extensive enquiries of the same kind had
been set on foot, in various parts of the country, with a view to
local improvement in education; and it was further declared that
the basis of the whole plan was an attempt to supply the wants
of the people as landholders and agriculturists.

Statements regarding the village schools were received, during
the next year, 1845-46, from eight districts, viz., Hissar, Fut-
tehpur, Ajmir, Allygurh, Gorgaon, Bulundshuhur, Furruckabad,
and Seliarunpur. These reports were principally furnished by the
several Collectors and their subordinates. Abstracts of the seve-
ral reports, drawn up by Mr. Fink, were published ; and a further
report on the Agra district was submitted by Mr. Fink. In August
1845, was issued an important circular to all Collectors and
Magistrates. The opening paragraph ran thus : — “ The Lieuten-
ant Governor is desirous to draw your attention to the subject
of Vernacular education in the district entrusted to your charge.”
The circular then sets forth the strong inducements, which the
agricultural classes naturally have for the acquisition of elemen-
tary knowledge. Then came the following injunctions : — -“You
will perceive that it is your duty, with reference to the great in-
terests immediately entrusted to your care, to do all in your
power to promote the education of the people. The means for
this purpose are at hand in the indigenous schools, which are
scattered over the face of the country. — In this, as in all other
operations, it is important to carry the people with you,
and to aid their efforts, rather than remove from them all
stimulus to exertion, by making all the effort yourself. —
It is not unreasonable to expect that, before long, the vil-
lage school-master will be as recognized a servant of the
community, as any other of the servants, whose remunera-
tion is now borne amongst the village charges. These school-
masters may be encouraged by kindly notice, and by occasional
rewards to the most deserving of themselves and of their scho-
lars. They may be aided by the distribution of printed and
lithographed books.” It is then stated that a series of village
school-books was in the course of preparation, and would short-
ly be circulated : and the whole concludes with directions for
the collection and arrangement of statistical information. To
the circular was appended a set of instructions to Tuhsildars,
and other subordinate Revenue Officers, regarding the method
in which encouragement was to be given to the schools, and
the form in which information regarding them was to be pre-

IN THE N. W. PROVINCES.

185

sented. Thus we see that during this third year after the
transfer of superintendence, and second year of active oper-
ations, much progress was made in the preparation of statis-
tics, teeming with practical facts and experimental suggestions,
and in the revenue machinery put in motion for the purpose of
procuring information concerning the present, and of offering
encouragement for the future.

In the course of the year 1846-47, educational returns were
received from the Collectors, or other local officers, of seven dis-
tricts, viz.,Paniput, Delhi, Cawnpore, Etawah, Moradabad, Juan-
pur, Azimgurh. Abstracts prepared by Mr. Fink as before were
published. Progress in the Agra district was also reported
by Mr. Fink. Superior qualifications had been exhibited by
some of the native masters ; some of the most useful school
books had been circulated; and 257 Rupees had been distributed
as rewards to the teachers.

The year 1847-48 was unfortunately marked by the demise of
Mr. Fink, the inspector of indigenous schools. In him this
department lost one of its most useful and zealous officers.
Statistical returns were received from twenty-seven districts,
that is from the- remainder of the provinces. By this time
great progress had been made in the science of general statis-
tics, which has resulted in the publication of a most useful
manual under that title. The census of the population in each
district had been tested and amended. Popular prejudices, and
the blind fear at first entertained by natives for all investigations,
had already been in a great measure removed. Consequently
the educational enquiries, prosecuted during this year, received
more countenance and co-operation from the people, and were
therefore completed with greater accuracy, and the comparison
of these returns with the general population returns was more
perfect and trustworthy than heretofore. It is stated in the
General Report, that the columns in the tabular statements for
this year might be looked upon as the nearest approximation to
the truth in these respects, which had yet been arrived at in this
part of India. The measures, already adopted in the district of
Agra to promote and extend the formation of village schools,
were introduced into the districts of Muttra, Bareilly, and Bena-
res. It was added that the “ means at the disposal of the
Lieutenant Governor were wholly inadequate to the accomplish-
ment of so great a work; that the Honorable Court of Directors
had expressed their readiness to encourage the undertaking; and
that a scheme had been submitted for their consideration, which
contemplated the gradual accomplishment of this great object.”

A A

186 VILLAGE SCHOOLS AND PEASANT PROPRIETORS

Though it does not strictly appertain to the scope of our pre-
sent treatise, we cannot forbear to mention that this year was
distinguished by the founding of the Kurki College for Na-
tive Civil Engineers. But we may be excused for adverting to this
admirable institution, because it represents an educational effort,
directed among other objects to the improvement of agriculture.
The letter, proposing the institution of this college, addressed by
the Government of the North Western Provinces to the Supreme
Government, opens with the following paragraphs : — “ The great
want of Civil Engineers has been long and urgently felt. —
The revenue survey has rendered the tenure of landed property
and the maintenance of civil rights in a great measure depen-
dant on the skill of the surveyor and the topographer. The
character of this country affords great facilities for irrigation ;
and the nature of the soil and climate render irrigation always
valuable, and often necessary, for raising any produce at all.
The rivers, which take their rise in the Himalayas, feed nu-
merous canals for irrigation, some of which are large works
and difficult to maintain, and many of those, which do exist,
are capable of extension. — The mountainous countries, to the
west and south-west of the Jumna and the Ganges, afford op-
portunities of forming tanks and reservoirs. — Even in the level
country, in the Doab, and in the plain country to the east,
irrigation is extensively carried on from wells and tanks, all
■which may be improved and rendered more useful by the
skill of the engineer. — No one, who examines the old build-
ings and the public works in this country, can question the
capacity of the natives to attain high excellency in the art.
Even with imperfect scientific knowledge and defective ap-
pliances, they erected edifices, which, at the present day, excite
wonder and admiration. The services of natives can be more
readily procured, and they can better bear fatigue and exposure
to the sun in this climate/' It is believed that one of the pri-
mary objects of this institution was to raise up a class of native
civil engineers, who might assist in the construction of the great
Ganges canal, the grandest agricultural work ever attempted in
this country. There is good hope that its advantages may be
eventually felt by the whole agricultural population of the N.
W. Provinces. Even the undertaking of such a work, supposing
its completion to be distant and uncertain, will be productive
of real good. It will show to the people that Government
feels a paternal care for its subjects. It will recal to their
minds the traditional memory of the most beneficent among
their own sovereigns. The very conception of a benevolent

IN THE N. W. PROVINCES.

187

work like this is a great point. It is an omen and earnest of
the “good time coming.’'

Better than Fame itself, the wish for Fame,

The constant striving for a glorious end.

The Rurki College is an institution, of which Switzerland
herself, with all her agricultural colleges, might be proud ; it
rivals the model schools of Vehrli and Fellenberg.

We now come to 1848-49, the last year of the ancient regime,
as far as indigenous education is concerned. The comple-
tion of the statistical investigations was notified. The general
impression produced by these enquiries we have already men-
tioned. Measures for the improvement of the indigenous
schools had been carried on in four districts, viz., Mynpuri,
Muttra, Bareilly, and Benares. The first annual report of the
Rurki College was published.

The report for the next year, 1849-50, has not yet been pub-
lished. Its main features would of course be the promulgation
of the scheme at present under notice — the operation of more
comprehensive principles, and the employment of more ade-
quate resources in this most important branch of domestic
government. Our readers are already aware that the resolu-
tion, which embodied this scheme, was published on the 9th
February, 1850.

Before closing this narrative of the operations which have
been conducted with regard to the indigenous schools, it may
be as well to give some connected account of the progress
which has been made in the formation of a vernacular litera-
ture and a general library of school-books, and to collect the
scattered notices which are to be found on this head.

When Government first turned its attention to popular edu-
cation in the vernacular tongues, there was hardly a single
available school-book in existence. We purposely omit all
reference to the higher branches of education, as imparted at
the central institutions. At present we confine ourselves to the
subject of books suited to the indigenous schools. Rude and
elementary as the education given at these schools was and will
be, there was not, a few years ago, a single treatise on the com-
monest subject, such as Grammar, Arithmetic, Geography, &c.,
fit to be put into the hands of the teachers or the scholars. It
may not be misplaced to trace briefly what has been done to
remedy this defect.

Nearly all the school-books, Hindi and Urdu, at present in
use or circulation in these Provinces, have been either publish-
ed or circulated by the Agra Book School Society, or the Delhi
Vernacular Society. Government has largely aided both these

188

VILLAGE SCHOOLS AND PEASANT PROPRIETORS

Societies by purchasing copies of their books. Allusion has
been already made to the views enunciated by Government
in the year 1844 regarding vernacular education, and to the
exertions made for the furtherance of that object by Mr. Bou-
tros of Delhi. That public-spirited gentleman first prepared
and published translations from his own resources. He then
succeeded in founding the Delhi Vernacular Society. Much
vigour was infused into the proceedings of this Society by Mr.
Boutros's successor at the Delhi College, Dr. Sprenger. Go-
vernment greatly assisted the Society by purchasing copies of
each publication ; and, for the first two or three years, it was the
principal purchaser. Up to the year 1846, the Society had pub-
lished about fifty volumes, containing upwards of 14,000 pages,
at a cost of about 16,000 rupees. The influence of this Society
was supposed to be visible in the establishment of two literary
and scientific Urdu Journals, — one at Delhi, the other at Agra.
During the years 1846 and 1847, the private demand for the So-
ciety’s books increased, and the sums contributed by native sup-
porters almost equalled the amount realized from sales to
Government ; but fears were entertained for the continued
existence of the Society on account of the accumulation of
unsold books on its hands. The Society however rallied, and has
since prosecuted its useful labours. It is hardly within our pro-
vince to analyse the lists of works published in Urdu by this
Society, seeing that the books comprise a far higher range of
education than is contemplated for the indigenous schools.
But it may come within the compass of our scheme to enume-
rate the works belonging to certain branches of education. The
history, geography, productions, and peculiarities of India have
been copiously illustrated. The system of Government at pre-
sent existing has been fully explained in all its departments.*
Treatises have also issued from the press regarding practical
mathematics, engineering, and land-surveying.

During the year 1843-44, the Agra School Book Society pub-
lished Ram Surrun Doss’s (Deputy Collector at Delhi) well-
known books. A great number of copies were purchased by
Government, and distributed throughout the districts. They
have been introduced with great success into many of the ver-
nacular schools, and have been mainly instrumental in raising
up in several districts a class of well-trained Putwaris. These

* On this head, the following books have been published in Urdu : —

Marshman’s Civil and Revenue Regulations ; Marshman’s Assistant Magistrate’s
Guide; MacNaghten’s Hindi Law ; Mahomedan Law; MacNaghten’s Criminal Law ;
MacNaghten's Law of Inheritance ; Principles of Legislature ; Principles of Public
Revenue; Principles of Government; Principles of the Law of Nations; Prinsep’s
Abstract of Civil Law,

IN THE N. W. PROVINCES.

189

books embrace a course of elementary and practical instruction.
The course is divided into four compartments; first, grammar ;
second, arithmetic; third, weights and measurements (including
mensuration) ; fourth, a complete model of agricultural and
village accounts. The arithmetic and mensuration are ex*
plained after the native fashion. The sets are published both
in Hindi and Urdu, the former being written in the Nagri
character. During the year 1844*45, the rewards given to the
masters of indigenous schools were accorded with reference to
the profioiency of the pupils. Two grades of proficiency were
fixed for the Hindi and Urdu schools respectively. For the
Hindi schools, the first stage comprised Ram Surrun Doss’s four
books, and writing from dictation. The second stage comprised
the Rajniti, and History of India, Ram Surrun Doss’s four
books, and Hindi Composition. The Rajniti, it will be observed,
is a translation of the Sanskrit Hitopadesha, the iEsop’s Fables,
or the La Fontaine, of India. For Urdu Schools, the first*
stage comprised Ram Surrun Doss’s four books, and writing
from dictation. The second stage, Eagh-o-Behar, and History
of India, Ram Surrun Doss’s four books, and Urdu Composition.

During the same year, the Agra Schools were supplied by
Government with the following books in Urdu : Brown’s Arith-
metic ; Gilchrist’s “ Risala” (treatise) on Urdu Grammar ; Liter-
ary and Historical selections from English works ; Looking
Glass for children ; Short and Simple Stories from the English ;
Urdu Delectus ; Spelling-book. In Hindi the following books
were furnished in the same manner : Hindi Primer, Hindi
Reader, Nos. I and II ; Treatise on the benefits of Knowledge ;
Adam’s Arithmetic; Adam’s Grammar; Rajniti. In Sanskrit,
some copies of the Hitopadesha were distributed. Besides these
books there were at that time available elementary treatises on
Geography, Astronomy, Indian and General History, Charac-
teristics of England, Hindu Law, and Hindi Grammar (vide
Mr. Moore’s List). Many of these works had been origi-
nally published by the Calcutta School Book Society ; some
by the Agra School Book Society.

But the effects hitherto made for the formation of a Verna-
cular literature had been somewhat isolated, and had been con-
ducted without concert, and without uniformity, or compre-
hensiveness of design. To supply this want, Government created
at Agra the office of curator of school-books. It was hoped,
that, through the means of this appointment, those who required
books might be supplied with them, or be informed where, how,
and at what price, they might procure them ; that the various

190

VILLAGE SCHOOLS AND PEASANT PROPRIETORS

efforts made by individuals might be connected ; that references
would be made by those who were engaged in the work of
translation or compilation, as to what books already existed in
India on any particular subject, and on what parts of the subject
instruction was most needed ; that all existing deficiencies might
be brought to the notice of Government, and suggestions offered
as to the best method of supplying the want ; and that a Cata-
logue Kaisonnee should be constantly kept up, which should
be as complete as possible in the Urdu and Hindi languages,
and shew all that had been done to provide printed books
capable of being used for the education of the people.*

Thus it is clear that these Provinces have produced their
Chamberses and their Charles Knights. They can boast of socie-
ties and institutions, which may be compared in kind, if not in
degree, to the societies which at home gave to the world the Penny
Magazine, the Penny Cyclopaedia, and the Library of Enter-
• taining Knowledge. It remains that the people should learn to
read. The agency, which Government now proposes to employ
for the distribution of plain works on practical subjects, will be
described hereafter. This much is evident, that, as the rising
generation of agriculturists learn to read, they will find ready
to their hands books, that will afford them rational instruction
regarding their own country and the system of Government with
which they are brought into such close and constant contact.

It is thus seen that information, statistical and general, regard-
ing the village schools, throughout the North Western Provinces,
has been offered to the public. We proceed to analyze the
principal points ascertained respecting indigenous education,
classifying our remarks according to the different kinds of
schools. Throughout these Provinces, the village schools are
of four descriptions : — Sanskrit, Hindi, Arabic, Persian.

In some districts are found schools, where Hindi and Sanskrit
are both taught. It will be observed that in no district do there
appear to be any Urdu village schools. We will consider the
schools according to the order of their relative importance, and
commence with the Hindi schools. The matters for reflection
naturally resolve themselves into four divisions, namely (I.) the
scholars ; II. the teachers ; III. the schools ; IV. the course of
study.

I. The Hindi schools are the most numerous of any class, and
can boast of the largest aggregate number of pupils. The scholars

* Vide instructions to the Rev. J. J. Moore. Appendix B. to General Report
for 1844-45.

IN THE N. W. PROVINCES.

19]

mainly belong to three castes, viz. Brahmins, Bunnialis, and
Rajputs. A somewhat insignificant residue belongs to other
castes ; and the number, belonging to each of the lower castes,
is almost too small for computation. The Brahmin scholars
are the most numerous ; the Bunniahs next ; the scholars of
both these castes numerically exceed those of the Rajput tribe.
The usual age of entrance is about nine years. The average
period of pupillage is from four to seven years.

II. The teachers are either Brahmins or Kayeths. They
are usually middle-aged men, seldom (except sometimes the
Kayeths) elderly. They do not often receive regular salaries.
Their remuneration generally consists of fees and presents
from the scholars, food, or complete subsistence, clothing, and
such like. Sometimes, but rarely, they hold a piece of rent-free
land, made over to them by the proprietors ; but they are
often engaged in cultivation. In such cases they break up the
school, when the urgency of the season requires their at-
tendance in the fields, and return to their sedentary occupations
after “ harvest home.” Mr. Muir (in his report for the district
of Futtehpur) tells the following anecdote of a “ school master
abroad.” “ A school was held in the house of a Zemindar at
Sankha, and the teacher, in order to better his circumstances,
undertook at the request of the Zemindar to watch his field ;
but, being anxious to improve the time, he took the boys with
him, and, seated upon the frame work of bambus and wood
(Machan), divided his attention between teaching his pupils, and
driving away the birds. The scaffolding unfortunately fell to
the ground, and this exemplary master was severely injured ;
and the Tuhsildar, when he visited the village, found the school
closed, and the teacher laboring under the effects of his fall.” If
the various payments made in kind, food, clothing, &c., be turned
into money value, the schoolmasters’ salaries will, we believe, be
found to average from three to four rupees per mensem, an amount
less than the average remuneration of the teachers in the other
kinds of schools, except of course in those where instruction is
imparted gratuitously. Similar mean rates are found to pre-
vail in Bengal and Behar. Mr. Adam gives them thus : —

Murshedabad, Rs. 4 12 9 ; Birbhum, R3. 3 3 9; Burdwan,
3 4 3; South Behar, Rs. 2 0 10; Tirhut Rs. 187.

III. Let us now describe the school-house, or rather what
the natives call the “ Muktub,” or place of teaching, that is, the
external shape, which the institution assumes. It is very
rare that a building is purposely erected, or that a separate
house, or even apartment, is hired for scholastic uses. It
is generally found that the parents of one of the pupils, or

192

VILLAGE SCHOOLS AND PEASANT PROPRIETORS

some one interested therein, or some person having spare rooms,
and being charitably disposed, such as a resident Zemindar, or
shop-keeper, lends a verandah, or outer apartment, or mere
“ chubutra,” to the village school-master. Occasionally the
school-master keeps school at his own house. Sometimes the
school is held “ patulae sub tegmine fagi ”

The pupils attend only at certain times of the year when
there is a lull in agricultural activity. Mr. Muir has described
this perfectly. We give the description in his own words — “ The
most constant season for instruction is that which intervenes
between the sowing and the reaping of the Rubbi (spring)
crops, viz., from November or December to March ; and this
would be the season for obtaining the most favorable record of
the extent of education. After the gathering in of the Rubbi
harvest a short period of rest is obtained, comprising a part of
May and the contiguous months, and where the opportunities
of education are at hand, study is again renewed. The rains are
then ushered in by the busy preparations of June for the
arrangements of the new year; and, as soon as the crops begin
to rise, juvenile labour is especially required for weeding. A
season of relaxation succeeds, and the schools are re-commenc-
ed and numerously attended from about August to November,
when the gathering of the Khurif (harvest) and the sowing of
the Rubbi again engrosses the attention.” On the whole
about five months in the year are available for educational
purposes. Thus it is that the identification of any particular
school becomes exceedingly difficult. A school held in one
house for two or three months breaks up for the harvest holi-
days. These over, it re-commences perhaps in another house
with another teacher. Thus investigators into statistics are
puzzled to decide whether they ought to be considered as one
and the same school, or two different schools. Mr. Johnson,
the deputy collector, in his report for Paniput, cut the Gordian
knot by excluding these transitory Hindi schools altogether
from his return, merely mentioning that there were such
things as “temporary schools.” When the report was drawn
up on Hindi schools for Futtehpore, 65 per cent, had ori-
ginated within the year, and forty-three per cent, within six
months. From the tabular returns for all the districts it will
be found that the larger proportion of teachers have been em-
ployed for periods less than one year. The schools are seldom
formed in towns, or even in large villages, but are scattered about
amongst the rustic classes.

IV. The instruction given in these schools generally com-
prises the Hindi Alphabet ; the literary branch does not extend

IN THE N. W. PROVINCES.

193

further than that, except in those schools, which have been
reached by Government influence. Then there are simple arith-
metic, the Bunniah’s or Mahajun’s system of book-keeping,
account keeping, mensuration according to the native method,
and sometimes agricultural accounts. These rustic institutions
then are evidently kept up by the practical necessities of life.
Many people, who must know how to keep accounts, need not
know how to write their names properly ; and such is constantly
found to be the case.

There is a great deal of patriarchal simplicity about these
schools with their rustic apparatus, the coloured board and
chalk pencil, and brickdust, corresponding to the palm (tal)
leaf, the wooden board, the brazen plate, and the sand, of
the Bengal schools. The pursuit of homely knowledge is
intimately blended with the manual toil of agricultural life.
The tide of learning ebbs and flows, and fluctuates with the
cycle of the seasons, — almost with the changes of the moon.
The scholars, fresh from the plough, are ready at a moment’s
notice to rush off to scare away the birds or weed the crops;
the school-master, equally ready to break up the rude assem-
blage and work in the fields, is gifted with just enough know-
ledge to distinguish him from the mass of ignorance around,
to win the respect of the villagers, and to emulate Goldsmith's
pedagogue : —

The village all declared how much he knew :

’Twas certain he could write, and cipher too ;

Lands he could measure , terms and tides presage,

And even the story ran, that he could guage.

Let us next consider the Persian schools. I. The attendance
at these institutions is next largest after the Hindi schools.
A considerable proportion of the pupils are of course Mussul-
mans ; the remainder are chiefly Kayeths. The average age of
entrance is about the same as in the Hindi schools, perhaps
a little later. The period of pupilage is in almost all districts
a year or two longer. The scholars do not often move among
the rustic walks of life, but are generally those, who are likely
to derive benefit from polite education, and are aspirants for
public employ.

II. Of the teachers those, that are not Mussulmans, are
Kayeths. The latter are generally more advanced in life than
the former. Their remuneration is similar to that enjoyed by
the teachers in the Hindi schools ; but their average income
is in almost every district much higher. It generally varies
from five to eight rupees per mensem. The same rule bolds

B B

194

VILLAGE SCHOOLS AND PEASANT PROPRIETORS

good in Bengal and Behar. From Mr. Adam’s report it appears
that the income averaged in

Behar,.

Bengal

5 Tirhut

2 South Behar

r Burd wan

< Birbhum

I Murshedabad

Es.

3 0

5 2

6 10
6 6
8 14

They are seldom agriculturists, and usually look upon tuition
as a profession. They are often also the dependents of one of
their chief constituents, whose children they educate, and in
whose house they hold their school, being allowed to teach
other children at the same time. They are consequently more at
the command of an individual, and are less likely to be suscepti-
ble of general influence, or to partake of popular improvement,
than the teachers in Hindi schools. The same remark has
been found applicable to Bengal and Behar. Mr. Adam thus
expresses himself : — " It may be remarked that the Persian
teachers as a class are much superior in intelligence to the
Bengali and Hindi teachers; but they are much more frequently
the retainers or dependents of single families or individual
patrons, and, being thus held by a sort of domestic tie, they
are less likely to engage in the prosecution of a general ob-
ject.” With the Persian teachers of these provinces, the period
of incumbency is longer than with the Hindi teachers.

III. The “Muktub” is generally the private house of one
of the principal supporters of the school. Sometimes a mosque
or imambarah is used for this purpose. A regular school-
house is not often to be seen. Under these circumstances, the
school must be somewhat transitory, but not like the Hindi
schools “ varium et mutabile semper ” — not liable to such con-
stant interruptions, because both masters and pupils have less
manual labour and less out-of-door work to do. Nor is the
attendance consequently so fluctuating, or so dependent on the
changes of the seasons. In the same way the period of dura-
tion is longer, and the school has more of a “ local habitation
and a name.” Also, the schools are more confined to towns
and large villages, and less scattered over the face of the
country.

IV. The instruction is literary rather than practical. It em-
braces Grammar, Composition, even Rhetoric, the study of ap-
proved and popular authors, modes of address, epistolary forms,
and official technicalities. A little poetry and the rudiments of
history are also included in the educational course. We have
not been able to make out, that in these schools any practical

IN THE N. W. PROVINCES.

195

work-a-day information is imparted in the shape of arithmetic,
book-keeping, or any thing of that kind.

Next let us take the Sanskrit schools.

I. The pupils are, as might be expected, almost entirely
Brahmans ; the aggregate amount of attendance is much less
than in either of the two classes of schools already adverted to;
the usual age of attendance is decidedly later ; and the period
of pupilage longer than in either of the above cases.

II. The teachers are always Brahmans, and they gene-
rally give gratuitous instruction. Every Brahman is considered
to be entitled to instruction in the sacred tongue free of cost.
A Brahman has so many ways of extracting alms from the
public, is gifted with such an inherent power of raising per-
quisites, that he can well afford to acknowledge that it is the
duty of every Brahman to teach, in the same way that every
Brahman has a right to be taught. In the Agra district, the
occupations of most of the Sanskrit teachers are thus des-
cribed : — “ The others teach gratuitously, and support them-
selves by copying almanacs, officiating as priests, wandering
about, reciting the Puranas, or by fees received at weddings and
public assemblies, or by divinations.” Sometimes they are sup-
ported by contributions, and sometimes receive remuneration
in kind.

III. As to the school-house, that sometimes is as changeable as
in the former classes of schools. The school-master often holds
the school in his own dwelling, seldom in the private residences
of any of his constituents, occasionally in chauparis (village
town-halls), temples, or hired apartments in shops. The schools
are consequently more fixed and permanent. In the Futtehpur
district, it is stated that the “ Sanskrit schools are without
comparison more permanent than any other species, as the
average of the period, during which the present teachers have
been employed in their respective schools, is above thirteen
years ; and many of the institutions have been conducted by
their forefathers.

IV. In the course of study, three elements are almost in-
variably to be found, namely, grammar, astrology, and the study
of the Puranas : often a little lexicology, medicine, witchcraft,
ceremonies of observances, are added. At Azimgurh, arith-
metic appears to be taught. Mr. Pink, speaking of Sanskrit
education in the district of Agra, remarks that “ a proof of the
decline of school learning and Vernacular education may be
derived from a comparison of their present condition with the
limits prescribed in the Shastras to the study of the former by
the different castes of the Hindus. The study of the Law

196 VILLAGE SCHOOLS AND PEASANT PROPRIETORS

find of the six schools of Philosophy, which are the peculiar
inheritance of the Brahmanical caste, is now neglected ; while
grammar, lexicology, poetical and dramatic literature, rhetoric,
astrology, and medicine, to which even the Sudras were permitted
access, are now monopolized by that caste. The Brahmans
then possess in point of learning the position, which the lowest
were once allowed to occupy ; and the lower castes have suf-
fered a corresponding declension in the scale of education.”
These remarks are very pertinent and just with regard to pro-
vincial education ; or, in Anglo-Indian parlance, to Sanskrit as
taught in the Mofussil. But they must not be understood, as
they were not meant, to apply to Sanskrit as taught in large
towns, and at the public colleges. In those districts, where the
course of study has been looked into, or the qualifications of
teachers and the attainments of pupils have been examined, the
standard appears to be low. The pundits have sometimes
turned out incompetent, and the students unable to explain what
they learnt. It does not appear that any sound knowledge,
even to the most limited extent, is ever acquired. The pupil
learns by rote from the master’s mouth the meaning of the
particular passage he is reading, without attempting to master
the grammatical construction. The Agra and Azimgurh exa-
minations proved this point. Neither does much attention
seem to be given to poetry. The inattention to this branch
was pointed out at Azimgurh as a matter of regret. What
progress may have been made at Azimgurh in arithmetic, does
not appear. Setting these branches aside, what can be said
for the other branches of study ? The astrology, in which the
students do perhaps attain some proficiency, is worse than use-
less, nay positively injurious. The medical science of the
Hindus can be of little practical benefit.

As for the Puranas, they contain a great deal which no Euro-
pean Government could be desirous to teach or diffuse. It is
evident that they are studied simply as a means of qualifica-
tion for the performance of religious duties.

Of the schools, where Sanscrit and Hindi are taught together,
much need not be said. It must not be presumed from the
existence of such schools, that there subsists any connexion
between the two branches of study, or that the one leads to the
other. Such is not the case. Mr. Adam took some pains to
prove that no such relation was to be observed in the lower
Provinces. They do no exist in every district. No distinct
notice is required of their condition, inasmuch as they com-
bine the characteristics ascribed above to the Hindi and Sanskrit
schools separately.

IN THE N. W. PROVINCES.

197

Arabic schools are to be met with in small numbers almost
every where. Both teachers and pupils are of course Mus
sulmans. The schools are usually permanent. The teach-
ers are not highly remunerated. The course of study simply
consists in learning portions of the Koran (a few Siparas) by
heart, without understanding what they mean. It may be
observed that six girls’ schools, belonging to this class, were
found in the city of Delhi (vide Appendix F. to General Re-
port for 1840-47) ; they were all situated in one quarter of the
town, were conducted by Punjabi women, and attended by girls
of the same class. They were almost, we believe, solitary in-
stances.

Even from this brief survey of the characteristics, which
distinguish the various classes of schools, it is apparent that as
yet the agricultural population have done but little to educate
themselves ; and that nearly the whole of this great work is
yet before them. The only one of the great landholding
castes, that possesses any thing like education, is the Brahman
caste. The Mussulmans and Kayeths are to a certain extent
educated ; but they form but a diminutive portion of the
whole. The Rajput caste certainly contributes some pupils to
that number, which, we have seen, forms so small a per-centage
of the juvenile population fit for education. But many,
many, castes are not blessed even with the feeblest ray of
light : and the first attempts, that were made to penetrate
this mass of darkness, were received with sinister suspicion,
and were made the objects of superstitious jealousy. In Fut-
tehpur, Allahabad, and Agra, the people concocted some pre-
posterous legends about universal proselytism. At Mura-
dabad, the school-masters had an impression that the investiga-
tion would destroy their livelihood, and at first withheld all the
information they possessed. In many districts the ghost of
the old bug-bear was conjured up again — some monster poll-
tax must be in contemplation ! So the people thought when
the census was begun, and so they always think when any
general enquiry is set on foot. But in one district the inves-
tigation communicated a wonderful impetus to education ; and
a number of new schools started into existence just after its
commencement.

In the foregoing pages various points of resemblance be-
tween the schools of the Upper and Lower Provinces have
been incidentally adverted to. There are yet several topics in
regard to which comparisons might be advantageously drawn.

It is clear from Mr. Adam’s educational returns that the re-
volution, which has every where been more or less wrought in

1 OS

VILLAGE SCHOOLS AND PEASANT PROPRIETORS

Hinduism, has especially manifested itself in Bengal. There
indigenous education, scanty though it be, has spread itself
through all castes, from the highest to the lowest, in a manner
which shows how much the levelling process has been carried on,
and how much the disruption of social barriers has been effected.
A tolerable proportion of the scholars belong to the lowest
castes. And further these low-born scholars frequent not only
the Hindi and Bengali, but the Persian, schools also; and some-
times even teach in the latter, as well as in the former. On the
other hand Mussulman scholars and teachers are to be found
in the Hindi and Bengali schools. The Kayasthas (or Kayeths),
who once enjoyed the exclusive privilege of teaching, now find
their vantage ground invaded, not only by high, but by low-
caste, Hindus, and even by Mussulmans. Nor have the Brah-
mans a complete monopoly even in the Sanskrit department.
Some of the teachers belong to the medical caste, and among
students a certain proportion own other castes besides the Brali-
manical one. In many cases also the Brahmans learn Persian.
This amalgamation however has not proceeded so far in Behar.
There the boundary marks of ages have been partially preserv-
ed. Sanskrit is confined to the Brahmans ; Vernacular teaching
to the Kayeths ; Persian to the Mussulmans ; and utter igno-
rance to the low castes.

The North Western Provinces in these respects rather re-
semble Behar than Bengal. There the Sanskrit teachers and
scholars are entirely Brahmans. The Brahmanical caste has
admitted no intruders within their inviolate precincts. Nor
have they ever joined in the study of the Mussulman language.
The Kayeths have not kept their ancient prerogative quite in-
tact ; but their duties are shared by no other caste except the
Brahmans. In the department of Mussulman education, they
have gained ground, and are the only Hindu caste who teach
Persian. The appearance of any other Hindu caste, as pupils
in these schools, is rare. The Mussulmans do not venture out
of their own sphere, nor do they ever figure either as teachers
or scholars in the Hindi schools ; as for the inferior castes,
the numerical proportion of any caste, except Brahmans, Kayeths,
ftajputs, and Bunniahs, is too small to be calculated ; and the
presence of low-caste scholars is a thing unknown. So that there
is a liberality of sentiment (we might call it latitudinarianism)
pervading indigenous education in Bengal, which is not to be
met with in the N. W. Provinces.

The indigenous schools of Bengal also excel those of the
Upper Provinces in respect of the instruction given. We have
before stated that in the Hindi schools of the N. W. Provinces,

IN THE N. W. PROVINCES.

190

instruction is limited to accounts, commercial and agricultural.
For Bengal and Behar, Mr. Adam gives the following table : —

Native Schools, in
which written
works are em-
ployed.

Native Schools, in
which written
works are not
employed.

Mnrshedahad

* 39

Birhhiim

398

‘Rnrd wan

426

190

South Behar

283

Tirhut

The two latter districts belong to Behar, and, as before remarked,
resemble the Upper rather than the Lower Provinces. Mr. Adam
observes that “with regard to the nature of these works, the
employment of the Amara Kosha, the Ashta Sabdi, Ashta
Dhatu, Sabda Subanta, and the verses of Chanakya, as school-
books in some of the Vernacular schools of the Bengal districts,
indicates a higher grade of instruction, than that previously be-
lieved to exist in these schools. With the exception of the verses
of Chanakya, the other works mentioned are grammatical ; and their
use is said to have been at one time general, which would imply
that they are the remains of a former superior system of popu-
lar instruction.” It will be interesting to prosecute this latter
point of enquiry, and to ascertain (if possible) how far popular
instruction of former ages excelled that of the present. But
we apprehend that the extension of knowledge to the lowest
castes must be the fruit of purely modern times. There are no
data for inferring that the state of indigenous education in the
Upper Provinces was ever otherwise than at present, except
that there are grounds for supposing that the schools have in-
creased numerically of late years. Such was proved to be the
case at Delhi, where some educational records of the year 1826
were discovered.

The manner, in which Mr. Adam speaks of the Sanskrit in-
struction in the Lower Provinces, indicates that the pundits are
more learned, and the scholars better grounded in what they
acquire, than in the Upper Provinces. Mr. Adam shows by some
tables, that those who avail themselves principally of Vernacular

200 VILLAGE SCHOOLS AND PEASANT PROPRIETORS

education, belong determinately neither to the agricultural nor
to the commercial community, and may be considered as a non-
descript class, who expect to gain their livelihood as writers, ac-
countants, &c. This rule is applicable to the N. W. Provinces,
especially so far as it implies that Vernacular education is at pre-
sent but little sought for by the purely agricultural classes.

We proceed to offer a few remarks on the respective uses and
relative advantages of the four great classes of indigenous
schools established in the N. W. Provinces.

The Hifidi class of schools is undoubtedly the most practical
and comprehensive in its effects, and extends its influence to the
greatest number of people. It supplies just the information,
which the agriculturists want. It invariably flourishes most
in the rural villages and in the purely agricultural parts of
the country. The schools are represented, by those who have
examined them, to be capable, nay readily susceptible, of amelio-
ration. They are, in their very nature and constitution, open to
improvement. The institutions are transitory ; therefore they
want support. The teachers are poorer than those of the
other schools ; therefore they most need assistance. They are
neither incumbered, nor over-awed by the prejudices of priest-
hood, sect, ceremonial religion, or superstition ; therefore they
are more likely to accept advice. Government is able to
supply all these desiderata. And, in return, these schools are
able to teach those people, whom Government most wishes
to be taught.

The Persian schools are mainly kept up by that class, from
whom Government draws most of its employees. The attain-
ments of the pupils are merely linguistic. They are pronounced,
by those who have observed them most, to be not capable of
material improvement. There is little or no chance of making
them better than they are. They stand less in need of extra-
neous assistance. The advantage then of their being aided by
Government at any cost or trouble is questionable. At the same
time their existence is not without its use, supposing that
they tend in any way to spread a knowledge of Persian among
the landholders. Mr. Adam says that, in the Lower Pro-
vinces, “ Persian must be pronounced to have a strong hold
upon native society.” Such was also the case a few years
ago in the Upper Provinces ; but of late years the Delhi Society
has done much to supplant Persian and to substitute Urdu.
Persian is of course the key to Urdu : the written charac-
ter of the two languages is the same. And Urdu is the legal
and the fiscal language of the country — the special tongue of
that class, which furnishes the officials of Government. Mr. Fink,

IN THE N. W. PROVINCES.

201

in his first report on the Agra district, enters at some length
into this subject, and recommends that the Persian schools be
excluded from the patronage of Government, on the ground
that the Persian and Urdu languages are worse than useless,
and should be forthwith abolished. There are few things
more difficult, even for the most powerful Government to accom-
plish, than the abolition of the language spoken by any portion
of its subjects: and, as there is no probability of Urdu falling
into desuetude, the landholders are immediately interested in ac-
quiring that tongue. We think with Mr. Fink that the Persian
schools are undeserving of Government support ; but we think
so, not because Persian and Urdu are unworthy to be taught, but
because the schools will not accept the practical improvements
which might be grafted upon them, and because the object in
view, namely, the diffusion of Urdu, may be effected in another
and a better way.

The Sanskrit schools, if they could be made to work with any
efficiency, might be really useful. Some languages are so admira-
ble in their structure, that they offer the finest field of exercise for
the human intellect. Sanskrit is certainly one of these. Its
lexicology undoubtedly tends to elevate and enlarge the Hindi
dialects ; and thus rich resources would be thrown open to peo-
ple, who are precluded by inborn taste and prejudice from
learning any other tongue except the cognate languages of
Hinduism, and have therefore no other means of improv-
ing the medium through which they think and convey their
thoughts. But schools, like those which have been hitherto
tested (we mean of course the village Sanskrit schools), can do
no good to any one. One advantage however is conferred by
all Sanskrit schools. They popularize the Nagri character.
The common Hindi or Kaythi character varies exceedingly.
It is at the best uncertain, and is often illegible. But it is of
course perfectly possible to teach Hindi at the schools in the
Nagri character.

The indigenous Arabic schools require no comment, the in-
struction given in them being merely parrot-learning and
“ cranT’-knowledge.

The preceding considerations lead us to the conclusion that
of all the existing schools by far the most important are the
Hindi. They are evidently the medium through which any
momentum must be primarily communicated to the popular
mass. Of the other two classes, the Persian schools, though
not without their advantages, are. on the whole, but little deserv-
ing of patronage ; and the Sanskrit may as well be left alone,

c c

202

VILLAGE SCHOOLS AND PEASANT PROPRIETORS

unless they can be placed on a different footing, and made to
change their modus operatidi.

It remains to be seen what effect the new Government plan
will produce upon existing institutions, and what further im-
provements it will originate.

In Paragraph 15 of the Resolution, it is stated that the “ sanc-
tion of the Hon’ble Court of Directors at present authorizes the
introduction of the scheme into eight districts.” The following
are the districts selected : — Agra, Muttra, Mynpuri, Etawah,
Eurruckabad, Allygurh, Bareilly, Shahjehanpur. It will be re-
membered that operations had been already commenced partially
in five districts, namely, Agra, Muttra, Mynpuri, Bareilly, and
Benares. These are all included in the present scheme, except
Benares, which is pronounced to be too distant from the other
districts. We observe also that indigenous education in that
district appears to be at a very low ebb. It has only ninety-five
schools; whereas some districts, such as Bareilly, have nearly five
hundred, and several districts have between three hundred and
four hundred. It is not here intended to institute any accurate
comparison, inasmuch as the relative size of districts, the num-
ber of villages, &c., should be taken into account. But at all
events, there would be but comparatively few schools in the
Benares district to work upon. Of the eight districts now se-
lected, it will be observed that the five first, namely, Agra, Mut-
tra, Mynpuri, Etawah, and Furruckabad, belong to, (and in
fact comprise the whole of) the Agra Division. The reason
of the selection is clear. In these the pioneers of education
had been working ; and all five lie compactly together, and
are close to the seat of Government, under the immediate
eye of the highest authorities. One, namely, Allygurh, be-
longs to the Mirut division, but it is conterminous with the
above-mentioned districts, and is near to Agra. The remain-
ing two, namely, Shahjehanpur and Bareilly, belong to Rohil-
cund. The latter had been the scene of former operations. One
of the most influential and flourishing of the Government
schools is situated there. The district can boast of more indi-
genous schools than any district in the provinces ; and great
interest in native education has been evinced by the local
officers. We are not aware that Shahjehanpur possesses any
special recommendation; but it contains a large number of
schools, and is contiguous to Bareilly.

The agency, through which the scheme is to be carried out
in these several districts, is thus constituted in Paragraph 7 : —
“ There will be a Government village school at the head quar-

IN THE N. W. PROVINCES.

203

ters of every Tuksildar. In every two or more Tuksildaris,
there will be a Pergunnak visitor ; over these a Zillak visitor
in each district ; and over all a Visitor General for the whole of
the Provinces/'

The Government village schools are to be constituted as fol-
lows : — The school-master is to draw a salary of from ten to twen-
ty rupees per mensem ; besides which, he may collect what fees
he can from his scholars. Thus, in point of position and emo-
lument, these school-masters will be better off than any of the
most-favoured school-masters of the indigenous schools, and
five times better paid than the Hindi teachers, who usually
scrape together only three rupees per mensem. The course
of instruction is to consist of reading and writing the Hindi
and Urdu languages, accounts, and mensuration of land accord-
ing to the native method ; and, whenever practicable, instruction
is to be added in the elements of geography, history, and
general subjects.

The remarkable feature in this course is the introduction
of the Urdu language. We do not find in any of the reports
the reason stated for the non-existence of any Urdu schools.
The same want of Urdu schools is perceptible in Bengal and
Behar. Mr. Adam remarks thereon as follows : — “ The absence
of Urdu schools for the Mussulman population, corresponding
with the Bengali and Hindi schools for the Hindus, may
explain in some measure the great degradation and ignorance
of the lower class of Mussulmans, when compared with the
corresponding portion of the Hindu population ; and the first
step to their improvement must be to supply this defect.” We
have before explained the reason for concluding that Urdu is a
language, which all landholders, who wish to look after their own
concerns, must learn. Persian schools are useful only so far forth
as they contribute to diffuse the knowledge of Urdu : but the
best way to attain that end is to establish Urdu schools at once.
In them, arithmetic, mensuration and other practical sciences
can be conveniently taught ; whereas the Persian schools will
not suffer the introduction of these useful branches into their
system. The best plan therefore obviously is to go straight to
the fountain-head, to found Urdu schools, and let them super-
sede entirely the Persian.

We have pointed out the importance to landholders of the
Settlement papers and the Collector’s record. It vitally con-
cerns them to consult these papers, and they are all written in
Urdu. We have shown that it is the landholder’s interest to
understand the revenue system. Now the regulations, circulars,

204 VILLAGE SCHOOLS AND PEASANT PROPRIETORS

notifications, Government orders, &c., are all written in Urdu.
The Government Gazette is translated into Urdu. This lan-
guage is therefore quite as necessary to landholders as Hindi.
Its introduction into the Government system of Vernacular
education is a novelty, and a great step in the path of im-
provement ; but these schools are not in any way to rival or
interfere with the indigenous schools already established by
private exertions. To prevent any such contingency, the terms
of admission are to be higher than those usually demanded in
the village schools. Free admissions are only to be granted
under special circumstances. In the Agra district, it had been
discovered, that the free admission to the Government school
injured the attendance at the indigenous schools; and it was
also found that this gratis system crowded the institution with
the lower orders, while the higher orders, who could pay, were
deterred by the fear of unworthy associations. (See Mr. Fink’s
Eeport). In several parts of the country it has been observed that
the teachers of the indigenous schools had been alumni of the
Government institutions. In the same way it may be reason-
ably hoped, that in the Tuhsildari schools may be formed a
nucleus, from which teachers may be drawn to scatter enlighten-
ment among the villagers. A set of competent teachers is a great
desideratum. The Hindi teachers are universally represented
as rude and ignorant : and Urdu teachers there are none. One
of the most approved portions of Lord John Russell’s late
educational plan was that which provided for the school-mas-
ter’s station, emoluments, and respectability. Government has
done much, and seems likely to do more, to provide a class
of qualified teachers. It rests with the people to give them em-
ployment.

The duties of the Pergunnah Visitor are varied and impor-
tant. They have but little to do with the Tuhsildari schools ;
their business lies in the villages. They are to visit all the
towns and villages in their jurisdiction, and to ascertain what
means of instruction exist. Where there is no school, they will
urge the people to found one ; they will aid in procuring a
qualified teacher : they will provide books. They are to examine
and encourage all schools which they find in existence, and to
communicate with the teachers. Wherever these offers of assis-
tance are accepted, the schools are to be placed on their lists :
necessary books would be procured for them, the boys would be
examined, the most deserving noted, rewarded, and granted free
admissions to the Tuhsildari schools. Meritorious teachers are
also to be rewarded, and vested with the power of granting these

IN THE N. W. PROVINCES.

205

admissions. The Pergunnah Visitors are to receive from 20 to
40 Rs. a month.

Over the Pergunnah Visitors will be placed a Zillah Visitor
in each district, on a salary of 100 to 200 Rs. per mensem. He
is to carefully overlook the Tuhsildari schools, and to hold
periodical examinations. He will see that the Pergunnah Visitors
do their duty, will test their reports, and decide on the bestowal of
the prizes they may recommend. A sum of 500 Rs. per annum is
to be placed at his disposal for distribution in this manner. He is
to furnish an annual report on the state of education throughout
the district. The Pergunnah Visitors statements will of course
form the basis of this compilation ; but he is expected to make
investigations on his own part. These enquiries will comprehend
every kind of education, public or private, whether conducted in
the families of individuals or in schools, whether included or not
in the Pergunnah Visitor’s list. The nature of the various kinds
of instruction is also to be specified. He is further to be the
agent for the distribution and sale of school-books, and will
receive a commission of 10 per cent, on all the sales which he
may effect. These officers are in a position to do much good.
The results, which attended the labours of Mr. Fink and his
native assistants in the district of Agra, may furnish a fair crite-
rion of what may be accomplished by means similar to those
now placed at the disposal of the Zillah and Pergunnah Visitors.
Mr. Fink and his subordinates constantly visited all the villages
which supported schools. They distributed books, awarded
prizes, obtained free admissions for the most deserving scholars
to the Government schools, procured efficient teachers, and expos-
ed incompetent teachers. The period of the experiment com-
menced in April 1844, and closed in April 1847. Mr. Fink died
during the course of the latter year. The total number of in-
digenous schools rose during this period from 225 to 284 ;
the total number of scholars from 1,999 to 3,061. Each
successive year added about one-fourth to the aggregate number.
The year 1848, when the guiding hand was removed, exhibited
a slight decrease.

The present scheme would influence in a similar manner the
following number of indigenous schools already existing : —

In tlie Agra Division

Rohilcund Division. J ”

t i)

District of Allygurh

Mirut Division

District of Shajehanpur
Bareilly

1,003

296

452

276

Total ... 2,027

206 VILLAGE SCHOOLS AND PEASANT PROPRIETORS

We are unable to state the exact number of Tuhsildaris in
the eight districts, and therefore we cannot estimate accurately
the number of new schools which will be established; but we
will venture to say that, on an average, there are not less than
six Tuhsildaris for each district, and probably seven. However
take six as the number, and that will give forty-eight schools
for the eight districts.

We may judge of the untouched ground, which lies open for
the exertions of the Zillah and Pergunnah visitors, by the fol-
lowing figures : — *

In Muttra there are 9,960 towns and villages ivithout{ not having)schools.

„ Mynpuri 1,880

„ Etawah 1,460

„ Agra 1,296

„ Furruckabad ... 1,845

„ Shajehanpur ... 2,718

,, Bareilly 3,698

„ Allvgurk 1,780 — 24,132, total number of villages, towns, &c.

without schools.

There would then be eight Zillah visitors and some thirty
Pergunnah visitors. These officers will have to assist and
encourage about 2,000 schools already existing ; and besides,
they are to administer persuasion, and to endeavour to diffuse
education among twenty thousand towns and villages, that have
no school whatever. Verily it cannot be said that their sphere
is a contracted one !

The Visitor General is to supply the subordinate agency, and
to supervise the working of the whole, and to furnish an annual
report on the state of education in the several districts under
his charge. He will have the power of granting free admissions
to the Government colleges to a certain number of the most
promising youths, who come under his notice. To this office
a covenanted Civilian has been appointed. The revenue
authorities are to lend their most cordial assistance ; and
operations are to be conducted as much as possible in con-
cert with them. It is clear from this that the support of
the most influential authorities is to be directed towards the
furtherance of the scheme. It was represented by Mr. Fink,
that native officials were likely to offer secret and indirect
opposition to the spread of education among the people, inas-

* The number for Muttra ( taken from the tabular appendix to Report for 1847-48)
appears unintelligibly large. The number of mouzahs as given in the statistical
manual, is 1,029, and the number of towns and villages inhabited and uninhabited is
1,019. If this number, viz. 9,960, should be materially wrong, as we suspect it is, a
considerable diminution must be allowed in our sum total of towns and villages
without schools.

IN THE N. W. PROVINCES.

207

much as it was their interest to be the sole possessors of know-
ledge. We do not think that much apprehension need ever have
been entertained on this score. A few Putwaris might perhaps
offer their mite of opposition ; some of them shrewdly re-
marked to Mr. Fink, that their occupation would be gone,
when Zemindars could read and write. Even had not the
revenue authorities been enjoined to render every practicable
aid, the appointment of a Civil Servant would be quite sufficient
to crush anything like active opposition, directly or indi-
rectly offered. He will necessarily have had practice in revenue
matters, will be conversant with the agency employed by Govern-
ment, will have been habituated to controul native subordinates,
and will have acquired some insight into the character of the
agricultural population. The principal enemy to be striven
against is a passive one, namely, the vis inertias of the people.
We shall conclude this summary of the Government scheme
by quoting at length the twelfth paragraph of the Resolution: —
“ It will be observed that this scheme contemplates drawing
forth the energies of the people for their own improvement,
rather than actually supplying them with the means of instruc-
tion at the cost of Government. Persuasion, assistance, encou-
ragement, are to be the means principally employed. The great-
est consideration is to be shown to the feelings and prejudices
of the people ; and no interference is ever to be exercised, where
it is not desired by those who conduct the institutions. The
success of this scheme will chiefly appear in the number and
character of the indigenous schools which may be established.
The poor may be persuaded to combine for the support of a
teacher; the rich may be encouraged to support schools for their
poorer neighbours; and all the schools, that are established, may
be assisted, improved, and brought forward.”

Imperfect as our treatment of the various matters involved in
this great question may have been, yet enough has perhaps been
written to show that the primary object of this educational
scheme, namely, the rousing of the people to exertion by means
of their interest in the land, is the crowning point and the corner-
stone of our revenue system. The agricultural population are
fortunate in having thus placed before them the happiest of all
motives to exertion, the adjudication and definition of their
dearest rights. Fortunati nimium , sna si bona norint , agricolcs.
The law can only help those who will help themselves ; the Go-
vernment has accorded rights, which it rests with the people them-
selves to preserve. That most powerful of all weapons — know-
ledge, limited though it be, is now offered to the landholders. Will

208 VILLAGE SCHOOLS, ETC. IN THE N. W. PROVINCES.

they grasp it ? Will they wield it for their own welfare ? Who,
that looks upon Western Europe, can despair ? From what has
been, we see what may be accomplished. Vast as are the diffi-
culties which meet us here, can they be more vast than those
which met the reformers of landed tenures, and the ministers
of education in France, Germany, Prussia, or Switzerland ? In
India* the agriculturists form so large a portion of the whole
population, and the mode, in which the land-tax is levied, does
so keenly and directly affect their daily comfort, that revenue
reforms gladden the hearts and brighten the homes of a
people, and are for ever freshly and affectionately remembered.
The deeds of the Great Moguls, their public works, their roads,
their canals, their dykes, have all but perished : a few ruins are
all that remain “ to say ‘ here was or is ” but the revenue system
of Akbar Shah — that is not forgotten : the remembrance of it lives
in the minds of a grateful nation. So also, if vernacular edu-
cation should consolidate our revenue system, should render the
landholders themselves capable of guarding the rights assign-
ed to them at the Settlement, and of bequeathing the inheri-
tance to their children, then we may believe that, in a future
age, when the British rule may have passed away, when our
roads, canals, and colleges may have been mingled with the
dust, yet the good settlement will not be forgotten by pos-
terity. It is to be devoutly hoped that those, who are entrusted
with the carrying out of this educational scheme, which may
add so much to the usefulness and stability of our fiscal ar-
rangements, will catch some portion of the spirit of those great
men, who have laboured so successfully for the agricultural
populations of Europe — of the Steins and the Hardenbergs of
the past, of the Pestalozzis, the Vehrlis, the Fellenbergs, the
Ottos of the present; and that in this, as in all other measures,
may be exhibited the feeling of the new national anthem — <f God
save the People.’

* In the N. W. P. out of a total population of twenty-three millions, fifteen
millions are agricultural.

KASHMIR IN THE OLDEN TIME.

209

Art. VII. — Raja- tar ang in i, Histoire des Rois da Kachmir ,

iraduite et commentee par M. A. Troyer. Paris. 1840.

Reference has been made in a former number of this
Review to Kashmir, as connected with recent events, and with its
political relations to the Panjab. The object of this article is to
call attention to the condition and history of this lovely valley,
previous to the Muhammadan conquest of India — a period, which,
though not pregnant in events interesting to the lovers of
modern history, may suggest various topics of useful thought,
for those who are fond of exploring the obscurities of Indian
affairs in the days of the Ramayan and Mahabharat.

The light thrown on the former state of India by the Mac-
kenzie MSS., the disclosures made by Buddhist travellers,
linguistic investigations, &c. shew that knowledge and civilization
spread in India from North to South. The English are the only
conquerors of India, who have reversed this process by proceeding
from the South. The others established the chief seat of their
power in or near Central India. All the great scenes recorded in
those interesting epics, the Ramayan and Mahabharat, and in
the beautiful dramatic writings of the Hindus, are laid in
Ariavarta, or the land between the Vindhya Hills and the
Panjab. And Central India, the land so fully brought to our
notice in Tod's Rajasthan , was the country round which the
events clustered, which told on the great destinies of India.

The information, communicated by Professor Wilson in his ad-
mirable Essay on Kashmir, and by M. Troyer, seems to indicate
that the beautiful valley of Kashmir, secluded from the gaze of
the world, and removed from the line of the conqueror’s route,
formerly served as a point d’ appni for the efforts of the
religious and political conquerors, who poured down on India
from the plains of Ariana. Religious propagandists in India, like
the monks of the middle ages, often chose for their seats such
sequestered nooks : thus Tamluk on the borders of the Sunder-
bunds, “ the holy city of Buddhism” — Parasnatli, the lovely
hill to the north of Burdwan, “ the Sinai of the Jains ” — Bali,
in the Eastern Archipelago, to whose recesses the persecuted
Brahmans of Java and the Eastern isles retired — with many
other similar spots, were the favored nuclei, from which streams
of moral and social influence flowed over different parts of the
continent of India. The wonderful discoveries made of late by
ethnological research and philological affinities invariably point
to the North as the focus of civilization. Ritter, the greatest
geographer perhaps of the present age, considers Kashmir with

D D

210

KASHMIR IN THE OLDEN TIME.

Butan and Thibet, to be the intellectual cradle of the Hiudus,
though even those places were not the primeval sources of their
civilization. The Brahminical tribes, when they crossed the
Hindu Kush, like the Pilgrim Fathers landing in New England,
carried with them the seeds of a prior civil and religious polity,
sufficient to indicate that it is vain for the votaries of Hinduism
to boast of their religion having always been indigenous to the
feelings and views of the masses of Indian population. They
crossed the Hindu Kush, and settled as invading foreigners
among the prostrate Sudras of the north of India.

As an illustration of these, and other kindred subjects, we
know few books, in modern times, that are likely to prove of
such utility as the work on Kashmir by Kalhana, the Pandit.

M. Troyer, the Editor of a valuable edition of this work,
was formerly Secretary to the Sanskrit College of Calcutta.
With the aid afforded him there by learned Pandits, he com-
pleted this translation of the Raja-tar an gini from Sanskrit into
French, which has been published at the expense of that use-
ful body, the Asiatic Society of Paris. He possessed the ad-
vantage of being able to consult various eminent Pandits,
who have since died, but have left few successors equal to
them in historical or antiquarian lore. In fact, we think
that the interests of Sanskrit literature are quite as well up-
held by the Pandits of Nadiya, as by those of the Govern-
ment Sanskrit College in Calcutta. Certainly the alumni of
the latter institution are very deficient in historical and geo-
graphical information ; and we should think the study of such
a work, as th q Raja-tar an gi?ii, as a part of their College course,
would contribute very much to guide their minds into the channel
of historical research, in which Pandits take very little interest.
The Hindu mind, involved in the mysteries of metaphysics,
treated with contempt historical studies, as conversant only
with the shadows of time — Maya, while the learned aimed
at the abstractions of pure psychological truth. At the same
time they were singularly inconsistent in being so attached to
poetry ; — for even their Dictionaries and codes of Law are indited
in verse. In the dearth of Sanskrit historical works, these beau-
tiful mirrors of Indian life, the Sanskrit Dramas, which Pro-
fessor Wilson has brought so effectively before the world, afford
us valuable hints on various points, connected with Hindu society
— the manners of a court — the liberty allowed to females, &c. ;
while, in the beauty and richness of their similes and imagery,
the knowledge shewn of human nature and human passions, they
may rank with the productions of Alfieri, Kacine, Calderon,
Goethe, or even of our own Shakespeare.

KASHMIR IN THE OLDEN TIME.

211

Kalhana, one of the writers of the Raja tar ang ini , “ the
Orpheus of the valley,” was the son of the Prime Minister of
Kashmir, and lived in the twelfth century. He was a contem-
porary and fellow-countryman of Soma Deva, the author of the
Vrihcit Katha , a work containing a most interesting series of
tales in Sanskrit, which throw much light on the manners and
religion of the Hindus, and in fact furnished materials for
the Arabian Nights. They have been printed, with a trans-
lation in German, by Brockhaus of Paris. Harsha Deva, the
author of the Naishadh Charitra , was also a fellow-country-
man of his.

Kalhana was an enthusiastic admirer of poetry, and composed,
in verse, “ The daughter of Memory, ” his history, which was
compiled from the works of seventeen historians, who preceded
him, as well as from the archives of the temples. Like his
fellow-countrymen, he was well versed in metaphysics, which he
describes as being “ a mine containing many precious stones,
which, when free from incrustations, can be wrought into jewels
for the enrichment of the world.” The Buddhist system, in its
history and doctrines, was also familiar to him. In the faith-
fulness of his descriptions, he certainly does not stand inferior
to any modern historian, and would often obtain the preference
in point of impartiality. Kalhana was no mere hero-worshipper,
though living in a slavish day, when the doctrine of “ the right
divine of Kings to govern wrong” was held all over the world ;
yet he boldly states his opinions on these subjects. “ In all
ages, Poets and Kings enrich their possessions by plundering.
The former steal verse, the latter the goods of another. — A king
destroj's him, who has served to elevate him to his dignity, as a
wood-cutter hews down the trunk of the tree, which has enabled
him to command a view of the forest. — Who will not become a
prey to kings, when their cupidity is excited, as ants become the
spoil of the smooth tongue of the porcupine ? — The lion kills
even while crouching, the adder in embracing, the Yetala in
laughing, the king while praising.”

Kalhana, though immeasurably inferior to Kalidas, the Indian
Shakespeare, in beauty of expression,yet, like orientals in general,
uses “ variety of similes.” We give a few specimens. A king,
not controlled by his ministers, is compared to a “ diamond, that
is not cut by other minerals, but itself cuts precious stones.”
Aryaraja, who, like Charles V., abdicated the throne, and refused
to become king again, “ raised his eyes to heaven, and was content
with the empire of his soul ; he never resumed the reins of power,
as a snake does not take the slough, which it has once cast
away.” “ Bajah Siddha could not contract any defilement,

KASHMIR IN THE OLDEN TIME.

213

though surrounded with sensual pleasures, as the image of the
moon is not soiled by the filth, from which it is reflected."
“ The King Parvarasena did not associate with his neighbours,
as the lotus, delighting in the favour of the sun, shuns any
immersion in the water." “ Fortune unites herself to King
Chandrapida, leaving defects with other kings, as a river depo-
sits its muddy particles on its mountain route, and mixes its
purified waters with the ocean."

We will not compare Kalhana, for obvious reasons, with the
modern historians of Europe ; but he certainly may rank with
such writers as Ferdusi, and Abul Fazil ; and, considering the
disadvantages he laboured under, the age in which he lived,
and his little intercourse with foreigners, he may be entitled to
say like Ovid —

Exegi monumentum eere perennius.

His history of Kashmir will ever remain as a proof of the
capabilities of Hindus (when they choose to exert them) for his-
toric writing.

Circumstances connected with this work of Kalhana’s, point
out the importance of orientalists at present using every effort,
in order to secure the preservation of MSS. Although this MS,
was formerly so common, that every Hindu family of rank
possessed a copy, and though it was translated into Persian b v order
of the Emperor Akbar, who encouraged in various ways translations
from the Sanskrit into Persian, yet forty years ago there were
only three authentic copies extant ; and one of these was procur-
ed by Moorcroftfrom a Pandit, as a mark of gratitude for his hav-
ing cured him of what was considered an incurable disease. It
is most singular that no enquiries, to our knowledge, have
ever been made respecting the MSS. deposited with Pandits in
Nadiya, though for six centuries it has been the chosen resort of the
learned from all parts of Bengal, and no doubt various hidden
treasures may be brought to light in this as in other places. Let
the Asiatic Society of Bengal take up the subject of the collec-
tion of MSS., with a kindred zeal to that of Colonel Mackenzie in
Southern India, or of Colonel Tod in the North, and we feel as-
sured, that ere long documents, as valuable as the Haja-tarang in i,
will be forthcoming, as well in Kashmir, as in Bengal. No aid in
this, we fear, is to be expected from the Government of Bengal,
who at present seem to prefer that their most valuable papers
should rot in their archives, rather than allow them to be used for
the advancement of science and literature. But in marked con-
trast to this, the Government of the North Western Provinces
have shewn a very different spirit, and have encouraged, by every
means in their power, statistical and oriental research.

KASHMIR IN THE OLDEN TIME.

213

That the history of Kashmir runs back to so early a period as
fifteen centuries B. C. (Herodotus makes mention of Kashmir),
may seem incredible to some ; but this date is not so very impro-
bable, when we consider that the streams of religion and civiliza-
tion, like the waters of the Ganges, have proceeded from North
to South. The settlement of Agastya in the South, the
foundation of the Pandyan and Chola kingdoms, Barn’s expe-
dition to Ceylon, (like the French expedition to Algiers, a chas-
tisement of savage tribes) — all took place at least ten centuries
before Christ; and, though in the history of the Back Wood Set-
tlements of North America, wre have extraordinary instances of
the rapidity with which colonization progresses., yet in ancient
days, matters moved on a far more moderate scale. Now,
taking the data derived from the Raghu Vansa and other
works, it must have occupied a considerable time, previous
to the tenth century B. C., before Brahmanism could have
penetrated from Aria Yarta (Central India) and Kashmir to
the Dekhan, even making full allowance for the victorious
armies of Bam, which, though like Napoleon’s, they may have
over-run a continent, would yet require other and more per-
manent influences to establish a national faith.

The history of Kashmir becomes important at the time,
which may be reckoned the commencement of the historic age in
India — the war of the Mahabharat, when the races of Northern
contended for the prize of empire with Southern India ; in fact
the Pandava race, which acted so prominent a part in the war
of the Mahabharat, was probably of Kashmirian origin, as there
is strong historical evidence in favour of the fact that Pandu
was a native of “ the happy valley.” The early existence of
Brahminical institutions in Kashmir, which were as much iden-
tified with the political supremacy of the Pandu race, as the
ascendancy of Bomanism in the Netherlands was with the rule
of Philip II., confirms this. The assaults of the Bakshases, the
fights of Suras and Asuras, though dressed up with poetic ima-
gery, yet, when viewed in the light of historic criticism, sim-
ply refer to the struggles for religious superiority between the
Brahminical invaders and the aboriginal inhabitants of the land.

At an elevation of 6,000 feet above the sea-level, surrounded
by the lofty ranges of the Himalayas, whose tops are buried in
everlasting snow, the valley of Kashmir presents one of the
most interesting points in India to the traveller. Like the
valley of Nepal, it was originally a lake, and was dried up, either
in consequence of an earthquake, or by that elevating process,
which has changed Bengal, from a bay into a valley. Yet, in-
teresting as is its physical conformation, its history is equally

214

KASHMIR IN THE OLDEN TIME.

so, as it dates from a very remote period. We have an account
in the Mahabharat that the kings of Kashmir took part
in the “ Great War.” In modern times, its chief claims to
attention have been Ranjit Sing’s influence, its magnificent
shawls, the beauty of its women, and its lovely scenery, which
made the Emperor Jehangir declare that he would rather lose
his throne than lose Kashmir. But we shall notice it now
solely in connection with its history previous to the Muliam-
rnaddan invasion, and with the important work, which we have
placed at the head of our article, and which is highly
creditable to the judgment and indefatigable research of its
editor, Monsieur Troyer- We hope that the Raja-tarangini will
soon reach a second edition, and that the blunders made by
the printers in figures, which render the references to the
Sanskrit slokes in various places useless, may be corrected, and
also that the editor will separate the Sanskrit words to a greater
extent. Wherever the rules of Sandhi do not prevent, every word
ought to be separate. The Pandits love to have the words all
joined together, as it renders their aid more necessary, and
gives an air of mystery to “the language of the gods;” but
the object of European philologists ought to be, to open wide
the portals of this magnificent language, and to facilitate by
every means the study of a tongue, which is now essential
even to European linguistic studies, and a key to the feelings,
thoughts, and ancient condition of the vast population of
India.

This history of Kashmir gives us little insight into the man-
ners and mode of living of the 'people. The kings generally
acted on the maxim of a modern ruler — Vetat , c’est moi ; and
historians seem to adopt it by filling their works with details of
the butcheries and intrigues of ruthless conquerors. The only
classes of women, whom Kalhana mentions, are courtesans
and queens. These queens seem to have exercised on various
occasions great political power, and to have ruled their minis-
ters, as much as Elizabeth ever did One of them Diddha, the
Messalina of Kashmir, was noted for her extraordinary pro-
fligacy, rivalling any thing that is recorded of Catherine of
Russia.

It is the same with the men. Indeed the very name, Rcija-
tar an gini or “river of kings, ” indicates the existence of only
two classes — despots, and serfs. The doctrine of legitimacy
was the only one recognized in the valley of Kashmir, and
the personal character of a monarch was regarded as no-
thing in comparison with his office. The notices, recorded of
some of those monarchs, call before our memory the days of

KASHMIR IN THE OLDEN TIME.

215

Napoleon. “ The people,” says Kalhana, “ knew of the pre-
sence of the monarch only by the birds of prey, eager to
feed on the carcasses of slaughtered warriors.” But Kalhana
Pandit gives a view of conquerors more conformable to Chris-
tian morals, than many Christian writers do, when he des-
cribes their glorij “ though scattering everywhere its rays, yet
productive of terror, like the glare of a funeral pyre.” There
are no such eulogies pronounced on warriors and princes by
Kalhana the Brahman, as were uttered ad nauseam by Mas-
sillon, and the Court Preachers in the churches of “ Le Grand
Monarque.” Many of these kings seemed to have quieted the
stings of conscience, like the monarchs of the middle ages, by
founding edifices for religion — Buddhist temples after a life of
slaughter ! Others, however, rendered eminent service to their
country by the construction of canals, embankments, and roads.
A question has been raised as to the period when bunds were
first made in Bengal. No answer can be given to this : but
we find that, perhaps 3,000 years ago in Kashmir, monarchs
spent the wealth of kingdoms in constructing them on a mag-
nificent scale, and one king lent all his royal treasures to the
engineer, who erected a series of embankments round the
valley. It has been stated, that, previous to the advent of
Christianity, there had been no hospitals: but we find that a
king of Kashmir, long anterior to that period, had established
Hospitals and Dispensaries. Some of thesekings, indeed, seem to
have paid far greater attention to the physical comforts of their
subjects, and to the making of good roads than any European con-
querors have done in India. TheMarquis of Wellesley is the only
Governor-General, who planted trees along the sides of roads to
give shade and refreshment; but it was a very common practice
among the Kashmirian monarchs. It is highly creditable to
Lord Ellenborough, that when the public presented him with
a service of a plate, as a token of their approval of his Indian
career, had his own wishes been consulted, he would have pre-
ferred the money to have been spent in planting rows of trees
along the Grand Trunk Boad, as a more useful memorial.

The ancient Kashmirians were well acquainted with certain
branches of practical science, as the forming of embankments,
mining,* coining, sculpture, and architecture. The drama, which
exercised so important an influence in the development of the
Hindu mind, was brought to a high state of cultivation. Learned
men were highly respected. In the reign of Jayapira, “ the
name of a Pandit was held in greater repute than that of a king.”

• The traces of mining operations, found in the Rajmahal hills and the Birbhum
district, as well as in other remote parts of India, indicate, that the Hindus of former
days possessed a skill in these things, which their successors have not maintained.

21 6

KASHMIR IN THE OLDEN TIME.

Another king, Matrigupta, deposited a new drama, presented to
him, in a vase of gold to indicate his sense of its value. The
educated classes won their way to the highest offices of the state ;
and we have an account of one man, who was chosen king in con-
sequence of his profound learning. The Kashmirians are still
distinguished for their manufactures of shawls and paper ; but we
question whether they ever attained the mechanical skill of the
people of Dacca.

The recognition of the system of caste and the penalties
affixed to the loss of it, in the Raja-tarangini , does not favour
the views so ably maintained by Colonel Sykes, in his “ Notes
on the Ante-Mahommedan state of India,” in which he advocates
the opinion, that caste did not exist as a religious distinction
in ancient India. Even in Hinduism, we have traces of primi-
tive practices, in the general mixture of all classes, allowed at
the festival of the Huli and in the temple of Jagannath.

The rite of Sati, “ a lotus bed resplendent with flames,” was
practised at an early period ; and we find also that the Brahmini-
cal custom, formerly so rife at Benares, of sitting Dliiirna , was
also in fashion. Sanyiasis were held in high favour, and, in the
time of one of the kings, named Arya, it is stated “ The articles
of fashionable dress were ashes of burnt cow-dung, rosaries, and
matted locks of hair.”

The Raja-tarangini confirms the testimony, borne by the Hin-
du dramas, as well as by the ancient Hindu writings, to the fact,
that in former days women enjoyed a considerable extent of
liberty, went abroad, and exercised great influence even in a
political way : thus, Damodara, one of the early kings of
Kashmir, fought on account of a Syamlara , or lady allowed to
choose her husband. This was a very ancient custom. The
suitors were drawn up in a line, and the lady threw a garland
of flowers round the neck of the object of her choice.

Incidental light is thrown by the Raja-tarangini on Foreign
countries : thus Benares became the Buddhistical retreat of Ma-
trigupta, when he abdicated the throne of Kashmir : Mathura
was besieged by the first king of Kashmir: Bengali pilgrims
visited the temples of Kashmir : Ceylon is said to have been
invaded by two kings of Kashmir, one of whom planted the
banners of Kashmir on Adam’s Peak : Lalitaditya, the Napoleon
of Kashmir, penetrated in his career of conquest to the Tartars
of the North, and the Draviras* of the South — the sources of
the Ganges and the Bay of Bengal witnessed the triumph of his
arms, while the king of imperial Kanauj rendered him homage :
Gaya paid revenue to Kashmir : Gonerda led a Kashmirian

* The people that speak Tamul.

KASHMIR IN THE OLDEN TIME.

217

army to the aid of Jarasandh, the King of Magadh (Bahar) :
Paravarasena subdued the Governor of Dacca ; "while Baladitya
erected pillars of victory on the shores of the Bay of Bengal;
and the daughter of the King of Pragyatish (Asam) was mar-
ried to a King of Kashmir. Casual references of this sort,
derived from various works, will enable the future historians of
India to draw much safer inferences, than are at present deduced
from a few books, with reference to the connexion, political,
literary and social, between the different parts of India. Pro-
fessor Lassen of Bonn has made a commencement in this
respect in his Indische Alterthum, in which, by his indefati-
gable research in exploring all sources of information, Puranio
or Epic, he has shed a flood of light on various obscure parts
of the Mahabharat. This great work will remain a noble monu-
ment of his critical research.

The Ophite, or snake-worship, system practised by the Nagas,
who were Highlanders, existed at an early period in Kashmir.
It may have been the first form of religion that prevailed there,
as our author states that the first line of Kashmir kings were
unworthy of record, on account of their disregarding the reli-
gion of the Vedas, which perhaps refers to their being adherents
to the Naga worship. In the days of Abul Fazl, the prime
minister of Akbar, there were 700 places for snake- worship
in the valley. But this superstition was not confined to
the valley. The Puranas and Harivansa give many details
respecting the prevalence of Ophiolatry in India. The same
motive, that led the Hindus to adore objects of influence,
whether for utility or destruction, would also induce them to
revere the snake — “ the emblem of eternity, ” and “ symbol of
life,” whose poisonous power is so fatally felt in India. Traces
of this primitive form of idolatry in India are still to be seen in
remote districts of India, while the snake is a very common
figure in Hindu temples. The image of Krishna trampling on
the snake was probably designed to symbolize the overthrow of
the aboriginal religion, which was destroyed by the same Brah-
minical power, as Parasuram used in defeating the Kshetryas.
We have seen an earthen vessel, having three heads. of the
cobra on it, which is an object of worship in the Jessore dis-
trict. The references to snake-worship are frequent in the
Puranas and Mahabharat, and give clear evidence that this
form of aboriginal idolatry became incorporated into the Hindu
pantheon, which, like the Roman, recruited its numbers from
the gods of all people, whether Buddhists, or snake-worship-
pers. Late years have witnessed in Bengal the adoration
of Ula-uta , the goddess of cholera ; Sitala, the deity of the
small-pox ; and Dak shin Ray (King of the South), the patron

E E

218

KASHMIR IN THE OLDEN TIME.

against floods and tigers ; but these have not been established
sufficiently long to claim a niche in the same temple with
Krishna and other heroes exalted into deities.

Previous to the coming of the Brahminical race into Bengal, the
people who now occupy the Hills of Bajmahal, Birbhum, &c. &c.,
probably lived in the plains, and were subsequently driven by
the tide of foreign conquest to their Highland fastnesses. In
Kashmir, in a similar way, the aboriginal races were the Nagas,
Gandharas, and Dheradas, who were all Ophites, or serpent
worshippers. But in the course of time foreign invaders
from the table lands of Ariana introduced the Buddhist and
Brahminical systems, by their possession of superior physical
power and intellectual energy. The lunar race of kings were
Buddhists, and the Brahmans had the Kshetryas, or military
class, as their allies. They supplanted the religion of the
Nagas, or mountaineers, just as wherever the Moslem banner
waved, or the Koran was chaunted, the crude superstitions,
which overlaid Christianity in the middle ages, gave way to
the traditions of the Mecca legislator. Though the Nagas
seem to have been a very powerful race, and at one time to have
exercised great political sway, yet they could not withstand the
sapping effect of Buddhistical influence, which resorted both to
the arsenals of argument and of physical force, in order to pro-
pagate the dogmas of Sakhya Muni. The Ophite, or snake-
worship, system seems at last to have to a great degree
been amalgamated with Hinduism ; in fact it spread very
widely, as the general use of the symbol of the dragon in the
Chinese rites shows. The proselyting zeal of the Buddhists
was founded on the principle “ that they do not desire wisdom
for themselves alone, but for the preservation of the world.”

Subsequently, in Kashmir, a fierce struggle took place be-
tween the Sivites and the Buddhists. These two religions then
existed contemporaneously, as they do in the island of Bali in
the present day, and in some cases the one melted into the other.
But, though many dogmas were held by the Sivites and Buddhists
in common, and, notwithstanding the ingenious arguments drawn
from the monuments in Bali and Java by Dr. Tytler, in order to
show that the two systems had a common origin, we cannot con-
ceive how the bloody rites of Siva could have any affinity to the
peaceful tenets of Buddha. Yet Buddhism itself was in practice
occasionally warlike ; for when it had fixed its roots at an early
period in Kashmir, the first thirty-five kings, being Buddhists,
were very active in propagating their creed, and had no scruples
in appealing to the sword to carry out their religious plans.
One of them, Meghavahana, at the head of a conquering army ,
preached on the duty of extending mercy to every thing that

KASHMIR IN THE OLDEN TIME.

219

has life ! He pensioned from the revenues of the State all the
hunters and butchers in his dominions, as his regulations de-
prived them of the means of gaining a livelihood. We thus
see in the case of the Indian Buddhists, as well as of the Mu-
hammadans, how religion removes that physical inertia and
apathy, so characteristic of Asiatics generally.

At the period (A. D. 399) when Fa Hian, a Chinese Buddhist
priest, visited Tamluk, Buddhism was in the ascendant, not only
in Kashmir, but also in Tartarv, Khotan, Scinde and Agra. Asoka
left monuments of his Buddhistical zeal, in the valley of Kash-
mir, and on the borders of the Bupnarayan at Tamluk, in
those magnificent towers, which long stood to attest the liberal
hand with which he supported his religious views. But in tbe
10th century, Ivhamagupta, King of Kashmir, the Aurungzebe
of his day, destroyed the Buddhist images and burnt the mo-
nasteries. No doubt a change must have taken place in public
opinion to justify him in resorting to such measures, like that
which occurred, when Henry VIII. found popular and aristocra-
tic sympathy in favour of hi3 measures for sequestering the
property of the monasteries.

When Kalhana wrote, the worship of Siva was predomi-
nant. This system prevailed in the South of India at the
commencement of the Christian era, and was in the ascendant
every where except in Telingana, where the people were Vish-
nuvites. Sivism seems to have had various points of accordance
with Buddhism; and, when the Sivites embraced Buddhism,
they were allowed to retain their titles and family distinctions.
But when Abul Fazl visited Kashmir in 1582, the Vishnu-
vites had gained the ascendancy. There are now, according to
Hamilton, in Kashmir, sixty-four places dedicated to Vishnu, and
forty-five to Siva. In fact the whole of Kashmir is considered
by the Hindus to be holy ground, and the struggle between the
Sivites and Vishnuvites now occupies the same place in history,
as that formerly between Brahmans and Buddhists.

The Buddhist, as well as the Brahminical, religion seems
to have been propagated in Kashmir through the patronage of
the State, and, above all, by what has been adopted in modern
times so successfully by the Moravians — religious colonies .* Con-
nected with these, were Mats , or edifices, which, combining the
joint uses of a church and seminary, gave weight and local power
to the priesthood. It was in fact the principle of resident pas-

* The importance of religious colonies is brought of late more prominently before
the public. We have the projected settlement of Canterbury in New Zealand for the
members of the Anglo-Episcopal Church, and of Otago in the same island for the
members of the Free Church of Scotland. It is felt that mere codes of laws, or rules
cm paper, are not enough to form character ; the links of neighbourhood, acquaint
tance, and association of ideas, must be of a favourable kind also.

KASHMIR IN THE OLDEN TIME.

520

tors and a parochial system, which gave these religions a fixity in
the country, just as Musalman colonization raised up an indige-
nous Muhammadan agency in India. The monastic system of
Europe in the middle ages, by which agricultural and social im-
provement was diffused as from an oasis through the wilds of a
lone district, was adopted to a great degree in Kashmir, and in fact
in all countries, where Buddhist principles had any ascendancy.
“ The Buddhist priests in their Yiharas employ all their time in
instructing the youth, in reading, writing, religion, history, and
the principles of law.” Their monasteries were nuclei for
social advancement, where the ignorant received instruction, the
poor relief, and the sick the best medical treatment known.
Buddhism also, like Methodism in England, owed much of its
influence to the system of itinerancy. The mendicant friars
of the middle ages acted on a similar plan : but neither Metho-
dists nor Friars could exceed the energy and self-denial of
Buddhist missionaries. In fact their proselyting zeal equals
any recorded in modern time — of St. Francis Xavier, or that
of the Jesuits in India and South America. The Raja-tarangini,
in its emphatic Sanscrit style, characterises them.

The Buddhists , whose power is increased by an itinerant life.

We have now taken a summary view of the chief political and
religious points connected with Kashmir in former days, without
going into minute details. We trust that more attention will
he paid to the former history of this and other countries in
the North Western Provinces : for, in order to adopt measures
suitable to the character and habits of a people, we must know
their former pursuits, and those associations, the growth of
centuries, which retain such a firm hold over the mind. Abstract
theories wrought out by men, who never knew India, are often
as ridiculous as that of the Liverpool merchant, who, forty years
ago, despatched a cargo of skates to Calcutta. The more the
ancient literature of the Hindus is studied, the better judges
will we be, from a knowledge of the national character, how
to apply remedial measures to existing evils. We therefore
think that, even on the ground of utility, the publication of
such works as the Raja-tarangini is most valuable. While we
condemn the religious and social system of the Hindus, let us
at the same time admire whatever has a redeeming quality in
their ancient literature. The ties of sympathy will thus be
drawn closer; and we shall remove one of the barriers, which our
haughty and exclusive manners, as foreigners, place between us
and the teeming millions of the East, on whom we wish to con-
fer both moral and religious good.

CHRONOLOGY OF THE CREATION,

221

Art. VIII. — 1. The Chronology of Creation ; or. Geology and
Scripture reconciled. By Thomas Hatton, F. G. S.f Captain ,
Bengal Army. Calcutta . 1850.

2. A general view of the Geology of Scripture , in which the
unerring truth of the inspired narrative of the early events
of the world is exhibited and distinctly proved, by the corro-
borative testimony of physical facts, on every part of the
earth's surface. By George Fair holme. Esq . ( American
Reprint .) Philadelphia. 1834.

3. The Ninth Bridgewater Treatise. A Fragment. By Charles
Babbage, Esq . London. 1837.

4. Twelve Lectures on the connection between Science and Re-
vealed Religion, delivered in Rome, by the Right Rev. Ni-
cholas Wiseman, D. D ., Bishop of Melipotamus. Second
Edition. London. 1842.

5. On the Relation betiveen the Holy Scripture and some parts
of Geological Science. By John Pye Smith, D. D., F. R. S.,
and F. G. S. Divinity Tutor in the Protestant Disse?iting
College at Homerton. Third Edition , with many additions.
London. 1843.

0. Foot-Prints of the Creator ; or, the Aster olepis of Stromness.
By Hugh Miller, Author of the Old Red Sandstone , dec.
London. 1849.

The heading and running title of this article may haply
induce the supposition, that we are about to deviate from the
path that has been hitherto followed in the choice of subjects
for treatment in the pages of the Calcutta Review. This is
not the case ; or, at all events, the deviation about to be
perpetrated is not a very large or important one. While
the element of orientalism, that is, a direct and easily per-
ceptible connexion with “ India and the East,” has been ever
regarded as an essential condition of the admissibility of an
article into the main body of the Review; the accident, as it
may be called, of Indian publication, or even Indian author-
ship, has, from the first, been recognised as constituting a claim,
on the part of a book, whatever be its subject, at least to a
brief examination in the department of Miscellaneous Notices.
The only irregularity, then, of which we are guilty, consists
in the transference of the present article from the one depart-
ment to the other. This transference is made simply on ac-
count of the length to which a notice of such a work as Captain

222

CHRONOLOGY OF THE CREATION.

Hutton's must necessarily extend, if aught like justice is to be
done to it, or to the important subject of -which it treats. We
have added, indeed, the titles of two or three books on kindred
subjects, because we shall have constant occasion to refer to
them ; but we desire it, for several reasons, to be distinctly under-
stood from the outset, that our article is not to be regarded as a
regular treatise on so large a subject, but mainly as a somewhat
extended notice of the book, whose title occupies the first place
at its head, and whose publication is the occasion of the ap-
pearance of the article.

Setting out from the incontrovertible axiom, that all truth is
consistent with all truth, we come by a single step to a point
where we must pause to make a choice betwixt these five con-
clusions ; viz. (J), That the Mosaic account of the creation of
the world, and the deductions from geological science respect-
ing its antiquity, are both true, and are consistent with each
other ; or (2), that they are both false, but still consistent with
one another ; or (3), that the Mosaic account is correct, and the
geological doctrines incorrect; or (4), that the geological doc-
trines are true, and the Mosaic narrative erroneous ; or (5), that
Moses and the Geologists are both wrong, while still their seve-
ral doctrines are inconsistent with each other. There is no
other alternative within the range of possibility, inasmuch as
two propositions, both true, must be consistent ; but if they be
both false, they may be either consistent or inconsistent ; and if
one be false and the other true, they must be inconsistent. Be-
sides the necessary consistency between two truths, and the neces-
sary inconsistency between truth and falsehood, and the possible
agreement and possible disagreement between two falsehoods,
there is no other case even supposable. The question at issue
in the present case may, however, be somewhat narrowed by the
immediate rejection of the second supposition, the probabilities
against it being altogether overwhelming. “ Truth is one, error
is manifold and it is altogether so improbable as to be virtu-
ally impossible, that Moses and the Geologists, so differently
situated, and subjected to so widely different influences, should
have fallen upon the same individual one of the tens of thou-
sands of possible errors. We may also leave out of view the
fifth case supposed, viz., the erroneousness of both accounts ;
since, whatever may be the case respecting minute details,
there cannot be any reasonable doubt that, respecting the gene-
ral question, with which alone we occupy ourselves, truth lies
somewhere either within the domain of physical investigation,
or within that of historical testimony. Indeed, the great ques-
tion at issue being as to the antiquity of the earth, it may be so

CHRONOLOGY OF THE CREATION.

223

stated as to exclude altogether the supposition of the two ac-
counts being at once false and mutually contradictory ; as thus, —
Was the earth created about six thousand years ago , or at a
much earlier period ? If the former , how can the Geological
phenomena be explained ? If the latter , how can the Scrip-
tural narrative be explained ? We have now therefore to con-
cern ourselves only with the three possibilities, that the his-
torical account may be true and the geological erroneous ; or
the geological true and the historical erroneous; or lastly,
that both are true, and that the apparent inconsistency between
them is only apparent.

If we were to treat the question historically, it would not be
difficult to assign a period, during which each of these beliefs
has been in the ascendant, and that in the order in which we
have stated them. Before the origin of Geology as a science,
(and its origin is within the memory of many yet alive) the
great mass of those who had the Bible in their hands of course
gave implicit credence to the Mosaic account. In the infancy
of the science, when facts began to be observed, and too hasty
generalizations — as is usual in the infancy of a science — began
to be deduced from them, the great majority of those who as-
sumed to themselves the name of Geologists took up with the
idea that the Mosaic narrative is inconsistent with observed and
indisputable facts ; and with this idea they dealt according to
their several tastes and inclinations. Some secretly, and others
openly, willing to discredit the scriptural testimony, were not
slow to maintain that the testimony is utterly false, and that
the book which contains it, and the whole collection of books
of which it is the first, should be henceforth rejected as altoge-
ther unworthy of credit. Others again, thoroughly convinced,
on other grounds, of the substantial verity of holy writ, yet
unable to explain the phenomena in a manner consistent with
the narrative, or to explain the narrative in a manner accordant
with the phenomena, were somewhat disquieted, though not
alarmed, at the advantage which infidelity seemed to have
acquired ; —

And the boldest held his breath — for a time.

This period of suspense did not last long. We are safe in say-
ing that there is now scarcely a single Geologist of any note,
who does not hold to the belief that the history of the creation,
as recorded in the book of Genesis, is a veritable history of the
transaction, and is capable of being reconciled with tbe facts
that are indisputably ascertained by investigation ; although
there is still considerable difference of opinion as to the mode

CHRONOLOGY OF THE CREATION.

221

in which the reconcilement is to be effected. Thus, in the his-
tory of this question, the actings of men’s minds with respect to
their belief in the inspired narrative have been in strict ac-
cordance with Lord Bacon’s terse statement as to their act-
ings in regard to Theism : — “ It is true that a little philoso-
phy inclineth men’s minds to atheism ; but depth in philosophy
bringeth men’s minds about to religion.” It is very interesting
to notice the uniformity with which this process has been de-
scribed with respect to almost all branches of science, as admir-
ably evinced by Dr. Wiseman in the work whose title is pre-
fixed to this article. The almost unvarying stages have been,
first, undoubting belief in the scriptures; second , doubts cast on
their truth ; third , ascertainment that there is no contradiction
between Science and the Bible ; and fourth , the confirmation of
the truth, and illustration of the meaning, of the Bible, by means
of scientific discoveries. In the case of the matter before
us, the first two stages are passed over already ; the only ques-
tion now is whether we be in the third or fourth stage.

Such being the present state of opinion respecting the ques-
tion, and our present subject leading us more especially to
the consideration of the harmony between the Mosaic account
of the creation, and the ascertained facts of Geology, we shall
pass over, with very little notice, the supposition that either the
one or the other — the statement or the facts — are unreal, and
shall nearly confine ourselves to a notice of some of the at-
tempts that have been made to evince the mutual consistency
of the Mosaic and geological accounts.

The scriptural statement has been generally understood to
declare that the world was created at a period somewhere about
G,000 years ago ; that the whole creation was effected in the
space of six days, up to the commencement of which days no
portion, even of the matter of which the earth consists, had
existence; and at the end of which days, the earth existed sub-
stantially in the same state in which it exists now. The facts
that present themselves to the observation of Geologists are
generally supposed, on the other hand, to indicate that the crea-
tion of the matter of which the earth is composed, was effected
at a very much earlier period, and that a very long period of
time was occupied in the creation, from first to last ; that many
races of animals existed and perished before the presently exist-
ing species were created ; and particularly that not five days,
but many thousands of years, elapsed, between the original
creation of the material components of the earth, and the time
when the human race was called into being; and that, dur-
ing a long portion of this very long period, the earth was not

CHRONOLOGY OF THE CREATION.

225

in a chaotic bat in a habitable state, and was actually inhabited
by numerous races of animals that lived and moved and had
their being upon it, and whose bodies were subsequently mingled
with its dust. Moreover, it is generally understood to be as-
certained, that these races of animals were not created all at
once, but that some races had existed and become extinct before
others were created.

Men differ considerably, as might be expected, as to the de-
tails of the explanation to be furnished of the phenomena ; but
few are now so hardy as to attempt to deny the phenomena altoge-
ther. A mere statement of the straits, to which such attempts
of necessity reduce those who make them, will suffice for our
present purpose, and will comprehend all that we have got to
say in reference to the supposition, that the geological phenomena
are unreal. It will be at once seen, that the main difficulty to
be got over is to account for the fossil remains that exist in such
vast numbers in the various strata every where. It is clear that
there is but one way of meeting this difficulty, in accordance
with the plan of those whose views we are about to state.
There is nothing that will serve their turn but a bold and braz-
en-faced denial of the trustworthiness of the human senses,
and a confident assertion that, for aught we know, things may
not be at all what they seem. We are indebted to Dr. Wiseman
for the mention of several writers who have thus boldly set them-
selves in opposition to the common sense of mankind. “ Per-
haps, (says that eloquent writer), you will hardly believe me
when I say, that, for many years, the fiercest controversy was
carried on in this country (Italy) upon the question, whether
these shells were real shells, and once contained fish, or were only
natural productions, formed by what was called the plastic pow-
er of nature, imitating real forms. Agricola, followed by the
sagacious Andrea Mattioli, affirmed that a certain fat matter,
set in fermentation by heat, produced these fossil shapes. Mer-
cati, in 1574, stoutly maintained, that the fossil shells, collected
in the Vatican by Sixtus V., were mere stones, which had re-
ceived their configuration from the influence of celestial bodies ;
and the celebrated physician, Fallopio, asserted, that they were
formed, wherever found, by ‘ the tumultuary movements of
terrestrial exhalations.’ Nay, this learned author was so adverse
to all ideas of deposits, as boldly to maintain, that the pot-sherds,
which form the singular mound, known to you all under the
name of Monte Testaceo, were natural productions — sports
of nature to mock the works of men. Such were the straits to
which these zealous and able men found themselves reduced to
account for the phenomena they had observed.”

F F

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CHRONOLOGY OF THE CREATION.

Thus far Dr. Wiseman. But it is not alone in Italy, and
three centuries ago, that such statements were made; else
we might be disposed to hint to Dr. Wiseman that we could
give a reason for our having no difficulty in believing his
assertion, that men were found bold enough to cast to the winds
the most undoubtful testimony of their own and other men’s
senses. We are sorry to be obliged to confess that such
hardihood is not confined to the country and the period,
where and when men were schooled to such boldness, by being
required to believe the doctrine of transubstantiation, in oppo-
sition to the equally undoubtful testimony of the same senses.
In our own Protestant England, and in our own day, we find a
class of writers expressing precisely similar sentiments. We
find, for example, one of this class of writers, the Rev. J. Mel-
lor Brown, as quoted by Dr. Pye Smith, “ looking with evident
complacency to the hypothesis that ‘ Almighty God may, by the
mere fiat of his power, have intentionally brought every rock
and stratum, every fossil leaf and shell and bone, into its present
form and condition in other words, that the strata are not strata,
that the leaves and shells and bones are not, and never were,
leaves and shells and bones, but that they are merely ingeni-
ously contrived semblances of such things. Now, it were vain
to deny that, in some cases, objects may be supposed to belong
to one class of fossils, which do, in reality, belong to another;
as the leaf of a fern may be mistaken for the back-bone of a
fish, or vice versa ; and as the ammonites, which so abound at the
mouth of the Humber and elsewhere, were once regarded, and
by the peasantry are still regarded, as headless snakes.* It may
also be freely admitted that it is very probable that some objects
may be regarded as animal or vegetable remains, which are not
really such ; while it cannot be doubted that multitudes of such
remains are as yet unrecognised. But, making all due allow-
ance for probable error, we are just as sure, respecting hundreds
of thousands of fossil objects, that they are what they appear
to be, as we are certain that any of the other objects, by which
we are surrounded, are what they are commonly understood
to be.

Such notions as those under notice are, by some, supposed

* See Mansion, Canto II. —

They told, how in their convent-cell,

A Saxon Princess once did dwell,

The lovely Edelfled:

And bow, of thousand snakes, each one
Was changed into a coil of stone
When holy Hilda prayed ; —

Themselves within their holy bound
Their stony folds had often found,

CHRONOLOGY OF THE CREATION.

227

to indicate a more than ordinarily strong regard for the author-
ity of scriptural testimony; but they do in reality sap the
foundation of all testimony whatsoever, and open a door for
the introduction of a universal and most ruinous scepticism.
“ Whoever contradicts our senses (says Archbishop Tillotson,
while speaking of transubstantiation) undermines the foundation
of all certainty.” It is strange that writers of this class should
not see at once that, in their zeal for the authority of scripture,
they give admittance to a principle which would utterly annihi-
late that authority. We speak not now of the havoc they so
relentlessly make in all the arguments from design and wisdom
manifested in the works of creation — sweeping away Natural
Theology at once from the encyclopaedia of the sciences. But
we would call attention to the fact, that the Bible itself would
become a virtual nullity under their mode of treatment. The
argument of Gibbon against transubstantiation is unanswerable
when urged against the views in question. If our senses can-
not be trusted to distinguish between a skeleton and the sem-
blance of a skeleton, how shall we claim for them, or rather for
one of them, the power of discriminating between a letter and
the semblance of a letter ? How shall it be proved that there
is any reality in the scriptural narrative ?

Between the admission of the general accuracy of the testi-
mony of our senses on the one hand, and the pure Hindu
doctrine of Maya , or universal illusion, on the other, there is no
resting place where consistency can be maintained. We must
either go the whole length with that common sense, which
teaches us to place confidence in the clear intimations of our
own senses and those of other men, or we must go the whole
length with the Hindu sages, who represent all such indications
as utterly false, and the universe as a phantasmagoric deception.
In the one case we shall be consistently right, in the other con-
sistently wrong. In every other case there must of necessity be
a portion of truth and a portion of falsehood, which can by no
possibility cohere. We are perfectly serious in stating our firm
conviction that the notion under notice lays the axe to the root
of all truth ; and even if the notion itself were true, it is one that
it were well for its discoverer most religiously to conceal. Yea,
conceal it he must ; for it is impossible for language to enun-
ciate it without at the same time refuting it ; for how is it
possible for us to declare that we can know nothing, without at
the same time stating that we do k?iow at least one thing — to
wit, that we know nothing — and implying our knowledge of
many other things ?

We have said enough now — some of our readers may think

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CHRONOLOGY OF THE CREATION.

a little more than enough, as to the opinions of those who deny
the geological facts, and who think thereby to vindicate the
authority of the Bible. Although we so love the Bible our-
selves as to be disposed to regard with considerable leniency
the errors into which men may be led by a sincere but indiscri-
minating love of it, we must protest against the idea, which all
such errors as we have spoken of tend to originate and foster,
that the Bible requires any such violent measures for the vindi-
cation of its authority, or the defence of its doctrines : —

Non tali auxilio, nec defensoribus istis,

Tempus eget.

However, we have now done with those who deny the geolo-
gical facts ; henceforth our concern is with the interpretation
of the facts.

Wc should next notice the attempts that have been made to
get rid of the supposed contradiction between Geology and
Scripture, by a denial of the latter, equally bold with the
denial of the former that we have just noticed. But it would
lead us a great deal too far, and into regions moreover which
we have no desire to traverse, were we to take any notice of the
merely infidel assertions that were rife in the days to which
Dr. Chalmers alludes, when he speaks of “ Geology arising from
the depths of the earth, and entering into combat with a revela-
tion, which, pillared on the evidence of history, has withstood
the onset;” and again, when he speaks of the attempts made
to “shiver the evidences of our faith by the hammer of the
mineralogist.” To state and refute these attempts would be, we
trust, a needless task ; we therefore gladly confine ourselves to
a notice of the denial, by professing Christians, of the authority
of the narrative of the creation. As a fair specimen of the
mode in which this denial is supported, we shall have recourse
to Mr. Babbage, whose professed (and undoubtedly sincere)
object is to vindicate the authority of the Mosaic narrative,
and to rescue it from the hands of those rash interpreters,
who, by attempting to explain it in such a way as to increase its
accordance with the undoubted facts of Geology, might, as he
fears, shake the confidence that men ought to entertain in its per-
fect truth. This he attempts to do, by shewing that we are not at
all certain of the genuineness of the passage ; nor, if this were
ascertained, are we at all certain of the meaning of the words
of which it is composed. Perhaps it is too much to expect our
readers to take this statement of Mr. Babbage’s sentiments on
our assertion, and indeed it is always most satisfactory to state
any sentiments, that we have occasion to controvert, in the
words of their own advocates. It will be observed that Mr,

CHRONOLOGY OF THE CREATION,

220

Babbage is arguing against those who hold sentiments similar
to those that we have just come from discussing — those who, out
of zeal for the authority of scripture, deem it necessary to deny
the fact3 of Geology. Here is what he says of the genuineness
of the Mosaic record : —

Those, however, who attempt to disprove the facts presented by obser-
vation, hv placing them in opposition to revelation, have mistaken the
very ground work of the question. The revelation of Moses rests, and
must necessarily rest, upon testimony. Moses, the author of the oldest of the
sacred books, lived about 1,500 years before the Christian era, or about
3,300 years ago. The oldest manuscripts of the Pentateuch at present
known appear to have been written about 900 years ago. These were copied
from others of older date; and those again might probably, if their history
were known, be traced up through a few transcripts to their original author ;
but no part of this is revelation ; it is testimony. Although the matter
which the book contains was revealed to Moses, the fact is, that what we
now receive as revelation, is entirely dependent on testimony.

The meaning of this cannot be mistaken. The object is to
shew that to contradict the Pentateuch, as it now stands, is
merely to contradict the transcribers through whose hands
it has reached us. It is to vindicate a supposed revelation,
which nowhere exists, and which we have no earthly reason
to believe ever did exist, at the expense of that revelation which
is in our hands. So much for the genuineness of the record.
Now for what is said of the language in which it is composed.
Our quotation goes on from the point where we just broke
it off : —

Admitting, however, the full weight of that evidence, corroborated as it
is by the Samaritan version ; nay, even supposing that we now possessed the
identical autograph of the book of Genesis by the hand of its author, a
most important question remains — what means do we possess of trans-
lating it ?

In similar cases we avail ourselves of the works of the immediate pre-
decessors, and of the contemporaries of the writer ; but here we are ac-
quainted with no work of any predecessor ; of no writing of any contem-
porary; and we do not possess the works of any writer in the same
language, even during several succeeding centuries, if we except some few
of the sacred books. How then is it possible to satisfy our minds of the
minute shades of the meanings of words, perhaps employed popularly ; or,
if they were employed in a stricter and more philosophical sense, where are
the contemporary philosophical writings, from which their accurate inter-
pretation may be gained ?

Mr. B. proceeds to illustrate the matter by supposing the
parallel case of the interpretation of a passage in Shakespeare,
on the supposition of our having none of the works of his pre-
decessors, none of those of his contemporaries, and very few of
those of his successors. He then goes on : —

The language of the Hebrews, in times long subsequent to the date of
that book, may not have so far changed as to prevent us from rightly

230

CHRONOLOGY OF THE CREATION.

understanding generally the history it narrates ; but there happens to he
no reasonable ground for venturing to pronounce with confidence as to the
minute shades of meaning of allied words, and on such foundations to
support an argument opposed to the evidence of our senses.

We quite agree with Mr. Babbage as to the last sentiment
expressed in this extract ; as we have already intimated that
we have no sympathy whatever with those against whom he is
arguing. But we do most decidedly protest against the line of
argument that Mr. Babbage adopts, while dealing with our com-
mon antagonists. In point of fact there is not a shadow of
reasonable doubt as to the genuineness of this portion of the
Pentateuch ; neither is there any difference of the slightest
moment among Hebraists as to the proper translation of it.
The interpretation is quite another matter, which will claim our
notice anon.

The result then is that Mr. Babbage would have us virtually
ignore the Mosaic account altogether, as if it were impossible
for us, first of all to know whether the account which we now
possess is the Mosaic account at all; and then, as if it were equal-
ly impossible to ascertain the meaning of the account that we
actually possess. It is not very easy to believe, and yet we do
believe, that Mr. Babbage’s real object is to save the Bible from
the rude encounter of the Geologists, to which he supposes
that the indiscretion of its defenders has exposed it. He
would save the credit of Moses by withdrawing him from the
conflict altogether ; and then he would save the Mosaic narrative,
or what is generally received as such, by enveloping it in a
cloud of impenetrable obscurity. We may well ask — Gui lono'l
If this passage of scripture is to be vindicated in this way, why
may not all ? — and so the Bible is to be defended at the expense
of its own existence.*

* We are sorry to be obliged to say that this is not the only instance of singular
inconsequence, occurring in a very delightful work, which has been suggestive to us
of several thoughts which we regard as valuable. In the chapter on “Hume’s argu-
ment against miracles,” Mr. Babbage says: —

“ The difficulty which is frequently experienced in understanding this argument,
appears to arise from the circumstance that a double negative is concealed under
the words, ‘ its falsehood would be more miraculous than' [In the following sentence ; —
‘The plain consequence is, that no testimony is sufficient to establish a miracle,
unless the testimony be of such a kind that its falsehood would be more miraculous
than the fact which it endeavors to establish.] For in Hume’s argument the word
‘ miraculous ’ means improbable, although the improbability is of a very high degree.
The clause then reads. —

“ Its falsehood would be more improbable than —

“ Which is evidently equivalent to

“ Its truth would be less improbable than —

“ Which is again equivalent to

“ Its truth would be more probable than —

Replacing this in Hume’s argument, it stands thus: —

“ ‘That no testimony is sufficient to establish a miracle,. unless the testimony be

CHRONOLOGY OF THE CREATION. 231

Very nearly allied to the mode of procedure now adverted
to, is that of a numerous class, who, without so absolutely setting
aside the Mosaic account as Mr. Babbage would do, yet pass
it over, making little or no account of it, professing that be-
cause the Bible is meant to teach something else than Geology,
we are not to look for aught else than a popular account of the
creation of the world, and one that would be intelligible to persons
without scientific preparation for understanding it. Thus, for
example, Dr. Buckland, after stating a method of reconciling
the two accounts, to which we shall ere long have occasion to
advert, concludes thus : —

It should he borne in mind, that the object of this account was not to
state in what manner , but by whom , the world was made. As the prevailing
tendency of men, in those early days, was to worship the most glorious objects
of nature, namely, the sun and moon and stars, it should seem to have been

of such a kind, that its truth would be more probable than the fact which it endea-
vors to establish.’

“ The argument is now reduced to the mere truism, that

“ ‘ The probability in favor of the testimony by which a miracle is supported, must
be greater than the probability of the miracle itself.’ ”

Now, it is very certain that Hume’s argument is not this ; that he was not quite so
foolish as to argue that a smaller amount of testimony would be sufficient to establish
the most miraculous fact than would be necessary to establish the most probable.
The argument is not that the probability of the truth of the testimony must be
greater than the probability of the fact, but that it must be greater than the improba-
bility of the fact, so as to cover or neutralize that improbability, and leave a surplus of
positive probability. It is not difficult to perceive where lies the fallacy of the method
whereby Mr. Babbage has reached so strange a conclusion. It will be patent at once
if we only complete the sentences which he has left imperfect.

Its falsehood would be more improbable than the fact is improbable —

= Its truth would be less improbable than the fact is improbable. —

= Its truth would be more probable than the fact is improbable.

This is so clear, that we should perhaps apologize to our readers for dwelling upon
it so long ; but, an apology being confessedly necessary, it will be just as easy to
make it for a greater as for a smaller fault, atid therefore we shall venture to exhibit the
argument in a way that may make Mr. Babbage’s fallacy still more palpable to some
minds. This may be effected by the adoption of a simple mathematical symbol,
Hume’s proposition is this : —

In order to establish a miracle, —

Improb. of falsehood of test, must be ~7 Improb. of the perform, of the mir.

Consequently, — Improb. of truth of test, must be Z. Improb. of the perform, of
the mir.

Or — Prob. of truth of test, must be ~7 improb. of the perform, of mir.

Thus is Mr. Babbage’s interpretation of this celebrated argument shewn to be
equally repugnant to common sense, to Logic, and to Algebra ; and now for the in-
consequence with which we have ventured to charge him. Immediately after giving
this statement of what he supposes Hume’s argument to be, he sets himself
to the refutation of the argument itself ; and does refute it in a way at once
elegant and convincing, both in the text and in a valuable note, without ever hinting
that it is the real argument that he is refuting, and not his absurd version of it.
Yea, a few pages further on, he states the argument quite correctly, without appearing
to be in the least aware that this statement of it is utterly opposed to that which he
had previously given.

Since we have taken upon us thus freely to discuss' the demerits of the “ Ninth
Bridgewater Treatise,” it is but fair to say, that if our subject had led us to speak of
its merits , we should have found no lack of matter for a much longer digression
than that for which we have again to beg the indulgence of our readers.

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CHRONOLOGY OF THE CREATION.

one important point in tbe Mosaic account to guard the Israelites against
the polytheism and idolatry of the natives around them, by announcing,
that all these magnificent celestial bodies were no gods, but the work of
One Almighty Creator, to whom alone, the worship of mankind was due.
— ( Bridgewater Treatise.)

To a similar purpose is the following argument, by a writer
less known indeed than Dr. Buckland, but whose work we have
no hesitation in pronouncing an excellent one — Mr. Trimmer : —

What can be gathered from the brief account of the creation contained
in the first chapter of Genesis, more than this, that the world was not self-
existent and eternal ; that it was called into being by the fiat of an Al-
mighty Creator; and that, though he could have produced it in an instant,
clothed, as we now behold it, with plants, and furnished with inhabitants, it
was his pleasure to proceed gradually in the work of creation ; and that
man was the last, as he is tbe uoblest, of his Maker’s works ? And what, we
would again ask, is there in the phenomena of Geology inconsistent with
this ?

Now, we would submit that this is not the fair view of the
case. While it is quite true that the object of the Bible is not
to teach its readers Geology, and while it is not to be expected
that it should contain any particular account of the geological
formations; while, moreover, it is expressed in popular and plain,
rather than in philosophical or strictly accurate, language, it
is true also that it details the process of creation at considerable
length. The historical narrative that it gives has been all along
understood by its readers as a plain and distinct statement ;
and it is impossible to read it without being convinced that
its author intended that it should be regarded in this light,
as descriptive of an actual transaction, and not merely as
an amplification of the few points of information which Mr.
Trimmer states as its substance. At all events, the main diffi-
culty is evaded, in this and all similar attempts at reconciling
the geologic and scriptural statements, by regarding the latter
as consisting of merely general and vague assertions, which were
never intended to be understood as strictly and literally accurate.
The date of the creation is ascertained by the scriptural narra-
tive ; and although the chronologies of the Hebrew, the Samari-
tan and the Septuagint texts of the Pentateuch do not exactly
accord, that date on the largest computation cannot be removed
so far back as 8,000 years from the present time. Now, what we
may call the catholic geological doctrine, the doctrine in hold-
ing which the great majority of Geologists are agreed, and which
all those of any considerable repute do decidedly hold, is, un-
questionably, that the strata, composing that crust of the earth
which comes within the reach of our observation, have been de-
posited during successive periods, whose aggregate must amount,
not to eight, but to thousands of thousands of years. Every

CHRONOLOGY OF THE CREATION.

233

attempt, therefore, to reconcile the two accounts, which leaves
the chronological difference unaccounted for, we must regard as
an absolute failure.

Having now adverted to some of the principal attempts that
have been made virtually to set aside the scriptural text on the
one side, or the geological text, as it may well be called, on the
other, we have now to speak of several attempts made to shew
that consistency, or at least no contradiction, obtains between
the two records, by a departure from the usual interpretation
of the one or the other.

As soon as a knowledge of the main facts of Geology, especi-
ally those respecting organic remains, came to be generally diffus-
ed, and many men received by hearsay vague reports of these
facts, and many others saw with their own eyes merely so
many geological phenomena as accidentally or spontaneously fell
under their notice, it was too hastily supposed that these facts
afforded strong confirmation of the account of the creation, but
more especially of the deluge, recorded in holy writ. By such
careless observers, and by such non-observers, the mere fact that
thousands of marine shells were found in large numbers at great
elevations above the present level of the sea, was not only regard-
ed, as it very legitimately might have been regarded, as a proof
that at one period the land of our present continents was sub-
merged beneath the waters of the ocean, or the waters of the
ocean raised above the land ; but further it was concluded,
that this submergence took place at the period of the Noacliian
deluge, and was, in fact, nought else than that deluge. Now this
latter conclusion, right or wrong as it might be as to the fact,
was certainly, as a conclusion, unwarranted and illegitimate. But
neither was it right as to the fact itself. Indeed, it was soon as-
certained that it was wholly erroneous ; that, in reality, the strata
indicated not one submergence merely, but several ; and moreover
that not only had such submergences swept certain races of ani-
mals from existence, which seems from the Mosaic record not to
have been the case at the Noachian deluge,, but, what was more
strange and more difficult to account for, that after each sub-
mergence certain new races of animals had been brought
into being, different altogether from those that existed before.
In fact it was clearly ascertained, that there exists a series of
geological formations, each containing the remains of distinct
classes of animals and vegetables, deposited in succession one
over the other ; and that the organic remains are so distinct from
each other, even in the contiguous strata of the same locality,
and at the same time so similar to each other in the correspond-
ing strata of even the most remote localities, that they afford

G G

CHRONOLOGY OF THE CREATION.

234

the means of accurately demonstrating the comparative age of the
strata themselves. It was the determination of this great law ot
the “ characterism” of the organic remains by Dr. W. Smith,
that converted Geology into a science, and earned for Dr. S. the
title of the father of that science. Till then, its facts were a mere
rabble ; thenceforth they were reduced to order, and formed into
troops and regiments and brigades, and into a great and well-ap-
pointed army. Now some Geologists having considered that
4he strata might conveniently, for purposes of nomenclature and
reference, be divided into six main classes, it occurred, not un-
naturally, to some minds, that these six classes of strata might
be none other than the records of the six days of creation. This
idea received a certain degree of confirmation from the fact that
there is a general correspondence between the deposits in the
successive formations on the one hand, and the objects recorded
as having been created on the several days on the other. In-
particular it is known to every one that there are no organic
remains in the lowest rocks of the series, and that we can trace
a general advancement in the organization of the remains, as,
leaving the “ primary ” rocks, we proceed, through the “tran-
sition” series, to the “ secondary” and “ tertiary” formations. One
great element was necessary however in order to effect the de-
sired reconcilement — the element of time; and the introduction
of this element into the Mosaic account forms the first of the
attempts, now under notice, to modify the interpretation of the
scriptural narrative, so as to shew its correspondence with geo-
logical phenomena. The essence of it consists in understanding
the term “ day,” as used in the first chapter of Genesis, as signi-
ficant, not of a solar day of twenty-four hours, but of a long
period of time. We are not aware who first suggested the
interpretation in question ; but it has found considerable favour
with many highly respectable interpreters of scripture. It has
indeed been characterised by some as rationalistic and infidel ;
but it has been propounded by many who are certainly neither
rationalists nor infidels ; and it has been defended from such
charges by many who have not adopted it. Dr. Wiseman for
example says: — “I do not advocate the prolongation of the
days to periods, but I think it very wrong to call men infidels for
doing so.” The writer of the present article has as good a right
as any one, according to the usual wont of apostates, to revile
and vilify the interpretation to any extent ; for he not only ap-
proved of it, but actually wrote and published an argument in
support of it many years ago. We confess, however, that we
still feel a lingering attachment to our first love, although we
have withdrawn from her the undivided homage of our heart.

CHRONOLOGY OF THE CREATION.

235

We first became acquainted with the interpretation in the course
of our study of two works by Mr. Stanley Faber, his Three Dis-
pensations, and his TLoree Mosaicce ; and the exceeding delectation
with which we perused these singularly suggestive works went
far towards recommending to us the doctrine in question. It
was shortly after that we took upon us to publish in a reli-
gious periodical * an argument in favour of the doctrine, the
substance of which, (so far as we recollect it, for we have not
been able to procure a copy of it,) was somewhat as follows.
It was argued : —

1. That the days spoken of in the first chapter of Genesis
were certainly not solar days, inasmuch as the sun was not created
till the fourth of them had begun. Since then the necessity of
the case makes it impossible that the term day can be used in
its ordinary sense, it remains to us to ascertain, by all available
means, in what sense it is used.

2. That the expression, “ every plant of the field before it
was in the earth, and every herb of the field before it grew,” seems
to indicate plants and herbs in an embryo state, the answer to the
question — “ what is a plant before it grows ?” — being apparently
— ' “ a seed.” But if the vegetable kingdom were created in the
state of seeds on the third day, it is clear that the graminivorous
animals could not have been created within forty-eight hours
thereafter.

3. It seems that a considerable length of time must have
elapsed between the creation of Adam and that of Eve. It was
God’s will that our first father should, by experience, find out his
want of a help-meet for him, that so he might, with more lively
gratitude, receive “Heaven’s last, best gift.” But Adam was
not created even at the beginning of the sixth day. How then
could he possibly, before its close, if it were but an ordinary day,
review all the tribes of animals, so as to discover that amongst
them all there was not one fitted to be bis mate, be thrown into
a deep sleep, and receive his rib-formed partner ? God’s works
are independent of time ; but here we have man collecting ex-
perience, the experience of his own feelings ; and this is a work
to which time is an essential pre-requisite.

4. The terms, in which the institution of the Sabbath is allud-
ed to in the fourth commandment of the decalogue, seem to favor
the supposition, instead of being, as has been sometimes urged,
inconsistent with it. The reasoning of the fourth commandment
implies, that we are to rest on each seventh day, in humble
imitation of our Creator, who accomplished the work of creation

* Edinburgh Christian Instructor, for 1835 or ’36.

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CHRONOLOGY OF THE CREATION.

in six days, and rested from his work on the seventh day. Now,
the analogy or correspondence is clearly incomplete, unless we
regard the Divine work of creation as destined to be resumed at
the commencement of the eighth day. But, so far as the heavens
and earth are concerned, (and to these alone the sacred narrative
refers) we have every reason to believe that, since the hour when
God saw his work and pronounced it very good, the work of
creation has been intermitted till the present hour. There are
intimations in the scripture, from which it appears that the time
is not far distant when this creation-work is to be resumed, and,
when new heavens and a new earth are to be constructed out of
the fire-purified materials of the heavens and earth that now are.
If this view of the matter be correct, it will appear that, God’s
rest still continuing, his seventh day is still running its course ;
and that our week, consisting of six working days and one day
of rest, is a precise epitome or reduced copy of the Divine week.
In any other view of the matter, it would seem that the reason-
ing of the fourth commandment is lax and inconclusive, unless
it were intended (as it certainly is not) that the rest succeeding
six days’ labour should begin on the seventh day and be conti-
nued ever after ; in short that man is only to work six days, and
thereafter work no more for ever.

Such are the main arguments that we employed fourteen or
fifteen years ago in support of this interpretation. Our faith in its
accuracy was considerably shaken at a subsequent period, by the
apparent difference of the order of succession of the geological
remains on the one hand, and the recorded works of the several
days on the other. There is indeed a general accordance, but
it must be admitted that there is not such a correspondence in
the detail, as we should perhaps consider ourselves entitled to
expect. Our attachment to it has, to a considerable extent,
been revived by the perusal of two works, that we have read with
a special view to the composition of the present article, and
whose titles we have prefixed to it. The one is Dr. Pye Smith’s
Geology and Scripture ; the other is Mr. Hugh Miller’s Foot-
prints of the Creator. Dr. Smith rejects the interpretation in
question ; but the exceeding feebleness of the arguments, he
adduces with a view to it3 refutation, is to us a ground of pre-
sumption in its favour. Mr. Miller is not led by the nature of
his subject to consider the question fully ; but he clearly shews
his belief of the correctness of the interpretation now under
discussion ; and it is scarcely possible to over-estimate the value
of the testimony on such a subject of such a man — a man who
is so thoroughly conversant with the geological phenomena,
and so rigidly Baconian in his conclusions — a man, re-

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237

garding whose former work, on the Old Bed Sandstone , Sir
Roderick Murchison declared, that he would have given his
right hand to have been able to write it, — and who, in his pre-
sent performance, has so excelled his former self, that the ability
he displays might be cheaply purchased, if purchased it could be
at all, not perhaps by Sir Roderick’s two hands, but certainly
at a large ransom.

For mere purposes of defence, we regard this interpretation
as rendering the scriptural record impregnable. For this pur-
pose, it is sufficient that this, or any other meaning not incon-
sistent with the ascertained facts of Geology, may be the mean-
ing of the scriptural narrative, and that it is impossible for the
oppugners of that narrative to prove that such is not the
meaning of it. To such an extent then at least, we regard
the interpretation as valuable, inasmuch as we can confidently
challenge any infidel whatsoever to disprove it. For this pur-
pose, it is sufficient that it may be correct; the onus of disproof
lies upon the opponents of revelation ; and this onus they
can neither shake off nor sustain. But without now venturing
to be so confident on the subject as we once were, we still
incline to the belief that this is really the meaning of the
Mosaic narrative. We hesitate between it and the interpreta-
tion we are now going to notice, although our leaning is rather
towards that which we have now stated.

Perhaps, however, the majority both of Geologists and Divines
prefer the interpretation, which, as we believe, originated with
a man, to whom, if on such a matter we could be influenced
by deference to authority, we should be disposed, both by
feeling and by conviction, to defer more than to any other man.
That full justice may be done to the interpretation in question,
we shall present it in the words in which it was originally pro-
mulgated by Dr. Chalmers, nearly forty years ago. It has been
repeated in another form in his Evidences of Christianity, and
also, if we mistake not, in some other of his works ; but we shall
give it, as reprinted in vol. xii. of his collected works from the
Edinburgh Christian Instructor , where it originally appeared, in
a review of Cuviers Theory of the Earth , in 1814: —

Should the phenomena compel us to assign a greater antiquity to the
globe than to that work of days detailed in the book of Genesis, there is still
one way of saving the credit of the literal history. The first creation of the
earth and the heavens may have formed no part of that work. This took
place at the beginning , and is described in the first verse of Genesis. It is
not said when this beginning was. We know the general impression to be,
that it was on the earlier part of the first day, and that the first act of crea-
tion formed part of the same day’s work with the formation of light. We
ask our readers to turn to that chapter, and to read the first five verses of it.
Is there any forcing in the supposition, that the first verse describes the

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primary act of creation, and leaves us at liberty to place it as far back as
we may ; that the first half of the second verse describes the state of the
earth, (which may already have existed for ages, and been the theatre of
Geological revolutions), at the point of time anterior to the detailed opera-
tions of this chapter ; and that the motion of the Spirit of God, described
in the second clause of the second verse, was the commencement of these
operations ? In this case, the creation of the light may have been the
great and leading event of the first day ; and Moses may be supposed to give
us not a history of the first formation of things, but of the formation of
the present system. * * * * *

I take a friend to see a field which belongs to me, and I give him a
history of the way in which I managed it. In the beginning , I enclosed that
field. It was then in a completely wild and unbroken state. I pared it.
This took up one week. I removed the great stones out of it. This took
up another week. On the third week, I entered the plough into it : and
thus, by describing the operations of each week, I may lay before him the
successive steps by which I brought my field into cultivation It does
not strike me, that there is any violence done to the above narrative, by the
supposition, that the enclosure of the field was a distinct and anterior thing
to the first week’s operation. The very description of this state, after it was
enclosed, is an interruption to the narrative of the operations, and leaves
me at liberty to consider the work done after this description of the state of
the field, as the whole work of the first week. The enclosure of the field
may have taken place one year, or even twenty years, before the more de-
tailed improvements were entered upon.

Against this we have nothing to say. But the chief difficulty
is, with respect to the heavenly bodies — the sun, the moon,
and the stars, which are recorded to have been made on the
fourth day. Here is the way in which Dr. Chalmers meets the
difficulty : —

The creation of the heavens may have taken place as far antecedently to
the details of the first chapter of Genesis, as the creatioo of the earth. It
is evident, however, that if the earth had been at some former period the fair
residence of life, she had now become void and formless; and if the sun
and moon and stars at some former period had given light, that light
had been extinguished. It is not our part to assign the cause of a catas-
trophe, which carried so extensive a destruction along with it ; but he were
a bold theorist indeed, who could assert that in the wide chambers of
immensity, no such cause is to be found.

Such, substantially, is the method of interpretation which, as
we have said, is probably most in favor, both with Divines and
Geologists. Dr. Buckland supports it in his Bridgewater Trea-
tise, and fortifies it by the opinion of Dr. Pusey, that there is
nothing in the scriptural text incompatible with such an inter-
pretation. The only modification that Dr. Buckland introduces
into the theory is, that he does not suppose that the sun and
moon and the stars were darkened up to the fourth day, and on
that day restored to their light-giving office ; but that on that day,
they were merely “ appointed” to an additional office, “ to give
light upon the earth, and to rule over the day and over the night,”

CHRONOLOGY OF THE CREATION.

239

“ to be for signs, and for seasons, and for days, and for years.”
To us it appears that, at the least, Dr. Chalmers’s view of the
matter is necessary to satisfy the requirements of the narrative.

So far as the mere purpose is concerned of defending the sacred
narrative from the attacks of those who strive to show that it
controverts ascertained truths, and is consequently not itself
true, and therefore not inspired by the God of truth, we think
that either this interpretation, or that we formerly noticed, is
sufficient to render all their attempts nugatory. There is
no reasonable denial of the postulate that the long interval
required for the deposition of all the strata, may have elapsed
in the interval between the “ beginning,” when the material
elements of our globe were created, and the period when they
were arranged as we now behold them. The earth may have
been peopled with those vegetable and animal tribes, whose
remains are now fossilized “ in numbers numberless;” it may
have enjoyed the light of the sun, the moon and the stars,
and been subjected to all those influences to which it is now
subjected through the action of these bodies upon its material
mass; and yet the narrative of what was done in the six conse-
cutive days, during which its temporarily-disordered elements were
arranged in their present form, may be strictly and literally true.
For the purpose of the vindication of scripture, therefore, we
care little which of those suppositions we adopt as to the meaning
of this particular portion of it. We hold it impossible for any
one to show that either of them is illegitimate as an interpreta-
tion of the narrative ; and equally impossible to show that the
narrative, so interpreted, is inconsistent with any one geological
fact. Nor do we sympathize in any degree with the fears so
pathetically expressed by Mr. Babbage, as to the evil consequen-
ces likely to result from thus giving hypothetical interpreta-
tions of a few passages of scripture, as if this would give rise
or countenance to the notion that the scripture gives an uncer-
tain sound, that its interpreters can make quidlibet ex quolibet ,
and that the utmost we can attain to is a vague guess as to its
meaning. Of the two interpretations that we have spoken of,
we confidently believe that one is substantially right, and
the other substantially wrong, notwithstanding that we are not
able to come to a satisfactory conclusion, as to the rightness
or wrongness of the one or the other. The very same thing
in kind happens in the most exact of all the sciences. In
the science of Optics, for example, the emanatory and the
undulatory theory of light are equally capable of accounting
for all the phenomena. And although it is probable that
every optician has a feeling of preference for the one over

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the other, although indeed there are probably very few scientific
opticians now-a-days, who do not think the latter to be much
more likely to be correct than the former, yet no one thinks
he can positively prove the one hypothesis to be correct
and the other erroneous. But what then ? Does any one
ever entertain a doubt as to the soundness of the conclusions of
optical science, because it cannot be decided what that light
really is which is the subject of it ? Assuredly not. And if the
case stands thus with respect to one of the most exact of all the
demonstrative sciences, is it to be wondered at, that a similar
dubiety should occur in the science of interpretation ? Or is
the Bible to be accused of vagueness or indecision, because, on
a subject which is only casually introduced into it, it does not
give us all the information that we might desire, or because we
may not be able demonstratively to prove the accuracy of a
particular interpretation of a particular passage ? Surely, we
may well wait for more light on the matter, confident that the
scriptural narrative is strictly true, and that in due time we
shall attain to the correct understanding of it. We never hap-
pened to hear as yet of any optician, who deemed that he must
refrain from the study of the phenomena and laws of reflection
and refraction and polarization, until it can be decided, what is
the nature of the light that is reflected and refracted and polar-
ized. Nor is it usual, in any place that we have been accustom-
ed to visit, or in which it has been our lot to sojourn, for men
to shut themselves up in dark rooms, in gloomy and sulky
expectancy of the decision of this vexed question. We have
generally seen the peasant light his dip-light, and the student
his Cambridge reading-lamp, and the family circle gather itself
around the bright-shining Argand, and the old man bestride
his nose with his spectacles, and the young maiden trink
herself at the little mirror, and all the affairs of life go
on very much as they might be supposed to do, had the
rival hypotheses of Newton and Huyghens never existed,
or had one of them been disproved as soon as it was mooted.
It were well, no doubt, that the question were determined
and set at rest for ever ; but its determination would not
modify to the slightest extent any one of the ways in which
man renders the properties of light subservient to his various
uses. And so, in like manner, it were well if we could decide
the precise meaning of this portion of the inspired record ; but
there is no reason whatsoever, why the want of our ability to as-
certain this meaning, should prevent the gladdening of our hearts
and homes by the light of heavenly truth ; no reason why we
should not pay implicit deference to its beacon-warnings ; no

CHRONOLOGY OF THE CREATION.

reason why we should not rejoice in its cheering rays, and in all
the lovely hues that it casts upon our path ; no reason why we
should not reverentially adore the manifestation of “ the light
of the knowledge of the glory of God, in the face of Jesus
Christ our Lord.”

Dr. Pye Smith adopts this interpretation, so far as the inser-
tion of an indefinite interval between the creation and the pre-
sent arrangement of the materials of the earth and heaven is
concerned ; but he adds to it an explanation of the work of the
six days, which certainly startled us on our first introduction to
it, and to which we have not been in any degree reconciled by
more lengthened acquaintance. We shall give it in his own
words : —

I must profess then my conviction, that we are not obliged by the terms
made use of to extend the narration of the six days to a wider application
than this ; a description, in expressions adapted to the ideas and capacities of
mankind in the earliest ages, of a series of operations by ivhich the Being of
omnipotent wisdom and goodness adjusted and furnished [not]* the earth
generally, but, as the particular subject under consideration here a portion
of its surface, for the most glorious purposes ; in which a newly formed
creature should be the object of those manifestations of the authority and
grace of the Most High, which shall to eternity shew forth his perfections
above all other methods of their display .

This portion of the earth I conceive to have been a part of Asia, lying
between the Caucasian ridge, the Caspian Sea, and Tartary, on the North,
the Persian and Indian Seas on the South, and the high mountain ridges
which run at considerable distances, on the Eastern and the Western
flank.

Upon this we shall only remark, that, while we are not dis-
posed to deny that the Hebrew aretz, like the Latin terra , and
the Greek KaroiKovpevr], may sometimes mean a land or country,
instead of the earth generally, we can see no reason whatsoever
for thus restricting the meaning here. Geological reasons
there can be none ; for we have already shewn that the inter-
pretation, which Dr. Smith adopts, answers all the demands of
geology, without any such modification as that proposed. And
just as little reason is there afforded by pure criticism for the
modification proposed. The nature of the case renders a
positive refutation very difficult ; inasmuch as, although we
were to prove that the whole world was arranged in its cosmical
order during these six days, it would not necessarily follow that

* The insertion of a negative, nostro periculo, may seem to be taking a Bentleian,
or ultra-Bentleian liberty with the text of an author; but we are satisfied that we are
only doing him justice by rectifying a typographical error. The sentence, as it stands,
we caunot at all comprehend; the insertion of the negative not only renders it
intelligible, but gives it that very meaning which the context requires. In other
respects, as in respect of Italics and Capitals, the extract is precisely as in the
text.— Ed.

H H

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CHRONOLOGY OF THE CREATION.

tbe narrative in Genesis referred to more than the arrangement
of the country contained within the limits specified. But we
would ask, whether it is at all likely that the Creator thus per-
formed his work piece-meal, or that he put forth a special issue
of creative energy to furnish with beasts and birds and plants a
little corner of the earth. Moreover, what are we to say
respecting the reason assigned in the fourth commandment for
the observance of the Sabbath ? If God merely rested on the
seventh day from the creation of a district in Central Asia, how
was this a reason for the observance of the Sabbath by the Jews
in the wilderness, and in the land of Canaan — not to speak of
its observance, as obligatory, as we are well prepared to shew
that it is, on all men, in all places, and in all ages, to whom the
Bible is made known ? We know not how it may be with
others, but to us it would appear that there were a gap in the
reasoning, were that commandment to be written thus : — “ Six
days shalt thou labour, and do all thy work ; but on the seventh
thou shalt not do any work ; — for in six days the Lord render-
ed the heavenly bodies visible to, and ‘ adjusted and furnish-
ed * a portion of the earth, lying between the Caucasian ridge,
the Caspian Sea, and Tartary on the North, the Persian and
Indian Seas on the South, and the high mountain ridges which
run at considerable distances on the Eastern and Western
flanks. He also in these six days e adjusted and furnished*
these seas aforesaid, to wit, the Caspian, the Persian Gulf and
the Northern part of the Indian Ocean, and rested the seventh
day, wherefore the Lord blessed the Sabbath day, and sanctified
it.” Such reasoning would not, we have said, commend itself
to our understanding ; but it is enough for us and for Dr. Pye
Smith, that such is not the reasoning employed. Whatever
might be said in favour of the restriction in the first chapter of
Genesis, it seems utterly inapplicable to the twentieth chapter of
Exodus. But the terms, “ heavens ” and “ earth ” and <e seas,” must
of necessity have precisely the same extent of meaning in the
one of these passages that they have in the other. We believe
the reason, that weighed with Dr. Smith to assign this restricted
meaning to the term “ earth,” in the record of the creation, was
his supposition, that its meaning must be so limited in the
account of the Noachian deluge, and a desire to maintain con-
sistency in his interpretation. We shall have occasion, ere we
have done, to examine his reasons for maintaining the partial
prevalence of the Noachian deluge ; and if we can shew these to
be insufficient, then his theory of the partiality of the Adamic
creation will fall to the ground of itself.

We trust we have done no injustice to this venerable Divine

CHRONOLOGY OF THE CREATION.

243

in the statement of his views. Assuredly we have not intended
to do so ; and, if they are not as we have stated them, it is not
because we have designed to misrepresent them, but because
we have failed ourselves to apprehend them correctly. If here
were degrees of inexcusableness for want of candour, we know
no man towards whom it would be more inexcusable than
towards Dr. Smith — not only on account of the high personal
and professional character that he has sustained throughout, wTe
suppose, an almost unexampled length of time, but also on
account of the exceeding candour which is displayed in all his
own writings. Mistake he may, (as who may not, and who that
thinks at all for himself does not, and that often ?) ; but never
does he do intentional injustice to an opponent, and never does
he shrink from the avowal of what he believes to be the truth.
Such a tribute of respect we regard as well due to this truly
venerable man, who has done much for the cause of truth, and
whose mistakes will ere long be all forgotten, while his name
will be long remembered as that of a champion of truth and
righteousness.

We cannot dwell any longer upon this, or at all on any others
of the methods employed to evince the harmony between the
historical and the geological records, whose main element consists
in a modification of the commonly received interpretation of the
former. We now pass on to the notice of such as consist mainly
in a modification of the commonly received interpretation of the
latter.

With the earlier attempts of this sort, we shall not trouble our
readers, or ourselves. In truth we are to the full as ignorant of
them as it is understood to beseem a reviewer to acknowledge
himself to be respecting any thing knowable or unknowable ;
nor do we deem it likely that the profit would go any consider-
able way towards compensating for the labour of rendering our-
selves acquainted with them. Writing at a time, when men’s
minds were alarmed with a vague terror induced by the infant-
Hercules Geology of the day, it is not improbable that Burnet
and Whiston may have served a useful purpose at the time, by
opposing one spectre to another ; but we can conceive no good
purpose that would be served by resuscitating in these days their
long-ago-refuted hypotheses and theories. Requiescant in pace.

The principal writers who have, in recent times, since Geology
established its title to be ranked among the sciences, attempted
to prove that the geological doctrines generally received are
erroneous, and in particular that all the formations of which
the earth’s crust is composed, have been deposited during the
period that has elapsed since the creation of man upon the

244 CHRONOLOGY OF THE CREATION.

earth (an event which Geology and Scripture perfectly con-
cur in representing as having taken place somewhere about
6,000 years ago), are Mr. Granville Penn and Mr. George Fair-
liolme. The work of the former writer we read many years
ago; but, as we have not been able to lay our hands on it in this
remote corner of the world, we should not have ventured to
give any statement of its doctrines on the faith of our recollec-
tion, were not our memory refreshed by a short notice of them
in Dr. Pye Smith’s book, several extracts from the work itself
in Mr. Fairholme’s treatise, and several allusions in Captain
Hutton’s work. These notices, extracts, and allusions, all agree
in representing the views of Mr. Penn as being almost exactly
those of Mr. Fairholme. They may be stated briefly thus.
That the period betwixt the creation and the deluge (say 1,656
years) is sufficient to allow of the stratified rocks being formed
in the bottom of the ocean by the accumulation of the debris
of the land, constantly washed down by the rivers and streams ;
that the bed of the ocean being thus gradually raised, and the
level of the land as gradually depressed, the deluge was the con-
sequence; that that great and awful judgment must have been
occasioned by the gradual interchange of level between the for-
mer seas and lands; that we are consequently now inhabiting
the bed of the ante-diluvian ocean; and that all the fossil re-
mains of animals and vegetables, now discovered in our rocks or
soils, were either imbedded in the course of this gradual forma-
tion of the secondary strata, under the waters of the former sea
(as in the case of the marine productions in chalk, and many
other calcareous marine formations), or were thrown into their
present situations by the waters of the deluge, and imbedded
(as in the case of quadrupeds, vegetables, human beings, and
other land productions J in the soft soils and strata so abun-
dantly formed at that eventful period, by the preternatural sup-
ply of materials for secondary formations.

Here there are two main points brought under our notice,
viz., first, that the whole strata, forming the crust of the
earth, were deposited during the 1,700 years that elapsed
between the creation of Adam and the deluge, or during the
year of the prevalence of the deluge itself ; and second, that
the surface of the present land was the bottom of the ante-
diluvian sea, and the bottom of the present sea was the
surface of the ante-diluvian land. The former of these two
points will occupy our attention ere long, when it will be
brought before us by Captain Hutton ; at present we shall only
remark respecting it, that we feel considerable diffidence as to
the correctness of our apprehension of Mr. Fairholme’s meaning,

CHRONOLOGY OF THE CREATION.

245

and that an attentive perusal of his book has not enabled ns to
form even the vaguest idea as to the way, in which he would ac-
count for the existence of hills upon the earth. With respect to the
second point, it will probably be sufficient to remark, that for its
establishment, it confessedly requires the expunging of that part
of the book of Genesis, which describes the situation of Para-
dise or the Garden of Eden : and that, in our estimation, its es-
tablishment would be all the more firmly secured by the further
deletion of a few passages besides. Mr. Fairholme quotes from
Mr. Penn a long argument in favour of this diluvial interchange
of land and sea, and of the deletion of the description of the
primeval Paradise from the sacred narrative. The substance of
the argument is no more than this ; that there are instances in
which glosses or explanatory notes, originally written on the
margin of the manuscripts of scripture, have been subsequently
introduced, either intentionally, or through the ignorance or
carelessness of transcribers, into the text. This argument is fol-
lowed up by the assertion that the description of Paradise has
been thus introduced. Now to this it is sufficient to answer
that there is no doubt whatsoever about the soundness of the
argument ; but there is no reason whatsoever to believe in the
propriety of the application of it to the matter in hand. We
have no doubt that passages may have been introduced, both into
the Old Testament and the New, in the manner described ; but
there is not the shadow of a reason for believing that the ac-
count of the situation of the Garden of Eden is thus spurious,
except the single reason of its inconsistency with the theory of
Messrs. Penn and Fairholme. “ Tell me what are the facts,”
said the French theorist, “ that I may reconcile them with my
hypothesis.” “ Tell us what are the facts,” say these hardier spe-
culators, (for the statements of the Mosaic record are the very
facts that they have to deal withal,) “ that we may deny them,
since they square not with our hypothesis.” It would have sim-
plified the matter considerably, as we have already hinted, to
have carried the denying process a little further, and to have
quietly blotted out the narrative of the deluge from the Mosaic re-
cord ; for, as it stands, it certainly does seem to ordinary under-
standings, and to every understanding save that of a determined
theorist, to describe a very different occurrence from that which
is essential to the stability of the hypothesis in question. Mr.
Fairholme indeed declares as follows, but our mind is not so
constituted as to be able to go along with his reasoning : —

In the whole of this narrative, we find no one circumstance to lead us
to a supposition that the same earth , or dry land, existed after the flood, as
had been inhabited previous to that event ; or to contradict the united

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CHRONOLOGY OF THE CREATION.

evidence of the declaration of the intention of God to destroy the earthy
and of the physical facts with which we are now surrounded on every part
of the present dry land.

Now, it would be pure pedantry to pretend to say that every
foot of land, that was dry before the deluge, was dry after the
deluge ; but we will say that if the Mosaic narrative do not assert
generally that that which was dry land before the deluge became
dry land after the deluge, and so contradict the supposition that
the land laid bare by the subsidence of the flood was not the land
that had been bare up to the commencement of the flood, but
the land that had, till then, been covered with the waters of the
ocean — it would just as little contradict the supposition that
the land submerged was indeed the land of this planet, but that
the land that emerged from the aqueous envelope was the land
of the moon or the remotest planet of our system. As to the
expression in one of the Epistles of Peter, distinguishing be-
tween “ the earth that then was” and “ the earth that now is,”
we protest, on behalf of ourselves, and confidently on behalf of
all that portion of mankind endowed with common sense,
that any man may distinguish between the “ ante-diluvian
world” and “ the post-diluvian world,” without being understood
to support the Penn-Fairholme hypothesis. So also as to the
“ declared intention ” of the Almighty to “ destroy the earth.”
The earth was destroyed, in every natural sense of the term,
when the waters of the deluge were brought over it, without
reference to the question of the emergence.

And now, at length, we come to direct our special atten-
tion to the work of our Indian Geologist, to whom we feel that
we owe an apology for having seemed to neglect it so long.
But in reality we have scarcely lost sight of Captain Hutton
and his work throughout ; on the contrary, we have all along
been laying down principles that will be helpful to us in judg-
ing of the “ Chronology of the creation.” We believe we shall
best be able to bring just so much of the subject before our
readers, as we design to bring before them, (for even those who
are disposed to complain of our tediousness hitherto, will admit
that we have kept as clear as possible of extraneous matter,
and have confined ourselves as strictly as possible to the ques-
tion of the harmony of scripture with geological ascertainments
as to the actual duration of the earth), by noticing our author’s
view of what happened before the commencement of the crea-
tion— the creation — the events between the creation and the
deluge — the deluge — and the events subsequent to the deluge.
We shall thus indeed pass unnoticed much interesting mat-
ter, and much that might well call for remark, in the work

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217

before us ; but we shall thus also keep our article within mo-
derate bounds.

With respect to the period that elapsed before the creation,
our author is of opinion, that, at a certain period in the earth’s
history, the materials of which it is composed consisted of water,
holding all the others in solution. He does not enquire
whether this were the state, in which the materials of the earth
were originally created, or whether this were the state into which
they were reduced at a period subsequent to their original
creation ; but he takes up the investigation at the point w7hen
the earth consisted of a fluid mass (we should rather say viscous)
revolving round an axis, and holding in solution all the solid
matter which is contained in our present globe. In connection
with this part of his subject, he gives (what we regard as) a
satisfactory refutation of the nebular hypothesis. Altogether,
we believe that this part of his work is strictly accurate, as
descriptive of the state in which the earth was at one period,
after the materials thereof had been called into being, and pre-
vious to the arrangement of these materials in the six days of
the Mosaic record ; but whether the earth continued in this
state up to the time when the work of these six -days began, or
whether various organizations and dis-organizations had taken
place before the period when the Mosaic detail commences, we
leave for future consideration.

The second chapter of the work before us is one of the least
satisfactory in the whole book, filled with reasoning which, we
must confess, wears, to our thinking, much more the aspect of
a desire to gain a victory over an opponent, than to ascertain
the precise truth. The object of it is to prove, in opposition to
the views of Chalmers, Buckland, Sedgwick, and so many others,
that the earth was never in a habitable state, and was never
inhabited, at any period between the beginning and the evening
of the first day. The reasoning employed is to this effect.
The animals, which are supposed to have inhabited the earth
during this period, had eyes, and therefore they existed, not
before, but after, the creation of light. But light was not created,
or at least did not reach the earth, until the evening of the first
day. But then, in answer to this, it may be said that while the
scripture declares that there was darkness upon the face of the
deep at the period immediately preceding the first day, it is
nowhere stated that this darkness had existed throughout the
whole period from the beginning; and that it is both possible
and highly probable that the darkness was only tempo-
rary, having been caused by the surcharging of the atmos-
phere with thick and impenetrable vapours. To this Captain

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CHRONOLOGY OF THE CREATION.

Hutton replies, in effect, as follows : — There could be no
light available for the ordinary purposes of vision without
an atmosphere. But if there were an atmosphere, the light
could never be so obscured as to constitute that darkness which,
according to all allowance, was upon the face of the deep at the
period when the divine word was uttered — ‘ Let there be light.’
“ If (says he) the atmosphere existed, as according to this
author it did, previous to the first day, so likewise must the sun
have existed, and therefore, however complete may have been
the screen of clouds, mists, or vapours, which excluded that body
itself from view, it would have been utterly impossible, as it is
now, to prevent the effect of day-light, however dimmed ; and
consequently, no darkness, such as that to which the scripture
alludes, could have enveloped the chaotic earth.” We do not
like to state in so many words how this reasoning strikes us. It
is a principle in optics, that light, in passing through any medium
not absolutely opaque, loses a certain proportion of its inten-
sity, the amount differing according to the degree of transparency
of the medium. Now, as no medium that we know is absolutely
transparent, so it is probable that none is absolutely opaque ; so
that it is quite possible that, as no medium transmits the whole of
the light that falls upon it, so no one perhaps may intercept the
whole. It is upon this supposition that our authors argument
is founded. But suppose we admit that some light passes
through a whin-stone, if we had only eyes capable of perceiving
it ; and suppose we admit that no clouds or vapours, with which
we are acquainted, do actually produce total darkness at noon-day;
what authority has our author for asserting that the darkness
which brooded on the face of the deep was absolute and entire
darkness ? This word — darkness , or its corresponding word in
whatsoever language, is, of necessity, a relative term, seldom, or
perhaps never, for aught we know, signifying absolutely a total
absence of light, but generally a greater or less deprivation
of light. Thus we speak of a “ very dark day,” while yet
there is as much light, as when we speak of a “ fine light night.”
And in this relative sense, the word is perpetually used in scrip-
ture, as any one may see who will take a Concordance , and
refer to all the passages in which the term occurs. Now, short
of absolute darkness, it is unquestionable that any amount
whatever of lack of light might be caused by temporarily acting
causes, without having recourse to the supposition of an actual
darkening of the sun ; a supposition, however, by the way,
which is no ways unallowable. They who have witnessed, for
it would scarcely be legitimate to say seen , a proper London
fog, must have formed a tolerably large estimate of the powers

CHRONOLOGY OF THE CREATION.

219

of our atmosphere to sustain obscurative matters ; and we
have only to suppose an encrease of the quantity of these, in
order to furnish out an amount of obscuration sufficient to
satisfy any reasonable demand.

We are afraid it may be thought that we have dwelt too long
upon this argument ; but we cannot leave this chapter without
alluding to the account which our author gives of his notion as
to the way in which light first reached our earth. We must give
the passage at length : —

It is fully in accordance with the statements of holy writ, to believe
that the heavenly bodies may have existed through ages, previous to the
first day of Genesis, although they did not give light to our planet
before that day. The text, it must be observed, insists upon nothing more
than that light had not yet visited the earth ; but it does not declare that
the bodies from which that light was eventually to proceed, were not already
in existence. The application, therefore, of evidence derived from astronomy,
proves indubitably the great antiquity of those material elements from
which this system was at length elaborated ; and it will be perfectly con-
sonant to reason, and in accordance with scripture, to believe that
the creation of the material elements of the earth was contemporane-
ous with the creation of the elements of the heavenly bodies, and
that all were left, under the guidance of certain natural laws, to pro-
gress towards that state which would eventually fit them to form our
solar system, and for which they were evidently not prepared before
the first day. Our planet, therefore, and the heavenly bodies, existed
together through the undefined beginning, although not precisely in their
present relation to each other, until such time as each had become prepared
to assume its proper functions in the system, when, having been perfected,
their light would then first have reached, or been intercepted by, the aqueous
spheroid. That period, as the Bible and reason lead us to believe, was the
particular point of time spoken of on the first day, when light was, as
regarded on earth, to all intents and purposes, created. But while the light
of Sirius is said to be six years and four months in reaching the earth,
and while the light of the brilliant nebulae is one million and nine hundred
thousand years in reaching it, that of the Sun arrives in only eight minutes.
If, therefore, no light reached the earth before the first day, when the
effects of the sun became apparent, it must necessarily follow that all light
had arrived at the same state of perfection on the first day, and consequently
that the light and the heavenly bodies being simultaneously. apparent on
that day, must prove that if the elementary materials of the heaven and
the earth were created at the same time, as the Bible and astronomy teach
us to believe, the duration of the period styled “ the beginning ” must have
been at least long enough to admit of the light of the nebulae reach-
ing the earth on the first day, — which will give to the strata, from the
centre of the planet up to the highest of the primary rocks inclusive, an
age of no less than 1,900,000 years before the first day began ; and as
throughout that period no organized beings could have inhabited it, there
was evidently a time, as the Scripture and Geology disclose, when neither
vegetable nor animal life had existence on the globe.

We have looked at this passage from every possible point of
view, in the hope of being able to find that it is capable of
some other interpretation than that which first occurred to us.

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CHRONOLOGY OF THE CREATION.

But it will not do. Despite of the occurrence of one or two
expressions that seem inconsistent with the main drift of the
passage, we are obliged to conclude the meaning of the whole
to be this. The whole of the material elements of the heaven
and earth were made at once, but all the bodies that are now
luminous were then dark. However, they were made subject
to certain laws, in virtue of whose operation they became lumi-
nous at certain periods ; and these periods were so arranged,
that the first ray of light that issued from each one of them,
reached the earth at the same instant of time on the evening of
the first day. But as we know that light occupies eight minutes
in traversing the distance between the earth and the sun, and
all possible lengths of time betwixt 6| years as a minimum, and
1,900,000 years as a maximum, in traversing the distance
between the earth and the several fixed stars, it follows that the
period when luminosity was imparted to the sun was 8 minutes,
and that when it was imparted to Sirius 6f years, and to the
most distant nebulae 1,900.000 years, before the commence-
ment of the first day ; and that in general we shall find the
precise point of time, when any body became luminous, by di-
viding the number of miles representing its distance from the
earth, by the number representing the distance that light
traverses in a year, and counting the result backwards from
the evening of the first day. However, even on the sup-
position that the most distant individual of the starry family
emitted his first ray at the instant of the common crea-
tion, there still must have been the above-mentioned period of
1,900,000 years elapsing between the creation of all the material
elements of the universe and the commencement of the first
day. Such being our author’s view of the origin of light, we
must just leave our readers to believe it, — if they can. For
ourselves, we find it difficult to believe that the command— •“ Let
there be light” meant absolutely nothing at all, since the
light arrived, independently of the command, from so many
millions of luminaries, each lighted at the precise instant
which was necessary to enable its light to reach the earth at the
precise instant when the useless command is represented to
have been given. So much then for the period styled the begin-
ning, or the period that elapsed before the commencement of
the six days.

The creation itself, as we may call the work of the six days,
is described by our author at considerable length. First of all, at
a time shortly preceding the issue of the mandate for the arrival
of light, the sun, which had from the beginning been endued
with attractive energy, was gifted with the power of emitting

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251

heat; the effect of this heat was to produce evaporation, and
the vapours so raised being suspended in the air (with which it
appears our author supposes the “ aqueous spheroid ” to have
been surrounded, although he does not state whether it was so
surrounded from the begimiing or not) formed the atmosphere,
capable of diffusing by refraction and reflection the light,
which, as we have seen, reached it at this precise point of
time, and so produced the effect of day-light.

The work of the second day was the making of the firma-
ment, that is, the heating by the continued action of the sun’s
rays, and consequent expansion, of the aqueous vapours, so as
to cause them to rise up to a distance above the earth, where
they are sustained in the shape of clouds. “ The operations
of the second day (says our author) are not to be attributed
to any especial or supernatural exertion of Almighty power in
that period, but to the fact of the sun’s having been made the
source of light and heat on the preceding day.” Thus the
second command — “ Let there be a firmament in the midst of the
waters” appears to have been as nugatory as the former. In
fact, from the time when the material elements of the earth and
the heavens were called into being,, down to the close of the
second day, we have no forth-putting of Divine power, except
in the conservation of those laws that were impressed on all the
matter of the universe at the beginning.

Our author’s account of the former part of the third day’s
work, the separation of the dry land from the seas, is, to our
thinking, one of the best parts of the work before us. Although
we cannot agree with our author as to the time when the hills
were elevated above the surface of the original earth, we have
little doubt that the process itself of the elevation was sub-
stantially that which he describes. It is due to our author to
let him describe this operation in his own words : —

It has * * * been suggested that during the long period which elapsed,
while the mineral globe was in course of precipitation and deposition in
the bosom of the deep, a chemical beat must have been engendered in the
central heavy mass of metallic oxides, which, in all probability, formed the
nucleus of the planet, and that, through the agency of this heat, the
lower strata became gradually more and more compact and indurated, while
cracks and fissures were the natural consequences of the expansion of the
internal heated matters. The germs of volcanic action were thus engen-
dered and kept alive in the interior of the earth, although its violence had
not yet arrived at that degree of force which afterwards enabled it to
disrupt and upbear the strata. In this state of progressively increasing
power, it must have continued through the long period of years known as
“ the beginning but no sooner was the effect of heat felt upon the surface
of the planet, through the active operation of the solar ray, causing the
expansion of the newly-formed atmosphere, than the great weight of
atmospheric pressure, superadded to that of the mineral strata, and of tho

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superincumbent ocean, which already pressed enormously upon the central
mass, increased the power of the internal heat by condensation, to such a
degree of intensity, that the expansion of the nucleus, causing the strata
to split and swell up, gave passage to. the waters of the ocean, which per-
colating to the incandescent centre, and acting upon the metallic bases,
or intensely heated lava within, suddenly produced by their decomposition
a vast amount of hydrogen ; and the hitherto smouldering volcanic forces,
now roused into terrific action, suddenly burst forth with irresistible vigour
towards the surface, rending and upbearing in their progress the superior
strata of the earth, whose surface from thenceforward became varied with
hill and dale.

We have no doubt, as we have already intimated, that this was
substantially the process by which the mountains were elevated,
nor as to the fact that our author insists upon elsewhere, that
the protrusion of a hill must have been accompanied with a
corresponding “ staving in," if we may use a familiar expression,
of a corresponding portion of the earth’s crust, so as to keep
up the solidity of the spheroid, — although we do not quite see
the necessity of the depression being always antipodal to the
elevation. A vacuum being produced by the withdrawal of a
certain amount of matter from the central regions of the earth,
and the atmosphere and ocean pressing with mighty force all
around the spheroid, the break would take place at the weakest
part of the surface, and a depression would be formed, into which
the waters would be collected. But it will scarcely escape the
notice of our readers, that the time allowed for the process is far
too small. Whatever may have been the state of the primitive
strata, it is a matter of impossibility, we hesitate not to say, that
the percolatory process should have taken place, as our author
would represent it as having taken place, in the course of a
single day.

As it is one of the best ascertained of all geological facts that
the primitive rocks composing the present mountain chains broke
through fossiliferous strata, and disrupted and displaced them,
this fact would be fatal to our author’s whole theory, were it ad-
mitted that the actually existing lands and mountains are those
that were formed at this period ; but the theory is saved by the
partial adoption of the supposition to which we have already
referred as that of Granville Penn, that the lands and moun-
tains then upraised are now submerged under the bottom of the
ocean. Captain Hutton does not at all agree with Mr. Penn as
to the mode in which the deluge was effected ; but he does
agree with him in holding that many of the present hills are
of post-diluvian formation. We shall have occasion to advert to
this when we come to speak of the deluge ; meanwhile we call
attention to the fact that the theory is entirely dependent for
its establishment upon the proof of the supposition of an in?

CHRONOLOGY OF THE CREATION.

253

terchange (at least to a great extent) between the ocean-
bed and the dry land of the ante-diluvian and post-diluvian
worlds. If it cannot be proved that the mountains upheaved on
the third day of creation are not the mountains that we now be-
hold, then the whole theory will fall to the ground; for it is very
certain that these mountains were formed after the deposit of
the fossiliferous strata. We shall therefore have occasion to
recur to this part of the subject at a later period of our discus-
sion.

Here again, therefore, according to our author, there was no
forth-putting of creative power in the proper sense ; all was done
in accordance with those laws which were impressed upon matter
at the beginning, and to which it continues to be subject to this
hour.* It was in the latter portion of this third day, that creation,
by a special out-putting of the Divine power, may properly be said
to have begun. Our author’s account of the production of the
vegetable kingdom might agree sufficiently well with the very brief
account contained in the first chapter of Genesis, but we do not
think that it harmonizes with the somewhat more detailed account
in the second chapter. We freely admit that it militates sadly
against the poetry of the subject, to suppose that the vegetable
kingdom was produced in the form of a packet of ungerminated
seeds, and, it may be, aheap of unsprung roots; but such really
seems to us to be the intimation given in the second chapter by
the inspired historian, when he tells us that “ God made every
herb of the field before it was in the earth, and every plant of
the field before it grew.” We should imagine that an “ herb of
the field before it is in the earth” is a seed ; and that a “ plant
of the field before it grows” is a root. We know quite as well
as we can be told, that God could as easily have made the vege-
table world in a state of full development; but the sole ques-
tion here is, whether it pleased him to do so : — “ what says the
scripture ?”

The explanation that our author gives of the work of the
fourth day, is essentially the same with that given by those who
adopt the supposition of a long interval between the period when
the creation of the matter of the earth was effected, and the period
when the present arrangement of the cosmical elements was en-

* We candidly acknowledge that we do not regard this as necessarily fatal to our
author’s theory. We are so little capable of understanding the nature of the Divine
operations, that throughout the Bible, and especially in the Old Testament, these
operations are described to us in the only language that we can understand — language
borrowed from analogous operations performed by ourselves. We are not therefore
prepared positively to deny that the work which is represented as having been done by
a positive fiat issued at a particular instant, may have been in reality effected by
the operation of laws impressed upon matter long before. This observation is equally
applicable to the remarks we have already made respecting the two first commands
— “Let there be light,” and “Let there be a firmament.”

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tered upon. Both they and our author admit that the sun, moon
and stars were in existence long before the period in question,
and they agree in thinking that they were actually giving light
to the earth on the first, second and third of the Mosaic days ;
they therefore agree that the special work performed respecting
them on the fourth day was the “ appointment ” of the sun and
the moon to rule the day and the night respectively, and to be
“for signs and for seasons, for days and for years.” Nor has
our author any special quarrel with the supposition that it was
only on the fourth day that the sun became distinctly visible to
the earth, by the further elevation of the clouds through the
encreased temperature of the atmosphere, occasioned by the
radiation of heat from the dry land. He is moreover greatly
captivated by an ingenious conceit of Mr. Granville Penn’s,
that it was only on the fourth day, or, as we would say, the
evening of the third day, that the moon would become visi-
ble, it being assumed that she was, at the commencement of
the first day, in a state of conjunction. In other words it is
supposed that it was new moon at that instant, and that it was
only three days afterwards that the moon emerged from the
sun’s rays, and became visible as a delicate crescent. He argues
at considerable length that it was only then, when the ‘moon
first became visible, that these luminaries could be properly said
to be appointed to their functions. Be this so or not, we can
hardly persuade ourselves that this view of the matter exhausts
the meaning of the sacred text.

The work of the fifth day was the creation of the “feathered and
aquatic tribes,” and also, as we believe, the innumerable races of
insects and reptiles; and that of the sixth, the creation of the
mammalia, including man. In connexion with this the author
introduces a discussion, evidently suggested by the perusal of the
Vestiges of the Natural History of Creation , of the question whe-
ther plants and animals were brought into existence by the opera-
tion of natural laws, or by the immediate forth-putting of Divine
power. He evidently leans to the former supposition in respect
of plants and the lower animals, while he strongly asserts the
latter with respect to man. While we do not agree with him
in the former supposition, we must distinctly acknowledge that
he leans to it in a form wholly, or in great measure, divested of its
hurtful qualities. He desires it not to derogate in the slightest
degree from the honor of God as the actual creator of all things ;
nor do we disagree with him in the position that God is
equally the creator of the organized beings of our earth,
whether they came into existence in consequence of certain
laws which he had impressed upon the material elements
of which they are composed, or whether he formed them out

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255

of those elements by a special flat of Divine power. He
admits that, if there were laws impressed upon matter, which
led on the third day to the formation of vegetables, and on the
fifth and sixth days to the formation of animals, these laws are
not in operation now ; the same God who originally impressed
them having suspended their operation when they had fulfilled
their purpose; but he seems to consider that they are in such a
state of dormant vitality, that, for example, if a new continent
were now formed by volcanic action, it would be clothed
with vegetation produced by the action of these laws. Now
we may say that it is well ascertained that this is not the
fact ; that the islands and continents that have been formed,
whether by volcanic agency or by the process of coralline
formations, instead of being furnished with vegetable life
in the space of a single day by the simple operation of the
laws of nature, have remained barren until seeds have been
carried by birds, and winds and waves, and the hand of man.
Thus, while our author steers clear of the dangerous and most
unphilosophical doctrine of spontaneous generation, and while
therefore we admit that his views are theologically harmless, we
do not think that they are philosophically or historically sound.
In fact it scarcely accords with our notion of a law , to speak of
a creating law. However, this is, to a considerable extent, a
mere matter of definition. Respecting the creation of animals,
our author throws out one idea which seems to us to he valu-
able, and which we do not remember to have met with before.
It is as to the number of individuals of each species that were
originally created. The common idea is that every species of
animals is sprung from a single pair of that species ; and
some, from the analogy of the re-peopling of the world after
the deluge, have inferred that the clean beasts were created
by sevens and the unclean by twos. But this is not said
in the scriptures ; and it seems very probable that the fact
was otherwise. “ The waters brought forth abundantly the
living creature that had life” — abundantly , we think it not
improbable, not only in respect of a multitude of species, but
in respect also of a multitude of individuals belonging to each
species. Our author indeed limits the former, and expands the
latter. He believes that the whole world at this time enjoyed a
high temperature, and that only those animals that were fitted
to live in such a temperature were at this time created ; and
moreover that the predaceous animals were not created till
a subsequent period. As this question will fall under our
notice while examining our authors view of the deluge, we shall
not at present say more about it.

25 G

CHRONOLOGY OF THE CREATION.

We are always glad when we can agree with our author, and
have much pleasure in expressing our entire concurrence with
his chapter on the Lamarckian doctrine of progression and trans-
mutation of species. This doctrine, which we had imagined
to have been exploded long ago, was brought into momentary
vogue a few years ago by the author of the Vestiges. It were
difficult to say whether it is more effectually overthrown by the
hard argumentation of Captain Hutton, or by the keen satire
of Mr. Miller.

Thus we have the author’s picture of the earth at the conclu-
sion of the sixth day, The sun, moon and stars were shining
as now upon an earth richly clothed with verdure, growing
upon primitive rocks thrown up into hills and ridges, and curi-
ously broken and distorted, yet utterly destitute of soil an
earth inhabited by races of beings living in harmony and peace
upon those without-soil-produced vegetables, and ruled over by
man as yet sinless, holy and happy — while the waters were
peopled, as now, by the various races of fishes, including the
predaceous, if indeed there be any fishes that are not, in part at
least, predaceous. At this time, it is not unimportant to remark,
our author conceives the dry land to have been confined to the
equatoreal regions, with the exception of some small islets
scattered up and down the northern hemisphere.

A few sentences will suffice to state our author’s view of
what took place between the creation and the deluge. We learn
from the scriptures that our first parents, in their state of
innocence, were in no need of clothing ; and that after the fall,
the garments they first wore were intended merely for decency,
and not at all for warmth. But soon they were furnished by
God himself with clothing suited to a colder climate than that
in which they had previously lived. We have reason to believe
therefore that, on the fall of man, the temperature of the earth
was greatly lowered. But as we have no reason to believe that
the relation of our planet to the sun was altered, this reduction
of temperature must have taken place in consequence of some
change in the earth or its atmosphere. Now such a reduction
would be effected by the formation of additional lands in the
circumpolar regions, which would allow the accumulation of
snow and ice, and so lower the temperature over the whole globe.
Such, according to our author, was the actual event. The islets
that had hitherto studded the northern hemisphere were extend-
ed into continents, by the action of sub-marine volcanoes; and it

* We do not think we do our author any injustice in imputing this fatal defect to
his system. We find nothing whatsoever in his whole work that will account for the
formation of soil previously to the creation of the vegetable kingdom.

CHRONOLOGY OF THE CREATION.

257

is to the action of these volcanoes, and the frightful commotions
that they produced amongst the waters, that our author as-
cribes the formation of the transition and secondary strata, up to
the termination of the carboniferous system. There is a con-
siderable amount of ingenuity displayed in the way in which our
author shews that a great length of time was not necessary for the
deposition of these systems. But, to our thinking, one single fact
is fatal altogether to the theory, that these systems wr re actually
deposited at the period assigned to their deposition. For obvi-
ous reasons there is not any one of the formations in the
earth’s crust that has been so closely examined as the coal
formation. Now we hold that, if this formation had originat-
ed at the period contended for by Captain Hutton, it must
have contained the remains of mammalia ; we hold further that,
if such remains had existed in the coal formation, they must,
ere now, have been detected. But it is a fact that there has
not been found the slightest reason to believe that a single lung-
breathing animal existed in the forests, which, it is admitted by
Captain Hutton, were the nucleus of the coal formation. Now we
think there is very good reason to believe that the formation of
the carboniferous system was an essential preliminary to the
existence of such animals. It seems to be all but proved by M.
Brongniart (as quoted by several of the writers now on our
table) that the enormous quantities of carbon now incorporated
in the coal and carboniferous lime-stone, must have been derived
from the atmosphere. Before the formation of the system in
question, therefore, this carbon must have been diffused through-
out the atmosphere in the shape of carbonic acid gas. Now
the quantity of this gas that must have been then abstract-
ed, in addition to the quantity now contained in the atmos-
phere, would certainly render it unfit for the respiration of
any warm-blooded animal. Consequently it was only after
it was absorbed by the gigantic vegetation now embedded in
the coal-fields, and permanently shut in, so to speak, by the
fossilization of this vegetation, that the atmosphere became
respirable by such animals. This, to be sure, is theory, al-
though it is, at the least, a theory to which there attaches much
vraisemblance ; but the fact we hold to be incontrovertible, that
mammalia did not exist on the earth at the period of the forma-
tion of the carboniferous system ; and this fact is utterly sub-
versive of the whole theory of Captain Hutton. It is of no con-
sequence for the argument, whether the reasoning, by which he
seeks to establish that these formations were effected rapidly, be
sound or not. The question is not quamdiu , but quando ; not how
long a time was occupied in the formation of the coal measures,
but whether these measures were formed before or after the

K K

253

CHRONOLOGY OF THE CREATION.

creation of animals. According to either of the systems of explain-
ing the first chapter of Genesis, between which we have acknow-
ledged that we cannot make up our mind to a decision, the former
question is left perfectly open ; there is no contradiction between
either of them, and all that Captain Hutton seeks to prove, res-
pecting the length of time that was spent in the deposition of the
strata. According to the one method of interpretation, the deposits
must have been lodged in the course of the fifth day ; according
to the other, they must have been lodged in the course of that
indefinite period which preceded the first day ; but how long a
portion of that indefinitely long fifth day in the one case, or of
that indefinitely long period in the other, elapsed during the
process of deposition, neither the one system nor the other is con-
cerned to determine. With respect to this part of the subject we
shall only notice at present, reserving it for fuller consideration
immediately, that it was about the period of the fall, according
to our author, that the predatory mammalia were first created.

The upper transition and lower secondary formations having
been thus deposited, according to our author, in the course of
the violent volcanic phenomena that immediately succeeded the
fall of man, we understand him to teach that the remaining secon-
dary formations were lodged during the period that elapsed between
the fall and the flood ; the Wealden and cretaceous system during
the prevalence of the flood itself ; and the tertiary since the flood.

Our author has all the argument on his side, when he is
engaged in refuting the theory of a partial inundation. He
leaves not Dr. Pye Smith “ a leg to stand on and were it not
that our article has already exceeded its proper limits, we should
very gladly make some extracts from this portion of his work.
Not less successful is he in demolishing Mr. Penn’s theory of
a total interchange of land and sea. Indeed it is characteristic
of our author, as of many other writers, that his intellect is
more of a ‘‘destructive” than a “ constructive character —
more fitted, if we may borrow the language of his own craft, to
tear up and disrupt and reduce to mere boulders and debris the
unsound theories of others, than to lay a solid and compactly
stratified theory of his own. We cannot read the Bible account
of the deluge without being persuaded that it ought to be under-
stood literally, as of a universal deluge, in which water envel-
oped the whole earth at one time, and gradually subsided, leav-
ing virtually the same land that had been land before, and the
same sea that had been sea before. Nor are we at all certain,
(although Geologists, whether Mosaic or mineral, do not seem to
have even hinted at such a supposition,) that there is not water
enough in the clouds, and the seas, and diffused through the crust
of the earth, to effect this envelopment. As to the quantity

CHRONOLOGY OF THE CREATION.

259

of water usually contained in the clouds, and held in solution or
mechanical suspension in the atmosphere, it is perhaps impossible
to form an estimate. But as the rain fell uninterruptedly for forty
days and forty nights — and, it is unquestionable, with vast vio-
lence— and as the evaporation into so moist an atmosphere must
have been almost nothing, it cannot be doubted that a large quan-
tity of water was derived from this source. Still less do we know of
the quantity of water, that is actually contained within the crust of
the earth. We speak not now of any imagined reservoir of water
in the centre of the earth. Indeed we hold it proved that none
such exists. But we speak of the ordinary water-courses, which
we meet with on every occasion that we bore into the earth, and
the ordinary moisture with which the earth is impregnated, cer-
tainly to a very considerable depth. Now, suppose for a moment,
that by some means or other a great pressure had been exerted
all over the earth’s surface, the effect of this would have been
to cause the earth to disgorge this water from every pore, like
a squeezed sponge. In short, we should have a phenomenon,
that we may be helped to the conception of by imagining mil-
lions of Artesian wells spouting up monstrous jets all over the
earth’s surface, from under the sea as well as on the surface of the
dry ground. The compressing of the elastic strata of the earth would
also considerably diminish its volume, and so aid in the raising
of the level of the water above its surface. We throw out this
suggestion as a mere hint, without dogmatizing, or asserting,
(as the wont of the authors, with whom we have had to deal, is
to far too great an extent), that this really was the mode in
which the inundation was effected, or that this is what is meant
by the “ breaking up of the fountains of the deep.” But we can
see no reason to prevent our saying that it may have been ;
and the supposition seems to us to do less violence to the
literality of the sacred record, than either Dr. Pve Smith’s
supposition of a partial deluge, Messrs. Penn and Fairholme’s
supposition of an inter-change of level between land and sea,
or Captain Hutton’s supposition of a subsidence of a great part
of the land, and a subsequent elevation, partly of the same land
that had been elevated before, and partly of new land that had
been previously submerged.

We have already, in passing, noticed various flaws in Cap-
tain Hutton’s system, which we regard as fatal to its integrity.
But there is one point on which the whole essentially depends,
to which we have already referred, but the consideration of
which we have reserved till now. We mean his theory of “ sub-
sequent creations.” We have stated that he considers that no
predatory land animals existed up to the fall ; that they were
created subsequently to that event ; and that, as new lands were
gradually formed by volcanic action, they were stocked by a

260

CHRONOLOGY OF THE CREATION.

fresh creation of animals and vegetables suited to their several
climates. He also considers that no animals peculiar to cold
climates, and no predatory animals, were preserved in the ark,
and that the present races of these animals are descended from
stocks created after the deluge. And moreover that all vegeta-
tion was destroyed by the deluge, and that its place was supplied
by an act or process of creation, similar to that which effected the
garniture of the earth on the third day of creation. Now we
would remark, first of all, in reference to this matter, that it
seems distinctly to contradict the statements of scripture. When
man was created, it is declared that “ God rested from all his
works.” “ Thus the heavens and the earth were finished, and
all the hosts of them .” And then at the flood we are cer-
tainly told very distinctly that Noah was directed to take
with him into the ark (we know not what language could be
framed to express universality unless it be expressed by the
language of the sacred text in reference to this matter) “ every
clean beast by sevens, the male and his female, and of beasts
that are not clean by two, the male and his female; of fowls
also of the air by sevens, the male and the female.” — Gen . vii.
2, 3. Again: — “ Of clean beasts, and beasts that are not clean,
and of fowls, and of every thing that creepeth upon the earth.”
— v. 8. And again : — “ Every beast after his kind, and all the
cattle after their kind, and every creeping thing that creepeth
upon the earth after his kind, and every fowl after his kind, every
bird of every sort : and they went in with Noah into the ark,
two and two of all flesh, wherein is the breath of life. And
they that went in, went in male and female of all flesh, as God
had commanded him.” — v. 14 — 16. Precisely similar language
is employed in describing the exit of the varied crew.

From the very nature of the case it is not easy to prove by
natural history that no new creation has taken place since the
creation of man ; but we may safely say that, except by reason-
ing in a circle, first assuming the truth of Captain Hutton’s geo-
logical theory, or some similar theory, and then proving post-
Adamic creation from its necessity to the establishment of that
theory, it cannot be supported. We may here introduce what
Mr. Miller says on the subject : —

So far as both the geologic and the scriptural evidence extends, no
species or family of existences seems to have been introduced by creation
into the present scene of being since tbe appearance of man. Jn scrip-
ture the formation of the human race is described as the terminal act of a
series, “ good” in all its previous stages, which became “ very good” then ;
and Geologists, judging from the modicum of evidence which they have
hitherto succeeded in collecting on the subject, evidence still meagre, but,
so far as it goes, independent and distinct, pronounce * post-Adamic crea-
tions/at least “ improbable.” The Naturalist finds certain animal and veget-
able species restricted to certain circles, and that in certain foci in these

CHRONOLOGY OF THE CREATION.

2G1

circles they attain to their fullest development and their maximum num-
ber; and these foci he regards as the original centres of creation, whence,
in each instance, in the process of increase and multiplication, the plant
or creature propagated itself outwards in circular wavelets of life, that
sank at each stage as they widened, till at length, at the circumference of
the area, they wholly ceased. Now we find it argued by Professor Edward
Forbes, that “ since man’s appearance, certain geological areas, both of
land and water, have been formed, presenting such physical conditions as
to entitle us to expect within their bounds, one, or in some instances, more
than one, centre of creation, or, point of maximum of a zoological or
botanical province. But a critical examination renders evident that, instead
of showing distinct foci of creation, they have been, in all instances, peopled
by colonization, i. e. by migration of species from pre-existing, and in
every case pre-Adamic, provinces,”

That this is only a negative argument we admit; yet it at least
destroys the integrity of Captain Hutton’s theory. It does not
prove that there was no case, in which a post-Adamic formation of
land was peopled by a post-Adamic creation of animals and ve-
getables ; but it proves that this was not the case in all the in-
stances, in which Captain Hutton would have it that it was. It
proves that it was not so in some of the instances in which it
might most of all have been expected ; and thereby renders it
in a high degree likely that it was not so in any instance.
Now with this baseless hypothesis Captain Hutton’s whole sys-
tem stands or falls. If the animals, that now exist on the
earth, have existed ever since the creation of Adam, then it is
certain that the strata, which Captain Hutton supposes to have
been deposited since that creation, must have contained the
traces of their remains. But they do not contain such traces ;
therefore either the animals in question were created after Adam
was created, or the strata in question were deposited before
the creation of Adam. Now, the former branch of the alterna-
tive contradicts the plain language of scripture, and is at the
very least wholly unsupported by any evidence from natural
history ; therefore the strata in question were deposited before
the creation of Adam ; and Captain Hutton’s theory is refuted.

Captain Hutton cannot refuse the perilling of his case upon
the stability of this hypothesis of post-Adamic creation ; nor
does he, we ought distinctly to say, refuse it. With an ho-
nesty worthy of all commendation, which, almost constantly
displayed throughout his book, has won for him our sincere
regard, he manfully sets himself to the establishment of it.
We must say that there is not one of the arguments, that he
adduces, that seems to us fit “ to hold water.” We cannot do
more than simply particularise them, and indicate the mode in
which, if we had space, we would deal with them. First — The
change of temperature that is said to have taken place since
the creation of man must have destroyed those animals that
lived in the polar regions, when these enjoyed a tropical tempera-

2G2

CHRONOLOGY OF THE CREATION.

ture, and have rendered necessary the creation of a set of
animals suited to the habitation of these regions with their
present temperature. To this it might be answered, that, grant-
ing the change of temperature, and granting also that it may
have destroyed some of the races that then inhabited the polar
regions, it cannot be proved that those, which now inhabit these
regions, might not, for a little time, (and it is only for a very
little time, namely, the period of man’s continuance in a state of
innocence, that it is necessary to account) have lived in a trop-
ical temperature. Second — The fishes were not included in the
ark ; but the fresh-water fishes could not have existed during the
flood, when salt or brackish water overspread all the earth ; con-
sequently they must have been created after the flood. Answer.
—Supposing this to be true, their spawn might have been pre-
served. Third — t£ It would appear that if, according to the
popular belief, some of every species had been taken into the ark,
the recent (present ?) and fossil races ought to be identical ;
whereas we find them to be in most cases totally distinct.”
Answer — This is mere reasoning in a circle. It is only Captain
Hutton’s and similar theories that require the identity of the
present with the fossil species. According to our belief the fossil
species had been wholly destroyed before the existing species
were called into being. Fourth — The command to Noah to
gather to him of all food that was eaten, could not include food for
the predatory animals. Answer — (1) Required the proof. The
scripture tells us that the animals to be preserved were brought
by sevens and twos, because it was necessary that a certain spe-
cified number of them should be preserved ; but there is no-
thing to prevent the supposition that a miscellaneous multi-
tude might be trapped for the purpose of being preserved as
live-stock, to afford food during the voyage, if we may so
call it, to the carnivorous animals ; (2) Noah might catch a
daily supply of fish as he floated on the waters. Fifth —
As the quantity of the land has encreased since the first
creation, the animals must have been created, as the climates
and countries which they now inhabit were from time to
time produced. Answer — See answer to first argument, and the
quotation given above from Professor Forbes. Sixth — This we
must give in Captain Hutton’s own words : — “ We find this in-
terpretation confirmed by that passage of Genesis, which declares
that after the subsidence of the deluge, * God spake unto Noah,
and to his sons with him, saying, and I, behold, I establish my
covenant with you and with your seed after you ; and with every
living creature that is with you ; from all that go out of the
ark to every beast of the earth!' Is it not evident from this
declaration that a marked distinction is made between the
beasts that went out of the ark , and some other beasts of the

CHRONOLOGY OF THE CREATION.

263

earth ? And to wliat others can we refer, save to those which
God had seen fitting to create, in order that the new climates
which the late revolution had produced, and would still thereaf-
ter produce, might be stocked and replenished, in common with
all other quarters and portions of the globe ?” A/iswer — The

other beasts of the earth were not any beasts then upon the
earth, but the future progeny of the beasts that went out of the
ark. Our author’s reasoning, if applied to the former clause
of the verse in precisely the same way that he applies it to
the latter, would prove that Noah and his sons had certain
seed then alive upon the earth. Seventh — “ The text does not
necessarily imply that Noah took with him into the ark two
of every living species, but only two of every kind that the
Almighty foresaw would be able to live and thrive , when the
waters should have again subsided from off the earth.” Answer.
— The text not only necessarily implies, but expressly states, that
pairs were preserved of all wherein was the breath of life .
Eighth — We have examples that must be admitted of fresh
creations, as in the Pediculus Nigritarum , or louse that infests
the negro race, “ which is specifically distinct from that which
infests the white man ; hence, as it is peculiar to the descendants
of Ham, who are a post-diluvian race, so it is evident that their
jDeculiar parasite is a post-diluvian creation.” Answer — If it in-
fests the descendants of Ham, it may have infested Ham him-
self, or his wife. Ninth — Those multitudes of creatures, such
as the worms in the intestines, &c., that torment and prey upon
man, could not exist before the fall, when it is admitted that man
was free from suffering. Answer — It is not denied that the origin
of these creatures is involved in great obscurity ; but it is not
unlikely that they are the infusoria contained in all the food
that we eat, modified and changed by the circumstances in
which they are placed, after they come to be swallowed. Tenth — If
all the races of animals sprang from those that were preserved in
the ark, how were they diffused over the world, and especially how
would the savage races and vermin, whom man would never take
along with him, reach their abodes ? Answer — There is no

part of the land in the world that is very far distant from some
other land ; so that it might be possible for animals to cross by
swimming, or walking on ice, or floating on wreck, from the cen-
tral spot where the ark rested, in the course of some centuries, to
every place. Besides, it is very probable that countries, that
are now separated by seas of great breadth, might formerly be
joined by narrow isthmuses, that were soon washed away by the
action of the waves; and we think it not improbable that this
is the division of the earth that the scripture represents as hav-
ing taken place in the days of Peleg. Gen. x. 25. Eleventh —
The olive-tree, from which the dove plucked off the leaf, must

2G4

CHRONOLOGY OF THE CREATION.

have been a new creation. Answer — Much more likely it was a

seedling, sprung from an ante-diluvian olive. The smaller the
tree was, the better evidence it would be to Noah of the complete
subsidence of the waters.

At length we draw to a close. We have great confidence that,
if our article should fall into Captain Hutton’s hands, he will take
our strictures in good part, and re-consider the wholes ubject.
His work almost throughout bears the stamp of ingenuousness ;
and when he does use an argument which seems to us weak,
we soon remember the influence of a favourite system in recon-
ciling a man to that against which he would otherwise at once
exclaim. We like the attitude which, in general, he maintains
towards the scriptures. Fully persuaded ourselves that these
scriptures are “ given by inspiration of God, and are profitable
for doctrine, for reproof, for correction and for instruction in
righteousness/' we cannot deem it of little moment to attain
to a correct understanding of the bearing of every passage that
they contain. We believe that Captain Hutton is sincerely
desirous to attain to such an understanding ; and, although we
think he has failed, yet he has shewn powers of research,
which may hereafter, under the Divine blessing, enable him
to do good service both in the vindication and the elucidation
of the records of our holy faith. As to the particular depart-
ment of work that he has undertaken, he labors under a dis-
advantage that attaches, unfortunately, to all of us in Bengal.
He has looked upon the geological phenomena rather with the
eyes of others than with his own. We do not find in his whole
book a single geological fact, that seems to be ascertained by
his own observation. We doubt not that he has profited, to
the full extent of its capability, by a geological library ; but
this never yet has made, and never in time coming will make,
a first-rate Geologist Very far are we from wishing that he
should relinquish his geological studies, or cease to make the
best use he can of the observations of others ; but we may hint
to him, — what we have often felt with respect to ourselves dur-
ing our residence in Bengal — that there are, in the lower pro-
vinces at least, insuperable difficulties in the way of an efficient
study of this important branch of science. We are not aware
where Captain Hutton is stationed ; but, if he be any wffiere in
the Upper Provinces, we cannot too strongly urge upon him the
importance of his settinghimself to the task of diligently exploring
the phenomenaexhibitedin these provinces. With his talents and
acuteness, he would not fail to render a valuable service to his
favourite science, while he would as little fail to attain far clearer
and, as we believe, more correct views, than he now possesses.

Note by the Editor. — We may perhaps return to the consideration of Captain
Hutton’s theory from an altogether different point of view.

MISCELLANEOUS NOTICES.

The Historical relatio?is of Ancient Hindu with Greek Me-
dicine, in connection with the study of modern Medical
Science in India ; being a General Introductory Lecture ,
delivered June 1850, at the Calcutta Medical College , by
Allan Webb , M. D., Author of the Pathologia Indica ; Sur-
geon, Bengal Army ; Professor of Descriptive and Surgical
A?iatomy : lately officiating Professor of Medicifie and
Clinical Medicine.

Such is the formidable title of a discourse, with which we have
been favoured for notice in the pages of our Review. So many
introductory lectures have been published within the last twenty
years, and there is so much sameness in the majority of them,
as to repel rather than invite attention. There are, however, many
facts of peculiar interest connected with the history of the intro-
duction of European science in India, which places all papers rela-
ting to our Eastern Medical Schools beyond the pale of the ordinary
rules relating to such subjects.

Few can have watched without interest the rapid progress of the
Medical College, from its small and modest beginning in the neigh-
bourhood of the Hindu College, to its present ample dimensions and
extended organization. It is one of the best and most complete prac-
tical refutations extant of the rash and groundless fears usually en-
tertained regarding the prejudices of the natives, and the bug-bear
of interference with their religion, that are such powerful opponents
to the many laudable efforts making in various directions for their
improvement. They, who remember the predictions of failure, and
the host of evils that were imagined to be contained in the attempt
to introduce the practice of human dissection in this great city,
can scarcely imagine they could by any possibility have had refer-
ence to an institution, in which practical anatomy, in the space of
sixteen short years, is pursued to a greater extent than in any school
of corresponding extent in Europe !

This should afford encouragement to Mr. Bethune in the intro-
duction of Female Education, to which the opposition raised is not
a tithe of that which threatened to extinguish and strangle the
Medical College at its birth. The great mistake that is generally
made, is to imagine the idle and impotent vapouring of a few
Calcutta Babus to be an indication of the feelings of the bulk of the
Hindu community, or a circumstance that should excite any feelings
save those of contempt and pity for so unworthy and besotted an
opposition. Unblushing, unscrupulous falsehoods, and the most sense-
less clamour, are the only weapons used by the old order of Calcutta

MISCELLANEOUS NOTICES.

native orthodoxy in this great battle. But we return to the immedi-
ate subject of our notice.

The value of an introductory lecture depends in part upon the
intrinsic merit and originality of its matter, and in some measure
upon its suitability to the occasion of its delivery. When judged
according to either of these standards, we fear that we cannot accord
to Professor Webb the praise fairly due to his industry and good
intentions. According to our notion, a general introductory lecture
should never be devoted to a special subject, however interesting and
valuable that may be in itself. Its real object is to take a general re-
view of the various matters that will engage the attention of the stu-
dents during the coming session, and to exhibit to all the existing
working state of the school. It should point out to those about to
commence the study of medicine, the preliminary knowledge and ac-
quirements absolutely necessary to be possessed by all, who may rea-
sonably hope to enter upon it with any chance of success. It should
exhibit the value of a sound acquaintance with the ordinary branches
of a liberal education, and particularly of the pure and exact sciences —
the importance of which, as a means of cultivating the reasoning pow-
ers, and of rendering the pursuits of the speculative branches of phy-
sic more rigid and exact, has scarcely been estimated at its real value
in the preliminary training of the disciples of iEsculapius. The
application of the science of numbers, and of various formulae and
symbols, to the elucidation and classification of the vast number
of new facts and observations almost daily added to the different
departments of medicine, is, at length, beginning to reduce them
to some degree of order and method, and to promise ere long to
place some at least of its branches on the level of the exaet sciences.

To the first and second-year students, it should afford an out-
line of the objects, uses, and advantages of the elementary subjects
— the pure sciences of medicine — which they are required to study
during the two first years of their college career.

The manifold wonders and numberless objects of interest belong-
ing to the pursuit of Chemistry ; the elegant and fascinating field of
Botany, replete with charms of the highest order, and with a graceful
interest and beauty of its own ; and the awful contemplation of the
anatomy of the human frame, the fearful and wonderful construc-
tion of which has afforded the sublimest proofs of design in the
creation — in themselves afford ample scope for the eloquence and
learning of a lecturer, without travelling into the regions of Greek
tradition and Hindu fable.

Every subsequent period in the progress of the pupil should also
be carefully noted, and its particular points of interest and impor-
tance clearly indicated, in order that the future dispensers of health
and its countless blessings to the multitude of the sick and suffer-
ing, who will come under their care, may have some general idea of
the art and science of medicine as a whole.

On some of these topics Professor Webb has made a few detached

MISCELLANEOUS NOTICES.

iii

remarks in a spirit of earnestness and piety, which make us regret
his not having pursued them throughout. The following extract is
honourable to him, and worthy of the occasion : —

But before proceeding further upon this subject, T will say a few words upon
your own position and duties. There are, perhaps , no medical students at this
moment in the world, to whom such great privileges are so fully and so freely given
of mere sovereign bounty, as those which you receive at the hand of Government.
This medical school, however regarded, as repects its Instructive Establishment, its
Hospitals, its Museums, or the number of patients and students who benefit by it,
is now equal to some of the most ancient schools of Europe ; yet, so far I know,
it stands alone in this, that every advantage is freely given. Here no fees are paid !
The finest Medical education is freely offered gratis, to all comers — of whatever
creed, of whatever caste, of whatever clime. No wonder, where all is thus freely
given, that we find this goodly gathering of students, of all kindreds, and coun-
tries around us. From the Punjab to the Burman Empire, from Ceylon to the
snowy mountains of the North, our young men assemble here ; without any other
jealousy than that of professional honour, any other distinction than that of science.
All are equally welcome, equally rewarded, equally respected, if they do well.

It has been said — a knowledge is power but knowledge and well-doing are not
always synonymous. We sometimes see young men, not behind their fellows in
the race of intelligence, lost, confounded, and ruined ; having forgotten that man
is not only an intelligent, but also a moral being. Do to others as you would be
done by , is a grand rule for the medical student. Follow it out, and you dare
not be idle here. To be so would stain your humanity, dishonour your profession,
disgrace your College.

As Professor of Clinical Medicine, my guidance of your studies has been but
short ; but it has afforded me additional reason to urge upon you this principle
of responsible humanity. Watch over your patients with this principle true in
your hearts, and your minds will seize, with powerful and tenacious grasp, the
Clinical instruction of the Professor. It will become a sacred duty to record your
cases accurately, to think of them earnestly. You will be the first students in
the wards, and the last to leave ; your books will be read well, and well remember-
ed, and understood.

It was said upon the occasion alluded to, of our first Graduates leaving the
College — “ Your duties are four-fold ; they concern the sick, the profession to
which you belong, society at large, and the Government we all have the honor
to serve. Of your duties to yourselves, I say nothing, deeming that they are
self-evident to you. All these duties are based upon this very simple golden rule,
to do to others as we would be done by. An inhuman, a dishonest, a licentious
medical practitioner — is there not in the very expression something that jars upon
the moral sense ? If a physician be wanting in honour, in humanity, and in
rectitude of conduct, what possible security have society for the confidence re-
posed in him ? None ! And where are those on the face of the earth, men in
whose discretion, honour, and goodness, such a large measure of confidence is
placed, as in medical men ? If they want those qualities, then, I emphatically say,
they want all : for the other qualities are naught without the moral ones. Scienti-
fic skill and experience are like the sword of the loyal and brave ; of use only
when in the hands of the honest and true. Personal honour must be the loadstar
of your conduct : without that, you will only be bringing a reproach upon the
fair fame of our profession.” *

You now see before you examples of what courage and conduct will do. Dwar-
kanath Bose was the first of our gallant band of medical pioneers, to return to us
with the diploma of the Royal College of Surgeons. He is now one of your
teachers of Anatomy. Surjoo Coomar Chuckerbutty, just returned with the diploma
of the London University, is Assistant Physician in our College Hospital. Drs.

Report of Council of Medical College, Calcutta, 4th February 1839, p. 2G.

MISCELLANEOUS NOTICES.

Seal and Bose both held appointments in this City. It is not often that men pass
at once from the schools to offices of such importance. In conferring these rewards
upon such young men, the Government has strongly marked its interest in their
welfare, and its desire to encourage you.

Remarks such as these are more to the purpose, and of greater
interest to the native students of medicine, than all the laudation
lavished upon Galen and the Greek Fathers of Physic, or than the
blind enthusiasm which has attempted to extract from the match-
less perfections of Grecian art evidence of an amount of early cul-
ture of human anatomy in Greece, for which there is no adequate
authority in existence.

In regard to the selection of his subject, the learned Professor
has, we opine, been equally unfortunate. We have, in vain, endea-
vored to imagine the reason, which could have induced Dr. Webb to
have deemed Greek medicine a suitable subject for the edification of
the Putuldungah neophytes, nor can we see what connection Galen
has with the very anti- Galenical doctrines now taught and practised
in the Calcutta College.

We freely confess to be of those, who are not “ fond of picking
up little bits of wisdom in great heaps of folly,” and, with all possi-
ble deference for Galen, Plato, Hippocrates, and the galaxy of Greek
worthies referred to in the discourse under review, we cannot help
exclaiming with Prince Hal — “ Oh! monstrous! but one-half penny
worth of bread to this intolerable deal of sack.” Moreover, we
are sceptical enough to believe that the doctrine of Galen had,
in the long and strong hold it maintained on medical opinions,
as mischievous an influence on the progress of medicine, as the
metaphysics of Aristotle exercised on the minds of men generally,
until their dark delusions were dispelled, and for ever discarded by
the bright light of the inductive method.

One of the wittiest, and not the least wise, of modern writers and
philosophers has raised his voice against the practice of raking up
the mouldy ruins of sciences. “ If I were,” said he, “ to open
this battery against medicine, I do not know where I should
stop. Zengis Khan, when he wTas most crimsoned with blood, never
slaughtered the human race, as they have been slaughtered by rash
and erroneous theories of medicine.” It is on this principle that
we regret the selection of his subject by Dr. Webb, who, whether
as the representative of medicine or anatomy, might have exercised
his abilities, and exhibited his learning to better effect, than in
occupying the very questionable field of debating the comparative
claims to admiration of Greek and Hindu Medicine.

Neither time nor space permits us to analyze in detail the train of
reasoning adopted by Dr. Webb. We do not share the contempt,
with which he treats the “ poking in a puddle at a putrid carcase,”
as exhibiting the meagre and superficial, as wTell as erroneous,
knowledge of anatomy possessed by the Hindus. It is scarcely dig-
nified or philosophical to dismiss so important a subject, in the

MISCELLANEOUS NOTICES.

presence of a Hindu audience, with a sneer ; or to imagine that
an isolated error, albeit of the greatest dimensions, is an adequate
test of a great and interesting department of human knowledge.
As little do we consider the unfavourable comparison instituted
between the “ noble witnesses of the anatomical skill ” of the
Greeks, and the monsters disfiguring the walls of the Cave Temples
of India, to be just, or to bear out the inferences, which the lecturer
has attempted to deduce from it.

A more careful study of Hindu Chronology, imperfect as it is,
must, we are much inclined to believe, have shown the Professor that
no comparison could be fairly instituted between them, and that it
would be almost as reasonable to judge the extraordinary monu-
ments of an unknown era, found in Mexico and Peru, by the Greek
standard.

We are disposed to regard the Cave Temples of India as Bud-
dhistical, and not Brahminical remains ; and, heterodox as the opinion
is usually considered, we are inclined to believe that they are much
older than any genuine Hindu relics of the Brahminical period of
domination in Hindustan. We also regard them, as very long
anterior to any Greek specimens of art that have come down to us.
To compare things so essentially dissimilar, and produced in such
different states of human society, would be very nearly akin to
placing the Roman lady’s tea-kettle in the scale against Watt’s Steam
Engine.

We believe, and consider our belief susceptible of proof, that
human anatomy was studied, and practically too, notwithstanding
its imperfections, by the Hindus, long before the Greeks over-
came the prejudices connected with human dissection.

With some degree of inconsistency, but with more show of rea-
son, Dr. Webb supposes that the “ Greeks derived their systems of
philosophy and medicine from the Hindus,” and adduces argu-
ments to show that the close analogy between them could not
have been the result of accident, or of independent observation
and research.

We regret the manner in which the Professor has treated the
subject of Mesmerism ; for, as we are firm believers in the existence
of its influence, and of its wonderful power in controlling certain
diseased states of the system, we are of opinion that any reference
to it should have dwelt on what is certain, and carefully avoided the
objections that are brought against it. The note, appended to Dr.
Webb’s lecture, is, on this account, especially objectionable.

The impostures of Cagliostro are not yet forgotten : and the whole
history of human delusions, in its love for the marvellous, warns us
that such subjects should be handled with the greatest caution.
We were not then prepared to find that a Professor of the Medi-
cal College should introduce Mr. Alin in connection with any scien-
tific fact, or notice with approval certain very suspicious allegations,
which have brought much unmerited obloquy upon what is really

MISCELLANEOUS NOTICES.

true and philosophical in regard to Mesmerism, so far as its facts
and phenomena have yet been investigated.

In spite of the imperfections we have noticed, there is much
that is good and excellent in Dr. Webb’s lecture, and that will repay
the trouble of perusal. He has apprehended in a right spirit the
duties and responsibilities of his calling, and inculcates, with ear-
nestness and truth, the moral qualifications necessary for their due
performance. Dr. Webb is well known to the profession, as the
learned and laborious author of the Pathologia Indica ; and, although
this introductory discourse will not add much to his well-earned
reputation, all must respect and admire his unwearied zeal, untiring
industry, and extended information.

Selections from the Vernacular Buddhist Literature of Bur-
mali , by Lieut. T. Latter , 67th Regt. B. N. I. Maulmain.

American Baptist Mission Press. 1850.

The immediate object of this brochure was to assist the officers
of Government, serving in Arracan and the Tenasserim Provinces,
in the study and acquisition of the Burmese language.

It consists, as we gather from the Preface, of three distinct trea-
tises. The first is the Thoodamma Tsarie, a collection of tales and
fables, illustrative of moral duties and obligations, and referring to
scenes and sites in Hindustan, when Buddhism was the predomina-
ting religion there. It is now printed for the first time.

The second is called Dhamma Pada. It relates chiefly to the life
and wanderings of Gaudama and his disciples, and embodies much
of his doctrines in the form of oral discourses, apophthegms, and
parables. It is a Burmese translation from the Pali.

The last treatise is entitled the Pootsha Pagienaga, or “ Question
and Answer:” and, as Lieut. Latter assures us, contains not only
the exoteric and ceremonial tenets, but the very arcana, of the reli-
gion of Budh ; so that it merits the title of the “ Catechism of
Buddhism.”

We borrow from the Preface a specimen of its contents : —

The Pootsha Pagienaga is a mixture of all kinds of information on Buddhist
history and ethics. Many of its apothegms are admirable and interesting. A
few extracts taken at random will give some idea of the work.

1. Five persons are there who should not be consulted — The five are these.
The fornicator ; the adulterer ; the drunkard ; the quarrelsome person ; and
the fool.

2. By what five modes may great difficulties be overcome ? — By the exer-
cise of charms ; by consulting men of wisdom ; by speaking of good words j
by presenting of gifts ; and by making use of family connexions.

3. What are the eight characteristics of a great judge ? — Much learning and
information ; observance of the sacred law and its obligations ; energy and.

MISCELLANEOUS NOTICES.

exertion ; ability and power ; not coveting another’s goods ; and finally
comeliness of appearance.

4. The four good principles, by which to overcome a foe, are these— Truth ;
wisdom ; diligence ; and liberality.

5. Eight persons are there, who should be firm as a pillar of stone— Judges ;
priests ; witnesses ; warriors in array ; generals ; ambassadors ; umpires ; and
women. These are they, whose steadfastness should be as a pillar of stone.

6. What are the four great things hard to resign ? — One’s children ; one’s
wealth ; one’s life ; and one’s wife.

7. What are the four duties which become the wise and good ? — When they
hear another’s faults, to be as if they had no ears ; when they see another’s
sins, to be as if they had no eyes ; to other women than their own wives, to be
as if they were dumb ; and not to bear another’s transgressions in mind. These
four become the wise and good.

8. What are the four that should be the components of conversation ? — Good
words ; loving words ; true words : and holy words .

9. By what remembrances are an infant’s disposition affected ? — An in-
fant, if it have come from a region of torment, remembering the miseries it has
endured, weeps and moans. An infant, if it have arrived from the regions of
the blessed, calling to mind its former glorious existence, laughs and crows.

10. What are the four things far from one another ?— The one bound of
the great sea is far from the other ; the rising is far from the setting sun ; the
summit of the firmament is far from the earth ; but further still than these is
the wicked from the righteous.

We regret that Lieut. Latter did not carry out his original inten-
tion, and favour the public with a translation of these very interest-
ing treatises. Holding in his hand the key to unthouglit-of
treasures, which may throw much light on the Ancient History of
Hindustan, and perhaps give it an altogether new development, it
is a duty, which his position imposes on him, to bring these trea-
sures to the knowledge of the public. We confess that the rich
mine, which Lieut. Latter indicates, was hitherto, by us at least,
ignored and unsuspected. If it be any thing like, or even nearly
like, what he represents it, he cannot confer a greater boon on orien-
tal literature, than by setting to the work of translation vigorously,
and at once ; and, we have no doubt, that he will be liberally assist-
ed by Government, and the leading Oriental Literary Societies. We
give his very interesting statement in his own words : —

The work, as it now stands, can interest only the Burmese student. To extend
that interest, it had been the author’s original intention to have accompanied it
with a translation and notes. It is doubtful however whether this will ever be
carried out. But he trusts that, in assisting his brother officers in the acquisi-
tion of the Burmese language, some of them will be induced to employ their
intelligence and their leisure in illustrating and investigating the literature of Bur-
mah. This literature affords vast stores of unexplored interest, and that interest by
no means merely local. For the Buddhist literature of Burmah, said to contain
80, GOO volumes, consists of translations of the Ancient Pali literature of Hindus-
tan. When Buddhism was overthrown as a religion in Hindustan, the unceasing
efforts of its conquerors were directed to destroying or altering its monuments
and records. It is this fact which throws so much doubt and uncertainty on
all researches into the actual domestic state of Ancient India. But in the
meanwhile Buddhism had spread into India beyond the Ganges, carrying with
it its vast records ; there, safe from persecution, it remains to the present day ;
and, stored in the garner house of ages, it offers a rich and willing spoil to the
enterprising student.

viii

MISCELLANEOUS NOTICES.

Perhaps there is no historical fact, of which so little is correctly known, as
Buddhism ; and yet none, which has left such voluminous materials for its
investigation . The first arises from the circumstance that these records are in
dialects, which have as yet not drawn the attention of the literary world ; the
second, from the fact of the foundation stone of Buddhism being its vernaculariz-
ing spirit. Its two great characteristics are, and ever have been, Proselytism and
Toleration. And in carrying out the first no mode was left untried. We find
therefore, in its history, the Sabbath readings in the temple, and the preachings
by the highway. Whilst its more abstruse dogmas were preserved in books
for the instruction of the esoteric, every means was adopted to bring its simple
axioms, its current apothegms, and moral maxims to the notice and comprehen-
sion of the humblest peasant. They were embodied in familiar and popular
stories, such as those given in the present work. They used to be fixed upon
posts at the crossing of roads. They have come down to us graved in the living
rock. How many must there have been scrawled by the hand of the zealous on
the passing wall ! It is thus that Buddhism achieved for itself a wider exten-
sion than any other faith, so that even now, in the days of its decadence, it num-
bers perhaps as many votaries as all other religions put together. And it is in
this that it affords so cheering and instructive an example to us, who have the
greater advantage of possessing a still more glorious cause ; and it proves to us
how inevitable must be our success in propagating that cause, if we will but
make use of the same means viz., in every manner possible, however simple
or humble — vernacularizing.

We sincerely hope, that we shall soon have to notice Lieutenant
Latter again.

Bengal Dysentery and its Statistics , with a notice of the
use of large Enemata in that Disease, and of Quinine
in Remittent Fever . By John Macpherson, M. D., 1st As-
sistant, Presidency General Hospital. Pp. 63.

It would be altogether foreign to the purposes of this Review to
discuss professional questions, to attempt to reconcile discrepant
theories of disease, or to canvass the relative merits of different
plans of treatment, adopted in the management of tropical affec-
tions. Such topics, and such a manner of dealing with them, are
suited only for the pages of a purely professional periodical ; but,
as there is unfortunately at present no Medical Journal in Ben-
gal to bring these matters to general notice, we feel bound to
recommend to such of our readers, as take an interest in the sub-
ject, Dr. Macpherson’s little pamphlet on the statistics of Bengal
Dysentery,

The object of the author in laying the result of his observations
and practice before the profession is not very apparent ; but, as all
additions to our knowledge of such dreadful scourges as tropical
Dysentery are interesting and valuable, we shall not, on this
account, quarrel with Dr. Macpherson’s “ attempt to apply the nu-
merical method to the subject.” It is the means most likely to
lead to improvements in practice, to dispel errors, to eradicate inef-
ficient and erroneous plans of treatment, and to lead to sober rational.

MISCELLANEOUS NOTICES.

views. It is rather humiliating to find that the vast accumulat-
ed experience of the two last centuries regarding Dysentery has add-
ed so little to the efficacy of the means of treating this disease
adopted by Sydenham and Helvetius. It still continues at times
to devastate provinces, decimate fleets and armies, and cut off
numerous victims in the prime of life and health, as it did in the
old expedition to Cartliagena, and in many more ancient and mo-
dern campaigns, decided by the fell destroyer, more than by the
skill and strategy of the commanders.

The most valuable part of Dr. Macpherson’s brochure is the
section, headed “ Pathological Facts,” giving in clear well arranged
tables, a brief epitome of the chief morbid appearances found in 160
cases of acute, and 55 of chronic, dysentery. Avery cursory exami-
nation shows that the records of the General Hospital have not been
particularly minutely kept; and that many points of interest
and importance are either altogether overlooked, or treated with a
sententious brevity, that much diminishes their utility and impor-
tance. Liver “ large or small, soft or hard,” is the sum total of infor-
mation afforded respecting its abnormities in numerous instances ;
and this, we need scarcely say, throws very little light upon its
actual morbid state, or its connection with dysentery. The expres-
sions themselves are so very indefinite in the absence of all informa-
tion as to the weight and measured dimensions of the organ,
the length of time that elapsed between death and the examination
of the body, and similar points of interest, as to render it very dif-
ficult to determine whether the organ were really diseased or not.

Again, the peculiar diseased state of that portion of the digestive
tube, which is the seat of the disorder, is very imperfectly noted :
the fact of ulceration is recorded, and in most instances nothing
more.

For all these imperfections, however, we presume that the record,,
and not the observer, is to blame.

The following summary of the true description of the changes
produced by the Bengal Dysentery is a favourable example of the
style and manner of the author : —

It is not my intention to enter into any minute description of the state of the
intestines, which has been faithfully described by both Twining and Raleigh,
nor am I able to throw any fresh light on the nature of the dysenteric process.
It has been compared to erysipelas by Siebert, and to the corrosion of mineral
acids by Cruveilhier and Rokitansky. The mechanical theory of the irritation
of scybala, or accumulation of faeces, acting on an inflamed surface, though
generally abandoned, still finds some supporters. It has by many been attri-
buted to the irritation of altered biliary secretion, or to its absence. Parkes
considers it to be a process of ulceration, universally commencing in the solitary
glands of the large intestine. Others, with Raleigh, consider it to be a simple
inflammation of the mucous coat of the large intestine — (if it were simple, it
would be more amenable to treatment). Whatever of truth or error there may
be in these opinions, the appearance presented to us in simple Bengal dysentery
is, that of an inflammation of the large intestine, which may be diffusive, ulcera-
tive, purulent, haemorrhagic, or gangrenous, according to circumstances. The
disease in Europe and in India is essentially the same ; and the best scientific

MISCELLANEOUS NOTICES.

descriptions of Bengal dysentery are those given by Dr. Baly of London and
Rokitansky of Vienna, although the latter has not met with the amount of ulcera-
tion, which is common here. As seen here, the process is very generally one
of mortification and sloughing, not of simple ulceration ; i. e. the ulceration is
often secondary, and occurs only after the sloughs are thrown off. Inflamma-
tion and ulceration of the solitary glands is very unusual, or has been very care-
lessly observed ; and I believe it may be stated generally, that in Bengal dysen-
tery, they are not peculiarly or primarily diseased. It should be borne in mind
that the state of the solitary glands, as observed by Murray and Parkes, exact-
ly corresponds with their usual appearance in cholera, and that all Murray’s,
and most of Parkes’s, cases occurred in dysenteric patients suddenly carried off
by that disease.

Dr. Macpherson has furnished an appendix, on the use of large ene-
mata in Dysentery, and of Quinine in “Remittent Fever,” which,
we regret to perceive, looks very like a covert attack upon an in-
teresting experiment now in course of trial by Dr. Hare at the
General Hospital. The proper time to canvass that gentleman’s
theory and practice will be when the results of his investigations
are, as they doubtless will be, submitted to the criticism of the pro-
fession at large. From all we have heard on the subject, we are
inclined to accord to Dr. Hare very great credit for the industry
and zeal with which he has advocated his particular views : and
whether they were previously known to, and adopted by, others, ap-
pears to us to be of very secondary importance. The largest amount
of credit we hold to be due to him, who succeeds in procuring the
general adoption of a successful plan of treatment, in the new dis-
covery of which he may have been anticipated by centuries, during
which it lay buried, forgotten, and of no service to the sufferers
from the particular disease which it was intended to remove.

All such gentle onslaughts, as this appendix, we class in the same
category with the attempts made to deprive Harvey of his immortal
discovery, by hunting out obscure passages in Galen and older writers,
to prove that a knowledge of the real course of the circulation was
known to the Greeks ; or the more modern endeavour to pluck the
plumes of Bell and Marshall Hall, by a forced interpretation of
certain shrewd guesses in the writings of Whytt and Prochaska.
The cases are by no means parallel ; it is the practice we wish to
condemn. Dr. Hare may be altogether wrong, for aught that we
know ; and nothing is further from our intention than to express
any opinion whatever on his plans. We only contend for the prin-
ciple, that he should not be judged unheard, and that it is scarcely
fair to prejudge and prejudice his experiment in public estimation,
before its conclusion.

With the exception above noted, we esteem Dr. Macpherson’s
monograph, although it contains nothing new, to be a valuable
paper, and one of considerable interest to the profession. We hope
it is only one of a series to illustrate the pathology and treatment
of the different endemic and epidemic scourges of Bengal, from the
records of the Hospital to which he is attached.

MISCELLANEOUS NOTICES.

Le Bhagavat Bar ana , ou, Histoire Poetique du Krishna ;
traduit et public par M. Eugetie Burnouf Membrede l In-
stitut , Professeur de Sajiskrit au College Royal de France.
(The Bhagavat Parana, or. Poetical History of Krishna ;
translated and published by Eugene Burnouf, Member of the
Institute , Professor of Sanskrit in the Royal College of
France J. Paris . 1840.

Professor Wilson has furnished us with a translation of the
Vishnu Pur ana, which we have noticed before in this Review. It is
now our pleasant task to recommend another valuable addition
to the list of translations from the Sanskrit. Professor Wilson
remarks that the Bliagavat Parana is of great celebrity in India,
and exercises a more direct and powerful influence upon the opinions
and feelings of the people, than perhaps any other of the Puranas.
The Sanskrit typography, and beauty of the printing of this work
executed in Paris, are superior to that of any Sanskrit publications,
we have seen issued from the English or Continental Press.

This Purana, along with Gorresio’s translation of the Ramayan,
pours a flood of light on what may be called the middle age history
of Hinduism — the period when hero-worship flourished, and when the
doctrines of the Vedas gave but a faint glimmer of light. The trans-
lator has a preface of 163 pages, which bears evident marks of
the indefatigable research of the author of “ Bouddhisme Indien,”
“ Essai sur le Pali,” &c. He points out that our duty is not so much to
speculate on, as to translate, the Sanskrit texts. Among these the eighteen
Puranas present objects of peculiar interest. Allusions to P uranic
legends made in the Vedas, and Archaeological researches shew the
antiquity of the Puranas, which existed as legends in the times of
the Ramayan and Mahabharat, were chaunted by bards, and were
designed for the study of women and Sudras, as the Vedas were for
the twice-born; they have indeed been called the fifth Veda. These
Puranas, or ancient traditions, have undergone various modifications.
They were at first chronicles and genealogical tables ; but subsequently
they were used to advocate sectarian tenets, being written under the
guise of legends, and designed for those classes who were not allowed
to study the Vedas.

Vopadeva, who flourished about the thirteenth century, lived at the
court of Ramchandra of Daulatabad, and was the author of a celebra-
ted Sanskrit Grammar, is considered to have been the compiler of the
Bhagavat Purana, which ranks in the estimation of the natives along
with the Vishnu Purana. These are the only two, out of the eighteen,
which are ordinarily read by the Pandits. The Bhagavat is held in
special honour by the followers of Chaitanya, and has been translated
into the Tamul, Telugu, and Canarese ; though not of such ancient
date as some other Puranas, its publication is of importance.

Xll

MISCELLANEOUS NOTICES-

Persons have either attributed an extravagant remoteness of anti-
quity to Hindu mythology, or have gone to the other extreme in as-
signing its origin to the Bactrian Greeks. But researches into the
Pali — “ the Italian of Sanskrit,” and into the language of the Vedas,
which corresponds almost entirely with that found on the most ancient
monuments of the followers of Zoroaster, have thrown much light
on this question. Similarly, with respect to the Puranas, investigation
has evinced that, though the form and style of the Bhagavat is
modern, the germ is ancient, and dates from the period of the Ma-
liabharat, while the author quotes many passages from the Vedas,
“ in giving a new form to old materials.” Bhagavat, who gives his
name to this book, is Krishna, an incarnation of Vishnu : and in the
Bhagavat Purana are incorporated the ideas of the Vedas, the
legends of the Mahabliarat, and the philosophy of the Sankhya
system, antagonistic to a revelation.

The eighteen Puranas contain the enormous amount of 1,600,000
lines : yet the greater part of them have been translated into the ver-
naculars of India, while copious analyses of different portions have
been given by Vans Kennedy in his Besearches into Ancient and
Hindu Mythology , and by Professor Wilson. These extracts throw
light on a warm controversy, which was carried on respecting the
antiquity of the Puranas between Professor Wilson and Vans
Kennedy — the former, in his Preface to the Vishnu Purana, having
attributed a modern origin to the Puranas ; however the majority of
orientalists seem to be opposed to Wilson’s views, on the ground that
while the Vedas have been the sources of religious information
for the learned classes, the Puranas from a very early period seem
to have been regarded as the Bible of the common people, the
record of their religious history, and the storehouse of their tra-
ditions. A class of bards formerly existed at the courts of Native
Princes, whose sole business was to commit to memory the Puranas,
or legendary chronicles of the Hindus, and to recite them to chiefs,
when tired with the chace, or on festive occasions. A similar practice
was adopted with respect to the Gaelic Poems in the castles of the
Highland chiefs.

Among the wrorks calculated to give an insight into the modes of
thought and habits of the Hindus in modern times, there are few
of more value than the Puranas. While the Vedas are of great use
in throwing light on the state of society at the era of the Mahabha-
rat and Ramayan, we must still look to the Puranas to give us a
clue to the various curious customs, which at present exist in this
country, and regarding the origin of which we in vain seek for
information from the Pandits, who are (at least in Calcutta) as
bad guides in legendary lore, as they are in grammatical studies.
Were a Sir Walter Scott now to arise in Bengal, he would, we fear,
derive but very scanty information from the Bhattachargyas and
Bandapadhyas of the day. In fact the little interest taken by any
class of Hindus in the operations of that noble institution, the

MISCELLANEOUS NOTICES.

Xlll

Asiatic Society, shows that the spirit of persevering oriental research
has for the present taken its flight from the shores of the Ganges
to the banks of the Rhine and the Seine.

In this dearth then of local information, we rejoice at the public-
ation of Monsieur Burnoufs elaborate translation of the Bhagavat
Purana. Professor Wilson had previously aided in the same cause
by his edition of the Vishnu Purana, and his MSS. analysis of other
Puranas, which now line the shelves of the Asiatic Society’s library,
instead of being published for general information. The Asiatic So-
ciety receive 6,000 Rupees per annum from the Court of Directors for
publishing oriental texts and translations. We have one valuable
result in the Bibliotliica Indica : but only eighty pages a month are
jfhus published. Could we not have an edition of some of the Puranas
under the patronage of the same Society ? We feel assured that
there are able natives in Calcutta, who would gladly engage in such
an undertaking, were encouragement held out to them.

The execution of this edition of the Bhagavat Purana is a magni-
ficent memorial of the progress of the typographical art in France, and
of the attention that is paid on the banks of the Seine to orientalism.
The translation was commenced under the auspices of Louis Phi-
lippe, who, whatever political errors he committed, cannot certainly
be denied the praise of having contributed very much, both by his
purse and Government measures, to the development, not only of the
industrial resources of France, but also of her artistic talents.
England, though possessing such an Empire in the East, cannot
boast of so finished a specimen of Sanskrit typography issuing from
her Presses, as is presented by the work we have now noticed.

Satyarnab . Sea of Truth. Calcutta. Lepage and Co. D'Ro -

zario and Co.

This is a monthly publication, in Bengali, of 1 6 pages, price six
pice, and printed by Native Christians. We give the subjects of the
articles in the first three numbers. Editorial Introduction — Notes
on the Prayer Book — Life of Lord Bacon — The Lex Loci — “ Thou
God seeest me ” — On Cholera — News of the Month — Life of Lilavati —
Notes on the Prayer Book — Account of an insincere Enquirer — A Sha-
dow— Memoir of Dr. Buchanan — Ancient History — Life of Kali Das
— On Fever — Account of Snakes — Memoir of Dr. Buchanan — Faith in
Christ. The work is on the plan of the Penny and Saturday Maga-
zines ; and, we think, by its combining literary with religious articles,
it will be acceptable to a wider class of readers. The circulation is
said to have reached 500 ; and, we hope it may be higher, for such
publications are of great value at the present time, when the Hindu
mind is so much influenced by the staple of its Vernacular
literature.

XIV

MISCELLANEOUS NOTICES.

Sambad Sudhansu , or Messenger of Nectar. Calcutta.

D'Rozario and Co.

This is a weekly newspaper in Bengali, printed at the cheap rate
of four pice a number, at the Encyclopaedia Press, Cornwallis Square.
It is conducted by Native Christians ; and we are glad to see that,
while it upholds European ideas, it has no sympathy with that
unfortunate class of monkey imitators, yclept Young Bengal ; nor
does it repudiate the ancient literature of the country, as if the
Hindus, like the Kaffirs of Africa, had been in a state of barbarism.
The Editor gives a translation from the Mahabharat, respecting the
deluge, and we hope he will furnish a regular series of papers on
similar subjects. This newspaper embraces the news of the week,
comments on events, correspondence, &g.

Satya Pradip, or Lamp of Truth . Serampur y Townsend ,

Calcutta ; D'Rozario.

This is a paper in Bengali, issued every Saturday from the Seram-
pur Press, and givingeight quarto pages forsix rupees a year. Seram-
pur has the high honour of having produced the first Vernacular news-
paper in India, — the Darpan, which continued for twenty-two years,
pouring a stream of useful information into the minds of the Native
Community. The Satya Pradip comes from the same Press; and we
are glad the Editor has issued it in Bengali only, as people are not
willing to pay a double price for the same matter in alternate
columns of English and Bengali. There is not a single periodical
published on the latter plan now in Calcutta. The day for such a
system is passed. A Musalman, a few years ago, started a paper in
five different languages in parallel columns, but it only reached
the second number.

Both the matter and typography are highly creditable to the Edi-
tors, who have taken the plan of the Friend of India for their model,
comprising editorials on the events of the time, a digest of the week’s
news, correspondence from natives on the reforms required for the coun-
try, descriptions, &c. &c. The circulation has reached about 250, the
greater part of the subscribers being natives; and Government has very
liberally subscribed for thirty copies for the use of their Vernacular
schools. We hope that there is no design of laying an anna- stamp
on native newspapers, as the effect would be, that, so far from increasing
the Post Office revenue, it would prove a complete extinguisher on the
native newspapers, which, at the present time, circulate much general
information among the Native Community, are contributing to form a
good model of popular style in the Bengali language, and are gradually
familiarizing the Hindus with the Sddit Basket , or classical Bengali.

SANDERS, CONES AND CO., TYPS., NO. 14, LOLL BAZAR.

NOTE BY THE EDITOR

In returning our grateful acknowledgements for the valuable
communications with which we continue to be favoured from all
parts of India, it may be necessary to state, that we allow, as we
have always done, considerable latitude of opinion to our contribu-
tors ; and that this Review is open to every temperate, judicious, and
well-considered statement, having for its object to expose and reform
errors and abuses, to further the religious and intellectual progress
of the people, to ameliorate the working of the Company’s rule,
to illustrate the history and condition, and to promote the stability
and well-being, of our Indian Empire. We have a higher aim in
view than mere Editorial consistency ; and, though certain articles
which have appeared, or may yet appear, in these pages, may
consider minor (and yet important) questions from different, or even
opposite points of view, we are persuaded that the truth will thus be
more successfully elicited, than by the ablest one-sided advocacy.

To the leading principles, on which the Review has hitherto been
conducted, we shall steadfastly adhere ; endeavouring to make it
more and more an impartial literary journal, and the honest and
earnest advocate of every useful and practicable reform, affecting the
polity and the moral and physical condition of the people of Hin-
dustan.

Note on Art. 8, No. XXVI. — In our Notice of the Calcutta High
School (No. XXVI. p. 458), we find that we have done unintentional
injustice to Mr. Graves, who succeeded Mr. Macqueen in the Rec-
torship. It might seem, from our statement, that the school fell into
disrepute in consequence of the removal of Mr. Macqueen ; whereas
the fact is, that the number of scholars continued to increase, and,
during the greater portion of the eleven years during which Mr.
Graves held the Rectorship, was considerably larger than it had ever
been under Mr. Macqueen’s very successful management.

M* « •

‘

! m . : e&pt

‘ *

CALCUTTA REVIEW.

Art. I. — 1. Yad Namuh ; a Chapter of Oriental Life . Lon-
don. 1850.

2. Ten Years in India; or , the Life of a Young Officer ; by
Captain Albert Hervey, 4:0th Regiment, Madras Native Infan-
try. 3 vols. London. 1850.

3. Sketches of Naval and Military Adventure ; by one in the
Service. Bath and London. No date.

4. Sir Charles Napiers Itidian Baggage Corps ; reply to
Lieutenant- Colonel Burltons attack; by Major Montagu
McMurdo , late head of the Quarter Master Generals De-
partment in Scinde. London. 1850.

Ever and anon a complaint reaches ns to the effect, that in
the general constitution of this Review there is discernible a want
of light and amusing matter. There is really some justice in
the charge ; but we must plead “ extenuating circumstances.”
It is, certainly, our first object to instruct the reader ; but we
rejoice greatly in an opportunity of amusing him. The oppor-
tunity, however, is just what we want. The table of the
European reviewer is ever covered with light literature. He
has only to take his choice. He may be as dainty as he
likes ; something is sure to please his taste. No possible
subject is prohibited; no description of literature is tabooed.
Poems, plays, novels, travels, essays, written in any language
and published in any part of the world, come within his juris-
diction. It is very different with us. Our range of subjects is
limited. Our opportunities are few. All we can say is, that
if people will write amusing books about India, we will under-
take to review them. As it is, we are often compelled to
review books, which are not amusing. A batch of “ light
literature ” does not always afford materials for a light article.
A large number of the lighter works relating to India, which
find their way into print, are neither good enough, nor bad
enough, to suit the purpose of the reviewer. They are of a
kind to forbid all emotion. They do not fill him with delight;
they do not inspire him with anger. He cannot work himself
into anything like an enthusiasm over them. The most that

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206

it is permitted to him to do, is to gossip over their contents
as familiarly as possible, and to ask the reader to be as tolerant
and as good-natured as he is inclined to be himself.

The books now before us differ greatly from each other ;
but, inasmuch as they are all written by military men and
relate mainly to military topics, they are grouped together
without inconsistency in this article. Yad Namuh dates
from the Oriental Club, and (as it purports to be the
work of a man, who went out to India when the Duke of
Wellington was a young Colonel, and Jonathan Duncan
was Governor of Bombay) is written by one of the not most
juvenile members of that not very juvenile congeries of Anglo-
Indian life. It is not improbable that, before long we shall
have something to say about the cumbrous building in the
corner of Hanover Square, and of the humanity that assem-
bles within it. The Oriental Club were surely worth an ar-
ticle. Now, we purpose only to say briefly that we should
not be sorry if the Club would send us forth a few more “ chap-
ters of Oriental Life.” There are scores of idle men to he seen
every day, lounging about the reading-room and library, or
sauntering into the coffee-room to order their dinners and to
recruit themselves, after the exertion, with a glass of sherry
and a crust of bread, who, if they would only write down, with
as little pretence of fine writing as possible, their own personal
experiences during the last fifty years, could hardly fail to add
some very interesting and suggestive volumes to our library of
Anglo-Indian literature. The old Indians, who frequent the
Oriental Club, complain of many disorders, and are doubtless
afflicted with some — ennui not being the least : but the cacoe-
thes scribendi is assuredly not one of them. It is hard to
induce the greater number of them to write anything beyond a
chit. Occasionally, in a paroxysm of energy, induced by the
perusal of some stirring intelligence from India, one of them
may rush to a writing-table, seize a pen, and endeavour to lay
before the world, through the medium of the ubiquitous Times
newspaper, his opinions of the manner in which a certain bat-
tle ought to have been fought, or certain political negociations
conducted. But this is almost the extent of his literary indus-
try. Even men, who in India, in the midst of incessant and
burdensome official duties, found both time and inclination for
literary pursuits, no sooner find themselves in England with
absolutely nothing to do, than they protest their inability to
write a line that is worth reading. There is something in
British air, which seems prematurely to rust the minds of re-
turned Indians, who often from active energetic men, possess-

RECENT MILITARY MEMOIRS.

267

ing first-rate abilities and eager to turn them to good account,
sink suddenly into indolent listless drones, with scarcely a
thought beyond their breakfasts and dinners, the play-house,
the opera, and the races.

But we purpose to write of this another time ; and, therefore,
turn to the book before us. This stray gift from the Oriental
Club is not to be much criticised. Adopting honest Sancho’s
maxim, we pray ‘ God bless the giver/ and do not much intend
to look the gift-horse in the mouth. Yad Namuh is the auto-
biography of an Indian officer of the old school. In its pages,
it will be difficult to recognise either events or characters,
they are so transposed and compounded ; which scrap of criti-
cism (lest it should be alleged that we are incontinently depart-
ing from our intentions) we beg to say is nothing more than
the writer’s own account of his work. “ In the following pages,”
he says in his preface, “it will be difficult to recognise either
* events or characters, they are so transposed and compounded ;

‘ yet an experienced observer (or a living cotemporary, of which
c few remain) may, perhaps, detect lights and shades of Oriental
4 life, such as it used to be in by-gone times.” We must indeed
acknowledge, that there is something rather hazy and obscure
about the book. Even the professed novelist generally con-
descends to tell us where it is, that he lays the scene of his
romance. But the author of Yad Namuh , which is not to be
called a romance so much as a personal narrative, leaves the
reader to discover for himself to which of the three Presidencies
of India his anxious parents were pleased to ship him. They
bundled him off very hastily without a day’s notice ; and, after
spending a few days in London, and going through certain
ceremonies at the India House, he makes his way to Portsmouth,
and is soon on board the capacious vessel which is destined to
carry him to the East. In those days a cadet swung his
hammock, or had a standing berth, in the steerage. Captain
Hervey complains that he was billeted with a chum, and re-
commends every young man to have a cabin to himself. In
no respect has a greater change taken place in the customs of
Anglo-Indian life, than in this matter of the first start of the
adventurer. The author of Yad Namuh had most probably,
not one chum, but a score or two. Cadets went out gre-
gariously in those days, and roughed it throughout a long
voyage, rendered endurable only by the occasional excitement
of a pirate, a shark, or a storm. They had no notion of
the extensive outfits supplied by the Silvers and Maynards
of the present day : they were guiltless of all knowledge
of the magna catena of bullock trunks and packing-cases,

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RECENT MILITARY MEMOIRS.

crowded with every conceivable description of articles, from al>
solute necessities to utter impossibilities, that the imagina-
tion of an outfitter can suggest. The goods and chattels of
the young hopeful of Yad Natnuh were all stowed away in a
huge sea-chest. “ At top, " he says, “ I found two long letters
‘ of advice, one of credit, very circumscribed indeed, several
‘ recommendatory epistles and other useless articles, a pair
‘ of hair curl-irons, a large quantity of hair-powder and poma-
‘ turn — in short, every requisite for the decoration of the out-
‘ side of the head, as well as the body, but not a book of any
‘ description, excepting a pockeL Johnsons Dictionary and a
‘ new Bible, the latter intended, I suppose, to keep the devil
‘ out of the box, much in the same way as we put camphor
‘ and sandal- wood to scare away vermin. I, however, took the
‘ precaution of turning over the leaves of the Bible most care-
‘ fully, having heard of bank-notes (the current coin of those
* days) being sometimes deposited in such places to detect
‘ lukewarm Christians." This is not very reverential. But
we have heard of bibles and bank-notes put to these tradi-
tionary uses, though we cannot say that we ever knew any one
who had happened to find any of the latter between the leaves
of the former. In our time, bibles were more plentiful and
bank-notes more rare. We remember, however, that thrifty
people used to put the bible to other uses. It was no uncommon
thing some years ago, and perhaps is no uncommon thing now,
for the embryo civil or military officer, on paying his farewell
visit to some relative or friend, to be saluted with the question,
“ Have you got a bible and prayer book ?” and on returning
the answer — there was sure to be only one answer — “ Oh ! yes,
of course, I have to meet with the rejoinder, “ I only asked,
because I intended to give you one.” We do not know how
many intentions of this kind we did not carry with U3 to India.
Fortunately, they did not take up much room in our cabin. If
they had been more cumbrous, we should not have known where
to stow them away ; for the generosity of a wealthy guardian,
who stood in loco parentis , the comprehensive imagination of
an outfitter, and an incurable bibliomania, which beset us
early in life and has not yet been suppressed, filled our eleven-
feet square of ship-room with such a strange menagerie of
dead-stock, from pots of jam to works on the human under-
standing, that we could not have held many additions to the
store, until, in progress of time, the sure process of human
consumption reduced some portion of our supplies to a
fraction of their original bulk. We well remember how, about
the time of eight-bells at noon, we discussed with one or two

RECENT MILITARY MEMOIRS.

269

chosen companions, orange marmalade, the Berkleyan theory,
and the progress of the ship. Though we had rather an exten-
sive supply of perfumery, we had more aids to the embellish-
ment of the interior than the exterior of the head (such have
been the inroads of the school-master since the days of the
young hopeful of Yad NamuhJ , and we pomatumed our brains
with such a mass of metaphysical rubbish, that it took years to
comb it out again. We should have found much better reading
in the one book, that the Cadet half-a-century ago discovered in
his single sea-chest. We do not mean by this, that books are
not good (perhaps the best) components of a Cadet’s outfit.
We only mean that they may be chosen unwisely. We should
like to see every Cadet with a box full of them — the larger the
better — and a cabin to himself to read them in. Libraries are
to be bought cheaply in these days. You may buy for a shil-
ling what once cost you a guinea, and find in a single volume
the contents of half-a-dozen. At a cost of a few shillings may
be purchased good reading for a voyage ; and it will not take
more room in one’s cabin than a dozen pots of jam.

In due course, indeed, after an unusually short voyage for
those days, young Hopeful is landed at a place, which the
44 experienced observer ” is left to discover to be Bombay. What
the inexperienced observer may make of it, it is hard to say.
Upon reporting himself to the Town Major, he and his com-
panions are conducted to Government House, 44 for the purpose

* of being exhibited to the Governor, while all the yellow-faced

4 European settlers and the natives drew up, as we passed along
4 the streets, to grin and stare at our fine fresh English com-
4 plexions.” Arrived at the great house, they were shown into
an open hall, and were beginning to gape about them and
to wipe the perspiration from their foreheads, when there
entered from an adjoining room 44 a little sallow shabby-look-
ing person, rubbing his hands together, as if to keep himself
warm.” Upon this, the staff-officer cried “ Attention, gentle-
men ! here is the Governor !” 44 This intimation,” says the

autobiographer, 44 occasioned a good deal of surprise amongst
4 us, as from the appearance of a number of pompous and
4 splendidly-dressed gentlemen, who were moving about, we
4 had expected something more imposing than a striped pea-

* green silk coat, white cotton vest, and inexpressibles. The
4 disproportion of the Governor’s head to his body was even

* more striking than the singular simplicity of his dress ;
4 indeed, he carried it a little on one side, as if he felt the
4 weight of it oppressive.” After this picture of the external

270

RECENT MILITARY MEMOIRS.

characteristics of the Governor, we have the following account
of his moral and intellectual qualities : —

This gentleman had been selected from among the Company’s civil
servants in India, where he had filled a number of important offices, and
endeared himself to the natives by a kind and conciliatory demeanour, as
well as by his extensive acquirements in Oriental languages and literature.
In his private expenditure he was liberal, but in public matters he was
parsimonious : and it was probably owing to this circumstance that the
new school, which began to figure about this time, pronounced him to be
unfit for his high station. They said he could not take a comprehensive
view of any great political question — in short that he was a practical illustra-
tion of the saying, “ Tel brille au second rang, qui s’eclipse au premier.” I
leave that to be settled by the Oriental historians, observing, at the same
time, that it is a dangerous trial for a person, who has passed with ecldt
through a subordinate career, to be placed (as Governor) at the head of the
community, among whom he commenced his noviciate. The example is rare
of their succeeding. I can only recall one instance of the kind in the
course of my experience; but then he was one of a thousand, or such as
may not be met with again in a century.

The “ experienced observer” will discover, without much
trouble, though the author furnishes no other clue, that this is
a portrait of Jonathan Duncan, who was Governor of Bombay
at the commencement of the present century. Sir James
Mackintosh called him a good specimen of a Brahmanized
Anglo-Indian. His character is not badly sketched by Sir
James in a few pregnant lines. “ The Governor,” he says, “ who

* has been very civil to me, is an ingenious, intelligent man, not

* without capacity and disposition to speculate. Four and

* thirty years in this country have Brahmanized his mind and
‘ body. He is good-natured, inclined towards good, and indis-

* posed to violence, but rather submissive to those who are

* otherwise.” There were many men, “ who were otherwise ”
in those days ; and at the head of these were Lord Wellesley
and Major Malcolm. Jonathan Duncan was not fast enough
for politicians of the Wellesley-and-Malcolm school. He was
not what is called a “ vigorous statesman ;” but he was a very
benevolent one. His name is still held in veneration by the
few surviving natives, who remember him at Benares and Bom-
bay, and by the many, who have heard their fathers speak, with
reverence and affection, of his paternal sovereignty among them.
His fault, as a Governor, judged by the standard of 1800-1806,
was that he had no natural taste for dragooning. He had some
strange heterodox notions about the duty of governing India
for the sake of the people — of doing the largest possible
amount of good to those who had already become subject to
British rule. He was a simple-minded, kind-hearted man, and

RECENT MILITARY MEMOIRS.

271

had not an idea of bullying any living creature. “ The new
school, which began to figure about this time,” declared that he
was too easily bullied. For example, when the Persian ambas-
sador, Hadji Khulil Khan, was killed at Bombay in 1802,
and Malcolm (at that time Acting Private Secretary to Lord
Wellesley) was despatched on a special mission of explanation
and reconciliation to the Western Presidency, and, afterwards, if
necessary, to the Persian Gulph — he complained that Jonathan
Duncan had in the meanwhile suffered himself to be bullied by
the Ambassador’s suite, who put forth pretensions, which Mal-
colm, in his more “ vigorous ” manner, very soon contrived to
suppress.

The author of Yad Namuh, with his usual love of obscurity,
tell3 us that he never knew but one Indian Governor, who, hav-
ing been “ placed at the head of a community, among whom
he commenced his noviciate,” fulfilled worthily the duties of his
office ; and lie was “ one in a thousand, or such as may not be
met with again in a century'.' This is either a fine example of
the bathos, or an extraordinarily liberal expenditure of Gover-
nors, not at all in accordance with the tables either of Mr. Davis
or Mr Neison. At the least it allows an expenditure of ten
Governors a year, But, setting aside this consideration, we should
like very much to know who, according to the writer’s ideas of a
really good Governor, this “ one in a thousand ” was. Was it
Mountstuart Elphinstone — was it Thomas Munro — was it John
Malcolm ? Or, going back to a more remote date and a more
extended sphere of action, was it Robert Clive, or Warren
Hastings, or John Shore ? Or adverting to our own times, was
it Charles Metcalfe, or George Clerk, or Henry Pottinger ? Our
own ideas on this subject, already expressed, by no means tally
with those of our author. The only argument ever adduced
against the system of promoting men from the services to the
chief controul, civil or military, of those very services, might, with
equal cogency, be applied to every description of professional
rise. It is not alleged in England that a man is unfit to be a
Lord Chancellor, or a Chief Justice, because he has gone the
circuit, and dined at the bar table, and been for years in a
state of familiar intercourse with his brethren of the long robe,
who will henceforth have to plead before the ermine of their
old companion. A Bishop is appointed to exercise domi-
nion over his old college chums — a general officer over his old
companions in arms. Our own deliberate opinion is, that in
every profession the highest prizes should be open to every
member of it, and that, just as every young barrister feels that
he may some day be Lord Chancellor, and every young deacon

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RECENT MILITARY MEMOIRS.

that he may some day be Archbishop of Canterbury, we would
have every young writer on the establishment feel that he may
some day be Governor-General, and every young cadet, that,
in due course, he may be appointed Commander-in-Chief.

Perhaps, the best example of all that might be cited in
answer to our author’s objections — the example, which indeed
not improbably furnishes his one exceptional cause — is that of
Sir Thomas Munro. Captain Hervey has supplied us with an
anecdote in illustration of the reverence and affection with
which Munro was regarded by the natives of Madras, which
may stand instead of any remarks of our own on this most
attractive subject

But mentioning Sir Thomas Munro’s statue reminds me of a little
anecdote in relation to it. I was one day driving by the monument, when
I saw an old man in a red coat, with three chevrons on his right arm,
standing leaning on his staff, and gazing silently on the exalted statue.
He was evidently an old pensioner, not only from bis dress, but from a
certain degree of military carriage in his tout ensemble, which there was
no mistaking. Out of curiosity I stopped my buggy, got out, and address-
ed the veteran. “ What are you looking at, my fine old fellow ?” enquired
I. “ Do you know who that is intended to represent?” “ Who can have
known the great Sir Thomas Munro,” replied the old man, “ without remem-
bering him? And who can have known him without loving him? And
how can I, who have served under him for many years, ever forget him ?”

“ Then you think that is a good likeness of our Governor — you recognize
the face ?” asked I.

“ Yes, Sir,” said he, “ it is a good likeness, but we shall never again see
any like him. He was indeed the friend of the Indian, whether a sepoy or
a ryot at the plough. Madras will never again have a Governor like him.”
And raising his right hand to his head, he gave the old-fashioned salute,
lifted up his bundle and walked off, mumbling to himself about the impro-
priety of crows being allowed to build their nests on the top, and to dirt
over the head of the greatest man of his age.

But we are now, we believe, at Bombay, not at Madras, under
the guidance of the author of Yad Namuh. Young Hopeful
gets on rapidly, is invited to a dinner-party at a certain Gene-
ral’s, and acquits himself there very honourably by singing a good
song and getting immoderately drunk. Young military students,
who have matriculated in this Napierian era, will, doubtless, be -
surprized to learn what was the result of this indiscretion : —

The next morning, I found myself in bed at Colonel Drinkwater’s house
in a most shameful condition, and fit to be exhibited as an example against
drunkenness. I found also a note from Colonel Dragon, to know my reasons
for being absent from parade that morning, which my friend the Colonel
kindly undertook to answer for me, as I could not hold my head up, much
less a pen. The reply he made was perfectly correct : — “ The poor boy
had been taken ill during the night, and was still in a raging fever.”

A little mulligatawney about one o’clock so far restored me, that the
Colonel ventured to joke with me.

RECENT MILITARY MEMOIRS.

273

“ So, my young gentleman, you can’t sing. Eh ! faith, you astonished
us all last night.”

“ I shall never forget it, Sir,” said I, rubbing my aching forehead.

“ I don’t think you will,” replied the Colonel ; “it has got you an aide-de-
camp-ship. I have just had a note from General Crotchet, saying he ha3
recommended you to the Commander-in-Chief for the situation.”

“ I never heard before,” said I, “ of a man getting a post for getting
drunk.”

“ But, my young friend,” replied the Colonel, “you have only to get
sober again. Do not look so very miserable, but try if you can get up and
dress yourself to go with me and return thanks to the General himself.”

In these days, instead of a staff appointment, a brisk dose
of Napier’s purge is the reward of such after-dinner achieve-
ments. The story as told by the author of Yad Namuh may
look like an exaggeration ; but we have, really, little difficulty
in believing it. We are old enough ourselves to remember the
days when gallantry at the mess-table was a characteristic of a
young officer by no means lightly esteemed by veteran com-
mandants ; when to shirk the bottle was as great an offence
as to shirk duty ; and when staff-appointments, if not won by a
single Bacchanalian coup , were sometimes obtained by a slower
process of convivial graduation. Such indeed was the case of a
very dear friend of ours, for whom, in his hot youth, some
convivial excellencies of this kind, associated, however, with a
happy faculty of “ carrying his liquor discreetly,” won the ap-
probation and the patronage of his first commandant ; and
lie was on the high road to a staff appointment, when the
course of training, to which he was subjected under these
distinguished auspices, was suddenly cut short by an intrusive
fever, which sent him to England and well nigh to his grave.
These were days when the small hours of the morning not un-
frequently saw the “second supper” on the mess-table. Now,
parties, which less than twenty years ago were often not broken
up before three in the morning, are generally dispersed in the
evening soon after nine.

We must pass over the history of young Hopeful’s “ aide-de-
camp noviciate ” and plunge him at once into the midst of ac-
tive military life. Not, however, that we intend to follow him
through his “ hair-breadth escapes in the imminent deadly
breach — these stories have been told too often. But there is a
good deal of graver and more suggestive matter mixed up with
the narrative portion of the work. Here is something regard-
ing the multifarious duties of the officers of the Company’s
army, which is worth quoting : —

The East India Company’s officers possess one great and incalculable
advantage in the diversity of employments they are called upon to fill.
They are, by turns, military, civil, and diplomatic ; their ideas become

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RECENT MILITARY MEMOIRS.

expanded ; they lose that automaton-like impression, which is the result of
passing almost a whole life in a barrack yard, or having the little brains,
they may happen to be blessed with, spread over the surface of a Book
of Regulations! Nothing can compensate for this: it deadens a man’s
intellects, converts him into a mere machine, and renders him perfectly
useless for any more intellectual purpose than that of being shot at— a
useful accomplishment in the army, no doubt, though obtained at an im-
mense sacrifice to the individual.

The Duke of Wellington may he quoted as an instance of the great
advantage to be derived from diversity of employment. His duties in
India were diplomatic, civil and military, extending over an immense
tract of country, and combining a variety of conflicting interests. It was
the exercise of these, that developed the energies of his lofty genius, and
prepared it (as it were) for the great European struggle, upon which he
entered with advantages which none of his contemporaries had had oppor-
tunities of acquiringin the little predatory excursions, which (with the excep-
tion of the expedition to Egypt) were the only ones the Government of
Great Britain had ventured upon. In all the laborious details of every
department of the army in the Peninsula of Spain, and which the mass
of the community have overlooked in the splendid military results, no
person was so thoroughly conversant with them as the Duke of Wellington.
In fact, h q formed that army, from the Generals of divisions and brigades
down to the very camp-followers ; and he must have entertained the same
contempt for the counsels and opinions of the home authorities of Great
Britain, as the Duke of Marlborough did for the Dutch deputies, who, in
like manner, impeded all his operations.

All this is pre-eminently true; but it hardly appears to us that
the following is in keeping with it. It seems, indeed, to con-
tradict the premises : —

I own it is frequently mortifying, when all the fag and drudgery of a
campaign has fallen almost exclusively on the native troops, to see the
whole credit of it reaped by His Majesty’s officers; but it is the nature of
our service. Company’s general officers are always so superannuated, that
I never wish to see one of them Commander-in-Chief. They leave England
mere boys, know nothing of European life, nor have they in general proper
notions of either discipline or subordination. They acquire liberal habits
certainly, amounting to profusion, but all their views are colonial, and their
predilections Asiatic. They make good political residents, and commandants
of subsidiary forces ; hut where anything great is to be undertaken against
any other than a purely Asiatic enemy, give me a King’s general officer
of intelligence, who has all his native energies about him, and who can
command the respect and implicit obedience of every one ; not a nervous
old man, like some of ours, ever anxious to conciliate, and so afraid to give
offence, that he embroils his whole camp in petty jealousies and disputes.

We do not quite see the force of this. If the duties of the
Indian service are of such a nature, as especially to qualify an
officer for the command of an European army, it appears to us,
that, a fortiori, they must qualify him for the command of an In-
dian army. The writer says— “ That what Wellington learnt
and did in India, eminently fitted him for the duties of high
command in the Peninsula:” why then should not the Munros and
Malcolms, who were associated with him, have equally qualified

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275

themselves for Indian command ? The superannuation argu-
ment is of no avail, at all events in these times; for the Queen's
service supplies the Indian army with Commanders-in-Chief, not
a year younger, or a bit more active, than the general officers of
the Company’s service. The Gomms and the Cottons are not
younger or more active men than the Pollocks, the Littlers, and
the Gilberts. And, in these days, nothing great “is to be un-
dertaken against any other than a purely Asiatic enemy.” There
is not a Napoleon in the back- ground to scare us from our pro-
priety. The Queen’s service will not be able much longer to
supply us with officers, who have distinguished themselves on
the field of European warfare. Five and thirty years have
now elapsed since the great “Sepoy General” broke the battalions
of Napoleon Buonaparte on the plains of Waterloo, and restored
peace to the European world. India has now become the “ nur-
sery of captains.” Whatever experience of active warfare the
future commanders of our Indian armies may have, must be
simply Indian experience. Now, the experiences of the Com-
pany’s officer are of a more extended and multifarious character
than those of the Queen’s officer, who has rarely or never an
opportunity of employment beyond the narrow circle of regi-
mental routine. Colonel Arthur Wellesley was a brother of
the Governor-General, or he would not have been associated
with Malcolm, Close and Munro in the Mysore commission.
Recently the younger officers of the Royal service have had
few, if any, opportunities, of proving the stuff of which they are
made, in detached and responsible commands; whilst the Out-
rams, the Pottingers, the Lawrences, the Edwardeses, theAbbotts,
the Nicholsons, and other Company’s officers of the same stamp,
have, early in life, earned for themselves high reputations, and
proved their capacity for isolated command. There can be no
better training, at the present time, than that of the Company’s
service ; and every year will render more and more apparent
the vicious absurdity of the system of exclusiveness, which shuts
out Company’s officers from the command of the armies which
are mainly composed of Company’s troops.

In these days, as we have said, we do not see an European
invader ever looming largely in the distance. Even the Russo -
phobia has very nearly died out. In Lord Wellesley's, and in
Lord Minto's time, the Napoleon mania was very great, and,
viewed through the vista of by-gone years, very amusing. What
the author of Yad Namuh says about it, is worth recording : —

An epidemic broke out in India during Lord Wellesley’s reign, and has
continued to rage at intervals ever since. It was accompanied in my time
with fits of the most inordinate ambition, and usually terminated in a sort

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of Buonaparte mania. The persons affected with this malady were to be
seen, ruminating on the banks of the Ganges, the Nerbudda, and the Tum-
budra, in the attitudes, and likewise aping all the little peculiarities, attri-
buted to the great Emperor of the Western Hemisphere. If Napoleon took
snuff in inordinate quantities, or rode hard, or affected to despise all the
natural boundaries of kingdoms and states, faith, our public functionaries
were not behind hand. They snuffed most outrageously, and rode their
hobbies most unmercifully ; indeed they soared far above all their prede-
cessors in the adoption of the great Emperor’s more enlightened system,
which fell like a thunder-bolt upon every poor devil of a native, whether
prince, nabob or jaghirdar, whose territory happened to be contiguous
and to be of a productive nature. None were spared, save such as owned
nothing but barren wastes, and even these last were converted into tributaries.
The practice of this new school never varied ; and a succession of treaties
of perpetual peace and amity, which were invariably broken upon some
pretence or other, and wars also undertaken to resist the encroachments
of our more ambitious and troublesome neighbours (a capital idea), kept
our frontier continually progressing on all sides; till at last the small red
specks, which I had formerly noticed in the map of India to denote the
British possessions, had become one uninterrupted blaze of red. Indeed the
British flag, wherever it was permitted to wave over an embassy to a native
court, seemed to possess the baneful influence attributed to the upas tree,
by blighting and destroying every thing around it.

An amusing article might be written on the Gallo phobia of
the Wellesley and Minto dynasties. It was very much moderat-
ed by the successes of the “ Sepoy Genera!' in the Spanish
Peninsula ; but, up to the period of the commencement of the
triumphs of Wellington, it seemed gradually to reach its cul-
minating point. Two amusing instances of the feeling, with
which Napoleon was regarded by the native and European in-
habitants, are to be found in the letters of Claudius Bucha-
nan. In 1806, he wrote — “ I have just been conversing with
‘ the Brahmins of this celebrated pagoda (Seringham, near
4 Trichinopoly), and they have been enquiring about Buona-

* parte. They have heard that, on his arrival, they are all to

* be made Christians.” And in the following year he wrote—
“ This society anxiously anticipates the confirmation of the
‘ report that Lord Wellesley has been appointed a Secretary
‘ of State. I believe it would be as agreeable to them, as to hear
‘ that Buonaparte has lost a leg — which is also reported.” In
the official minutes of the early part of Lord Minto’s ad-
ministration, the coming of the French was spoken of as an
event, the only question regarding which was a question of
time. The great hero of the “ new school,” the practices of
which are really not much exaggerated in the above passage,
was John Malcolm, who went a-head even too fast for Lord
Wellesley, and utterly astounded the sober understandings of
such men as Jonathan Duncan, Sir George Barlow, and Lord
Cornwallis.

RECENT MILITARY MEMOIRS.

277

The young Hopeful of Yad Namuh, now becomes old Major
Hopeful, falls sick in due course, and determines to go home.
He takes the overland route — in those days an accomplishment
of some magnitude — a feat to be talked of — and reaches Eng-
land in due course. There were many things there, that sur-
prized him greatly. The march of improvement had been going
on steadily during his absence : —

I discovered new towns, new streets, new houses, surrounded by thriv-
ing plantations and cultivation, where I had left nothing but bleak com-
mon. I found improvement had extended to every thing. I stared in
amazement even at the lowest of our female grades in their ringlets of
a Sunday, with silks, shawls, and other finery, that used to appertain ex-
clusively to the upper classes in the olden time. The roads and pave-
ments were fast giving way to the hammer of MacAdam. The streets were
lit up with gas, save an aristocratic oil-lamp here and there to point out
the fading glories of our ancestors; all marine excursions too were made
by steam, “ at which the naval people were concerned.” In short the
march of intellect had been most wonderful, and I found it was dangerous
to put questions either to hoys or girls, who could not only reply to them,
but confound you with others upon subjects that used formerly to be reck-
oned technical and abstruse. I was condemned to the silent system, until
I had attended a course of lectures, and picked up a little “ useful know-
ledge ” for current purposes.

It is really very necessary for people freshly arrived from India
to adopt “ the silent system,” if they are at all afraid of the
natives sneering at their exclamations and enquiries. We well
remember the tone of mingled wonderment and contempt, with
which one of the sailors of the pilot-vessel, which conveyed us
and some fellow passengers from the ship which brought us
home, replied to the astonished exclamation of one of the party,
that there were actually ladies walking about on the shore, “ La !
Mum ; that’s nothing !” It seemed to the returned Anglo-Indian
very strange that English ladies should be walking about any-
where by themselves ; but not half so strange as it seemed to
the English boatman, that any living creature should express
astonishment at a phenomenon, which he was contemplating all
day long.

We may here leave the writer of Yad Namuh , with his fifty
years’ experience, to spend a little time with another, who only
boasts of ten. Captain Hervey’s Ten years in India is an
amusing, gossiping book, which, we suspect, few people will take
up without reading to the conclusion. There is very little pre-
tence about it — no attempt at fine writing — nothing, indeed,
ultra crepidam. Captain Hervey gives us the result of his own
experiences, in a plain soldier-like manner. He writes of things,
which have come within his own observation, and of which he
is qualified by experience to discourse. The book is obviously

278

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written by one with a high sense of the duties of sepoy-officers ;
and is altogether the work of a very conscientious, a very candid,
and a very intelligent mind. There is a simplicity and jiaivete
in the book, which more than atone for the absence of artistic
skill. Captain Hervey records the experiences of his griffinage
in a very artless and truthful manner. He tells us without
reserve how he walked through the streets of Madras without
a chattah ; how he went to the pay-office to get his money
changed ; how he fell in love, made a simpleton of himself,
neglected his duty, and lost the command of his company. For
our own parts, we almost wonder how he got on, as an unpost-
ed ensign, at all. If native companies were, in those days,
placed under the command of boys, doing duty only with chance
regiments, we trust that the system has been by this time
altogether abolished.

Captain Hervey went out to India in 1833. He was at that
time, he tells us, “ a very little fellow indeed — so little that he
was never expected to be bigger — so little that people looked
on him with wonder and surprise, and exclaimed, “ Is that child
going to be an officer?” — so little that his guardians would not
trust him with any larger sum of money than ten shillings, but
gave ten pounds instead to the skipper to take care of for him.”
And there is really no exaggeration in this ; our author was
then so little and so very youthful-looking, that, remembering
his fair face, his light hair, and his boyish figure, we find it
difficult to persuade ourselves that he can be the same Albert
Hervey, who is now addressing us in three volumes octavo, and
talking, like a veteran, of his “ young friends.” On his voyage
out to India, Captain Hervey shared a cabin with a young writer,
who, among other pleasant companionable qualities, had a taste
for dissecting and stuffing sea-fowl, and hanging the unsavoury
curiosities about the walls of the cabin. He describes the
voyage out as a season of unmixed wretchedness, which he can-
not contemplate even in the retrospect without horror. We can
easily imagine what it must have been under the circumstances
which Captain Hervey so feelingly pourtrays. It is bad enough
to have a nuisance of any kind in an adjoining cabin, but to
have to bear it for four or five months in one’s own , must be
intolerable. This anatomical mania, which often afflicts young
Assistant-Surgeons in a very alarming way, is one of the greatest
nuisances on ship-board ; but, perhaps, the musical mania, which
sometimes breaks out in our sailing vessels, is more terribly dis-
tracting still. Even pleasant music after a time becomes an
affliction, when there is no escaping from it. We well remem-
ber how, during a homeward voyage, slowly recovering from a

RECENT MILITARY MEMOIRS.

279

severe fever, our escape from which was a very miracle, we
were so charmed with the tunes of a musical box, belonging
to a lady in the next cabin — it was such a solace to us, during
the long, long days, when we were forbidden to read or write, or
even to converse, save for a few minutes at a time, that we could
not help conveying an expression of gratitude to our fair
neighbour — gratitude which, undisguisedly, partook somewhat
largely of that imputed characteristic, “ a lively hope of future
favours.” With true womanly kindness, the hint was taken.
Fortunately for the box, it had no sense of weariness ; for it
was set to pour fortha almost continually for our delectation,
its cheering and enlivening notes, until, instead of a joy and a
solace to us, it became an agony and a distraction. What with
our sufferings under the repetition of the same haunting tunes,
our intense desire to be relieved from the tortures they inflicted
upon us, and our misery at the thought of disturbing the
belief of our kind-hearted neighbour that she was admi-
nistering to our happiness and perhaps expediting our cure —
we, in our weak and irritable condition, painfully nervous and
sensitive from the effects of repeated attacks of fever of the
worst type, were wrought into such a state, that we believe we
were on the very verge of a relapse, which would, in all pro-
bability, have terminated our existence, if a friend had not
undertaken to secure, in the most delicate manner, the cessation
of the trouble that was destroying us. And this was really pleas-
ant music; which, in moderation, had comforted us and delight-
ed us. If we had been outward, instead of homeward, bound,
the music, that would have assailed our ears, would, in all
probability, have been the wretched flute-practice of some sen-
timental Assistant-Surgeon or Cadet, mangling old tunes in a
fragmentary dyspeptic manner, and well nigh driving to the
brink of insanity men in stout health, with unshaken nerves,
and a stock of patience worthy of the proverbial patriarch
himself.

But Captain Hervey’s voyage out, like all other voyages,
came to an end, and he was safely landed at Madras. A sergeant
came on board the ship, took charge of him, and carried
him off to the Cadets’ barracks. Of these quarters he gives
no very encouraging account; but, unless our own recollections
are greatly at fault, he has in no way exaggerated the case : —

I found several old Addiscombe friends already arrived at the Cadet’s
quarters, all griffs as young and inexperienced as your humble servant.
There was a mess kept for us, three meals a day, for which we had to pay
most dreadfully ; every thing to be had was bad ; and knavery and cheating
in the most glaring colours reigned supreme in this asylum — a place kept
on purpose by Government, to give the poor inexperienced Cadet a home

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on first arrival, superintended by an officer who was of no use whatsoever,
and frequented by the greatest thieves and vagabonds in Madras, from
the villain butler to the sweeper ! The Cadet’s quarters were intended,
by those who had established them, to afford the friendless and ignorant
young officers a home, and to prevent the possibility of their being im-
posed upon. The superintending officer’s duty was to see that the rules
of the establishment were strictly acted up to, and that the lads frequenting
it had every thing that was required in consistency with the objects of
its institution — economy and respectability. The feeding was execrable,
the drink worse, the charges were enormous, and accommodation any
thing but comfortable ; the beds were swarming with vermin, the heat
insufferable, and, from its situation, the building any thing but healthy.
I never once saw the officer. The butler was paramount in authority, and
I could compare him to nothing but the bull in the crockery-shop; for
he had it all his own way, and a more consequential over fed pariah rascal
I never saw. I forget his name now ; but the fellow, I recollect, had the
insolence to show me his portrait (such as it was), as much as to say—
“ If I were not an honest man, do you think I would have had my likeness
taken ?” I greatly exasperated the old thief by telling him, that I thought
the picture more like a baboon than a human being, and certainly very
much resembling his butlership.

This discreditable institution has, we believe, been abolished.
"VVe remember that, in Captain Hervey’s time, the Bengal Cadets
were carried off to this atrocious den, as ruthlessly as the Ma-
dras griffins, in spite of their protests, their struggles to
emancipate themselves, and, in some instances, their mea-
sureless indignation at the thought of being interfered with
by a “ subordinate Government.” We well remember our own
unwillingness to yield the point, until satisfied, at the Town
Major’s, by an unanswerable extract from standing orders, ori-
ginating with the supreme Government itself. It appeared
to us incredible that the Governor or Commander-in-Chief of
a minor Presidency could possibly have any controul over so
important a personage as a Bengal Cadet.

Our young Cadet is soon put in orders to do duty with a na-
tive regiment. Among other discoveries which he soon makes,
is one to the effect that promotion is wretchedly slow ; and
that it is hard to say what, in process of time, must become of
the army, if no steps are taken to get the old hands out of the
way : —

Would that promotion were a little quicker in the Indian army than
it now is ! If it progresses so slowly as it does, when are we, of the present
day, to become field-officers? What an old set of fellows we shall be by
the time we arrive at the rank of Lieutenant-Colonels, or General Officers !
Pity it is indeed that some arrangements are not made to clear off the
numbers of superannuated officers at present on the retired list, enjoying
their offreckoning funds without doing any duty to deserve the benefit ; such
a riddance would give the Majors and Captains a better chance of being
efficient men when they find themselves at the heads of their regiments.
At the present rate, many of us can never expect to be Majors under thirty-

RECENT MILITARY MEMOIRS.

281

five years’ service, and then what shall we be fit for? Nothing hut the in-
valid or pension establishment. If our commanding officers of re-
giments were more effective, the army would be so also; but at present
the class of men in general at the head of divisions, brigades, and regiments,
are old and worn out, while the young and the effective are becoming non-
effective from this slowness of promotion. The off-reckoning list could
easily be done away with. Officers of a certain time of service should be
made to retire upon some fixed salary, without burdening the gradation,
rolls to the detriment of the juniors, as is at present the case ; and then
only may we expect to get on ; but, as we now stand, there is little or no
hope whatever, except by purchasing out our seniors from our own resour-
ces. But into what a fearful amount of debt does this arrangement involve
the whole army ! There is scarcely a regiment but what is made to suffer
very heavy stoppages in liquidation of loans, from houses of agency or
the famous Agra Bank, of enormous sums borrowed to pay out some worn-
out Major or disgusted Captain. And yet there is no alternative but to pur-
chase out those above us, and, do what we will, we must borrow money,
which places many in sad, sad difficulties, that they are unable to contend
with. If we do not purchase, how are we to get on?

How, indeed ? 'Phis mournful question it is easier to ask
than to answer. We have elsewhere* laid before our readers
some disheartening statistics illustrative of the future prospects
of the Indian army. As to the loans of which Captain Hervey
speaks, we are not sure that, in the long run, however severely
they may press on young officers at the time, they are not
advantageous to him. If the money be borrowed for the
bond fide purchase of promotion, the investment, in spite of
the heavy interest paid, is really an advantageous one. And
if money is to be borrowed at all, surely it is better that it
should be borrowed from a bank, than from a native usurer.

Captain Hervey ’s career has not been a very eventful one.
Events are not very numerous or very exciting in the Madras
Presidency. But he has something to say about two or three
of the incidents of the last twenty years, which have caused
the greatest excitement on the coast — for example the murder
of Brigadier Coombs, and the peculations of Captain Douglas.
Why the chief sufferer and the chief actor in these tales of
murder and robbery should be initialized , it is hard to say.
Surely their names are sufficiently notorious. They have
become history. We protest, indeed, bitterly against the initi-
alizing system, when events of any public importance are un-
der consideration. Why should Sir Peregrine Maitland, for

example, figure as Sir P. M ? When small details of

regimental life or mess gossip are to be dealt with, it is alto-
gether another matter. But the murder of Brigadier Coombs
is an historical event ; and the names of all the parties, who
were in any way associated with it, might have been given at

• No. 27. Article — “ Bengal Military Fund.”

N N

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fall length without any violation of delicacy. It appears to us,
however, that Captain Hervey has told this melancholy story in
a very intelligible and very interesting manner. We have
never met with so ample and so graphic an account of the
murder, or such full particulars of the history of the mur-
derer, and of the closing scenes of his life. Captain Hervey was
present at the time, when the fatal shot was fired, and subse-
quently had charge of the prisoner on main guard. Emaum Ali
was a pet man in his regiment. He had saved by his heroic
gallantry in action, in the Malacca campaign, the life of one
of the officers of his regiment — Lieutenant Wright. He had
been promoted to the rank of havildar ; the officers of his corps
had presented him with a gold medal ; and he was an especial
favourite with the Brigadier, who, Captain Hervey says, “ went
so far as to have the man’s portrait taken, and recommended that
he should be promoted to the rank of jemadar, though his re-
commendation was not attended to.” “ Little,” adds our author,
“ did the poor Brigadier think of what awaited him, at the time
he was making so much of this man.”

It was early in January 1834, that the General commanding
the division visited Pulnomum on a tour of inspection. One
evening the troops were brigaded ; but, before the exercise had
proceeded very long, the brief twilight of an Oriental winter
was at an end ; and the ball-practice was anything but good.
“ The darkness and the distance caused the firing to be irregu-
lar ; and the brigadier galloped up and down apparently much
annoyed, desiring the officers to keep the men steady and to
aim better.” We continue the narrative in Captain Hervey ’s
words

In the mean time there was something wrong amongst the Rifles on the

left. Their firing was any thing but satisfactory; and K found fault

with the young havildar, Meer Emaum Ally (already mentioned), who was
particularly unsteady and careless on that occasion, so different to his
general behaviour. He was such a capital shot, that he was ever trying
his best, and generally managed to beat every one ; but, somehow or other,

he fired very indifferently on this evening; and, when K observed it to

him, he gave that officer an insolent reply. His demeanour was mutinous;

and K reported him to the Major, as he rode up to that flank of the

line. The Major directed the man to be brought to him the next day at
orderly hour. The firing over, the brigade was broken into “ columns of
sections ,” it being so late that the Brigadier did not direct the usual pre-
cautionary measure being taken, of discharging the loaded muskets pre-
viously to returning home. He either thought it too late to do so, or he
forgot it altogether. It was now quite dark ; and, as we moved on, the
progress of the brigade over broken ground was slow and irregular. The
General drove away in his carriage ; and the Brigadier directed officers to
mount, and the column to march at ease. He was himself on horse-back,
standing at an angle of the road, where the troops wheeled on towards the

RECENT MILITARY MEMOIRS.

263

cantonments, th q pivot of each section , as it came up, resting at the point
where he stood. As we passed him, T— n asked the Brigadier, if he
would come to mess and take a glass of cold claret, which would do him
good after all his exertions and the heat of the day. He excused himself,
saying — “ I have already dined, thank you, before coming down the hill,
60 should not be able to stand another dinner.” The Brigadier was not
at all in a good humour that evening, and was finding fault with every
one. As I was riding by at the head of my company, he called out to me in
a very aDgry tone of voice to change flank , as officers mounted had no busi-
ness on the pivots. He was wrong there. However, it was no business of
mine to argue the point with him at that moment; I was therefore just
going over to the other side, when suddenly a shot was fired. I thought
it was accidental ; but, upon looking round, I saw the Brigadier staggering and
falling off his horse. He had been struck by the ball. Then there were a
scuffle and confusion, men vociferating and officers giving words of com-
mand. The Light and Rifle companies were immediately in rear of me ;
the Captain of the former gave the word halt , and faced his men about.
Then there were a noise amongst the Rifles, and several persons shouted out
— “ Hold him fast !” — “ Take his sword from him !” — “ Secure the villain !”
and so forth. I saw the Adjutant rush up to where the Brigadier had
fallen, and raise him up in his arms. The whole brigade was presently
halted, and there was no knowing what was to be done ; some calling
out to move on, and others to stand fast. I followed the example of
the Light Company, and faced about also. I shortly after heard some one
mention the Havildar, Meer Emaum Ali. I went up to where the confu-
sion was, and, to my great horror, beheld the said Havildar seized hold of
and pinioned by some Rifle-men, and marched off by a section of the Light
Company under its Captain towards the main-guard. Presently the Major
rode up, and I asked him what it was all about? He told me that the
Havildar had shot the Brigadier. He struggled violently upon being seized,
and tried hard to get out his sword ; fortunately however one of the men
had had the foresight to draw it out of its scabbard, the instant he was
6eized, When he found that his sword had been taken from him, he gave
himself up without further resistance, but continued abusing and spitting
at the men around him, as also at the Light Company Captain, calling
him all the names under the sun in the Hindustani language. The poor
Brigadier was in the mean time carried to his bungalow at the foot of the
hill in his palanquin, which was there ready waiting to take him home.
Upon being informed who it was that had shot him, he exclaimed — “ Good
God ! what harm have I done him that he should murder me ?” The
medical man examined his wound. The ball had struck the bottom
button of his coat, entered the stomach, and had gone out at his spine,
making a frightful hole on each side. The wound was of course
mortal ; he survived in great agony for about five minutes, and then
expired. Thus was a smart officer removed from the army by the hands
of an assassin, who had experienced so much kindness from the very
individual whose life he had so unjustly taken. In the mean time, the
murderer was conveyed to the main-guard, and there put in irons, with
strict orders to the officer in command relative to his safe keeping. When
arrived in the cell, he behaved in the most frantic manner possible,
throwing himself on the ground, gnashing his teeth, and beating his hand
against the wall. He worked himself up to such a fearful state of frenzy,
that any interference was considered dangerous, as he was a very powerful
man. The doors of the cell were therefore closed upon him, and he was
left alone. The cause of this dreadful crime was not immediately known.

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284

Truth to say, the unfortunate man was at the time and for the whole of
tli at day in a state of excitement from the effects of opium, to which
(like most Moslems) he was much addicted ; and, having been amongst
the Malays, who indulge in smoking that drug to a great extent, he
had acquired the same habit. I remember having seen him at a
wedding in the lines, the night before he perpetrated the foul deed, when
he appeared to me to be much excited, with that peculiar look, which
men have when under the influence of opium— his eyes shining brightly,
and his whole demeanour so different from what it generally appeared.
I made the remark to a native officer sitting next to me. He replied that
Meer Emaum always appeared so on such occasions, but that he was not
addicted to opium eating or smoking. This, of course, I was at liberty to
credit or not as I pleased, but was convinced in my own mind that all was
not right. The sequel proved that I was correct, and that this man must
have been quite intoxicated during the whole of the day following, which
added to the exposure to the sun, the firing, and above all the reprimand

which he had received from a strange officer (which K was), must have

worked him up to the point of madness ; and I verily believe that at the
moment he discharged the fatal shot, he could not possibly have been
aware of what he was doing, or whom he was firing at. He might have
shot me, for I was close to the Brigadier when he received his death-wound ;
and that he did not intend to shoot the Brigadier is a well-known fact, in-
asmuch as, when informed the following day of what he had done, he ap
peared overwhelmed, and exclaimed. — “ What ? have I really taken the life
of one of my best and warmest friends? Alas! I am indeed unfortunate.
However,” added he, brightening up, “ when I meet him in Paradise, I shall
throw myself at his feet, and implore his pardon ; and I am certain he
will readily forgive me.” He intended his shot for another, and that was his
commanding officer, the Major; but, not meeting him, he fired at the Briga-
dier. The Major, therefore, had a narrow escape. He happened to be
riding at the head of the column. The prisoner declared that he had
made up his mind to shoot him, from the moment that he had ordered him
to be brought to his quarters at orderly hour the next morning.

The wretched man was found guilty of murder, and sentenced
to be hanged. His conduct during his trial was such as to
blunt the sympathies of all, who had regarded him with feelings
of commiseration. He abused the witnesses, and afterwards
acknowledged that he had intended to attack, in open court,
with the irons on his wrist, his commanding officer (Major
Winboldt), whom he had designed to shoot on the practice-
ground. “ Among the several witnesses, who crowded the
‘ court," says Captain Hervey, “ was the Major of the Regiment,

* his intended victim. The Major was standing close to him, and

* he might very easily have rushed at him in spite of the

* sentry. I was also close to the Major, and heard a friendly
‘ whisper addressed to him on the propriety of his moving

* from where he stood, as the prisoner looked as if he meant

* mischief. The Major took the hint, and moved away. The
‘ prisoner was afterwards heard to say that it was well the

* Major had retired, for it was his intention to have attempted

* violence against him with the irons on his arms. His beha-

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285

‘ viour in court showed great obduracy; and, had a feeling of

* pity existed in the breasts of any of the members, or the
‘ faintest wish to lean to the side of leniency, all this was done

* away with by his conduct. On the contrary, he assumed that

* species of bravado so peculiar to natives; and, instead of at-

* tempting to excite the commiseration of the tribunal before which
‘ he was arraigned, or of showing by his subsequent behaviour
‘ that the act, he had committed, had been done in a moment
‘ of excitement, under the influence of a powerful drug to which
‘ he was addicted, he seemed to glory in his deed.” Captain
Hervey gives a detailed account of the execution of the unhap-
py man. His body was cut down in the evening, “ and, being
‘ rolled up in wax-cloth, &c. was placed inside an iron cage

* made for that purpose ; after which it was carried up the hill,
‘ and there suspended on a gibbet.” The most astonishing
part of the story is what follows. We are not surprized that
Captain Hervey does not venture to say more than that he
“ remembers having heard ” it told. The story is that an officer,
stationed not many miles off, i. e. au Artillery officer at the
mount, “ took a strange fancy into his head of possessing him-
self of the skull of the murderer.” “ With this view,” writes Cap-
tain Hervey, “ he took a ladder, carried by his horse-keeper, and,
‘ armed with his gun, as if on a shooting excursion, sallied
‘ forth from the mount early one morning, before a soul was
‘ moving — in fact before the morning-gun was fired. The

* guard originally stationed over the gibbet had been removed
‘ some time previously ; and the poor man’s relations had con-
‘ structed a sort of altar, on which incense was continually
‘ burned, decorated with chaplets; and a fakir , or religious

* devotee, was employed to watch the remains, and to say prayers
‘ in behalf of the deceased. The man of shot-and-shell proceed-
' ed to the hill aforesaid, and, arriving at the foot of it, took
‘ the ladder from the horse-keeper, and climbed the ascent solus ,

* leaving the man to hold the horse during his absence.
‘ Arrived at the gibbet, he planted his ladder, and began to

* mount. He had scarcely gone up two or three steps, when

* suddenly he heard voices of several men calling out to him
‘ to desist, and threatening him with instant death if he went

* further. This was an interruption as disagreeable as it was
‘ unexpected, and, not being looked for, made the skull-stealer

* the more surprized ; so, down he came, and, taking the lad-

* der on his shoulders, he ran as fast as his legs could carry
him, tumbling and sprawling among the stones and bushes.

* At last reaching his horse, he galloped off, followed by the

* affrighted horse-keeper, carrying the ladder. He heard nothing

RECENT MILITARY MEMOIRS.

28G

‘ more about the matter, and had every reason to congratulate
' himself that it ended where it did. He, however, made a similar

* attempt some weeks after, but without success ; the horse-keeper
‘ on this occasion declaring that he heard the skeleton telling

* him not to approach.” The skeleton finally escaped this and
all other perils. The relatives of the deceased, it appears,
kept continual watch over the remains of the murderer ; and
at last the bones were handed over to the father, and obtained
Muhammadan sepulture.

The most valuable parts of Captain Hervey’s book are those
which contain his comments on the discipline of the Madras
army and the general treatment of the sepoy — remarks, which
appear to us to be sound and judicious, and conceived in a
spirit of uniform kindness and generosity. It is an old com-
plaint that, in the Madras Presidency, troops are moved in all
weathers and at all seasons of the year — nay that there is ra-
ther a propensity, on the part of the Madras authorities, to
select the most unpropitious seasons for such movements. On
this important subject Captain Hervey remarks : —

It is an odd, and to me unaccountable, arrangement, that troops should
be made to move at the seasons they do. They either march from one
station to another in the rainy season, thereby rendering the journey one
of discomfort, and engendering fevers and rheumatisms ; or in the middle
of the hot weather, which causes cholera and other destructive diseases.
This remark may perhaps be looked upon as ill becoming so humble an
individual as I am ; but I do not make it, as if such movements were alicayt
occurring; the “powers that he" are supposed the best judges on these
subjects, and, as soldiers, we must not grumble, but die like rotten sheep
when ordered to do so, and say nothing ! The miseries of a march in the
rains are indescribable, and are known only to those who have experienced
them. Our clothes are damp ; our tents throw out a disagreeable smell
from being constantly soaked ; the ground under us is wet and cold ; and
our baggage and followers — the former destroyed, and the latter suffering
from the effects of exposure. Every body in camp is grumbling and growl-
ing. We have the rain pouring upon us on the line of march ; upon
coming to a bait we have to wait for our baggage, which cannot proceed
quickly on account of the state of the roads; and when it reaches the
encamping ground, the tents are pitched often on a swamp ; and into
them we have to go miserable and discontented. There are seasons of the
year, when troops might be moved without exposing them to the cold and
rain, or to the heat and land winds ; and really in these times, when
disease and death are stalking with fierce strides throughout the country,
carrying off thousands — scarcely a regiment marching without being at-
tacked by cholera — it is a great pity that matters are not better managed
than they are.

“ Our Governors, our Commander in-Chief, our Adjutant-

* General,” says Captain Hervey, in another part of his book,

* in fact the whole world, are astonished, thunder-struck, amazed
«. and disheartened, at hearing the dismal, nay heart-rending

RECENT MILITARY MEMOIRS.

287

‘ accounts, which follow the movements now-a-davs of our
‘ troops. Cholera is sure to break out in three regiments out

* of four !” We see no reason why any living creature should
marvel at this, if our regiments are moved at seasons of the
year, when they ought to be quietly in cantonments. We never
could discover any intelligible motive for sacrificing the Madras
troops in this manner. The Marquis of Tweeddale had a passion
for destroying regiments in this wholesale style. It was some-
thing far beyond the power of human penetration to fathom ;
and we never could make it out.

Captain Hervey is of opinion, not only that the Madras
troops are moved at the most unseasonable times, but that
they are not stationed with due regard to the salubrity of the
several localities adapted for their reception. He wonders, for
example, why no better use is made of Cuddalore — one of the
pleasantest and the heathiest stations in the whole of India.
There is an European Pension Depot there ; but never more
than a small detachment of native infantry. “ Cuddalore,’*
says Captain Hervey, “ is indeed a delightful spot to live in :

* and, if my very humble opinion is worth anything, I may as

* well add, that, were it selected as one of our infantry stations,

* instead of some of those inland, the Government would do a
‘ very wise thing, and confer a boon which would be vastly be-
‘ neficial to the army.” We entirely concur in opinion with
Captain Hervey. Cuddalore is a healthy station with a capital
maidan ; and there could hardly be a better place for troops.
That maidan we remember as an unexceptionable cricket-
ground, and one too which saw as much respectable play as
any ground in Southern India. Captain Hervey, speaking of
the lamentable condition of the pensioners, says — “ I believe
4 there is a circulating library for the soldiers, but few of them

* ever make use of it ; the skittle-ground and arrack-shop are

* the places of general resort, and there they gamble, squab-

* ble and fight, smoke and drink all day long, and either come,

* or are carried, home in a state of brutal drunkenness. There

* is also a Cricket Club, at which they play once or twice a
‘ week ; but, as the ground is situated at a distance, very few of

* them take the trouble to attend.” Wo remember when it was
very different; when there was a strong muster always on
cricket-days, and some excellent players in the pensioner
ranks.* The civilians at the station turned out to a man ; the

* It need hardly be observed that the interest taken by the pensioners, or any
other similar body of men, in this or any other amusement, will always be in propor-
tion to that manifested by the gentlemen of the station. That the intercourse thus
engendered is always salutary in its effects, we have not the smallest doubt.

288

RECENT MILITARY MEMOIRS.

few officers attached to the native company and the depot, or
on sick leave at the station, were always ready for the fray ;
and there were more pensioners eager to be enrolled than could
be brought within the legitimate number. There was never
much apprehension of climate entertained atCuddalore — shoot-
ing, fishing, riding, boating, cricket-playing, racket-playing, &c.
going on at hours of the day and times of the year, which in
Bengal would have sent men to their graves. Cuddalore is a
favourite civil station ; and it is probable that the civilians might
not be especially delighted by seeing it converted into a large
military cantonment ; but we cannot help thinking that there
is a vast deal of truth in what Captain Hervey says upon the
subject ; and, though we do not wish to throw much weight into
our article, we must transfer to our pages a few more of his re-
marks on the general treatment of the Madras soldiery, with
special reference to the subject of location : —

My ideas regarding health and efficiency may he erroneous ; but when
people take into consideration how much our troops suffer from sickness,
be it on a common line of march, or in the field, or against the enemy, or
in most of our garrisons and cantonments, they may probably be of the
same opinion. If more attention were paid to the proper locating of our
men; if better and more healthy stations were formed than those now held,
and which are looked upon by them as so many yawning graves ; if more
consideration were paid to their personal comforts, and enjoyments ; if whole-
some air and exercise were afforded ; if they had better feeding and were
less worked ; if the exigencies of the service , as this marching and counter-
marching, these escort duties, these harassing guards, these unceasing
drills, and these back-breaking inspection parades — if all these irksome
tedious duties were, in some measure, diminished, the service would be
greatly benefited. If improvements of this nature were effected, I vouch
for it, that the army, from right to left, and from flanks to centre, would be
much more an army, in point of aptitude for the work for which it is
intended than it now is. At present the men are worn out and dispirited
by constant fretting and annoying, by paltry nonsensical parades and
drill, which do more harm than .good, (for I say that it is not the fre-
quency of drilling that tends to make a corps perfect, but the way in which
it is taught) ; nothing but altering and changing of accoutrements and
appointments; nothing but going on guard over places which require no
guarding; nothing but frequent stoppages for this, that, and every thing else;
nothing but moving from one station to another ; nothing but poverty and
starvation in consequence ; nothing but sickness and disease of all sorts,
and in all shapes ; and nothing but dying by tens and twenties a day,
directly the least epidemic comes among them or in their neighbourhood.
How can it be otherwise ? Place our regiments in healthy stations, and
they will get on well enough, and be better soldiers in the end. Keep them
where they are, and they cannot help being inefficient.

We must here take our leave of Captain Hervey ; and that
we do so with much reluctance is the best proof of the pleasure
his book has afforded. It contains a vast quantity of sugges-
tive matter, which would supply us with texts innumerable for

RECENT MILITARY MEMOIRS.

289

much gossiping discourse, had we time and space at our com-
mand. But, unfortunately, we are sorely pressed for both ; and,
with some brief notice of the two remaining works on our table,
must bring our article to a close.

Of the Sketches of Naval atid Military Adventure , by one in
the Service , we hardly know what to make. As one-half of
the book is devoted to naval, and the other to military, adven-
ture, it is not very easy to determine to what “ Service” the
“ one” belongs. If we had read on the title page, “ by two in
the Services,” the matter would have been plain enough. As it
is, we cannot account for the fact of these varied experiences,
even upon the hypothesis that the writer is that hybrid animal,
called a Marine. The “ one ” was on board the Northumber-
land’, which, in 1815, carried Napoleon to St. Helena, and was
at Ferozepore in 1842, when the victorious armies of Pollock
and Nott returned from Affghanistan. However, we have no-
thing to do with the naval experiences of the writer. We deal
with the book, as though it were simply a volume of military
adventure.

But even in this single point of view, we confess that it
somewhat puzzles us. It is hard to say whether the book is
written by an officer, or by one in the ranks. The judgment of
the reader is kept in a constant state of oscillation. Now there is
something that recals the barrack to his mind ; now something
that leads him in imagination to the mess- tent, or the officer’s
bungalow. The book has no pretension to be a good book.
It is not scholarly, or refined, or informing, or suggestive;
but it is readable. Every now and then it sets one’s teeth on
edge ; but we manage to get through. The character of the
book is anecdotical. The anecdotes are good, bad, and indif-
ferent— some very old, and some surprisingly new. They may
be divided into two classes, the social and the historical.
Commencing our illustrations with an example of the former,
we come upon the following strange story. The author is con-
gratulating himself on having become “ acquainted with the
Hindustani language before reaching India; ” though, from the
samples given in the book, we suspect that the acquaintance
must be very slight.

On the removal of the soup at a dinner-party in Calcutta, at which I
was present, our host called to the servants in the native tongue “ Lao
ghost.” One of our number, who had just arrived from Europe, and did not
comprehend Hindustani, no sooner heard the words, than he sprang from
the table and ran with the utmost expedition of which he was capable, out
of the room. Finding he did not return, and thinking he might have been
suddenly taken ill, two or three of us presently went in search of him ; and
after some time found him covered with perspiration, and shaking with

o o

290

RECENT MILITARY MEMOIRS.

terror. On enquiring what was the matter with him, we found Uf difficult
at first to elicit any reply, but at length discovered that be had fled from
the spectre, which, he understood, Mr. F. (our entertainer) had seen
and announced to the company, in the words, “ Oh ! a Ghost!” Laughing
heartily at his mistake, and assuring him that he need not fear, we took
him by tbe arm and led him back to the room, he had so unceremoni-
ously left, where he was introduced to the object of his terror, in the
shape of a goodly and substantial round of roast beef.

The adventurer declares that he was present on this occasion,
or we should have said that somebody had been hoaxing him.
As it is, we can only say that we really do not believe him.

But there is nothing so astonishing in the book, as the anec-
dotes of Lord William Bentinck. We have taken some pains
to illustrate the character of this distinguished nobleman ;
but we now perceive how little we were acquainted with the
personal incidents of his career. Here is a story, which we
should certainly have transferred to our pages before, if we had
been acquainted with it : —

Lord Bentinck was accustomed to go about Calcutta, as Alraschid did about
the streets of Bagdad, in disguise, and frequently assumed the garb and
manners of a military pensioner. On these occasions he would accost any
one he happened to meet, whom he deemed suitable for his purpose, get
into conversation, gradually introduce the subject of Government, and en-
deavor to elicit the opinion of his companion on His Lordship’s own
character and policy. He would also, under an assumed character, some-
times visit the public offices, seeking thus to discover abuses; and, where
finding such, suspending or removing the parties implicated, and intro-
ducing a reform. On one of these occasions he entered the office of the
Commissary General in the tattered garb of a poor old soldier, and requested
an interview with that personage on important public business. This the
head clerk very haughtily denied him, demanded to know what he wanted,
and, on his declining to communicate this, told him that his wishes could
not be complied writh, as the Commissary- General was out, and turned
away without even offering him a chair, which, however, a more courteous
understrapper brought, and requested him to be seated. 'After sitting some
time unheeded, the supposed soldier solicited the clerk to favour him with
pen, ink, and paper, as he wanted to step out, and would make his business
known in writing to the Commissary-General, so that, in the event of that
gentleman returning to the office, and again quitting it ere Tie came hack,
he might receive the communication and leave a written reply to it. With
much difficulty he obtained writing materials, the same being pushed to-
wards him in a most supercilious manner. The old soldier scribbled a few
lines, intimating his wish to see the Commissary- General, and concluded by
subscribing himself Bentinck. This done, he departed. Shortly after, the
note was delivered by the clerk to his master (who had all this time been
within). No sooner had the Commissary-General glanced over it, and seen
the signature attached to it, than he sprang from his chair, and hastened
into the office, but seeing no one there, enquired what had become of His
Lordship. “ Lordship, Sir !” exclaimed the clerk, “ we have had no one here
but a ragged old soldier, who wanted to see you, and, when I told him he
couldn’t, because I knew you were busy, he asked leave to write the note
which I just now gave you.” “Confusion! The old soldier, as you call

RECENT MILITARY MEMOIRS.

291

him, was the Governor-General. Ho, Buxoo, buggy lao, jilda! jilda!
(Bring the buggy, quick, quick), shouted the officer, and in a moment sprang
into his carriage, and drove off to Government-House, leaving the astonished
clerk panic-stricken and aghast. In about half an hour the Commissary
General returned, bringing with him an order for the immediate dismissal
of the head clerk for inattention to public business, and the appointment
of the polite understrapper (should he be qualified for the situation) to the
vacancy.

This is not so bad ; here is another story, almost as good, told
by a different narrator : —

“That was pretty well,” said Captain C. when the major had finished
his story. “ But though an enemy to the neglect of public business, His
Lordship was fond of a joke, and could laugh as heartily as any other, even
when it was directed against himself. You remember the sensation pro-
duced by His Lordship’s introduction of the half-batta measure. He was
abused most awfully for it, and held up in every possible way to ignominy
and contempt. Among other effusions of the day, a song was composed about
this concern, in which His Lordship, of course, figured prominently, and was
capitally lampooned. This song Lord Bentinck saw. Shortly after its
publication, the Governor-General happened to pass through the station,
in which the officer, who had the credit of its authorship, was quartered.
There His Lordship remained a day or two, and, the evening before leaving
it, invited the officers of the different regiments to an entertainment. The
Poet was of course asked, and of course attended. Supper being over, His
Lordship called upon an officer near him for a song. This was given, and
another was then called on, and so it went round till it came to the turn of
the author of the lyric on the half-batta question. He tried hard to excuse
himself, when asked to sing ; but the Governor-General would take no ex-
cuse. ‘ Pray Mr ’ said His Lordship, ‘ at least oblige us with one of your

own songs.* 4 My Lord ?’ 4 We shall be happy to hear one of your own
compositions. Come now, what say you to the song on the half-batta

question ?* Poor ! I shall never forget the consternation he evinced at

that last question, or the almost-suffocating attempts made to repress the
mirth, which his awkward situation excited on all sides. However, he could
not help himself, and so at last he sung it ; and really it was capital fun
to see the good humour with which His Lordship bore each successive hit,
while the poor vocalist sweated like an ox under the infliction, and seem
edto tremble, lest His Lordship should get sore at the thwacks, with which
he was obliged, most involuntarily, to belabour him. The song at last
ended, Lord Bentinck burst into a hearty laugh, in which the rest of the
company joined, and the whole house seemed to shake with our united

cachinations. His Lordship soon after retired, and jumped into his

paiki unobserved and was off like a shot.”

And here is a third of tlxe same kind ; but somewhat milder
in degree : —

“ I can readily credit the story, Captain,” said our Colonel, when our mer-
riment at this anecdote had a little subsided, “ from a circumstance, which
came to my own knowledge, while on a visit to Calcutta some years ago.
A most abusive letter was written to Lord Bentinck by some one in the me-
tropolis, who, as be did not belong to the service, and was moreover just
about to return to England, cared not a straw for His Lordship, and bad the
impudence, accordingly, to sign it with bis own name, and to send it to the

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RECENT MILITARY MEMOIRS.

Government House by one of his own messengers. It was delivered to the
Governor-General, who, being at leisure, at once perused it, and ordered that
the person, who had brought it, should be called in. When the messenger
made his appearance, His Lordship presented him with live rupees, and re-
quested him to give his salaam to his master.”

We subjoin one more of the adventurer’s stories before we
close the book : —

A remarkable series of alliances, a la Hymen , took place at Cawnpore in

the year 1842. H. M. regiment had, on the formation of the North

Western Expedition, marched into Afghanistan, leaving, as usual, its depot,
which consisted of about two dozen sick soldiers, half a dozen non-
commissioned, and two or three commissioned, officers, and about three
hundred women behind it. Some time after its departure, another re-
giment, composed almost entirely of young and unmarried men, arrived.
This corps had been but a short time there, when tidings of the disastrous
retreat of our troops from Cabul were received. Jt was found that the
regiment, first alluded to, had been cut up nearly to a man. This was sad
news for all, but more especially for the families of the deceased soldiers,
whose wives were thus, all at once, left widows, and their children orphans.
Tears, crape, and lamentations became with “ the ladies ” the order of the
day, but not, as in England, of the year ! They were too wise to think
of prolonging their grief for such a period. On the second Sunday after
the receipt of the “ black dispatches,” the banns of some fifteen or twenty
couples were read in our hearing at Church. This was followed up week
after week for a considerable time, with a continual increase in the num-
ber, so that at the expiration of a quarter of a year, out of the three hundred
“ bereaved ones,” only a few remained in a state of widowhood.

This can hardly have been written by an officer in the
Queen’s service. The only Queen’s regiment cut to pieces
on the retreat from Cabul was the 44th, and that regiment,
we need scarcely say, did not form part of the original “ expe-
dition to the North West.”

These extracts will suffice to give our readers a just concep-
tion of the kind of anecdotes, that are written for home con-
sumption. They are almost worthy of that Mr. Addison, who,
some time ago, published in one of the London magazines a se-
ries of brief stories illustrative of Indian society, which perfect-
ly astounded the common-place understandings of residents
in this part of the world.

Major McMurdo’s performance is of a very different kind;
but it is written in even worse taste. The great baggage ques-
tion is really a very important one. It is one that every well-
wisher to India would wish to see freely discussed. Certainly,
the controversy has hitherto had the benefit of great names.
We wish that it had also the benefit of good temper. We
do not remember any controversy, within our time, that has
been conducted with such wretched taste and such wretched
temper. Major McMurdo seems to have striven after the at-

RECENT MILITARY MEMOIRS.

293

tainment of a climax of bad taste, such as, perhaps, has never
been reached by a British officer before. Not content with the
wordy weapons within his reach, he has betaken himself to
the pictorial. He has embellished his “Reply to Lieutenant-
Colonel Burlton’s attack,” with a frontispiece, in the shape of
a wretched caricature, that would disgrace the walls of a can-
teen. It represents the Frog and the Ox in the fable — Sir
Charles Napier, with his spectacles and his beard, figuring as
the latter, and Colonel Burlton, with an inflated white waistcoat
and a masonic apron, enacting the part of the former. No-
thing can be more unseemly, or more injurious, than this man-
ner of debating a great question intimately connected with the
efficiency of the entire Indian army. A controversy of such
vital importance ought not to be so degraded.

The dedication to Sir Charles Napier of Major McMurdo’s
pamphlet is not in much better taste than the frontispiece.
“ As your Excellency’s follower,” says the gallant author, “and
‘ as the late head of the Quarter Master General’s Depart-
‘ ment in Scinde under your orders, and therefore having seen

* the formation and working of the Camel Baggage-corps,

‘ I could not read a pamphlet, pretending to be an answer to
‘ yours on the Camel Baggage-corps, and written by one
‘ Lieut.-Colonel Burlton, C. B., of the Company’s service, without
‘ contradicting the direct errors and mis-statements contained
‘ in his few brief comments on your Excellency’s letter to

* Sir John Hobhouse, arising on his part from an apparent
‘ ignorance of his profession — if indeed, a Commissary may be
‘ called a soldier , belonging as he does to the civil branch of the

* army , a?id hated as he is by all that is military .” This is merely
ridiculous. The affected contempt of one Lieut.-Colonel Burlton
of the Company’s service, who writes C. B. after his name, which
it appears that Major McMurdo does not ; the expression of a
doubt as to whether a Commissary is a soldier ; the assertion
that he belongs to the civil branch of the army, and is hated
(it ought to have been said envied ) by all the fighting part
of the army — are simply things to be laughed at; and we con-
fess that we do not find it much less difficult to be angry with
the insinuation, that Sir Charles Napier’s Baggage-corps was
attacked by the Commissariat, because “ the confusion, that
‘ Sir Charles put an end to, was congenial to the large fortunes
‘made in the Department.” When it comes to this, we may be
sure that argument is greatly lacking. For men who are not
soldiers, the Commissariat officers have received some tolerably
hard knocks during the recent wars. For example, in the
battle of Jugdulluck, fought by General Pollock in September

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RECENT MILITARY MEMOIRS.

1842, the only officer lulled was Captain Nugent of the Com*
missariat.

We have no intention to re-open the Baggage-question in this
place. Enough has been said upon the subject in the pages
of this journal. But there are some interesting and suggestive
facts mentioned in Major McMurdo’s pamphlet, which are worth
detaching from their context. Here is a passage relative to
Sikh tactics, which we have marked for quotation : —

The magnificent materiel of *our army is the same as of yore; its valour
is the same; but its discipline is impaired; while our enemies have acquired
discipline, in which they were formerly entirely deficient. A gallant officer,
who was prisoner in the late campaign, told me that the march of the Sikh
army, from the neighbourhood of Chillianwallah to Guzerat, was one of the
best-executed and most magnificent manoeuvres he ever witnessed. Drawn
up in order of battle, facing the British camp, Shere Sing first passed his
baggage well to the reverse flank of his intended march. He then commenced
his march, preserving his order of battle, every battalion keeping its place
and alignment for a distance of twenty miles ! So perfectly was the order
of battle preserved, that the British captive believed our army must have
been marching close and parallel to that of the Sikhs, instead of being, as
it was on that day, quietly in camp at Chillianwallah ! On approaching
Guzerat, the Sikh army halted, re-formed line, facing to the rear, and re-
mained in this attitude, till the baggage had passed to the front, and the>
camp was pitched. Now when 60,000 men, with sixty pieces of cannon,
can be manoeuvred in front of a British army in this fashion, it is time for
us to rouse ourselves, renew our former discipline, and shake off* the un-
wieldy encumbrances, that clog our movements in the field — the very sight
of which, on the march, is sufficient to appal the ablest commander; for
(as Colonel Burlton acknowledges) “ it is no wonder that a general stands
aghast, and fervently hopes his enemy may not detach any light horse to<
double round his flanks, and fall upon his rear.”

“ Let us profit,” adds Major McMurdo, “ by the warning the
‘ late campaigns in India have given us — profit also by the
‘ warning which the new era in India will give us ; I allude to
c the introduction of railways. I cannot separate from my mind
4 the conviction, that, however beneficial to the mercantile and
‘ social communities of India the development of this grand
‘ scheme may be, railways will have the effect, ere long, of
‘ bringing together the different races in India, from Cape
‘ Comorin to the Himalayas. They will know each other’s
4 sentiments for the first time, and for the first time understand
‘ the meaning of combination. There is nothing to fear, if we
* are prepared ; but every thing to fear, if we are unprepared.”
We honestly confess that this had not struck us before. The
danger may be very great; but we cannot help saying, that
we shall be glad to give the different races such an opportunity
of combining against us. Our only fear is that the opportunity
is as yet very remote. We wish it were a little nearer. When

RECENT MILITARY MEMOIRS.

295

we have constructed a line of railway from Cape Comorin to
the Himalayas, we shall be prepared to weigh the cost, and abide
the consequences, of bringing the southern and the northern
races into contact with each other. With one more brief ex-
tract from Major McMurdo’s pamphlet we must bring this ram-
bling article to a close : —

The hordes of people, of all classes and denominations, who are permitted
to follow our armies in India, are not to he conceived ! I am told that the
bazars after Chillianwallah, and throughout the late campaign, were little
short of those at Calcutta! Every description of merchant, mechanic, and
profligate were there located, carrying on their different callings and pur-
suits, as in a great town, and seeming utterly indifferent to the circum-
stance of a powerful and ruthless enemy being in their immediate vicinity.
Indeed I am told that an active correspondence was kept up with the enemy
by the merchants in our own bazars : and it is natural to suppose that to-
bacco and grain were not the only commodities which were conveyed to the
camp of the enemy, that Shere Sing was kept informed of every thing that
went on, and that not a detachment moved without his knowledge.

We conclude, as we commenced, by saying that, with every
inclination to impart something of a more vivacious and
sparkling character to our journal — for we have various tastes
to consult, and we are anxious to seduce even the thoughtless
reader into the perusal of our more solid and instructive matter,
by setting before him occasional offerings of a lighter and more
attractive kind — we have rarely those opportunities enjoyed by
the European critic, who, every week — nay, every day — has
some new poem, or romance, or book of travels placed un-
sought upon his library-table. It is our duty to notice such
books, whether published in India or in England, as relate
to Indian affairs, and we seldom pass over any that yield ma-
terials, either singly or conjointly with others, for a readable
article. We might wish the poetry, that comes before us, to be a
little better, or a little worse; and we may sometimes desire
our prose-writers to be a little more brilliant, or a little more
blundering ; but we do our best with what is set before us, and
are thankful for what we can get.

THE OUTBREAK IN CABUL, AND ITS CAUSES.

29 G

Art. II. — A Review of the Operations of the British Force at
Cahul , during the outbreak in November 1841, and during
the retreat of the above Force in January 1842. By Wil-
liam Hough , Major , Bengal Establishment. Englishman
Press. Calcutta. 1850.

We doubt if Caesar, whether asleep or awake, were much of a
dreamer. At all events, with a convenient treaty just concluded
with Cassivellaunus, the British hostages all safe in the Homan
camp, the ships, such as they were, ready for the embarkation
of the wearied legionaries, and, above all, the channel sea flat-
teringly smooth for the occasion, his slumbers on the eve of
departure from our rough coast were likely enough to be sound ;
or, if disturbed at all, visions of the already-rumoured Gallic
revolts were more likely to haunt his imagination than the
array of England’s future greatness. Had he been granted
a spectral glimpse of the regions of the earth to be peopled
or won by the future races of the misty storm-beaten land
he was so gladly leaving, we may suppose that, as America,
Australia, and India were shadowed forth to his sleeping
thoughts, the empire-loving Caesar would have sprung to his
feet, and sworn that, hap what hap, England must be won and
kept for Home. His second invasion of Britain had, as it was, al-
ready endangered Gaul ; and, with a clear perception of his military
position in both countries, Caesar (barely in time however) threw
up the one to keep the other, and hastened to where the war-
storm wras brewing. To the present day we feel the thrilling
force of that description, where he relates the slaughter of the
legion under Titurius, and the gallant stand of that under Q.
Cicero. Ages have since elapsed, yet the narrative of those events,
be the reader who he may, is vivid with deep interest. What then
must have been the emotion, with which the “ pauci ex prcelio
elapsi” perused this record ? What the sorrow of the friends of
Titurius, and what the grief, albeit a proud grief, of the friends of
Cotta ? If we can suppose that a single one of those bold
right-thinking soldiers, who, in the council of war, had given
it as their opinion “ quid esse levius aut turpius , quam , auctore
hoste, de summis rebus capere consiliumf outlived that night,
when “ ad utium omnes , desperata salute , se ipsi interficimit ’’ —
and that, having outlived it, he reached the winter quarters
of Labienus, how must his blood have boiled in after times, when
Caesar’s page brought back to his mind the weakness, which had
blighted the honor of a Roman legion, and ignominiously swept
it from the face of the earth ! The future general historian, with

THE OUTBREAK IN CABUL, AND ITS CAUSES. 207

a circumscribed page and much to cram into it, may indeed
often content himself with such a summary account, as “ Con-
sul, ft/so exercitu, captus est, or, Consul cum exercitu ccesus
est;" but the contemporary narrator of such dire events scarce
ever dismisses them in this manner, for he knows that many
a heart amongst the living remembers them, and, whether with
grief or pride, beats with emotion at their recollection. Father,
brother, or friend, fought and fell then and there.

However sufficient such motives for dwelling on remarkable
reverses, there is yet a higher and more important one. Taci-
tus, contemplating the series of war-disasters, which had
occurred to Korae since her foundation, with the view of com-
paring them with those inflicted by the German nations, uses the
expression, “ Ne Parlhi quidem supius admo?iuere.” They are
indeed admonitions — and of a kind to which it behoves a nation,
its statesmen, and its commanders to advert. Pride may disre-
lish the contemplation of humiliating events, but such “ admoni-
tions” (we thank Tacitus for the application of this word) are
meant by the Ruler of events to humble pride, teach wisdom,
impress justice, and to warn the strong arm of one stronger and
mightier, which needs but to be stretched out in retribution,
when the power of armies withers into mean and pitiable weak-
ness. We think, w*e need offer no excuse to the readers of this
journal, whether among our English or our Indian friends, for
again touching on events, which, to many of them, must have a
deep and melancholy interest. The' work at the head of this article
has recalled our thoughts to a subject, which must ever remain a
warning and example to our rulers, and upon which we looked
for much more to be said, than we have fouud in the pages of
Major Hough’s compendium. Its close, and the quotation from
Arnold, bore us back to the time of youth, when the deeds of an
Arminius, or of an Ambiorix, were matters of stirring story only,
and when sad experience had as yet to make them to the man
in some respects apposite parallels.

Caesar in Gaul and Varus in Germany were, however, differ-
ently circumstanced from the British Generals in Affghanistan ;
and, in proceeding to pass a few remarks on Major Hough’s
little volume, we must commence by adverting to that, which,
not only the writer, but his authorities, treat very inadequately —
the causes of the outbreak. Before entering upon these, we
have, however, a few words to say on a much (and rather bitterly)
contested subject. On this matter our remarks shall be as con-
cise as possible.

The civil administration of India forms the rich patrimony
of the Directors of the East India Company, and affords af-
fluent provision for their sons, immediate relatives, and the few

p p

298

THE OUTBREAK IN CABUL, AND ITS CAUSES.

having most interest with that body. The name — Civil Service —
was well chosen ; for though Bentham styles the epithet, ‘ Civil,’
one of the most unmeaning Protean terms in all jurisprudence,
yet, it is so consonant with English constitutional ideas to
strengthen to the uttermost the civil power, and jealously to
weaken and subordinate the military, that, although in reality
there was little or no analogy between a free and a conquered
country, yet, provided the patrimonial branch bore the honoured,
though vague, designation of “ Civil,” the Court of Directors ran
no risk of having the tendency of the rules and orders, by which
all officers of power and emolument in India are restricted to that
line, called in question. Governor-Generals, free from pa-
rental solicitude for the interests of the Civil Service, and actuated
by a desire to insure success and the efficient performance of
duty, have often been constrained by accidental circumstances to
employ military men in posts of power and influence : and, accord-
ingly, some of the most distinguished servants of the Company
have been officers of their army ; but it has always been in spite
of the injunctions and precautions of the Court of Directors for
their exclusion, that such men have risen to eminence and fame.
As a general rule, the civilian stands no risk from the competi-
tion of the military man ; power and emolument are his by virtue
of his favoured service ; whilst the military competitor, if he rise
at all, must do so in contravention of the rules and orders of
the Court of Directors. In the purely civil administration of
the Company’s provinces in India, no objection (provided that
the wants of the people were fully met at no overwhelming
cost) could reasonably be raised to this arrangement. But the
Civil Service has never been content with such restriction to
its pre-eminence. It is so accustomed to regard the monopoly
of power and emolument as its right, that where a Governor-
General is weak enough to permit it, and makes no stand
against the class-interest, which immediately surrounds him, its
members will be thrust into places, where common sense and the
experience of all ages show that their employment must be
productive of confusion, ridicule, or disaster. Accordingly, whe-
ther it be to set up such a puppet-king as Shah Shuja, or to pat
on the head a boy Maharajah, and make him go through the
farce of signing away the Punjab already taken, we find a Civil
Servant put forward on the occasion, in order that he may win
his spurs, and become a belted knight.

If Leadenhall Street and its influences are in part respon-
sible for such a system, the Home Government and the Horse
Guards can by no means be exempted from each bearing their
own share as part originators, or at least promoters, of a baneful
source of error : — and error is defeat in military affairs.

THE OUTBREAK IN CABUL, AND ITS CAUSES. 299

A Governor- General of India is seldom invested with the au-
thority of Commander-in-Chief. The constitutional jealousy
of uniting in one hand the highest civil and political, with the
highest military, authority of a great empire, and the unwilling-
ness of ministers to forego the patronage of two such prizes, as
the several offices of Governor-General and Commander-in-
Chief, have constantly operated against their being conferred
upon one person. In peaceful times, there is advantage from the
arrangement, as a Governor-General’s attention can be concen-
trated on measures for the general improvement of the countries
under his rule; but in times of war there has frequently result-
ed much inconvenience. We shall not enter upon a detail of
these embarrassments ; for at present we have only to lay before
the reader one of the consequences of the severance of the
highest political from the highest military authority, when ar-
mies are in the field. Although virtually the Governor-Gene-
ral plans and determines all great military operations, yet,
when not Commander-in-Chief, the voice of the latter must ne-
cessarily have weight in the selection of the officers to whom
important commands are to be entrusted ; and, as such selection
more frequently under these circumstances depends on the ac-
cidental rank of individuals, rather than on their general skill
and ability, a Governor-General is often tempted to aim at se-
curing the complete execution of his political and strategetical
measures by the employment of a man of his own choice, to
whom, under the title of Envoy, or some other civil or political
designation, controlling authority is in fact given. Tbe attempt
indeed to separate the conduct of political affairs in a military
expedition from that of the army is futile ; the two are essen-
tially conjoined, and do not admit of severance, because one man
is styled Envoy, and the other Commander-in-Chief, or General.
The distinction between strategetical and tactical operations is
well known to every tyro in the military profession. The dis-
tinction however is one of the science of war, where classifica-
tion is as necessary for a distinct apprehension of the subject-
matter, as in any other branch of science : there is in the prac-
tice of war no such positive, absolute separation. The strategeti-
cal measures are the preliminary steps by which a certain amount
of force is best brought into tactical operation against an
enemy — in other words, thrown into immediate conflict in the best
order, and under the most favourable circumstances. If the con-
nection between the strategetical and the tactical be close, that
between the political and the strategetical is, in the East, fully
more so. Where a single military mis-hap may entail conse-
quences very difficult to estimate or foresee, it is imperatively

300

THE OUTBREAK IN CAROL, AND ITS CAUSES.

necessary that the commander be thoroughly conversant with
every piece and every move upon his chess-board ; no sane per-
son can expect him to take up the game and to play it well, at a
moment’s notice and without a pause, from the hands of one who
has thoroughly embroiled it. In support of this separation of
the political and strategetical from the merely tactical came the
additional fact, that the officers in command of armies and
divisions, belonging most frequently to the royal army, were
3) eld debarred from the exercise of political functions by their
inacquaintance with the general policy of the Government, and
their ignorance of the languages, feelings and habits of the
people of India and its neighbouring countries.

Various therefore were the influences, besides the ambition
of the individual, which placed a Macnaghten at Cabul; and it
must be allowed, that however objectionable might be the sys-
tem above adverted to, a Cotton and an Elphinstone were
not calculated, either by their mental or their physical capa-
cities, to be entrusted with the conduct of affairs in Affghanis-
tan. Men of a higher order of intellect were essential for
such a command ; and, along with intellect, physical energy
was indispensable. Men of this stamp were not wanting, had
there been either the will or the ability to select them : and such
reasons and motives, as have been alleged, must be considered
a very insufficient apology for shackling a military comman-
der in Affghanistan with a civil Commander in-Chief, influenced
by similar motives to those which lead Governor- Generals to
employ envoys and agents. Macnaghten, in order systemati-
cally to keep the thread of events under his own cognizance,
and to maintain the exercise of general supervision and con-
troul, was forced to have a large staff of subordinate political
functionaries, to whom, as his lieutenants, the guidance of such
operations, as he could not himself superintend, were to be en-
trusted. These deputies were for the most part young men,
zealous indeed, but ignorant of the country and the people,
and having yet to purchase that experience in men and
practical wisdom in affairs, which, moderating the thirst
for personal distinction and enlarging comprehensiveness
of view, can alone mature into safe instruments the po-
litical servants of a Government. They have been much
blamed; but the system, rather than the agents, was at fault;
and some of them were not only very able men, but did impor-
tant service in the line prescribed for their exertions.

The remoter causes of the insurrection trace back to an early
date in the occupation of Affghanistan ; and, before entering upon
the more immediate and proximate causes, it is essential for

TI1E OUTBREAK IN CABUL, AND ITS CAUSES.

801

a right and fair comprehension of the subject to carry the
mind back to the time of the Shah’s entry into Cabul. This
period is chosen, not because the events, which had preceded*
should be altogether cast out of a review of the remote causes
of the outbreak, but because in order to bring them to bear
with their own proper weight and influence, a comprehensive
summary of our general policy, and of its effects upon the minds
and apprehensions of the people of Central Asia, would be in-
dispensable. But such a retrospect would demand more space
than we can afford ; and, as the recovery of his throne by Shah
Shuja was, after the repulse of the Russians from Herat, the
ostensible object of the march of our army into Affghanistan,
the attainment of that object forms a real epoch in the policy
pursued, and is both a natural and convenient point, from which
to consider the nature and character of our measures.

The Shah having been re-seated on his throne, though not
(as had been prognosticated by the Governor- General) by his
own subjects and adherents, a very grave and important ques-
tion presented itself for the consideration and decision of
Macnaghten, upon whose advice the Anglo-Indian Government
was dependant. The objects of the British Government had been
attained : for, in the words of Lord Ellenborough,“ the Govern-
ment of India had directed its army to pass the Indus in order
toexpel from Affghanistan a chief believed to be hostile to British
interests, and to replace upon his throne a sovereign represented
to be friendly to those interests, and popular with his former
subjects.” Both had been effected ; and the question to be de-
cided was, whether the moment contemplated by the Governor-
General had arrived : for Lord Auckland’s manifesto had pro-
mised that “ when once he (Shah Shuja) shall be secured in
power, and the independence and integrity of Affghanistan es-
tablished, the British army will be withdrawn.” The promise,
thus vaguely worded and qualified, admitted of fulfilment by.
the adoption of one of two very different courses. Macnaghten
had the option, either to take advantage of the favourable juncture
when the British army could be withdrawn with the honour and
the fame of entire success, and to devolve upon Shah Shuja,
holding with the contingent (upon whose fidelity he could
rely) the main points of Cabul, Ghuzni and Candahar,
the onus, not only of maintaining military hold of the
country, but also, unshackled by the unpopular tutelage of
a British Envoy and with the civil administration in his own
hands, that of establishing the royal authority throughout
the less accessible districts, and of reconciling by adroit ma-
nagement their turbulent chiefs to his sway : — or, it was open

302 THE OUTBREAK IN CABUL, AND ITS CAUSES.

to Macnaghten, mistrusting the Shah’s power and ability thus
to maintain himself, to continue the military occupation of
Affghanistan by the British troops, and to govern in Shah
Shujah's name, on the plea that the engagement was not alone
to place him on the throne, but also to secure his power, and
to establish the independence and integrity of Affghanistan.
Had our policy been truthful and honest, every thing combined
to favour the first proposition. Macnaghten avowed himself
convinced of the popularity of the Shah, whose reception he
had represented as being on the part of the Affghans “ with
feelings nearly amounting to adoration.” The Shah was known
to be by no means deficient in ability ; Macnaghten himself
described him to Rawlinson, as a shrewd, cool, sensible, cal-
culating character. His courage was of a doubtful hue; but
this alleged natural timidity could not fail of receiving as-
surance from the presence of a disciplined body of foreign mer-
cenaries— the contingent — well armed and well officered ; whilst
the occupation of the key points of his country would, at
small cost, have enabled the Shah to maintain with the aid
of the contingent such a grip of Cabul, Ghuzni, and Can-
aahar, that nothing but an army well provided with battering
guns could have shaken his hold on these important points.
Shah Shtija might possibly, with such a bit in the mouths
of the people and with conciliatory conduct towards the chiefs,
for whose restless but petty ambition he could have found
scope in the Civil and Military Service of the State, soon have
been in a position to brave the return of Dost Mahomed. Freed
from the dictation of a British Envoy and from the domineer-
ing presence of a British army, provided that his financial
measures had proved judicious, his popularity would have
increased. He would have had the winter, which, from its
severity, imposes rest and peace, as a season in which to
consolidate his administration, and during which he would
have had leisure to work on the characters and wishes of
the chiefs, and to raise an influential party favourable to his
reign. A person, sincere in his conviction of the Shah’s
popularity, and having a clear perception of our position
in Affghanistan, would have seen that it was a critical mo-
ment in the Shah’s career. We know that the Envoy’s
representations of the Shah's popularity were the creations
of his own imagination ; and that it is extremely doubtful whe-
ther the .Shah, given the opportunity above contemplated, would
have had either the tact, or the firmness, essential to success in
his position. It is certain that his failure would have proved
the hollowness, if not the falsehood, of our policy, and would

THE OUTBREAK IN CABUL, AND ITS CAUSES. 303

have given a denial to the bold assertions advanced in his
behalf and that of the course pursued by the British authorities.
We suspect therefore that the Envoy was rather the dupe of his
own wishes, and of those which he knew to be entertained by
the Governor- General, than of any real misapprehension of the
exact degree of the Shah’3 popularity and influence. Certain
it is that, inconsistently with his avowed and often-repeated per-
suasion of the Shah’s favour in the hearts of his chiefs and peo-
ple, the Envoy permitted himself to be influenced by Shah
Shuja’s fears, whose timidity could not rest so long as Dost
Mahomed roamed at large, and who therefore deprecated the
immediate withdrawal of the British troops. Macnaghten was
also affected, only in a less degree than Burnes, with a dread of
the onward march of Russian battalions and of the progress of
the Czar’s influence in Central Asia. Instead of keeping clearly
in sight the primal interests of his Government, and in lieu of
seizing the favourable moment for honourably and at once dis-
embarrassing it from a position which every one saw to be both
false and faulty, Macnaghten allowed minor motives, present
importunities, and phantasms of a remote danger, to warp his
judgment from a perception of his country’s real honour and
advantage ; and, by adopting the second proposition, tarnished
the one, compromised the other, and wrapped the close of Lord
Auckland’s Indian career in gloom and consternation. “ Quine -
tili Vare, legiones redde /” (Varus ! give me back my legions), did
not indeed break vehemently forth from that sorrow-stricken
amiable nobleman : but who, that saw him, will forget his de-
portment, both at the council-table and in private, during the
last months of his rule in India ?

The objections to the course which was adopted were many
and incontrovertible. The number of troops requisite for the
efficient military occupation of such a country as Affghanistan
was far greater than India, threatened with disturbances in the
Punjab, could spare ; the cost of their maintenance was exces-
sive; the difficulty of communicating with an army, so far
removed from the British frontier, was great; all convoys of
provisions and munitions of war must traverse the interposed
states of doubtful allies, thread long and dangerous mountain
defiles beset with wild, lawless, plundering tribes, and be ex-
posed to a multiplicity of risks, before they could reach the
isolated army ; the civil administration, leaning from the first
upon the strong arm of a British force and influenced by a
British Envoy, acting through a puppet-king, could not be ex-
pected to mould itself to the habits and feelings of the people,
and must therefore necessarily be disliked by them ; and, worst of

304 THE OUTBREAK IN CABUL, AND ITS CAUSES.

all, there was no prospect that such a system could possibly
terminate in a period when the Shah, dispensing with his lead-
ing strings and British bayonets, could be left to rule alone : for,
under such a system, nothing native to the soil and people could
arise, upon which to base his power and authority. A mock
king; a civil administration, hated because under foreign dic-
tation, and dissonant from the feelings of the Affghans; an
Envoy, the real king, ruling by gleam of British bayonets, and
thus enabled to impose his measures, however crude or un-
palatable ; a large army, raising by its consumption the price
of provision, and preying on the resources of a very poor coun-
try ; — these were the inevitable concomitants of having shrunk
from withdrawing at once, in good faith and sound policy, the
British army, while the moral impression made by its entire
success was fresh and deep upon the Affghan mind, and would
for some time have been an element of strength to the Shah,
had he been left to establish his own throne.

In order that the reader may better understand the foregoing
remarks, and may also trace the connection between the policy
at first adopted, and the condition and circumstances under
which the insurrection found us, we must devote a page or two
to the illustration of Macnaghten’s initial measures.

Shortly after the first occupation of Oabul, Macnagkten
heard from Pottinger at Herat, that a Russian force, destined for
Khiva, was assembling at Orenberg, and that Stoddart was still
a prisoner at Bokhara, and anticipated being kept there, unless
rescued by an English army. This information was coupled
with the recommendation that the army, or at least one brigade,
should immediately move on Balkli ; the advice was coupled
with the assurance, that a single brigade would be quite suffi-
cient, there being no posts on the route to cause delay or give
trouble, and no troops that could oppose the march of the
brigade. Outram’s return from his unsuccessful pursuit of
Dost Mahomed, and the escape of the latter to the regions of
the Oxus, combined with Pottinger’s report, immediately filled
the Envoy’s breast with apprehensions of Russian enterprize
upon that famed river, and strengthened him in his resolution
not to part with the British army, but to retain as large a
portion of it, as he could induce Keane to leave, or Lord
Auckland to sanction; and with this view he at once wrote to
Keane in a tone of alarm at the march of Russian battalions
upon Khiva, and their occupation of the banks of the Oxus.
Keane, who had seen enough in Afghanistan to satisfy him
that the Russian expedition from Orenberg might, with equal
safety and propriety, be left to exhaust itself in overcoming the

THE OUTBREAK IN CABUL, AND ITS CAUSES. 805

difficulties of its route, replied with good-humoured pleasantry
that “ the only banks, he now thought of, were the banks of the
Thames;” and he discountenanced indulgence in such a dread of
Russian battalions, as invested them with a spectral facility of
traversing long tracts of difficult and ill-explored countries. The
Envoy’s apprehensions were not however to be thus allayed; and
he sent for Keane’s perusal a letter addressed to Lord Auckland,
the tenor of which was to acquaint the Governor-General, that the
Bombay troops were to return by Kelat; that one brigade was
to occupy Cabul ; and that a force had moved against Bokhara
without awaiting the Governor- General’s approval to such an
extension of the objects of the expedition, inasmuch as the
lateness of the season precluded the delay of a reference to
India. This proposal to push a small force across the Hin-
du Kush into the heart of countries, of which little was
known, against a State, with which we had no ground for war,
with the vague intention of liberating Stoddart, pursuing
Dost Mahomed, and forestalling on the Oxus Russian batta-
lions, surprised Keane, who, not trusting himself to write
upon a project so Quixotic, sent back Macnaghten’s letter
by the hands of one of his aid-de-camps, with the verbal
message, that he could not in any way join Macnaghten in
forwarding such a letter to the Governor-General. For the
present, therefore, Keane’s good sense caused this dreamy en-
terprize to be abandoned; but Macnaghten, urged by the
fears of Shah Shuja, and loath altogether to forego an expe-
dition, which had flattered his imagination, resolved on making
a demonstration to the westward. For this purpose a re-
giment of Gurkha infantry and a troop of horse artillery
were despatched from Cabul with instructions to march to
Bamian by the Kullu and Irak Passes, which Burnes declared
to be perfectly practicable for artillery. In the event of Dr.
Lord’s failing to cross over by the more northerly Passes of the
Hindu Kush, he was to join the detachment at Bamian ; and
it was to act under his orders.

To form a conception of this coup d'essai by the Envoy
in military movements, the stupendous character of the
Passes to be surmounted must be borne in mind. The most
practicable are upwards of 12,000 feet above the level of
the sea, and present such difficulties, that the chief engineer,
having examined them, stated as his opinion that the Kullu
Pass alone would retard an army with a respectable battering
train at least ten days. The winter was fast approaching,
when these lofty mountain ranges are covered with snow ; yet
the detachment was to winter at Bamian, depending on Cabul

Q Q

30G

THE OUTBREAK IN CABUL, AND ITS CAUSES.

for its supplies — Macnaghten being of opinion that the
Passes were open for the transport of provisions during the
whole winter season. An officer venturing to suggest that it
might be as well to delay the march of the troops for two days,
within which time the chief engineer would have returned, and
be able to give accurate information as to the character of the
route, met with the rebuff that the Envoy did not like difficulties
being made. The detachment accordingly marched ; and, as
might have been anticipated, took a month in surmounting the
difficulties of the route, in order, after much toil and labour to
the infantry, to lodge an excellent battery of horse artillery
in a position, where it could neither act, nor be of any use- In
the mean time, Dr. Lord started upon his journey to the Hin-
du Kush ; but he did not go further than thirty-six miles from
Cabul, when, to the astonishment of Macnaghten, he suddenly
returned, reporting that the country within forty miles of Ca-
bul was in open rebellion ; that Dost Mahomed, established at
Kunduz, was drawing the whole country to the west of the Hin-
du Kush together ; and that all Turkistan was pouring for-
ward, to join the ex-chief in expelling Shah Shuja, and recover-
ing Cabul.

Macnaghten hereupon immediately made a requisition that
the whole of the first division of the Bengal army should re-
main in Affghanistan — a request with which Keane, though very
sceptical as to Lord’s alarming report, complied. It soon be-
came known that Lord’s sudden retreat to Cabul was the sub-
ject of merriment amongst the Affghans ; who said “ that it
was in no way surprising for Shah Shuja to run away, that be-
ing his custom ; but that it was not expected that an Englishman
would run so soon, or so easily/’ Snow had fallen on the moun-
tains ; and the sight of their white-caj)ped heads disinclined the
Affghans, who formed Lord’s escort, to attempt the passage of
the Hindu Kush at a season when inclement weather and an
early winter seemed setting in. They therefore caused various
reports of the occupation of Kunduz by Dost Mahomed to
be brought, in order to try and deter Lord from prosecuting a
disagreeable journey. Finding him hesitate upon these rumours,
whether or not to proceed, they were encouraged to dupe him still
further by intelligence that a rebellion was raging around him,
upon which in hot haste he rode back to Cabul. Macnaghten,
after a few days, finding that the rebellion was a fiction, was not
altogether pleased with his own participation in needless alarm,
though well satisfied that the occasion had been afforded him
of making the requisition with which Keane had complied.
Dost Mahomed was meanwhile a fugitive, unable to maintain the

THE OUTBREAK IN CABUL, AND ITS CAUSES. 307

few dependents who had followed him, and viewed with suspi-
cion and distrust wherever he went. No better opportunity
could therefore have presented itself for the entire withdrawal
of the British army; but unfortunately Lord Auckland had left
the decision, as to the retention of troops from the army of
the Indus in the Affghan territories, entirely to the local know-
ledge and experience of Lord Keane and Sir W. Macnaghten,
with the injunction only, that he would much rather have them
keep too many, than too few, troops, for some time after the close
of the campaign. Macnaghten, who in the same breath was
calling for troops and avowing the Shah’s great popularity, was
only too well inclined to follow the line of policy marked out
by the Governor-General : and the alleged menacing attitude of
Dost Mahomed Khan on the Khulum and Kunduz frontier,
and the ghost of a rebellion of Lord’s incantation, opportunely
enabled t*he Envoy to demand, and Lord Auckland to accede to,
the remaining of a large body of troops under the command
of Sir W. Cotton.

Occupied with the reception of Shah Zada Timur, with the
foregoing expeditions and detachments, and with the establish-
ment of the Shah’s court and of his civil administration, Mac-
naghten for some time neglected to consider how the troops,
which he kept at Cabul, were to be lodged. The question was
one demanding instant decision, as the winter of 1839 was ra-
pidly approaching, and there was no suitable cover for troops.
Though pressed upon this subject, as soon as it was decided
that a portion of the British army was to remain, it was not
until the end of August that any steps were taken in this im-
portant matter ; and then they consented in sending an engineer
officer, Lieutenant Durand, accompanied by Mohun Lai, to exa-
mine three small forts, which Burnes had reported as affording
a suitable position for the troops. These diminutive forts were
west of Cabul several miles ; and, having neither cover, space,
water, nor in fact any other requisite for the convenience of the
troops, and being, in a military point of view, ill placed as a
position for the force, were at once rejected by the engineer,
who considered that it was essential to have military posses-
sion of the Bala Hissar ; and that it was the proper place, under
every point of view, both with reference to the present and the
future, for lodging the troops. The Shah upon various pre-
tences opposed this measure of precaution, and Macnaghten
yielded to objections, which he felt and acknowledged to be ridi-
culous. Sale was to be left in command at Cabul ; and he had
therefore a voice in the selection of the locality for the canton-
ment of his force. The engineer, however, stated that it was

d08 THE OUTBREAK IN CABUL, AND ITS CAUSES.

impossible, before the winter set in, that is, in the course of six
weeks, to build barracks, hospitals, sheds and stables fora brigade
and its attached cavalry and guns, outside the Bala Hissar — build-
ing material having as yet to be made and collected ; whereas,
inside the Bala Hissar, by taking advantage of what already
existed, it was possible to obtain good and sufficient cover. Thus
circumstanced, a reluctant consent was extracted from the Shah,
and the pioneers of the force were immediately set to work
with the view of rendering the citadel a strong work with cover
for its garrison, stores, and ammunition. The Shah no sooner
learned that the work was seriously commenced, than he renewed
strenuously his objections, urging that the citadel overlooked
his own palace and the city ; that its occupation would make
him unpopular, as the feelings of the inhabitants would be hurt ;
and that he had already received strong remonstrances against the
measure. Macnaghten, with fatal weakness, yielded ; and peremp-
tory orders were issued for the discontinuance of the work.
Foiled in his avowed purpose of rendering the citadel a post,
which, with a thousand men, a few guns, and proper provisions,
might be held against all that Affghanistan could bring before it,
the Engineer was forced to content himself withkeeping such hold
of the Bala Hissar, as admitted of its citadel being occupied at
any moment, by lodging the troops in hastily-prepared ac-
commodation at its base. It seemed indeed, that, the troops
being once in military possession of the Bala Hissar, the evacua-
tion of that stronghold in future was an event as improbable as it
would be impolitic, and that the occupation of the citadel and
the repair of its works would in time inevitably follow. Mac-
naghten could not but coincide with the engineer and those
who succeeded him and held similar views ; and, as the cost
would have been trifling in comparison with the sums thrown
away in Affghanistan upon objects to which political importance
was attached, the Envoy for some time contemplated following
up the project. But the Shah and the Kuzzilbash party, as well
as the Affghans, were very averse to a measure, which, so long
as the British troops remained in Affghanistan, would keep
Cabul subject to their effectual controul ; and Macnaghten,
being in the false position of having to reconcile the declared
intention of the Government to withdraw the army from
Affghanistan with its present actual military occupation
in force, wavered on the adoption of necessary measures
of precaution, which might countenance the suspicion of a
purpose on the part of the British Government permanently
to hold the country ; and, ultimately, in an evil hour for himself
and his country’s arms, not only entirely neglected such salu-

THE OUTBREAK IN CABUL, AND ITS CAUSES. 309

tary precaution, but gave up the barracks constructed in the
Bala Hissar to the Shah as accommodation for his Harem,
evacuated the fort, and thought no more, until too late, of
strengthening himself therein.

At the very time that Macnaghten, endeavouring to unite
irreconcileable objects, was thus led to a wavering course in
respect to precautionary measures of graver moment than
he at that juncture apprehended, he launched boldly upon a
revolutionary experiment, which was absolutely incompatible
with the merely temporary occupation of the country — being
in direct antagonism to the feelings of the people, the influ-
ence and pride of the chiefs, and the form of Government, to
which for ages both had been accustomed. Rulers in Affghanis-
tan had ever maintained their sway by a politic management
of the chiefs, and, through them, of their tribes. The feuds
and rivalries of the chiefs offered great facility for balancing
their almost independent powers ; and, by tact and judgment,
the preponderance of the ruler was secured, and his measures
carried out, through the support and aid of the Affghan nobles.
In fact therefore the Government approached more nearly to
an aristocratic, than to an autocratic, form, and feelings of
independence and pride were strong in the breasts of the
nobles. Dost Mahomed had maintained himself at Cabul as
the head of this aristocracy with some difficulty ; but, by a
mixture of adroitness and well timed daring, he had succeeded
in keeping his position. It was evident that the Shah, who
replaced him, could only rule in one of two ways ; either
by courting, conciliating, and managing the chiefs, as his
predecessors had done ; or, by destroying their power and
influence. To attempt the latter, demanded the permanent oc-
cupation of the country in great strength by the British
troops, and held out the prospect of a long struggle, from
the difficulties of a strong mountain country and a bold people
attached to their chiefs. Yet, Macnaghten, professing merely
the temporary occupation of Aflghanistan, entered upon this
hazardous experiment; and as a first and an important step
towards the accomplishment of his object, began to raise levies
of Khyberi3, Jazailchis, Kohistanis, and Janbaz corps, who,
looking to the royal treasury for payment and being under
the supervision of British officers, it was supposed, would prove
devoted to the Shah’s cause, and curb the power and pride of
the chiefs. The nobles were quick to perceive the blow thus
struck at their influence ; and feelings of resentment, ill sup-
pressed through present dread of the British force, broke forth
in remarks, which betokened that the step taken was fatal to the

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THE OUTBREAK IN CABUL, AND ITS CAUSES.

Shah’s popularity amongst his nobles. The measure alienated
the chiefs without having the effect of attaching the very men
who enrolled themselves and received the Shah’s pay ; for the
Affghans are fickle, impatient of controul, naturally averse to the
restraints of discipline, and, however they might admire the
gallant bearing of the British officer when the hour of danger
called him to their front, yet he was an infidel in their eyes,
connected with them by no ties of clan, religion, or common
country, ignorant of their feelings, language, and habits, and,
with the strict notions of a British soldier, quite unable to
soften their rigour by that community of sentiment and tongue,
which goes far to alleviate the pressure and irksomeness of
military rule. The experiment was in short thoroughly anti-
national ; and the chiefs were active from the first in doing all
in their power to render the service unpopular — no difficult
task, as it was palpable that the Shah’s standing army must
be paid, and that the burden of payment must fall on the peo-
ple.

If Macnagliten’s course in military affairs was at starting
dubious and inconsistent, that, which he pursued in the admi-
nistration of the Government of the country, was of the same
character. The Envoy deemed it possible to reconcile the
assumption by himself of the main powers of sovereignty with
the treatment of Shah Shuja as an independent monarch, and
sought to effect this by leaving the administration of civil and
criminal justice, the settlement and collection of the revenue,
and its irresponsible appropriation, entirely in the hands of
Shah Shuja, precluding him however from any controul in
measures concerning the external relations of his Government,
or those having reference to independent or to revolting tribes.
Although allowed to make grants to his favourites, and to au-
thorize aggressions and usurpations, when these could be effect-
ed without troops, the Shah had no voice in deciding on the
employment of force in support of his own, or the Envoy’s,
measures. The Shah had thus much power for evil, and could
commit the Government to measures, the odium of supporting
which must fall on Macnaghten, who alone ordered expeditions,
settled the strength of detachments, gave instructions to their
commanders, and pointed out the objects to be attained and the
mode of accomplishment. It was a vain hope, by thus incur-
ring the opprobrium of all harsh and violent measures, and by
leaving to the misrule of the Shah’s greedy favourites the credit
of evoking them, to dream of blinding the nobles and the
people to the really servile condition of their king. The farce
was too broad and too cuttingly insulting. From the first

THE OUTBREAK IN CABUL, AND ITS CAUSES. 311

it was pregnant with danger; and Keane, immediately before his
departure, remarked to an officer, who was to accompany him —
“ I wished you to remain in Affghanistan for the good of the
public service; but, since circumstances have rendered that im-
possible, I cannot but congratulate you on quitting the country :
for, mark my words, it will not be long before there is here
some signal catastrophe.”

No such foreboding found place in the minds of the Envoy,
or of the Shah. The former sent for Lady Macnaghten ; and the
Shah, without compunction, gave away to British officers and
others the houses of chiefs who had withdrawn from Cabul,
as if their property was confiscated and no door open to con-
ciliation. The first mission to Cabul had established for the
British moral character an ill reputation : and, as the conduct
of some individuals, whom it is needless to particularize, was
not calculated to remove this unfavourable impression, the con-
sequence was that, even before Keane marched from Cabul,
officers searching for residencies in the city, with the desire of
purchasing them from the owners, heard their guides execrated
by the neighbourhood for bringing licentious infidels into the
vicinity.

Let us now proceed, by as concise a review as the subject
admits, to connect the normal errors, which have been noticed,
with the chain of events which really linked them to the in-
surrection, more immediately the subject of present contem-
plation. The general unanimous revolt of a people, composed
of a great variety of mountain tribes, often hostile among them-
selves, is not the work of a moment, or of a single measure; before
old feuds can be staunched, and cordial co-operation have place,
the minds and hearts of men must be wrought into sympathy
and deep hate of a common object of execration by a widely
ramified series of events, embracing the length and breadth
of the land, and bringing home to the hearths of all the im-
perative need of allaying local animosities and of wreaking
vengeance on the common foe.

Among the first, we may almost say the immediate, results
of the anomalous Government, established at Cabul by Mac-
naghten, was the rising of the Khyber tribes. They had
motives for viewing with favour the establishment of Shah
Shuja on the throne of his ancestors ; for they might reasonably
hope for a grateful return from the monarch, whom they had
received, concealed, and faithfully protected, when formerly
driven from his throne and deserted by his dependents. These
hopes had been countenanced by Wade, who, whilst skirmishing
with the Khyberis, was also treating with their chiefs, and as-

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THE OUTBREAK IN CABUL, AND ITS CAUSES.

suring them of the confirmation by Shah Shuja of their an-
cient privileges. Shah Shuja had not forgotten their gene-
rous conduct, of which he never spoke without warmth and
emotion ; and, sensible of the extreme value to the British troops
in Afghanistan of a free passage of the defile for their convoys,
he had not hesitated, as one of his first acts, to gratify his own
inclinations, and to evince good will to the staunch friends of his
adversity, by promising to the Khyberis, unknown to Mac-
naghten, the annual subsidy, which, in former times, they had
been accustomed to receive. During the troubled sway of
Dost Mahomed, this black mail had dwindled down to 12,000
rupees, but was again raised by him to 20,000 — a sum far less,
however, than the amounts paid in former days by the kings
of Cabul; and it was to these higher scales that Shah Shuja
was held to have referred.

Wade, on his return from Cabul, being entrusted with no
power to treat with the Khyberis, but having to pass their
defile, finessed, and got through without obstruction; but left
matters in such a state, that when Mackeson, who was empowered
to treat, arrived, he found affairs thoroughly embroiled, and the
chiefs in no humour to be quickly or easily appeased. They
had attacked Ali Musjid ; and, though they had failed to carry
the fort, they had destroyed a corps of Nujibs entrenched in
the valley below the fort, and had only withdrawn on the news
of Keane’s approach with the troops returning to India ; these
they erroneously over-estimated ; and, awed by what they deemed
the vicinity of an army, opened negociations with Mackeson.
But Macnaghten’s terms were less liberal than the chiefs had been
led to expect by the Shah, and the payment of the subsidy offered,
shackled with conditions novel to the Khyberis, entirely su-
perseding their authority and influence in the defile. The prof-
fered terms were consequently very unpalatable; and, as Keane
was through, and his infantry was known to be insignificant in
strength, the tribes re-assembled to infest Ali Musjid and to
close the Pass. Keane indeed threw provision and ammunition
into the fort, sending them back from Peshawur; but, through
mis-management, the detachment on its return lost between four
and five hundred camels : and the Khyberis could boast, not only
of having cut off a battalion of Nujibs, but of having worsted a
strong detachment of regular troops, British and Sikh, and
of having taken the cattle of the convoy. We shall not attempt
a detail of Mackeson’s negociations, and of Wheeler’s march
into the Pass and occupation of a post at Ali Musjid. Wheeler
was indeed saved the trouble of attacking, as he had threatened,
by the conclusion of a treaty, which was announced by Macke-

THE OUTBREAK IN CABUL, AND ITS CAUSES. 313

son to have opened the Pass, and according to -which an annual
subsidy of £8,000 was to be paid : but the detachment, which
marched, ably protected by Wheeler, with 2,000 camels towards
Keane’s camp, soon had practical experience of their new allies
and the security of the Pass. Though they failed in their at-
tempt to carry off the convoy, the Khyberis celebrated the con-
clusion of Mackeson’s treaty with a rough farewell to Keane’s
returning detachments.

Whilst Keane had been thus delayed at Peshawur, in conse-
quence of the rising of the Khyber tribes, Macnaghten’s alarm
on account of Kussian battalions had received a fresh spur,
from the information which reached him of the advance from
Orenberg, and the alleged capture of Khiva; he wrote there-
fore, expressing his wish that the Bombay column, marching
on Kelat, should be detained in Affghanistan. Keane ridiculed
such fears ; and even Lord Auckland’s patience and credulity
were wearied by these repeated requisitions for additional troops,
evidently and avowedly founded on an uncalculating dread of a
far distant and scarce rival power.

Wiltshire marched and took Kelat. For former hospitality
and for protection from sanguinary pursuers, the gratitude of
Shah Shuja, under British influence, awarded to Mehrab Khan
the loss of his poor capital and a soldier’s death in its defence.
After his fall, documents were found, which proved the manner
in which the Khan had been betrayed, and his endeavours to
negociate frustrated ; nevertheless it was thought advisable to
consummate the threat formerly made to the Khan, and to
place Shah Nawaz Khan, to the exclusion of the son of the
fallen man, upon the musnud of Kelat.

Whilst the Khyber and Kelat, the northern and the southern
lines of access to Affghanistan from India, were the scenes of
the foregoing events, Dr. Lord, having arrived at Bamian, lost
no time in making the north-western (or Usbeg) frontier of Aff-
ghanistan, the field of petty aggressive operations. The Syghan
valley, which lay between himself and Khulum, to which place
Dost Mahomed had in the first instance fled, had been tribu-
tary both to the rulers of Cabul and to those of Kunduz, ac-
cording as the strength of either enabled them temporarily to
assert and enforce their supremacy. Latterly, in consequence
of the ruler of Kunduz being weakened by the revolt of
Khulum and its adjacent districts, Dost Mahomed’s son,
Mir Akram Khan, had taken Syghan and Kamurd, and had
marched as far as Khulum. Syghan was in fact debateable ter-
ritory, and exposed not only to the antagonistic claims and raids
of Cabul and Khunduz, but also to a subordinate struggle between

R R

314

THE OUTBREAK IN CABUL, AND ITS CAUSES.

two petty chiefs for the possession of local rule and authority.
The weaker of these contending chiefs applied to Khulum for
aid ; and, as the ruler of that petty place was desirous of extend-
ing his authority and of strengthening himself in his newly-
acquired independence, he so far complied with his request, as to
send a detachment of Usbegs, who beleaguered his successful
rival in the chief fort of the valley, Sar-i-Sung, proposing to sub-
ject Syghan to Khulum. The opportunity was favourable to Dr.
Lord for proving alike the necessity and importance of his mis-
sion, and his ability to fulfil its objects. The connection of this
purely Usbeg attempt on Sar-i-Sung with the influence of Dost
Mahomed, and the assumption that it had been made at his
instigation, were matters of no difficulty to Dr. Lord, who deter-
mined to march to the aid of the beleaguered chief, and to
drive back the Usbegs. The valley of the Syghan river is
separated from that of Bamian by lofty mountains ; and inter-
communication in winter is difficult. Tn engaging to secure
the ascendancy of an insignificant chief, supposed to have
usurped power by the murder of his rival’s father and uncle,
and in making a hostile attack upon a race, with whom neither
the British nor the Shah’s authorities could pretend a cause of
quarrel, Dr. Lord had not even the excuse that the security of
the troops was threatened. The aggression, purely arbitrary,
was wholly indefensible, both in point of principle and of ex-
pediency. Dr. Lord’s protegee was established in the Syghan
valley ; and the Doctor himself returned to Bamian, ingeniously
to devise and quash embryo insurrections, and to intrench the
troops, in the depth of winter, to their very teeth, for fear of
being overwhelmed by the march of Dost Mahomed from Bo-
khara with a large army ! We will not proceed with a detail of
Dr. Lord’s further doings, for to lay them before the reader
in their full absurdity would require too much space : but
well might Lord Auckland bemoan the inattention to his
wishes, and Lord Keane ridicule the despatches, when the
report of such vagaries reached them. These proceedings,
however, merited marked disapproval ; for they bore out Dost
Mahomed’s assertions of the danger, which threatened the coun-
tries on the Oxus from the advance of the Anglo-Indian power
to the sources of that river, and from the British occupation
of Affghanistan. The Khan of Bokhara, foiled in designs
which he knew to be fathomed by the astute fugitive who had
fled to, him for protection, avenged himself for being outwitted
by casting Dost Mahomed into confinement, accompanied by
threats of a speedy termination to its continuance by a violent
death; but Dr. Lord’s measures to the west of the Hindu

THE OUTBREAK IN CABUL, AND ITS CAUSES. 815

Kush procured his liberation. The policy, which Dr. Lord
pursued, had created alarm throughout the neighbouring
countries, the rulers of which naturally began to entertain
apprehensions of the ulterior designs of the Anglo-Indian
power, and to regard with favour the victim (for such to
them he appeared) of British aggression. Hence the Khan
of Kokan not only remonstrated with the Bokhara ruler against
the line of policy he was pursuing, but also moved a force
from the banks of the Jaxartes to compel attention to demands
in behalf of a Moslem ruler, expelled by unbelievers from his
territory, and oppressed by the person, from whom he sought
asylum, protection, and support. The irritating aggressions
of Dr. Lord thus raised up a friend for Dost Mahomed, where
he otherwise would have found none, and, instead of dis-
turbing our occupation of Afghanistan, might only have ulti-
mately obtained deliverance through British interference and
diplomacy.

The reader will think that having carried him to Bokhara
via Bamian, he need scarcely be carried thither via Herat ;
but we should fail in enabling him to explore all the springs
of action connected with the insurrection, were advertence to the
scene of Todd’s labours omitted. Sometimes designated the
outwork of India, at others styled the frontier of Afghanistan,
Maenaghten had accustomed himself and his subordinates to
regard that place as of vital importance to our dominion in India
and our sway in Afghanistan. Jealous of a fortress to which
he attached such great importance, and not concealing his dis
satisfaction with Pottinger’s proceedings, the Envoy had, when
Keane’s army was at Candahar, despatched Todd from thence
to Herat upon a special mission, the main objects of which were
to draw Shah Kamran into closer and more cordial alliance with
the British, and to examine and place in a state of defence the
works of the fortress. This avowed object was to be secured by
the negociation of a treaty of friendship and alliance between
the British Government and Shah Kamran, guaranteeing the in-
dependence of the Herat state, stipulating that the slave deal-
ing, which had justified the advance of Persia, should be abo-
lished, and that the Herat Government would abstain from
correspondence with foreign powers without the knowledge
and consent of the British authorities. Todd found some diffi-
culty in concluding a treaty upon these terms: but, by pledging
the British Government to the payment of a fixed monthly
stipend, equal to the original revenues of the country, for the
maintenance of Kamran’s Government, and the exemption of
the people from all taxation until after the harvest of 1840,

316

THE OUTBREAK IN CABUL, AND ITS CAUSES.

and by making large advances, to enable the cultivators to
resume their long-interrupted labours, and trade to re-open its
channels and activity, he succeeded in winning, from the
avarice of Kamran and his minister, an unwilling assent to the
articles of the proposed treaty.

Macnaghten, bent on counteracting Russian influence, had
determined to spread the web of his ever-radiating diplomacy
to the shores of the Aral and the Caspian. Todd therefore,
shortly after his arrival at Herat, sent a letter to the Khan of
Khiva, with the tender of British friendship and alliance. The
Khan was at the time under the dread of Russian invasion ; and
he consequently received favourably the advances of the British
authorities, and deputed an ambassador to Todd, with a reply,
and propositions, to which he desired the assent of the British
Government : but they were of a nature which Todd could not
countenance ; and he therefore alleged his inability to entertain
them without a reference to Macnaghten and the orders of his
Government.

Kamran and his unscrupulous minister, Yar Mahomed, with
the example of the military occupation of Affghanistan before
their eyes, had viewed with keen suspicion the eager interest
displayed to acquire a thorough knowledge of the strength
of the place and the resources of the Herat territory. Their
apprehensions were not allayed by the diplomatic activity, which
sought to form alliances with the states on the Oxus, and thus
threatened to envelop Herat in a mesh inimical to its inde-
pendence and importance. The British agent was liberal of
money, and Kamran’s necessities and love of lucre, combined
with the fear of incurring the hostility of the British power, did
not permit him to break with Todd ; nevertheless, he knew
that such profusion was not disinterested, and he apprehended
that the wide expansion of diplomatic relations was only the
forerunner of a proportionate extension of military activity, as
soon as the state of Affghanistan admitted of the diversion of
a part of the troops to the regions of Herat and its vicinity.
Such an advance had been the subject of repeated discussion ;
and the desire of Macnaghten was well known to Yar Mahomed
and his master. The fear of Persia now became secondary to
that of a foreign and infidel yoke ; communications were con-
sequently re-opened with the Shah of Persia ; and the expul-
sion of the British power from the countries to the west of the
Indus became the topic of correspondence. Yar Mahomed
never seriously anticipated such a result ; but he sought to
counter-balance the preponderating influence of the British
power, about to ally itself with the countries on the Oxus, by

THE OUTBREAK IN CABUL, AND ITS CAUSES. 317

initiating a friendly understanding with Persia, and rousing her
jealousy against the sweeping ramifications of British negocia-
tion and intrigue.

Yar Mahomed did not confine his communications to Persia.
When he drove Stoddart from Herat, he had done his utmost to
excite the apprehensions of the Bokhara ruler, who was so far
acted upon, that he cast Stoddart into confinement. As the mea-
sures of Macnaghten became more developed, Yar Mahomed,
pointing to the activity of the British agents at the heads and
near the mouth of the Oxus, sought to kindle the Bokhara
ruler’s jealousy, who, although not deeming the danger to him-
self imminent, could not but view with distrust the march of
the Envoy’s exertions. In a similar manner, Yar Mahomed en-
deavored to counteract the negociations, which Todd had open-
ed with Khiva, and sought, by intrigue, by misrepresentation,
and by palpable and undeniable truths, to instil into the Khiva
Khan the same spirit of wakeful suspicion and hostility to Bri-
tish influence, which animated his own breast. To the Khan,
however, the Russian advance from Orenberghad been a positive
and a pressing danger, and the alleged ambitious machinations
of the British power were a less definite and more remote
source of alarm ; their scope was evidently and avowedly antago-
nistic to those of his older and nearer foes, the Russians ; and
their tendency was therefore rather advantageous than the reverse
to Khiva, which, separated by six hundred miles of barren wastes
from Herat, and by about the same extent of difficult country
from Khulum, felt that British desire for territorial aggran-
disement had to appropriate vast and unproductive regions,
before it could think of absorbing the Khiva State. Its ruler
was accordingly not unwilling to derive any benefit, which might
accrue from the countenance of the Anglo-Indian Government,
and still less averse to share in that lavish expenditure of money,
for which the British political agents were famed throughout
Central Asia. The Khan of Khiva therefore received Abbott,
whom Todd sent from Herat in the end of December 1839, if
not very cordially, still with more of consideration and attention
than the malevolent representations of the Herat minister, and
the exaggerated rumours of British aggression on Khulum and
of ulterior designs on the line of the Oxus, were likely, but for
Russian operations on the Yembah, to have secured for Todd’s
deputy.

Fortunately, also, Abbott was a man of temper ; and, though
not qualified for his mission by acquaintance with the languages
of the country, and therefore labouring under sore disadvantage,
he made himself respected by a conduct alike creditable to

318

THE OUTBREAK IN CABUL, AND ITS CAUSES.

him as a Christian gentleman and a resolute officer. He had
been sent, on the spur of the moment, without even credentials
from his Government, and found that the seeds of distrust and
suspicion had been sown by Yar Mahomed, in order to frus-
trate the objects of his mission. These indeed were not very
clearly defined ; for, with proffers of friendship and alliance in his
mouth, Abbott was powerless to incur engagements, or to accept
and encourage any of the demands, which the Khan of Khiva,
with practical notions of international compacts, naturally made.
The Khan remarked, almost in the same words which Dost
Mahomed had once addressed to Burnes — “ What then have
you come hither for ? If you will grant none of our demands,
of what use is it to call yourselves our allies ?” Abbott and
Burnes were two very different men ; and, though nothing could
well seem more hopeless or chimerical than Abbott’s extempo-
rized mission, at a time when the regions of the Oxus and
Jaxartes were rife with alarm, and the Moslem rulers seemed
menaced with conquest either by the Russians from the Caspian,
or the Anglo-Indian army from the Hindu Kush, yet the
patient, truthful, and pious lieutenant of artillery won the
confidence of the Khivan ruler, and ultimately became his am-
bassador on a message of peace and of restitution of captive
slaves to the Czar of Russia.

Todd had discovered Yar Mahomed’s correspondence with
the Persian Assuf Ud Dowlah at Meshed in October, and
had acquainted his Government with the fact ; but Lord Auck-
land, perceiving that it was attributable to the jealousy and
apprehension caused by the diplomatic measures of Macnaghten
and his subordinates, and that it was neither practicable nor
expedient to take serious notice of this early infraction of the
treaty, forgave the minister of Herat: and, foreseeing that such
breach of faith would probably not be the only one brought
to light, and that the political agents on the spot, angered
and excited by the irritating conduct of Kamran and his minis-
ter, might attach undue importance to such events, and seriously
compromise the British Government by a breach, which would
still further embroil and embarrass the Trans-Indus affairs,
extended his pardon to every such offence, which might have
occurred previous to the receipt of the Governor-General’s letter.
Being received in February 1840, this pardon embraced the
communications made to Persia in the preceding January, on
which occasion Kamran addressed his late besieger to the
effect — that he, Kamran, merely tolerated the presence of the
English Envoy from motives of expediency, and from the neces-
sity in which he and his people stood of the money liberally

THE OUTBREAK IN CABUL, AND ITS CAUSES.

319

provided by the English Envoy ; but that his hopes centred in
the aid and favour of the Shah of Persia. ” The advances to the
people and Government of Herat at this time amounted to
*£100, 000 — a sum, in respect to the country, about equivalent
to the subsidy of a million to a petty German State. It had
saved ruler, chiefs, and people from starvation, and had more-
over replenished the ruler’s coffers ; but the instinct of power,
dreading British encroachment, was too sensitive to allow such
munificence to outweigh the fear, which our political measures
and the military occupation of Affghanistan had called into
being.

The Shah, accompanied by Macnaghten, quitted Cabul ear-
ly in November and marched to Jellalabad, there to pass the
winter. The capital and its fort had disappointed his expec-
tations. He often sat at a window of the palace, wiling away
time, his eye wandering over the different objects which the
city and its plain offered. On one of these occasions, after a
long silent pause, Shah Shuja made the remark — “ that every-
thing appeared to him shrunk, small, and miserable; and that
the Cabul of his old age in no respect corresponded with the
recollections of the Cabul of his youth.” He was glad there-
fore to escape from the severity of the winter of a place, the
ideal charms of which age and the experience of the reality had
banished. Jellalabad, though a still more wretched town, enjoys,
from its lower altitude above the sea level, a warmer climate,
and the winter is far less severe.

After the fall of Kelat and the conclusion of negociations
with the Khyberis, the setting in of the winter season caused a
lull in Affghanistan : and Macnaghten and the Shah for a time
flattered themselves with the hope that affairs would settle
into order and quiet. There was boundless activity over the
whole field of diplomacy, which, extending from the shores of the
Caspian to the banks of the Indus, effectually alarmed and un-
settled the minds of rulers and people : but for the moment the
British soldier had rest. That rest however was not to be of
long continuance : for the presence of a considerable body of
troops at Jellalabad encouraged Macnaghten to assert the au-
thority of Shah Shuja over the surrounding districts, the petty
chiefs of which, awed by the British force, gave in their adher-
ence, and submitted to the Shah’s supremacy. The Chief of
Kuner was an exception; and the Envoy was under the neces-
sity of sending a detachment under the command of Colonel
Orchard, with the view of making the contumacy of this refrac-
tory chieftain an example, and of replacing him by one more
subservient to the Shah’s interests. The failure of the coup tie

320 THE OUTBREAK IN CABUL, AND ITS CAUSES.

main attempted upon Ktiner we shall not enter upon in detail;
but the event was so far unfortunate, that it gave the Affghana
an early lesson, that British troops could be opposed with suc-
cess ; and subsequently, in the neighbouring district of Bajore, it
was shown that the lesson had not been thrown away. For the
moment, the occurrence was only a trifling break to the lull of
winter. More stirring events were however at hand: and the
Shah, accompanied by the main body of the British troops from
Jellalabad, had no sooner returned to Oabul in April, than it
became evident that the repose of Affghanistan was to be of
short continuance, and that with the spring came rebellion.

The Ghiljies are a fine muscular race, characterized by an
untamed ferocity of disposition, the result of ages of habitual
rapine, and of constant petty warfare. Ever jealous of their
wild independence, and for a short time once supreme in Aff-
ghanistan, they have never failed to prove the most obstinate
opponents to invaders, whether from the east or the west; and
have, when themselves the aggressors, recorded their prowess on
the plains of India by many a sanguinary contest. Hardy,
confident and expert in the use of musket, sword and knife,
they are, to a man, at the beck of their chiefs, for any expedition
which affords a prospect of booty. The Chiefs had never sub-
mitted to the authority of the Cabul and Candahar rulers ; for,
although Dost Mahomed had made tributary a portion of the
SulimanKhel Ghiljies, holding districts to the east of Ghuzni, and
though the Andari Ghiljies were his subjects, yet these formed but
an inconsiderable part of the tribes, who, in a mass, disowned all
submission or obedience to the Amir or his brothers, and, des-
pising their retainers and followers of other Affghan tribes, con-
tinued, with perfect impunity, the long-established system of
Ghiljie transit fees and plunder.

The advance of Keane from Candahar by the line of the Tur-
nuk had, as is well known, excited the hostility of the Ghiljies,
who, jealous of independence, and mistrustful of the Shah and the
formidable power, which had seated him on the throne, rejected
Macnaghten’s advances and proposals. The ill-timed attack
by the Suliman Khel Ghiljies on the British camp, the day be-
fore Ghuzni was taken; the fall of this strong hold; Out-
ram’s subsequent raid through a part of their country ; and
the setting in of the winter — curbed for a while any overt acts of
habitual resistance to the Cabul and Candahar authorities. But
it was impossible for the Ghiljies to view with patience the ap-
parent consolidation of a power, which threatened entirely to an-
nihilate their authority on the highways between Candahar,
Cabul, and Jellalabad, and therefore to strip them of the fee

THE OUTBREAK IN CABUL, AND ITS CAUSES. 321

and plunder, which both Chiefs and people regarded as a right.
Every detachment that marched, every convoy that travers-
ed their country, was a source of irritation, exciting the avidity
and hurting the pride of the Ghiljies and their leaders. As
spring set in, and the weather became more favourable, the Ghil-
jie discontent took new life; and disturbances arose, which
showed that the tribes were afoot, and that measures must be
taken to crush rebellion before it had time to become formida-
ble.

Accordingly, from the side of Candahar, Anderson was sent
forth by Nott to read them a lesson, which he did in a short,
sharp combat, very creditable to the courage of the Ghiljies, who,
though superior in numbers, were without artillery. The result
somewhat disheartened them. Nott occupied Kelat-i-Ghiljie, and
secured the communication between Candahar and Ghuzni ;
Macnaghten took measures to conciliate the Chiefs, who consent-
ed to abstain from infesting the highways, on the condition of
being paid by the Shah an annual stipend of i>3000. Upon
these easy, though perhaps not very honourable, terms, commu-
nications lying along the Cabul and Turnuk rivers were exempt-
ed from a guerilla interruption, always harassing, and not un-
accompanied by loss of men, cattle, and munitions. It was a
moderate price to pay for the pacific conduct of Chiefs swaying
tribes, which, when combined, could bring 40,000 combatants
into the field ; and which, but for the difficulty of uniting them
in co-operation for a common purpose, were the most powerful
and formidable in Affghanistan.

The communications between Candahar and Cabul were thus
temporarily freed from Ghiljie interruption ; but those between
Candahar and Shikarpur became suddenly endangered by the
occurrence of unforeseen events at Kelat-Quetta and in Upper
Scinde.

We have not space to enter minutely into the grave error
of occupying, in the month of May, the isolated post of Ka-
hun. It cost the entire loss of Clarke’s detachment and
convoy, and kindled a flame, which spread throughout Belu-
chistan, where our political measures had prepared material
enough for combustion. The adherents of Mehrab Khan’s son
rejoiced at the intelligence, and were soon actively devising
measures for the deposition of Shah Nawaz Khan, who, with-
out influence amongst the Brahuis, and leaning on the unpo-
pular political agent, Lovedav, was equally powerless and dis-
liked by his subjects. The Kahurs too heard of the triumph
of their old antagonists, the Murris, with satisfaction ; for the
hatred of British supremacy exceeded even the bitterness of a

THE OUTBREAK IN CABUL, AND ITS CAUSES.

322

blood feud of long standing, and a rivalry of ages in acts of
rapine. They knew that Bean calculated upon the strength
of these feelings as a sure bond of union between the Kahurs
and the British interests; and, by encouraging this idea, they
lulled Bean’s vigilance, and were nearly enabled to compass
his destruction and that of the small force at Quetta. Nott and
Leach saved him. We wish it could be added that, when per-
fectly in his power, he had saved Loveday by following up the
insurgent Chiefs, who broke up from before Quetta, shaken in
confidence and suspicious of treachery amongst themselves.
This he neglected, and Loveday was sacrificed.

Whilst these events were taking place amongst the Beluchis
above the Bolan Pass, those below obtained a signal triumph.
Clarke’s disaster was followed by still grayer, and more dishonor-
able losses : the Pass of NufFush was again to witness Murri
success and British discomfiture. Clibborne’s defeat was a serious
calamity ; and a military commission condemned him, and all the
superior officers who had ordered and provided for his expedition.
Errors of detail there doubtless were on the part of Clibborne,
and of those, who organised the expedition : but by far the most
blame-worthy were they, who had led to the necessity for any
such expedition at all, by thrusting Brown with a hundred and
forty men into a position, where he was useless, except to risk
the detachment sent for the purpose of providing him with
what was needful for the maintenance of this strangely-selected
post.

We pass rapidly over Bean’s futile negociations ; the arrest of
Masson ; the descent into Catch of the insurgent Beluchis,
with the view of acting in co-operation with the Murri3 upon the
line of communication between Shikarpur and Candahar, their
check at Dadur, and retreat before Boscawen, leaving on the
ground of the Beluch encampment the warm, still bleeding,
body of the murdered Loveday — the first victim of the
rapidly- growing hate towards the political agents of our
Government — followed by Marshall’s successful blow, which
again sent Nussib Khan a fugitive into the wild country around
Kelat, and re-established at the moment the integrity of
Nott’s line of communication with his base. We glance at these
events, because it must be borne in mind how widely-spread was
the spirit of revolt, and that on every side our measures were
raising an implacable spirit of hostility. Temporary success
might here and there partially quell its ebullitions: but this
only made it work more secretly, more deeply, and pervade
the masses more entirely, until one feeling beat in every Mos-
lem heart to the west of the Indus.

THE OUTBREAK IN CABUL, AND ITS CAUSES. ^ 323

We would willingly pass over Dr. Lord’s unhealthy ac-
tivity without any further allusion: but, as may be recollect-
ed by many of our Indian readers, spring had no sooner
smiled upon the wintry summits of the Hindu Kush
than the troops under his orders found occupation. Be-
fore winter was well ended, the capture of an Hazareh
fortlet and the destruction of its defenders, under circum-
stances of a most painful nature, spread a feeling of hatred
among an innocent and (at our hands) a well-deserving race.
This act was the consequence of Macnaghten’s sending a troop
of horse artillery to Bamian, without inquiry or preparation,
and therefore without advertence to the difficulty of procuring
forage for them during the winter months. Once in its
mountain position, it became essential to procure sustenance for
the horses of the troop; and the only available resource was the
small quantities of dried lucerne and straw, which the Hazarehs
habitually store for the support of their live-stock during the
severities of a protracted winter. To obtain this partial supply
of forage from owners, to whom it was most valuable, the in-
fluence and exertions of the political agent, backed by a free
expenditure of cash, were necessary. Practically, notwithstanding
the price paid, this was an oppressive exaction, although for a
time unaccompanied by any overt disaffection ; considering the
locality the demand was too great, and the exaction, though wrell
remunerated, and therefore at first borne without number, be-
came vexatious and injurious in proportion as it was un-
avoidably extended. The Hazareh impatience broke out on
the occasion of a quarrel with some Affghans of Dr. Lord’s
detachment ; supplies of forage were refused ; and the political
agent, havingfailed in his attempts at pacific negociation, marched
with a force against the contumacious Hazareh fortlet. The
troops forced an entrance into it, and made prisoners a portion
of the garrison ; but part, having taken post in a tower, refused
to surrender, and fired upon the troops ; the latter fired the
fodder straw on the ground floor of the tower, and its ill-fated
defenders were all slain either by shot or flame. Such success
was of course bought at the expense of the good-will of the
neighbourhood : and the Hazarehs and other tribes only awaited
a favourable moment to evince their hostile feelings. After the
spring set in Dr. Lord's measures soon produced one.

Jubbar Khan, in charge of Dost Mahomed’s family, was some
time at Khulum, where he maintained himself and his charge,
by levying the transit duties of the place — a supply, which the
KLulum chief, partly through fear and partly through better

324 THE OUTBREAK IN CABUL, AND ITS CAUSES.

motives, assigned for the provision of a party still too numerous
and well armed to be treated with disrespect. Macnaghten,
anxious to have hostages as a check on Dost Mahomed’s designs,
endeavored to induce Jubbar Khan to submit himself and his
charge to British protection and generosity. The subtile Chief
was doubtful of the intentions of the Khan of Bokhara and of
the ultimate fate of Dost Mahomed, and felt also the insecurity
of his own position on sufferance at Khulum. He was not dis-
inclined, therefore, to the only course which held out a certainty
of security and liberal provision. Dr. Lord, on the other hand,
was anxious to be doing, and to hint to Jubbar Khan that his
residence at Khulum was within reach of the British troops.
Accordingly a reconnoissance to the northward was determined,
and the officers, weary of their winter’s confinement, were eager
for so amusing and interesting an expedition. In the course of
its progress, an offer was made of the fortlet of Bajgah, which
is situated at the mouth of the defile beyond Kamurd, and is
considered by the natives of the country a stronghold of some
importance. The offer of the Chief, if not suggested, was the
result of apprehension, and not of good-will or policy ; never-
theless, it was, without hesitation, accepted, and a small par-
ty of infantry lodged in the post. Dr. Lord, if he had not
planned the offer, evinced as great readiness as his recon-
noitering officers to take advantage of it, and wrote to Macnagh-
ten and Cotton, urging the expediency of garrisoning Bajgah,
and making it a frontier post. The Envoy acceded ; and Dr.
Lord, having his force increased by three hundred men of
Hopkins’s Affglian corps, pushed forward five companies of
Gurkhas to Bajgah, occupying Syghan with two companies, and
retaining one at Bamian. The rumour of these forward move-
ments had hastened Jubbar Khan’s decision, and, on the 3rd
July, he reached Bamian with his brother’s family, and proceed-
ed onwards to place himself and them under British protection.
This advantage was more than counter-balanced by the effect,
which the occupation of Bajgah produced upon the surround-
ing countries. It was regarded as the first step towards ulterior
operations; and a strong feeling of hostility was at once engen-
dered amongst those, who anticipated that a struggle with the
British power was imminent. The Walli of Khulum in par-
ticular, as most threatened, was most alarmed ; and Dr Lord
thus prepared a cordial ally for Dost Mahomed, where hitherto
he had usually encountered jealous enmity.

Bajgah was an ill-chosen post, and the engineer, Sturt, at
once condemned it : but both Dr. Lord’s political consistency

THE OUTBREAK IN CABUL, AND ITS CAUSES. 325

and military genius would have been compromised by a withdrawal
from a position, which he had pronounced excellent and impos-
ing; and he therefore disregarded the engineer's objections.

We could, with great pleasure, follow the thread of narrative
through the sequence of events — and the more willingly, as it
would give us the opportunity of doing justice to the very
gallant conduct of the non-commissioned officer, Douglas,
and his band of Gurkhas ; but, referring our readers to the
military accounts of these matters, we can only allude to Hay’s
sickness ; his call for a European officer from Syghan ; the
detachment under Douglas to meet and strengthen the
coming officer; their disappointment; the unsuspecting bi-
vouac under the fort of Kamurd ; the fire from the forts,
which told of treachery, and made the Gurkhas spring to
their arms ; the charge of the Usbeg horse calculating on
easy victory, but checked by the Gurkha fire before they
charged home ; the unequal contest kept up for miles by
Douglas, making good his way steadily, in order, leaving no
wounded, flinging the arms and ammunition of his slain into
the deep river which edged the road; the many wounded ; the
ammunition of all nearly expended ; the destruction of the gal-
lant Gurkhas at hand; when suddenly the engineer, Sturt,
with two companies, hastening to save their comrades, broke
into view, checked the ardour of the Usbegs and Hajaris, saved
Douglas and his band from their impending fate, and enabled
them again to reach Bajgah. The affair was full of honour and
credit to Douglas and Sturt; but the Usbegs and the neighbour-
ing hill tribes, regarding it as the defeat of a body of British
troops, hailed it as a triumph; — so that Dost Mahomed, who was
then in the field to reap the full advantage of the spirit evoked
by Lord’s proceedings, not only found the Walli of Khulum
a staunch ally, but his subjects and the tribes of the hill coun-
tries eager to espouse his cause. Then came his advance, the
withdrawal from Bajgah of our troops, and the first remarka-
ble disaffection of an Affghan levy, Hopkins's corps.

Macnaghten, apprised of disturbances on the Bamian fron-
tier, had at first considered them unimportant, rightly ascribing
to them a local origin ; but, finding that time did not allay them,
that Dost Mahomed, escaped from Bokhara, was on the fron-
tier, profiting by the spirit which pervaded all tribes and classes,
that Bajgah had been threatened, that the Affghan levies had
been tampered with, and could not be trusted, and that the
troops had fallen back on Bamian, he reinforced them with a
regiment of native infantry, sending up Dennie to command.

The recovery of Kelat by the son of Mehrab Khan ; the u»-

320 THE OUTBREAK IN CABUL, AND ITS CAUSES.

certain state of Nott’s communications with Upper Scinde ; the
Murri successes; the insurrection in Bajore, accompanied by
the loss of a gun and the discomfiture of a party of the Shah's
troops ; the near approach of Dost Mahomed, which not only
operated to disturb the Bamian frontier, but likewise kindled
the hopes and the activity of the disaffected in the Kohis-
tau and in Cabul — foreboded little peace to the Shah’s rule in
Affghanistan. Fortunately the Khyberis, as also the Ghiljies,
who had shortly before been granted an annual subsidy of
30,000 rupees, seemed to prefer British tribute to British grape-
shot and musquetry. Provided the Punjab remained friendly,
Macnaghten’s communication with Ferozepore might be consider-
ed for the time secure. But rapid changes were taking place : the
Government of Lahore and the Seikh feudatories at Peshawur
were in active correspondence with Dost Mahomed, and were
sedulously fomenting disaffection to the Shah, and fear and
hatred towards the British power. Dost Mahomed’s two sons,
who had escaped from Ghuzni, were at large in Zurmut and
the neighbouring districts, seeking the means and the opportu-
nity of furthering their father’s cause. The general aspect of
affairs was therefore extremely sombre.

Then followed Dennie’s victory : but Macnaghten’s difficulties
were but partially relieved by Dennie’s action, which, in fact, only
restored matters to the same footing on which Dr. Lord had
found them, and therefore contented the Walli of Khulum,
whose only anxiety was on account of British encroachment,
and who, in reality, cared little for Dost Mahomed’s cause, pro-
vided the British troops were withdrawn from the advanced posts
into which Dr. Lord had so unwisely thrust them. The events
at Bamian had rather added to Macnaghten’s perplexities ; for
it wras no longer doubtful whether reliance should be placed on
the Affghan levies, and the Envoy, now convinced of the futility
of the measure by which he had alienated the good-will of the
Chiefs, pointed out to the Governor-General that the hope of
raising a loyal Affghan army must be relinquished, and, that
unless the Bengal troops were instantly strengthened, the coun-
try could not be held. Alarmed by Seikh intrigues, the Envoy
also at this time became alive to the capital error of Lord
Auckland’s operations beyond the Indus, with the unsubdued
power of the Punjab between the army engaged in Affghanistan
and its reserves in Northern India ; and, irritated by the machi-
nations of the Seikh agents to excite revolt and to feed it with
supplies of money, he pressed the Governor-General to break
with the ruler of the Punjab. Lord Auckland however felt
that the crisis, which Macnaghten depicted in AffghanistaD, was

THE OUTBREAK IN CABUL, AND ITS CAUSES. 327

not the moment to select for opening serious hostilities with a
formidable State ; and that, to maintain a hold of Affghanistan
and furnish the reinforcements so urgently demanded, a temporiz-
ing policy with the court of Lahore and a prolongation of
peaceable relations were essential.

Meanwhile, Macnaghten, in order to strengthen himself at
Cabul, recalled Dennie, with the battery of horse artillery and
the 35th native infantry, from Bamian. Dost Mahomed’s intrigues
were actively carried on, not only in the Kohistan, but in the
city of Cabul itself; his two sons were busy in Zurmut; the
Seikh feudatories were doing all in their power to raise the
country between Peshawur and Cabul, and to make it pro-
nounce in favour of Dost Mahomed against the Shah. Look
where he would, Macnaghten found no stay for the support of
the Shah’s authority, but the British guns and bayonets at his
disposal.

The Kohistan chiefs, when summoned to the capital, had
obeyed the call, made obeisance to the Shah, and sworn alle-
giance. Their simulated submission was intended the better to
cover deep treachery and a fixed resolve to overthrow Shah
Shuja’s rule : and they returned to their forts, banded together by
solemn engagements, and encouraged by the knowledge they
had acquired of the smallness of the force at Cabul. Neither
the Envoy nor the Shah were blinded by the readiness, with
which allegiance had been tendered: for, the letters of the Chiefs
being intercepted, their schemes and temper were disclosed , and
Macnaghten, uncertain of Dost Mahomed’s movements, sent
Sir A. Burnes, with a force under Sale’s orders, to punish the
hostile Chiefs of Kohistan, and to oppose the entrance of the
Amir into districts ripe for insurrection. Dennie’s action at
Bamian, followed by the escape of Dost Mahomed, by no means
diminished the necessity of this measure.

Sale’s short operations, finishing with the affair of Purwan Dur-
rah and Dost Mahomed’s surrender, are too well knowm to require
notice. This voluntary surrender at once altered the whole state of
affairs. Macnaghten and the Sbah, in possession of Dost Maho-
med and the greater part of bis family, were now' at liberty to
indulge in the hope that their difficulties were at an end, and
that the Shah’s authority could be established. The step thus
taken by the Amir must be regarded as evincing a strange
pusillanimity, and was dissonant from the expectations formed
of his character. The hasty resolution was probably the result
of a movement of weariness at the life which, for months, he
had been leading, and of the fear that the Kohistanis, who only
hated him a degree less than the British, might find it more

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THE OUTBREAK IN CABUL, AND ITS CAUSES.

convenient to betray him, and thus obtain peace and the large
reward set upon his head, than to maintain hostilities, which
cost them forts, villages, and vineyards, and threatened to render
their country hopelessly desolate.

Macnaghten had written to the Governor- General — “ No mercy
should be shown to the man, who is the author of all the evils
that are now distracting the country : but, should we be so fortu-
nate as to secure the person of Dost Mahomed, I shall request
His Majesty not to execute him, till I can ascertain His Lord-
ship’s sentiments.” Shortly after the voluntary surrender of
the Amir, the Envoy wrote — “ I trust that the Dost will be
treated with liberality. His case has been compared to that
of Shah Shuja ; and I have seen it argued that he should not
be treated more handsomely than His Majesty was ; but sure-
ly the cases are not parallel. The Shah had no claim on
us. We had no hand in depriving him of his kingdom ;
whereas we ejected the Dost, who never offended us, in sup-
port of our policy, of which he was the victim.” As the
latter view, ingenuously truthful and correct, ill corresponded
with the sanguinary cast of the former, the Governor-General,
probably acquainted with Vattel’s chapter “ of the sovereign
who wages an unjust war,” abstained from expressing his sen-
timents on a question, admitting such contrariety of personal
application, as that of the execution of “ the author of all the
evils” then distracting the country; and Macnaghten, overjoyed
at the unexpected issue of events, not only frankly urged the
truth in favour of his prisoner, but treated him from the first
with the attention and consideration, which the English gentle-
man has ever shown to those, whom the chances of war may
throw into his power.

The expedient leniency of Lord Auckland to Kamran and his
minister, Yar Mahomed, did not, as may have been surmised,
produce a permanently favourable effect upon the counsels and
acts of the Herat authorities. At first indeed Yar Mahomed
seemed earnestly desirous of giving proof, that his gratitude was
sincere, and his attachment to the British Government not con-
fined to mere profession. Accordingly he proposed the expul-
sion of the Persians from the fortress of Ghorian, possession
of which they still retained. The bait took. Todd, aware that
Macnaghten and the Indian Government were anxious that the
Persians should retire to a greater distance from Herat, credu-
lously put faith in Yar Mahomed’s avowed intention of captur-
ing Ghorian ; and advanced, on the strength of his promises,
upwards of two lacs of rupees to aid in equipping the force, with
which this stroke of policy was to be accomplished.

THE OUTBREAK IN CABUL, AND ITS CAUSES. 329

Pretended penitence for perfidy having secured so liberal a
largess, Yar Mahomed, surprised with his own success, wrote to
the governor of Ghorian to allay the fears, which the vaunt of
contemplated operations against that fortress might have excit-
ed, and to assure the Persians, that the machinations of the
British agent might be despised, and reliance be placed on
the friendly disposition of the Herat authorities. Todd, at
length convinced that he had been grossly duped, discon-
tinued all further advances for the alleged preparations against
Ghorian, and, about August 1840, reduced the monthly subsidy
paid to Kamran and his minister to 25,000 rupees. The
measure was a source of disappointment to the ruler of Herat :
but his minister, nothing abashed, determined to change his
game, and to play after another fashion upon the credulity
and facility of the British agent. Communications with the Per-
sian minister for foreign affairs were actively renewed, and
finally arrangements made for a conference at Ghorian between
accredited Envoys from the Persian court and from Herat. The
Persian minister quitted Meshed, and, with the view of attending
the conference, marched towards Ghorian ; but Yar Mahomed,
having brought affairs to this pass, thought he had at disposal a
political secret sure to command a good price. Accordingly, mak-
ing great merit of revealing his own device, he claimed from Todd
a reward corresponding in magnitude to the importance of the
secret. Upwards of ^£200,000 had however been, by this time,
thrown away at Herat, and the patient credulity of the British s
authorities had been taxed beyond further endurance. Yar Ma-
homed’s scheme for adding to the hoards won by his dupli-
city therefore failed.

Baffled in what he had considered very skilful finesse, the
minister’s ingenuity was nevertheless but a short time at fault.
Avarice has no shame. When therefore, in October 1840, the
state of affairs in Affgbanistan became known at Herat, Yar
Mahomed, thinking the moment favourable for intimidating
Todd into compliance, again urgently demanded money. The
successes of the Murris in Upper Scinde, the attacks on Quetta,
the capture of Kelat by the son of Mehrab Khan, and the ad-
vance of Dost Mahomed upon Cabul, formed a combination of
circumstances sufficiently unfavourable to Shah Shuja’s autho-
rity. By receiving communications from disaffected persons in
Affgbanistan, and by threatening to march on Candahar, Yar
Mahomed thought that the dread of such additional counte-
nance and support for the insurgents would compel Todd to
purchase the forbearance of Herat by a further heavy subsidy.
These hopes were not without real foundation ; but they were

T T

330

THE OUTBREAK IN CABUL, AND ITS CAUSES.

suddenly blasted by the surrender of Dost Mahomed, and the
complete re-establishment of security on the line of communi-
cations between Shikarpore and Quetta. Todd, re-assured in his
position at Herat by the favourable turn- of affairs towards the
close of the year 1840, refused these demands, and continued to
limit the expenditure to the monthly stipend before mentioned.
In the course of one year an outlay of upwards of 50,000
had been incurred by Todd at Herat; and the expenditure, initi-
ated by Pottinger, instead of being diminished, had been carried
to an extravagant excess without any resulting advantage. In-
deed, so far from British influence being thereby strengthened,
Macnaghten, alarmed by the reports received from Todd, had
repeatedly urged the necessity of moving British troops to
Herat ; and the Govern or- General, though averse to such an
operation, had so far yielded as to have been led to contemplate
the movement as a possible event; and a battering train, sent
from Bombay, was in preparation at Sukkur, and under orders to
be held in readiness for a march to Candahar, in case of being
wanted for the fore-mentioned distant expedition. The events
of November allayed the apprehensions of the British authori-
ties in Affghanistan ; and, producing temporarily an effect at
Herat, the advance of a force to that fortress was, for the time,
not pressed.

The lull in Yar Mahomed’s intrigues was not of long continu-
ance; for the events, which have now to be alluded to, no sooner
began, than Kamran’s minister engaged with great activity in
correspondence and intrigue with the Durani insurgents of
Zemindawar.

The Durani Chiefs, whatever their hopes when Shah Shuja
wa3 first placed upon the throne, were rapidly undeceived iu
their expectations of attaining power and influence under the
sway of their Durani master. All real power was in the
hands of the British functionaries, who, ignorant of the coun-
try, the people, and the Chiefs, and naturally jealous of the in-
fluence of the latter, were peculiarly liable to err in the selec-
tion of subordinates, where the nomination of these was en-
trusted to them. Political agents were also frequently compro-
mised by the necessity of acting in official connection with
persons deriving their dignities and charges from the appoint-
ment of the Shah. Mulla Shukur, his first minister, had been
a faithful follower of his exile, but possessed no other quali-
fication for so important a post; and was alike ignorant of the
spirit which pervaded the people and the Chiefs, with whom
he was therefore unpopular. His influence was great : and the
Shah, placing confidence in his minister’s judgment and inten-

THE OUTBREAK IN CABUL, AND ITS CAUSES. 331

tions, overlooked the fact that, in choosing the men to be placed
around Prince Timour at Candahar, the fitness of the individuals
for the duties to be devolved upon them was made an entirely
minor consideration to the qualification of old companionship.
Accordingly Timour’s counsellors were the minister’s old Lu-
diana fellow-exiles. These men and their satellites were eager
to seize the golden opportunity of enriching themselves at the
expence of the province; and, knowing that they could safely
calculate upon the weakness and connivance of the minister,
they had no hesitation in committing acts of oppressive injus-
tice in the collection of revenue from the people, and in the
interception of royal bounty from the Durani Chiefs. The
latter haughtily resented the bearing of greedy upstarts, whose
only merit was long exile from the country they now plundered :
and the Chiefs soon found that they could rely on the sympathy
of the common people, who were equally disgusted, and animat-
ed by a deep feeling of hostility towards the instruments of
misrule, and the power which supported them.

It has been noted that the intrigues of Kamran’s minister
were busy in exciting and encouraging the disaffected; and there
came, in aid of the projects of the discontented Chiefs, a rumour,
which, whether well or ill founded, was widely circulated, that
Bhah Shuja, jealous of British supremacy and impatient of the
subjection in which he was kept, desired to free himself and the
Affghans from a galling yoke, and only awaited a favourable
result to any revolt which might shake the British Power, in
order to declare himself openly, and eordially to aid in the
expulsion of allies, whose presence overshadowed the authority
of the throne. Foremost amongst the discontented Chiefs was
UkturKhan,a bold, designing man, disappointed by not obtaining
charge of Zemindawar, and otherwise angered by the Shah’s Can-
dahar authorities. He raised the standard of rebellion, and, on
the 29th December, routed Mahomed Allum Khan, took his guns,
and drove the royalist followers from the field. Nott had dis-
patched a regiment of native infantry, cavalry, and guns, to
disperse the insurgents: but Mahomed Allum Khan was beaten
before Farrington and his detachment could arrive. He, how-
ever, followed up the successful enemy, crossed the Helmund
at Girishk, and, on the morning of the 3rd January, came up
with them at Sundi Nowah ; where to the amount of 1,500 horse
and foot, Uktur Khan had drawn up his force, ensconced amongst
sand-hills, to screen it from the dreaded fire of the British artil-
lery. Farrington attacked them, and drove Uktar Khan from
his position, capturing a standard, and pursuing the fugitives
for some distance. This smart affair, in which the enemy left

332

THE OUTBREAK IN CABUL, AND ITS CAUSES.

sixty killed upon the field, was a partial check to the spirit of
revolt, and somewhat disheartened the insurgents. The wea-
ther being severe, they dispersed ; and the detachment was with-
drawn from Zemindawar.

Two men were now at Candahar, who had a clear perception
of the real state of affairs in Affghanistan — General Nott and
Captain Rawlinson, — both men of talent and both good soldiers ;
the one an able, high-minded commander, whose strong feeling
and military pride had been most undeservedly wounded by
repeated and unjustifiable supercession; the other, a man, who
added to the qualities of a good officer those of an accomplished
eastern scholar, and was in the political department an active
and intelligent agent. The General, compelled by accident to
remain in Affghanistan, now began to anticipate, that, although
others had reaped laurels at Ghuzni and Kelat, a sterner strug-
gle was at hand, and that he might have to strike a blow for his
country’s honour and the fame of her arms. By careful attention
to the morale and the discipline of his troops, and by a consi-
derate conduct towards the Affghans, he sought to allay the
passions and prejudices of the latter and to gain their respect
and good-will, coupled with a well-founded dread of the formida-
ble, but orderly, force under his controul. The civil being sepa-
rate from the military authority, and in other hands, Nott could
only watch the progress of misrule and embroilment, and pre-
pare, as best he could, for the storm which he saw approach-
ing, and which he knew, though not raised by him, must of
necessity burst upon himself and bis men. Rawlinson, en-
trusted with examining the revenue accounts of the province,
and reporting upon the expenditure of six lacs of rupees
(^£60,000), at a place where there was no expense of a court
to keep up, and also with enquiring into and ascertaining the
origin of the late disturbances, quickly perceived the false
position of the British in Affghanistan, and, early and repeat-
edly, endeavoured to impress Macnaghten with a sense of the
danger attending that position. These warnings were accom-
panied by expressions, which implicated Shah Shuja as having
countenanced the revolt of Uktur Khan, and intimated the exis-
tence of intrigues of a dangerous and little-suspected charac-
ter. Macnaghten entirely discredited such machinations, and
acquainted the Shah with all he heard from Rawlinson. The
monarch either was, or pretended to be, “well nigh frantic ; ”
and, ascribing such rumours to the creatures of his lately-de-
posed minister, Mulla Shukur, threatened to send for the
officials the latter had placed around Timour at Candahar, and,
“ having ripped up their bellies, to hang them up as food for the

THE OUTBREAK IN CABUL, AND ITS CAUSES. 333

“ crows.” The Shah had reasonable ground of anger against
these functionaries, as one of them had directly charged him
with having made a communication by letter, hostile in
tone to his British allies. Macnaghten would not doubt the
Shah’s sincerity, and wrote to Rawlinson — “ I think you should
sift these atrocious rumours to their head a3 diligently as pos-
sible. You have had a troublesome task lately, and have been
doubtless without leisure to weigh probabilities ; but it may
make the consideration of all questions more simple, if you
will hereafter take for granted that as regards us ‘ The king
can do no wrong.’ He is not so disposed, and if he were,
this is not the time”. — (23rd January, 1841). Rawlinson, how-
ever, was neither so assured of the Shah’s sincerity, nor so san-
guine as was Macnaghten of the probable facility of effectually
tranquillizing the province, except resort were had to — what he
naively termed — “ the arrest and forcible removal to India of at
least fifty or sixty of the most powerful and turbulent of the
Durani Khans a project, which Macnaghten could not en-
tertain, observing that “ Government would never tolerate for a
* moment the notion of such wholesale expatriation.” Having
deposed the minister, Mulla Shukur, the Envoy and the Shah
founded their hopes of restoring to order the province of Can-
dahar by the removal, and despatch to Cabul, of the minister’s
creatures, who had abetted Timour in acts of violence, profited
by exactions which had discontented the people, and had suc-
ceeded in rendering the British power, themselves, and the
Shah, obnoxious to the Chiefs and their numerous followers.
This measure and a contemplated visit to his Durani capital
in the autumn by the Shah, when he hoped to conciliate the
Chiefs, who were invited in the mean time to lay their grievances
before him by petition, were the means through which the En-
voy trusted to restore confidence and good-will.

The removal of the culpable functionaries produced a very
transient effect. The evil lay deeper ; and the spirit of disaffection
to the Shah and hatred to the British power from day to day ac-
quired strength, and began more and more to move the hearts
of the people. The universal venality of the public officers and
the authorized exactions of former Governments may have been
occasionally — what Macnaghten, when contrasting them with
existing circumstances, represented them — hardly credible. But
they were so only, when there was the power to coerce, and that,
owing to the disordered state of the country, was not often.
Amidst the struggles for dominant authority, official rapacity was
effectually kept in check by the independent spirit of the people, by
the readiness with which they flew to arms in order to resent op-

334

THE OUTBREAK IN CABUL, AND ITS CAUSES.

pression or oppose exaction, and by the dread of thus strengthen-
ing political adversaries. Under the two-fold government of
the Shall and the Envoy, the misdeeds of the native collectors
had no compensating reaction to fear. The political agents were,
however well intentioned, unable to cope with the interested
duplicity of their subordinates; and the latter knew that the
strong arm of the British force was ever at hand to strike
down rebellion and enforce the payments of revenue. Amid
much that was anarchical in consequence of the oscillations of
superior power, the people had for years enjoyed a wild freedom
and an immunity from heavy taxation, which made them impa-
tient of a condition, such as that which was suddenly imposed
upon them. The system was the more severe from the practice
of paying the Shah’s levies by assignments on the revenues of
particular districts. These levies were larger and of a more
permanent character than those heretofore entertained ; and the
collectors quartered themselves on the assigned districts, at the
living cost of the inhabitants, until the latter liquidated the pre-
scribed contribution. Macnaghten, aware that such a custom
must alienate the people and render them as hostile to the Shah
as to his British allies, instructed the new minister, Usman Khan,
to abolish the system of assignments and to re-place it by one
less oppressive and unpopular. But the wants of the Shah
were urgent; the Indian Government, meeting the enormous
outlay in Affghanistan with reluctance, was unwilling to increase
it; and the minister, surrounded with difficulties, could not, in
the midst of disorder and rebellion, introduce ameliorations in
the fiscal system of the country. Matters, therefore, necessarily
continued much upon their old footing ; and the prospect was
remote of radical improvement.

Macnaghten, no longer able to shut his eyes to a fact
against which he had long contended — the Shah’s unpopu-
larity— was nevertheless resolved to view affairs in a favour-
able light ; and he combatted the opinion that the position
of the British power in Affghanistan was a false one, and that
either it should take the Government of the country into its
own hands, or relinquish all military occupation of it. “ If either
‘ McNeill or Sir J. Hobhouse should entertain a similar opi-

* nion, I have little doubt that it has originated in the atroci-

* ously false reports, that have been circulated regarding his

* Majesty’s personal character. In common honesty we can
‘ neither take the country, nor withdraw our troops, so long as

* His Majesty is sincere in his alliance. If we are to take coun-
‘ tries on account of the misgovernment of their rulers, why
‘ should we not begin with Lucknow, Hydrabad, &c. ? Surely our

THE OUTBREAK IN CABUL, AND ITS CAUSES.

335

c unfortunate Shah ought not to be the only victim, and con-
‘ demned without trial. He has incurred the odium, that

* attaches to him from his alliance with us ; and it would be an

* act of downright dishonesty to desert him, before he has

* found the means of taking root in the soil to which we have
‘ transplanted him.” After denouncing either alternative as
impolitic and impracticable, and urging that*4 we should require

* ten times the number of troops, that we now have, to support

* our position, were we ostensibly to appear as rulers of the

* country,” he expressed this opinion, in allusion to the Durani
and Ghiljie disaffection, which he deemed transient, — “All things

* considered, the present tranquillity of this country is, to my

* mind, perfectly miraculous. Already our presence has been

* infinitely beneficial in allaying animosities and pointing out

* abuses: but our proceedings must be guided by extreme cau-
‘ tion. Rome was not built in a day. But I look forward to
‘ the time, when His Majesty will have an honest and efficient

* administration of his own, though the time must be far dis-
‘ taut, if ever it should arrive (certainly it cannot arrive during
‘ the present generation, to whom anarchy is second nature),

* when we can dispense with the presence of our Hindustani

* contingent. Here we are gradually ferreting out abuses and
‘ placing matters on a firm and satisfactory basis.” — February
7, 1841, Jellalabad.

Written at a time when the punishment of the Stingo Khil in
the Nazian valley was only delayed until the necessary dispo-
sition could be effected, and Shelton, with a strong force, could
be detached upon the duty, Macnaghten’s view of affairs was
little in accordance with reality. Truth is seldom insulted with
impunity. The miraculous tranquillity existed nowhere except
in Macnaghten’s wishes and imagination : for, whilst he was
engaged in checking, through the operations of Shelton on the
24th February, the rising spirit of revolt amongst the tribes bor-
dering the Khyber, the Ghiljies in the vicinity of Candahar
and between that place and Ghuzni were evincing an impla-
cable hostility, which determined the British authorities to oc-
cupy Kelat-i-Ghiljie, and thus, by establishing a garrison in
the heart of the disturbed districts, to curb insurrectionary
movements, and to ensure greater security of communication
along the line of the Turnuk. The expedition, upon which Shelton
was sent into the Nazian valley, had a colourable pretext in justifi-
cation of the measures enforced ; but the Ghiljie rising on the
line of the Turnuk was preceded by the capture of a small fort
under circumstances, in which the gallantry of Sanders, Macan,
and others was no excuse for the original error, which led to its

336

THE OUTBREAK IN CABUL, AND ITS CAUSES.

attack, and the destruction of its Chief with fifteen of his men.
This occurrence deeply embittered the Ghiljie hatred of their
invaders ; and they were resolved to contest the permanent occu-
pation of their country. With great jealousy they watched the
preparations for rendering the old fort of Kelat-i-Ghiljie tena-
ble, and began to assemble in order if possible to interrupt and
prevent the completion of the design. Nott, hearing of this, and
having to dispatch stores of various descriptions to the post, sent
them under the escort of seven hundred bayonets, a detachment
of horse, and two guns, the whole commanded by Colonel Wymer.
When the convoy neared its destination, the Ghiljies broke up
from the loose beleaguer of Kelat-i-Ghiljie and marched to
oppose Wymer. Macan followed them; but, apprehensive of a
ruse, and that the enemy, having lured him from his post, might
double back and carry it in his absence, he halted. The Ghil-
jies were however intent upon Wymer; and, at 5 P. M. of the 9th
May, they boldly attacked him. Having a large convoy to pro-
tect, he was forced to stand on the defensive. In spite of Haw-
kins’s guns, which threw their shot with effect amongst their
masses, the latter advanced with good courage, and sought to
assail one of Wymer’s flanks, and thus discomfit him ; whilst
making a partial change of position to meet fairly this move-
ment, the Ghiljies, thinking the sepoys shaken, rushed sword in
hand to the charge ; but the 38th were quick and steady in
forming, and their close, well-delivered fire, aided by the grape of
the guns, made the swords-men reel, and recoil from before the
bayonets. The combat nevertheless lasted until 10 p. m., when
the Ghiljies despairing of success, having lost many killed, and
having to carry off many wounded, withdrew from their pur-
pose, and left Wymer to accomplish his march.

Meantime Uktur Khan had been actively engaged in recover-
ing from the check Farrington had given him, and a number
of fresh followers had gathered around him. Macnaghten,
warned that the state of the country was becoming “ worse and
worse every day,” chafed at the truth and received it ungracious-
ly. “ These idle statements,” he wrote, “ may cause much mis-

* chief ; and, often repeated as they are, they neutralize my pro-

* testations to the contrary. I know them to be utterly false, as

* regards this part of the country (Cabul), and I have no rea-

* son to believe them true, as regards your portion of the king-
‘ dom (Candahar), merely because the Tukkis are indulging
‘ in their accustomed habits of rebellion, or because Uktur
‘ Khan has a parcel of ragamuffins at his heels.” The sei-
zure of Uktur Khan by a night march of the Janbaz, whom
he knew to be untrustworthy ; the offer of a large pecuniary

THE OUTBREAK IN CABUL, AND ITS CAUSES. 337

reward for the capture of the rebel leader ; and the notice that
he should be hung “as high as Haman,” when caught, were
Macnaghten’s instructions for the tranquillization of the districts
to the west of Candahar: whilst he hoped, by transferring to
another Ghiljie Chief, on condition of his seizing the Guru, who
had beleaguered Kela.t-i- Ghiljie and attacked Wymer, the Guru’s
portion of the stipulated allowances or black mail, to sow dis-
sension amongst the Ghiljie leaders, and to obtain by treachery
possession of an inveterate enemy of the British power.

Uktur Khan, who was to be thus summarily dealt with, had
assembled about 6,000 men, and had taken up a safe position
before Giriskh, on the right bank of the Helmund, which rapid
river effectually secured him from surprize. Nott sent Wood-
burn at the head of his regiment of sepoys, the Janbaz horse,
and a detail of guns under Cooper, to search for and attack the
insurgents. Woodburn ultimately beat them; and the next morn-
ing crossed the river, and encamped at Girishk. He could shew
three standards taken from the enemy, as trophies of the com-
bat ; but he wrote to Nott, that the conduct of the Janbaz (his
only cavalry), the notoriously disaffected state of the country,
and the numbers of the enemy, did not seem to warrant the
pursuit of Uktur Khan, unless a re-inforcement of cavalry and
infantry joined him.

Nott determined to strike both at the Ghiljies and at Uktur
Khan : two detachments, therefore, one under Colonel Chambers
against the Ghiljies, and another under Captain Griffin against
Uktur Khan, marched from Candahar, both strong in cavalry.
Chambers on the 5th August was slightly engaged ; the enemy
however made no stand, but fled before the charges of the troops
of horse, before the infantry and guns came into action. Griffin
had more decided fortune ; for, on the 17th August, at the head
of four guo3, eight hundred sabres, and three hundred and fifty
bayonets, he drove Uktur Khan from a position at Rawind. The
rebel leader had chosen ground, on which walls and gardens
afforded cover for his men, about 5,000 in number, and promis-
ed to nullify the fire of the artillery and the compact discipline
of the handful of infantry ; but Griffin boldly attacked him,
drove the rebels from their cover, and forced them out of their
position. They were in the act of forming beyond the broken
ground they had yielded, when Hart, seeing that the moment
was favourable, charged with the Janbaz : Suftur Jung, a son of
Shah Shuja, shared in the honour of this charge; and the Jan-
baz displayed no slackness, but, following their leaders, broke
the enemy, and hotly pursued them.

The victory was decisive: and thus both the Durani and the

u u

338

THE OUTBREAK IN CABUL, AND ITS CAUSES.

Ghiljie outbreaks received severe disheartening blows from
Notts detachments. Whilst the result of the military operations
was still uncertain, Macnaghten had rebutted the existence of any
difficulty in overcoming the national feeling against British supre-
macy. “From Mukur to the Khyber Pass, all is content and
‘ tranquillity; and wherever we Europeans go, we are received
4 with respect and attention and welcome.5’ — (August 2 , 1841).
Persisting in regarding the insurrections in the vicinity of Can-
dahar, as transient manifestations of an habitual spirit of indepen-
dence, from which nothing unfavourable to the popularity of the
British rule was to be inferred, he unhesitatingly denied the diffi-
culty of its position in Affghanistan. “ On the contrary I think
e our prospects are most cheering; and, with the materials we
‘ have, there ought to be little or no difficulty in the manage-
‘ ment of the country. It is true the population is exclusively
' Mahomedan ; but it is split into rival sects, and we all know
‘ that of all antipathies the Sectarian is the most virulent. We
4 have Hazarehs, Ghiljies, Duranis and Kuzzilbash, all at

* daggers drawn with each other ; and in every family there are
‘ rivals and enemies. Some faults of management must neces-
‘ sarily be committed on the first assumption of the adminis-
‘ tration of a new country, and the Durani outbreak may be
4 partially attributable to such faults; but what after all do
4 such outbreaks signify?” Supporting his opinion of the
evanescent character of such insurrections by examples drawn
from the history of India, Macnaghten, in allusion to Uktur
Khan and his followers, thus summed up his views — 44 But these
‘ people are perfect children, and they should be treated as
c such. If we put one naughty boy in the corner, the rest will
4 be terrified. We have taken their plaything, power, out of
f the hands of the Durani Chiefs, and they are pouting a good
4 deal in consequence. They did not know how to use it. In

* their hands it was useless and even hurtful to their master,
4 and we were obliged to transfer it to scholars of our own.
4 They instigate the Mullahs, and the Mullahs preach to the
‘ people ; but this will be very temporary. The evil of it is, we
4 must have force ; we have abandoned all hope of forming a
4 national army.” Thus thought and wrote the Envoy. Nott,
to the full as bold a man, in spite of the successes of his troops,
took a wholly different view of affairs from Macnaghten. 44 The
‘ conduct of the thousand and one politicals has ruined our cause,

* and bared the throat of every European in this country
4 to the sword and knife of the revengeful Affghan and bloody
4 Beluch ; and, unless several regiments be quickly sent, not a
4 man will be left to note the fate of his comrades. Nothing

THE OUTBREAK IN CABUL, AND ITS CAUSES.

339

f but force will ever make them submit to the hated Shah
? Shuja,. who is most certainly as great a scoundrel as ever
4 lived.” Nothing could thus be more opposed than were the
views of the Envoy and the General, who only concurred on the
single point of ascribing blame to the subordinate political func-
tionaries. Their errors, admitted by Macnaghten, and promi-
nently adduced by Nott, were, however, as has been seen, but
secondary causes, rather affording occasion for the exhibition
of, than originating, that deep hate which now pulsed in the
hearts of the Affghans. The whole policy of the Anglo-Indian
Government was a grievous wrong to this people; and the in-
struments, who strove to work out a faulty system with a devotion
and zeal worthy of abetter cause, cannot justly be made respon-
sible for its failure. If some were vain, shallow, and immoral,
others were able, good and valorous men. The usual proportion
of ability and merit was there; but these qualities had to strug-
gle against adverse circumstances and false positions, and were
expected to reconcile incompatibilities.

Cotemporaneously with the Durani insurrection in Zemin-
dawar, events took place at Herat, which must now be noted.

Yar Mahomed, in constant communication with Uktur Khan
and the rebels, sought to encourage the outbreak, and, by em-
barrassing the British Government and finding full occupation
for its troops in the suppression of revolts in Affghanistan, to
oppose an insurmountable obstacle to the military occupation of
Herat. He knew that, so long as the Duranis and Ghiljies
were in arms, Nott could not spare men and cattle for a march
on Herat. Secure on this point, the object next in importance
was to devise means for re-opening the sluices of British prodi-
gality. The minister was well aware that from the side of Persia
there was now nothing to dread. A confidential agent was there-
fore despatched to Meshed, inviting Persian co-operation, point-
ing out the distracted state of Zemindawar and the Ghiljie coun-
try,and urging the opportunity as favourable for an armed demon-
stration in support of the kindling spirit of insurrection — the
northern division of the British army of occupation having its
communications with the southern interrupted by the snow on
the Highlands of Ghuzni. Yar Mahomed was well apprised of
the inability and unwillingness of Persia to act on his sugges-
tions. His purpose was to operate upon the apprehensions of
the British agent and thus again to effect a renewal of the now
staunched donations. Todd, however, at the same time that he
ascertained the nature of Yar Mahomed’s letters to Meshed,
learned that strong reinforcements were in Upper Scinde, and that
there was a probability of Nott’s hands being early strengthen-

340

THE OUTBREAK IN CABUL, AND ITS CAUSES.

ed. He therefore deemed the occasion favourable for mark-
ing his sense of the conduct of Kamran, by enforcing a measure,
which would be a severe blow to the avaricious ruler and his
minister. On the 1st February, 1841, he informed the Herat
authorities, that even the monthly stipend would be discontinu-
ed until the pleasure of the British Government were known.
Yar Mahomed sought to parry this blow by artfully offering
to accede to the admission of a British force into Herat — a
measure, which Macnaghten had much at heart, and which
had been the real object of the mission. Hitherto Yar Ma-
homed had carefully thwarted its fulfilment, nor had he any
intention of altering his policy in this respect: but he right-
ly judged that it would at once induce Todd to re-open ne-
gociations ; that it might not improbably lead to a grant of
money ; and that it was entirely free from danger, as no troops
were disposable, nor for months could be, to dispatch to
Herat. The immediate payment of two lacs of rupees was the
condition coupled with the proferred concession. Todd, without
adverting to the fact, whether troops were available or not for
Herat, eagerly caught at the hope of realizing the object of his
mission : but he required, as a guarantee, before payment of the
demand to which he otherwise made no objection, that Yar
Mahomed’s son should proceed to Girishk to meet and conduct
the force to Herat, should the arrangement meet with the ap-
proval of the Anglo-Indian Government. The security de-
manded was in accordance with the Envoy’s views : but Yar Maho-
med, who never dreamt of admitting willingly a contingent of
British troops, finding that Todd was no longer to be duped
into actual payments without an equivalent, declined to furnish
the desired guarantee, and, as a last resource for compelling
Todd to submit to exaction, demanded either the payment of
the stipulated allowance, or the withdrawal of the mission.
Kamran’s minister, in adopting this course, thought that the
state of Zemindawar and the Ghiljie country would render Todd
averse from taking a step, which involved open rupture with
Herat : but Todd, having failed in his ill-timed endeavour to ac-
complish the grand object of his mission, refused to meet the re-
quisition, and, to the alarm of Yar Mahomed, withdrew the mis-
sion from Herat. The news of this rupture reached the Go-
vernor-General, accompanied by the Envoy’s strenuous advocacy
of a military expedition to reinstate British influence by the
occupation of Herat, at a time which rendered the event and
Macnaghten’s suggestions thereon extremely unpalatable. By the
cession of Ghorian, the differences with Persia had been brought
to a conclusion ; and there appeared, therefore, no real basis for

THE OUTBREAK IN CABUL, AND ITS CAUSES. 341

the stringent measures pursued by Todd, founded on a jealousy
of Herati intrigues with Persia. Not only however did the
grounds for the sudden break with Herat appear insufficient,
but the latter event had the effect of casting ridicule on
the whole of the operations in Afghanistan — clearly an-
nouncing to the world that British interference and pro-
tection were more dreaded by Herat than Persian thirst for
conquest.

The Durani and Ghiljie outbreaks were a source of alarm
to the Government of India, which was further irritated by
the fact, that the Secret Committee, startled by the cost of
the war, which, after exhausting the accumulated treasure,
had plunged India into debt, had addressed the Government
of India in terms, which, in reality, called in question the whole
policy of the war. The weak Government in England, conscious
that the then approaching elections would prove the downfall
of the existing ministry, would, when too late, have gladly with-
drawn from a conquest, the evils of which were forcing them-
selves upon the convictions of its originators, and could not
stand scrutiny, should power pass into other hands. Lord
Auckland, vexed at the aspect of affairs, resolved at once to dis-
avow Todd’s measures. Conciliatory letters were immediately
written to the Herat authorities, and regret expressed at the
occurrences, which had partially interrupted mutual good un-
derstanding.

Todd had certainly acted imprudently in pressing a measure,
which Macnaghten, at the time, from the want of available troops,
and the state of the country around Candahar, was clearly un-
able to carry into effect; but the Envoy was as eager as his
deputy, and, having led him into the mis-timed attempt, deserved
as much blame. It fell, however, wholly on Todd, who was re-
moved from political employment; whilst Macnaghten was sim-
ply advised, that “ we should first learn to quiet and to control
the positions that we occupied, before we plunged onwards.”

Yar Mahomed’s fears were completely allayed by the letters
of the Governor-General. Both Kamran and his minister regret-
ted the large sums which at one time were lavishly granted them ;
but, as the patience and credulity of the British Government
had on this point been exhausted, the Herat authorities were
glad to find themselves independent of its tutelage and domi-
nation. The Envoy was indeed amused by a friendly correspon-
dence, particularly as such still held out the prospect of a
continuance of the stipend of three lacs of rupees per an-
num, which Yar Mahomed did not despair of obtaining upon
very easy terms ; but it was only on such, that he entertain-

342 THE OUTBREAK IN CABUL, AND ITS CAUSES.

ed any intention of favouring the British Government by the
acceptance of its subsidy. Macnaghten, as late as August
1841, still hoped to effect a reconciliation, and to bring round
Yar Mahomed to a more cordial understanding. The Govern-
ment was advised to stipulate that Yar Mahomed must agree to
follow the advice of the British authorities in all matters ;
that no demand beyond the three lacs per annum should be
made ; and that one of Yar Mahomed’s sons was to reside at
Calcutta, or Bombay, as a hostage for his father’s sincerity. But
events soon followed, which threw into utter insignificance Yar
Mahomed, his petty intrigues, and the weakness and credulity
of our over-reached agent’s proceedings at Herat.

The observation has already been made, that the Secret Com-
mittee had taken alarm at the aspect of affairs to the westward
of the Indus : and as the altered tone, in which they suddenly
expressed themselves upon the operations in Affghanistan, had
a marked and an unfortunate effect upon the Envoy’s measures,
it here becomes essential to note the manner in which the opi-
nions of the Secret Committee influenced the current of events.

Most readers are aware that the controul of the Government
of India is a power entrusted to the President of the Board of
Controul — a Member of the Ministry — and empowered by Act of
Parliament to dictate instructions to the Secret Committee of
the Court of Directors. The influence of the latter body is,
therefore, in all matters of real importance of a purely subor-
dinate character, and is entirely dependent upon the ability and
energy of the President, and the interest which the ministry
for the time being may take in the welfare and good govern-
ment of the vast empire under the sway of the British Crown.
The name of the Secret Committee, the channel of the injunctions
of the President of the Board of Controul, must not, therefore,
when subsequently used, be misunderstood as attaching undue
importance to that small section of the Court of Directors,
which has always a qualified, and often a nominal, rather than a
real, participation in the conduct of affairs of weight.

The insurrection, which recovered Kelat for the son of Meh-
rab Khan ; the reverses sustained in Upper Scinde ; the attacks
on Quetta; the alarm produced by the return of Dost Mahomed,
and his movements and intrigues in the Kohistan ; the great
cost of the occupation of Affghanistan ; and the state of anarchy
into which the Punjab seemed fast falling, and by which the
position of the army to the west of the Indus threatened to be
still farther compromised — had excited the vivid apprehensions
of the Home Government, who, under the impulse of anxiety,
addressed the Governor-General in a tone of complaint and

THE OUTBREAK IN CABUL, AND ITS CAUSES. 343

reprehension, inconsistent with the spirit of full approbation
which had encouraged the opening of the war. The series of
reverses were attributed to the error of having, at the close of
1839, withdrawn too many troops from Affghanistan ; whilst the
spirit of hostility to the Shah’s Government was charged to an
absence of sufficient vigour in amending the defects of the
civil administration of the country. The difficulty of meeting
the extraordinary disbursements, consequent on the war and the
continued occupation of the conquered territories, and the
financial embarrassment, which the deficiency of revenue as
compared with expenditure, could not fail to entail on India, were,
with reason, mooted — it being evident, that, unless a change of
policy took place, for many years to come the restored monarchy
would have need of a British force, and that not a small one, in
order to maintain peace in its own territory and prevent aggres-
sion from without. The Indian Government was therefore called
upon to consider, with the utmost seriousness, the question of
its future policy with respect to Affghanistan ; — the British posi-
tion in that country being one, which must be either abandoned,
or fully maintained at whatever sacrifice, and with all the con-
sequences which a movement so far beyond our frontiers must
entail.

These instructions, penned under a sense of alarm at a threat-
ening crisis, reached the Governor-General, when the surrender
of Dost Mahomed, the re-occupation of Kelat and flight of
Mehrab Khan’s son, and the successes of Nott’s detachments
against the Durani and Ghiljie insurgents, had not only im-
proved the aspect of affairs in Affghanistan, but also brought
about an opportunity most favourable for withdrawing with
credit from an erroneous and dangerous policy. The unex-
pected surrender of Dost Mahomed was a second test of the
honesty and sincerity of the Indian Government in its trans-
Indus operations. No more striking event could be conceived
for an honourable termination to the armed occupation of Aff-
ghanistan, and for the triumphant return of the Anglo-Indian
Army to its own Frontier; and, by furnishing so unhoped an
occasion, Providence removed all reasonable ground of excuse
or hesitation, and afforded the Indian Government the very mo-
ment which it professed to await. But man, in his short-sighted
elation, clung to ill-gotten conquests, and, rejecting the pre-
ferred occasion, was overtaken by a fearful and terrible retri-
bution.

The Governor-General, vexed at the altered tone of the
Secret Committee and at the blame imputed to the course pur-
sued, was gratified that circumstances were such as enabled him

344 THE OUTBREAK IN CABUL, AND ITS CAUSES.

in reply to adduce plausible reasons for continuing the policy
which had been called in question, and to speak, with a show
of confidence in its ultimate success, of the necessity for main-
taining the military occupation of Affghanistan, and supporting
Shah Shuja until his authority should be securely established.
Lord Auckland admitted that the British Power was unpo-
pular in Affghanistan, and that it rendered Shah Shuja so ;
that the latter, leaning entirely on his British Allies, had no
military means of his own worthy of the least reliance ; that
the actual condition of feeling in the country (whatever the
degree of discontent with the established order of things) was
owing rather to our presence and pervading ascendancy, than
to any general sentiment of personal dissatisfaction toward
Shah Shuja, whom the Governor-General believed to be in-
telligent, just, lenient, and zealously attentive to the duties
of his station ; that the cost of the British Force in Affghanis-
tan was a heavy burthen upon the Indian finances — so much
so indeed, that it caused a yearly deficiency of a million and
a quarter, which eould only be provided for by loan, and was
therefore rapidly plunging the Indian Government into a heavy
public debt; that it was clear that the Indian Government
eould not go on for many years providing for a deficit so
considerable; that the restored monarchy, if we remained on
the scene, would for many years to come need the mainten-
ance, at an overwhelming cost, of a strong British force;
that Russia had receded from her adavnce towards the Oxus;
and that invasion from the westward by a large force, over
an immense extent of barren country, occupied by tribes des-
titute of union and force, could only be made with much
time and preparation. Yet, notwithstanding these plain and
forcible admissions of the difficulties and embarrassments at-
tending our position in Affghanistan, and of the withdrawal
of Russia from the attempt to establish her influence on the
Oxus, the Governor- General was averse from seizing the op-
portunity of retiring with honour from a false position: and
he found a countervailing advantage in the repose of the public
mind in India from our command of the avenues, by which the
approach of invasion was alleged to have been apprehended,
and in the facility, which the tenure of Affghanistan was asserted
to afford, for watching and counteracting the first movements
of hostile intrigue. On such visionary grounds, dignified
with the name of advantages of vital importance, he, with the
greatest earnestness, deprecated a retrograde movement from
Affghanistan, unless under the controul of an imperious ne-
cessity.

THE OUTBREAK IN CABUL, AND ITS CAUSES. 345

To palliate this decision in favour of the alternative of con-
tinuing to occupy Affghanistan, necessarily in great force and
at the cost of the financial prosperity of India, hopes were
held out, that the embarrassments of the latter country might
be ameliorated by its growing resources — from the falling in of
large pensions — the escheat of lands — and reductions in the
cost of the Civil establishments — all remote, and some of them
but insignificant, contingencies.

The alleged neglect of the Civil Administration of Affghan-
istan was rebutted ; and the impolicy and impracticability of the
sweeping reforms, contemplated and recommended by the Secret
Committee, in the system of collecting the revenue and of pay-
ing the Affghan troops, were characterized as admirably calculat-
ed to throw everything into confusion. Nevertheless, anxious
to reduce the expenditure as much as possible, and to evince a
spirit of economy in consonance with the objects of the Secret
Committee, Lord Auckland pressed Macnaghten to effect reduc-
tions of outlay, and to diminish the amount of the various subsi-
dies paid to the different Chiefs in Affghanistan. The Envoy
had objected to this measure, foreseeing some of its possible
consequences ; and he had urged that the payments to the Chiefs
were nothing more nor less than a compensation for the privi-
leges given up of plundering the high roads through their res-
pective jurisdictions, and that “ we should be found in the end
to have made a cheap bargain but, finding himself alone in
his opinion, and pressed to reduce these stipends by Burnes,
the Governor- General, and the Secret Committee, he resolved —
as the outward aspect of affairs was improved, and his position
strengthened by the presence of the troops sent to relieve the
corps which were to return to India — to satisfy the wishes of the
home authorities and of the Government of India, before re-
signing controul and authority to his successor. The Envoy
therefore summoned the Ghiljie Chiefs to Cabul, and commu-
nicated to them, that the necessities of the State rendered the
reduction of their stipends necessary. The Chiefs received the
announcement without any apparent discontent or remonstrance :
but they were no sooner clear of Cabul and amongst their own
dependants and followers, than they issued orders to infest the
Passes between Cabul and Jellalabad, and to interrupt the line
of communication with India.

Such was the discretion, which after selecting, on the ques-
tion of the main policy to be pursued, the worst of two alterna-
tives, injudiciously and perniciously sought at once to enforce
a petty economy incompatible with the course adopted. The
heedless profusion, which could waste upwards of two hundred

w w

THE OUTBREAK IN CABUL, AND ITS CAUSES.

340

thousand pounds uponKamran and his Minister, suddenly turned
with a nice parsimony to pare down the stipends of the Ghil-
jie Chiefs, in order to boast of a saving of three thousand
pounds per annum.

We find that, in endeavouring to lay before the reader a brief
but comprehensive outline of the political transactions and
of the general state of affairs to the West of the Indus imme-
diately prior to the insurrection, we are exceeding the usual
limits of an article. Yet, it was necessary to remedy, or attempt
to remedy, a defect, which we have observed to pervade every
work, which has hitherto treated of this event. It was es-
sential that the reader should perceive that the whole ten-
dency of our policy, from the moment that the Shah was re-
seated on his throne, had been to excite far and wide, over
the whole of Affghanistan and the countries on the Oxus and
Jaxartes, the spirit of distrust and hostility; that this went on
deepening into hate and open revolt, where the circumstances
of the moment appeared favourable ; that these occasional out-
bursts of the national mind and feeling, partially successful
and incompletely subdued, were but the minor craters on the
mountain’s side, betokening the threatening presence and activity
of deep subterrene fires, before the Volcano itself opened
with the paroxysmal burst of a mighty eruption. The custom
has been to treat the subject, as if it were independent of
these precedent occurrences ; as if it were an isolated fact,
which could be viewed singly, and could even be discussed
as a purely military question, disconnected from its intimately
associated political adjuncts : it was necessary therefore to
show the reader that the antecedents had a most important
bearing upon the disastrous sequel, and to make him sweep
with his eye the broad circle of a heaving, stormy sea, and
trace the approach of the hurricane. We are no admirers
of the apologetic fashion of writing, which sacrifices truth to
falsehood. Our nationality, under the convenient screen of con-
sideration and delicacy, does not lead us to veil gross errors and
manifest injustice, in order to soften the hues of an iniquitous
policy, which no colouring can impose upon the world as other in
character than nefarious and unwise. In what we shall have to
say on the proximate causes of the outbreak at Caubul, and on
the political and military measures which followed it, our speech
will be as plain, as on the events which were the forerunners
of that calamity. Such admonitions are from the band of
Him, who administers them for man’s warning and contempla-
tion— not with the view of their being filmed over with the web
of a nice and curious vanity, which shrinks from calling things

THE OUTBREAK IN CABUL, AND ITS CAUSES.

347

by their right names, and shows truth no further than may serve
to keep falsehood in countenance. We shall ill fulfil our misi
sion in the east, if we cannot speak and write of our actions
without flattery or subterfuge ; if we cannot brook to read thu
lessons, which God gives us. Great power is great temptation :
and the smiter of its excesses is the giver of the abused power,
who can as easily humiliate with the hand of retribution, as
raise by that of favour.

Major Hough, in his treatment of the subject, forms no ex-
ception to the general rule. His book is deficient in lucid ar-
rangement ; his array of authorities is sometimes out of place ;
his parallels are frequently remarkably inapposite, and the
military doctrines and arguments advanced often open to ques-
tion in their mode of application. He either omits, or
was not aware of, much that had an important influence on
the current of affairs. But in this he is by no means singular :
for nothing can well be more bald and poor than the man-
ner in which the insurrection at Cabul is treated by an his-
torian (Thornton), who, from the circulation of bis works
by the Court of Directors, seems to be a favourite with them.

Macnaghten, warned throughout 1841, both by Rawlinson
at Candahar and by Pottinger in Kohistan, of the real state
of feeling which pervaded the country, but blinded by his
own wishes, reasonings, and fancied strength, was obstinate in
depicting the Ghiljie rising as a partial and easily quelled
revolt. Yet he knew that Akbar Khan was on the Bamian
Frontier, and that intrigue and disaffection were rife in Cabul,
Zurmut,and the Kohistan ; and he soon learned that the Ghiljies
were assembling in earnest on the line of the Cabul .River.
Nevertheless, Sale’s brigade was permitted to march upon its
return towards Hindustan, as if the passes were clear, the
Ghiljies contented, and no opposition to be anticipated. Mon-
tei th, with the 35th N. I., marched in advance on the flth
October, and halted at Butkak, about nine miles from Cabul ;
whilst Sale, with the remainder of the brigade, remained at
the latter place, being detained to complete his wants in
baggage-cattle. The fact of the march of the brigade in such
a manner is the more inexplicable, as it was known at Cabul on
the 2nd that the passes were blocked up, and Burnes on the
3rd wrote to an officer, Captain Gray, returning with a small
escort to India, advising him to join a Chief, who, with a party
of four hundred men, was marching to Lughman. Gray did so:
and we refer to the narrative of the adventurous march and of
the chivalrous conduct of Mahomed Uzin Khan and his party
for a detail of this officer’s escape from the Ghiljies. Fellow*

348 THE OUTBREAK IN CABUL, AND ITS CAUSES.

ship in danger makes hearty friends. The fore-named Chief, in-

terested in the fate of Gray and his companion, to save whom
he had perilled himself and his followers, now frankly told
Gray that “ all Afghanistan were determined to make one
‘ cause, and to murder or drive out every Feringhi in the
‘ country ; that the whole country, and Cabul itself, was ready
‘ to break out ; that no confidence could be placed in the escort,

‘ and that the safety of Gray and his companion was matter of
4 alarm and anxiety to him.” Gray wrote to Burnes on the
morning of the 7th, and reported officially all that had occur-
red, and the plot revealed by his gallant protector. The letter
reached Burnes, for he wrote to the Chief acknowledging its re-
ceipt ; yet, Monteith marched on the 9th, exactly as if all
between Butkak and Jellalabad were as quiet as the Envoy
(about to proceed to take up the Government of Bombay) wish-
ed to be the case ; and Sale, the fire-arms of whose corps were
worn out by constant service, failed to obtain permission to
replace the bad weapons with new, though at the time four
thousand lay idle in store at Cabul.

Elphinstone, the General, who had relieved Cotton, was a brave
gentleman, but inexperienced in command, a tyro in eastern
warfare, ignorant of Affghanistan and its people, and so shak-
en by severe attacks of gout and illness before he quitted Hin-
dustan, that he accepted the command in Affghanistan, because
repeatedly desired by the Government, and from the honourable
feeling that it is a soldier’s duty to go wherever his services
may be required, but from no personal wish ; for he felt that,
although partial recovery forbad him to decline the service,
it left him in reality physically unequal to much exertion.
Had he been experienced in men and affairs, and gifted with
mental energy and ability, the vigour of a commanding intellect
might, in some degree, have counterbalanced the disadvantages
of physical debility, and have prevented his infirmities from
rendering him a mere cipher. The proper man to have suc-
ceeded to command in Affghanistan was Nott : — but it was felt
from his known character that, if he were appointed, it must be
to real, and not to nominal, command — and this was not what
either Burnes or Macnagliten desired. He had therefore again
the mortification of being thrown into the back-ground and a
secondary position, in order that the highest military authority
might rest in the hands of a more manageable man.

Monteitli’s intimation of the state of the country was a
rough one. On the night of the 9th his camp was attacked
at Butkak ; the assailants were repulsed, and, as the firing
might have been heard at Cabul, and a report of the event

THE OUTBREAK IN CABUL, AND ITS CAUSES. 349

was quickly communicated, Sale, with the 13th, was suddenly
ordered on the 10th to move out to Butkak, and to clear the
passes. Having joined Monteith, Sale was at the head of
two regiments of infantry, Dawes’ guns, Oldfield’s squadron
of 5th cavalry, a rissalah of irregular horse, and Broad-
foot’s sappers; besides two hundred Jazailchis under Jan
Fishan Khan. Sale, with this very respectable force, resolved
to force the Khurd Cabul Pass, and to encamp the 35th
N. I. in the Khurd Cabul valley — the 13th returning to Butkak
after this should have been accomplished. Accordingly, on the
morning of the 12th, he attacked and forced the Khurd
Cabul Pass, with small loss, considering its length, strength
and the numbers of the enemy ; the 35th was encamped as
intended ; and the 13th, again traversing the Khurd Cabul
Pass, returned to Butkak. Sale, wounded on first entering the
Pass, was thenceforward carried in a dull throughout the
subsequent operations of his force.

The isolation of the 35th N. I. in an unfavourable positiou
encouraged the Ghiljies again to attempt a night attack, and
with greater chance of success than at Butkak, where an
open plain offered no special advantage to Ghiljie tactics.
From the 12th to the 17th, full leisure was enjoyed to observe
Monteith’s encampment; and Macgregor, as Political Agent,
being with him, it was no difficult matter, through the Political
functionary, to obtain permission for a body of friendly Affghans
to pitch their camp close to Macgregor, and therefore virtually
in the British camp. Suspicious of no treachery within,
Monteith’s picquets were on the alert without ; and, on the
night of the 17th, they reported the advance of a strong
column of the enemy on the rear of the camp. Thither
the Grenadier company was sent ; and it had passed the place
where the camels were parked together, when, from behind
the baggage-cattle, a body of armed men sprung up, fired,
and brought to the ground Captain Jenkins and thirty of his
men. The “ friendly ” Affghans having given this signal to the
advancing column of the enemy, the latter pushed on to take
advantage of the confusion, which unexpected treachery was
likely to create, and in a short time the 35th was warmly en-
gaged. Monteith, a cool soldier, though partially surprized, was
not to be easily beaten ; on the contrary, he repulsed his assail-
ants, friends and foes, and made them pay for their audacity by
some loss, butcofiy not prevent eighty camels being taken off —
at the moment a serious loss.

Sale now saw the error he had committed — that the Ghiljies,
flushed with partial success, would not fail to be encouraged, and

350

THE OUTBREAK IN CABUL, AND ITS CAUSES.

that the 35th N. I., left for days isolated and useless in the
Kkurd Cabul valley, was likely to suffer. Having received
reinforcements from Cabul, he therefore marched on the 20th to
effect a junction with Monteith; and, having accomplished this
without loss or difficulty, and on the 21st obtained additional
camels from Cabul, he on the 22nd marched towards Tazin.
He had with him three corps of infantry, Abbott’s battery of
nine-pounders. Backhouse’s mountain train, Broadfoot’s sap-
pers, Oldfield’s squadron, a rissalah of irregular horse, and
the Jazailchis. The Ghiljies offered no opposition on the
Huft Kotul ; and the column was permitted to thread the deep
defile, which opens upon the valley of Tazin without contest ;
but the enemy were in force around the debouche into the valley,
and seemed to contemplate there making a stand. A few
rounds from the guns made them give ground ; and the force
took post in the plain without difficulty. An ill-managed, un-
necessary skirmish, for which Sale (who was lying wounded in
his dull) was not responsible, cost him a gallant young officer
killed, two wounded, and (worst of all) a run before a pursuing
enemy, which was a baneful occurrence amongst young soldiers.

Sale, with a stout force, was now in a position to strike a blow,
from which important effects might have resulted ; for the fort
and possessions of one of the leaders in the revolt were within
his grasp. The Chief had kept his men together in the valley,
rather than on the Huft Kotul and Tazin defile, in order to
defend his property and the winter stock of food for his cattle
and followers : but the skirmish of the 22nd had, though very
ill-managed on the part of the British, shown him that to save
his fort he must have recourse to artifice, rather than to the
valour of the Ghiljies. Affghan Chiefs were avowedly of the
opinion of the French author — “ Et sans point de doute (comme
‘ j’ay dit ailleurs) les Anglois ne sout pas si subtils en traites

* et appointemens, comme sont les Francois; et, quelque chose

* que l’on en die, ils vont assez grossement en besonque
‘ (besogne) ; mais il faut avoir une peu de patience, et ne de-
‘ battre point coleriquement avec eux.” The Chief therefore
determined to open negociations, and again to over-reach Mac-
gregor. Sale had given orders for an attack on the fort in ques-
tion, and Dennie, with half the infantry and most of the
artillery, was about to proceed upon the execution of the
enterprize, known to be an easy one by the Acting Engineer
Broadfoot, when a messenger from the Chie£ presented himself
before the Political Agent, tendered the submission of bis mas-
ter and the Chiefs leagued with him, and deprecated the impend-
ing attack on his castle- Macgregor, whose eyes were nothing

THE OUTBREAK IN CABUL, AND ITS CAUSES.

351

opened by the conduct of the “friendly” Affghans and the attack
on the 35th before described, was immediately satisfied of the
sincerity of these advances, and prevailed upon Sale to counter-
mand the attack, whilst an agreement to prescribed conditions
should be concluded and the Chief furnish hostages. This was
a fatal error. Hostages were known to be perfectly safe in a
British Camp, and the British authorities equally known to be
ignorant of the personal appearance of the individuals demand-
ed. To furnish ten miserable-looking men and to subscribe the
treaty of submission was therefore an easy mode of staving off
a punishment and loss, which could not fail of proving most
disheartening to the Ghiljies ; and the Chief had consequently no
hesitation in accepting terms of such present advantage to him-
self. How they were to be kept was soon shewn : but, in the
mean time, it was an object in any way to be rid of Sale and his
troops, and to effect their complete separation from the force
at Cabul — that is, without the permanent establishment of a
strong detachment in the valley of Tazin, a measure which
the Ghiljies dreaded as sure to consume their resources, cramp
their activity, and curb their confidence of action in the Passes.

Macnaghten, who felt the importance of the duty entrusted to
Sale, expected sterner and more vigorous measures ; and, in evi-
dent disappointment at the delays which had even then occurred,
he thus wrote on the 21st October: — “ Our troops have halted
6 to-day at Khurd Cabul from want of camels ! ! ! I had
‘ hoped ere evening to have announced to you the capture or

* dispersion of the Tazin rebels, but of this there is no hope
‘ till to-morrow. Our people in this quarter have a happy

* knack of hitching matters. However let that pass. All’s well

* that ends well. In the meantime it is very satisfactory to

* think, that, notwithstanding we had rebellion at our very
‘ doors, not a single tribe has joined the rebels. The inter-
‘ ruption of our communications is very provoking; but the
‘ road will soon be opened.” Sale, however, on Macgregor’s
advice, let slip the opportunity of giving an effective blow to
the Ghiljie revolt, and wasted three days in nonsensical negocia-
tions. It was a time for action — for striking, and not for
talking ; but Sale, a man of limited capacity, failed to com-
prehend his position, and the importance to Macnaghten of
the blow aimed, the moment for which had arrived. He had
given Sale a strong force : and the following part of the letter
of the 21st October, already quoted, shows the expectations of,
and the view of affairs taken by, the unfortunate Envoy : — “ I do
‘ not think I can possibly get away from this before the 1st
‘ proximo. The storm will speedily subside ; but there will be

352

THE OUTBREAK IN CABUL, AND ITS CAUSES.

* a heaving of the billows for some time, and I should like to
‘ see every thing right and tight before I quit the helm.

‘ Burnes is naturally in an agony of suspense about the suc-
‘ cession to me. I think and hope he will get it. I know no
‘ one so fit for the office. ‘ Quieta non movere * is his motto *

‘ and, now that tranquillity is restored (or will be in a day or

* two), all that is required will be to preserve it.” Wilfully
blind, and seeking to blind others, as to the real state of the
country, Macnaghten had yet acted on a perception of the ne-
cessity for instantly crushing, if possible, the Ghiljie rising, the
danger of which he felt far more than he could bring himself
to confess Bitter therefore must have been his disappointment
to learn that Sale’s arm, when uplifted to strike the desired blow,
had been paralyzed by the credulity, which, after the events
in forcing the Khurd Cabul Pass and the treacherous attacks
on the 35th N. I., could conclude a treaty, betraying the utmost
weakness, and calculated to breed rebellion had it not already
existed. The original cause of the revolt, the reduction of the
stipendiary allowance, was retracted ; 10,000 rupees were grant-
ed to the Ghiljies to enable them to raise the tribes in order to
keep clear the Passes ; and they in return promised to restore
the property plundered by their followers, who were courteously
assumed to be acting in violation of the wishes and authority of
their Chiefs ! ! Had the purpose been to stamp with crass im-
becility the conduct of affairs, to excite the scorn of embittered
foes, and to debase the British character, as Wanting alike in
courage and common sense, no surer course could have been
pursued. Its fruits were such as might have been anticipated.

Sale, not satisfied with the quantity of baggage-cattle at
his disposal, now resolved to part with the 37th N. I., three of
the mountain-train guns under Green, and three companies of
Broadfoot’s sappers — appropriating, to the use of the troops
he took with him, the disposable cattle of the detachments, with
whose services, after the conclusion of the treaty, he dispensed.
In so doing he left the 37th N. I., the guns, and sappers, in
a more perilous situation than that into which he had first
thrust the 35th N. I., and then been compelled to extricate
it. With the Tazin defile, the Huft Kotul and the Khurd
Cabul Pass in their rear, no means of movement, and no
hold of the valley in which they were placed, the 37th N. T.
wTas to be left in a truly unenviable position. Sale was
neither a diplomatist nor a commander : but his measures at
this period may have been affected to some extent by his
inability to move, and therefore to see things with his own eyes.
Be this as it may, they were very unfortunate.

THE OUTBREAK IN CABUL, AND ITS CAUSES. 353

Whilst the enemy was thus amusing Sale and Macgregor
with a show of submission, a stout resistance was in preparation
at the Purri Durra and Jugdulluck Pass. Sale marched on
the 26th, and reached his first encamping ground with no .
other opposition than some sharp skirmishing between his
baggage and rear guards with the enemy. There was no in-
tention however of allowing him to effect the next marches so
easily. But Sale’s eyes had been opened, in spite of Macgregor’s
assurances, to the real value of the treaty ; and, mistrusting
the good faith of his allies, he wisely avoided the Pass of the
Fairy, and, taking the road to the south, baulked the enemy
who were massed on the edge of the defile, and thus reached
the valley of Jugdulluck with small loss or opposition. He had
the opportunity, in the course of this march, of avenging on the
Ghiljies their late treacherous attacks ; their plans had been
laid on the supposition that Sale, placing the same confidence
as Macgregor in their professions, would move by the usual route
along the pass of the Fairy (Peri) ; and their bands were accord-
ingly collected, chiefly along its southern margin, prepared to
overwhelm the column, when once fairly locked in amid the
windings of the chasm. Sale, instead of playing into their
hands, moved along the chord of the irregular arch, a segment
of which was occupied by the enemy ; and, had he turned, when
opposite to the defile, sharp to his left, he would have caught
the Ghiljies in this hopeless position, and forced them to give
battle on the edge of the chasm, with that obstacle in their
rear. It was the moment for striking the most terrible blow
ever delivered in Afghanistan, — for the enemy was snared in his
own net ; but Sale’s was not the eye or mind to seize the op-
portunity, and the Ghiljies took good care not to draw on the
fight, which must have proved their ruin. They therefore let
him pass quietly on, and deferred their hopes of successful con-
test for the Jugdulluck Pass, the last serious military obstacle
to Sale’s safe withdrawal to Gundamuck. It is both possible
and probable that, notwithstanding the time that Affghanistan
had been occupied by our army, no one in Sale’s camp knew
how completely, from the singular confirmation of the country,
the Ghiljies were on the foregoing occasion at the mercy of the
British bayonets; or that, notwithstanding the attacks on his
baggage and rear guards, Sale still thought himself bound by
the Tazin compact and was loath to jeopardize, whatever the
amount of provocation, a peaceful termination to so dangerous
a revolt. Whatever the reason, certain it is that Sale again lost
the occasion for striking terror into his foes, and the moment
for crushing the Ghiljie insurrection.

x x

354 THE OUTBREAK IN CABUL, AND ITS CAUSES.

Between Sale and Gundarauck now lay that spur from the
Suffeid Koli range of mountains, which constitutes a great step
in the face of the country. All to the west of it are Highlands ;
for the Tazin valley is at the same elevation above the Sea as
that of Cabul — upwards of 0,000 feet ; and the Jugdulluck
valley itself is between 5 and 0,000 feet. To the eastward of the
spur, the descent is rapid to the Lowlands ; Gundamuck is be-
tween 4 and 5,000 feet, Futtehabad 3,000 feet, Sultanpur
2,300 feet, and Jellalabad only 1,904 feet above the Sea level.
Travelling from the eastward (or Cabul) side, the ascent from
the encamping ground at Jugdulluck is along three miles of road,
very trying for laden camels and gun-horses, and following
the bends of a ravine, which receives the drainage of part of
the western side of the spur. The road is therefore command-
ed by the heights on both sides of the ravine until the sum-
mit is reached, when the snow-capped range, called the Suffeid
Koh, or White Mountains, bursts in all its magnificence upon
the view, and forms the gigantic southern boundary of the
prospect. As far as the eye can range east, the lower moun-
tain ridges, which form the northerly off-shoots from the main
axis,, cast their snow-derived streams into the Cabul River.

Up the three miles of ascent, under every disadvantage of
ground, Sale’s baggage-encumbered column advanced ; and, so
timorously conducted were the efforts of the enemy, that the
crest of the spur was reached and won with small loss, and
complete command of the pass and of the descent towards
Gundamuck obtained. Due advantage was not taken of this
success; but the long trail of slow moving baggage with its
harassed rear-guard was left to disengage itself, apparently on
the presumption, that as the enemy had yielded the most diffi-
cult gorges without a severe struggle with the main body, they
would be disinclined to renew a conflict from which they had
shrunk. Ghiljie tactics are, however, of a different character.
As soon as they found that the main body of the fighting men
had left the baggage and rear- guard to make good their own
way, the Ghiljies boldly attacked, threw the rear-guard into dis-
order, and spread confusion and dismay amongst the baggage-
cattle and their drivers. Matters were going very ill in the rear,
when three brave and excellent officers, Broadfoot, Backhouse,
and Fenwick, restored the fight, and checked the pursuers;
but not before upwards of 120 men were killed and wounded —
so costly is retreat and confusion. The only officer killed,
Wyndham, a Captain of the 35th N. I., fell nobly. Him-
self lame from a hurt, he had dismounted at that moment of
peril to save the life of a wounded soldier by bearing him from

THE OUTBREAK IN CABUL, AND ITS CAUSES. 355

the combat on his charger. When the rear-guard broke before
the onset of the Ghiljies, Wyndham, unable to keep pace with
the pursued, turned, fought, and, overpowered by numbers, fell
beneath the swords and knives of an unsparing foe.

On the 30th, Sale encamped at Gundamuck, where Ferris’s
and Burns’s Jazailchis were cantoned. The troops there,
had concert and forethought existed, were admirably placed
for co-operating with Sale, and facilitating his march over the
Jugdulluck Pass. But they were permitted to remain without
orders, and in ignorance of his movements. Their sudden
march, and occupation of the crest of the Jugdulluck spur,
would have baffled the Ghiljies, and saved Sale his loss in
men and officers, as well as a very serious check to the confidence
of his young European soldiers. When too late to be of any
other use than to join the insurgents, Bukhtar Khan, the Chief
in charge of the district, sent 500 of his tribe to Jugdulluck ;
and strong bodies of Jazailchis from Ferris’s and Burns’s corps
were to be pushed still further westward to keep open the road
as far as Seh Baba.

The impunity, with which the Ghiljies had raised the standard
of rebellion — had repeatedly, and not altogether unsuccessfully,
attacked the 35th N. I. — and had finally freed themselves from
Sale, not only without any serious check or loss to themselves,
but with a considerable booty in camels, baggage, treasure,
arms, and ammunition, to attest their pretensions to victory, —
proved a spur to the spirit of revolt, which pervaded Cabul
and the Kohistan. Macnaghten’s attempt to crush the insur-
gent Ghiljies had undeniably failed. Macgregor’s treaty and
concessions evoked a feeling of contempt, and countenanced
the general belief, which Mullahs and Chiefs not only spread,
but actually entertained, that Sale, too weak to perform his
hostile mission, had thus purchased permission to retreat at
the expense of the honour of his troops, and the credit and
character of the British power.

Supreme authority was about to be transferred to Burnes, a
man hated as the treacherous cause of the invasion and
occupation of the country. Macnaghten, accompanied by
Elphinstone, whose sufferings and infirmities forced him to
quit his unsought command, was about to leave Cabul. Nott,
an able soldier, had indeed been summoned to assume com-
mand : but winter was close ; and it was as improbable,

that Nott would be able, when the order reached him, to
march for Cabul, as that Sale with his weary force could, or
would, return to the capital. Thus Macnaghten, anxious to
impose upon the world the false notion that he quitted Affghan-

350

THE OUTBREAK IN CABUL, AND ITS CAUSES.

istan in a peaceful and prosperous condition under her puppet
king, had not only obstinately shut his own eyes to danger,
but also had systematically sought to blind others; and, afraid to
betray any want of confidence and to be charged with inconsisten-
cy, had allowed the most obviously necessary military precau-
tions to be neglected. Shelton and his troops were new to the
place and to the people, and not fully aware of the ill sup-
pressed spirit, which animated the latter. Now, therefore, time
and circumstances combined to favour an attempt to throw
off* a yoke, which, it had long been rumoured throughout the
length and breadth of the land, was as hateful to Shah Suja
as to his subjects, and which evidently the Indian Government
had no purpose of voluntarily removing. The Kohistanis,
thoroughly disaffected, as Pottinger had early in the summer
reported, had long nursed a deep resolve to avenge themselves
for the demolished Forts and desolated villages, by which Burnes
and Sale had rendered their names peculiarly obnoxious to these
sanguinary mountaineers. The news of the Ghiljie successes
against Sale roused their passions ; and, still further excited by
the emissaries of Akbar Khan and the preaching of the Mullahs,
they now felt that the movement was arrived for wreaking ven-
geance on Burnes and on the British power. The tidings of the
Ghiljie attacks and Macgregor’s humiliating treaty, followed
by still more marked successes on the part of the Ghiljies (for
thus ran the news), spread with great rapidity. On the night of
the 1st November, a considerable number of Kohistanis intro-
duced themselves into the city of Cabul ; and, being met by
parties from the Ghilzie insurgents, and by the disaffected, at
the head of whom was Amin Ullah of Logur, a Chief in the
confidence of Macnaghten and the Shah, all was found ripe for
revolt — the foreigner sleeping the while in fancied security.

It has been already noted, that the tenacity of purpose dis-
played by the engineer, Durand, had forced Macnaghten and the
reluctant Shah into the precaution of constructing barracks
and occupying with troops the Bala Hissar ; also, it has been
mentioned, that the Envoy subsequently gave up these barracks
to the Shah for the use of the 160 ladies and women of the
Harem, and threw up all military hold of this important post.
Sturt, Durand’s successor, was in no wise participant in this
grievous error : for he too pertinaciously advocated placing the
troops in the Bala Hissar, clearing it of all private houses, and
rendering it a good stronghold. It is bitter to think, that had
the repair of the works and their improvement been commen-
ced in 1839, when urged by the first engineer, or even later,
when again pressed by the second engineer, a tithe of the

THE OUTBREAK IN CABUL, AND ITS CAUSES. 357

suras thrown away at Herat would have rendered the Bala
Hissar, by November 1841, a fortress impregnable, when held
by a British garrison, against all that the disaffected Affghans
could have brought before its walls.

The error of neglecting so vital a post was not alleviated
by the selection made by Sir W. Cotton of the site for the
cantonments. Had it been clearly understood, that the can-
tonment was not to be regarded as a defensible post, in which
the troops could shut themselves up to stand a siege — had the
surrounding forts been occupied or demolished — had easy and
secure communication with the Bala Hissar by good bridges
over the river and small canal been ensured — had, in short,
occupation of the cantonment been held as entirely condi-
tional on our undoubted supremacy in the field and on
the loyalty of the city of Cabul — no great objection could
have been advanced to this site. But when Cotton threw
up a weak breast-work round a space of 1,000 by 600 yards,
commanded and swept by forts in every direction, which he
neither occupied nor demolished, he induced the blunder
of attempting to defend these wretched works, rather than the
Bala Hissar. This was still further induced by lodging the Com-
missariat stores, on which the efficiency and existence of the
force depended, in a small ill-placed fort, access to which from
the cantonments was at the mercy of an unoccupied fort and
the walled Shah Bagh, or King’s Garden, on the opposite side
of the road. The Commissariat and all other stores and maga-
zines might, and ought from the first, to have been lodged in
security in the Bala Hissar. These grave errors had been com-
mitted, it must be remembered in justice to the memory of the
gallant but luckless Elphinstone, before his arrival at Cabul.
He at once observed them, and sought to have them remedied ;
but, holding a secondary place, the safety of his troops and
their magazines was made likewise of secondary consideration,
and sacrificed to a false show of security.

On the morning of the 2nd of November, Shelton was en-
camped on the Seah Sung Hills, about a mile and a half from the
cantonments, from which he was separated by the Cabul Biver.
He was about the same distance from the Bala Hissar; and had
with him H. M. 44th Foot, a Wing of the 54th N. I., the 6th
Shah’s Infantry, the 5th Cavalry, and a battery of European
Horse Artillery. In cantonments were the 5th N. I., a Wing of
the 54th N. I., Warburton’s Battery of five six-pounders, three
companies of Broadfoot’s Sappers, and twoBissalahs of Irregular
Horse. Elphinstone had therefore, on that eventful morning,
four regiments of Infantry, two batteries of Field Artillery, three

358 THE OUTBREAK IN CABUL, AND ITS CAUSES'.

companies of Sappers, a regiment of Cavalry, and two Rissalahs
of Irregular Horse — a strong well equipped force. The Shah
was in the Bala Hissar, and had, as a guard, what was
called Campbell’s Hindustani Regiment, some AfFghans, 400
Jazailchis, 500 Hindustanis, and several guns.

The Bala Hissar, particularly the Citadel, completely com-
mands the city : but the streets are so narrow and winding, that
from the summit of the fort an expanse of flat-roofed houses is
alone seen, and the thoroughfares of the city are seldom to be
traced. The houses, of unburnt brick walls and mud roofs,
have as little timber as possible in their construction — this mate-
rial being costly at Cabul ; it follows, therefore, that they are not
easily set on fire. TTom their irregularity of height and struc-
ture, and from the jealousy, which guards each flat roof from the
gaze of the curious by surrounding walls, communication from
housetop to housetop would be very difficult, except in a few
portions of the more regular parts of the city. The line of
Hill, between which and the river the city lies, is steep and
difficult, but accessible ; and its domineering aspect formerly led
to its being included within the defences of Cabul ; for a stone
wall with a crenelated parapet runs along its summit, and dips
down to the gorge, by which the Cabul River, breaking through
the chain, enters the city. The ends of some of the streets,
which cross the main thoroughfares, abut upon the foot of the
Hill, which thus looks into them : but, as the minor streets are
still more tortuous than the main ones, such views along them
are very partial.

In utter disregard of every sane precaution, the Treasury, con-
taining at this time a lac and 70,000 rupees, besides other sums
not public property, was in a house close to that of Burnes, distant
from the BalaHissar about nine hundred yards, and only approach-
able through narrow streets, unless the base of the Hill were fol-
lowed. The juxta-position of Burnes and the Treasury, far from
support and in houses presenting no particular advantages
for defence, was a circumstance well known to the Kohistanis
and other insurgents. To kill Burnes and sack the Treasury was
to open the revolt in a manner, that would silence the timid or
wavering, feed the thirst for gold, and compromise all irrecover-
ably.. It was to open the insurrection in the city of Cabul with
imposing success. Accordingly, on the 2nd November, the
rebels, having occupied the surrounding houses, opened fire
upon the Treasury and Burnes’s house. Burnes hastily informed
Macnaghten of the excited state of the populace, but, mistak-
ing the attack for a desultory riot, endeavoured to harangue the
insurgents, and to induce them to disperse. The sepoy guards

THE OUTBREAK IN CABUL, AND ITS CAUSES.

859

in both houses were with this view at first restrained from
returning the assailants’ fire, and from defending their posts: but
they were soon compelled to maintain a gallant struggle ; and a
fierce combat raged, until, both Burnes and his brother and the
intrepid W. Broadfoot being slain, both houses were taken, and
the Treasury rewarded the victors.

Shah Suja, hearing that Burnes was attacked and the city
in revolt, ordered Campbell’s regiment and a couple of guns
to march to Burnes’s assistance. Macnaghten, as soon as he
received notice of the state of affairs, called upon Elphinstone
to act, who immediately sent orders to Shelton to proceed to
the Bala Hissar, taking with him a company of the forty-fourth,
a regiment and a half of sepoys, and four horse artillery guns.
The remainder of the troops encamped at Seali Sung were order-
ed into cantonments; and instructions were despatched to the
37th N. I., to march with all haste, from the position in which
Sale had left them, to Cabul.

Shelton, who received final orders to advance to the Bala Hissar
about mid-day, was upon arriving there to act upon his own
judgment, in communication with the Shah. The latter, when
he ordered the march of Campbell’s corps into the city, left the
movement to the discretion of the Commandant, who thought-
lessly plunged his men and guns into the narrow main
thoroughfare, opposite to the north-western end of the fort and
nearest to the city gate, by which he quitted the Bala Hissar.
Had he moved without the embarrassment of guns along the
hill base, he could have reached without difficulty or danger the
end of the short street, in which Burnes and the Treasury
were, and could easily have forced his way to them ; but, by en-
deavouring to make good his passage through the heart of the
city, struggling in vain to drag his guns through its winding
obstructed streets, he courted defeat. Accordingly, he was reso-
lutely attacked, and repulsed with a heavy loss of men, without
being able to reach the scene of plunder and butchery.

Shelton, on reaching the Bala Hissar, kept his detachment
under arms, but took no steps against the insurgents. After
losing an hour in inactivity, the sound of the fight drew nearer,
and he then sent an officer to ascertain how matters were pro-
ceeding. The officer quickly returned, and reported that Camp-
bell’s corps was beaten and retreating. Shelton then ordered a
company of sepoys to move out, and cover the retreat of the
fugitives. They fell back, bringing their guns with them up to
the ditch of the fort ; but here the pieces were left, both by
Campbell’s corps and the company of native infantry, though
the latter had only lost one man killed, and four wounded in the

360

THE OUTBREAK IN CABUL, AND ITS CAUSES.

skirmish, and the guns were so close under the walls, that the
Affghans never could succeed in removing them, until the troops
were withdrawn from the Bala Hissar.

The Shah was thus the only person, who made any endeavour
to quell the rising revolt. Had Campbell’s corps, without guns,
been sent, either all by the base of the Hill, or part by the main
thoroughfare and part by the Hill foot, Shah Suja would have
saved Burnes and the Treasury. Although he failed, he yet
deserves the credit of having displayed more resolution and
energy than either Shelton or Elphinstone. The former did
nothing ; the latter, upon whose conduct and decision all now
depended, broken down by ill health, proved unequal to the
emergency.

Long misled as to the state of feeling in the city and
country, Elphinstone, at the mercy of Macnaghten for all
his political information, may be excused for having failed to
observe the coming storm. When it burst upon the gallant but
health-shattered veteran, he may be pardoned for having been
taken by surprise, and for having failed, deceived both by Mac-
naghten and Burnes as to the real character of the revolt on
the very morning in question, vigorously to crush it. But, that
be should have limited his exertions to a recall of the 37th
N. I., and to the mounting of artillery for the defence of can-
tonments, admits of no apology, except, that pain and severe
suffering had not only worn the frame, but weakened the judg-
ment and mental energy, of as brave a gentleman as ever
fought under his country’s colors.

After the death of Burnes, the loss of the Treasury, and the
defeat of Campbell’s corps became known, much was to be
done — even though it had been resolved not to hazard regular
troops by exposing them to a murderous contest amid narrow
streets. Trevor and Mackenzie should have been immediately
supported, and the Shah’s Commissariat stores either brought
off or destroyed. Self-preservation pointed out the vital im-
portance of the Commissariat Fort near to cantonments; and
neither skill nor military genius was requisite, by a prompt
occupation of the King’s Garden, Mahmud Khan’s and Ma-
homed Shuriff’s Forts, to secure the communication with this
all important post. There was no want of cattle ; and the trans-
port of the Commissariat stores from the crazy fort, in which
they had been carelessly lodged, to the Bala Hissar should have
occupied day and night, until completed. With ordinary exer-
tion, every woman and child, all stores, whether Commissariat
or Ordnance, every gun, and every fighting man, might have
been within the Bala Hissar before daybreak of the 4th Novem-

THE OUTBREAK IN CABUL, AND ITS CAUSES. 361

ber. The force thus concentrated, with its magazines secure
from insult or capture, would have been at liberty to act either
on the offensive or defensive, according as circumstances re-
quired. All this was safe, obvious, and practicable. But ordin-
ary military prudence, let alone ability or decision, were on
this occasion wanting; and Elphinstone preferred paralyzing his
whole force by giving it two separate enceintes to defend, instead
of one; the larger of the two being in reality indefensible, and
but little strengthened, by the precaution, which mounted guns
for which there were not gunners. Trevor and Mackenzie ha
left to their fate.

In contrast with all this, right soldierly was the con-
duct of Major Griffiths, who, on receiving the order to re-
turn to Cabul, made good his way through the Passes in spite
of the Ghiljie attacks, and, on the morning of the 3rd, brought
in his regiment, the 37th N. I., without even the loss of any
baggage, to comfort the enemy for the men they threw away in
vain endeavours to disorder the march of this gallant corps.
Griffiths was pressed hotly and boldly by the Ghiljies — 3,000 of
whom continued the pursuit of his column almost within range
of Elphinstone’s guns : but the enemy gained no advantage,
and suffered severely from Green’s three mountain guns, which
were throughout this movement skilfully and boldly worked.
Thus reinforced, Elphinstone now strengthened Shelton in
the Bala Hissar, sending him the remainder of the 54th N. I.,
four guns of different calibres, and two small mortars, with the
gallant but ill-fated young soldier, Green. Shelton then made
dispositions for the security of the Bala Hissar, occupying the
Lahore and City gates and the 'itadel with detachments, and
the Palace Square with his reserve.

Unfortunately, Sturt, the only Engineer present, had been se-
verely wounded by an assassin, when entering the Shah’s Palaco
on the morning of the 2nd. He was a good and a resolute officer;
and, as soon as partial recovery from his wounds enabled him to
speak or write, he urged the occupation of the Bala Hissar and
the abandonment of the cantonments. But petty difficulties are
the bugbears of petty minds; and unhappily around the General,
himself weak and undecided in judgment, were men with
whom the minor considerations of the value of the public
and private property to be sacrificed weighed more than
the young soldier’s counsel and the crisis which evoked it.
Small objections and poor cavils swayed the General to
delay.

Meanwhile the enemy, successful beyond their expectations,
were encouraged to act with energy. They occupied those parts of

y y

THE OUTBREAK IN CABUL, AND ITS CAUSES.

3C2

the city, which looked upon the plain between the BalaHissar and
the cantonments : they occupied the Shah’s Garden, Mahmud
Khan’s and Mahomed Shuriff’s fort: and, thus with good
cover to protect them, threatened the Commissariat Fort, and
closely beset the South-western end of cantonments. The
officer defending the Commissariat Fort with a party of se-
poys, entertaining apprehensions for the firmness of his men,
repeatedly, throughout the 4th, applied for reinforcements.
Elpliinstone, in lieu of this, endeavoured to withdraw the gar-
rison, sending out three several detachments to effect this suici-
dal measure. The enemy, never dreaming of such imbecillitv,
and regarding the detachments as reinforcements, fired heavily
from Mahomed Shuriff’s fort and the Kings Garden, and
forced them back into cantonments with severe loss. The ex-
ecution of the order to evacuate the fort being thus prevented,
Elpliinstone, now aware of the criminal folly of the step, in
consequence of the entreaties of the Staff-Officers, contemplated
reinforcing the garrison during the night, which might easily
have been accomplished. But the time of action was spent
in discussion; and, when the morning of the 5th broke, the
parties destined to attack Mahomed Shuriff’s fort, and to
reinforce the Commissariat one, were only assembling, when
the fatal announcement was made, that Lieutenant Warren,
despairing of maintaining his post, had evacuated it, having
cut a passage through the wall of his fort on the cantonment
side. Thus, without a struggle for its defence, was this vital
post abandoned and given up to the enemy ; who as easily
became masters of the means of existence of the force, as if
the five thousand British troops, in whose face it was done,
had been spell bound to the Bala Hissar and cantonments.
Well might the Shah, as he gazed upon the melancholy
spectacle from the Bala Hissar, exclaim — “ The English are
mad ! ”

Very different had been Mackenzie’s defence of Anquetil’s
fort, the Shah’s Commissariat depot. Nevertheless, being un-
supported, he too had been forced to evacuate his post, and
escaped to cantonments with great difficulty. Thus, by the
5th, the insurgents were in possession of the treasure and of
the provision of the force, without having endured other than
a trifling loss of men. The capture of the Treasury had
been a sufficiently disgraceful event ; for there can be no doubt,
that had Shelton moved early to the support of Campbell’s
regiment, and Elphinstone, from the side of Anquetil’s fort
and the Kuzzilbash quarter, pushed detachments to Burnes’s
house, the insurgents, attacked along the line of the main

THE OUTBREAK IN CABUL, AND ITS CAUSES.

363

bazar from the hill side, and from the Kuzzilbash and Deh
Affghan quarters, could not have had permanent success, but
•would have been dispersed, and probably with heavy retribu-
tion for the onslaught on the Treasury. The ignorance or
the apathy of the military leaders was sufficiently inexcusa-
ble on that first occasion. Yet, it must be remembered, that
the Political Chiefs had misled every one up to the very mo-
ment, when they suddenly called upon the Military Chief to act;
and that Elphinstone, into whose hands the game was thus
flung at a most critical instant, from his ignorance of the train
of political events, was not in a fair position to judge of tho
nature of the crisis, and to cope with it in the manner, which
full acquaintance with the thread of affairs might have en-
sured. After matters have been embroiled to the uttermost
and rebellion is rampant, a broken painworn man may he
pardoned, if he fail in two minutes to apprehend distinctly the
difficulties of a position, into which two years of continuous
error and mismanagement, on the part of others, unexpectedly
plunge him. But, although such considerations may account
for some indecision on the first flash of revolt, they form no
excuse for the palsied patience, with which the Commissariat
fort was not lost in fight, but ignominiouslv relinquished
to the enemy. Many were the gallant officers around Elphin*
stone, who urged a more manly resolution : and, had Eyre’s
advice been taken, the Commissariat fort would have been
immediately attacked in force and must have been recaptured.
But his counsel was too wise and soldierly for the vacillating
weakness of the General ; and, though the storm of Mahomed
Shunffs Fort was ultimately decided upon, and Eyre with his
guns acted his part gallantly, the storming party never stirred
from a wall, under which they found cover, and the General,
though the 37th N. I. were burning with desire to be permitted
to do that from which others shrunk, could not be induced to
allow them. The evacuation and loss of the Commissariat
fort and the abortive show of assailing Mahomed Shunff’s
fort were equally disgraceful.

Orders were now sent to Sale and to Nott, directing them to
advance upon Cabul. From the season at which he received
them, it was impracticable for Nott to obey his instructions :
but Sale was differently circumstanced ; for he received the
order at Gundamuck — the messenger bearing the despatches
having been so fortunate as to effect the journey with speed
and in safety. It has already been seen, that Griffiths, with a
single regiment of sepoys and three mountain guns, had, in
obedience to a similar mandate, made good his march to Cabul

8G4

THE OUTBREAK IN CABUL, AND ITS CAUSES.

from the dangerous position in which Sale had left him, and,
in spite of Ghiljie attacks, had, after forcing the Khnrd Cabul
Pass, reached cantonments with small loss in men and much gain
of honour. It is true, that Elphinstone, by thus suddenly with-
drawing Griffiths from his isolated position on the road between
Gundamuck and Cabul, had apparently somewhat diminished
the facility of Sale’s advance : but, on the other hand, Griffiths’s
departure had drawn after him a strong body of Gbiljies, who not
only pursued him to Cabul, but remained there, to strengthen
the insurgents and to partake in their successes. Sale would
therefore have found the enemy weak on the line of road, had
he, on receipt of his dispatches, made immediate arrangements
for the security of his sick, wounded and baggage, in one of the
defensible forts in his neighbourhood — and then, unencumbered,
made a rapid march upon Cabul. No doubt can be enter-
tained, that his unexpected appearance on the scene of conflict
would have given a severe blow to the insurrection and new
life to the British cause. Such a resolve, however, was foreign
to Sale’s nature ; and, unluckily, the instructions were so qualified
as to cast responsibility, always his peculiar terror, upon Sale’s
own shoulders. lie therefore called a council of war, wherein
compliance with the mandate from Cabul was pronounced in-
advisable, and prepared to march in a contrary direction, and,
throwing up connection with Cabul, to occupy Jellalabad.
This decision was regretted by some of the ablest Officers in
his force, foremost amongst whom was Broadfoot. Human-
ly speaking, Sale thus denied himself the honour and the
satisfaction of retrieving the state of affairs at the capital.

The relief or reinforcement of Elphinstone was, however, a
wholly distinct question from a hasty retrograde movement
from Gundamuck, in order to throw his Brigade, which was
perfectly well able to keep the field, into Jellalabad — a place
of no military strength or importance, without magazines, in
utter disrepair, and so situated, that to coop up the Brigade
within its dilapidated walls served no conceivable purpose,
except to betray weakness and still further encourage revolt.
At Gundamuck, Sale’s Brigade threatened the Passes between
that place and Cabul, necessarily paralyzed a portion of the
Ghiljie strength, and checked Ghiljie co-operation with the in-
surgents at the capital; whilst, at the same time, insuring to
Elphinstone the comparatively safe and easy withdrawal of
the force from Cabul, should circumstances compel the adop-
tion of so extreme a measure. Had Sale maintained his posi-
tion at, or near to, Gundamuck, he might have influenced
the fate of Elphinstone’e army : and one of the most disastrous

THE OUTBREAK IN CABUL, AND ITS CAUSES. 8G5

retreats on record must have been spared to the British arms
by the co-operation of Sale’s moveable column. The severest
comment upon the inutility of the precipitate occupation of
Jellalabad was afforded by Sale himself, when, after having long
suffered himself to be blockaded and bearded by a foe, flushed
with the successful destruction of Elphinstone’s force, he over-
threw without difficulty Mahomed Akbar in the open field,
driving him in confusion from the plain with no other troops
than that very Brigade, which, when the issue of the rebellion
was as yet uncertain and energy might have quelled it, he with-
drew from the struggle, and shut up within distant walls, ther& to
court and abide investment at the leisure of an unembarrassed
and triumphant enemy.

If Macnaghten be culpable for the effrontery with which he
sought to blind and mislead others, as well as himself, as to
the feelings of the Affghan people and the state of their country,
he proved free from that imbecile weakness, which henceforward
characterized the military leaders and their measures. His
spirit chafed at the despondency evinced, at the errors com-
mitted, and at the resulting disasters. Himself a man of courage,
the gloom of others did not unnerve him ; and, had he insisted
energetically upon the adoption of his counsel, the occupation
of the Bala Hissar, Elphinstone must have yielded, and affairs
might have been retrieved. But the puerile arguments brought
forward by Shelton and others against this necessary step, not
only influenced Elphinstone, but also led Macnaghten to waive
his own and adopt analogous opinions, and, in an evil hour, to
coincide in rejecting the only wise and safe course. However
brightened by traits of individual heroism, it would be needless
to trace in detail the gallant defence by the Gurka battalion of
Charikar, the destruction of these brave soldiers and their ex-
cellent officers, of whom Pottinger and Haughton alone mira-
culously escaped ; the wretchedly conducted actions at the
village of Beymaru, ending in discomfiture and indelible dis-
grace; the shameless loss of Mahomed Shuriff’s fort; the
relaxation of discipline, and the prostration of energy and
courage, which ensued upon a long series of dishonouring re-
verses. The normal errors, from which flowed such fatal con-
sequences, have been already noted ; and the harrowing details
of incompetency, written in the blood of brave officers and va-
liant men (for there were many such who fell), only form a
heart-rending commentary upon the grievous truth, that the
lives, and worse still, the honour of soldiers, are the price paid
for the gross political and military blunders of those in au-
thority.

300

THE OUTBREAK IN CABUL, AND ITS CAUSES.

By the time that Mahomed Akbar arrived at Cabul (the 22nd
November) the military leaders had lost all confidence in them-
selves and their men ; and Macuaghten was pressed to save the
force, by negociating for its safe retreat upon the humiliating
condition of evacuating the whole of AfFghanistan. The Envoy
was loath to entertain a proposal so derogatory to the fame of
the British name, and so subversive of the policy and plans,
which he had strenuously advocated, and proved mainly in-
strumental in furthering. Moreover, he nursed hopes of ac-
complishing by secret intrigue and the distribution of large
sums of money, that which the British arms failed to effect.
To strike down the leaders of the rebellion, to create discord
among their followers, and thus to break up the league against
Shah Suja and his allies, was Macnaghten’s dream. It must
not be supposed, that upon the outbreak of the 2nd November,
the Envoy limited his exertions to the request that Elphinstone
should act. At the same time, that Macnaghten called upon
the military authorities to quell the revolt bv the employment
of force, he secretly, with the same object in view, adopted mea-
sures of a much more doubtful character, which, failing of issue,
subsequently exercised a most unfortunate influence, not alone
upon his own individual fate, but upon that of the whole force
at Cabul.

Mohun Lai, who was in the suite of Burnes, escaping mas-
sacre when his Chief and all with him were killed, ultimately
found an Asylum in the house of the Kuzzilbash Chief, Khan
Slierin Khan, in the Kuzzilbash, or Persian, quarter of the
city. Mohun Lai, in the opinion of the Envoy, was there favor-
ably situated for carrying on negociations and intrigues with
such Chiefs, as Macnaghten entertained hopes of winning to his
cause, and of rendering willing instruments in the fulfilment of his
purposes. Accordingly, Mohun Lai was, shortly after the first
burst of the rebellion, in daily communication with both Mac-
naghten and Captain J. B. Conolly, who, as Political Assistant
and in the confidence of the Envoy, wrote early on the 5th
November to Mohun Lai, and thus opened the correspondence
with him. — “Tell the Kuzzilbash Chiefs, Shenn Khan, Naib
* Sheriff, in fact all the Chiefs of Shiah persuasion, to join
‘ against the rebels. You can promise one lac of rupees to
‘ Khan Shenn on the condition of his killing and seizing
‘ the rebels, and arming all the Shiahs, and immediately attack-
‘ ing all rebels. This is the time for the Shiahs to do good
‘ service. Explain to them that, if the Sunnis once get the
‘ upper hand in the town, they will immediately attack and
‘ plunder their part of the town ; hold out promises of reward

THE OUTBREAK IN CABUL, AND ITS CAUSES.

307

‘ and money ; write to me very frequently. Tell the Chiefs, who
c are well disposed, to send respectable agents to the Envoy.

* Try and spread “ nifak ” amongst the rebels. In everything
‘ that you do consult me, and write very often. Mir Hyder
‘ Purja" Bashi has been sent to Khan Sherin and will see
‘ you.” As a postscript followed the important addition — “ I
‘ promise 10,000 rupees for the head of each of the principal
‘ rebel Chiefs.” Mir Hyder Purja Bashi did not fail to see
Mohun Lai ; and, having repeated what Conolly had written
respecting the reward of 10,000 rupees upon the head of each
of the principal rebel Chiefs, he urged Mohun Lai to exertion,
pointing out that he ‘£ would do great service to the State,
if the principal rebels were executed by any means whatever.”
Mohun Lai was, however, in a position requiring address : for
although the Kuzzilbash Chiefs were not heartily with the Ghil-
jies, the Kohistanis and other rebels, yet, there had been
no such display of energy on the part of the British troops
as encouraged Khan Sherin Khan and his Kuzzilbash
friends hastily to compromise their own safety by at once
taking a decided course in favor of the Shah and his un-
popular allies: and the attempt to raise a hostile party
amid the rebels and to take off their principal leaders, at the
moment of their first brilliant successes, was evidently both
a very delicate and a very hazardous operation. Mohun
Lai was therefore forced to await a more favourable time, and
to watch for such opportunity, as the course of events, or
the fickle humours of the Chiefs, into whose hands fate had thrown
him, might offer. The Envoy becoming impatient of the state
of uncertainty in which the wary silence of the timid Mohun
Lai left him, Conolly, on the 11th, again wrote — “Why do you

* not write ? What has become of Mir Hyder ? Is he doing
‘ anything with Khan Sherin ? You never told me whe-

* ther you had written to Naib Humza. What do the rebels
‘ propose doing now ? Have you not made any arrangements

* about the bodies of the murdered Officers ? Offer 2,000
‘ rupees to any one, who will take them to cantonments, or
‘ 1,000 to any one, who will bring them. Has not Sir Alex’s

* body been found ? Give my salaam to the Naib. If Khan
‘Sherin is not inclined to do service, try other Kuzzilbash
‘ Chiefs independently. Exert yourself; write to me often, for
‘ the news of Kossids is not to be depended on. There is
‘ a man called Haji Ali, who might be induced by a bribe
‘ to try and bring in the heads of one or two of the Muf-
‘ sids (i. e. rebels) : endeavour to let him know that 10,000
‘rupees will be given for each head, or even 15,000 rupees.

868 THE OUTBREAK IN CABUL, AND ITS CAUSES.

* I have sent to him two or three times.” Mohun Lai, feel-
ing more secure as to his own personal safety, now re-
ported to the Envoy the receipt of these instructions, and
the steps taken to carry them into effect. To Aga Maho-
med Soudah, the friend of Hajf AH, was explained Co-
nolly’s offer of 10,000, or 15,000, rupees for the head of each
rebel Chief ; and, as the two friends had also received direct
communications from Conolly to the same effect, they enter-
tained Mohun Lai’s overtures. But, however desirous of ob-
taining so enormous a reward, they feared themselves to
undertake the deed, and therefore suborned two others, Ab-
dul Aziz and Mahomed Ullah. Besides the foregoing
particular instructions from Conolly, Mohun Lai had been
further empowered by the Envoy to promise to the extent
of five lacs of rupees, and to distribute as far as 50,000
rupees in aid of the Shah’s cause. He therefore did not
hesitate to advance at once 9,000 rupees, and to promise that
a balance of 12,000 rupees would be paid, as soon as the
heads of Mir Musjidi and Abdullah Khan were brought
in ; — selecting these Chiefs as the first victims, because he be-
lieved them to have been actively concerned in the attack upon
the Treasury and Burnes’s house, and in the slaughter of his
patron, and knew them to be the boldest and most influential
leaders of the insurgents. Having thus set on foot this affair,
Mohun Lai reported his proceedings to the Envoy, adding with
naive simplicity, that he “ could not find out by Lieut. Conolly’s
4 notes, how the rebels are to be assassinated ; but the men,
‘ now employed, promise to go into their houses, and cut off their
‘ heads, when they may be without attendants.” Macnaghten,
nothing startled by the plain term applied to the transactions
by his subordinate agent, replied on the 13th November, — “ I
‘ have received your letters of this morning’s date, and highly
r approve of all you have done.”*

Mir Musjidi and Abdullah Khan were soon numbered
amongst the dead. The former died very suddenly ; how, Mo-
hun Lai could not with certainty learn ; but Mahomed Ullah
assured him, that, in fulfilment of the engagement, the wretch-
ed man had been suffocated when asleep by the hands of Ma-
homed Ullah himself. Abdullah Khan fell severely wounded
by a shot, whilst standing amongst his countrymen engaged

• At a later period (December 1st) Sir Win. Macnaghten, awakening to the im-
policy, if not to the immorality, of such treacherous practices, wrote to Mohun Lai,
in reference to a similar proposal to take off Amin Ullah, “ I am sorry to find from
‘ your letter of last night, that you could have supposed it was ever my object to en-
‘ courage assassination. The rebels are very wicked men ; but we must not take un-

* lawful means to destroy them.*’ We do not pretend to reconcile the discrepancy, [Ed ’

THE OUTBREAK IN CABUL, AND ITS CAUSES. 369

in fight with the British troops ; but whether struck down
by a ball from the piece of Abdul Aziz, who claimed the
merit of having shot his victim from behind a wall, or by
the fire of the troops, Mohun Lai was not confident. Ab-
dul Aziz, however, assured him, that Abdflllah Khan would
soon die, as poison would complete what the shot had not
done. He lingered for a week, and then fulfilled Abdul Aziz’s
prediction; who, as well as Mahomed Ullah, then demanded,
through their suborners, Haji Ali and Aga Mahomed, the
balance of the reward due to them. Mohun Lai, with a Shy-
lock nicety, refused to pay the balance ; alleging that the heads
had not according to agreement been brought in, and that Ab-
dullah Khan might probably have been wounded by the mus-
quetrv of our troops. The Envoy having received intimation
from Mohun Lai, who sent the suborners’ notes making the
demand and his own reply in refusal, Kurbar Ali, a confidential
messenger in the employment of Macnaghten, was despatched
by the latter with a message, attested by a reference to a past
event known only to the Envoy and Mohun Lai, — “ that had Ma-
* homed Ullah and Abdul Aziz sent the heads to the Envoy,
‘ Mohun Lai would have been ordered to pay the balance;
‘ but, as they had failed in so doing, they must rest content
‘ with the advance they had received for their doubtful ser-
‘ vices.” The Envoy was forced to deliver this, and other dan-
gerous injunctions, by the expedient (well known in the East)
of an attested message, because some native writers of English,
having gone over to the enemy, had made them acquainted with
the contents of several of his intercepted letters.

The two ablest and most resolute leaders of the rebels
in field and council being thus, either by fair or foul means,
struck down, Macnaghten was unwilling to comply with the
urgent, but, as he thought premature, requests of the mili-
tary authorities to treat: for he laid much stress on the ef-
fect, which might result from the fall of these two obnoxious
Chiefs, and anticipated deriving advantage from an event, which
must leave the insurgents a prey to the factions emulation of
the less influential leaders. Subsequently to the fall of Ab-
dullah Khan, severely wounded in the last action at Bev-
raaru, circumstances seemed to favour the indulgence of such
a hope; as, not only did the enemy fail to follow up tl’ieir
success, when our troops fled into disorder to cantonments,
but, for a while, there was a lull in the activity with which
hostilities were prosecuted, and the enemy seemed unac-
countably paralyzed. Neither Conolly, nor Macnaghten, nor
indeed Mohun Lai, had, however, been sufficiently cautious.

z z

A70 THE OUTBREAK IN CABUL, AND ITS CAUSES.

in the overtures made to accomplish the destruction of the
principal rebels. Too many persons had been entrusted with the
secret, and some of them men upon whom it is wonderful that
reliance should have been placed. When, therefore, in addition
to such a dangerous diffusion of the secret, Macnaghten and
Mohun Lai refused to fulfil the promises made, and withheld
the reward claimed, not only was it impossible for Mohun Lai to
find instruments willing to strike down more of the obnoxious
Chiefs, but the latter became aware of the price set upon
their heads, and were exasperated at the discovery of a tam-
pering with the cupidity of their Affghan followers, and a base
endeavour to effect, by the knife or shot of the assassin,
that which the courage of the troops was unequal to secure.
Their minds were therefore well disposed to support any leader,
who could control their minor jealousies and advance undeniable
claims to their allegiance. At this juncture Akbar Khan ap-
peared upon the scene, and immediately became the rallying
centre of hostile feeling and action. Naturally embittered against
the British power, the intimation he received of the Envoy’s
secret machinations against the lives of the Chiefs enabled him
to keep alive their suspicions, destroy all confidence in British
good faith, and fan into a flame the spirit of implacable hostility.

Macnaghten, constantly pressed by the General, and himself
aware that the supplies of the force were nearly exhausted, the
troops spiritless and disorganized, and, with few, (but those no-
ble) exceptions, not to be depended upon for the exercise of
either discipline or courage, at length, in spite of his own aver-
sion to a task beset with so much dishonour and difficulty, began,
in apparent earnest, to negociate for the safe withdrawal of the
army and the evacuation of Affghanistan. Never was courage
more conspicuous than in the case of the ill-fated Envoy, who
sought, by the display of a truly daring confidence towards Chiefs
whom he knew to have much cause for distrusting him, to in-
spire them with confidence in the sincerity of his intentions. No
one, judging from the hardihood with which he exposed himself
to the knives and pistols of these exasperated men, would have
imagined him conscious of having set so high a price upon their
heads. On the 11th December, accompanied by Lawrence, Mac-
kenzie and Trevor, Macnaghten met the assembled leaders of
the rebellion on the plain near the Seah Sung Hill, and there
discussed the conditions of a draft treaty which he had sketched.
The unmolested withdrawal, not only of the force at Cabul, but
also of all the British troops in Affghanistan ; their supply with
food, fodder, and means of transport ; the return from India of
Dost Mahomed and every Affghan in exile ; that Shah Shuja

THE OUTBREAK IN CABUI,, AND ITS CAUSES.

371

was to be given the option of remaining at Cabul, or accom-
panying the British army to India ; an amnesty for all poli-
tical opponents and the partisans of the Shah ; and that no
British force should again be sent into Affghanistan, unless
called for by the Affghan Government — were the main features
of the treaty. Mahomed Akbar, distrustful of Macnaghten,
would not accede to an engagement, which bound the rebel par-
ty to furnish provisions for the force without any stipulation
for the immediate evacuation of the Bala Hissar and canton-
ments ; and he forced the Envoy to specify three days as the
period, after which the troops were bound to quit the can-
tonments. Upon this compact, the terms of the treaty were ac-
cepted : but, as there was a thorough want of confidence in
the Envoy’s sincerity, Captain Trevor had to accompany the
Chiefs as hostage for the good faith of Macnaghten.

Cold weather was now set in, but snow had not fallen : and,
as it was sure to fall in the course of a few days, it was of the
greatest importance, after once retreat had been decided, that
all further delay should be avoided. Thus, not only did the
obligations of good faith impose a necessity for the rapid with-
drawal of the troops, but every consideration for their safety
and existence imperatively urged the most prompt fulfilment
of this condition. Four thousand and five hundred fighting men,
and from twelve to fifteen thousand followers, by an immediate
march, might surmount the lofty Passes between them and
Gundamuck, whilst still free from snow; and thus, with com-
paratively less hardship and suffering, make good their way
over a country which, when once enveloped in snow, could only
be passed with extreme difficulty and the severest misery and
loss. The loose manner in which the treaty was worded, and
the insertion of conditions in terms so general as to render (if
not their import) their fulfilment, matter of easy cavil, afforded
Macnaghten specious grounds for delay. ITe still clung to the
hope of receiving aid from Nott, who had dispatched Maclaren
with a brigade ; and he was not sorry at being able to allege
the irresolution of the Shah, and the non-fulfilment on the part
of the enemy of their agreement to furnish provisions and
baggage-cattle, as reasons for procrastinating and prolonging
his stay at Cabul. In despair at the disgrace, with which so
ignoble a treaty overwhelmed himself and the British name, he
clung to the faintest hope of retrieving events.

The Shah, perplexed at the position in which the treaty
placed him, was still further embarrassed by the conduct of the
rebel Chiefs, who, on the 12th, invited him to remain as king
— only stipulating the intermarriage of his daughters with the

372

THE OUTBREAK IN CABUL, AND ITS CAUSES.

leaders of the revolt, and the discontinuance of some of the cere-
monials of royalty, to which Shah Shuja was attached, but
which were particularly distasteful to the Affghan nobles. Whe-
ther this proposal were made as a test of the sincerity of the
Shah’s generally alleged aversion to British domination, or
to confirm the impression, by inducing him at this juncture
to make common cause with the rebels, or, as is most probable,
to ascertain, by the mode in which such a decided separation
from British connection was received, the ultimate real pur-
poses of the Envoy is uncertain. Shah Shuja, after delibera-
tion, consented to hold his throne upon the proffered conditions,
and signified his assent to the Chiefs accordingly.

On the 13th and 14th, the Bala Hissar was evacuated, but
in a manner so ill-conducted, that the greater part of 1,600
maunds of wheat and flour, which Captain Kirby had had the fore-
sight to collect for transport to cantonments, where provisions
were very scarce, instead of being taken with the garrison, were
left in the fort for the enemy’s advantage. Ten days’ supply
for the whole force was thus madly deserted, at a time when the
utmost dearth prevailed in cantonments, when the camp-fol-
lowers were feeding upon the flesh of the animals dying from
starvation, and when there were barely two days’ supply of
flour on half rations for the fighting men.

Shah Shuja, always timid and irresolute, now refused to ac-
cept the throne, which the rebel Chiefs had, on easy conditions,
permitted him to retain. As the moment for the departure of
the British troops appeared to draw near, his heart failed him,
and he shrunk from the dangerous allegiance of such men as
Mahomed Akbar and the banded Chiefs. His change of pur-
pose increased their suspicions ; and they declined to furnish
provisions to the force, unless, in fulfilment of the compact,
cantonments were evacuated.

On the 18th, snow fell, but Macnaghten still procrastinated ;
and, the distrust of the Chiefs waxing greater in proportion as
the specified time was exceeded, their demands also increased ;
and, on the 20th, the delivery of guns and ammunition and of
Brigadier Shelton as an hostage was required. The engineer,
Sturt, perceiving that every day’s delay was fraught with peril,
now urged that the treaty, which had been broken by both sides,
should be no longer considered binding, and that, making every
possible arrangement for the conveyance of the sick, the wounded,
ammunition, and stores, the army should march to Jellalabad.
The Envoy’s hopes of aid from Nott had now vanished, as
Maclaren had countermarched with his brigade, finding snow
upon the highlands as he drew towards Ghuzni, and despair-

THE OUTBREAK IN CABUL, AND ITS CAUSES. 373

ing at that season of effecting his march to Cabul. Macnaghten,
therefore, had now no motive for putting off the march of the
force, the destruction of which from starvation was imminent,
and could only be avoided by a movement of decision such as
the engineer recommended. Elphinstone and his advisers
thought otherwise. There was an unearthly faintness upon their
hearts; and it was, as though some great crime had caused the
wrath of God to settle down upon the host, withering the hearts
of its leaders, unnerving the right arms of England’s soldiery,
and leaving them no power to stand before their enemies.

On the 21st December, the Envoy again met Mahomed Akbar
and other Chiefs; two hostages, Conolly and Airey, were at once
given over, and two more were to follow. The dilatory conduct of
the Envoy and of the military leaders had now so confirmed the
suspicions of Mahomed Akbar and the principal rebels, that they
determined to test the intentions of Macnaghten, whose secret
schemes for the destruction of the most influential Chiefs had
never been forgotten, and whose present conduct, ignorant as
the enemy were of the utter prostration of energy and courage
among the military authorities, seemed inexplicable, except on
the supposition of the existence of some deep design against
the lives and power of the Chiefs.

Captain Skinner, an officer to whom Mahomed Akbar had
given protection, was sent by the latter with secret proposals to
Macnaghten to the following effect : — that Mahomed Akbar un-
dertook to seize Amin Ullah, one of the most obnoxious and
powerful of the rebel leaders, and deliver him up to the En-
voy; that Shah Shuja, remaining king, was to reward Ma-
homed Akbar for this important service, and for supporting his
throne, by making him Wuzir ; that the Bala Hissar and
Mahmud Khan’s fort were to be immediately re-occupied by
the British troops, who were to remain in their then position
until the Spring, upon the arrival of which they were with
honor to evacuate the country — Mahomed Akbar receiving
from the British Government for these services a donation
of thirty lacs of rupees, and an annual pension of four lacs.
Skinner did not himself deliver the message ; but he was accom-
panied by one Mahomed Sudiq and two other Affgbans in
the confidence of Mahomed Akbar, who were entrusted with
sounding the Envoy, and to whom Skinner, ignorant of any
hidden design, referred Macnaghten for the particulars of
his mission. Mahomed Sudiq, in the course of stating the
foregoing propositions, made one, which should have put the
Envoy upon his guard, betraying, as it did, a reference to fore-
gone events; the head of Amin Ullah was to be presented

374

THE OUTBREAK IN CABUL, AND ITS CAUSES.

to the Envoy for a certain sum of money. Macnaghten’s eyes
were, however, not opened by this remarkable offer of Amin
Ullah’s head, coupled with the promise of Mahomed Akbar’s
co-operation in subduing the other Khans : and, failing to ob-
serve that Mahomed Sudiq’s language was an ominous echo
of Conolly’s early instructions to Mohun Lai, he eagerly caught
at the general proposal, disclaiming, however, in the presence of
auditors, any willingness to give a price for blood, and there-
fore rejecting the specific offer of Amin Ullah's head, though
not of his capture by treachery, in which the Envoy and the
British troops were to play a conspicuous part. The distinction
was too nice to weigh with men, conversant with the degree of
scrupulousness evinced by the Envoy in the case of Abdullah
Khan and Mir Musjidi, and who judged of his sincerity by
the eager readiness, with which he was captivated by an offer too
specious to have imposed upon any man of sound thought and
principle, and which involved the perfidious sacrifice of one of
their own members. Hitherto, however shaken by what was
known of Mohun Lai’s proceedings, acting with the cognizance
of Conolly and Macnaghten, the British character for integrity
and good faith stood high enough to command some respect
for the representative of the Anglo-Indian Government. But
the deliberate faithlessness, which led the Envoy to accept
Mahomed Akbar’s proposal, sealed his doom. The worst sus-
picions of the confederate Chiefs and their exasperated leader
were confirmed ; and they resolved, as no dependance after such
proof could be placed on the most solemn and formal engage-
ments, to ensnare Macnaghten in the net he was spreading for
another, and to take vengeance upon him and the starving
disorganised force, for the insults and injuries, which an inju-
dicious, selfish, and ambitious policy had heaped upon Aff-
ghanistan.

On the 23rd December, Macnaghten with a courage undimi-
nislied by the sense that, like a desperate gamester, he was
risking all upon a hazard cast, went out to hold conference with
Mahomed Akbar, and to carry into effect the projected mea-
sures. The Envoy, accompanied by his three brave compa-
nions, Mackenzie, Trevor, and Lawrence, heedless of the
warning which the first mentioned officer gave him, boldly
met the assembled Chiefs, among whom was a brother of
Amin Ullah’s. No suitable preparations had been made in
cantonments on the part of the military ; and even the Envoy’s
escort were so backward in assembling and following him, that
he had ridden on and confidently entrusted himself to the
mercy of his enemies, without his body guard being at hand to

THE OUTBREAK IN CABUL, AND ITS CAUSES. 375

protect him. When warned of the danger of the meeting and
the perfidious character of Mahomed Akbar, the Envoy had
replied — “ Dangerous it is ; but, if it succeeds, it is worth all risks ;
the rebels have not fulfilled even one article of the treaty, and I
have no confidence in them ; and, if by it we can only save our
honour, all will be well. At any rate, I would rather suffer an
hundred deaths, than live the last six weeks over again." Thus
felt Macnaghten, as he rode forth to meet his murderer.

The violation of the treaty had been mutual ; the first infraction
being on the part of the Affghans under Mahomed Akbar, who
attacked the troops, when they evacuated the Bala Hissar ; but,
instead of immediately breaking with them on this plea, Mac-
naghten had continued to treat and negociate, as if the compact
were valid, although, by prolonging the stay of the troops at Cabul,
he himself violated its most essential specification. After hav-
ing made the customary salutations, and presented a handsome
Arab horse to Mahomed Akbar, both parties dismounted ; and
Macnaghten, with his three companions, seated themselves beside
Mahomed Akbar, and surrounded by Affghans, upon a small
hillock, which partly concealed them from cantonments. Law-
rence, eyeing with suspicion the numbers of armed attendants
which encircled them, remarked to the Envoy, that if the con-
ference were of a secret nature, they had better be removed.
Macnaghten spoke to Mahomed Akbar, who replied, — “ No, they
are all in the secret." In an instant the three officers were seized,
overpowered, disarmed, and carried off : whilst Macnaghten, strug-
gling on the ground with Mahomed Akbar, was shot by the latter,
and then cut to pieces by his followers. The escort instead of
charging to the rescue, fled to cantonments, and left the Envoy
and his brave companions to their fate. In cantonments all was
apathy and indecision. Although within sight of the scene,
no attempt was made to avenge the slaughtered Envoy, and to
recover his body from a cowardly mob, who bore off in triumph
his mangled remains to parade them in the city of Cabul.

Energy might still have saved the wretched force ; and Pot-
tinger, now called upon by Elphinstone to renew negotiations
with the enemy upon the basis of the treaty violated by Mac-
naghten, made a last effort to rekindle the military spirit of the
Council of War convened by the General. Declaring his own
conviction, that no confidence could be placed in any treaty
with the Affghan Chiefs, he disapproved of all humiliating
negotiations ; and, instead of binding the hands of Government
by ignoble promises to evacuate the country, to subsidize the
Rebel Chiefs, and to restore Dost Mahoinmed, he counselled,

370 THE OUTBREAK IN CABUL, AND ITS CAUSES.

either to hold out to the last at Cabul, or to march to Jellala-
bad. His own high courage and undaunted spirit met with
no sympathy in that gloomy depressed council, which over-
ruled his opinion, and instructed him to negociate at all cost
alike of money and of honour.

The deplorable weakness, which could adopt a resolution
unexampled in British Military History, was productive of the
results which might have been anticipated. We draw a veil
over the transactions, which occupied the Political and Military
Leaders from the 26th December to the 13th January. Mac-
naghten might well prefer death to such protracted humiliation
and ignominy. Would that oblivion could swallow up all
record, all memory of that dire destruction of a well equipped
army, sufficient in the hands of a Nott, or a Napier, to have
swept its discomfited foes in haughty triumph before the colours
of England ; but these, alas, were doomed to droop beneath
the withering spell of fatuous imbecility ; to see their host
delivered into the hands of the enemy, confounded and utterly
destroyed ; to witness the fiat of supreme vengeance which had
given over 20,000 souls as a prey to famine, cold, and the
edge of the sword

On the 13th January, Dr. Brydon, sorely wounded and barely
able from exhaustion to sit upon the emaciated beast that
bore him, reached Jellalabad, and told that Elphinstone’s
army — guns, standards, honour, all being lost — was itself com-
pletely annihilated.

Such was the consummation of a line of policy, which,
from first to last, trod right under foot, and, acting on a
remote scene, was enabled for a time unscrupulously to mis-
lead the public mind. But Time brings Truth to light ;
and gradually, the collection of facts from indubitable
sources, and the perusal of private and public memoranda
have enabled us to form a more correct idea of the En-
voy’s policy and conduct. Its victims were many : for
insulted truth amply avenged herself, recording a terrible
lesson for the contemplation of man’s ignorant, short-sighted
ambition. Amongst those victims many a man fell, whose
heart burned with a soldier’s indignation at the ignominy
brought upon his country’s arms. Foremost in this feeling, in
justice to his memory be it said, was the ill-fated Macnaghten.
His high courage, if anything could do so, would almost atone
for his moral and political errors. The victim of his own truth-
less and unscrupulous policy, he shrunk from no personal risk,
and fell in the vain hope and endeavour of accomplishing by
subtlety a blow, which might prove, if successful, the saving of

THE OUTBREAK IN CABUL, AND ITS CAUSES.

377

the force, and (in his opinion) of its honour. On this he dar-
ingly staked his own life and fame.

Mere courage, however, cannot palliate moral delinquency: nor
should the melancholy end of a talented and erudite gentleman’s
career blind us to the lesson and example it affords of the falsity
of Macchiavelli’s advice — “ Non pud pertanto un signore prudente,
ne debbe, osservare la fede, quando tale osservanza gli torni con-
tro, e che sono spente le cagioni che la fecero promettere. E si
gli uomini fussero tutti buoni, questo precetto non sarrebbe
buono; ma perche sono tristi, e non 1* osserverebbero a te, tu
ancora non 1* kai da osservare a loro.” (A prudent lord cannot,
however, neither ought he to, keep faith, when such keeping
turns against himself, and the reasons, which induced him to
promise, exist no longer. And if men were all good, this pre-
cept would not be good ; but because they are bad, and will not
keep faith with you, you also need not keep it with them).

Upon the character of the general policy of the Government,
which could engage our armies on so distant a scene of opera-
tions as Affghanistan, whilst Scinde and the Punjab were un-
conquered, it is, in the present day, almost needless to animad-
vert. It must needs bear Lord Auckland’s name, because he per-
mitted its adoption : yet, we cannot close this article without re-
gretting, that one, who was at heart so much opposed to it, must
bear the reproach, and even ignominy, of having his name
connected with a policy, as essentially unjust, as it proved to
be unfortunate.

378

HISTORY AND STATISTICS OF CAWNPORE.

Art. III. — Statistical Report of the district of Cawnpore, by

Robert Montgomery , Esq., C. S. Published by order of the

Honorable the Lieutenant Governor , N. W. P. 1849.

Ab nno disce omnes. Let one district be understood tho-
roughly, and a clue is obtained for understanding the whole
country. With this view we propose to obtrude on the
notice of the general reader the Statistical Report of Cawn-
pore. “ Report ” is too modest a title for the present publica-

tion. In bulk it fairly rivals those massive quartos of blessed
memory, yclept in England — “ County Histories.” Every
Englishman brought up in the county must entertain a
reverential remembrance of the tome, in which the local fea-
tures of his county, the family histories and genealogies, the
legends and associations of the past, were all embodied. But
the work before us, though it equals the English “ County
Histories” in size, greatly surpasses them in quality. Indepen-
dent of information peculiar to the locality, it teems with facts,
that illustrate the opposing principles of Native and British
rule, the past errors of both, the gradual progress of order, and
the general mode in which the districts of the N. W. Provinces
are administered. The author evidently had at his command
the very best sources from which to draw his facts and figures,
and had all the channels of official information open to him.
Moreover, the work was written “ in compliance with the
wishes of Government,” and its title-page bears the stamp of
the highest authority. It may therefore be hoped that, at no
distant period, as opportunity shall offer, similar treatises for
other districts may issue from the press. A vast body of
facts must lie hid in every public office — facts, which only
want an arranging and vivifying hand to make them convey
the soundest lessons of experience, and point the moral of
political wisdom. Without further apology, we proceed to
analyze the valuable contents of the volume in hand.

The name Cawnpore has been anglicized from Kanhpur, the
city of Kanh, Kanhaya, or Krishna. Such is the violence,
which a mythological name must endure, that £e volitat virum
per ora.” The country round Kanhpur was first held by
comparatively aboriginal tribes of Kurmis, Ahirs, &c. These
pastoral races tilled the soil, reclaimed the waste, and cleared
the forests with simple, but untiring, industry ; and established
those proprietory rights, which ancient Hindu legislature
assigned to the man, who first cultivated the ground.*

Yide Manu, chap. ix. verse 44.

HISTORY AND STATISTICS OF CAWNPORE.

879

Traditions still survive, which tell of their energy and enter-
prize ; and Kurmi labour is, to this day, a synonym for the
most enduring industry. They little deserved the hard fate,
which awaited them. “ The Assyrian came down like a wolf
on the fold” in the shape of Rajput bandits, marshalled under
warrior chiefs, who issued forth from Oudh in the north-
east, Bundlekhund in the south, Mainpuri in the west, and
from the far off vallies and mountains of Rajasthan. Tribute
or submission did not suffice. They coveted the smiling
village and the fertile lands. These they possessed them-
selves of by the wholesale expulsion of the cultivators and
inhabitants. Gradually these various branches of the great
Rajput family became amalgamated under one head, and a
central Government was formed at Kanouj under the right
royal race of Rathores. This kingdom spread itself through-
out the Central Doab of the Ganges and Jumna, and ex-
tended its frontier to Benares on the east and the Delhi
territory on the west. Throughout this fine tract, the Raj-
put assumed to himself the exclusive lordship of the soil —
victis dominatur in arvis,

Kanhpur was close to the capital city of Kanouj : and those
Ahir or Kurmi proprietors, who might have outlived the
devastating sweep of invasion, were soon extirpated by other
means. The Kanouj Rajahs would grant a set of villages to
some State favourite or victorious captain, or as a dowry to
some relative by marriage. The grantee would proceed to
his new domain, vested with full powers to plunder, slaughter,
or burn, as expediency might require, and to assume full
usufruct of the land. By the exercise of these and other
rights, which, in primitive times, the strong generally enforced
against the weak, the Rajput conquerors managed to thoroughly
rid themselves of the original occupants. In recent times,
scarcely a single estate was found in possession of the latter.
Its vicinity to the magnificent capital appears to have given
a peculiar value to the lands of Kanhpur. All culturable
waste was reclaimed at a very early date ; and the district has
always been justly considered a wTell-cultivated tract.

The “ Glory of Kanouj ” has been vividly pictured by the
great annalist, the Froissart of Rajputana.* Suffice it to
remind the reader, that this was one of those five Hindu king-
doms, which distinguished the ante- Muhammadan period of In-
dian history, which were ruled by a line of illustrious monarchs,
peopled with prosperous and contented inhabitants, whose happD

• Vide Todd’s Rajasthan, vol. 2; and also authorities collated by Heereu iu his
Researches into the History of Asiatic Nations.

380 HISTORY AND STATISTICS OF CAWNPORE.

ness, in rougher times, became proverbial, and overflowing with
a far-famed wealth, which at last attracted the covetous gaze
of the warlike races of Central Asia. The avalanche-like incur-
sions of those disciplined bands, which rose from the ruins of
Muhammad’s Empire, and the gallant resistance of the Hindu
States in their death struggle with the invader, when first
attacked by Mahmud of Ghizni in A. D. 1017, are well-
known matters of history. The Kanouj Rajah, however, was
taken by surprise, and surrendered himself in a manner unwor-
thy of a monarch, whose boasted lineage was derived from
the Sun (Suryavansa). But, on the next invasion by Shahab-
ud-din, in A. D. 1194, the states of Kanouj and Indraprastha
or Delhi — the latter ruled by Tuar and Chouhan Rajputs,
of a race nobler even than the Rathores — resolved to fight
to the last for their independence. Each Rajah was in turn
utterly defeated. The last king of Kanouj perished in the
sacred stream, but his family escaped to Marwar, to found,
in after ages, a kingdom there, which still survives, and is ho-
noured with the alliance of the British Government. From
this date the Muhammadan power was firmly planted in
North Western India, and Kanouj passed under the yoke of
the conqueror.* The magnificence of the city and empire,
already celebrated in Rajput annals, was recorded in glowing
terms by the Mussulman historians. But the temples and
images were thrown down, and the jewels plundered : and now
a few scarcely distinguishable traces on the banks of the Gan-
ges, still believed by the vulgar to be the repositories of hidden
treasures, are all that remains to tell of the great city.
Thus Kanhpur became incorporated with the Muhammadan
Empire in India.

In later times, when Northern India was parcelled out by
the Emperor Akbar (A. D. 1596) into Subahs, Sirkars, and
Dusturs, we find that a fair tract of the Central Doab was
included in the Sirkar of Kanouj, which formed a portion of
the Subah of Agra. The territory, which now constitutes the
district of Kanhpur, at that time partly belonged to the Sirkar
of Kanouj, and partly to the Sirkar of Korah, also appertain-
ing to the Agra Subah. When the Mahrattahs overran the
tottering empire of the feeble Moguls, Kanhpur and its terri-
tory for a short time remained subject to them : and when at
length Sufdar Jung, Nawab Wuzir of Oudh, threw off* his al-
legiance to the Emperor of Delhi (in A. D. 1747), Kanhpur
became a portion of the independent kingdom thus formed.

* Todd, vol. 2. — Ferishla (Briggs’s Translation.)

HISTORY AND STATISTICS OF CAWNPORE. 381

In order to elucidate the position of the several masters, in-
to whose hands, after this date, Kanhpur successively fell, it
will be necessary to trace briefly the relations, which subsisted
between the Nawab Wuzirs and the British Government.

When Mir Kasim Ali, whom the English Company had
seated on the Musnud of Murshedabad, broke with his com-
mercial lords, under Mr. Vansittart’s Government, and fled for
the purpose of making open war, he was received by Suja-ud-
Dowlah, then Nawab Wuzir of Oudh, who agreed to aid
him in meeting the British in the field. The wretched re-
presentative of Delhi’s imperial line (some times a pauper, of-
ten a fugitive, nominally an Emperor, but seldom master even
of his own person) joined the confederacy. This was the com-
bination, which was utterly broken and defeated at the battle
of Buxar in A. D. 1764. Immediately after the battle, the
Emperor joined the camp of his conquerors. The victorious
British took the fortresses of Chunargurh and Allahabad, and
routed the Nawab Wuzir’s forces in another pitched battle
at Korah. The conquered sovereign sued for any terms which
the victors might offer. In the meanwhile Lord Clive had
come out as Governor. The late successes in this quarter
had left two questions open for His Lordship’s decision, namely,
what was to be done with the Emperor — and what with the
Nawab Wuzir?* It was clear that the former could claim
much mercy and consideration, and that the latter deserved
none at all. Lord Clive did not deem it advisable to con-
fiscate the Nawrab Wuzir’s dominions to the British Govern-
ment, nor yet to make them over to the Emperor, because
then a weak frontier would be opposed to the Mahrattahs
and Affghans ; so he adopted the third available course, and re-
stored them with certain limitations to the Nawab Wuzir.
The territory, north of the Ganges, namely, Oudh Proper,
was confirmed to him. That, south of the Ganges, namely,
the country round Korah and Allahabad, was given to the
Emperor. Thus the Sirkars of Korah and Allahabad passed
once more into the possession of the Great Mogul. Half of
the present district of Kanhpur was included in Korah; the
other half, belonging to the Sirkar of Kanouj, remained un-
der the Nawab Wuzir.

The childish Emperor had an extraordinary wish to re-visit
Delhi, for the purpose of indulging in the empty pageantry
of royalty. But he required an escort to help him to get

Vide Malcolm’s Life of Clive , vol. 2, chap. xiv.

382

HISTORY AND STATISTICS OF CAWNPOIiE.

there. This kind office the Mahrattahs offered to undertake,
if he would give them his lately acquired districts. The Em-
peror accepted thejr proposal, and made over Korah and Alla-
habad to them. The British Government decidedly objected
to this, the Mahrattahs being their most dreaded foes ; and, in
A. D. 1772, one of the first acts of Warren Hastings’s adminis-
tration was to resume the grant, wrest the two districts from
the Mahrattahs, and sell them back again to the Nawab Wuzir
for fifty lacs of rupees. Shortly afterward the Nawab Wuzir
obtained the assistance of the Governor-General in his invasion
of the Rohilla country. The results of that war are well
known. Immediately after its conclusion, in 1773, a fresh
treaty was made with the Nawab Wuzir, in virtue of which a
brigade of British troops was to be kept in his territory and at
his expence. The brigade was soon after stationed at Kanh-
pur, which has been, ever since that time, a considerable
military cantonment. These points, together with the ques-
tions relating to the appointment of the Resident and the amount
of subsidy, were re-considered and modified, in A. D. 1781, on
the occasion of Hastings’s expedition to Benares — an expedition
rendered for ever memorable by the transactions with the
Rajah Cheyte Sing and the Oudh Begums. The next treaty
was that concluded in A. D. 1798 by Sir J. Shore, then
Governor-General, on the occasion of Saadut Ali being placed
on the throne of Asuf-ud-Dowlah, the deceased Nawab Wuzir.
By this treaty the annual amount of subsidy and the numbers of
the British force were fixed, and the fortress of Allahabad sur-
rendered. Saadut Ali was the last native potentate that pos-
sessed Kanhpur. He appointed, as his minister, one of the most
powerful and intriguing of his subjects, named Ulmas Ali Khan,
whose influence had been most conspicuous in the events
which preceded his (Saadut Ali’s) elevation to the throne. The
main features of this minister’s rule will be noticed presently.
The Nawab Wuzir failed, in manifold respects, to fulfil his
engagements with the British Government ; and, at length, in
A. D. 1801, a treaty was concluded with Lord Wellesley, by
virtue of which, in satisfaction of all claims and arrears,
were ceded the territories, south and west of the Gauges,
among which, of course, was the country round Kanhpur.
The Governor-General’s brother, the Hon’ble H. Wellesley,
was appointed to settle the ceded provinces. Thu3 Kanh-
pur was incorporated in the British Empire. We shall
henceforth call it by its English name of Cawnpore. But
before describing its condition under the new Government,

HISTORY AND STATISTICS OF CAWNPORE.

383

we will briefly survey the theory and practice of the Govern-
ment, from which it had now been alienated.

At the present day, “prostrate Oudh”is a bye-word for
anarchy and misrule ; nor was it in much better repute
towards the close of the last century. We hear now-a-days
of little but standing armies kept by individuals to baffle
the King’s officers — of captured forts — of beleaguered villages —
of robbery, pillage, and destruction. But it would be scarcely
correct to infer from all these sad premises, that there ex-
ists no theoretical form of polity, capable of being happily
reduced to practice by a vigorous hand. The constitution
of the State may be outlined as follows : over each province
is placed a Nazim, charged with all branches of the adminis-
tration, fiscal, criminal, and civil. The sub-divisions of the pro-
vinces are presided over by Chukladars, under whom again are
Tuhsildars ruling over single pergunnahs. To the establish-
ment of these functionaries are attached a Mufti and Pandit, to
interpret the Shareh and the Shastras (i, e. the Hindu and
Muhammadan codes) respectively. In each territorial divi-
sion are located Kazis, holding royal patents to act as re-
gisters and to solemnize marriages among the Mussulmans.
Under the command of the Nazim is stationed a detachment of
“ His Majesty’s ” troops — for so the N awab W uzir is now styled —
besides a body guard, personal attendants, &c. The Chukla-
dars and Tuhsildars have also parties of armed men about them
for purposes of coercion.

There were three Supreme Courts established at the capi-
tal, presiding over the three departments indicated above.
The king himself might hear appeals in the criminal and
fiscal departments, and death warrants would be signed by
him ; but he could not interfere with the Supreme Court
of civil judicature. Criminal and fiscal functions were gene-
rally united. There existed no Police whatever, apart from
the revenue establishments. English administrators have
never been able to find any vernacular expression for the
European idea of Police. The ancient Hindu notion of
village Punchayets, invested with criminal jurisdiction, and
guided by the head men among the landholders, the Potails,
and Gram and Des Adhikars, had been soon abandoned. The
Muhammadan criminal code had been everywhere introduced
by the Mussulman conquerors ; though, in civil matters, each
denomination of the people was allowed to follow its own laws.
Thus, in the criminal department, petty offences would be sum-
marily disposed of by the landholders ; heinous offences would

384

HISTORY AND STATISTICS OF CAWNPORE.

he investigated by the Tuhsildars, and referred to the Cliuk-
ladar, who would himself pass sentence on some cases and
transmit others to the Nazim. He again could sentence in all,
except capital offences, which latter cases must be submit-
ted to the central authorities. Appeals of course lay from
the subordinate to the superior court. In the same manner,
civil causes would be tried by the Nazims and Chukladars in
consultation with the Muftis and Pandits.

But the working of all this machinery entirely depended
on the success of the land revenue administration — which
we proceed to notice. This is the experimenturn crucis of
all Eastern Governments. In Oudh, the Nazim might either
contract with the sovereign for the revenues of his pro-
vince, and pay himself from the profits of his lease ; or else he
might collect a fixed demand, and receive a regular salary. The
former expedient was usually adopted. In either case, his civil
and criminal powers remained the same. The settlement of
the revenue, payable by the landholders, was made annually.
A rough estimate would be drawn up at the sowing season,
and would be carefully revised at the reaping season, in order
that the Government might extract all it could from the land.
The people being without capital, the State was obliged to
furnish them with means for carrying on the cultivation. Im-
mense pecuniary advances were made for seed, cattle, imple-
ments, food, clothing, and even house-room. Upon these loans,
interest at 25 or 30 per cent, would be gathered in with the
harvest. Security was generally demanded from every person,
who contracted with the authorities for land revenue : and the
richer portion of the landed community would be, en masse , sure-
ties for the poorer. But the main security was of course the pro-
duce of the ground and the person of the husbandman. Watch-
men were set to guard the ripening crops, and defaulters were
freely visited with corporal punishment, and even with torture.
In one pergunnah of Cawnpore, it is said that the tax-payers
tied up their money in three knots, and opened one at each
flagellation. Private property was not much respected. Such
estates, as might invite competition, would be put up every year
for the highest bidder. A landholder, who had been all along in
possession of his property and paid his revenue regularly,
might suddenly find himself supplanted by a stranger, who
had offered the Nazim a higher bid for the village. Rajput
fraternities of course generally managed to retain their hold-
ings, as no speculator, who did not wish to burn his fingers,
would bid for such estates : and, as old Ayodha (modernized

HISTORY AND STATISTICS OF CAWNPORE. 385

into Oudh) bad once been a glorious Rajput kingdom, ruled by
Suryavansas, * and second only to Kanouj, there were numer-
ous Rajput brotherhoods interspersed over the country.

But, besides the land-tax, there were the Sayer duties. This
most undefined tax extended to all products, manufactures,
trades, and professions, and pressed heavily on the non-
agricultural portion of the community ; and the worst of it
was, that the unfortunate payers had two masters. In every
village, one set of collections was made for the Government,
and another for the Zemindar. At the period of the Cession,
much of the distress in Cawnpore was attributed to the opera-
tion of this tax ; but the chief source of all mischief was this,
that the Government was not strong enough to command the
obedience of the powerful and refractory landholders. The
country was studded with forts and strongholds, all of them
nests of crime and rebellion. The Nazims and Chukladars,
instead of attending to the civil Government, were constantly
doing battle with the Zemindars, and taking by storm the vil-
lages of defaulters. When an interregnum of this kind once
set in, a kind of Pandora’s box was opened, and crime and
misery went forth to desolate the country. For some years
previous to the cession, Cawnpore, however, had not suffered
so much from this latter scourge. Saadut Ali was one of the
ablest and most business-like of all the Nawab Wuzirs; and
Ulmas Ali Khan, who farmed the revenue and exercised the
powers of Nazim, was not a bad specimen of a native Gover-
nor— intelligent, energetic, just, when his own interests or those
of his Government were not concerned, and exacting, where
they were. He was smartly resisted in other divisions of his
province; but we are unable to learn that his authority was
ever set at nought in Cawnpore. In collecting the land reve-
nue, he and his Amils were said to have “ taken the utmost,
which, the stock and produce would afford.” He was in the
habit of anticipating the revenue, by realizing the instalments
before they fell due. He appears also to have impoverished
and depressed the non-agricultural population, by a vigorous
and searching exaction of custom duties. f{ Let the face of
the country be examined,” writes Mr. Welland in 1802, “ and
there will hardly be a manufacture, or an individual, found
in such circumstances, as to afford the payment of a tax.”

The foregoing sketch may suffice to convey some idea of the
Oudh Government, as if was in theory and in practice. In
the former respect it was complete enough, and not very un-

b l

Todd’s Rajasthan, chaps, iv. and vii.

386

HISTORY AND STATISTICS OF CAWNPORE.

like the British system, except in the union of the civil with
other functions in the same officer. The Chukladars were some-
what similar to our magistrates and collectors ; the Nazims to
our commissioners ; the central authorities at Lucknow to our
Sudder courts and boards ; and in our non-regulation provinces
the resemblance is still more marked. But in practice, alas how
different ! the rights to property are decided by the sword of the
strongest, instead of a judicial decree, and the rulers engrossed
in sacking villages and beleaguering forts, instead of keeping
the peace. Such then, in its past history and actual condition,
was the district of Cawnpore, about to be subjected to the
British rule.

The new regime commenced inauspiciously for the people,
inasmuch as the land revenue was raised from twenty-two and a
half lacs to twenty-four and a half Jacs of rupees. It is stated
in the statistical report (Para. 19), that the reasons for this as-
sessment were not left on record. But in the same paragraph
some facts are stated, which, to our apprehension, may, in a great
measure, account for the phenomenon. The year prior, and
the year subsequent, to the cession, were blessed with most
unequalled harvests. At the time of settlement, there is, of
course, a constant struggle between the assessors and the
assessed, the former stirring to discover, the latter to conceal,
the real assets of the country ; and in this case no doubt the
revenue officers believed the evidence of their own eyes, rather
than the evidence of papers and accounts, or of any thing else.
Doubtless this is not the only instance of tracts having been
over-assessed, because the year of settlement happened to be
an inordinately good one. The landholders appear to have
cheerfully agreed to these severe terms, partly because they
had been relieved from the re-payment of the advances which
had been granted during the previous year by the native
Government, and partly because they laboured under the
misapprehension, that 10 per cent, would be remitted at the
close of the year in acknowledgment of their proprietory
right. The latter notion was of course illusory. The heavy
amount of taxation was at first realized ; but two years
afterwards an unpropitious season caused a partial famine.
In spite of large remissions, there still remained considerable
arrears,which the revenue authorities thought proper to recover.
At first temporary lessees were sought for, but in vain. It
was then determined to enforce the law and to sell the de-
faulting estates. Then ensued a series of transactions fraught
with painful, but beneficial, experience.

Those who were charged with the settlement of the ceded

HISTORY AND STATISTICS OF CAWNPORE. 387

districts, however much they may have erred in point of
assessment, in one respect displayed great wisdom. They
addressed themselves to their task without any pre-conceived
ideas regarding the relative position of the agricultural class-
es, proprietory rights, or the tenures of land. They bor-
rowed no principles from other parts of India, or from Euro-
pean experience. Neither, on the one hand, were new Zemin-
dars created and forced upon the communities of cultivating
proprietors, nor, on the other hand, were real landlords dispos-
sessed and proprietory titles conferred on mere cultivators:
nor was undue perpetuity given to principles and practices,
which, on the first acquisition of territory, must, of necessity,
be crude and imperfect. They resolved to observe and take
things as they found them, and then to ascertain and preserve
existing rights. To the wisdom and forbearance of these early
measures may be attributed much of the prosperity, which
has ever characterized the revenue administration of these pro-
vinces. When, however, the complicated rights of the village
communities were recognized, it was imperatively necessary
to record the subordinate holdings. Owing to the press of busi-
ness, consequent on the accession of new territory, and to im-
perfect information regarding details, this had not been done.
Out of a large proprietory body, the revenue authorities had
little or no cognizance of any one save the head men (or
Lumburdars.) Default might occur through the misconduct
of the head men, and the arrears were perhaps capable of reali-
zation from the subordinate sharers ; but the estates would be
put up for sale by publication, and the rights of the brother-
hood alienated for ever.

Again, under the native rule, the people had never been
accustomed to the precise and rigid system of revenue ad-
ministration adopted by the British Government. The sale
process was little understood by men, who had been unused
to any other method of procedure than personal duress and
chastisement. The native officials soon perceived that they
could turn this popular ignorance to their own account. They
would privately encourage default — blind the defaulters to
the legal consequences — get the estates put up to sale —
keep back bidders from the auction — and themselves pur-
chase at low prices (often not one-tenth of the real value)
and under feigned names.* This was done to an almost

* Bv Regulation xxv. of 1803, no revenue officer could acquire land in any man-
ner except by bond fide private sale, nor could he undertake the management of it
under any pretence. Any estate purchased, in this maimer, at a public sale, was
liable to confiscation.

388

HISTORY AND STATISTICS OF CAWNPORE.

incredible extent ; the force of humbug could no further go.
Never was that old proverb “ The law can only help those, who
will protect themselves” more terribly exemplified. The peo-
ple of course believed most innocently whatever the Govern-
ment officials told them. How were they to know the law ?
The regulations had not been translated into a language under-
stood by the people at large ; no class of lawyers or attorneys
had grown up ; no legal treatises or compilations had been
published ; and no precedents had occurred, from which the
public might gather any idea of the new system. The private
transfers were no better than the public ones. The manner,
in which an estate might be sold publicly through the fault
of the head man, has been just explained. Precisely the same
thing might be done in a private transfer. For the payment
of his own personal debts, the head man would sell or mortgage
the estate, which he represented, but did not own. Private
individuals would also get their names fraudulently registered
in the collector’s office, and subsequently claim and obtain pos-
session by virtue of the record. Similar frauds, to a greater
or less extent, occurred all over the country ; but in no dis-
trict were a larger number perpetrated than in Cawnpore. It
was to remedy these abuses, that the famous special commission
was instituted in the year 1821. The commission “ dragged its
slow length along” for fifteen years. It reversed nearly one-half
of the public sales, one-fifth of the private sales, and one-eighth
of the private mortgages, which had been effected in Cawnpore
since the cession. This would seem to show that much more
fraud had been mixed up with the public, than with the private,
transfers. But, as the greater part of the sales had taken place
during the first few years of our rule, and the commission did
not close its proceedings till 1836, it is evident that, in many
cases, the remedy must have come too late, and that the wrongs,
which had been suffered by the generation that had passed
away, were atoned for by the justice done to their posterity.

Now what are the lessons to be deduced from these facts?
Many people, who do not reflect on the real difficulties of the
case, would perhaps be inclined to lay all the mischief at the
door of the revenue officers ; but let those, who are disposed
to cast the first stone, consider what they themselves would
have done, had they been placed in the same position as the
early collectors of Cawnpore. Who was to foresee such con-
tingencies as these? Multiform as the troubles had been,
which grew out of the Sale law in Bengal, no social disease of
this kind had made its appearance there. Let any one, who
doubts the wonderful blindness and credulity of the people on

HISTORY AND STATISTICS OF CAWNPORE. 389

one hand, and the matchless ingenuity of the designing officials
on the other, refer to the details of Mr. Montgomery’s forcible
narrative (Paras. 136 to 143). Keen indeed must have been
the intuition, which could foreknow that such deceivers should
arise and find such dupes.

Much harm was of course produced by the misgovernment
of the coparcenary fraternities. Their intricate constitution
was not often examined, seldom quite understood, and never
recorded. But at that time the subject was quite new to
European functionaries; and these tenures, perhaps the most
complicated in the world, were not to be mastered at a
moment’s notice. So strange were they to En glkhiders
that it is a wonder that their existence was not ignored
altogether. But they were so far understood, that they
were legally recognized, and at all events were left un-
touched and undisturbed ; and it need not excite surprise that
the necessity for scrutinizing them closely, and recording all
the minutiae of their conformation, did not become apparent
till afterwards.

The social structure of Indian nations is just as elaborate
as that of European nations. "When these territories were
ceded fifty years ago, the Government functionaries, brought
up in a school which unfitted, rather than fitted them, for
their new duties, found themselves precluded from entirely
adopting the system in vogue under the native rule, but
obliged to introduce some new method — and that, too, imme-
diately— to discriminate what portions of the former system
might be retained, to infuse new elements, to amalgamate them
with the whole, and to adapt . them to the people. Though in such
darkness that they could scarcely grope their way, they had to step
out boldly and decisively. Though encompassed with difficul-
ties that might well demand the most hesitating caution, they
had to act with a confidence and vigour, that could only be ex-
pected from the consciousness of complete information. Nor
could the Government afford to procrastinate : for the realization
of the revenue is a thing, like tide and time, that will wait for no
man. The same difficulties are not now felt, when anew coun-
try is annexed. Experience, such as that of Cawnpore, might
well teach every one, that the people cannot be trusted to find
out at once those portions of the law which affect themselves ;
that a new system must be gradually impressed on the pub-
lic mind ; that the rights of individuals must not only be un-
derstood, but recorded ; that subordinate interests must not be
left to the mercy of principals ; and that the relations of every
tax-payer to the Government, as well as to the coparcenary,
must be fixed, otherwise the weak may be borne down by the
action of our revenue machinery.

390 HISTORY AND STATISTICS OF CAWNPORE.

But we must resume the fiscal history of Cawnpore. A
new settlement was made, in 1807, with a slight decrease of
assessment. A fresh impulse was created by Mr. Newnham, the
collector, who detected and checked many of the iniquities above
noticed. But over-speculation in cotton and indigo, with its train
of attendant evils, soon overclouded the brightening prospect.
When the cultivation of both plants had reached the highest
pitch ; when the most exciting stimulus was imparted to all
branches of industry by the high prices of the cotton and the
lavish advances made for the indigo — the first were lowered
by the . stoppage of the Company’s factories, and the second
were withdrawn on account of the failure of the great indigo
firms in 1820-21. From this time commenced a series of
difficulties in the collection of the revenue, which were even-
tually overcome by Mr. E. Reade, whose administration ex-
tended from 1832 to 1835.

The great famine of 1837-38 visited Cawnpore severely.
The autumn harvest failed almost entirely ; but some showers
fell, which saved the coarser kinds of grain in certain parts of
the district. The spring harvest perished for want of rain. A few
patches of land only were irrigated by artificial means. The
cattle lived for a short time on leaves of trees and then died
away. Many people died, and more emigrated. The exact
amount of depopulation was not ascertained. Government af-
forded negative relief by suspending the entire demand, and
remitting half the revenue — and positive relief by dispensing
44,000 rupees to feed the starving. Private charity was also
conspicuous. The Government money was granted in the
shape of wages for labour in public works ; but the works
were most of them commenced injudiciously, and the labour
was not very productive. The total remissions for the year
of the famine, and the two succeeding years, eventually amount-
ed to Rs. 17,10,971 (seventeen lacs and upwards), or nearly
one year’s revenue from this district. Crime of course in-
creased, but not to any alarming extent. The criminal re-
turns from that period exhibit an increase principally in
offences against property.

During the year after the famine, preparations for the thirty
years’ settlement were set on foot. This settlement forms
of course an era in the history of the district; and most of
the subsequent improvements grew out of it. But, before
proceeding to this portion of our subject, it will be necessary
to bring other matters up to this date, and to trace the pro-
gress, which had been made in Police arrangements.

At the cession, the powers of civil judge, magistrate, and
collector, were united in one person, who thus held very much
the position of a Nazim. Subsequently, the fiscal and judicial

HISTORY AND STATISTICS OF CAWNFORE. 891

functions were separated : but the combined office of judge and
magistrate remained as before till 1827. The office of magis-
trate was then held by a single person till 1843, when the
change, which had already taken place in other districts in
1833, was introduced into Cawnpore, and the charge of both the
magistracy and the collectorate devolved on one person. But
herein it must not be supposed that the union entirely assimi-
lates to that adopted in native States. The fiscal and criminal
departments are quite distinct throughout : the only connexion
is, that the head of each is the same individual. The early for-
mation of the subordinate Police wa9, however, managed en-
tirely after the native fashion. The revenue establishment
was charged with keeping the peace; and, in consideration there-
of, was allowed 1 J per cent, on the revenue collections.* The
Tuhsildars were held personally responsible for all robberies
committed within their divisions, except those perpetrated on
the high road. In the latter case, however, they must prove
to the magistrate that they had no previous knowledge of the
intent. The farmers and proprietors were held similarly res-
ponsible. Certainly, there is not much in this, which savours
of European ideas. It meant to say, that the new British
Government was not prepared to undertake the management
of the Police ; and that it would only look to results, whilst ways
and means were left to the personal responsibility of the Tuhsil-
dars and landholders. This of course did not last long. The Go-
vernment soon discovered that it could trust to nothing but its
own energy : and, in 1807, the Tuhsildari system of Police was
abolished, and compact jurisdictions of twenty square miles each
were formed and placed under a regular Police establishment.
The next change occurred in the appointment of village
watchmen in 1824. Hitherto it had been the custom to leave
everything connected with these watchmen to the landholders.
In the last-mentioned year, this matter wa3 taken out of their
hands. The watchmen were then chiefly nominated by the
Police, and paid by a cess on the inhabitants. Thus the in-
fluence of the landholders in the preservation of the peace was
neutralized. This circumstance, combined with feeble admi-
nistration, had brought the Police into a disorganized state by
the year 1832. Gangs of robbers began to ramify all over
the country, and formed a kind of mercenary army, ready to
serve the highest bidder. Disputes, which had hitherto been
decided by litigation, or, at the worst, by an affray, were now
settled by one party employing a band of dacoits to plunder his
adversary.

• At first the remuneration of Tuhsildars for their revenue services consisted of a
per centage on the amouut collected. Since 1800, they have received regular salaries.

392

HISTORY AND STATISTICS OF CAWNPORE.

All tlii3 was at once stopped by Mr. Caldecott’s vigorous band
in 1832. The village watch was placed on its original footing.
The landholders were induced to form their tenantry into a
local militia, or special constabulary, for the restoration of
order ; and the banditti chiefs were captured and brought
to justice. Vast improvements were also made in the
transmission of intelligence. Hitherto, the Police couriers
had been paid by the landholders, through whose estates the
roads happened to run. This plan was both unfair and in-
effectual. Despatches, which now-a-days reach the magis-
trate in a few hours, used then to take seven or eight days
in arriving. A reformation was commenced by Mr. Caldecott
in 1834, and completed by Mr. Brown in 1845. A tax of one
anna per cent, on the Government revenue was assessed on
the landed community, yielding a sum of Rs. 1,800. With this
an establishment of thirty-eight dak runners was paid. The mo-
ney was collected by the revenue authorities, and disbursed
to the recipients by the magistrate. The men, being re-
gularly appointed and paid, worked well. The farthest Police
Station is fifty miles distant from Cawnpore. The dak would
leave in the evening and arrive by daylight. The rate of
travelling would be four miles in the hour at least. The Police
dak was then thrown open for the reception of private letters.
The postage was fixed at two pice per letter : which sum being
less than one half-penny, the desideratum, which the public
journals are now clamouring for, namely, a low and uniform
rate of postage, was secured. There is a daily delivery,
Sundays not excepted. During seven and a half years, viz.,
1840-41-42-43-44-45-46, and the first half of 1847, there
passed 125,349 letters to and fro in these district daks. The
postage amounted to Rs. 3,176-7-8. Of this sum, Rs. 1,942-12-8
were disbursed for current dak expenses, such as the remune-
ration of the Thanah Muhurrirs, who act as local Post Masters :
the residue is being devoted to the improvement of the post.
As the surplus increases, it is expected that the dak will pay
itself, and the landholders be relieved from all expence.

We solicit the attention of our readers to these apparently
dry facts. They indicate that the most complete postal commu-
nication is being extended all over the N. W. Provinces. They
would have gladdened the heart of Rowland Hill. In Cawnpore,
during the year 1847, the number of letters amounted to about
12,000; for the two preceding years, the number had been
increasing at the ratio of 2000 per annum ; with such a ratio
of increase, the numbers, by this time, must be at least 18,000;
and a similar system is being carried out, more or less, in other
districts. Is not this something? Let the people of the Lower

HISl’OKY AM L> STATISTICS OF CAWNFORE.

393

Provinces be asked whether such a Post as this would not be
considered a blessing there !

In 1845, the Police jurisdictions were remodelled. The num-
ber of Thanahs was reduced from nineteen to twelve ; greater
respectability in the Police officers was secured by increasing
the pay of a Thanadar from twenty-five to fifty or sixty rupees
per mensem. Weak and scattered outposts were swept away,
and well-officered stations were established at convenient posts.
The Tuhsildars were vested with Police powers, in order that
they might exercise a general supervision over the Police in
their divisions. All these changes conduced to efficiency.

We must return to the thirty years’ settlement. This impor-
tant measure was concluded in 1842, having been conducted un-
der Regulation VII. of 1822, as modified by the provisions of
Regulation IX. of 1833. Four settlements had been previously
made — three of them for short periods; the fourth had remained
in force since 1807. They had been formed on no fixed princi-
ple. The only criterion was the ease, or difficulty, with which
the revenue had been collected. If the people had paid wil-
lingly, the assessment was presumed to be light and would pro-
bably be raised ; if they had paid unwillingly, then the assess-
ment would be considered too heavy and would be reduced.
But in good truth, unwillingness to pay may proceed from
other causes besides inability. Men soon found it their interest
to be contumacious; for contumacy would obtain a reduction
of the revenue. At the same time, the industrious were heavily
burdened. The former settlements therefore had the worst
of faults, in that they encouraged idleness and misconduct,
while they depressed honesty and industry. But the one
main principle of the new settlement was to ascertain the ca-
pabilities of each estate, to assess fairly, and to equalize the pub-
lic burdens. All estates were classified according to the qualities
of the soil or soils. Then the total assessment was fixed for each
class. Then this amount was apportioned to each estate in the
class, by means of rent rates and revenue rates. The finan-
cial result, with reference to the former settlement, may be
exhibited as follows

First Settlement Rs. 24,87,924

Second ditto „ 23,73,344

Third ditto „ 21,69,340

Fourth ditto „ 21,89.658

Fifth ditto 21,43,747

Thus the last settlement gave a decrease of nearly two and a
half lacs on the first. We learn from a most valuable and
elaborate table, appended to this Statistical Report, that the total

c 1

391

HISTORY AND STATISTICS 01 CAWNPORE.

produce of the district of Cawnpore is worth eighty-two lacs of
rupees. The present assessment therefore of twenty-one lacs
absorbs above one-fourth of the gross produce of the soil. It
is generally supposed, and no doubt with truth, that the land
revenue of these provinces takes up from one-fourth to one-
third of the gross produce. Cawnpore is therefore rather
lightly assessed than otherwise. The land revenue of Cawn-
pore and the North Western Provinces, respectively, falls at
the following rates per acre : —

Total area. Malguzari or assessed area.* Cultivated area,

Cawnpore... Bs. 17 5 Bs 2 4 7 Bs. 2 13 8

N. W.P. ... „ 0 14 1 ,.138 „ 1 12 1

Thus it will be observed, that although Cawnpore is not
heavily taxed, yet the revenue falls there at rates considerably
higher than the average rates for the whole country. This
must of course be attributed to the superior productiveness of
the soil. The Company’s land-tax has long been a fashionable
theme for oratory and denunciation ; but let any indignant
rhetorician be kind enough to contemplate the above figures.
From them, it appears, that in Cawnpore the land revenue
consumes a quarter of the gross produce (and we have seen
that this district may be accepted as a specimen of the pro-
vinces generally), and that therefore a cultivated acre of land,
which pays Rs. 2-13-8, or 6.?. to Government, yields 245.
worth of produce. If the people (as they probably will do
within the term of the settlement) exert their skill and put
forth their industry and bring all the culturable land into
cultivation, then the Rs. 2-13-8 or 65. may be reduced to
Rs. 2-4 7 or 45. 3 ^d., which latter rate upon 245. will be
little more than one-sixth. And this is a sample of the
‘grinding land-tax ! ’

It may be not uninteresting to note, that the revenue (just
previously to the cession) under Ultnas Ali Khan, amounted
to Rs. 22,56,156. This sum was no doubt all that found its way
into the Nawab Wuzir’s coffers : but we are not at all sure that
this was all that the people paid. From these figures, therefore,
the burdens, which the land really bore, cannot be estimated
with certainty or precision. But, as this sum exceeds the present
assessment only by one lac, it would appear that theoretically,
at least, the Nawab Wuzir’s Government was not very exi-
gent.

The manner in which rights were recorded at the settlement

• Including culturable, as well as cultivated land.

HISTORY AND STATISTICS OF CAWNPORE.

395

we have endeavored to explain in a former article.* Suffice
it here to say, that the record appears to have been prepared
as completely in Cawnpore as in most districts ; nor do the
tenures of land present any special peculiarities. They consist
of Zemindari tenures, when the estate is held by a single in-
dividual, or by several proprietors in commonalty ; of Puttidari,
where the land is held in severalty ; and imperfect Puttidari,
when it is held partly in commonalty, partly in severalty.
The Zemindari villages greatly preponderate : they stand to
the Puttidari in the proportion of six to one. In other districts,
the converse often holds good. Mr. Montgomery accounts
for this unusual proportion by the great number of transfers,
public and private, fraudulent and otherwise, which have taken
place since the cession ; but it must not be supposed that these
Zemindari estates are principally held by great landlords.
There are 16,542 proprietors of all descriptions. On an aver-
age, each proprietor owns 90 acres, and pays 130 rupees land
revenue. The rights of cultivators are also guaranteed by the
record. These cultivators are divided into two classes, namely,
hereditary and non-hereditary. The former cultivate a certain
portion of land at a fixed rent — the landlord being unable to
oust them from the one, or to raise the other ; the latter are
tenants-at-will. Of the first class, there are 61,000, cultivating

390.000 acres ; of the second class, there are 35,000, cultivating

160.000 acres; so that the one class doubles the other.
Hereditary tenants cultivate on an average six acres each :
tenants-at-will, four acres; and proprietors, seventy-eight acres.
From these figures may be imagined the elaboration and detail
required for the settlement record. In few countries, we
apprehend, does sub-division of holding exist to a greater ex-
tent ; and in no country, not even in France or Germany, is the
registration more complete. With respect to caste, among the
cultivators, the Kurmis are pre-eminent ; amongst the proprie-
tors, the Rajputs preponderate, comprising upwards of one-
third : their numbers however have decreased by one-ninth
since the cession. Next after them, in importance, come the
Brahmins and Mussulmans. The latter, during the early
years of our rule, acquired large possessions through their
official influence. The former are successful mercantile spe-
culators, who have invested their savings in land. It may be
mentioned in this place, that 302 Mahajuns, or bankers, have
speculated in land, have bought 301 estates, and pay three lacs
of revenue per annum. This fact is significant. If the land-

* Vide Paper on Village Schools and Peasant Proprietors in the Northwest.

HISTORY AND STATISTICS OF CAWNPORE.

396

tax be really such a system of grinding and rack-renting
oppression, as the enemies of the Company would make out,
how comes it that men, who can get 12, 16, and 25 per cent,
interest for their money, choose to lay out their hard-earned
savings in land, and thereby constitute themselves payers of
the land-tax ? They evidently consider that the land, in spite
of the tax, is a profitable investment, and that the Government
demand does leave a fair profit to the landholders. There is
scarcely a district in the provinces, where a similar spirit is not
displayed by the bankers and merchants.

Among the appendices is to be found a table, exhibiting the
mutations of property, which have taken place since the cession.
From this, it appears, that out of 2,258 estates, 279 have been
transferred by the voluntary acts of the owners, 453 under the
orders of the courts of law, 405 by the operation of the reve-
nue system, making a total of 1,450, and leaving a remainder
of 858 in the possession of the original proprietors. To such an
extent does the land change masters. It should be remembered
that out of the 405 revenue sales, 185 were subsequently
reversed by the special commission.

We should not omit to notice, that this district furnishes one
instance of a Biswadari settlement, that is, a settlement,
which declares that two parties possess a proprietory interest
in the soil — namely, the Talukadar, or feudal lord, and the
Mukuddum, or sub-proprietor — and which curtails the powers of
the first and secures the rights of the second. There is also
one case, in which the fiscal rights of Government having been
conferred on a Jaghirdar, the proprietors of the land are not
left to his mercy, but are both assessed and protected in the
same manner, as if they held estates which pay revenue to
Government. The principle is obvious enough : but the neg-
lect of it, in former years, had opened the door to much oppres-
sion.

Subsequent to the settlement, with its mass of tables and state-
ments, the collector’s record office has vastly increased both in
bulk and importance, and a corresponding degree of atten-
tion has been bestowed on its internal arrangements. Minute
instructions were issued by the Sudder Board of Revenue in
1844, with a view to prevent fraud both in the way of
abstracting and inserting, and to facilitate and expedite refer-
ence. Mr. Montgomery states, that in Cawnpore these direc-
tions have been thoroughly acted up to, and that the records are
in excellent order. The account is wound up with the following
sentence : — “ When we look back to our ignorance at the com-
mencement of our legislation, and then contemplate the present

HISTORY AND STATISTICS OF CAWNPORE.

397

period — now that we have a record of every boundary and
every proprietory right, that each cultivator knows his fields,
and that he cannot be ejected without cause, and that the
Government demand has been fixed for thirty years, and
that at a glance the whole history of every village may be
known — it appears that past errors have been atoned for.” —
(Para. 121).

From this retrospect of the settlement, we proceed to treat
of the improvements, which have been effected in various
branches since that time, and to consider several matters of a
miscellaneous nature.

The new census and statistical returns first claim attention.
The results of this census are embodied in the Statistical Ma-
nual, published by the Government of Agra in 1848. The
first paragraph of the prefatory memoir runs thus: — “ The late
settlement of the N. W. Provinces has provided many statisti-
cal facts, which it is of importance to bring together and place on
record with precision.” This work, therefore, is one of the many
corollaries of the settlement. The first statistical return for the
N. W. Provinces was made in 1826 ; the next in 1842.* The
home authorities considered these returns unsatisfactory, and
ordered a fresh investigation in 1846. In the same year, the Agra
Government circulated instructions to the revenue authorities
for the preparation of more trust-worthy documents. Tabular
forms were furnished, and a rough calculation was also drawn
up. Attention was specially directed to the returns of area
and population. f Past errors in area had been ascertained to
proceed from change of boundaries, omission of unassessed
estates, and of waste or forest tracts, and the retention of lands,
which had been destroyed by the incursions of rivers. These
causes would also have affected the accuracy of the former
census ; and, besides these, it was found that the female popu-
lation, the residents of towns, &c., had sometimes been
excluded. The new area returns were to be based on the
settlement records. For the preparation of the new census,
enumeration of persons was to be discarded, as vexatious and
impracticable. Houses and families only were to be regularly
enumerated. A rough average of persons to each family or
house was first obtained, by accurately counting the persons in
a certain number of houses, and extending this average to the
whole. This total average was tested by other class averages,
such as, town and village averages, kacha house and pucka
house averages, caste averages, Hindu and Mussulman aver-

• Vide Preface to Statistical Manual.

+ Ibid.

398

HISTORY AND STATISTICS OF CAWNPORE.

ages, &c. The whole population was divided into two classes,
agricultural and non-agricultural. The agricultural population
wras defined to mean all persons, who derived any portion of
their subsistence from the land, whether they had other sources
of income or not.* * * § The number of persons to a house was
ascertained to average from 4 to 5, and to a square British
mile of 640 acres, 322.3. In some districts, the number
exceeds 400.f In Belgium, the most populous country of
Europe, the number averages 296 ; in the British Isles 166.
Thus it appears that the N. W. Provinces are more densely
populated than any country of Europe, and many portions of
them much more so.J The investigation was brought to a
close in 1848. The main impediments to its progress arose
from misapprehensions regarding the definition of a house or
family, and the distinction between the agricultural and non-
agricultural classes. It was found that the dislike, which the
people formerly entertained to enquiries of this kind, had greatly
abated. § The Cawnpore returns were first drawn up in 1847 ;
but, when subsequently tested by Mr. Montgomery in person,
inaccuracies were found to have arisen, from the custom, which
had prevailed, of registering only the chief cultivator, omitting
any person who might cultivate in partnership with him, and
from the misunderstanding with respect to the definition of a
house or family, and the meaning of the term agricultural as
applied to population. The proper definition of “ agricultural”
has been already given. A house was defined to mean “ an
enclosure, where one or more members of the same family re-
sided, having one common entrance.” The revised census gives
424.9 persons to a British square mile, which number exceeds
the average population for the whole provinces by one-third.

Many particulars of local importance might be evolved
from the statistical returns of Cawnpore ; but we have
only room for points of general interest. These statistical
results were calculated to aid materially the investigation,
which was being made into the state of indigenous education.
In this respect, Cawnpore is again above the average; but still
it must be admitted that the population is plunged in deep

* Vide Correspondence prefixed to the Statistical Manual.

+ Statistical Manual , passim.

J From a census taken for the Lower Provinces in 1822, the number to a square
mile was ■ ascertained to be 243. Vide Honourable Court’s letter, printed with the
Statistical Manual. In China, the number is 277. — Davis's China.

§ The Cawnpore district can show a case in point. There is a small slice of
territory within the Cawnpore limits, which was granted to a Mabratta Prince. No
census was made of the people, who dwelt within that petty jurisdiction, because
such a measure would be distasteful to the Maharajah.

HISTOHY AND STATISTICS OF CAWNPORE.

399

ignorance. The following particulars comprise the main re-
sults of the enquiry, which was closed in the year 1846. There
are in all 533 indigenous schools, which are attended by 4,619
pupils. Thus the average of scholars to a school is only 8.55.
The number of schools is, relatively speaking, large, and the
proportion to the population would be —

1 School to every 1,825 > ns>

1 Scholar 21o S ^

For the whole of the North West Provinces, the proportion
would stand thus :* —

1 School to every
1 Scholar

3,029 )

356 \ PerS0DS*

Assuming the number of male children (for females are
never educated) of a school-going age to equal one-twelfth
of the whole population, then it would appear that of the
children fit for instruction only 6.6 per cent, are being taught.
And if the number of female children be included in the cal-
culation, then even this slender proportion must be halved.
Throughout the Upper Provinces, the schools are of four kinds,
viz., Sanskrit, Hindi, Arabic, Persian. Cawnpore forms no
exception to the rule. The respective numbers of each class
in this district may be detailed as follows : —

Sanskrit. Hindi. Arabic. Persian.

58 280 16 179

It will be observed, that the most popular and useful lan-
guage next after the Hindi, namely the Urdu, is not taught
in any school. The Sanskrit schools are almost entirely for
Brahmins; the Arabic for Mussulmans. In the Hindi schools
the scholars are principally Brahmins, Kayths, and Bunniahs ;
in the Persian Mussulmans, Brahmins, and Kayths. The
great preponderance of Rajputs amongst the landed community
has been already adverted to. Now, in the year 1845-46,
there were only 371 Rajputs learning Hindi, and 43 learning
Persian. Thus it would seem, that the landholders are as
destitute of education as any section of the population. The
instruction given in the Sanskrit and Arabic schools of these
provinces is generally a dead letter. But this remark does not
apply to Cawnpore. There the Moulvis and Pandits seem to
be men of real learning and succeed in imparting some portion
of it to their pupils. The schedule of instruction, adopted in

* Vide Educational Reports for N. W. P., published annually, since the year
1843 44.

400

HISTORY AND STATISTICS OF CAWNPORE.

the Persian schools of Cawnpore, embraces a tolerable course
of literary study. In the Hindi schools, the merest rudiments
of practical knowledge are taught. In the Persian schools the
teachers are pretty well paid, receiving about Rs. 6-4-6 per
mensem. But the Hindi teachers only earn about Rs. 3-12-8.
The latter often eke out a livelihood by cultivating. It is stated
in the statistical report, that an impulse has been given to edu-
cation by the circulation of elementary school books furnished
by Government. In the course of one year, 3,953 copies were
purchased from the depot at the Collector’s office. A report
was called for from the jail, regarding the number of prisoners
who could read and write. The relative numbers were as
follows : —

Number of prisoners, male and female in jail 825

Number of male prisoners, who could read and write... 65

None of the females had received any education. Thus to
every 12.7 prisoners, there was one who could read or write.
This proportion is very singular, when compared with the pro-
portions which hold good for the population of the whole
district. The amount, expended in indigenous education,
amounted annually to Rs. 26,115.

Among the appendices to the statistical report we find a
register of traffic on the Grand Trunk Road. During the year
1846-47, a party of five individuals, with one overseer, were
stationed at the two principal bridges. The men relieved each
other night and day. The following figures may convey some
idea of the importance of this great artery in the body politic ;
of the traffic, which annually passes along this great channel of
communication ; and of the advantages, which might be antici-
pated from a railway. During the year 1846-47, there passed
along the road at the Pandu bridge, as transport —

f Laden.

mds.

Hackeries, -j

| 48.489 weight of goods at 20 mds. each ...
I Unladen.

969,780

[ 14,41 7
r Laden.

Camels.

9,782

Unladen,

„ at 6 mds each ...

58,692

l 3,766

Bullocks 1

( Laden „

1 16,261

„ at 4 mds. each ...

65,044

& H
Buffaloes, i

Unladen.
[ 13,212

Total

weight of goods mds.

10,92,516

HISTORY AND STATISTICS OF CAWNPORE.

401

Besides there passed, travelling.

Foot Passengers... 5,65,347 Sheep & goats 21,738 Buggies ... 617

Coolies & Banghis 7,883 Elephants 287 Behlis 9,950

Horses & Ponies... 40,304 Palkis 1,798

Total 5,73,230 62,329 12,365

It is almost needless to say, that the main line of communi-
cation in the time of the Mogul Emperors was much the
same as at present. Kos Minars, those imperial mile-stones,
are to be found at intervals : and, every here and there, the
broken arches of a bridge, or the ruins of a grand serai, show
that the Emperors were imbued with the road-making spirit
of Appius or Terentius of old. There are also numerous de-
files and passes, where the bandits of yore used to hold their
rendezvous. At the pass of Chuperghuta, about twenty-five
miles from Cawnpore, there still survives the proverb “ Delhi
ki kumai, Chuperghuta men gunwai,” (Whatever is earned at
Delhi, is taken away at Chuperghuta). But of late years,
robberies, and indeed crimes of all kinds, have been rare on the
Grand Trunk Road. Since the year 1848, numerous measures*
have been adopted for the protection and comfort of travellers.
Besides the halting grounds for troops, serais have been erected
at convenient intervals, and provision depots have been esta-
blished by Government, which stations its own contractors
there, and compels them to conform to rules framed for the
prevention of extortion or exorbitance. So that the traveller
finds board and lodging, and accommodation for man and beast at
road-side inns, provided by the state. For the protection of
the road, there are fixed at intervals of not less than 2 milesf
either guard-houses with two watchmen each, or police-sta-
tions of greater or smaller calibre, according as the locality
might require. Taking the number of the watchmen and of
the regular police employed upon the road into considera-
tion, there cannot be much less on an average than one of-
ficer, of one kind or other, to every half mile of road.J Neigh-
bouring Thanas and Tuhsildaris have been brought, as much
as practicable, on to the road. And many of the Tuhsil-
dars have been vested with the powers of deputy magistrates,
in order that heinous offences, committed on the road, may be
investigated promptly, and petty offences be disposed of, with
as little inconvenience as possible to the parties aggrieved.§

• Vide Agra Government Gazette , for April 1848.

+ Ibid, for July 1850.

t Vide arrangements for the Grand Trunk Road, within the limits of the Aligurh
district, enjoined for general imitation, in the Agra Government Gazette of July 1850.

§ Ibid.

D I

402

HISTORY AND STATISTIC’S OF CAWNTORE.

Like all other stations in the N. W. Provinces, Cawnpore has
its local committee of roads. The funds annually at their disposal
consist of 1 per cent, on the Government revenue, levied from
the landholders, and a share of the surplus of the General
ferry funds of the whole provinces, apportioned by Government.*
The total amounts to about Rs. 27,600 per annum. There
is but one metalled road besides the Trunk Road. But the
numerous maps, appended to the statistical report, show that the
district is intersected in every direction by unmetalled roads,
passable for nine months in the year. These roads are repaired
every year, immediately after the cessation of the rains. Ex-
clusive of the Trunk Road (which is superintended by an
Engineer Officer), the aggregate length of road under charge
of the committee amounts to 500 miles. The members of the
committee are composed partly of European, and partly of Na-
tive, gentlemen.

Municipal improvements should not be passed over in silence.
In few localities of India is European influence more palpably
visible, than in the great cities of the North Western Provinces.
The memory of every Anglo-Indian can recall to his imagi-
nation, and almost to his senses, the horrors of an Indian
city, where the inhabitants are left to their own devices. In
the cities of these provinces, the modern traveller would soon
perceive, that the race of inonarchs, who thought of splendid
architecture rather than of the general comfort, has been sup-
planted by a set of rulers, who, though they cannot vie with
their predecessors in structures, which bequeath memorials for
posterity to admire, can far surpass them in solid and useful
works, which secure public cleanliness, propriety, and health.
Noisome alleys have been converted into broad streets lined
with shops. Cesspools have been cleaned out; pitfalls filled
up ; inequalities smoothed down ; the roads have been paved
with metal, and intersected with drains. Breadth of street
and good drainage, two things of vital consequence and for-
merly quite unknown in native cities, are invariable character-
istics of the principal cities of the N. W. Provinces. Vast must
be the effect of these measures on the sanitary condition of the
residents. The city of Cawnpore, though of recent origin (it
was a village seventy years ago), like all other native cities,
grew up in pestilential filth. But the exertions of the magis-
trates have cleansed the Augean stable. The streets are on an
average 24 feet wide, and have drains of masonry running on
either side of them. Excavations have been made in the sub-

• After payment of expenses, the surplus tolls of all the Government ferries in the
N. W. Provinces are thrown into a consolidated fund, and re-distributed among all the
districts for local improvements.

HISTORY AND STATISTICS OF CAWNPORE.

403

urbs, into which filth may be emptied. The water from the
drains of the private houses runs into the street drains, and is
thence conducted into the main sewers. Every effort is made
to keep the public drains as clean and sweet as possible. Be-
sides the regular Police, there is a night watch kept up and
paid by a cess levied on the inhabitants. There is also an
establishment entertained for the purpose of keeping the city
clean, and paid in the same manner as the night watch. The
city is divided into a certain number of muhullas , or wards.
In each ward, a committee is formed for the purpose of appor-
tioning the assessment among the residents ; and there is a cen-
tral committee for the whole city, to which individuals, consider-
ing themselves aggrieved by any of the inferior committees, may
appeal, and whose award is final.

In few departments has more signal progress been made
than in matters connected with the jails and with prison dis-
cipline. A few years ago, most of the jails of the N. W. Pro-
vinces were sadly defective. The prisoners were allowed many
indulgences and some luxuries, constant intercourse with their
friends, and a tolerable immunity from labour. From this
point of view, therefore, the jail did not wear a very penal
aspect. On the other hand, there was no ventilation, no
drainage, no cleanliness, no sanitary arrangements. All this,
combined with habits pre-disposing to disease, caused an undue
amount of sickness, and, at many seasons of the year, the in-
mates suffered extremely from heat and want of air : so that,
viewed in this light, these jails became, in a manner contrary
to the intentions of their founders, unfortunately penal. But
the order of things was reversed. The punishment, intended
by a sentence of imprisonment, was not duly administered.
At the same time, there was unwillingly inflicted a sad penalty,
which the law never contemplated, in the shape of broken
health or impaired constitution. Indulgence was substituted
for severity ; but in the sanitary department, where everything
ought to have conduced to health, if not to comfort, there
something worse than discomfort was felt. And further, the
sufferings, which were really endured, were just those very
pains and penalties, which have no effect on the minds of the
class whom it was intended to deter from crime. As long as
the imprisoned thief or robber could get his ghl and tobacco
and sweet-meats, and enjoy his day-long repose, undisturbed
by a call to labour on the roads, he recked not of the close
air of his pent-up cell, nor regarded the inroads of disease.
Neither were matters of detail attended to. No such thing
as classification existed. Civil and criminal prisoners, life
prisoners, and prisoners under trial, prisoners with short and

404

HISTORY AND STATISTICS OF CAWNPORE.

long terms, prisoners with and without labour, were all hud-
dled together in one undistinguished crowd. Also the jails
were ruinously expensive, and cost much more than good ones.
But these evils wTere swept away in 1844, by the appoint-
ment of Mr. W. Woodcock, as inspector of prisons, who has
indeed proved himself the Macconochy of these provinces.
Jails, which criminals used facetiously to term their “ pucka
houses,” became real penitentiaries, emulating, in a lesser de-
gree, the wholesome terrors of Millbank or Pentonville. Indul-
gences were abolished ; hard labour enforced ; dietary fixed ;
cleanliness, drainage and ventilation introduced. Prison la-
bour was also rendered productive. The prisoners were mi-
nutely classified, and the whole jail system was immensely
reduced in expence. Thus the jails have been rendered penal in
the proper sense of the term. The punishment consists in seclu-
sion, denial of every possible indulgence, and severe toil. On
the other hand, for the wretchedness attendant on the old sys-
tem, has been substituted the health and comfort, which are
always consequent upon plain food, regular habits, hard work,
a clean abode, and fresh air. The Cawnpore jail seems to afford
a fair sample of the improvements, which have been more or
less effected in all the jails in the N. W. Provinces. In this jail,
all the different classes of prisoners (distinguished by the grada-
tion of punishments awarded to the various kinds of offences)
are located in separate wards. Ventilation has been effected
by apertures in the ceilings of wards and of cells ; open drains
have been covered over; and all nuisances have been re-
moved from the yards. The rations fixed in lieu of the
money allowance, which used to be given to the prisoners for
the purchase of their own food, mainly consist of 1^ lbs. of
wheaten flour per diem, for able-bodied men on hard labour.
This quantum is reduced to 1J for those who are without
labour. Each prisoner costs, on the average, Ks. 39-2-1^ per
annum, or, in round numbers, £3-18-6. Of this, Rs. 18-0-8, or
£1-16-0, is consumed in diet. Prison labour is of two kinds —
that performed inside, and that performed outside the jail; from
the former the clothing is made, the flour ground, menial offices
performed, and repairs executed. The proceeds of this pro-
ductive labour are estimated in money value at Rs. 1,542
per annum.

Before taking leave of the various subjects treated of in the
statistical report, it would not be amiss to say a few words on
the products of Cawnpore. These products may, however, be
shortly enumerated, and the progress of agricultural science
may here, as elsewhere, be designated by the expressive mono-
syllable— “Nil.” Strange, that while other nations have devoted

HISTORY AND STATISTICS OF CAWNPORE. 405

tbeir best energies and intelligence to advancing the culture of
the soil, India alone — with a civilization cotemporary with the
annals of mankind, with an intelligent people, with varied rich-
ness and fecundity, governed successively by dynasties sprung
from widely distant climes, and able therefrom to introduce a
vast diversity of products, if the people would but accept
them — should have remained to serve as a land-mark, whereby
other countries might measure their progress. Mention has
been preserved of fifty Greek writers on agriculture, whose
works were known to the Romans. The writings of the
most eminent* among them were translated by order of the Se-
nate ; and some of the most illustrious among their statesmen
and poets employed their gifted pens on the same subject.
The Emperor Charlemagne forced his subjects to experimen-
talize on seventy-three kinds of trees and plants, and opened
a correspondence with Harun-al-Rashid to obtain specimens
of the Caliphate’s choicest productions. The magistrates of
the Dutch republic officially patronized the introduction of
new plants. In our own country, with how many great names
is this subject associated ; with how many societies, colleges,
professorships, periodicals ! On the continent, splendid agri-
cultural institutions have been reared, and vast political changes
have been wrought, to accomplish this very object. The colo-
nizing nations of Europe have been most sedulous in supply-
ing their colonies with extraneous products. For many
plants and fruits the West Indies and South America are in-
debted to Spain. The French also imported numerous seeds
and plants into their colonies, and gave their name to the
Bourbon cotton. Our old and present colonies in North Ame-
rica teem with foreign vegetables, sown there by British
enterprize ; and American cotton, which India in vain endeav-
ours to rival, is of imported origin. f The same spirit has
animated the Government of British India. Similar efforts have
been perpetually made, but have been too often attended with
different results. The cultivation of some of the most important
staples has not progressed, in spite of model farms, botanical
gardens, foreign deputations, and scientific apparatus. Not-
withstanding the many societies, lectures, and publications, and
the presence of European farmers on the spot, Indian agriculture
will not advance one step. The same system, which met the gaze
of the Macedonian Alexander, the Ghuznivide Mahomed, the
Tartar Baber, and the early European settlers, still puzzles the
modern virtuoso with its immutable sameness. “ Facio,” says

• Vide Jones, on Rent, Book i. sec. iii.

+ See the body of facts regarding the progress of scientific culture, collected by
Dr. Royle, in his work on the Productive Resources of India.

406

HISTORY AND STATISTICS OF CAWNPORE.

the ryot, “come faceva labuon aniraa di mio padre; e cio basta.”
(I do, as did my father before me ; and that is quite suf-
ficient).

The staples of Cawnpore are cotton, indigo, grain, sugar, su-
gar-cane, and opium. The cultivation of the two first has
much fallen off in late years. The depression of the indigo
cultivation, dated from the failure of the great houses in 1820
and of the agencies in 1830. Mr. Montgomery attributes the
diminution in the cotton cultivation to the low prices which
have prevailed of late years, and to the limited demand for the
article in the European market. In 1839, the Court of Direc-
tors, being desirous of attempting a more effectual experiment
than had yet been essayed, deputed Captain Bayles to Ame-
rica, with a view to obtaining information, seeds, and machi-
nery, for the growing and cleaning of cotton. Captain Bayles
returned in due course of time, with seeds, apparatus, and ten
experienced planters, willing to proceed to India.* Two of these
American planters were stationed, in 1841, at Cawnpore. The
villages selected were on the banks of the Jumna, declared
by a competent authority to be a most favourable locality.!
After three years, the experiment was abandoned. Various
causes have been assigned for the failure, such as, the unpropiti-
ousness of the season, the short duration of the enterprize, and
the dullness of the natives. We believe that the fault lay with
the planters themselves, who had not the spirit to persevere.
As to the unteachableness of the people, we cannot help fan-
cying, that the teachers did not thoroughly do their duty.
“ The Hindu cultivator,” says an eminent authority,! “must be
taught by example, rather than by precept: and those, who teach,
must endeavour to fortify their precepts, as well as their prac-
tice, by taking care that both are conformable to principle.”
The same writer has, in many passages, enforced the necessity
of experimentalists adapting their principles and practice to
diversity of soil and climate, and to the influence of physical
agents on vegetation. These axioms were probably disre-
garded in the present instance. The site was a good one, and
the district is favourable to such purposes. Mr. Montgo-
mery considers that the cotton cultivation might easily be
doubled. In the district of Cawnpore, generally, there pre-
vail alternations of husbandry and rotation of crops. Most
lands give two fields of different kinds in the year. Good
wheat lauds yield twenty maunds (equivalent to 1,646 lbs.)
per acre, and fetch about five rupees per bigah, or 20s. per

• Royle.— Productive Resources, p. 321.
i Ibid. p. 331. J Dr. Royle.

HISTORY AND STATISTICS OF CAWNPORE.

407

acre, a9 rent ; barley and indigo lands, about 16s. The rich
alluvial lands, growing vegetables combined with other crops,
(market gardens in fact), rent sometimes as high as twelve rupees
per bigah, or £4 16s. per acre. The cattle are fed on chaff or
stalks. Jungle pasturage is scarce,* and artificial herbage is
almost unknown. The plough is a wretched instrument, and
has nothing but hoary antiquity to recommend it. Its ineffi-
ciency is shown by the fact, that wheat and sugar-cane lands
have to be ploughed from ten to fifteen times, barley land from
seven to twelve times, and so on.

Success, very different from that of the cotton experiment,
attended the cultivation of the poppy. This was commenced
in 1836. The first two or three seasons were signal failures ;
but the experiment wTas resuscitated by the efforts of Mr.
E. A. Reade, then deputy collector. Shortly afterwards, a
subordinate opium agency was established at Cawnpore. For
several years the prosperity of the season mainly depended
on the personal exertions of the superintendant. After that,
the ryots found out that the cultivation of the poppy
was a profitable investment for their labour and capital ;
and about 1,800 acres are now under cultivation. The
average produce per bigah has been raised from 1 seer 12 chut-
tacks in 1833, to 6 seers 6 chuttacks in 1847. The examiner
at Benares, and the agent at Ghazipur, have repeatedly tes-
tified to the superior quality of the Cawnpore opium.

We must here conclude our selections from the long cate-
gory of subjects discussed in the Statistical Report. At the
same time, we cannot but feel that imperfect justice has been
done to the care and ability, with which the Report has evi-
dently been compiled. It would be no easy task to produce
a work of this stamp in a country, where the preparation of
statistics formed a regular branch of the executive adminis-
tration, where countless official returns were to be found,
and where a class of men existed, who had been trained up
to such employment. But who shall estimate the labour of
such a work in a country, where statistical science is as yet
in its infancy; where information has to be extracted, gathered,
and, as it were, reaped, winnowed and sifted with the most
searching scrutiny; where agents and coadjutors have to be
drilled, watched, and trained with the most laborious patience ?
Among the tables, included in the body of the publication in
question, some would, we presume, have been obtained from
official records ; others would have been prepared by the
Sudder and Mofussil (station and district) officers; and others,

* See Dr. Hoyle’s Remarks on the pasture Grasses of India, ib. pp. 155—161.

408

HISTORY AND STATISTICS OF CAWNPORE.

by consultation and conference with the most experienced and
intelligent native residents. The first set do not need com-
ment, as they could be obtained with comparative ease. To
the second kind, namely, those prepared by the Government
officials, would belong the registry of traffic, the returns of dis-
trict produce, the statement of tenures, of mutations of proper-
ty, of average holdings, of caste divisions, and of the eighteen
maps embodied in the Report. A most cursory inspection of any
one of these statements would convince any one of the labour,
which all of them, collectively and individually, must have cost.
And all this was accomplished in addition to the current duties
of a large district. “ Nil mortalibus arduum.” Who would
believe, till they actually see it, the amount of work, which may
be got through with resolution and perseverance ? To the
third class, namely, those prepared with the assistance of private
individuals, would belong the statement of average prices of
imports and exports, and of the expences attending cultivation.
These too must have involved very great toil. The influence
of such a publication will be widely extended. It is a start in
the right direction ; it facilitates future investigations by af-
fording a model for them ; it helps in rearing up a class of
native officers fitted for statistical research. This work is the
first of its kind ; that many similar ones may follow it, is to
be hoped ; that many will surpass it, may be doubted.

Such, at the end of fifty years under the English sway, is
the first chapter in the history of Cawnpore. What will the
next be? If a second Statistical Report should be written
fifty years hence, what will there be to record ? Undiscer-
nible as the coming time must always be, yet certain objects
do seem to loom forth from the mist and haze of the future.
We have visions of the rail passing through Cawnpore, of the
Ganges canal fertilizing the district, of inland navigation,
of re-distribution of the taxes, of scientific agriculture, of
the introduction of new staples and new produce, of the dif-
fusion of European professional knowledge on practical sub-
jects, of improved transit, of an invigorated administration
in all departments, and of an extended national education.

But whether these speculations be groundless and air-built,
or not, at all events it may be affirmed, that, if as much ground
is gained during the next half century as there has been
during the last, some progress will have indeed been made
towards the attainment of (what must ever be the object of
the British rule) the prosperity, happiness, and morality of
the people.

TRIAL BY JURY IN INDIA.

409

Art. IV. — 1. The Government Gazette . 1849. — Proposed Jury

Act.

2 The Englishman and Military Chronicle. 1849.

3. The Bengal HurJcaru. 1849.

4. The Friend of India . 1849.

The Black Acts, it has been said, though suspended for the
present, are likely some day to pass. When a code has been
revised and adopted as law, and the way thus cleared for their
enactment — when their deficiencies have been supplied, and the
cases, not foreseen in drawing them up, have been provided for —
they are likely to become, in a shape perhaps somewhat differ-
ent from their original one, the law of the land. In what form
the Jury Act will re-appear — whether rendering imperative, or
optional to the prisoner, the presence of a Jury — or imperative
for the trial of a British prisoner, and optional for that of a na-
tive— whether confined to the higher courts, or prescribed also
for the lower — what amount in short of the Jury principle will be
introduced into the judicial system as it now stands, is uncertain :
and, while it is uncertain, it is not too late to consider what it is
that is implied in the use of the trial by Jury, and to view it,
not solely as a part of the machinery employed for arriving at
a correct judgment, but in all its bearings. For other bearings
it undoubtedly has, whether they are considered as effects of
the institution, or collateral circumstances inseparable from its
existence.

The introduction of trial by Jury into a judicial system
has consequences analogous to the introduction of a che-
mical substance into a collection of other substances, each
of whose composition it modifies. On comparing the system
of decision by a single Judge, with that where the fact is
submitted to the final decision of a Jury — in other words,
the plan in use here, and the English method — it will be
found that each of the parties concerned, the Judge, the Police,
the witnesses, the criminal, and the public, is subjected to in-
fluences in the latter case, which have no existence in the former.
We shall briefly indicate some of the ways in which it affects
each of these parties.

The Judge, sitting alone, may, with all his skill in the law, be
affected in some cases by an undue bias, and, to use the words of
Mr. Cameron’s Minute, “ there is danger of his falling into a
* hasty and slovenly mode of transacting business, which has

E l

410

TRIAL BY JURY IN INDIA.

* become to him matter of mere routine, and of his becoming
‘ irritable and impatient of contradiction.”

These faults, whatever tendency the free admission of the pub-
lic will have to repress them, will be further diminished by
the presence of a Jury, more especially in the case of the native
Judge. But there is the additional circumstance, that the Judge,
not being entrusted with the decision of the fact, is still more in
the position of an impartial looker-on, whose special duty it is to
see fair play, and to make an unbiassed explanation of the points
of evidence in his summing-up— of a looker-on, moreover, whose
opinion is of such weight, as usually to be adopted by the Jury.
It may be added, that any pretence of charging Judges with a
want of independence is neutralized by the verdict of a Jury.

Whatever opinion the public generally entertains of the Police,
that opinion will be shared by the average of Juries. Whether
it confines itself generally to the line of its duties, or is guilty of
such departures from it, as have been frequently alleged against
the Mofussil Police, will be known to the Jury in common with
the rest of their countrymen : and, knowing these things, and being
in their turn subject to their evil practices, if any such exist,
they are peculiarly competent to form a judgment in cases where
these have occurred. Placed daily in the seat of judgment,
not as permanent members, but as the continually varying por-
tions of a large and respectable class, it is impossible, but that,
by the course of judicial decisions and of public opinion origin-
ating from them, they should affect the conduct of the Police,
and tend to bring that body to assume its proper place.

Witnesses will be influenced in a manner analogous to this,
though not exactly resembling it — more especially the man who
has come prepared to give false evidence. He will scarcely ven-
ture to do this, to the extent to which it is now practised, before
men, who may be members of the very society in which the events,
of which he testifies, take place. This at least is the most simple
and obvious explanation of a fact which is undoubtedly true, that
there is a greater amount and more glaring instances of false
evidence in British Judicial Courts than in the Native States
and in those territories which have been recently subjected to
our rule. These fruits of our system may probably have been
caused in some degree by the existence of a fixed law and an es-
tablished rule of procedure, which, so far as the criminal is con-
cerned, are set up only to be evaded : but they have probably
ripened into their present vigorous maturity under the fostering
influence of Judges, before whom witnesses could relate their
grosser inventions without fear of instant rejection.

TRIAL BY JURY IN INDIA.

411

What amount of veracity is to be found in the body of society,
as well as in the individual in his private capacity — what are the
influences which cause a deviation from truth — these are points
which must be examined and conceived with fairness, before the
probability of witnesses giving true evidence can be at all
calculated.

We have heard it asserted, that falsehood is to be expected
semper , ubique , et ab omnibus : but if this was true, how could
society hold together ? One form of truth, fidelity to their salt,
is (not confining the remark to any particular locality) a marked
characteristic of the great mass of the people. But towards
speaking the truth the presence of more than one quality is
essential. The first requisite is a clear and distinct perception
of a fact; and this perception, especially in the lower grades of
the agricultural population throughout India, is often deficient.

No one, who is acquainted with the credulity which exists among
them on every point connected with the supernatural, the belief in
witch-craft, and the attributing matters of common occurrence to
sorcery or the sportive or malignant influence of the gods, can fail
to perceive how far from the calmness and singleness of mind of
a philosophic observer is their apprehension of a fact out of the
common way. The mind of the people is still in the mythical
stage, and that is but another form of words for a want of correct
observation. It implies also an absence of the knowledge of the
importance of truth, of there being but one truth, and that
it should be a subject of careful research. In all this, there
is nothing which should make them other than loose and in-
correct observers, without such attachment to truth as must
characterize those nations, whose forefathers branded fear as the
basest of passions, and stamped on falsehood, as arising from
fear, a kindred infamy. Among the village communities of In-
dia, therefore, where old institutions survive, and there is no des-
potic power to compel to falsehood by oppression,* there is pro-
bably about as much veracity between man and man as may be
found in the southern nations of Europe. Falsehood to avoid
taxation is sufficiently common everywhere : but the nature of
Indian Governments has ever been such that it became the only
defence of the oppressed. Though truth within the village cir-
cle was valued, falsehood towards the Government and superi-
ors generally became the point of honour — the duty imposed on
each individual in self-defence.

Hence the confession of a criminal to prevent annoyance to
his neighbours, and to retain the good will of the society with

• See Colonel Sleeman’s Rambles of an Indian Official, vol. 2, p. 123. The whole of
Chapter ix. is an interesting discussion of this question.

412

TRIAL BY JURY IN INDIA.

'which he is connected ; hence the disregard of truth by witnesses,
supported by the approbation of their friends, when their inter-
ests are concerned ; and, when not so, growing in intensity the
farther they are removed from their own neighbourhood. There
can be no doubt that the presence of a Jury would have some
effect in bridling the inventive faculty, and in reducing to
more sober limits the too lively imagination of a witness ;
but there are influences, yet to be adverted to, which would
come in aid of the witness’s fear that the Jury was conversant
with the truth, or that he would require the greater skill
and composure to elude the perception of his countrymen.

It might seem to be a matter of little consequence to the
prisoner, whether he is to be tried by a single Judge or by a
Jury; but even to him, it is perceptible there are some shades
of difference. Doubtless, every man if he was going to be
tried, would have some pre-possessions in favour of one or
other tribunal, varying probably according to the nature of
his case, and to the fact of his being innocent or guilty. This
point we will leave our readers to decide for themselves. They
will perhaps agree with us in thinking, that, where the accused is
one of the middle or upper classes, and the charge involves
some disgrace, the verdict of a Jury would deepen the stain
of a conviction, and more completely efface it by a declaration
of innocence.

Passing from this limited, and therefore less important,
section of cases, to those affecting the criminal classes, the pro-
fessional thieves, &c., the question immediately presents it-
self, in what light do they regard these tribunals? what are
their practical speculations on judicial machinery ? There
are unfortunately not many opportunities of ascertaining the
sentiments of this interesting class on a subject of such vital
importance to them. M. Kiouffe,* however, who in the first

* Extract from Riouffe’s Memoirs : —

Pendant ce temps, j’eus occasion de me trouver avec beaucoup de voleurs.. ..Je
connus par leurs entretiens, an moment ou je feignais de dormir, qu’ ils tenaient a

tous les voleurs de Paris Ils etaieut aristocrates presque tous: mais la cause s’eu

rapportait uniquement aeux.

C’ etait paree que, dansle nouveau code, ils etaient juges par des jures, qu’ ils trai-
taient d’ ignorants, et qu’ il n etait pas facile d’ abuser. Je ne pouvais m’ empecher de
rire, en les voyant sefrapper le front de colere, et dire en jurant, ‘ Si c’etaient des gens
habiles, nous nous tirerions d’ affaire.’ Ils savaient parfaitemect les lois, qui les
concerneut, et surtout leurs ambiguites. Mais le sens et la raison du jury n’ etaient
point eblouis des fausses lueurs de leur chicane, qu’ ils possedaient mieux que
beaucoup d’ avocats; et c’est ce qui les irritait. D’ailleurs ils etaient attaches au

vieux barreau, sous lequel ils avaient leurs premieres armes, P ampin*

parlait toujours avec les plus grands eloges de l’ancienne magistrature.

A distinguished assassin.

TRIAL BY JURY IN INDIA.

413

French Revolution was confined in the Conciergerie, in a cell
tenanted only by murderers, burglars and coiners, has left us,
in his Memoirs, their view of the result of trial by Jury : and,
with all allowance for the rapidity of decision then in vogue,
having perhaps in some degree extended itself to the trial
of common criminal cases, his account is both instructive and
entertaining. In the course of the long conversations which he
had with them, and of the many hours during which he pre-
tended to be asleep, and lay listening to their reminiscences, he
had ample opportunities of learning their opinions : — and he des-
cribes them as aristocrats to a man ! Their reactionary desires,
however, were based on an excellent reason. They were thorough-
ly acquainted with the laws which affected them, and especially
with all possible loopholes in them. But under the new code
they were tried by a Jury ; and the Jurv-men they declared to
be ignorant fellows, whom it was very difficult to blind. “ Had
they,” they exclaimed with the most heartfelt indignation,
“ been but clever men, one could reckon on an acquittal.”

The direct influences, which affect the public generally under
the Jury system, are of less importance than the indirect ones.
It may be true that, when in open court, as sometimes
occurs, the thread of the trial is lost by a mere looker-on, owing
perhaps to some technicality, the Jury-man, who labours under
the same difficulties as the public, is there to ask for an ex-
planation, and to enlighten others as well as himself. It may
he true also that there is a greater general interest felt in trials
by Jury than in those before a single Judge. Every intelligent
man may be in a position to be a Jury-man, and this, of itself,
produces a certain personal interest. In listening to a trial,
moreover, every man may fairly form his own judgment, know-
ing that the Jury-man will decide on viewTs similar to his own,
with which the Judge, with his legal acquirements and profes-
sional views, may be supposed to have less sympathy. But it is in
its indirect effects that this is of most importance : for to whatever
extent it is desirable, not only that justice should be done, but
that the public should believe it is done — this greater sympathy
with the Jury than with the Judge confers a superiority on
the former; insomuch that, whatever may be thought of the
superior qualifications of able legal men, we are satisfied that
a trial at an English assize, where the Judge should have
as assessors the two ablest men in the county, such as the
Judge of the County Court and the Tithe Commissioner, would,
setting aside all prejudices, produce none of the public satisfac-
tion, which arises from the present mode of proceeding.

If it is true that the public is interested and feels sympathy

414

TRIAL BY JURY IN INDIA.

with the Jury, it is not less so that, wanting the Jury, the court
becomes an arena for contests, in which the public is a mere
looker-on with comparatively little interest ; and it is unfortu-
nately sometimes the case that that wider field out of doors, where
the Police carries on its operations, becomes a similar arena, in
which the public is an unconcerned, if not hostile, spectator.
We think we hear some one remark on this, that the feelings of
the people are of little consequence, so long as the Police
efficiently represses crime ; but this we cannot concur with ;
nor do we believe that crime can be repressed, when the people
are hostile to the Police.* Look for instance at the state of things
described in Simond’s Tour in Italy in 1818. What success
could the Police have in such a case ?

From such a state of things as that described by Simond,
from the friendly assistance given to the murderer of a land
agent in Ireland, to the helping hands or voices exerted in
London to arrest the fugitive thief, or to the readiness in supply-
ing information, as in two instances in the case of the Man-
nings, there is every gradation of obstruction and ill-will, of
sympathy and co-operation. We shall content ourselves with
indicating that some place in that scale, we do not fix which, is
occupied by the Police and public of India.

Tbe Jury-man, after fulfilling his functions, retires into pri-
vate life; but he carries with him an interesting subject of con-
versation— the principles and practice of criminal trials. These
are discussed with his neighbours ; and a feeling of confidence
in the actual state of things, and of desire to maintain it, is

* “ There was a man stabbed at eleven o’clock this morning in the Corso, in con-

* sequence of a quarrel about a woman; and, although the street was full of people,

‘ the assassin was suffered to escape

“ On expressing my great surprise that a murder should have been committed at
‘ noon-day in the most crowded street of Rome, and that the assassin should not
‘ havebeen instantly seized, a Roman, and not one of the lower order, coolly observed

* ‘ that there were no Sbirri present when it happened.’

Sbirri!’ we exclaimed; ‘was not every man a public officer in such a case as
‘ this ?’ ‘ That Would be infamous,’ he said ; and such I find is the general feeling.

* People here are always on the side of the offender, and against public justice,
‘ against the execution of the law in any case. The obvious reason is that justice
‘ and the law are regarded not as means of protection to all men, but as suspicious
« instruments of power in the hands of the rich against the poor, of the high against
« the low ; the execution of which is entrusted to the vilest of mankind, to whom it

* were infamous to give any countenance or assistance. Among the lower people to
‘ be called the son of a Sbirro is an unpardonable insult.

“ Such is the prevalent feeling, that the popular exclamation of ‘ povero Christiano ’

* is not applied to the bleeding man on the ground, but to the person who stabbed

* him.” — ( Sifnond’s Tour in Italy , p. 226).

“ When murder is committed, the public feeling for the sufferer is soon lost in
‘ sympathy for the man who stabbed him, simply because he is in danger of the
‘ common enemy, the officers of justice. Knocking down a pick pocket, or caning
him, would meet with the approbation of the by-standers, but not taking him in-

* to custody.”— p, 400.

TRIAL BY JURY IN INDIA.

415

created or strengthened. Hence arises a true co-operation,
a practical working together of the Police and the public, both
in court and out of it.

A more remote, but perhaps not less certain, effect of trial
by Jury is that by submitting habitually, to a large number
of the holders of property, questions of immediate interest
and more or less importance, there are engendered among them
a habit of applying the mind to consider evidence, a knowledge
of the difficulties of forming a judgment, and a feeling of responsi-
bility which strikes at the root of judicial corruption. For be-
sides that an understanding between the Judge and Jury
must be of rare occurrence, the number of cases, in which cor-
ruption is worth practising, will be limited, and those Jury-men,
who fall under suspicion of being corrupted, will at least incur
the virtuous indignation of their fellows, who having had no
such opportunity, and often finding their own views and inter-
ests opposed to such corrupt decision, will learn to see the
whole public inconvenience and unadvisableness of the prac-
tice. Such a conviction, once having taken root among the
people, will scarcely fail eventually to influence the Judges, the
Bar, and all parties connected with judicial affairs, even when
not under the influence of a Jury.

We have thus noted briefly, and without detail, some of
the most obvious points in which the method of trial by
Jury causes results different from that by a single Judge,
without adverting specially to the latter, as its details are
too well known to most of our readers. Among the results,
which we have pointed out, some will be observed to be faint and
evanescent, others of a more marked and permanent character.
Yet they are none of them peculiar to any race, climate, or
country, but are to be looked for in the average of human nature,
wherever men live in well-ordered communities, value the se-
curity of life and property, and give practical proof of their do-
ing so by living under a system of Judicial and Police machine-
ry. But if they are, as general propositions, applicable to
such societies, yet, in their application to each separate com-
munity, there must be limitations and extensions of them,
which will be based on the peculiar characteristics, the dis-
tribution of property, and the social arrangements peculiar
to each. Thus, in the nations which possess trial by Jury in
some form or other, we find a certain difference of institution,
a certain variation of effects, in producing which these circum-
stances have had an influence. The only nations, which have used
the Jury system in a form applicable to judicial investigation, are

416

TRIAL BY JURY IN INDIA.

in the west, England — by descent from her, her colonies, in-
cluding the United States — hy adoption, France, and more re-
cently some other European States — and, in the east, that nation
over which the English have now been placed as rulers, the
Hindu race.

The original possessors of it may thus be confined to two, of
which the English have retained it in vigour, and strengthened
and regulated it by legislation; while among the Hindus, who
have dwelt for centuries in a chaos of internal disorder, it has
fallen to a lower place, and, in some places, gone almost out of
sight. This has especially happened, where they have been
permanently subjected to a government, whose creed and form
of civilization were opposed to their own. We have not space
to enquire under what forms and influences it exists in the
three western nations we have named, nor to wbat extent it
still survives on the soil of India. We would rather devote
a few words to a subject not yet touched upon — the nature of the
Jury itself. We have hitherto confined our remarks to its in-
fluences and effects.

Whatever may be its historical origin, the idea on which the
Jury is based is, that respectable persons, holders of property
in each locality, are interested in the protection both of life and
property, are acquainted with the local characteristics, the cus-
toms that obtain, the events that occur in their neighbourhood,
and are thus both qualified to judge as to a fact’s having taken
place, and desirous of maintaining order and obedience to the
law. It is on these two qualities, the local knowledge, and the in-
terest in repressing crime — and in proportion as the latter is more
weighty than any opposite motive — that the working of the
Jury will be successful. There are few countries, in which some
portion of the Jury class, or some section of the country, is
not adverse to the execution of some part of the law, or at
least to the principles on which it is founded. We should ex-
pect a Vermont Jury to feel with the abolitionists in a slave
case; and an English farmer to lean towards mercy’s side in a
game case ; a fact described in the familiar phrase that ‘juries
cannot be got to convict.’ In proportion, then, as the laws are
in accordance with public opinion, and especially with that
of the Jury class, the Jury system will work easily and suc-
cessfullv, and its characteristic results be strongly marked.
But if it were desired to introduce it, and at the same time to
avoid all the inconveniences attending the execution of one
or two unpopular laws, it would be enough to submit to it only
cases concerning property. In these cases, at least, the laws unite

TRIAL BY JURY IN INDIA.

417

all suffrages in their favour : and wherever offences against pro-
perty form the great body of those committed, and the test
by which the success of the Police system is judged, the trial of
them jby a Jury might secure many of the advantages without
the disadvantages of that method.

It matters little whether the Jury consists of the apostolic
number, twelve, or the smaller number, which is endeared to
the Hindus by centuries of use. An Englishman would prefer
the former; a man of Indian race the latter: but the chances of
a just decision would not be very unequal. But what does matter,
is the class from which the Jury is formed, and the share
it possesses in a judgment. It must be formed of house-
holders, who possess property sufficient to raise them above
poverty, and to make the preservation of life and property their
strongest permanent object. This is a class, which will be
differently defined in different countries, but is not difficult to
define in any.

The share, which a Jury bears in a decision, is a question
of vital consequence to its utility as an institution. We shall
be told that assessors have been used in this country, and that
the Jury system is therefore well understood. But what is an
assessor ? He has no power of giving a verdict. His business
is to furnish the Judge with an opinion which has no weight,
because it may be disregarded at pleasure. An assessor there-
fore comes into court in his best clothes, makes a dignified
salam to the Judge, looks intelligent throughout the trial, when-
ever he is not asleep, and concludes his laborious judicial du-
ties by finding out the opinion of the Judge, and giving his own
accordingly: he then returns home with the gratifying conviction
of having accomplished his mission. The Jury-man must have
a substantive part in the decision — a part either equal or su-
perior to that of the Judge — one, which either is final as to the
fact, or, being of equal weight with the Judge’s opinion, is liable
to be reversed only by a superior court. Any thing less than
this will deprive the office of importance and responsibility, and
make it purely perfunctory. How great an influence, especially
in diminishing the labour of the appeal courts, either would
have on our judicial system, where every judgment is liable
to reversal on appeal, it is needless for us to point out.

Our remarks on the Jury system are now concluded. We
have not advocated a cause, but stated facts ; facts which will be
found of general truth in most civilized communities, but most
so in those which are well ordered and not disturbed by violent
passions. We have scarcely adverted to the judicial system, as
it now exists in any part of India. Yet something might not in-

F I

418

TRIAL BY JU&Y IN INDIA.

appropriately be added, if space permitted, on the applicability
of our remarks to some part of this great empire. There are
acknowledged to be parts of it, where, notwithstanding all the
consideration that has been bestowed on it, the seat of the dis-
ease has not been reached, and the Police is unsuccessful in the
repression of great crimes. The machinery of the Police has
been improved, and with a beneficial result — though still mani-
festly ineffectual to accomplish what is desired. We take up-
on ourselves to say, that it never will accomplish it. You may
furbish up an inefficient machine as you will, but it will never
turn out good work. The work required of this one is beyond
its powers, and it will never be able to perform it. In such circum-
stances, we should be inclined to consult the experience of others :
to look abroad among other nations, and to investigate the means
by which they are more successful. It is the province of wit to
perceive resemblances ; that of judgment to observe differences :
and this quality can scarcely find a nobler field of exercise than
in labouring for the public benefit to eliminate, with a practical
object, the points which constitute the difference between our
own and other systems.

The first step in the process would be to investigate the sys-
tems which are most like : to examine in what part of India
the Police is most successful, and to compare it with that in
which it is least so ; to observe what are the causes of the
difference, and to consider whether they cannot be removed.
It is only in the records of Government, and in published re-
ports, that such information is to be found : but we can point
to Mr. Jenkins’s Report on Nagpore, where the Punchayet was
brought into active operation, for an instance of a state in
which dacoity, originally rife, was entirely suppressed. The
question necessarily arises, was it suppressed by means in
which the Punchayet bore a large part ? or by what other
means ? Whichever it was, let those means, which were suc-
cessful, be extended to the surrounding countries ; and the like
effects may be expected, unless there is some radical difference
in the form of society. The onus of proof will at least lie on
those who oppose it.

The institution, whether called Jury or Punchayet, is at this
day in force in Mysore and Ceylon ; and we have the authority
of one, who has sat on the bench in that island, for saying, that
it is found there to be a useful one. History, it is said, is
philosophy teaching by example : but here are contemporary
history, and examples which can not only be studied in books,
but examined while still in being. Nor need we confine our illus-
trations only to the south of India ; for a want at least of some-

TRIAL BY JURY IN TNDIA.

419

thing similar has been felt in the Agra Presidency. It is but
three years since the Sudder Adawlut there, dissatisfied with the
operation of Regulation VI. of 1832, suggested the extension
of the powers of the assessors to that of Jury-men, and some
plan for compelling their attendance.*

We may here allude to two objections commonly current, of
which we can take but the most cursory notice. One is that
competent jury-men cannot be found : yet it is not uncommon
in the most difficult cases to call in such assistance. The other
is the presumed difficulty, which is anticipated in getting them
to attend. We do not believe in this, seeing that, however much
it has fallen into disuse in the courts, the Punchayet is still
rooted in the minds of the people, and used in their private
disputes. But if on trial it is found to be the case, the course is
clear: for a nation, which will not furnish jurymen, is not worthy
of the institution. That it will ever be called on to do so, is
more than doubtful. The counsellors nearest at hand are the
natives in public employment (let us add, the most skilful and
intelligent counsellors to be found among their countrymen
on most public questions) ; but we have yet to find among them
the man, who from his heart approves of the use of the Pun-
chayet, and does not look on it as an infringement of the vested
rights and due influence of his own class.

We must now conclude : but a few words remain to be said to
guard ourselves from being mis-understood. The Jury Act, which
heads this paper, is the cause, but not the object, of our remarks.

If it passes (and we believe that, at some future date, an Act of

* See the following extract abridged from a Calcutta paper, December 14, 1847: —

The Sudder Adawlut of the North West Provinces has issued a circular, stating
that the practice of the Sessions Courts under Regulation YI. of 1832 requires
amendment.

2. By that law the Sessions Judges are empowered to dispense with the services
of the Muhammadan law officer, and to try cases with the assistance of respectable
natives; and by clause 4, section 3, the mode of selecting the jurors, the number to
be employed, and the manner in which their verdict shall be delivered, are left to the
discretion of the presiding Judge; the decision being vested exclusively in the
Judge.

3. The Court are not satisfied with the manner in which this law has worked.
The Sessions Judge being unable to compel the attendance of jurymen, Juries are
usually composed of Vakils and Muktears, generally two in number : and from
the provisions of clause 2, section 4, has resulted a total disregard of their verdicts.
From these again flow reluctance to attend, inattention, opportunity for corruption,
and many other serious evils.

4. The Court are of opinion the present system cannot be improved, unless the
Sessions Judge is empowered to summon jurymen, and are anxious to propose this
measure to the Legislature with a view to a more complete practical introduction of
the trial by jury. But, before submitting this proposal, they desire to know whether
with reference to the local peculiarities of your district, &c., a rule, compelling the
attendance of respectable persons as jurymen, could be enforced without serious diffi-
culty or offence to the feelings of the native public ; and whether a nominal list could
be drawn up of persons qualified and liable to serve, on penalty in case of recusancy.

420

TRIAL BY JURY IN INDIA.

that nature will pass) it must previously have been remodelled to
meet the just objections that have been made to it.* We might
have added our mite to these, or contributed some suggestions
towards removing them. But our object was to throw some
light on the inherent qualities of the jury system, whose good
results, if we have correctly stated them, must far out-balance
its defects : to turn enquiry and attention to the fact, that, where
it has been fairly tried in this country, it has not been found
wanting, and to the question whether there is no province or
district, except those where it is in force, to which it might be
extended with advantage. Our business was not with the im-
portant cause, which is still pending between the Legislative
Council and the thousands of British-born settlers, but with that
greater cause, which concerns the millions who people the cities
and villages of British India ; the security of their property ; the
repression of crime ; the good understanding and active co-ope-
ration of the better classes with the authorities ; the consequent
diminution of corruption and oppression by subordinate offici-
als, and of perjury by witnesses ; and the real attachment of
large classes towards a Government in which, as members of a
jury, they would bear an active part.

* See Calcutta Review, No. XXVI, pp. 381-4.

ADONIRAM JUDSON, THE APOSTLE OF BURMAH.

‘421

Art. V. — 1. The Holy Bible , containing the Old and New
Testament ; translated into Burmese, by A. Judson, D. D.

2. Grammar of the Burmese Language ; by A. Judson, D, D.

3. Dictionary of the Burmese Language ; by A. Judson, D. D.

4. Life of Mrs. Ann H. Judson ; by James D. Knowles .

5. Memoir of Bar ah B. Judson ; by Fanny Forester. 2nd
Edition. London. 1849.

6. The Judson offering ; intended as a token of Christian
sympathy with the living, and a memento of Christian affec-
tion for the dead . Edited by J. Dowling, D. D. 10 th
Thousand. New York. 1848.

Indian History has few more remarkable events., and yet
few less accurately known, than the rise and fall of the Bud-
dhistic creed. Its extinction from the plains of India re-
mains in a great measure an historical enigma. The architec-
tural remains of the fallen religion, thinly scattered over the
face of the country, were long misinterpreted. With the classical
prejudices of a European education, our countrymen would gaze
on the far famed Tope of Manikyala, or the striking one in the
defile of the Khyber Pass, or those less known, but not less
curious, in the ravines of the mountain range near Cabul,
and even on that, which has attracted so much attention as the
Sanchi Tope near Bhilsa; — and every where in these massive
monuments of a vanished, but once dominant, religion, they
traced the forms of Grecian artistic genius, the records of
Alexander’s conquering march, or of the subsequent Hellenic
dynasties, which were assumed to have extended their influence
far beyond the utmost limits attained by the Macedonian leader
and his tried soldiery. Very gradually this error was rectified.
Inscriptions from all quarters of the compass were collected,
compared, finally mastered, and correctly rendered. The Ceylon
Buddhistic annals were analysed by a Tumour ; the Thibetan
hooks were revealed by a Csoma de Koros and a Hodgson ; and
the antiquarian riches of the literature of China were made to
cast light upon what had hitherto been a dark Cimmerian desert
of ignorant surmise. Fa Hian’s travels over the continent of
India, in the fourth century of the Christian era, have done
much towards dispelling the darkness which enveloped that
early period of the religious condition of the great country now
under British rule. The fact of (what may be termed) the
classical hallucination as to these monuments is curious ;
for it would seem almost impossible that any one, who has

ADONIRAM JUDSON,

42*

dwelt in a country where Buddhism prevails, should turn his
attention even cursorily to the Topes of India, the Punjab,
or Affghanistan, without being struck with the analogies pre-
sented by these once architectural enigmas to the Pagodas of
Gaudama. Though in stone, the normal forms are preserved ;
and it is difficult to escape from the conviction, that the exem-
plars must have been structures raised in countries, where wood
was plentiful, the rainy season heavy and destructive, and the
mason’s art, when durability was an object, able to soar to
no higher an emanation of genius, than a solid, dome-shaped
mass of brick or stone, which promised to withstand the ut-
most malice of time and of the elements. Even when in
stone, the palisade, or rail, round the Tope is put together, as if
a carpenter had turned mason, and worked from a wooden mo-
del— beams of stone being treated with mortice and tenon
junctions, as if teak had been the material in lieu of sandstone.
The gateways, by which you pass into the space between the rail
and the Tope, or Pagoda, bear the same impress of having wooden
progenitors ; and, until the original idea is brought to mind,
and the material in which it was embodied, the observer is
puzzled to imagine, why stone should have been thus applied.
Tall stone columns take the place of the lofty mast-pieces, from
which long flaunting pennants stream to every breath of wind
that sweeps round a Burman Pagoda. Sprites, Gouls, and
Leo-griffs of indescribable form and feature, but bearing an un-
deniably brother-likeness to the wooden prodigies of Buddhist
phantasy and myth, often cap the lofty stone columns. There
are the same small altars, on which a few flowers would be laid
in Pegu or Burmah ; and lastly the same kind of sites selected
for the edifice, commanding hill tops, or the summit of a long
gentle swell of land as at Manikyala. Looking carefully at the
elaborate carving which adorns some of the gateways of the In-
dian Topes, the observer becomes quickly convinced both of the
prototype, and of the purposes to which these edifices were de-
voted. There is the miniature resemblance of the Pagoda ; the
devotees bearing their offerings, flowers, fruits, umbrellas, fans,
and gay banners ; and, as there is a limit to available space in the
compartments of rich carvings, the pennants, or banners, are
often represented as doubled up by a breeze, in which form
they bear some likeness to Greek and Koman standards, and
have thus misled casual observers : but no one, intimate with
Buddhist processions, can be deceived by this fortuitous simila-
rity. Looking closer, the fashion of intertwining the long hair
(on which the Buddhist Burman prides himself) with the rolls
and folds of the turban, appears then to have been as much in

THE APOSTLE OF BURMAH.

423

vogue with the Indian, as it now is with the Burman or Peguan,
Buddhist. This peculiarity would not have been so carefully
and delicately chiselled, had it not been a cherished distinction.
There could therefore be little hesitation in identifying the
Buddhistical character of these ancient monuments, even
if the discoveries in literature, to which we have alluded, had
not informed us, that from Cashmere to Ceylon, from Cabul
to Gya, Buddhism once prevailed throughout the length and
breadth of India. In spite of this extension, and of the mil-
lions who must have professed it as a creed, it has, however,
been utterly swept away. Error — and error far grosser, idolatry
far more debasing — replaced it as the belief of t^he masses; and,
until the Moslem faith with its sword polemics stepped upon
the scene, that crass idolatry swayed without a rival the minds
of India’s millions. Here then history affords us experimental
proof that Buddhism can be smitten down, and that too by a
polytheism fouler, more dark, and more hideous in its grossness
and superstition, than the worship of Gaudama.

Are we to suppose truth less powerful than falsehood ? Are
we to despair of her coping with an opponent, which the Hindu
Pantheon and the Brahminical fallacy trod down into the dust ?
We must be of very different mettle, and actuated by very
different views from the Burman apostle, Adoniram Jud-
son, if for a moment so faint-hearted a feeling lodge in our
breasts. He, from the dawn to the close of his eventful career,
could contemplate the millions, still under the yoke of Bud-
dhist error, with the hope and the assurance of ultimate victory
for the cause of truth. Strong in this hope, like a good soldier
of the Cross, he unfurled his standard on the enemy’s ground ;
and, though in the contest it was at times struck down, yet
the standard bearer’s heart and courage were proof, and the
banner, triumphing in such hands over every struggle, soon
rose and floated again in the breath of Heaven. We may well
say with the Psalmist, “ How are the mighty fallen in the midst
of the battle!” Butin this instance, though the mighty are fallen,
the weapons of war are not perished. A champion of the Cross,
and a notable one too, has indeed, after waging a seven-and-tbirty
years’ conflict against the powers of darkness, fallen at his post :
but he has fallen gloriously, leaving a well-furnished armoury
to his seconds and successors in the fight, — weapons sound of
temper, sharp of edge, and gleaming brightly with the light of
Heaven He was indeed a mighty champion — mighty in word —
mighty in thought — mighty in suffering— mighty in the elasticity
of an unconquerable spirit — mighty in the entire absence of self-
ishness, of avarice, of all the meaner passions of the ungenerate

42f

ADONIRAM JUDSON,

soul — mighty in the yearning spirit of love and of affection —
above all, mighty in real humility, in the knowledge and con-
fession of the natural evil and corruption of his own heart, in
the weakness which brings forth strength — mighty in fulfilling
the apostolic injunction, “ Whatsoever ye do, do it heartily, as
to the Lord, and not unto men” — mighty in the entire unre-
served devotion of means, time, strength, and great intellect to
his master, Christ.

In stature Judson was not like the son of Kish, but rather
resembled what we imagine to have been the personal presence
of the Saul brought up at the feet of Gamaliel, who, from his
own description, leaves the impression of. an ardent, dauntless
spirit in a weak tenement. A person overtaking Judson in
one of his early morning walks, as he strode along the Pagoda-
capped hills of Moulmein, would have thought the pedestrian
before him rather under-sized, and of a build showing no
great muscular development ; although the pace was good
and the step firm, yet there was nothing to indicate great phy-
sical powers of endurance in the somewhat slight and spare
frame, tramping steadily in front of the observer. The latter
would scarcely have supposed that he had before him the man,
who, on the 25th March, 1826, wrote : — “ Through the kind in-
f terposition of our Heavenly Father, our lives have been preserv-

* ed in the most imminent danger from the hand of the execu-
1 tioner, and in repeated instances of most alarming illness dur-
‘ ing my protracted imprisonment of one year and seven months

* — nine months in three pairs of fetters, two months in five, six
‘ months in one, and two months a prisoner at large.” Illness
nigh unto death, and three or five pairs of fetters to aid in
weighing down the shattered and exhausted frame, seemed a
dispensation calculated for the endurance of a far more muscu-
lar build. But meet the man, instead of overtaking him, or,
better still, see him enter a room and bare his head, and the
observer caught an eye beaming with intelligence, a countenance
full of life and expression. Attention could scarce fail of being
rivetted on that head and face, which told at once that the spi-
ritual and intellectual formed the man ; the physical was evidently
wholly subordinate, and must have been borne through its trials
by the more essential elements of the individual, by the feu
sacre , which predominated in his composition.

Nor was this impression weakened by his conversation.
Wisdom and piety were, as might be expected in such a man,
its general tone : but there was a vivacity pervading it, which in-
dicated strong, buoyant, though well it may be said, very se-
verely disciplined animal spirits. Wit, too, was there — playful,

THE APOSTLE OF BURMAH.

425

pure, and free from malice; and a certain, quiet, Cervantic hu-
mour, full of benignity, would often enliven and illustrate what
he had to say on purely temporal affairs. His conversation was
thus both very able and remarkably pleasing.

We have without special advertence to the circumstance
touched on one or two points of resemblance between the great
Jesuit Missionary, Xavier, and the Baptist Missionary, Judson :
and, if it were our intention to attempt a life of the latter, we
could easily, without, however, for a moment confounding the
doctrinal antagonism between these two great and good men,
adduce other minor points of analogy in their idiosyncracies.
The three centuries of time, which lie between their careers, form
scarcely a broader boundary of demarcation, than do their res-
pective views on the dogmata of that faith, for the propagation of
which both were fearless andindefatigablechampions. Xavier, with
the words ever ringing in his ears, which his friend and chief
had indelibly stamped upon his mind — “ What shall it profit a
man if he gain the whole world and lose his own soul ?” — went
forth upon his Mission, trained and disciplined in the school of
fanaticism and superstition, but strong in his Papist faith, in
single-eyed devotion to the service of the Lord, and to the tem-
poral and eternal welfare of his fellow-men. He must not be
entirely confounded and condemned with the Order, which takes
pride in his name. Prom their first foundation laid by the sol-
dier-priest Loyola, doubtless, “ les Jesuites ont voulu joindre
Dieu au monde, et n’ont gagne que le mepris de Dieu et du
monde” ; but the condemnatory clause of this sentence did not
follow immediately upon the institution of the Order. “ II etait
meilleur, pour le commencement, de proposer la pauvrete et la
retraite and it was when the Constitutions of Loyola were fresh
or framing, that Xavier went forth uncontaminated in the stern
simplicity of his self-devotion. “ II a 6te meilleur ensuite de
prendre le reste:” but, long before that time had arrived, Xavier
had laid down his head in the dust. We class him not with those
who followed. He stands alone in the Order; and who, at this
distance, and through the mists and fables of his weak supersti-
tious eulogists, shall presume to judge how much of truth, though
clouded by a Papal dress, was granted to that sincere man, bear-
ing to India with him the copy of a part of the New Testament ?
Ten short years saw the wonderful enthusiast laboring with
signal success at Goa, Travancore, Meliapore, Malacca, and
Japan : and he died on the eve of sailing for Siam, with the Em-
pire of China in his heart, as the object of his future energies,
had he been spared. From the Buddhists of Japan, it was na-
tural that he should turn his attention to the Buddhists of Siam

G 1

ADONIRAM JUDSON,

and China : and, had his life been prolonged a few short years,
the writers of his Order would have had doubtless to relate the
wondrous workings of the spirit of their great Missionary upon
those vast fields of error. If Ranke’s opinion of him be correct,
Seifi Bekehrungs Eifer war zugleich eine art Reiselust * even
Burmah might have come within his sweep of his wanderings
and labour; and then there would have been another and a closer
point, on which for a moment to compare the career of the Spanish
Jesuit with that of the American Baptist. But this was not to
be ; and the isle of Sancian saw Xavier expire, with “ In te,
Domine , speravi ; non confundar in (sternum ’ on his lips.
Three centuries have passed, since this hope was uttered with
his dying breath by one of the noblest heroes of the Cross. Of
his labours, which under any aspect were truly gigantic, what
now remains ? Where are the Churches which he founded ? We
will not ask where are the Scriptures which he translated, for
that he considered neither his duty nor his calling: but where is
there any thing to indicate that the spoken word, the seed sown
three centuries ago, struck root, and grew, and continues to bear
fruit ? His success was sudden, meteor-like, and transient, as
that of one of earth’s conquerors. It was too much based upon the
gross superstition of his hearers, to which his own deep enthusi-
asm and fanaticism made no vain appeal: — he conquered them
with their own weapons, rather than with the dogmas of his
own creed.

Far different has been the success of the seven-and-thirty years
of Judson’s continuous, unflinching labour. His career has not
been marked by the alleged sudden conversion of tens of thou-
sands of idolaters. Princes indeed listened, but did not bow
their heads to the truths of the Gospel. Brilliant success no where
attended him. Yet, it may be permitted us to doubt, whether
Judson has not laid the foundation of a fabric, which, instead
of vanishing in the course of the next three centuries, will,
should earth last, grow into the stately proportions of an exten-
sive and solid Spiritual Temple. Driven from Burmah, he plant-
ed his small, but really Christian, Church of Burmese converts
on the frontier of the Burman and Peguan Empire ; first, at
Amherst ; subsequently, where Boardman had preceded him, at
Moulmein — a position from whence, at any favourable moment, it
can with great facility go forth to the work of evangelizing the
surrounding Heathen. His converts and disciples have not been
altogether idle in spite of the stern persecution which awaits
them on discovery: and, as most Burmans can read and write, the

* " His Missionary zeal was at the same time a kind of love for travelling. ’’

THE APOSTLE OF BURMAH.

427

translation of the Scriptures, their wide dissemination, and the
teaching of these converts, few though they be, cannot fail to
prepare the soil, and to sow the seed of a future far richer
harvest, than the state of this Buddhist stronghold at present
promises.

We recollect hearing a Civil Servant of the Company, a gen-
tleman now holding one of the highest judicial offices in the
Presidency to which he belongs, observe, that he had never been
able to account for a fact, which he had had repeated opportuni-
ties of witnessing. He, by no means a second-rate linguist,
had, during a long course of public service, been in constant
daily attendance in his kacheri , with every description of case
to investigate, and an unceasing intercourse with natives of
every rank, character, and kind ; yet, notwithstanding this con-
stant intercourse during so many years, he at that time felt, that
he was very far from being at all a proficient in Urdu, always the
language of the people with whom his service had associated
him, and for a good many years the language of the Courts — while
a Missionary, who might have been less than one-fourth of the
time in India, would, in the course of a short conversation, ut-
terly dishearten him by the correct and even eloquent facility,
with which the Missionary would discourse in Urdu upon the
most difficult subjects. Various reasons were advanced by
those present, but were easily shown to be insufficient by the
person, who had brought the question under discussion. One,
however, of the company suggested, that, in the practice of
Civil and Criminal Courts, as in the connection between mi-
litary officers and their men, even when cordial and intimate,
the language employed, though more or less extensive, still
partook of a limited and technical range, which a short applica-
tion was sufficient to master ; on the contrary, it was otherwise with
the Missionary. He was under the necessity, from the very be-
ginning, of aiming at far higher attainments; for he could have
no hope of being useful, until he should have acquired such a
command of the instrument he was to use, as would enable him
to launch freely upon the consideration and discussion of meta-
physical subjects. But the scope of language, essential fora due
treatment of such subjects, is of a far higher order, than that
with which a person can very creditably and ably perform the
duties of Civil or Criminal Courts. We think that the true
proximate cause of the observed fact of Missionary success in the
acquisition of languages was here struck. Think for a moment
of the command of language requisite, even in a speaker’s own
mother-tongue, in order to treat adequately of the materiality or
immateriality of the soul ; of time, space, eternity ; of the intel-

428

ADONIRAM JUDSON,

lectual faculties and the moral conditions of man’s soul and spirit ;
of good and evil, and a beneficent Deity. Yet upon all these sub-
jects the Missionary must be prepared to speak, not in his
mother-tongue alone, but in the foreign tongue of his adop-
tion. He must be able, not only to rise to the contemplation of
the attributes of Omniscience, but also to their expression ; and
though, sin and death, and a Redeemer may be, and fortunately
are, simple facts for a home address to the bosoms of mankind,
yet, in every one of these, the passage from the simplicity of
the Gospel truth to an infinity of subjects, in which human rea-
son may be bewildered, is so easy, and the pride of intellect is
so apt, backed by the passions, to stray into these dark and
mysterious regions of thought, that the teacher’s voice must be
clear, precise, and strong; for, otherwise, if the trumpet give
an uncertain sound, who shall prepare himself for the battle?*
Although, therefore, we own ourselves somewhat sceptical of the
astounding rapidity with which a Xavierf is said to have acquired
languages the most radically distinct, yet, we admit the full force
of the powerful stimulus, which operates upon the Missionary’s
mind. Wholly independently of preternatural inspiration,
they are under the impulse of a ruling necessity, if earnest in
their vocation, to rest content with no inferior acquirements,
but to strain every faculty with which they may be gifted, in
order to insure a thorough mastery of the instrument, how-
ever difficult, with which they purpose to expound God’s Word
and Will. Judson was an eminent instance of such high aim,
determined resolve, and most successful accomplishment; — we
say determined resolve ; for even he, although gifted with a na-
tural ability for the acquisition of languages, had to sit at close
study twelve hours out of the twenty-four ; and, after two years
of such continuous labour, wrote as follows, in January 1816 -

I just now begin to see my way forward in this language, and hope
that two or three years more will make it somewhat familiar; but I have
met with difficulties, that I had no idea of before 1 entered on the work.
For a European or American, to acquire a living Oriental language, root
and branch, and make it his own, is quite a different thing from his ac-
quiring a cognate language of the West, or any of the dead languages,
as they are studied in the schools. One circumstance may serve to illus-
trate this. I once had occasion to devote a few months to the study of
French ; I have now been above two years engaged in the Burman. If
I were to choose between a Burman and a French book to be examined in,

* A greater difficulty perhaps, though not so closely affecting his familiarity with
the language, is that of finding, among a heathen nation, words to convey the
Christian ideas of Sin, Holiness, Heaven and Hell, spirituality of mind, and many
others, the corresponding terms for which have been perverted by idolatry to signify
what is always alien and often opposite to their Christian meaning. — Ed.

f Xavier himself tells us that he preached through an interpreter. — Ed.

THK APOSTLE OF BURMAH.

429

without previous study, I should, without the least hesitation, choose the
French. When we take up a Western language, the similarity in the
characters, in very many terms, in many modes of expression, and in the
general structure of the sentences, its being in fair print (a circumstance
we hardly think of,) and the assistance of Grammars, Dictionaries, and
Instructors, render the work comparatively easy. But when we take up
a language spoken by a people on the other side of the Earth, whose very
thoughts run in channels diverse from ours, and whose modes of expression
are consequently all new and uncouth ; when we find the letters and words
all totally destitute of the least resemblance to any language we had ever
met with, and these words, not fairly divided and distinguished, as in Wes-
tern writing, by breaks, and points, and capitals, but run together in one
continuous line — a sentence or paragraph seeming to the eye but one long
word ; when, instead of clear characters on paper, we find only obscure
scratches on dried palm leaves, strung together, and called a book; when
we have no Dictionary, and no interpreter to explain a single word, and
must get something of the language, before we can avail ourselves of the
assistance of a native teacher —

“ Hoc opus, hie labor est !’f

I had hoped, before I came here, that it would not be my lot to have to go
alone, without any guide, in an unexplored path, especially as Missionaries
had been here before. But Mr. Chater had left the country ; and Mr. Carey
was with me very little, before he left the Mission and the Missionary work
altogether.

I long to write something more interesting and encouraging to the friends
of the Mission ; but it must not yet be expected. It unavoidably takes
several years to acquire such a language, in order to converse and write
intelligibly on the great truths of the Gospel. Dr. Carey once told me that,
after he had been some years in Bengal, and thought he was doing very
well in conversing and preaching with the natives, they (as he was after-
wards convinced) knew not what he was about. A young Missionary, who
expects to pick up the language in a year or two, will probably find that he
has not counted the cost. If he should be so fortunate as to obtain a good
interpreter, he may be useful by that means. But he will learn, especially
if he is in a new place, where the way is not prepared, and no previous ideas
communicated, that to qualify himself to communicate divine truth in-
telligibly by his voice or pen, is not the work of a year. However, notwith-
standing my present incompetency, I am beginning to translate the New
Testament, being extremely anxious to get some parts of scripture at least
into an intelligible shape, if for no other purpose than to read, as occasion
oilers, to the Burmans with whom I meet.

But Judson was the very man to contend with, and to over-
come, such difficulties ; and he became as powerful in discourse,
as he was clear, correct and erudite in writing Burman.

Judson’s study of French, the language which he brings
into contrast with the Burman, appears to us to have been
useful to him. It made him acquainted with Pascal, who always
remained a favourite; and, we think, the pregnant, suggestive
writings of this author, with their close antithetical style of
reasoning, unknown perhaps or unobserved by Judson, came
into play, when he had to wield the Burmese language as a

430

ADONIRAM JUDSON,

dialectic weapon. The structure of this really difficult lan-
guage forbids long involved sentences, in which the sense can
be suspended, with the view of arraying and bringing before
the mind a many-sided comprehensive survey of closely asso-
ciated subjects. Concise reasoning in few words is indispensable ;
and, when we read Judson’s account of the line of argument he
adopted with Oo-yan, one of the semi-atheistic school of Bud-
dhists, it strikes the ear, not as a plagiarism, but like a vibra-
tion of Pascal’s mind : 44 No mind, no wisdom ; temporary
4 mind, temporary wisdom ; eternal mind, eternal wisdom.”
The harmonic note is so truly in accord, that the reader might
expect, when he next opened Blaise Pascal, to find this among
the Pensees. Well might Judson modestly add — 44 Now, as all
4 the semi-atheists firmly believe in eternal wisdom, this concise
* statement sweeps, with irresistible sway, through the very joints
4 and marrow of their system ; and, though it may seem rather
4 simple and inconclusive to one unacquainted with Burman rea-
4 soning, its effect is uniformly decisive.”

Sentences are the formulae of thought ; words are the algebraic
symbols of such formulae ; and, according to the richness, flexibi-
lity, and structure of different languages, the same thought will
have to be expressed by a more or less perfect array and concate-
nation of these symbols into the requisite formulae. In Mathe-
matics, as is well known, a very concise formula may be the ex-
ponent of a widely applicable, and almost universal law ; but, in
general, to arrive at this formula, much ground must be previously
gone over ; and, at the various stages of the elimination, the same
truth and the same thought are before the mathematician, al-
though the number of symbols and their form of expression may
be presented, in the course of the series of equations, under every
variety of aspect, from that of the most complicated, to that of
the apparently most simple and concise. The student of ma-
thematics soon finds that the simplest-looking formula is not
always either the easiest to arrive at, or to apply when found ;
and he learns to be thankful to those, who do not scorn to
show the steps, by which they reach their resulting expressions,
and to value the intermediate (more complicated, but often more
easily apprehended) forms of symbolical enunciation Some lan-
guages, however, and the Burman is one, seem to mould them-
selves with great difficulty to the elimination of thought in the
intermediate stages of a continued chain of close argument.
In such languages an argument, or train of reasoning, appears
to advance by abrupt steps, the mind being left to trace
and fill up their connexion; the resulting formula has to be
reached, dropping out, as it were, some of the intermediate equa-

THE APOSTLE OF BURMAH.

431

tions. Let our readers for a moment dwell upon the difficulty,
in their own powerful Saxon tongue, of discoursing upon
free-will, predestination, and many other such subjects, and then
endeavor to realize to themselves how infinitely more difficult
the attempt must be, in a language of a monosyllabic foundation
and structure — its very polysyllables being the roughest possible
mosaic of monosyllables, and the genius and construction of the
tongue, such, that even the simple language of the Gospels (the
sentences of which are in general so remarkably plain and free
from complication) is beyond its flexibility — the simplest sen-
tences in the Gospels of Mark or John having to be chopped
up and decomposed, in order to adopt them to this peculiar
language. Let our readers imagine, if they can, the wonderful
command requisite of so awkward an instrument, in order to
be enabled to answer an Oo-yan — “ How are sin and eternal
‘ misery reconcilable with the character of an infinitely holy,

‘ wise, and powerful God?” or, to meet the subtleties of a Moung
Shwa-gnong,* arguing on his fundamental doctrine, “ that Di-
‘ vine wisdom, not concentrated in any existing spirit, or em-
* bodied in any form, but diffused throughout the universe, and
‘ partaken in different degrees by various intelligences, and in
‘ a very high degree by the Budhs, is the true and only God.’*
Yet, so completely was Judson master of this very difficult
tongue, and of the modes of thought of its people, that he
could, by his replies and arguments, impart to an Oo-yan
intense satisfaction, and a joy, which exhibited itself by the
ebullitions, natural to a susceptible temperament ; and in the
end could force a subtle Moung Shwa*gnong to yield to the
skill of a foreign disputant.

In reply to a tyro in Burmese, who observed upon the want of
flexibility, attested by the necessity for decomposing sentences of
ordinary length into still shorter ones, and how incomprehensible
it was that a person could be eloquent in a tongue of such remark-
able abruptness and curtness of construction, Judson acknow-
ledged the fact of the need for the remoulding of sentences of
ordinary length into others of simpler and shorter form ; but
long habit had not only made him lose sight of this characteristic
of the language, which, when then stated, struck him both
as a novel and a correct observation, but also to the essential
difficulties, which oppose themselves to a continuous flow of
eloquence in such a tongue. In fact, it had become a mother-
tongue to him ; and a mere tyro could note difficulties, of which
Judson had long ceased to be aware. He thought in Burman,

* Oo and Moung , are honorary prefixes, denoting age Oo being applied to an
elderly, and Moung to a young man.

432

ADONIRAM JtJDSON,

with as much facility as in English, as was proved by his own
acknowledgment, that he preferred preaching in Burman to
preaching in English, and felt that he did so better. Certain
it is that he addressed a Burman congregation with a con-
fidence and a power, that will hardly be rivalled by his suc-
cessors ; and we have heard from those present on the occasion
of a farewell discourse, when about to sail for America, that
he seemed to express his own deep solemn feelings in such
pure, heart-touching language, that his Burman flock melted
into tears, and wept.

Powerful as a teacher of the word ; searching and acute in argu-
mentation ; having success given to him in a moderate but en-
couraging degree, in the effectual conversion of Burman disciples
to the faith, and therefore the founder of a true, though as yet a
small, Christian Church; Judson, besides accomplishing these
things, was spared to fulfil the aspiration of his first wife —
“ We do hope to live to see the Scriptures translated into the
* Burman language, and to see a Church formed from among
c the idolaters.” That first noble companion of his toils and
sufferings did not indeed live to witness the fulfilment of her
ardent prayers with respect to the Scriptures, though she not
only saw, but was instrumental in aiding to lay the foundation
of the spiritual Burman Church. She seemed, however, clearly
to anticipate, from the indefatigable study and the thorough
grounding in the language to which her husband was devoting
years of energetic toil, that nothing less than a complete trans-
lation of the whole Bible, a truly gigantic labour for any single
man, was to crown his efforts ; — and she was right. Long years
of toil were to be endured ; and she, the heroic companion of
the first and most eventful years of his career, was not in her
mortal frame to witness the consummation of this single-handed
achievement ; but she had a prophetic feeling that her husband’s
meed was to be the imperishable honour of completing this great
work: — and it came to pass. To Judson it was granted, not
only to found the spiritual Burman Church of Christ, but also to
give it the entire Bible in its own vernacular, thus securing that
Church’s endurance and ultimate extension — the instances being
few or none of that Word, after once it has struck root in any
tongue, being ever wholly suppressed. Divine and human
nature alike forbid such a result : for, when once it has become
incorporated in a living tongue, holiness and love join hands
with sin and weakness to perpetuate that Word’s life and do-
minion. We honor Wickliffe and Luther for their labours in
their respective mother-tongues ; but, what meed of praise is
due to Judson fora translation of the Bible, perfect as a li-

THE APOSTLE OF BURMAH.

483

terary work, in a language originally so foreign to him as the
Burmese? Future ages, under God’s blessing, may decide
this point, when his own forebodings, as he stood and pon-
dered over the desolate, ruinous scene at Pah-gan, shall be
fulfilled.

“ January 18, 1820. — Took a survey of the splendid Pagodas and ex-
tensive ruins in the environs of this once famous city. Ascended, as far
as possible, some of the highest edifices ; and, at the height of one hun-
dred feet, perhaps, beheld all the country round, covered with temples
and monuments of every sort and size; some in utter ruin, some fast de-
caying, and some exhibiting marks of recent attention and repair. The
remains of the ancient wall of the city stretched beneath us. The pillars
of the gates, and many a grotesque, dilapidated relic of antiquity, checkered
the motley scene. All conspired to suggest those elevated and mournful
ideas, which are attendant on a view of the decaying remains of ancient
grandeur; and though not comparable to such ruins as those of Palmyra
and Balbec (as they are represented), still deeply interesting to the anti-
quary, and more deeply interesting to the Christian Missionary. Here,
about eight hundred years ago, the religion of Budh was first publicly
recognized, and established as the religion of the Empire. Here Shen-ah-
rah-han, the first Buddhist apostle of Burmah, under the patronage of
King An-aur-al-ali-men-yan, disseminated the doctrines of atheism, and
taught hi3 disciples to pant after annihilation as the supreme good. Some
of the ruins before our eyes were probably the remains of Pagodas, de-
signed by himself. We looked back on the centuries of darkness, which
are passed. We looked forward, and Christian hope would fain brighten the
prospect. Perhaps we stand on the dividing line of the Empires of darkness
and light. O, shade of Shen-ah-rah-han ! weep over thy fallen fanes ; retire
from the scenes of thy past greatness ! But thou smilest at my feeble voice;
— linger, then, thy little remaining day. A voice mightier than mine — a
still small voice — will ere long sweep away every vestige of thy dominion.
The Churches of Jesus will soon supplant these idolatrous monuments, and
the chaunting of the devotees of Budh will die away before the Christian
hymn of praise.

True, Judson; and those Christian hymns of praise will
ascend heavenward, either in your own pure rendering of the
words of the sweet psalmist of Israel, or, in the poetical ver-
sions and original compositions of the talented being, the se-
cond partner of your labours and trials.

One-and-twenty years after his first landing at Rangoon,
Judson finished his translation of the whole Bible ; but not
satisfied with this first version, six more years were devoted to
a revision of this great work; and, on the 24th October, 1840,
the last sheet of the new edition was printed off. The revision
cost him more time and labour than the first translation : for
what he wrote in 1823 remained the object of his soul: — “I
‘ never read a chapter without a pencil in hand, and Griesbach
‘ and Parkhurst at my elbow ; and it will be an object with me
4 through life to bring the translation into such a state, that it

H 1

434 AD0N1RAM JUDSONj

* may be a standard work.” The best judges pronounce it to be
all that he aimed at making it, and also (what with him never
was an object) an imperishable monument of the man’s genius.
We may venture to hazard the opinion that as Luther’s Bible
is now in the hands of Protestant Germany, so, three centuries
heuce, Judson’s Bible will be the Bible of the Christian Churches
of Burmah.

Plis labours were not confined to this his magnum opus.
Early in 1826 a Dictionary of his compilation was published
in Calcutta, at a time when the fate of the prisoners at Oung-
pen-la was still unknown. This work, in Burmese and Eng-
lish, proved most valuable, and was praised by every one but
himself for its extreme utility. With a far larger, and much
more complete Dictionary of the language in view, at the per-
fecting of which he was assiduously labouring to the close
of his life, it was natural that he should esteem the smaller
and less finished work but lightly, however eminently useful.
He published also another work, a Grammar, of no pretension
and of very small dimensions, yet a manual which indicated
the genius of the man perhaps more strikingly than any thing
else except his Bible. He has managed, from a thorough
knowledge of the language, to condense into a few short pages a
most complete Grammar of this difficult tongue ; and as the stu-
dent grows in knowledge, pari passu, this little volume rises in
his estimation : for its lucid, comprehensive conciseness becomes
the more and more manifest. In our limited acquaintance with
languages, whether of the East or West, we have seen no work
in any tongue, which we should compare with it for brevity and
completeness : yet we have in our day had to study and wade
through some long, and some would-be-short, Grammars.

With respect to his great Dictionary, which is left, in his
own opinion, unfinished, we would venture the suggestion that
the world will gain much by its being printed off exactly as he
has left it. The conjecture may be very safely hazarded, that it
will be found (what other ripe scholars, were there any capable
of giving a competent opinion, would pronounce) complete, and
that it will be many years before any one arises, fitted by ac-
quirements and erudition to finish it, in Judson’s sense of the
word — “ finish.” Such a work is too valuable to be botched by
inferior, though it might be zealous, hands; and it would argue
sad presumption to find this attempted by any one of much
shorter .apprenticeship, less unremitted toil, and less indubi-
table genius than Judson. It should be considered a national
work : and America should see to it, for it will be found a work
worthy of her rising name. If America decline the honour, we

THE APOSTLE OF BURMAH.

435

venture to hope that the East India Company will come for-
ward, and offer to meet all the expence of the printing and
publication of this great work. As it will be not less useful in
a secular than in a spiritual light, and as it must prove invalu-
able to the Company's servants on the eastern coast of the Bay
of Bengal, the cost should not be allowed to fall on the Baptist
Mission of America, unless by that body’s own wish. Whoever
may undertake this great and truly important task, we trust that
it may be done rapidly and well ; and that the world may be
quickly in possession of a work, which had so much of Judson’s
time and assiduous care, and which, from a sense of its utility
to others, he had so much and so long at heart. His Bible is
secure of life : but we should very much regret, now that the

* mighty are fallen in the midst of the battle,” to see any of
‘ the weapons of war perished.”

These monuments of the labours of Judson may not, to out-
ward appearance, be such brilliant trophies of success, as Xavier
is recorded to have left behind him. A Dictionary, a Bible, and
a small Church of true Christian converts are the fruits of the
devoted life of the Baptist Missionary. These results may seem
of less gigantic proportions than those of the Jesuit; yet, to our
minds, there is in reality no comparison, either on the point of
stability, or of ultimate effect. The “ sword of the spirit,” which
Judson leaves unsheathed, will be wielded by men of a different
stamp from Xaviers followers, of whom it was truly said — “ Que,
e quand ils se trouvent en des pays, ou un Dieu crucifie passe
‘ pour folie, ils suppriment le scandale de la croix, et ne prechent
f que Jesus Christ glorieux, et non pas Jesus Christ souffrant :

* comme ils ont fait dans les Indes et dans la Chine, ou ils ont
f permis aux Chretiens l’idolatrie meme, par cette subtile invention
‘ deleur faire cacher sous leurs habits une image de Jesus Christ a
£ laquelle ils leur enseignent de rapporter mentalement les adora-
‘ tions publiques, qu ils rendent a 1* idole Cachinchoam et a leur
‘ Keum-fucum, comme Gravina, Dominicain, le leur reproche ; et
c comme le temoigne le memoire, en Espagnol, presente au Boi d’

‘ Espagne, Philippe IV., par les Cordeliers des lies Philippines,

‘ rapporte par Thomas Hurtado dans son livre du Martyre de la
‘ Eoi, 427.”*

• “ That, when they find themselves in countries, where a crucified God is looked
upon as “ foolishness,” they suppress the reproach of the cross, and preach only
Jesus Christ glorious, and not Jesus Christ suffering; — as they have done in the
E. Indies and China, when they have permitted idolatry itself to their Christians, by the
subtle invention of making them conceal in their dress an image of Jesus Christ, to
which they teach them mentally to refer the public adoration, which they offer
to the idol Kachin Choam, and to their Keum-fucum (Confucius?) as Gravina, a
Dominican, reproaches them with; and as is testified in a memoir in Spanish, pre-
sented to Philip IV. of Spain, by the Cordeliers of the Philippine islands, given by
Thomas Hurtado in his book on Martyrdom for the Faith.”

430

A DON III AM JUDSON,

AVe hope that the American Baptists will continue to occupy
the ground they have won, and fill up the gaps, as men
fall in the contest. Their nov o-tco may as yet be small ; hut the
firm foot needs little space on which to plant itself, to sling
the pebble that overthrows a Goliath. Let them, however,
always bear in mind Judson’s advice : — “ In encouraging young
‘ men to come out as Missionaries, do use the greatest caution.
‘ One wrong-headed, conscientiously obstinate man would ruin us.
‘ Humble, quiet, persevering men ; men of sound, sterling talents,
‘ of decent accomplishments, and some natural aptitude to acquire
‘ a language ; men of an amiable yielding temper, willing to take

* the lowest place, to be the least of all and the servants of all ;
‘ men who enjoy much closet religion, who live near to God, and

* are willing to suffer all things for Christ’s sake, without being

* proud of it ; — these are the men we need.”

The religious principles and dogmata of a Protestant and of a
Papist Missionary are scarcely in more violent contrast, than are
their social existences. What would the celibate Xavier have
thought of a soldier of the Cross, going forth upon his Mission,
trammelled by the company of a delicate help-mate, by the tender
bonds of a wife ? To our mind, few circumstances are more re-
markable in Judson’s career, than that he should have been the
husband of three such wives. A Xavier himself would, however,
have been shaken in his celibate notions, and struck with asto-
nishmentand admiration, could behave witnessed the indomitable
spirit and courage, which neither the most severe sufferings and
privations, nor the presence of imminent danger could for a mo-
ment quell ; but which, enduring the most appalling physical
pain and misery unaided, strong in the love borne to a husband,
strong in the love borne to Christ and his cause, trod under foot
despair, and braved all danger, and endured untold misery, in
order to alleviate the captivity of her husband by such kind offi-
fice and attention, as exhausted strength, but the unquench-
able spirit of a woman’s love, could effect. The prison of Oung-
pen-la, though the name be not euphonious, merits an immorta-
lity of renown: for never on earth was witnessed a more truly he-
roic example of the unconquerable strength of a Christian lady’s
love and fortitude, than was exhibited at Oung-pen-la by Ann
Judson. What the mother and the wife must have endured, we
will not endeavour to depict; it must be gathered from her own
words ; — we know not where to quote from that unpretending
record of female heroism and devotion. Our readers must
turn to her letter of the 26th May, 1826, for a tale of trial,
suffering, and fortitude, such as few could imagine, and, we trust,
none may ever witness. In every line, her character speaks ; and

THE APOSTLE OF BUEMAH.

437

when, hopeless of recovery, during a short absence at Ava, whither
she had gone to procure food and medicines, she says, “ my
only anxiety now was to return to Oung-pen-la, to die near the
prison,” near her fettered husband and her famishing babe, one
feels that the words might have been her epitaph.

In every scene of her life, whether, when driven from Calcutta
in 1812, alone in a tavern half way between Saugor Island and
the City-of-Palaces, uncertain where Judson was, when he would
come, or what treatment she might meet with at the tavern ; or,
during Judson’s temporary absence in 1818, when alone at
Eangoon ; or, at Ava, and the prison of Oung-pen-la — we
find displayed a constancy and a courage, rising superior to the
natural timidity of her sex, to the example of faint-hearted de-
sertion in others, and at last, to a complication of the most
appalling sufferings and trials of her own. We know not who
the writer was; but the following, from a Calcutta paper, written
after their liberation, by one of the English prisoners, who had
shared Judson’s imprisonment at Ava and Oung-pen-la, we can-
not refrain from laying before our readers : —

Mrs. Judson was the author of those eloquent and forcible appeals to
the Government, which prepared them by degrees for submission to terms
of peace, never expected by any, who knew the hauteur and inflexible
pride of the Burman Court.

And while on this subject, the overflowings of grateful feelings, on be-
half of myself and fellow-prisoners, compel me to add a tribute of public
thanks to that amiable and humane female, who, though living at a dis-
tance of two miles from our prison, without any means of conveyance, and
very feeble in health, forgot her own comfort and infirmity, and almost
every day visited us, sought out and administered to our wants, and con-
tributed in every way to alleviate our misery.

While we were all left by the Government destitute of food, she, with
unwearied perseverance, by some means or other, obtained us a constant
supply.

YVhen the tattered state of our clothes evinced the extremity of our dis-
tress, she was ever ready to replenish our scanty wardrobe.

When the unfeeling avarice of our keepers confined us inside, or made
our feet fast in the stocks, she, like a ministering Angel, never ceased her
applications to the Government, until she was authorised to communicate
to us the grateful news of our enlargement, or of a respite from our galling
oppressions.

Besides all this, it was unquestionably owing, in a chief degree, to the
repeated eloquence and forcible appeals of Mrs. Judson, that the untutored
Burman was finally made willing to secure the welfare and happiness of
his country by a sincere peace.

YVhat must have been the anguish of Judson, that she, who
bad been the Guardian Angel of his prison, who had assuaged
his sufferings at the expence of her own health and strength, brav-
ing and enduring for his sake more than words can tell, was
alone — he far from her side — when she laid down her head and

438

ADONIRAM JUDSON,

died ! Well might he write of her, as “ one of the first of women,
the best of wives.”

A highly gifted and a most noble lady then passed away from
earth — bat neither more talented, more intrinsically noble, nor
more lovely and amiable, than she, who, eight years after,
became Mrs. Sarah Judson. She was known to say, “ never
woman had two such husbands;” whilst Judson wrote, thank-
ing God that he had been blest with two of the best of wives.
It would be difficult to judge which of the two had the most truth
in their remark; but we do know that Sarah B. Judson was a
character of very rare excellence ; one of those angelic beings to
whom Heaven seems to rejoice in pouring out its best and high-
est gifts; one of nature’s own gentlewomen. Exquisite sensibi-
lity, a poet’s soul and imagination, great natural abilities, tho-
rough unselfishness, and a woman’s depth of love and affection,
all, shrouded by the most unpretending Christian meekness and
devotion, were some of the elements, which blended together to
form a character of extreme beauty. Her countenance harmon-
ized with her spirit : for, even after years of toil, of maternal
sufferings and sorrows, of exposure, and exposure too, in such
a climate — after undergoing all, calculated to break down and
exhaust the strength of a delicate and feminine form — as she lay.
on the eve of her final embarkation from Moulmein, with the
hand of Death upon that worn, pallid visage, it could not touch
the unefiaceable lineaments of beauty, which seemed to outlive
all suffering, and to smile upon their approaching enemy.

All medical skill had been exhausted ; she had returned from
a trip down the Coast, touching at Tavoy and Mergui, “ weaker
and nearer the grave than when she set out.” Perhaps this was
not much to be wondered at : for to a person of acute sensibility,
coupled with great debility, sailing down that Coast must have
been a painful review of scenes hallowed by the remembrance of
the tender ties of early love, hope, labour, and bereavements.
Her stay at Tavoy, so long her happy home, but the spot where
Boardman and her eldest child were laid, and where she again
met old and dear friends, did her health no good. Nor was the
stay at Mergui and the Pali Chan more successful; though at
times she seemed to rally and gave hopes of amendment. No
disease however is on that Coast more treacherous and deceptive
than that under which she laboured ; and long years of residence
in that trying climate had effectually sapped her strength. After
her return to Moulmein, it was evident that, humanly speaking,
the only chance of saving her valuable life lay in removal from
the Coast and a voyage to America. It was a forlorn hope : and, in
her state of extreme debility, Judson could not leave her to en-

THE APOSTLE OF BUR MAII.

439

counter such a voyage alone. Two high duties were in apparent
antagonism ; and for a time he hesitated and was in suspense.
The devotion of the Missionary to his cause and his wish to die
at his post seemed in conflict with the solemn duties of the man
and the husband. Many may fancy themselves qualified to
judge of the effect upon the mind and feelings from the unde-
niable claim of the latter class of duties ; but few can presume to
estimate the weight of the former. That he decided as he did
must afterwards have proved a source of much consolation and
of deep thankfulness, for he was thereby saved the anguish of
thinking that Sarah Judson had been left to die alone.

He sailed with her, and had the happiness at first of seeing
her rally ; and there was so promising an amendment, that he
resolved to return to Moulmein from St. Helena. On this oc-
casion she wrote the lines, which follow : —

“We part on this green islet, love,

Thou for the Eastern main,

I for the setting sun, love —

Oh, when to meet again !

My heart is sad for thee, love,

For lone thy way will be ;

And oft thy tears will fall, love,

For thy children and for me.

The music of thy daughter’s voice
Thou’lt miss for many a year.

And the merry shout of thine elder boys
Thou’lt list in vain to hear.

When we knelt to see our Henry die,

And heard his last faint moan,

Each wiped the tear from the other’s eye —

Now each must weep alone.

My tears fall fast for thee, love :

How can I say farewell !

But go, thy God be with thee, love,

Thy heart’s deep grief to quell.

Yet my spirit clings to thine, love,

Thy soul remains with me ;

And oft we’ll hold communion sweet,

O’er the dark and distant sea.

And who can paint our mutual joy,

When all our wanderings o’er,

We both shall clasp our infants three,

At home, on Burmah’s shore.

But higher shall our raptures glow,

On yon celestial plain,

When the loved and parted here below
Meet, ne’er to part again.

Then gird thine armour on, love,

Nor faint thou by the way —

Till the Budh shall fall, and Burmah’s sons
Shall own Messiah’s sway.

Their parting was destined however to be of another kind ;
and he landed at St. Helena to commit to the grave what was

440 ADONIRAM JUDSON,

mortal of Sarah B. Judson. What he felt we leave him to
express : —

Barque Sophia Walker, at Sea, September, 1845.

My dear Mrs. I was so overwhelmed with grief after the death

of my beloved wife at St. Helena, that it never occurred to me
to write a single line to any of my friends. The only communi-
cation therefore which will have probably reached you, is a letter to Mr.
Osgood a few days before her death, in which I stated that I had
nearly given up all hope of her recovery. — I have just written another
letter to Mr. Osgood, to he forwarded from America, which I request him to

send for your perusal. I feel that my next is due to you, and dear ,

for your many and great kindnesses to the dear departed, and on account
of the great affection and respect which she felt for you both. She has
frequently told me how much she enjoyed your society on hoard the
Ganges , and when, during her seasons of convalescence, we conversed
about returning to Moulmein, she would always mention the great pleasure
she anticipated in again meeting you: and now, I trust, that though that
meeting be deferred, it will ultimately he a more joyful one, in the realms
of life and immortality. Her death was not triumphant, as is sometimes
the case ; hut more composure and security, more unwavering trust in the
Saviour, and more assured hope of being admitted, through grace, into the
joys of Paradise, I never knew or heard of. For some months, no shadow
of doubt or fear ever disturbed her peaceful soul. If she felt distressed
at the thought of leaving her husband, she fled for refuge to the antici-
pation of a happy meeting and a joyful eternity together; if distressed
at the thought of leaving her children, she fled to the throne of grace, and
spent, as she told me, much of the time during her last days, in praying
fervently for their early conversion. O, how much more valuable is a well
grounded hope in Christ than all the riches and glories of this vain world !
and we never feel the value of such a hope so deeply, as when we assist in
sustaining the steps of a dear friend towards the verge of the grave and of
eternity; — nor shall we ever feel it more, until we are called ourselves to
look into the dread abyss, and, losing all support from any earthly arm,
find that we have nothing to cling to, but the arm of the Saviour. It af-
fords me, and must afford all her friends, the richest consolation, that she
departed clinging to His arm, and evidently supported thereby. It furnishes
also some additional consolation, that instead of being consigned to the
deep, as I expected would be the case, it was so ordered that she died in
port, and was consigned to the grave with those funeral obsequies, which
are so appropriate and desirable. I unexpectedly found in the place a
dear brother Missionary, the Rev. Mr. Bertram, who came on hoard and
conducted the body to the shore, where it was met by the Rev. Mr.
Kempthorn, Colonial Chaplain, who performed the service at the grave :
and, though we were perfect strangers, it seemed as if the whole popu-
lation turned out to attend the funeral; and, would you believe it, these
unknown friends, with our Captain, insisted on defraying all the ex-
pences of the funeral ! They even sent mourning suits on board for the
three children! After the funeral they took me to their homes and their
hearths : and their conversation and prayers were truly consoling. I was how-
ever obliged to leave them the same evening. We immediately went to sea ;
and, the next morning, we had lost sight of the rocky isle, where we had de-
posited all that remained of my beloved wife. The children are a great
comfort to me in my loneliness, especially dear Abby Ann, who seems to
have taken her mother’s place in caring for the rest of us. But I must soon

THE APOSTLE OF BUKMAH.

441

part with them too, and probably for life. May their dying mother’s prayers
be heard, and draw down the great blessing on their hearts, and on the poor
little orphans we have left at Moulmein and Amherst.

At the Isle of France, we left the Paragon , and embarked on an American
vessel, bound direct to the United States ; so that I shall not have the privi-
lege of visiting ’s friend in London. I have not heard a word from

Moulmein since leaving. I am anxious to hear of your family affairs, and
most anxious to hear whether poor little Charlie, your ship-mate in the
Ganges, is still alive. If so, pray send for him some times, and look on his
face, which I hope is not so thin and pale as formerly.

Your’s affectionately,

A, Judson.

The letter was long in reaching its destination, and poor little
Charlie had laid his pale face in the grave. Written after he
had recovered composure under his heart-crushing bereavement,
and in order to convey what he knew would be a life-long source
of mournful happiness, the message of her “great affection” —
written therefore in the confidence of friendship — we should not
have given it publicity, but that we think the letter beautiful,
characteristic, and sure to be treasured by all connected with
Sarah Judson and her husband. To their children it will be one
more record of their mother’s love and prayers ; and to Abby Ann
in particular, it will be a wreath, though a cypress one, from her
father’s hand, at a time that peace, partly through her instrumen-
tality, though a child, was returning to her pious father’s breast.

That a man of Judson’s eminence, and virtually the father of
the American Baptist Mission to Burmah, should have been
received, as he was in America, was to be expected.* Upon his
short, but useful stay there, and his rapid return to the field of
his life and labour, it is not our purpose to dwell : but we think
our readers will thank us for the following farewell address read
at Boston — Judson being at the time unable to sustain his voice
through more than a few sentences : —

There are periods in the lives of men, who experience much change of
scene and variety of adventure, when they seem to themselves to be subject
to some supernatural illusion, or wild magical dream, — when they are ready

• Dr. Judson was received by the Christians of America with an affectiouate and
enthusiastic veneration, that knew no bounds. His emineut position, as the founder
and pioneer of the Mission, his long and successful labours in the far East, bi9
romantic and eventful life, associated with all that is most beautiful and lofty in humau
nature, his world-wide fame, and his recent affliction, encircled him in the people’s
mind with the halo of an Apostle. “ The Judson Offering,” a beautiful little peren-
nial, spreading by tens of thousands through the country, deepened and widened the
feeling which gave it birth. This was no vulgar and passing breath of popular ap-
plause; it was the heart given and worthy homage of the wise and the good. His
whole Missionary life indeed was one long continued appeal to the imagination, the
judgment, and the heart.— Ed.

ADONIRAM JODSON1,

442

amid the whirl of conflicting recollections, to doubt their own personal iden-
tity, and, like steersmen in a storm, feel that they must keep a steady eye
to the compass, and a strong arm at the wheel. The scene, spread out before
me, seems on retrospection, to be identified with the past, and, at the same
time, to be reaching forward and foreshadowing the future. At one moment,
the lapse of thirty-four years is annihilated; the scenes of 1812 are again
present ; and this assembly, how like that which commended me to
God, on first leaving my native shores for the distant east ! But, as I
look around, where are the well known faces of Spring, and Worcester,
and Dwight? Where are Lyman and Huntington, and Griffin? And where
are those leaders of the baptized ranks, who stretched their arms across
the water, and received me into their communion ? Where are Baldwin and
Bolles? Where Holcombe and .Rogers, and Staughton ? I see them not.
J have been to their temples of worship, hut their voices have passed away.
And where are my early Missionary associates — Newell, and Hall, and Rice,
and Richards, and Mills? But why inquire for those so ancient? Where
are the succeeding labourers in the Missionary field for many years, and
the intervening generation, who moved among the dark scenes of Rangoon,
and Ava, and Tavoy ? Where those gentle, yet firm spirits, which tenanted
forms delicate in structure, but careless of the storm, now broken and
scattered and strewn, like the leaves of autumn, under the shadow of over-
hanging trees, and on remote islands of the sea?

No ; these are not the scenes of 1812 ; nor is this the assembly, that which
was convened in the tabernacle of a neighbouring city. Many years have
elapsed ; many venerated, many beloved ones have passed away to be seen
no more. “ They rest from their labours, and their works do follow them.”
And with what words shall I address those who have taken their places —
the successors of the venerated and beloved — of the generation of 1812?

In that year, American Christians pledged themselves to the work of
evangelizing the world. They had but little to rest on, except the command
and promise of God. The attempts then made by British Christians had
not been attended with so much success, as to establish the practicability,
or vindicate the wisdom, of the Missionary enterprise. For many years the
work advanced but slowly. One denomination after another embarked in
the undertaking: and now American Missionaries are seen in almost every
land and every clime. Many languages have been acquired ; many transla-
tions of the Bible have been made ; the Gospel has been extensively preach-
ed; and Churches have been established, containing thousands of sincere,
intelligent converts. The obligation, therefore, on the present generation
to redeem the pledge given by their fathers, is greatly enhanced. And it is
an animating consideration, that with the enhancement of the obligation,
the encouragements to persevere in the work, and to make still greater efforts,
are increasing from year to year. Judging from the past, what may we ration-
ally expect, during the lapse of another thirty or forty years? Look forward
with the eye of faith. See the Missionary spirit universally diffused, and in
active operation throughout this country — every Church sustaining, not only
its own minister, but, through some general organization, its own Mission-
ary in a foreign land. See the Bible faithfully translated into all languag-
es— the rays of the lamp of Heaven transmitted through every medium,
and illuminating all lands. See the Sabbath spreading its holy calm over
the face of the earth — the Churches of Zion assembling, and the praises of
Jesus resounding from shore to shore ; and, though the great majority may
etill remain, as now in this Christian country, “ without hope and without God
in this world,” yet the barriers in the way of the descent and operations of

THE APOSTLE OF BURMAH.

443

the Holy Spirit removed, so that revivals of religion become more con-
stant and more powerful.

The world is yet in its infancy. The gracious designs of God are yet
hardly developed. “ Glorious things are spoken of Zion, the city of
our God.” She is yet to triumph, and become the joy and glory of
the whole earth. Blessed be God, that we live in these latter times— the
latter times of the reign of darkness and imposture. Great is our privilege,
precious our opportunity, to co-operate with the Saviour in the blessed work
of enlarging and establishiugHiskingdom throughout the world. Most pre-
cious the opportunity of becoming wise in turning many to righteousness,
and of shining, at last, as the brightness of the firmament and the stars,
for ever and ever.

Let us not, then, regret the loss of those who have gone before us,
and are waiting to welcome us; — nor shrink from the summons that must
call us thither. Let us only resolve to follow them “ who through faith and
patience inherit the promises.” Let us so employ the remnant of life, and
so pass away, as tbat our successors will say of us, as we of our predeces-
sors, “ Blessed are the dead, that die in the Lord. They rest from their
labours, and their works do follow them.”

Though under the necessity of having the foregoing read
for him, yet he was able distinctly, but with marked emotion,
to speak the following words, prophetic of what has come to
pass: — “ I wish however with my own voice, to praise God for
‘ the proofs, which He has given of His interest in Missions ; and
‘ to thank you, from the bottom of my heart, for the kindness
‘ which I have received from you. I regret that circumstances

* beyond my controul have prevented my being much in this

* city, to make more intimate acquaintance with those, whom a
4 slight acquaintance has taught me so much to love. I am soon
‘ to depart; and, as is in the highest degree probable, never to

* return. I shall no more look upon this beautiful city — no

* more visit your temples, or see your faces. I have one favour to
‘ ask of you — pray for me, and my associates in the Missionary
‘ work ; and, though we meet no more on earth, may we at last
‘ meet, where the loved and the parted here below meet never to
‘ part again.”

We have observed that it was the lot of Judson to have, for
the companions of his life and toil, women remarkable in a high
degree for their abilities, attainments, and characters. They were
as different in cast and qualities of intellect, and in the shades
of distinctive character, as they were in personal presence. In
one respect, however, they have been essentially alike ; if they
shared Judson’s toil and labours, they also not only shared his
glory, but brightened its light with their own effulgence. The
lot of the one might be heroically to sustain and assuage, in
the dawn of his career, in the first sharp stiuggles for Mission
life, in the dark hour of imprisonment, suffering, and impend-

ADONIRAM JUDSON,

441

ing violent death, which threatened to cut short the hope of
that life ; the lot of the second, to encourage, soothe, and cheer
through long years of labour ; that of the third to sweeten the
close of the long years of toil, and to lend an arm to the edge
of the grave ; but one and all filled their respective posts, per-
formed their appointed duties in a manner, which associate
with Judson’s name, bright tender rays of their own shedding.
They were the stars of three distinct eras of his life — the active
and militant, the contemplative and laborious, the hopeful and
triumphant. We have not attempted to depict the peculiarities
of the life and difficulties of a Missionary’s wife in Burmah.
These must be witnessed to be understood; but the most cursory
attention cannot fail to be struck with the fact, that everything
they accomplish (and they accomplished . much) must be done
in addition to the duties, which a family devolves upon them,
and in a climate where a delicate American frame and con-
stitution are ill calculated for the almost menial toil and labour,
which very circumscribed means, and a consequent want of
attendants and aid, necessarily cast upon them. Without a mur-
mur, without a wish that it were otherwise, glorying in the cause
of Christ, and taxing their frail, delicate frames to the utter-
most, fulfilling all family and household duties under the most
trying, and sometimes the most health-destroying, circumstances,
these noble women have acheived more than many men, free
from infirmities, and unembarrassed by the daily care and the
multifarious duties of a family, would have accomplished.
Whether we contemplate the heroine of his suffering and mili-
tant era, or the seraph of his less chequered, but not less useful,
period, the wonder is, how could they find time (great as their
abilities undoubtedly were) to master difficult languages, found,
and teach in, schools, and aid in the work of conversion ! We
must answer, by a self-devotion fatally exhaustive of health and
strength. To our mind there is no comparison whatever, be-
tween what the Missionary has to bear, and what his wife has
to endure, in the American Baptist Mission on the Tenasserim
Coast.

As Emily Judson survives, we have said little of the com-
panion of the close of Judson’s life.* The following poems

• Under the literary name of “ Fanny Forester,” Mrs. Judson was a popular
favourite in America, as the writer of many spirited and genial sketches of rural
life and scenery, both in prose and verse. These have since been collected into two
pleasant volumes, entitled “ Alderbrook.” In her “Memoir of Mrs. Sarah Judson,”
undertaken at Dr. Judsou’s special desire, she has struck a higher key; and, we
believe, that in gifts of the head ancl of the heart, as a wife and as a Christian, she
is well worthy to take her place in the noble group of “ the Judsons.”— Ed.

THE APOSTLE OF BCJRMAH.

445

will, if not before known to our readers, give them some slight
notion of the present Mrs. Judson : —

To my Mother.

Give me my old seat, mother.

With my head upon thy knee ;

I’ve passed through many a changing scene,

Since thus I sat by thee.

O ! let me look into thine eyes !

Their meek, soft, loving light

Falls like a gleam of holiness
Upon my heart to-night.

I’ve not been long away, mother ;

Few suns have rose and set,

Since last the tear drop on thy cheek
My lips in kisses met.

’Tis but a little time, I know,

But very long it seems ;

Though every night I come to thee,

Dear mother, in my dreams.

The world has kindly dealt, mother,

By the child thou lov’stso well ;

Thy prayers have circled round her path ; —

And ’twas their holy spell

Which made that path so dearly bright,

W hich strewed the roses there.

Which gave the light, and cast the balm
On every breath of air.

I bear a happy heart, mother —

A happier never beat ;

And, even now, new buds of hope
Are bursting at my feet.

0 ! mother, life may be a dream ;

But if such dreams are given,

While at the portal thus we stand.

What are the truths of Heaven ?

1 bear a happy heart, mother !

Yet, when fond eyes I see,

And hear soft tones and winning words,

1 ever think of thee :

And then, the tear my spirit weeps,

Unbidden fills my eye ;

And, like a homeless dove, I long
Unto thy breast to fly.

Then I am very sad, mother,

I’m very sad and lone ;

Oh ! there’s no heart, whose inmost fold
Opes to me like thine own.

Though sunny smiles wreathe blooming lips,

While love tones meet my ear ;

My mother, one fond glance of thine
Were thousand times more dear.

446 ADONIRAM JUDSON,

Then with a closer clasp, mother,

Now hold me to thy heart ;

I’d feel it beating ’gainst my own
Once more before we part.

And, mother, to this love-lit spot,

When I am far away.

Come oft— too oft, thou canst not come —

And for thy darling pray,

Boston, July , 1846.

Yerses like these need no praise of ours ; and the following
lines, written in Burmah, will shew that her genius lost none
of its powers under the blaze of an Eastern sun : —

Ere last year’s moon had left the sky,

A birdling sought my Indian nest,

And folded, oh ! so lovingly.

Her tiny wings upon my breast.

From mom to evening’s purple tinge,

In winsome helplessness she lies :

Two rose-leaves with a silken fringe
Shut softly on her starry eyes.

There’s not in Ind a lovelier bird :

Broad earth owns not a happier nest.

O God ! Thou hast a fountain stirred,

Whose waters never more shall rest.

This beautiful mysterious thing,

This seeming visitant from heaven,

This bird with the immortal wing,

To me, to me, Thy hand has given.

The pulse first caught its tiny stroke,

The blood its crimson hue from mine :

This life, which I have dared invoke,

Henceforth is parallel with Thine.

A silent awe is in my room,

I tremble with delicious fear ;

The future, with its light and gloom,

Time and eternity are here.

Doubts, hopes, in eager tumult rise,

Hear, oh, my God ! one earnest prayer —

Room for my bird in Paradise ;

And give her angel plumage there.

Since these lines were written, alas ! the spoiler has found
his way again and again into that happy nest. But “ the great
trial” we must give (by permission) in her own beautiful words.*

Last month I could do no more than announce to you our painful bereavement,
which, though not altogether unexpected, will, I very well know, fall upon your

They are taken from a letter addressed by her to a near relative of Dr. Judson’s.

THE APOSTLE OF BURMAH.

417

heart with overwhelming weight. You will find the account of your brothers’
last days on board the Barque Aristide Marie , in a letter written by Mr. Ranny,
from the Mauritius, to the Secretary of the Board ,• and I can add nothing to it
with the exception of a few unimportant particulars, gleaned in conversations
with Mr. R. and the Coringa servant. I grieve that it should be so that I was
not permitted to watch beside him during those days of terrible sufferings ; but
the pain, which 1 at first felt, is gradually yielding to gratitude for the inestima-
ble privileges, which had been granted me.

There was something exceedingly beautiful in the decline of your brother’s
life— more beautiful than I can describe, though the impression will remain
with me as a sacred legacy, until I go to meet him, where suns shall never set,
and life shall never end. He had been, from my first acquaintance with him,
an uncommonly spiritual Christian, exhibiting his richest graces in the un-
guarded intercourse of private life ; but, during his last year, it seemed as though
the light of the world, on which he was entering, had been sent to brighten his
upward pathway.

Every subject on which we conversed, every book we read, every incident
that occurred, whether trifling or important, had a tendency to suggest some
peculiarly spiritual train of thought, till it seemed to me, that, more than ever
before, Christ was all his theme.” Something of the same nature was also
noted in his preaching, to which I was then deprived of the privilege of
listening. He was in the habit however of studying his subject for the Sabbath
audibly, and in my presence ; at which times he was frequently so much
affected as to weep, and sometimes so overwhelmed with the vastness of his
conceptions, as to be obliged to abandon his theme, and choose another. My
own illness, at the commencement of the year, had brought eternity very near
to us, and rendered death, the grave, and the bright heaven beyond it, familiar
subjects of conversation.

Gladly would I give you, my dear sister, some idea of the share borne by
him in these memorable conversations ; but it would be impossible to convey,
even to those who knew him best, the most distant conception of them. I believe
he has sometimes been thought eloquent, both in conversation, and in the sacred
desk : — but the fervid, burning eloquence, the deep pathos, the touching tender-
ness, the elevation of thought, and intense beauty of expression, which cha-
racterized these private teachings, were not only beyond what I had ever heard
before, but such, as 1 felt sure, arrested his own attention, and surprised even
himself.

About this time he began to find unusual satisfaction and enjoyment in his
private devotions ; and seemed to have new objects of interest continually
rising in his mind, each of which in turn became special subjects of prayer.
Among these, one of the most prominent, was the conversion of his posterity.
He remarked that he had always prayed for his children, but that of late he
had felt impressed with the duty of praying for their children, and their
children’s children, down to the latest generation. He also prayed most ear-
nestly, that his impressions on this subject might be transferred to his sons and
daughters, and thence to their offspring, so that he should ultimately meet a
long unbroken line of descendants, before the Throne of the Lord, where all
might join together in ascribing everlasting praises to the.Redeemer.

Another subject, which occupied a large share of his attention, was that of
brotherly love. You are perhaps aware, that like all persons of his ardent tem-
perament, he was subject to strong attachments and aversions, which he some-
times had difficulty in bringing under the controlling influence of divine grace.
He remarked, that he had always felt more or less of an affectionate interest in
his brethren, as brethren, and that some of them he had loved very dearly for
their personal qualities ; but he was now aware he had never placed his standard
of love high enough. He spoke of them as children of God, redeemed by
the Saviour’s blood, watched over and guarded by His love, dear to His heart,
honoured by Him in the election, and to be honoured hereafter before the assem-
bled universe ; and, he said, it was not sufficient to be kind and obliging to such,

448

AD0N1RAM JUDSON,

to abstain from evil speaking, and make a general mention of them in our pray-
ers, but our attachment to them should be of the most ardent and exalted cha-
racter. It would be so in heaven , and we lost immeasureably by not beginning
now. “As I have loved you, so ought ye also to love one another,” was a pre-
cept continually in his mind ; and he would often murmur as though uncon-
sciously. “ As I have loved you ; as I have loved you”— then burst out with
the exclamation, *• oh the love of Christ ! the love of Christ !’ ’

His prayers for the Mission were marked by an earnest grateful enthu-
siasm ; and, in speaking of Missionary operations in general, his tone was
one of elevated triumph,— almost of exultation : for he not only felt unsha-
ken confidence in their final success, but often exclaimed “ What wonders !
oh. what wonders, God has already wrought!” I remarked that, during this
year, his literary labours, which he had never liked, and upon which he had
entered unwillingly and from a feeling ? necessity, were growing daily more irk-
some to him ; and he always spoke of them as “ his heavy work.” — ‘‘ his tedi-
ous work — that wearisome Dictionary.” &c. Though this feeling led to no
relaxation of effort t he longed however to find some more spiritual employment
— to be engaged in what he considered more legitimate Missionary labour ; and
he drew delightful pictures of the future, when his whole business would be but
to preach and pray.

During all this time, I had not observed any failure in physical strength : and,
though his mental exercises occupied a large share of my thoughts when alone,
it never once occurred to me, that it might be the brightening of the setting
sun. My only feeling was that of pleasure, that one, so near to me, was becom-
ing so pure, and elevated in his sentiments, and so lovely and Christ-like in his
character. In person he had grown somewhat stouter than when in America ;
his complexion had a healthful hue, compared with that of his associates gene-
rally ; and. though by no means a person of uniformly firm health, he seemed
to possess such vigour and strength of constitution, that I thought his life as
likely to be extended twenty years longer, as that of any member of the Mission.
He continued his system of morning exercise, commenced when a student at
Andover, and was not satisfied with a common walk on level ground, but
always chose an uphill path, and then went frequently bounding on his way
with all the exuberant activity of boyhood. He was of a singularly active
temperament, although not of that even cast, which never rises above a certain
level, and is never depressed. Possessing acute sensibilities, suffering with
those who suffered, and entering as readily into the joys of the prosperous and
happy, he was variable in his mood : but religion formed such an essential ele-
ment of his character, and his trust in Providence was so implicit, and habi-
tual, that he was never gloomy, and seldom more than momentarily dis-
heartened. On the other hand, being accustomed to regard all the events of
this life, however minute, or painful, as ordered in wisdom, and tending to one
great and glorious end, he lived in almost constant obedience to the Apostolic
injunction — “ Rejoice evermore.” He often told me, that, although he had
endured much personal suffering, and passed through many fearful trials in the
course of his eventful life, a kind providence had hedged him round with pre-
cious, peculiar blessings, so that his joys had far out-numbered his sorrows.

Towards the close of September, last year, he said to me one evening,
“ What deep cause have we for gratitude to God ! Do you believe there are
any other two persons in the world so happy as we are ?” — enumerating in his
own earnest manner several sources of happiness, in which our work as Mis-
sionaries, and our eternal prospects occupied a prominent position. When he
had finished his glowing picture. I remarked (I scarcely know why, but I felt
immeasurably depressed that evening), “ We are certainly very happy now ; but
it cannot be so always. I am thinking of the time, when one of us must stand-
helplessly' by the bed, and see the other die.” “ Yes,” he said, “that will be a
sad moment. I felt it most deeply a little while ago ; but now it would not be
strange if your life were prolonged beyond mine, though I should wish, if
it were possible, to spare you that pain. It is the one left alone, who suffers — not

THE APOSTLE OF BURMAH.

44&

not the one who goes to be with Christ. If it should only be the will of God,
that we might die together, like young James and his wife — but He will order all
things well, and we can safely trust our future to His hand.”

That same night we were roused from sleep, by the sudden illness of one of
the children. There was an unpleasant, chilling dampness in the air. as it
came to us through the openings in the straw above the windows, which affected,
your brother very sensibly : and he soon began to shiver so violently, that he
was obliged to return to his couch, where he remained under a warm cover-
ing till morning. In the morning, he awoke with a severe cold, accompanied
by a degree of fever ; but as it did not seem very serious, and our three children
■were all suffering from a similar cause, we failed to give it any especial atten-
tion. From that time he was never well ; though in writing to you before,
I think I dated the commencement of his illness from the month of November,
when he laid aside his studies. I know that he regarded this attack as trifling ;
and yet, one evening, he spent a long time in advising me with respect to my
future course, if I should be deprived of his guidance ; saying that it is always
wise to be prepared for exigencies of this nature. After the month of Novem-
ber, he failed gradually, occasionally rallying in such a manner as to deceive us
all, but, at each relapse, sinking lower than at the previous one; though still full
of hope and courage, and yielding ground only inch by inch, as compelled by
the triumphant progress of disease. During some hours of every day, he suffered
intense pain : but his naturally buoyant spirits and uncomplaining disposition led
him to speak so lightly of it, that I used sometimes to fear, that the doctor, though
a very skilful man, would be fatally deceived. As his health declined, his mental
exercises at first seemed deepened ; and he gave still larger portions of his time to
prayer, conversing with the utmost freedom on his daily progress, and the extent
of his self-conquest. Just before our trip to Mergui, which took place in January *
he looked up from his pillow one day with sudden animation, and said to me ear-
nestly, “ I have gained the victory at last. I love every one of Christ’s redeemed,
as I believe He would have me love them ; — in the same manner, though not proba-
bly to the same degree, as we shall love one another, when we go to be with Him
in heaven; and gladly would I prefer any one, who bears His name, before myself.”
This he said in allusion to the text, “ In honour preferring one another,” on
which he had frequently dwelt with great emphasis After some further simi-
lar conversation, he concluded, “ And now here I lie, at peace with all the
world, and, what is better still, at peace with my own conscience ; I know that
I am a miserable sinner in the sight of God, with no hope but in the blessed
Saviour’s merits ; but I cannot think of any particular fault, any peculiar beset-
ting sin, which it is now my duty to correct. Can you tell me of any ?”

And truly, from this time, no other word would so truly express his state of
feeling as that one of his own choosing— peace. He had no particular exercises
afterwards, but remained even and serene, speaking of himself daily as a great
sinner, who had been overwhelmed with benefits, and declaring that he had
never in his life before, had such delightful views of the unfathomable love
and infinite condescension of the Saviour, as were now daily opening before
him. “ Oh the love of ( hrist ! the love of Christ !” — he would suddenly ex-
claim, while his eye kindled, and the tears chased each other down his cheeks —
“ we cannot understand it now ; but what a beautiful study for eternity !”

After our return from Mergui, the doctor advised a still farther trial of the
effects of sea air, and sea bathing ; and we accordingly proceeded to Amherst,
where we remained nearly a month. This to me was the darkest period of his
illness— no medical adviser, no friend at hand, and he daily growing weaker
and weaker. He began to totter in walking, clinging to the furniture and walls,
when he thought he was unobserved (for he was not willing to acknowledge
the extent of his debility), and his wan face was of a ghastly paleness. His suf-
ferings, too, were sometimes fearfully intense, so that, in spite of his habitual
self-controul, his groans would fill the house. At other times a kind of lethargy
seemed to steal over him ; and he would sleep almost incessantly for twenty -four
hours, seeming annoyed if he were aroused or disturbed. Yet there were por-

K 1

450

ADON1RAM JUDSON,

tions of the time, -when he was comparatively comfortable, and conversed intel-
ligibly ; but his mind seemed to revert to former scenes, and he tried to amuse
me with stories of his boyhood, his college days, his imprisonment, and his
early Missionary life. He had a great deal also to say on his favourite theme —
“ the love of Christ”; but his strength was too much impaired for any continu-
ous mental effort ; even a short prayer, made audibly, exhausted him to such a
degree, that he was obliged to discontinue the practice.

At length I wrote to Moulmein, giving some expression of my anxieties and
misgivings ; and our kind Missionary friends, who had from the first evinced all
the tender interest and watchful sympathy of the nearest kindred, immediately
sent for us —the doctor advising a sea voyage. But as there was no vessel in
the harbour, bound for a Port sufficiently distant, we thought it best in the mean
time, to remove from our old dwelling, which was in an unhealthful situation,
to another Mission house fortunately empty. This change was at first attended
with the most beneficial results ; and our hopes revived so much, that we looked
forward to the approaching rainy season for entire restoration. But it lasted a
little while only ; and both of us became convinced that though a sea voyage
involved much that was deeply painful, it yet presented the only prospect of re-
covery, and could not therefore without a breach of duty be neglected.

“ Oh if it were only the will of God to take me now— to let me die here,”
he repeated over and over again, in a"tone of anguish, while we were con-
sidering the subject. I cannot, cannot go. This is almost more than I can
bear ! — Was there ever suffering, like our suffering ?” and the like broken ex-
pressions, were continually falling from his lips.

But he soon gathered more strength of purpose ; and, after the decision was
fairly made, he never hesitated for a moment, rather regarding it with pleasure.
I think the struggle, which this resolution cost, injured him very materially,
though probably it had no share in bringing about the final result. God, who
sees the end from the beginning, had counted out his days, and they were
hastening to a close.

Until this time, he had been able to stand, and to walk slowly from
room to room ; but, as he attempted to rise from his chair one evening, he
was suddenly deprived of his small remnant of muscular strength, and would
have fallen to the floor, but for timely support. From that moment his decline
was rapid. As he lay helplessly on his couch, and watched the swelling of
his feet and other alarming symptoms, he became very anxious to com-
mence his voyage ; and I felt equally anxious to have his wishes gratified.
I still hoped he might recover. The doctor said that the chances of life and
death were in his opinion equally balanced ; — and then he loved the sea so dearly!
There was something exhilarating to him in the motion of the vessel ; and
he spoke with animation, of getting free from the almost suffocating
atmosphere incident to the hot season, and drinking in the fresh sea,
breezes. He talked but little more, however, than was necessary to
indicate his wants— his bodily sufferings being too great to allow of
conversation ; but several times he looked up to me with a bright smile,
and exclaimed, as heretofore, ‘ Oh the love of Christ, the love of Christ !”
I f< mnd it difficult to ascertain from expressions casually dropt from time
to time his real opinion with regard to his recovery ; but I thought
there was some reason to doubt whether he was fully aware of his critical
situation. I did not suppose he had any preparation to make at this late hour,
and I felt sure that, if he should be called ever so unexpectedly, he would not
enter the presence of his Maker with a ruffled spirit. But I could not bear to
have him go away, without knowing whether our next meeting would not be
in eternity ; and perhaps too, in my own distress, I might still have looked for
words of Encouragement and sympathy to a source, which had never before
failed.

It was late in the night, and I had been performing some little sick-room office,
when suddenly he looked up to me, and exclaimed “ This will never do. You are
killing yourself for me, and 1 will not permit it. You must have some one to

THE APOSTLE OF BURMAH.

451

relieve you ; if I had not been made selfish by suffering, I should have insisted
upon it long ago.’'

He spoke so like himself, with the earnestness of health, and in a tone to
which my ear had of late been a stranger, that for a moment I felt bewildered
with sudden hope. He received my reply to what lie had said, with a half pity-
ing, half gratified smile, but in the meantime his expression had changed. —
the marks of excessive debility were again apparent, and as I looked at him
I could not forbear adding, “ It is only a little while you know.” “Only a little
while/' he repeated mournfully ; “ this separation is a bitter thing, but it does
not depress me now as it did : I am too weak.” “ You have no reason to be
depressed,” I said, “ with such glorious prospects before you. You have often
told me, it is the one left alone who suffers— not the one who goes to be with
Christ.” He gave me a rapid, questioning glance ; then resumed for several
moments an attitude of deep thought ; finally he slowly unclosed his eyes, and,
fixing them on me, said in a calm earnest tone, I do not believe I am going
to die. I think, I know why this illness was sent upon me ; I needed it. I feel
that it has done me good : and it is my impression that I shall now recover,
and be a better, and a more useful man.” “ Then it is your wish to recover ?”
I inquired. “ If it should be the will of God, yes. I should like to complete
the Dictionary, on which I have bestowed so much labour, now that it
is so nearly done : for, though it has not been a work that pleased my
taste, or quite satisfied my feelings, I have never under-rated its importance.
Then after that, came all the plans that we had formed. Oh I feel, as though but
just beginning to be prepared for usefulness.”

“It is the opinion of most of the Mission,” I remarked, “that you will not re-
cover.” “ I know it is ” he replied and I suppose they think me an old man,
and imagine it is nothing for one like me to leave a world so full of trials ; but,
I am not old, at least in that sense. You know I am not. Oh. no man ever left
this world with more inviting prospects, with brighter hopes, or warmer feelings
— warmer feelings,” he repeated, and burst into tears His face was perfectly
placid, even while the tears broke through his closed lids, and dropped one after
another down to the pillow. There was no trace of agitation, or pain, in his
manner of weeping ; but it was evidently the result of acute sensibilities, com-
bined with physical weakness. To some suggestion, which I ventured to make,
he replied, “ It is not that ; l know all that, and feel it in my inmost heart ;
lying here on my bed, when I could not talk, 1 have had such views of the
loving condescension of Christ, and the glories of heaven, as I believe are
seldom granted to mortal man. It is not because I shrink from death, that I
wish to live ; neither is it because the ties that bind me here, though some of
them are very sweet, bear any comparison with the drawings I at times feel
towards heaven; but a few years would not be missed from my eternity of bliss,
and I can well afford to spare them, both for your sake, and for the sake of the
poor Burmans. I am not tired of my work, nor am I tired of the world. Every-
thing is bright and pleasant about me- Yet when Christ calls me home, I shall
go with the gladness of a boy bounding away from his school. Perhaps I feel
something like the young bride, when she contemplates resigning the pleasant
associations of her childhood for a yet dearer home ; though only a very little
like her, for there is no doubt resting on my future.” “ Then death would not
take you by surprise,” I remarked, “ even if it should come before you could
get on board-ship?” “ No,” he said, “ death will never take me by surprise ; do
not be afraid of that. I feel too strong in Christ. He has not led me so tenderly
thus far, to forsake me at the very gate of heaven. No, no ! I am willing to live
a few years longer, if it should be so ordered ; and, if otherwise, I am willing,
and glad to die now. I leave myself entirely in the hands of God, to be dis-
posed of according to His holy will.”

The next day some one mentioned in his presence, that the Native Christians
were greatly opposed to the voyage, and that many other persons had a similar
feeling with regard to it. I thought he seemed troubled : and. after the visitors
had withdrawn, I enquired if he still felt as when he conversed with me the

452

ADONIRAM JUDSON,

night previous. Oh yes ; that was no evanescent feeling ; it has been with me
to a greater or less degree for years, and will be with me I trust to the end I
am ready to go to-day— if it should be the will of God, this very hour ; but I
am not anxious to die — at least when I am not beside myself with pain.’’

“ Then why are you so anxious to go on board ? ’ I inquired, “ 1 should think
it would be a matter of indifference to you.” “ No,” he answered quietly, “my
judgment tells me it would be wrong not to go ; the doctor says criminal. I
shall certainly die here ; if I go away, I may recover. There i« no question
with regard to duty in such a case ; and I do not like to see any hesitation, even
though it should spring from affection.”

He several times spoke of a burial at sea. and always as though the prospect
were agreeable. It brought, he said, a sense of freedom and expansion, far
pleasanter than the confined, dark, narrow grave, to which he had committed
so many, that he had loved ; and he added that although his burial place was a
matter of no importance, yet he believed it was not in human nature to be
altogether without a choice.

I have already given you an account of the embarkation, of my visits to him
while the vessel remained in the river, and of our last sad. silent parting ; and
Mr. Ranny has finished the picture.

You will find in this closing part, some dark shadows, that will give you pain :
but you must remember that his present felicity is enhanced by those very suffer-
ings •, and we should regret nothing that seems to brighten his crown in glory. I
ought also to add, that I have gained pleasanter impressions, in conversation with
Mr. Ranny, than from his written account ; but. it would be difficult to convey
them to you ; and, as he, whom they concern, was accustomed to say of similar
things, “ You will learn it all in heaven.”

During the last hour of your sainted brother’s life. Mr. Ranny bent over
him, and held his hand, while poor Pinapah stood at a little distance,
weeping bitterly. The table bad been spread in the cuddy as usual,
and the officers did not know what was passing in the cabin, till summoned to
dinner. Then they gathered about the door, and watched the closing scene with
solemn reverence. Now, thanks to a merciful God, his pains had left him: not a
momentary spasm disturbed his placid face, nor did the contract on of a muscle
denote the least degree of suffering. The agony of death was past ; and his
wearied spirit was turning to its rest, in the bosom of the Saviour. From time to
time he pressed the hand in which his own was resting — his clasp losing in force
at each successive pressure ; while his breath (though there was no struggle, no
gasping, as if it came and went with difficulty) gradually grew fainter and
softer, until it died upon the air, and he was gone. Mr. Ranny closed the eyes,
and composed the passive limbs ; the ship’s officers stole softly from the door ;
and the neglected meal was left upon the board untasted They lowered him
to his ocean grave without a prayer ; for his freed spirit soared a’>ove the reach
of earthly intercession, and. to the foreigners who stood around, it would have
been a senseless form. And there they left him in his unquiet sepulchre; but
it matters little : for while we know that the unconscious clay is drifting on the
shifting currents of the restless main, nothing can disturb the hallowed re t
of the^immortal spirit ; neither could he have a more fitting monument than
the blue waves, which visit every coast : for his warm sympathies went forth to
the ends of the earth, and included the whole family of man. It is all as God
would have it ; and our duty is but to bend meekly to His will, and wait in
faith and patience, till we aho shall be summoned home.

With prayers that, when that solemn hour shall come, we may be as well
prepared, as was the Saint we mourn, and with feelings of deep sympathy for
your share in this heavy affliction,

Believe me, my dear Sister,

Most affectionately yours,

Emily Judson.

THE APOSTLE OF BURMAH.

453

What striking traits of Judson’s character coine out in this
beautiful account of his end ! “ Let me die here;” — at his post,
amid his small Church and flock, where he so long laboured, use-
fully, earnestly, faithfully ; — beneath the banner he had planted
on the enemy’s breach. I do not believe I am going to die !”
How was it possible for him — in whom the mere physical frame
was a wholly subordinate constituent, and who was essentially
spirit and intellect — how was it possible for such a man to feel
that he could die ? He might feel that his unfinished labour could
be brought to an untimely close ; that a sphere of usefulness,
widening upon his spiritual vision, might be veiled by the pall;
that all tender ties might be rudely snapped by the touch of
death; that he was ready “ though no man ever left this world
with more inviting prospects, with brighter hopes, or warmer
feelings,” joyously to obey such a summons, and enter into
that future, upon which, for him, no doubts rested. But a spirit
in such a frame, whatever the state of the body, feels no weak-
ness. It “ hath everlasting life,” and, unconscious of any de-
bility, or lack of energy, analogous to that taking place in the
failure of the vital forces of the body, its natural expression
must ever be, “ I do not believe that I am going to die.” The
two are not yet separate ; and the one, still the organ (though
the fainting organ) of the other, fails clearly to apprehend that
the eternal is already asserting its superiority to the transitory ;
that the spirit, youthful in hope, in love, and in life, is pluming
itself for its upward flight to everlasting joy and light, whilst
the body, shattered, worn, and unstrung, being on the edge
of dissolution, can no longer respond to its superior. Their
connexion is almost at an end ; and, though the spirit, in parting,
unfurl, even for the body, hope’s standard on the brink of the yawn-
ing grave, yet the union is fading, and the soul is about to wing
its way to Heavenly mansions.

Affection, when bereaved, yearns for a spot to which the
heart can turn, either in reality or in contemplation, and say,
“ There lies one I loved, not lost, but gone before ;” and there-
fore Judson’s consolation, derived from Sarah Judson’s sepul-
ture on the rock of St. Helena, was as natural, as that his own
elastic spirit should have preferred in contemplation for his body’s
rest the wide ocean to the narrow grave : — and, whether the
solemn dirge of ocean’s billows continue long to resound upon
earth’s shores, or that anthem’s swell be doomed shortly to cease,
whenever that hour, which no man knoweth, cometh, and the
sea gives up her dead, there will rise from her abyss the body
of no truer servant of Christ than that of Adoniram Judson.

451

ADONIRAM JUDSON,

We have made no allusion to the very important services,
which he rendered to the British Indian Government, our atten-
tion being engaged by other and higher considerations ; yet we
should fail to convey even a faint sketch of the character
and qualities of the man, were we to omit all notice of the
aid he afforded, first to Sir A. Campbell, afterwards to Mr. Craw-
ford, and subsequently to every Commissioner on the Tenasserim
coast, who had occasion to solicit either information or advice.
To the last he clung to the hope, that, through the instrumentali-
ty of our influence and power, Burmah would, sooner or
later, be opened as a field for the exertion of Missionary
labour ; and to a Commissioner, who was leaving Moulmein,
and was bidding farewell to Judson, his last words were, “ In
‘ case of difficulties, or of war arising between the British
‘ Government and Burmah, I expect to see you again on this
‘ field ; and mind, if ever you are sent, and you think I can be
( of any use to your Mission to Ava, if alive, I shall be happy
* to join you, and to be of every assistance in my power.” That
which had induced him to accompany Crawford, and to afford
him invaluable aid — the hope of securing in the treaty con-
cluded with Burmah a proviso favourable to religious tolera-
tion— would, to the close of his career, have led Judson again
to come forward as a powerful auxiliary to a diplomatic Mission,
and to devote his great abilities and thorough acquaintance
with Burmah, its princes, and its people, to aid in the con-
duct of negotiations ; which, if successful on the one point
he had at heart, would, he felt assured, prove to the enduring
advantage of Burmah, and therefore would richly recompense
him for the sacrifices such a journey and occupation must
inevitably entail. Other reward, it is needless to add, found
no place in his thoughts. The sum of money, presented to him
by the British Government after Crawford’s embasssv, went
every farthing into the American Baptist Mission Fund, but
swollen in amount by the addition of what constituted the
whole of Judson’s private property. Altogether he appears in
1827 and 1828 to have been able in this manner to pay into
the Funds of the Board upwards of ten thousand dollars; that
too, at a time, when such a sum was more needed, and of more
importance to the Mission, than far higher amounts would be in
the present day, when America has bestowed her sympathy
and liberality on the cause of Missions.

These services were by no means all for which the Anglo-
Indian Government stands indebted to Judson. Though the
Burmans were his peculiar flock, and his Mission was specially

THE APOSTLE OF BURMAH.

455

to the heathen, the British Soldier shared his love and sym-
pathy ; and many an officer, and many a private, whom the
course of duty quartered at Moulmein, found that they had
been led, in the inscrutable will of Providence, to that distant
and uncivilized region, in order to hear a teacher, who touched
their hearts, awakened their consciences, and turned them to
the truth. Many a soldier left Moulmein, feeling that, what-
ever his future career, he must ever look back to that spot as
the birth-place of his spiritual life. An old Italian proverb
says, that there is often as much religion under the soldier’s
cap, as under the Bishop’s mitre ; and, in many a scene of death,
whether stretched on his hospital bed, or bleeding away life
on the field of battle, the spirit of the soldier, as it passed in
peace and hope to immortality, will have given a parting bless-
ing to his father in Christ, Adoniram Judson.

Very inadequately we have adverted to the loss, which not alone
America and Burmah, but the whole Christian world, must de-
plore

“ With the dead

In their repose, the living in their mirth,

Who can reflect unmoved upon the round
Of smooth and solemnized complacencies.

By which, in Christian lands, from age to age,

Profession mocks performance.”

How different the contemplation of such a life, as that we
have very faintly scanned. May that life's history be written
and given to the world by some one able to do the subject
justice ! The example of Judson will be salutary to all, but
most so to the Missionaries, whose destination is the East. The
writing of that life is a duty, which America owes to one of her
noblest sons, and three of her noblest daughters. It is a
duty, which America owes to the whole Christian Church ; and a
duty, which, let us hope, will be religiously performed.

456

LION HUNTING IN SOUTH AFRICA.

Art. VI. — A Hunter's Life in South Africa. By R. Gordon

Cumming. 2 Vols. 8 vo. London. 1850.

It is with great diffidence and many misgivings that we un-
dertake to comment on Mr. Cumming. For one who could not
shoot a tom-tit without feeling remorse for the deed, to criticise the
work of a mighty hunter is surely an act of no ordinary au-
dacity. The presumption apart, too, we fear, that none but
a hunter could do justice to a hunter’s book. A blind man
may lecture on light and colour; a deaf man may discourse elo-
quently on music. Memory with these may fill the place of the
absent perceptives. But for a man possessing not the sense,
which perceives sport in bloodshed and slaughter, to appreciate
the beauties of a sporting subject, is a thing impossible. Under
such circumstances, it may be suggested that we ought to leave
Mr. Cumming to our contemporary of the Sporting Review ;
and, were it merely a matter of private and personal taste, so
indeed we should do. But as the limits of our jurisdiction are
coincident with those of the Company’s Charter, and thus in-
clude Mr. Cumming’s hunting grounds in South Africa, the task
of reviewing the Lion Killer’s work presents itself in the form
of a duty.

In preparation for the performance of this duty, we have — as,
if rumour speaks truth, critics not always do — diligently and per-
severinglv perused the two volumes, in which Mr. Cumming
has recorded his exploits and experiences. Very hard reading
we have found them ; not, possibly, from any fault in their matter
or style, but from our misfortune in being destitute of the power
to perceive their beauties. An acquaintance, largely endow-
ed with this faculty, makes his boast that he galloped through
them with scarcely a check in a (to us) incredibly small number
of hours.

We would not have it supposed, however, that we have plodded
wearily from Dan to Beersheba, from dedication to “ finis,” and
found all barren. Perhaps no book, not absolutely and thorough-
ly immoral, can be read through entirely without profit ; and it
would be marvellous indeed, if a work, detailing the five years’
experiences of an educated man in an imperfectly explored
country, and among strange varieties of the human and brute
creation, left no trace of pleasant recollection, or useful knowledge
on the reader’s mind. We trust, that we shall be able to filter
from the blood-stained and sordid “ rivulets of type,” in which
Mr. Cumming’s exploits are reflected, a refreshing draught, now

LION HUNTING IN SOUTH AFRICA.

457

and then, for those who accompany us through the desert, which
we have ventured to explore.

But to reach the oasis, we must dare the arid waste. Ere
we can sit down to enjoy those scanty draughts of refreshing
knowledge, which await us in the distance, we must hasten
over the most disagreeable part of our journey. To drop
metaphor, we will, in the first place, declare what we object to
in Mr. Cumming and his book, and then get from them, and
say for them, all the good we can. To come to the worst at once
then, we think that Mr. Cumming — to use the words of Sir
Charles Napier — “ would have better consulted his own res-
pectability/’ had he left much of the book unwritten, and many
of the deeds recorded therein undone. Not that we think a man
forfeits his respectability by becoming a sportsman, or by owning
himself one. We believe he may be that, without ceasing to
be a gentleman. Indeed, as we are credibly informed, he cannot
be a perfect sportsman, unless he is a gentleman. But though
the union of the two characters is thus practicable, it surely is not
good, that they should be so blended together, as that the more
graceful and delicate should be lost in the ruder and harder.
The fine gold of the gentleman should gild the less precious
metal of the sportsman, and not be melted up with it, and lost
in the grosser mass. Sorry should we be to say, that so good
a shot as Mr. Cumming is other than a gentleman. Our
complaint against him is, that he too often disguises the character
under the savage habits of desert life. Possessed of at least an
average amount of intellect and education, boasting aristocratic
connections, and placed, as we may assume, above the tempta-
tion of pecuniary necessity, he abandons an honourable profes-
sion, for which we should suppose him peculiarly fitted. He
turns his back on civilized life, and assimilates himself, as nearly
as possible, to the savages, his associates. Sordidly and gro-
tesquely clad, grossly fed, ill-housed, to the detriment, as he
tells us, of his health, he banishes himself for five years to
the wilds of South Africa, for the purpose of indulging the
three amiable propensities — combativeness, destructiveness, and
acquisitiveness ! Can we be blamed if we fail to recognise
the graceful high-minded British gentleman in the un-kempt
cateran breakfasting on “ coffee and rhinoceros,” besmeared with
the blood of the noble and beautiful animals, whom he has wan-
tonly and uselessly slaughtered, or employing his Scottish
shrewdness in outwitting (we fear we might say cheating) the
brutish bipeds of the wild ? Here is little in common with the
well-appointed English sportsmen, seeking healthful relaxation
and excitement on the moor, in stubble, or in cover, or with

l 1

458

LION HUNTING IN SOUTH AFRICA.

the bold hunter of Bengal, taking the field like a gentleman
against the boar or the tiger. These devote their brief and
probably well-earned seasons of leisure to the temperate grati-
fication of those propensities, which find pleasure in the sports
of the field. Mr Cumming, impelled at once by a fierce lust of
blood and the desire of gain, mis-spends a lustrum in wholesale
slaughter. We say not that Mr. Cumming’s employments were
more cruel than those of more orthodox sportsmen, or that to
shoot a hare is less barbarous than to shoot an elephant, though
we do find some difficulty in reconciling ourselves to the contrary
belief. It is to the quantity, rather than to the quality, of Mr.
Cumming’s slaughters that we object. His heartless indis-
criminate massacres seem to us atrocious; and he has taken care
that nothing of their repulsive effect shall be lost in the nar-
rative. He is usually very particular in telling us how his
victims died.

To begin at the beginning. Mr. Gordon Cumming thus in-
troduces himself in the introduction of his book : —

The early portion of my life was spent in the county of Moray, where
a love of natural history and of sport early engendered themselves, and be-
came stronger and more deeply rooted with my years. Salmon-fishing and
roe-stalking were my favourite amusements ; and, duriug these early wan-
derings by wood and stream, the strong love of sport and admiration of
Nature ip her wildest and most attractive forms became with me an all-
absorbing feeling, and my greatest possible enjoyment was to pass whole
days and many a summer night in solitude, where, undisturbed, I might
contemplate the silent grandeur of the forest, and the ever- varying beauty
of the scenes around. Long before I proceeded to Eton, I took pride in
the goodly array of hunting trophies, which hung around my room.

The “ admiration of Nature ” and “ love of natural history "
are but very feebly developed in the book, which is declared to
be almost a literal transcript from a journal, written while the
impressions of “ any thing worthy of attention ” were yet fresh
in the hunter’s memory. With rare exceptions, and unless
when recorded rather by the sportsman than the naturalist, Mr.
Cumming’s observations on natural history refer chiefly to the
size of horns and tusks — the “ trophies ” of his achievements;
and we must confess that, save for some brief hints as to the
character of the climate and the country, in which and over which
he followed the game, we close his volumes, as ignorant of the
face which nature displayed to him, as when we first opened them.
As we have already said, however, it is almost impossible for a
book on such a subject to be entirely barren ; and we trust to be
able to shew our readers that Mr. Cumming’s is no exception
to the general rule.

Mr. Cumming came out to India in 1839, as an officer of the

LION HUNTING IN SOUTH AFRICA.

459

4th Madras Cavalry ; and on his way, he obtained at the Cape a
foretaste of those savage delights, which he was afterwards so
largely to enjoy. In this country he laid the foundation of
a “ collection of specimens of natural history, which has since
swelled to gigantic proportions, and, under the name of the
South African Museum, is to be seen at the Chinese Gallery
in London” The climate of India did not agree with him;
so he retired from the service and returned home. There
he resumed his old habits and took to deer stalking ; but
“ growing weary of hunting in a country, where the game
was strictlv preserved, and where the continual presence of
keepers and foresters took away half the charm of the chase,
and longing once more for the freedom of nature and the life
of the wild hunter— -so far preferable to that of the mere sports-
man— he resolved to visit the rolling prairies and rocky moun-
tains of the far west, where his nature would find congenial
sport with the bison, the wapiti, and the elk.” Prompted by
such laudable aspirations, he obtained a commission in the Royal
Veteran Newfoundland Companies; but, finding that he should
have little chance of playing the Nimrod, while attached to this
corps, he exchanged into the Cape Rifles, and in 1843 found
himself once more on the borders of that country, in which he
was so peculiarly to distinguish himself.

He was again however disappointed in his expectations of
combining the wild pleasures of the sportsman with the formal
routine of military duty : and, “ there being at that time no pros-
pect of fighting,” he made up his mind to sell out of the armv,
and to penetrate into the interior, farther than the foot of civiliz-
ed man had yet trodden — “ to vast regions,” says he, “ which
would afford abundant food for the gratification of the passion
of my youth, the collecting of hunting trophies and objects
of interest in science and natural history.” Elsewhere he ad-
mits a “ secondary consideration,” that of his “ real interest”

the “rendering his expedition profitable” by the collection of
ivory, &c. for sale. This “ secondary consideration” would not
of course do for a preface; though it peeps out rather too often
we think, in the course of the narrative.

Accordingly Mr. Cumming sold out of the armv, and for
five years waged relentless war with the brute tribes of the
interior wilds. Yet within those five years, he might have found
many opportunities of at once gratifying his ruling propensities
and of winning military honours, as did his former comrades, en-
gaged in a fierce struggle with the Kafirs far in his rear. Within
those five years, British soldiers had fought and conquered
at Gwalior, on the Sutlej, in the Punjab: and Mr. Cumming,

400

LION HUNTING IN SOUTH AFRICA.

who could ruove about from corps to corps, from country to
country, at his will, might with them, in the honourable path of
duty, have won a renown far more enviable than any that his
hunting exploits or their history can secure for him.

Passing over Mr. Cumming’s account of his plans and pre-
parations, his equipage and outfit, which those specially in-
terested therein will seek in the work itself, we come upon him,
as he is depicted in the vignette title-page, shock-haired, bearded,
bare armed, bare legged, kilted and brogued, with shouldered
rifle, tramping at the head of a long train of waggons, bullocks,
horses, and Hottentots. Graham’s Town is far behind him. He
has accomplished in safety the “ fearful descent of De Bruin’s
Poort,” or pass. He has crossed the last obstructing fold of
the Great Fish Biver. He is approaching the scene of his
future triumphs. Let him describe what he saw and felt on the
occasion : —

Having directed my men to proceed to the next farm along the banks of
the Brak River, I rode forth with Cobus, and held a northerly course across
the flats. I soon perceived herds of springbok in every direction, which,
on my following at a hard gallop, continued to join one another until
the whole plain seemed alive with them. Upon our crossing a sort of
ridge on the plain, I beheld the whole country, as far as my eye could
reach, actually white with springboks, with here and there a herd of black
guoos, or wildebeest, prancing and capering in every direction, whirling and
lashing their white tails, as they started off in long tiles on our approach.
Having pursued them for many hours, and fired about a dozen shots at
these, and the springboks, at distances of from four to six hundred yards,
and only wounded one, which I lost, I turned my horse’s head for camp.
The evening set in dark and lowering, with rattling thunder and vivid
flashes of lightning on the surrounding hills. I accordingly rode hard
for my waggon, which I just reached in time to escape a deluge of
rain, which lasted all night. The Brak River came down a red foam-
ing torrent, but fell very rapidly in the morning. This river is
called Brak from the flavour of its waters, which, excepting in the
rainy season, are barely palatable. My day’s sport, although unsuc-
cessful, was most excitiug. I did not feel much mortified at my
want of success, for I was well aware that recklessly jagging after the game,
in the manner in which 1 had been doing, although highly exhilarating,
was not the way to fill the bag. Delight at beholding so much noble game
in countless herds on their native plains was uppermost in my mind, and
I felt that at last I had reached the borders of those glorious hunting-lands,
the accounts of which had been my chief inducements to visit this remote
aud desolate corner of the globe ; and I rejoiced that I had not allowed
the advice of my acquaintances to influence my movements.

As I rode along, in the intense and maddening excitement of the chase,
I felt a glad feeling of unrestrained freedom, which was common to me
during my career in Africa, and which I had seldom so fully experienced ;
and, notwithstanding the many thorns which surrounded my roses during
the many days and nights of toil and hardship, which I afterwards encounter-
ed, I shall ever refer to those times as by far the brightest and happiest
of my life.

LION HUNTING IN SOUTH AFRICA.

4G1

A little further on his journey, he comes to the farm of one
Hendrik Strydom, a hospitable Boer, to whom he thus introduces
himself : —

On reaching ray waggon, which I found outspanned at the desolate
abode of Mynheer Hendrick Strydom, I took a mighty draught of gin and
water, and then walked, followed by ray interpreter carrying a bottle of
Hollands and glasses, to the door of Strydom, to cultivate the acquaint-
ance of himself and Frau, and wearing the garb of old Gaul, in which I
generally hunted during my first expedition, to the intense surprise of
the primitive Boers. Shaking Strydom most cordially by the hand, J told
him that I was a “ Berg Scott,” or mountain Scotchman, and that it was
the custom in my country, when friends met, to pledge one another in a
bumper of spirits ; at the same time, suiting the action to the word, I
filled him a brimming bumper. This was my invariable practice on 6rst
meeting a Boer. I found it a never-failing method of gaining his good-
will, and he always replied that the Scotch were the best people in
the world.

It is a strange thing that Boers are rather partial to Scotchmen, although
they detest the sight of an Englishman. They have an idea that the
Scotch, like themselves, were a nation conquered by the English, and that,
consequently, we “ trek” in the same yoke as themselves ; and further, a
number of their ministers are Scotchmen.

After coquetting awhile with springboks and such small
deer, in company with Mynheer Strydom, our wild hunter
backed by his Boer ally, aspires to deal with larger game. He
thus narrates a nocturnal attack upon “ what they took to be a
herd of quaggas”: —

Night was now fast setting in ; so we descended from the hills, and
made forborne. As we passed down, we observed what we took to be a
herd of quaggas, and a bull wildebeest, standing in front of us ; upon which
we jumped off our horses, and, bending our bodies, approached them
to fire.

It was now quite dark, and it was hard to tell what sort of game we were
going to fire at. Strydom, however, whispered to me that they were quaggas,
and they certainly appeared to be such. His gun snapped three times at
the wildebeest, upon which they all set off at gallop. Strydom, who was
riding my stallion, let go his bridle, when he ran in to fire, taking advantage
of which the horse set off at a gallop after them. I then mounted “ The
Cow,” *• and, after riding hard for about a mile, I came up to them. They
were now standing still, and the stallion was in the middle of them. I
could make him out by his saddle; so, jumping off my horse in a state of
intense excitement, I ran forward, and fired both barrels of my two-grooved
rifle into the quaggas, and heard the bullets tell loudly. They then started
off; but the stallion was soon once more fighting in the middle of them. I
was astonished and delighted to remark how my horse was able to take up
their attention, so that they appeared heedless of the reports of my rifle.

In haste I commenced loading, but to my dismay I found that I had left
my loading-rod with Hendrick. Mounting “ The Cow,’’ I rode nearer to
the quaggas, and was delighted to find that they allowed my horse to come
within easy shot. It was now very dark ; but 1 set off in the hope to fall

# One of his horses was so designated.

4C2

LION HUNTING IN SOUTH AFRICA.

in with Hendrick on the wide plain, and galloped along, shouting with all
my might, but in vain. I then rode across the plain for the hill, to try to
find some bush large enough to make a ramrod. In this, by the greatest
chance, I succeeded; and, being provided with a knife, I cut a good ramrod,
loaded my rifle, and rode off to seek the quaggas once more. I soon fell
in with them ; and, coming within shot, fired at them right and left,
and heard both bullets tell, upon which they galloped across the plaiu,
with the stallion still after them. One of them, however, was very hard
hit, and soon dropped astern. The stallion remained to keep him company.

About this time the moon shone forth faintly. 1 galloped on after the
troop ; and, presently coming up with them, rode on one side, and dismount-
ing, and dropping on my knee, I sent a bullet through the shoulder of the
last quagga ; he staggered forward, fell to the ground with a heavy crash,
and expired. The rest of the troop charged wildly around him, snorting
and prancing like the wild horses in Mazeppa, and then set off at full
speed across the plain I did not wait to bleed the quagga, hut mounting
my horse, I galloped on after the troop, hut could not, however, overtake
them. I now returned and endeavoured to find the quagga, which I had
last shot ; but, owing to the darkness, and to my having no mark to guide
me on the plain, I failed to find him. I then set off to try for the
quagga, which had dropped astern with the stallion ; having searched
some time in vain, I dismounted, and laid my head on the ground, when I
made out two dark objects, which turned out to be what I sought. On
my approaching, the quagga tried to make off, when I sent a hall through
his shoulder, which laid him low. On going up to him in the full expecta-
tion of inspecting for the first time one of these animals, what was my
disappointment and vexation to find a fine brown gelding, with two white
stars on his forehead ! The truth now flashed upon me. Strydom and I
had both been mistaken. Instead of quaggas, the waggon-team of a neigh-
bouring Dutchman had afforded me my evening’s shooting ! I caught
my stallion, and rode home, intending to pay for the horses, which
I had killed and wounded ; but , on telling my story to Strydom, with which
he seemed extremely amused, he told me not to say a word about it, as the
owners of the horses were very avaricious, and would make me pay treble
their value ; and that, if I kept quiet, it would be supposed they had been
killed either by lions or wild Bushmen.

Oh that but ! So you did not pay for the property you had
carelessly destroyed, because a mischievous Dutch Boer told you
that you would have to pay a high price for it. Fie ! fie ! Mr.
Cumming. Was this worthy of a Scottish gentleman, claiming
relationship with the noble house of Gordon ? But see how much
more acute is Mr. Cumming’s sense of justice, when he himself
is the sufferer by the carelessness of others. The Bakalabari,
or people living on the borders of the great desert of Kalahari,
make covered pitfalls in the neighbourhood of their villages,
for the purpose of catching and destroying the wild beasts.
Into one of these a young mare of Mr. Cumming’s fell,
and was suffocated. The owner of the unfortunate animal was
pleased to assume that, on his approach, all these pitfalls ought
to be laid open to view to prevent accidents to his cattle. Let
us see how lie promulgates his ex post facto law, and punishes

LION HUNTING IN SOUTH AFRICA.

463

its infraction. In the heading of the chapter, in which the
occurrence is narrated, we are told of “ a Chief flogged for catch-
ing, and consuming a horse but the story imputes no such de-
gree of guilt to the luckless savage : —

When the waggons came up, I detected the head Bakalahari of the
kraal, beside which my mare had been killed ; he was talking with my
cattle herds, with whom he seemed to be on very intimate terras. This
killing of my horse was either intentional, or most culpably careless, as the
pits were left covered, and the cattle driven to pastui’e in the middle of
them. I accordingly deemed it proper that this man should be made an
example of; so, calling to my English servant, Carey, to assist me, we
each seized an arm of the guilty chief, and I then caused Hendrick to
flog him with a sea-cow jambok; after which l admonished him, and told
him that, if the holes were not opened in future, I would make a more
severe example as I proceeded. The consequence of this salutary ad-
monition was, that 9.U the pitfalls along the river were thrown open in
advance of my march — a thing which I had never before seen among the
Becbuana tribes.

Judged by his own law, of how many stripes was Mr. Cumming
worthy at the hands of the Dutchmen, whose horses he had shot?
The natural effect of this display of heavy-handed injustice was
manifest next morning, when he “ found himself minus his
hired natives ; these ruffians fearing to receive a chastisement
similar to that of the chief of the Bakalahari, which they felt
they deserved.” How much more tender the conscience of the
savage than that of the civilized man !

Here is another lamentable proof of how much the barbarian
has to learn ere he can cope with the civilised man, when the latter
condescends to encounter him with his own weapons of super-
stition and deceit: —

It happened in the course of my converse with the chief, that the subject
turned on ball-practice, when, probably relying on the power of his medi-
cine, the king challenged me to shoot against him for a considerable wager,
stipulating at the same time that his three brothers were to be permitted to
assist him in the competition. The king staked a couple of valuable
karosses against a large measure filled with my gunpowder ; and we then at
once proceeded to the waggon, where the match was to come otf, followed
by a number of the tribe. Whilst Sichely was loading his gun, I repaired
to the fore-chest of the waggon, where, observing that 1 was watched by
several of the natives, I proceeded to rub my hands with sulphur, which
was instantly reported to the chief, who directly joined me, and, clapping
me on the back, entreated me to give him a little of my medicine for his
gun, which I of course told him he must purchase. Our target being set
up, we commenced firing; it was a small piece of wood six inches long by
four in breadth, and was placed on the stump of a tree, at the distance of
one hundred paces. Sichely fired the first shot, and very naturally missed
it ; upon which I let fly, and split it through the middle. It was then setup
again, when Sichely and his brothers continued firing, without once touching
it, till night setting in put an end to their proceedings. This of course was
solely attributed by all present to the power of the medicine I had used.

464

LION HUNTING IN SOUTH AFRICA.

If Mr. Camming was not at this time the guest of Dr. Liv-
ingstone, the excellent missionary, he was at all events en-
camped on the scene of that good man’s labours and his in-
fluence. Of course, as our wild hunter naively tells us, when
Dr. Livingstone was informed of this circumstance, he was very
much shocked, declaring, that “ in future the natives would fail
to believe him, when he denounced supernatural agency, having
now seen it practised by his own countrymen.” How much
easier it is to do harm than to do good. This silly joke of Mr.
Cumming — we will not regard it as any thing worse, for he
does not tell us that he actually then sold any of his gun-
medicine to the natives — may have had an injurious effect
on the good missionary’s labours for months or even years.

But the following is still worse ; it is a clear case of obtaining
goods under false pretences; and we are astonished to find even
Mr. Cumming chronicling it with so much self-complacence : —

In the forenoon, Matsaca arrived from the carcase of the borele. He
brought with him a very fine leopard’s skin kaross, and an elephant’s
tooth ; these were for me, in return for which I was to cut him, to make
him shoot well. This I did in the following manner: opening a large
book of natural history, containing prints of all the chief quadrupeds,
I placed his forefinger successively on several of the prints of the com-
monest of the South African quadrupeds ; and, as I placed his finger on
each, I repeated some absurd sentence, and anointed him him with turpen-
tine. When this was accomplished, I made four cuts on his arm with a
lancet, and then, anointing the bleeding wounds with gunpowder and
turpentine, I told him that his gun had power over each of the animals
which his finger had touched, provided he held it straight. Matsaca and
his retinue seemed highly gratified, and presently took leave and de-
parted.

Did ever quack at country fair more richly deserve the
stocks, for imposing his rubbish on the credulous bumpkins as
valuable specifics, than did this well born and bred British
gentleman, for thus practising on the ignorance and superstition
of African savages for his own sordid profit? We fear that
the civilized sojourners among heathen tribes, often, in their
ordinary life and conversation, do much to check the diffusion
of Christian truth, without being conscious of it ; but a few
Cummings, scattered about in the dark places of the earth,
would do more mischief in an hour, than the missionaries,
whom Christian piety and Christian benevolence have sent
forth, could repair in a year. We trust, however, that few
of our countrymen are capable of such practices, as those which
Mr. Cumming avows, not only without shame, but with very
obvious satisfaction.

More than once does our eccentric friend record his perform-
ance of those incantations — never done for nothing. Thus we

LION HUNTING IN SOUTH AFRICA.

405

find him again obtaining valuable property by the pretended
exercise of supernatural power. The process is thus parti-
cularly described : —

I also exchanged some assagais for ammunition ; and obtained other
articles of native manufacture in payment for cutting the arms of two or
three of the nobility, and rubbing medicine into the incisions, to enable
them to shoot well. Whilst performing this absurd ceremony, in which
the Bechuanas have unbounded faith, I held before the eye of the initiated
sportsman prints of each of the game quadrupeds of the country; at the
same time anointing him with the medicine (which was common turpen-
tine), and looking him most seriously in the face, I said, in his own
language, “Slay the game well; let the course of thy bullet be through the
hearts of the wild beasts, thine hand and heart be strong against the lion,
against the great elephant, against the rhinoceros, against the buffalo,” &c.

Our merchant-bunter has no excuse for having thus juggled
tbe savages out of their property : for the profits, which he might
regard as perfectly legitimate, were certainly very handsome.
For a musket, which cost sixteen shillings, he demanded ivory
which he valued at 30/. — “ being about 3,000 per cent, which,”
he says, with an obvious chuckle, “ I am informed, is reckoned
among mercantile men to be a very fair profit.” The price,
which the largest ivory fetches in the English market, Mr. Cum-
ming tells us, is from 28/. to 32/. per cwt., and he obtained
pairs of tusks, which weighed considerably more than this.
But then, as he informs us, he voted the trading an immense
bore ; and, even in his elephant-shooting expeditions, he was
tempted to forget his “ real interests — ’’the making his expedi-
tion profitable — by the inducement to select and secure the
largest tusks for his collection of curiosities.

The varying character of South African sport may be inferred
from the following imperfect list of the game found in one dis-
trict only — and the smallest and least important item in the
catalogue, it must be remembered, is the antelope in various
species : —

In the course of the day I saw the fresh spoor of about twenty varieties
of large game, and most of the animals themselves, viz. elephant, black,
white, and long-horned rhinoceros, hippopotamus, camelopard, buffalo, blue
wildebeest, zebra, waterbuck, sassayby, koodoo, pall ah, springbok, serolo-
mootlooque, wild boar, duiker, steinbok, lion, leopard. This district of
Africa contains a larger variety of game than any other in the whole of
this vast tract of the globe, and perhaps more than any district throughout
the world ; for, besides the game which I have just noted, the following are
not uncommon, viz. keilton, or two-horned black rhinoceros, eland, oryx,
roan antelope, sable antelope, hartebeest, klipspringer, and grys steinbuck :
the rietbuck is also to be found, but not abundantly.

Any of the names in this catalogue, which the reader does
not recognize, may safely be regarded as those of different
kinds of antelopes. These fleet, graceful, and timid inhabitants

m 1

LION HUNTING IN SOUTH AFRICA,

4GG

of the desert, associated often in countless herds, supplied Mr.
Cumming with recreation, during (what we may call) his leisure
hours, spared from the more exciting, and often more profitable,
pursuit of the larger and rarer game. His accounts of the
long streams of antelopes on their annual migrations are really
marvellous. The havoc, that he made among them, may rea-
dily be imagined. Darting through the herd, firing right and
left, or singling out a fine specimen, and “ stalking" it, or per-
haps knocking it down, or seeing it escape after a long chase — this
was the best of the sport with which this species of game sup-
plied him. Here is his description of one of the finest and
most remarkable of these antelope tribes: —

The Oryx, or gemsbok, to which I was now about to direct my attention
more particularly, is about the most beautiful and remarkable of all the
antelope tribe. It is the animal, which is supposed to have given rise to the
fable of the unicorn, from its long straight horns, when seen, en profile ,
so exactly covering one another, as to give it the appearance of having but
one. It possesses the erect mane, long sweeping black tail, and general
appearance of the horse, with the head and hoofs of an antelope. It is ro-
bust in its form, squarely and compactly built, and very noble in its bear-
ing. Its height is about that of an ass, and in colour it slightly resembles
that animal. The beautiful black bands, which eccentrically adorn its head,
giving it the appearance of wearing a stall collar, together with the manner
in which the rump and thighs are painted, impart to it a character peculiar
to itself. The adult male measures 3 feet 10 inches in height at the
shoulder.

The gemsbok was destined by nature to adorn the parched karroos and
arid deserts of South Africa, for which description of country it is ad-
mirably adapted. It thrives and attains high condition in barren regions,
where it might be imagined that a locust would not find subsistence ; and,
burning as is the climate, it is perfectly independent of water, which, from
my own observation, and the repeated reports both of the Boers and
Aborigines, I am convinced it never by any chance tastes. Its flesh is
deservedly esteemed, and ranks next to the eland. At certain seasons of
the year they carry a great quantity of fat, at which time they can more
easily be ridden into. Owing to the even nature of the ground, which the
oryx frequents, its shy and suspicious disposition, and the extreme dis-
tances from water to which it must be followed, it is never stalked, or driven
to an ambush, like other antelopes, but is hunted on horseback, and ridden
down by a long, severe, tail-on-end chase. Of several animals in South
Africa, which are hunted in the manner, and may be ridden into by a horse,
the oryx is by far the swiftest and most enduring. They are widely
diffused throughout the centre and western parts of Southern Africa.

Touching what is here said as to the origin of the fable of
the unicorn, we suspect that the unicorn of heraldry dates
from times, when the gemsbok, or oryx, of South Africa was
unknown to Europeans. More probably the composite animal,
which figures so prominently in coat-armoury, is entirely an
ideal creation, suggested, by the reference to the unicorn in the
book of Job, to men who knew nothing of the rhinoceros.

LION HUNTING IN SOUTH AFRICA.

467

But ere long our wild hunter came on nobler game than
these elegant and gentle antelopes. We must make room, at
some sacrifice of space, for the record of his first impressions
of, and subsequent experiences with, the royal tribe of Leo. Few
have had Mr. Cumming’s opportunities of observing and study-
ing the nature and habits of the terrible king of beasts in his
native deserts : and the account here given is on many points
novel, and in all highly interesting: —

The night of the 19th was to rae rather a memorable one, as being the
first on which I had the satisfaction of hearing the deep-toned thunder of
the lion’s roar. Although there was no one near, to inform me by what
beast the haughty and impressive sounds, which echoed through the
wilderness, were produced, I had little difficulty in divining. There was
no mistake about it ; and, on hearing it, l at once knew, as well as if
accustomed to the sound from my infancy, that the appalling roar, which
was uttered within half a mile of me, was no other than that of the mighty
and terrible king of beasts. Although the dignified and truly monarchical
appearance of the lion has long rendered him famous amongst his
fellow quadrupeds, and his appearance and habits have often been
described by abler pens than mine, nevertheless I consider that
a few remarks, resulting from my own personal experience, formed
by a tolerably long acquaintance with him both by day and by night,
may not prove uninteresting to the reader: There is something so

noble and imposing in the presence of the lion, when seen walking with
dignified self-possession, free and undaunted, on his native soil, that no
description can convey an adequate idea of his striking appearance. The
lion is exquisitely formed by nature for the predatory habits which he is
destined to pursue. Combining in comparatively small compass the
qualities of power and agility, he is enabled, by means of the tremendous
machinery with which nature has gifted him, easily to overcome and de-
stroy almost every beast of the forest, however superior to him in weight
and stature.

Though considerably under four feet in height, he has little difficulty in
dashing to the ground, and overcoming the lofty and apparently powerful
giraffe, whose head towers above the trees of the forest, and whose skin is
nearly an inch in thickness. The lion is the constant attendant of the
vast herds of buffalos, which frequent the interminable forests of the
interior ; and a full-grown one, so long as his teeth are unbroken, generally
proves a match for an old bull buffalo, which in size and strength greatly
surpasses the most powerful breed of English cattle. The lion also preys
on all the larger varieties of the antelopes, and on both varieties of the
gnoo. The zebra, which is met with in large herds throughout the interior,
is also a favourite object of his pursuit.

Lions do not refuse, as has been asserted, to feast upon the venison that
they have not killed themselves. I have repeatedly discovered lions of all
ages, which had taken possession of, and were feasting upon, the carcases
of various game quadrupeds, which had fallen before my rifle. The lion is
very generally diffused throughout the secluded parts of Southern Africa.
He is, however, nowhere met with in great abundance — it being very rare
to find more than three, or even two, families of lions frequenting the same
district, and drinking at the same fountain. When a greater number were
met with, I remarked that it was owing to long-protracted droughts, which,
by drying nearly all the fountains, had compelled the game of various

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LION HUNTING IN SOUTH AFRICA.

districts to crowd the remaining springs; and the lions, according to their
custom, followed in the wake. It is a common thing to come upon a full-
grown lion and lioness associating with three or four large youug ones
nearly full grown. At other times, full grown males will be found associat-
ing and hunting together in a happy state of friendship ; two, three, and
full-grown male lions may thus be discovered consorting together.

The male lion is adorned with a long, rank, shaggy mane, which in some
instances almost sweeps the ground. The colour of these manes varies —
some being very dark, and others of a golden yellow. This appearance has
given rise to a prevailing opinion among the Boers, that there are two dis-
tinct varieties of lions, which they distinguish by the respective names
of “ Schwart fore life” and “ Chiel fore life this idea, however, is
erroneous. The colour of the lion’s mane is generally influenced by
his age. He attains his mane in the third year of his existence. I
have remarked that at first it is of a yellowish colour ; in the prime of life
it is blackest; and, when he has numbered many years, but still is in the
full enjoyment of his power, it assumes a yellowish -grey-pepper and-salt sort
of colour. These old fellows are cunning and dangerous, and most to be
dreaded. The females are utterly destitute of a mane, being covered
with a short, thick, glossy coat of tawny hair. The manes and coats of
lions, frequenting open-lying districts utterly destitute of trees, such as the
borders of the great Kalahari desert, are more dark and handsome than
those inhabiting forest districts.

One of the most striking things connected with the lion is his voice, which
is extremely grand and peculiarly striking. It consists at times of a low
deep moaning, repeated five or six times, ending in faintly audible sighs;
at other times he startles the forest with loud, deep-toned, solemn roars,
repeated five or six times in quick succession, each increasing in loudness
to the third or fourth, when his voice dies away in five or six low muffled
sounds, very much resembling distant thunder. At times, and not unfre-
quently, a troop may be beard roaring in concert — one assuming the lead,
and two, three, or four more regularly taking up their parts, like persons
singing a catch. Like our Scottish stags at the rutting season, they roar
loudest in cold, frosty nights; but on no occasions are their voices to be
heard in such perfection, or so intensely powerful, as when two or three
strange troops of lions approach a fountain to drink at the same time. When
this occurs, every member of each troop sounds a bold roar of defiance at
the opposite parties ; and when one roars, all roar together, and each seems
to vie with his comrades in the intensity and power of his voice. The power
and grandeur of these nocturnal forest concerts is inconceivably striking and
pleasing to the hunter’s ear. The effect, I may remark, is greatly en-
hanced, when the hearer happens to be situated in the depths of the forest,
at the dead hour of midnight, unaccompanied by any attendant, and en-
sconced within twenty yards of the fountain, which the surrounding troops
of lions are approaching. Such has been my situation many scores of
times ; and, though I am allowed to have a tolerably good taste for music,
I consider the catches, with which I was then regaled, as the sweetest and
most natural I ever heard.

As a general rule, lions roar during the night — their sighing moans
commencing, as the shades of evening envelop the forest, and continuing at
intervals throughout the night. In distant and secluded regions, however,
I have constantly heard them roaring loudly, as late as nine and ten o’clock
on a bright sunny morning. In hazy and rainy weather they are to be
beard at every hour in the day ; but their roar is subdued. It often,
happens that when two strange male lions meet at a fountain, a terrific

LION HUNTING IN SOUTH AFRICA.

400

combat ensues, which not unfrequently ends in the death of one of them.
The habits of the lion are strictly nocturnal ; during the day he lies con-
cealed beneath the shade of some low bushy tree, or wide-spreading bush,
either in the level forest, or on the mountain side. He is also partial to
lofty reeds, or fields of long rank yellow grass, such as occur in low-lying
vleys. From these haunts he sallies forth, when the sun goes down, and
commences his nightly prowl. When he is successful in his beat, and has
secured his prey, he does not roar much that night, only uttering occasion-
ally a few low moans — that is, provided no intruders approach him,
otherwise the case would be very different.

Lions are ever most active, daring, and presuming in dark and stormy
nights; and consequently on such occasions the traveller ought more parti-
cularly to be on his guard. 1 remarked a fact connected with the lions’
hour of drinking peculiar to themselves : they seemed unwilling to visit
the fountains with good moonlight. Thus, when the moon rose early, the
lions deferred their hour of watering until late in the morning ; and, when
the moon rose late, they drank at a very early hour in the night. By this
acute system many a grisly lion ‘ saved his bacon,’ and is now luxuriating in
the forests of South Africa, which had otherwise fallen by the barrels of
my “ Westly Richards.” Owing to the tawny colour of the coat, with which
nature has robed him, he is perfectly invisible in the dark; and, although I
have often heard them loudly lapping the water under my very nose, not
twenty yards from me, I could not possibly make out so much as the out-
line of their forms. When a thirsty lion comes to water, he stretches out
his massive arms, lies down on his breast to drink, and makes a loud
lapping noise in drinking, not to be mistaken. He continues lapping
up the water for a long while, and, four or five times during the pro-
ceeding, he pauses for half a minute as if to take breath. One
thing conspicuous about them is their eyes, which, in a dark night,
glow like two balls of fire. The female is more fierce and active than the
male, as a general rule. Lionesses, which have never had young, are much
more dangerous than those which have. At no time is the lion so much
to be dreaded, as when his partner has got small young ones. At that
season he knows no fear, and, in the coolest and most intrepid manner, he
will face a thousand men. A remarkable instance of this kind came under
my own observation, which confirmed the reports I had before heard from
the natives. One day, when out elephant-hunting in the territory of the
“ Baseleka,” accompanied by two hundred and fifty men, I was astonished
suddenly to behold a majestic lion slowly and steadily advancing towards
us, with a dignified step and undaunted bearing, the most noble and im-
posing that can be conceived. Lashing his tail from side topside, and growl-
ing haughtily, his terribly expressive eye resolutely fixed upon us, and dis-
playing a show of ivory well calculated to inspire terror amongst the timid
“ Bechuanas,” he approached. A headlong flight of the two hundred and
fifty men was the immediate result; and, in the confusion of the moment,
four couples of my dogs, which they had been leading, were allowed to
escape in their couples. These instantly faced the lion, who, finding that
by his bold bearing he had succeeded in putting bis enemies to flight, now
became solicitous for the safety of his little family, with which the lioness
was retreating in the back ground. Facing about, he followed after them
with a haughty and independent step, growling fiercely at the dogs,
which trotted along on either side of him. Three troops of elephants
having been discovered a few minutes previous to this, upon which I
was marching for the attack, I, with the most heartfelt reluctance, reserved
my fire. On running down the hill side, to endeavour to recall my dogs,

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LION HUNTING IN SOUTH AFRICA.

I observed, for the first time, the retreating lioness with four cubs. About
twenty minutes afterwards two noble elephants repaid my forbearance.

Among Indian Nimrods a certain class of royal tigers is dignified with
the appellation of “ man-eaters.” These are tigers, which, having once tast-
ed human flesh, show a predilection for the same ; and such characters are
very naturally famed and dreaded among the natives. Elderly gentlemen
of similar tastes and habits are occasionally met with among the lions in
the interior of South Africa ; and the danger of such neighbours may be
easily imagined. I account for lions first acquiring this taste in the follow-
ing manner; the Bechuana tribes of the far interior do not bury their
dead, but unceremoniously carry them forth, and leave them lying exposed
in the forest or on the plain, a prey to the lion and hyaena, or the jackal and
vulture; and I can readily imagine that a lion, having thus once tasted
human flesh, would have little hesitation, when opportunity presented it-
self, of springing upon and carrying off the unwary traveller, or “ Bechuana,”
inhabiting his country. Be this as it may, man-eaters occur ; and, ou my
fourth hunting expedition, a horrible tragedy was acted one dark night in
my little lonely camp by one of these formidable characters, which deprived
me, in the far wilderness, of my most valuable servant.

In winding up these few observations on the lion, which, I trust, will not
have been tiresome to the reader, I may remark that lion hunting, uuder any
circumstances, is decidedly a dangerous pursuit. It may, nevertheless, be
followed, to a certain extent with comparative safety, by those who have
naturally a turn for that sort of thing. A recklessness of death, perfect
coolness and self-possession, an acquaintance with the disposition and
manners of lions, and a tolerable knowledge of the use of the rifle, are
indispensable to him, who would shine in the overpoweringly exciting
pastime of hunting this justly-celebrated king of beasts.

The “ tragedy,” to which Mr. Camming here briefly alludes,
was truly a horrible one. It is noted at great length, and
with soul-harrowing minuteness, in a subsequent part of the
book. The poor wretch was actually dragged by the terrible
brute from among his companions sleeping by the watch fire ;
and the lion lay all night, growling over the prey, which he was
devouring, within forty yards of Mr. Cumming and his terrified
followers. We must confess that we were somewhat surprised to
find Mr. C. so soon assuming that his unfortunate servant was
beyond the reach of aid, and postponing his attack on the man-
eater till next morning. He was not usually so much averse
to a contest in the dark, even with lions more than one. When
day-light came, however, he amply revenged the death of poor
Hendrik by that of his destroyer : —

The lion held up the rivers bank for a short distance, and took away
through some wait-a-bit thorn cover, the best he could find, but nevertheless
open. Here, in two minutes, the dogs were up with him, and he turn-
ed, and stood at bay. As I approached, he stood, his horrid head right
opposite to me, with open jaws growling fiercely, his tail waving from side to
side.

On beholding him, my blood boiled with rage. I wished that I could
take him alive, and torture him ; and, setting my teeth, I dashed my steed
forward within thirty yards of him, and shouted, “ Your time is up, old

LION HUNTING IN SOUTH AFRICA. 471

fellow,” I halted ray horse, and, placing my rifle to my shoulder, I waited
for a broadside. This, the next moment, lie- exposed, when I sent a bullet
through his shoulder, and dropped him on the spot. He rose, however,
again, when I finished him with a second in the breast. The Bnkalahari
now came up in wonder and delight. I ordered John to cut off his head
and forepaws, and bring them to the waggons ; and, mounting my horse, I
galloped home, having been absent about fifteen minutes. When the
Bakalahari women heard that the man-eater was dead, they all commenced
dancing about with joy, calling me their father.

Mr. Cumming’s first encounter with a member of the royal
family well nigh brought his wanderings and adventures to
a close. His antagonist was a bold lioness, who showed fight
most resolutely, and was not despatched, till she had nearly killed
Mr. Cumming’s horse. The female indeed seems always to have
proved herself a more formidable opponent than the male, who,
even when numbers might have made him more bold, would
get away if he could. Here is an account of a serio-comic
interview with one of the queens of the wild : —

Ruyter came towards me, and I ran forward to obtain a view beyond a
slight rise in the ground to see whither the lionesses had gone. In so
doing, I came suddenly upon them, within about seventy yards ; they were
standing looking back at Ruyter. I then very rashly commenced making
a rapid stalk in upon them, and fired at the nearest, having only one shot
in my rifle. The ball told loudly, and the lioness, at which I had fired,
wheeled right round, and came on, lashing her tail, showing her teeth, and
making that horrid murderous deep growl, which an angry lion generally
utters. At the same moment her comrade, who seemed better to know
that she was in the presence of man, made a hasty retreat into the reeds.
The instant the lioness came on, 1 stood up to my full height, holding my
rifle, and my arms extended, and high above my head. This checked her
in her course : but on looking round and missing her comrade, and observ-
ing Ruyter slowly advancing, she was still more exasperated, and, fancy-
ingthatshe was being surrounded, she made another forward movement,
growling terribly. This was a moment of great danger. I felt that my
only chance of safety was extreme steadiness : so, standing motionless as a
rock, with my eyes firmly fixed upon her, I called out in a clear command-
ing voice, “Holloa! old girl, what's the hurry? take it easy; holloa!
holloa !” She instantly once more halted, and seemed perplexed, looking
round for her comrade. I then thought it prudent to beat a retreat, which
I very slowly did, talking to the lioness all the time. She seemed undecid-
ed as to her future movements, and was gazing after me, and snuffing the
ground, when I last beheld her.

In the following anecdote the lion is represented as playing
for the hunter that part, which the jackal is popularly believed
to perform for the lion himself. The statement is somewhat
marvellous ; but we presume Mr. Cumming repeats it on the best
authority : —

This is a very remarkable and not unfrequent occurrence. Often, when
a springbok is thus wounded, one or more jackals suddenly appear, and
assist the hunter in capturing his quarry. In the more distant hunting-
lands of the interior, it sometimes happens that the lion assists the sports

472

LION HUNTING IN SOUTH AFRICA.

man in a similar manner with the larger animals; and, though this may
appear like a traveller’s story, it is nevertheless true ; and instances of the
kind happened both to myself and to Mr. Oswell of the H.E.I C.S., a
dashing sportsman, and one of the best hunters I ever met, who performed
two hunting expeditions into the interior. Mr. Oswell and a companion
were one day galloping along the shady banks of the Limpopo, in full
pursuit of a wounded buffalo, when they were suddenly joined by three
lions, who seemed determined to dispute the chace with them. The buffalo
held stoutly on, followed by the three lions — Oswell and his companion
bringing up the rear. Very soon the lions sprang upon the mighty bull,
and dragged him to the ground, when the most terrific scuffle ensued. Mr.
Oswell and friend then approached, and opened their fire upon the royal
family ; and, as each ball struck the lions, they seemed to consider it was a
poke from the horns of the buffalo, and redoubled their attentions to him.
At length the sportsmen succeeded in bowling over two of the lions ; upon
which the third, finding the ground too hot for him, made off.

This Mr. Oswell, of the Hon’ble East India Company’s Service,
is a Madras civilian, who is spending his leave to England in
warring with the brute tribes of South Africa. We saw it men-
tioned in the papers very lately, that he was still shooting ele-
phants on the banks of the Limpopo. Let us hope that, though
he is a hunter alter Mr. Cumming's own heart, he does not intend
to make that gentleman in all respects his model.

Elephant-shooting may be a very noble pursuit in the eyes
of true sportsmen : but we must confess that to us there is some-
thing very repulsive in Mr. Cumming’s accounts of his slaugh-
ter-work on this half-reasoning, inoffensive inhabitant of the
wild. The very bulk of the living mass pleads against its
needless and needlessly cruel destruction. But take a specimen
of our wild hunter’s dealings with this sagacious brute : —

In the mean time I was loading and firing as fast as could be, sometimes
at the bead, and sometimes behind the shoulder, until my elephant’s fore-
quarters were a mass of gore ; notwithstanding which he continued to
hold stoutly on, leaving the grass and branches of the forest scarlet in
his wake.

On one occasion, he endeavored to escape by charging desperately amid
the thickest of the flames ; but this did not avail, and I was soon once
more alongside. I blazed away at this elephant, until I began to think
that he was proof against my weapons. Having fired thirty-five rounds
with my two-grooved rifle, I opened fire upon him with the Butch six-
pounder ; and, when forty bullets had perforated his hide, ho began for
the first time to evince signs of a dilapidated constitution. He took up a
position in a grove ; and, as the dogs kept barking round him, he backed
stern foremost among the trees, which yielded before his gigantic strength.
Poor old fellow ! he had long braved my deadly shafts, but I plainly saw
that it was now all over with him ; so I resolved to expend no further
ammunition, but hold him in view until he died. Throughout the chase
this elephant repeatedly cooled his person with large quantities of water,
which he ejected from his trunk over his back and sides ; and, just as the
pangs of death came over him, he stood, trembling violently beside a thorny
tree, and kept pouring water into his bloody mouth until he died, when he

LION HUNTING IN SOUTH AFRICA.

473

pitched heavily forward, with tho whole weight of his fore- quarters resting
on the points of his tusks.

A most singular occurrence now took place. He lay in this posture for
several seconds ; but the amazing pressure of the carcase was more than
the head was able to support. He had fallen with his head so short under
him, that the tusks received little assistance from his legs. Something
must give way. The strain on the mighty tusks was fair ; they did not,
therefore,' yield; but the portion of his head, in which the tusk was im-
bedded, extending a long way above the eye, yielded and burst with a
muffled crash. The tusk was thus free, and turned right round in his head,
so that a man could draw it out ; and the carcase fell over, and rested
on its side. This was a very first-rate elephant : and the tusks he carried
were long and perfect.

It almost sickens us to read what Mr. Cumming here records
in so business-like a manner. A little further on, he tells us
how, having secured an elephant with a single shot, rendering
him instantly dead-lame, he resolved to devote a short time to
the contemplation of the noble animal, who was “eying his
pursuers with a resigned and philosophic air ;” and how, having
enjoyed a cup of coffee, and some pleasing reflections on his
position, as “a chief over boundless forests/’ with “one of the
finest elephants in Africa, awaiting his pleasure beside a neigh-
bouring tree,” and after having “ admired” the said elephant
for a considerable time, he “ resolved to make experiments for
vulnerable points !” So approaching very near, he fired several
bullets at different parts of the enormous skull. They “ did not
seem to affect the elephant in the slightest degree, as he only
acknowledged the shots with a salaam-like movement of his
trunk, with the point of which he gently touched the wound
with a striking and peculiar action.” Poor wretch ! Possibly he
felt the balls in his head. Even Mr. Cumming at length was
“surprised and shocked” to find that he was “ only tormenting
and prolonging the sufferings of the noble beast, which bore his
trials with sueh dignified composure;” and he mercifully “re-
solved to finish the proceeding with all possible despatch —

I resolved to finish the proceeding with all possible despatch ; accordingly
I opened fire upon him from the left side, aiming behind the shoulder ;
but, even there, it was long before my bullets seemed to take effect. I first
fired six shots with the two-grooved, which must have eventually proved
mortal, but as yet he evinced no visible distress ; after which I fired three
shots at the same part with the Dutch six-pounder. Large tears now
trickled from his eyes, which he slowly shut and opened ; his colossal frame
quivered convulsively ; and, falling on his side, he expired. The tusks of
this elephant were beautifully arched, and were the heaviest I had yet met
with, averaging 90 lbs. weight a-piece.

Shooting elephants from an ambush hole, as they come to
drink at night, is an achievement, which calls for no great dis-
play of either skill or courage, we should think ; but it is one in

n 1

474

LIOH HUNTING IN SOUTH AFRICA.

which Mr. Camming was highly successful : though he complains
that many of the unfortunate brutes, whom he knew to be mor-
tally wounded, were lost to him : and he subsequently ad-
hered to the practice of hunting them with dogs and horses,
by day or night.

Mr. Cumming dignifies his attacks on the elephants with
the designation of “ fighting,” — such fighting, we should say,
as might be betwixt a battering-ram and a light six-pounder !
The onset of the elephant is of course irresistible ; but, it is
only accident, that can give him an opportunity of bringing his
strength into play against a well-mounted hunter, or even an
active man on foot. One more illustration of Mr. Cummings
“ sport” with the elephants, and we will release the reader
from the contemplation of a not very pleasant subject : —

At first he made vain attempts to escape, and then to charge ; hut, find-
ing he could neither escape nor catch any of us, he stood at bay, beside
a tree, and my after-riders began to assail him. It was curious to watch
his movements, as the boys, at about twenty yards distance, pelted him
with sticks, &c. Each thing, as it was thrown, he took up, and hurled back
at them. When, however, dry balls of elephants* dung were pitched at
him, he contented himself with smelling at them with his trunk. At length
wishing to put an end to his existence, I gave him four shots behind the
shoulder, when he at once exhibited signs of distress ; water ran from his
eyes, and he could barely keep them open ; presently his gigantic form
quivered, and, falling over, he expired. At night, we again watched the
fountain. Only one elephant appeared ; late in the night he came up to
leeward, and got our wind. I, however, shot two fine old muchocho, or
white rhinoceroses, and wounded two or three borele, which were found by
the natives.

Of course it will not be supposed that all the victims to the
prowess of our mighty hunter submitted to their fate as philoso-
phically as the much-enduring elephant, or were as ea3y of
conquest, as the timid antelope and the helpless camelopards,
who fell weeping before his rifle. The lion was some-
times provoked to take an offensive position, when even Mr.
Cumming was not quite insensible to its terrors ; and the
rhinoceros and the buffalo would occasionally make a furious
and dangerous charge. Even the elephant, when hard pressed,
would turn upon his pursuer with his formidable but unwieldy
strength. Much of Mr. Cumming’s “ sport” was, what we should
hope even an ardent sportsman of the most orthodox school
would regard as mere butcher-work ; but, on the other hand,
lie had occasionally encounters, which would have called forth
all the coolness and courage of the best and boldest soldier.
The king of beasts did not always maintain his proverbial re-
putation for dignified intrepidity in the presence of man or brute.
He oftefi, it must be confessed, shewed his teeth only when

LION HUNTING IN SOUTH AFRICA.

475

he found that he could not safely display his heels. But his
queen seldom failed to vindicate the character of the royal fami-
ly, when the opportunity offered.

The rhinoceros seems to have wanted nothing but activity
to make him a very formidable antagonist for the hunter. Mr.
Camming tells of one which chased him round and round a
bush ; but the light-footed biped had it all his own way even-
tually, and, with a raking shot, sent his pursuer to the right
about. This ungainly brute, as well as the still clumsier
hippopotamus, is, according to our author, attended by a very
strange ally, bound to his fortunes by the strong tie of self-
interest. As the mouse is said in the fable to have saved the
life of the lion, so the rhinoceros, according to Mr. Cumming,
often owes the continuance of his existence to a little bird,
whom in return he provides with a luxurious living — to his own
comfort and advantage, nevertheless : —

These rhinoceros-birds are constant attendants upon the hippopotamus
and the four varieties of rhinoceros, their object being to feed upon the ticks
and other parasitic insects that swarm upon these animals. They are of
a greyish colour, and are nearly as large as a common thrush ; their voice is
very similar to that of the mistletoe-thrush. Many a time have these ever-
watchful birds disappointed me in my stalk, and tempted me to invoke an
anathema upon their devoted heads. They are the best friends the
rhinoceros has, and rarely fail to awaken him, even in his soundest
nap. “ Cbukroo” perfectly understands their warning ; and, springing
to his feet, he generally first looks about him in every direction, after
which he invariably makes off. I have often hunted a rhinoceros on horse-
back, which led me a chase of many miles, and required a number of shots
before he fell, during which chase several of these birds remained by the
rhinoceros to the last. They reminded me of mariners on the deck of
some bark sailing on the ocean, for they perched along his back and sides;
and, as each of my bullets told on the shoulder of the rhinoceros, they
ascended about six feet into the air, uttering their harsh cry of alarm, and
then resumed their position. It sometimes happened that the lower branches
of trees, under which the rhinoceros passed, swept them from their living
deck, but they always recovered their former station. They also adhere to
the rhinoceros during the night. I have often shot these animals at
midnight when drinking at the fountains , and the birds, imagining they
were asleep, remained with them till morning, and on my approaching, before
taking flight, they exerted themselves to their utmost to awaken Cbukroo
from his deep sleep.

Our author says, that this feathered guardian attended the
hippopotamus, as well as the rhinoceros: but, we should suppose,
that the amphibious habits of the former would but seldom allow
him to benefit by*the warning voice. Certainly, when swimming
and diving in deep water, the winged sentry must have forsaken
his post ; and then it was that the unwary “ sea cow” became
an inglorious victim to the hunters rifle.

In justice to Mr. Cumming we must acknowledge, that his

47 G

LION HUNTING IN SOUTH AFRICA.

wholesale slaughters were not always useless. They furnished
on many occasions an unwonted supply of food to savage tribes,
seldom able to obtain for themselves the luxury of a flesh
diet. He frequently makes mention, as in the following note,
of large bodies of hungry people, following his caravan to feed
on the prey, which fell in the hunters track ; and it will be seen,
that the consciousness of thus doing good to these wretch-
ed barbarians, helped, with the pleasant reflection that he was
making money for himself, to give zest to sport, which might,
when otherwise viewed, have appeared a wanton waste of life : —

It was ever to me a source of great pleasure to reflect that, while en-
riching myself in following my favourite pursuit of elephant-hunting, I
was feeding and making happy the starving families of hundreds of the
Bechuana and Bakalahari tribes, who invariably followed my waggons,
and assisted me in my hunting, in numbers varying from fifty to two hun-
dred at a time. These men were often accompanied by their wives and
families ; and, when an elephant, hippopotamus, or other large animal was
slain, all hands repaired to the spot, when every inch of the animal was
reduced to biltongue, viz. cut into long narrow strips, and hung in festoons
upon poles, and dried in the sun : even the entrails were not left for the
vultures and hyaenas, and the very hones were chopped to pieces with
their hatchets to obtain the marrow, with which they enriched their soup.

We can thus more readily understand how Nimrod, the
mighty hunter, became a king. He, who can give a luxury to
the pampered, and food to the hungry, when they are too ignorant,
too weak, or too indolent, to obtain it for themselves, will ever have
his claims to allegiance readily allowed. The wild races of Africa
regarded Mr. Cumming as possessing, and able to communicate,
a supernatural skill and success in the capture and slaughter
of game — a belief, which, as we have seen, Mr. Cumming was
not ashamed to practice upon for his own profit. We can hardly
doubt that, had he claimed from them royal or even divine honours,
his claim would have been readily allowed. Modest and self-
denying, as he was in this particular, who shall say what place
may be held, in the traditions of those tribes, by the strong white
chief of unerring aim, who passed through the land, leaving behind
him a fat feast for the hungry inhabitants, wherever he moved ?

Mr. Cumming congratulates himself on his thus feeding and
making happy these starving people : but it may be questioned
whether the good, which he did in this way, was not more than
counterbalanced by the evil, which the practices, in which he
indulged from thoughtlessness or the love of gain, were calculated
to effect. He supplied a few of the savages with an occasional
and precarious supply of food for the body ; but then, with his
gun medicines, his incantations, and his pretensions to super-
natural power, he, doubtless, greatly hindered the work of those,
who laboured to supply them with a lasting store of intellectual

LION HUNTING IN SOUTH AFRICA.

477

and spiritual sustenance. He acknowledges, and not without
good reason, the help and hospitality so freely afforded him
by the Missionaries, Mr. Moffat and Dr. Livingstone ; but it
was an unworthy return for these good offices thus to throw
discredit on the teaching and example of those good men. It
is, however, quite refreshing, after toiling through the blood-
stained records of his achievements against the savages, man and
beast, to come upon a description like the following — an oasis
in the desert indeed : —

On the following day we reached Kuruman, or New Litakoo, a lovely
green spot in the wilderness strongly contrasting with the sterile and in-
hospitable regions, by which it is surrounded. I was here kindly welcomed
and hospitably entertained by Mr. Moffat and Mr. Hamilton, both mis-
sionaries of the London Society, and also by Mr. Hume, an old trader,
long resident at Kuruman. The gardens at Kuruman are extensive and ex-
tremely fertile. Besides corn and vegetables, they contained a great variety of
fruits; amongst which were vines, peach-trees, nectarines, apple, orange, and
lemon trees, all of which in their seasons bear a profusion of the most delicious
fruit. These gardens are irrigated with the most liberal supply of water from
a powerful fountain, which gushes forth, at once forming a little river, from
a subterraneous cave, which has several low narrow mouths, but within is
lofty and extensive. This cave is stated by the natives to extend to a very
great distance under ground. The natives about Kuruman and the sur-
rounding districts generally embrace the Christian religion. Mr, Moffat
kindly showed me through his printing establishment, church, and school-
rooms, which were lofty and well built, and altogether on a scale, which
would not have disgraced one of the towns of the more enlightened colony.
It was Mr. Moffat, who reduced the Bechuana language to writing and
printing; since which he has printed thousands of Sichuana New Testa-
ments, as also tracts and hymns, which were now eagerly purchased by the
converted natives. Mr. Moffat is a person admirably calculated to excel in
his important calling. Together with a noble and athletic frame, he pos-
sesses a face, on which forbearance and Christian charity are very plainly
written ; and his mental and bodily attainments are great. Minister, gar-
dener, blacksmith, gunsmith, mason, carpenter, glazier — every hour of the
day finds this worthy pastor engaged in some useful employment — set-
ting, by his own exemplary piety and industrious habits, a good example to
others to go and do likewise.

Of course we should not expect Mr. Cumming to follow the
example, which he thus commends to others. He has evidently
no vocation that way ; but we wonder that it never occurred to
him, how strongly his employments and proceedings stood in
contrast with those of the excellent men, whom, to his credit
so far, he so freely and heartily applauded.

Scattered through these two volumes, are various incidental
notices (some of the most interesting in the form of foot notes)
of the more prominent features of the country in which our
hunter roved, and of its products and inhabitants, mineral, ve-
getable and animal. We would, had we left ourselves space,
have collected his accounts of the habits of the elephant, the

478

LION HUNTING IN SOUTH AFRICA.

hippopotamus, the rhinoceros, the camelopard, the wild dog,
the ostrich, &c. We do not know, however, that Mr. Cumming
adds much to our stock of information on these subjects. But,
passing over his description of the gigantic awana, a remark-
able tree adorning the far interior wilds, we must bespeak the
reader’s admiration for the singularly wonderful and appropriate
provision, which the God of Nature has made for the relief of
the most urgent and distressing want of man and beast in the
arid desert — the want of water. A record of the fact, that Mr.
Cumming, when suffering severely from thirst, found relief from
eating the bulb, which he dug from the sands of a parched plain,
is continued in the following note, descriptive of the “water
root,” and similar productions of the sandy desert : —

This interesting root, which has doubtless saved many from dying of
thirst, is met with throughout the most parched plains of the Karroo. It
is a large oval bulb, varying from six to ten inches in diameter, and is of
an extremely juicy consistence, with rather an insipid flavour. It is pro-
tected by a thin brown skin, which is easily removed with the back of a
knife. It has small insignificant narrow leaves, with jlittle black dots on
them, which are not easily detected by an inexperienced eye. The ground
round it is generally so baked with the sun, that it has to be dug out with
a knife. The top of the bulb is discovered about eight or nine inches
from the surface of the ground, and the earth all round it must then be
carefully removed. A knowledge of this plant is invaluable to him, whose
avocations lead him into these desolate regions. Throughout the whole
extent of the great Kalahari desert, and the vast tracts of country adjoin-
ing thereto, an immense variety of bulbs and roots of this juicy description
succeed one another monthly — there being hardly a season in the year, at
which the poor Bakalahari, provided with a sharp-pointed stick hardened in
the fire, cannot obtain a meal, being intimately acquainted with each and
all the herbs and roots, which a bountiful hand has provided for his
sustenance. There are also several succulent plants, having thick juicy
leaves, which in like manner answer the purpose of food and drink.

Above all, a species of bitter water-melon is thickly scattered over the
entire surface of the known parts of the great Kalahari desert. These
often supply the place of food and water to the wild inhabitants of those
remote regions ; and it is stated by the Bakalahari, that these melons
improve in flavour as they penetrate farther to the west. Most of these
roots are much eaten by the gemsboks, which are led by instinct to root
them out.* The elephants also, apprised by their acute sense of smell of
their position, feed upon them; and whole tracts may be seen ploughed up
by the tusks of these sagacious animals, in quest of them.

The native inhabitants, whom Mr. Camming encountered,
either are naturally a somewhat uninteresting race, or he has
managed to make them appear so. Of course the most ad-
vanced of them are little removed above the merest savages ;
and most of them seem to have been in the most stupidly
benighted state. For instance, our author tells us of the chief

This perhaps explains why they do not taste water.

LION HUNTING IN SOUTH AFRICA.

479

and elders of a place, 'with the most appropriate name of Booby,
scorched and blown to death, while trying to “ medicine” some gun-
powder by the agency of fire. The extreme barbarism of some of
the tribes may be inferred from the following description of their
substitute for an implement, which among half-civilized nations is
often brought to a high degree of adaptation and elegance : —

The Bechuana pipe is of a very primitive description, differing from any
I had ever seen. When they wish to smoke, they moisten a spot of earth,
not being particular whence they obtain the water. Into this earth, they
insert a green twig, bent into a semicircle, whose bend is below the said
earth, and both ends protruding. They then knead the moist earth down
with their knuckles on the twig, which they work backwards and forwards
until a hole is established, when the twig is withdrawn, and one end of
the aperture is enlarged with the fingers, so as to form a bowl to contain the
tobacco. The pipe is thus finished and ready for immediate use; when
tobacco and fire are introduced, and the smoker drops on his knees, and,
resting on the palms of his hands, he brings his lips in contact with the
mud at the small end of the hole, and thus inhales the grateful fumes.
Large volumes of smoke are emitted through the nostrils, while a copious
flow of tears from the eyes of the smoker evinces the pleasure he enjoys.
One of these pipes will serve a large party, who replenish the bowl, and
relieve one another in succession.

In contrast 'with this ludicrously rude contrivance, however,
we may notice a singularly ingenious one, the remarkable off-
spring of that fertile mother of invention — necessity, and adopt-
ed by the weak and timid people of the desert. It is thus
described by Mr. Cumming : —

This day I detected a most dangerous trap constructed by the Bakalahari
for slaying sea-cows. It consisted of a sharp little assagai, or spike, most
thoroughly poisoned, and stuck firmly into the end of a heavy block of
thorn-wood, about four feet long and five inches in diameter. This for-
midable affair was suspended over the centre of a sea-cow path, at a height
of about thirty feet from the ground, by a bark cord, which passed over a
high branch of a tree, and thence to a peg on one side of the path
beneath, leading across the path to a peg on the other side, where it was
fastened. To the suspending cord were fastened two triggers, so constructed
that, when the sea cow struck against the cord, which led across the path, the
heavy block above was set at liberty, which instantly dropped with immense
force with its poisonous dart, inflicting a sure and mortal wound. The
bones and old teeth of sea-cows, which lay rotting along the bank of the river
here, evinced the success of this dangerous invention.

We must now take our leave of Mr. Cumming, as he stands
wistfully looking back to the desert, in which he has dwelt
for nearly five years, and from which he reluctantly departs,
laden and enriched with the spoils of its inhabitants, won at
the cost, confessedly of some detriment to his physical con-
stitution, and, as we are unwillingly compelled to believe, at some
sacrifice of respectability. Thus he records his resolution to
return to England and the reasons for it : —

When I entered Colesberg, I had almost made up my mind to make

480

LION HUNTING IN SOUTH AFRICA.

another shooting expedition into the interior ; hut a combination of cir-
cumstances induced me at length to leave Africa for a season, and re-visit
my native land. I felt much sorrow and reluctance in coming to this reso-
lution ; for, although I had now spent the greater part of five seasons in
hunting in the far interior the various game of Southern Africa, I neverthe-
less did not feel in the slightest degree satiated with the sport, which it
afforded. On the contrary, the wild, free, healthy, roaming life of a hunter
had grown upon me, and I loved it more and more. I could not help
confessing to myself, however, that in the most laborious yet noble pursuit
of elephant-hunting, I was over-taxing my frame, and too rapidly wearing
down my constitution. Moreover, the time, required to reach those extreme-
ly distant lands frequented by the elephant, was so great, that it consumed
nearly one-half of the season in going and returning, and I ever found that
my dogs and horses had lost much of their spirit by the time they reached
those very remote districts. My nerves and constitution were considerably
shaken by the power of a scorching African sun ; and I considered that a
voyage to England would greatly recruit my powers, and that, on return-
ing, I should renew my pursuits with increased zest.

Our judgment on Mr. Cumming and bis book has been
an unfavourable one ; but it is honest and unprejudiced. His
volumes have been reviewed by many critics at home : but, that
our verdict might be uninfluenced by theirs, we have scrupul-
ously abstained from reading any thing that has been written
on the subject. Only now, as we are concluding our notice
of it, we are told that none of the English reviewers have
touched upon those points in Mr. Cumming’ s desert career,
which have excited our disapprobation. Perhaps it may be
thought that we ought to have done as they, and confined our
remarks to the literary character of the work, and to the
amount of valuable and interesting information to be obtained
from it. With views thus directed, we should have found
much to approve ; and to the merits of the book in this way we
willingly give our testimony. But we have felt ourselves
compelled to regard the book in that point of view, in which
it struck us most forcibly ; and we leave our readers to say if
we have written of it aught, which is not fully justified by
the facts and records on which we have animadverted. We do
not fear that many of our Anglo-Indian gentlemen, in or out
of the public service, will be inclined to make Mr. Cumming
their model, although they may for awhile follow his “ spoor ”in
the hunting grounds of South Africa. But there may be those
among them, who, dazzled by the spurious renown of the lion
hunter, might mistake his errors and misdoings for essential parts
of the true sportsman’s character, and be tempted to imitate, or
at all events not be sufficiently careful to avoid them, should
they ever find themselves surrounded by the scenes and the
circumstances so glowingly described by Mr. Cumming.

SIR JAMES MACKINTOSH IN INDIA.

481

Art. YII. — Memoirs of the Life of the Right Honourable Sir

Janies Mackintosh , edited by his son, Robert James Mack-
intosh, Esq .

The book, which we anew introduce to our readers, is one
familiar no doubt to many of them : for it appeared some years
ago, and was noticed at the time — but so partially, that the
Indian topics, which occupy more than half its pages, were
scarcely touched upon. The great celebrity of Mackintosh, as
a philosopher and a man of letters, is, it is true, European ; yet
the influence he exercised on the small circle in this country,
into which it was his lot to be cast, and his impressions of “ far-
thest Ind,” give an interest to his private history, which be-
longs to that of hardly any other individual, who has visited
these remote shores. That there have been men of a career
more brilliant, we do not for a moment question ; but we
feel certain there have been none, whose memoirs possess an
equal charm. The dull routine of life in India was peculiarly
fitted to draw out the talents of one like him, whose world
was his library ; as it led him with redoubled zeal to seek
in literature relief from the ennui of ordinary Indian so-
ciety. His criticisms on books are specimens of exquisite
taste and extensive reading. Conversation, in the highest
sense of the word, was to be met with in his company. His
visitors did not come for the purpose of listening to the
dissertations of a lecturer; but, on the contrary, he possess-
ed the rare charm of imparting instruction without the ap-
pearance of doing, so. Of those, who enjoyed the privilege
of mixing in his circle at Parell, there remain, we believe,
none now at Bombay : the greater portion are, like himself,
gathered to their fathers, and the few have long since retired
from the service. It was but a little while ago, that the news-
papers announced another blank in the list — the old merchant-
banker, Sir Charles Forbes. The book under review brings us
acquainted, in an interesting manner, with society at Bom-
bay, as it existed in those days. We flatter ourselves, there-
fore, that we shall be at once consulting the tastes of our
readers, and discharging a debt, which we feel to be due to the
memory of Mackintosh, by giving a connected narrative of his
residence in India.

Our hero was born at Aldourie, near Inverness, in 1765. He
was an only child ; and, his father being often absent on regi-
mental duty, his mother had more even than the common share
of her sex in directing the early dispositions of her child,

o 1

482 SIR JAMES MACKINTOSH IN INDIA.

She is represented to have been a woman of a very superior
stamp, and to have been in the habit of encouraging her
son in his early taste for study, somewhat in opposition to the
wishes of her husband, who, though in other respects a kind
and indulgent parent, complained that the boy would become
nothing better than “a mere pedant.” In 1779, he lost his
kind mother, who died at Gibraltar, whither she had followed
her husband, and where, thirty years afterwards, her son erected
a monument to her memory. At the age of fifteen, we find him
in Aberdeen College, where he remained for four years, wrote
poetry, acquired a taste for philosophy, and made the acquain-
tance of Robert Hall. In 1784, he went to Edinburgh to study
medicine; and in 1788, proceeded, for the first time, to Lon-
don.

The period was one of great political excitement. It was the
era of liberty, or at any rate of what was done in its name. The
French Revolution was on the point of bursting ; America had
all but achieved her independence ; Wilberforce was striving to
abolish slavery. But the most remarkable circumstance of all,
at least to the Indian reader, was the impeachment of Warren
Hastings. Among the crowd assembled in Westminster Hall
to listen to the eloquence of Burke and Sheridan, and to witness
the deportment of a man, who, in his day, had held the destinies
of millions, but who was now a culprit at the bar of the
High Court of Parliament, was one, then poor and unknown
to fame, but who was destined soon after to break a lance
with the Demosthenes of that hour — the noble Burke; and himself
to sit in judgment over those nations, “ living under strange
‘stars, worshipping strange gods, and writing strange characters,
* from right to left,” among whom the orator was transporting
his audience. Little could Sir James have thought, that he
would ever have any connection with the country, whose guid-
ance was on that day held up to public reprobation ; and per-
haps still less could he have foreseen the renown and the con-
sequences of the Vindicice Gallic

But it is not our intention to dwell upon these scenes ; we
shall rather press on to the period of Mackintosh’s sojourn in
India, contenting ourselves, en passant , with one or two only
of the leading circumstances of his life prior to that event.
In London he made the acquaintance of several of the lead-
ing men of the day, among whom we find as his most intimate
friends, Sidney Smith, Whishaw of the Chancery Bar, Joseph
Phillimore, Hallam, Chief Justice Mansfield, Francis Horner,
Attorney General Law, and Scarlett (since Lord Abinger). By
some of this number he was persuaded to abandon the medical

SIR JAMES MACKINTOSH IN INDIA

4&3

profession, and turn his attention to the study of law. He also,
at that time, married ; and first appeared as a public writer in the
columns of the ‘ Oracle newspaper, to which he contributed arti-
cles upon the politics of France and Belgium. This occupation,
while it fell in with his taste for discussion, produced him a
moderate salary. He continued thus employed till the year 1791,
when the publication of the Vindicia Gallicce , and its rapid sale
through three successive editions, at once stamped his reputation
as a scholar and an author. A few years afterwards, he succeed-
ed to an excellent practice at the Bar, which, when the appoint-
ment of Recorder of Bombay was offered to him and accepted,
was said to be worth £ 1,200 a year.

Sir James’s object in accepting the Recordership, was, we
are told, a pecuniary one. The magnitude of the salary tempted
him. Under the impression that his household expenses in the
East would be comparatively light, and that he would save
a proportion of his income, sufficiently large, to enable him
to return to his native country after a few short years, he took
the fatal step — fatal to his greater renown, of relinquishing the
charms of London society for those of a dull and infant coterie
abroad. But soon all his visions of early affluence were dis-
pelled ; and he had to regret, like Edmund Spenser,

“ My luckless lot

That banished had myself, like wight forlore,

Into that waste where I was quite forgot. ’ *

We do not however consider, that, in sending men of distin-
guished ability like Mackintosh to India, they are “ thrown
away.” We believe on the contrary, that India especially re-
quires men of the highest abilities.

We cannot, therefore, agree with Robert Hall, Mackin-
tosh’s early friend, who, when bidding him farewell, writes
— “ I am surprised that a great empire can furnish no scene
of honour and rewards for men of genius (a race always
sufficiently rare, and now almost extinct), without sending
1 them to its remotest provinces. It seems to me to betray
a narrowness of mind in the persons, who compose the
‘ administration; as if, while they felt the necessity of re-
* warding, they were not fond of the vicinity of superior
‘ talent.” We should rather attribute these remarks to the
sentiment of regret, which must have filled Hall’s breast,
at parting with an early and distinguished friend. We
might fill pages, indeed, with extracts expressive of the re-
gret, which Sir James’s most distinguished friends experi-
enced at his departure for India. We, however, refrain,
attractive as the matter is ; but Francis Horner’s tribute

484

SIR JAMES MACKINTOSH IN INDIA ,

we cannot pass over in silence*. In a letter to Mr. William
Erskine, he says : — “ Give my respects to Sir James and
‘ Lady Mackintosh, when you see them. I never pretend-

* ed to express to either of them my sense of the great

* kindness, they have shown me, since I came to London,
‘ because I could not express it adequately ; I shall ever feel it
‘ with gratitude, if I am good for anything. To Mackintosh,
‘ indeed, my obligations are of a far higher order than those even
‘ of the kindest hospitality ; he has been an intellectual master

* to me, and has enlarged my prospects into the wide regions
‘ of moral speculation, more than any other tutor I have ever
‘ had in the art of thinking: I cannot, even except Dugald
‘ Stewart, to whom I once thought I owed more than I could ever
‘ receive from another. Had Mackintosh remained in England,
‘ I should have possessed, ten years hence, powers and views,
‘ which are now beyond my reach. I never left his conversation,
‘ but I felt a mixed consciousness, as it were, of inferiority and

* capability ; and I have now and then flattered myself with this
‘ feeling, as if it promised that I might make something of

* myself.”

The Winchelsea , Captain Campbell, the ship in which Sir
James and his family embarked, quitted the Downs on the
13th February, 1804, and, after a favourable voyage of less
than four months, arrived at Bombay. The season was, per-
haps, the worst which could have been chosen — the end of
May, when the monsoon is gathering in all directions, pre-
paratory to a burst the month following. Of this, a fortnight
after, Sir James had full proof. Writing to Mr. Sharp, he
says : —

“ The rain tumbled from the heavens in such floods, that
‘ it seemed absurd to call them by the same name with the
‘ little sprinkling showers of Europe. Then the air was de-
‘ lightfully cooled, and we all exulted in our deliverance; but
‘ we were too quick in our triumph ; we soon fouud that we were
‘ to pay in health, for what we got in pleasure. The whole frame
‘ is here rendered so exquisitely susceptible of the operation of
c cold and moisture, by so long a continuance of dry heat, that
‘ the monsoon is the usual season for the attack of those disor-
' ders of the bowels, which, when they are neglected or ill treat-
‘ ed, degenerate into an inflammation of the liver, the peculiar

* and most fatal disease of this country. Dr. Moseley’s para-
‘ dox I now perfectly understand, that the diseases of hot coun-
‘ tries arise chiefly from cold. No doubt, cold is the immediate
‘ cause of most of them. In the monsoon, heat succeeds so
‘ rapidly to damp and comparative cold, and they are so

SIR JAMES MACKINTOSH IN INDIA.

485

f strangely mixed together, that we find it very difficult to
‘ adapt our dress and our quantity of air to the state of the wea-
‘ ther. We, new comers, threw open every window, and put on
‘ our thinnest cotton jackets to enjoy the coolness. The expe-
‘ rienced Indians clothed themselves thickly, and carefully ex-
e eluded currents of air. We soon found that they were right.

* Lady M. (Sir James’s second wife, the former having died in
‘ April 1797) has suffered considerably, and I a little, from the
4 cold of Bombay. You may judge how troublesome the strug-
‘ gle between damp and heat must be, when 1 tell you, that I
‘ had on yesterday a very thin cotton jacket and vest ; but
( that, having been obliged to take one dose of Madeira and
‘ another of Laudanum, I have this day put on an English
‘ coat and waistcoat, though the thermometer be (I dare sav)

* at 84°. ”

Jonathan Duncan was Governor of Bombay at the time.
He kindly made over to Mackintosh his country residence at
Parell, preferring as a bachelor the old Government House
within the Fort walls for his own abode. This act of kindness
can only be properly appreciated by calling to mind the state
of Bombay then, as compared with what it is now. Few lived
beyond the Esplanade : the elite of society occupied houses in
Rampart Row. Malabar Hill was one dense jungle, frequented
only by toddy-men, and infested with snakes; whereas now we find
it accessible by a handsome carriage road, and studded with the
country houses of the English. Parell, it is true, was something
better. The high road to Mahim at least passed near it; though
this was so execrably bad, that in the dry season a cut across the
flats was commonly preferred. The house at Parell has under-
gone little or no change. It was at that time, as it is now, to
quote from one of Sir James’s letters, “ a large, airy, and hand-
‘ some house, with two noble rooms, situated in the midst of
‘ grounds, that have much the character of a fine English Park.”
But, even with the advantage of a residence in the country, we
find him soon lamenting how much he had sacrificed, by leaving
England, and withdrawing from a society, of which he was one of
the brightest ornaments. The consideration of salary, which had
tempted him, he found to be little better than a vain shadow. He
says — “ I feel it somewhat discouraging to look at all my toil and
f economy for the two first years, as being little more than

* enough to clear my expences in coming out and establishing

‘ myself You speak to me of leaving India : — would to

‘ heaven that I had any near prospect of such an emancipation !
‘ The prospect of liberty and leisure in my old age allured
‘ me to a colony ; but the prospect is distant and uncertain.

480

SIR JAMES MACKINTOSH IN INDIA.

4 and the evil is such, that, if I had known it, no prospect
4 could have tempted me to encounter it.” He often sigh-
ed for the 44 King of Clubs, ” that choice company of beaux
esprits , of which he was the founder, and which held its
monthly meetings at the 44 Crown and Anchor ” in the Strand.
44 I defy your ingenuity and vivacity to extract an amus*

4 ing letter out of this place. There is a languor and le-
f thargy among the society here, to which I never elsewhere
4 saw any approach. Think of my situation' — become (as I
4 once ventured to tell you) too fastidious in society, even in
4 London ; and, for the same reason (shall I confess it ?) not so
4 patient of long continued solitude, as I hoped that I should
4 be. You see the mischief of being spoiled by your society.

4 The ‘ King of Clubs * ought only to transport its members
4 in very atrocious cases. The Governor, as I told you in
4 my overland despatch, is indeed an ingenious and intelligent
4 gentleman ;* but every Englishman, who resides here very long,

4 has, I fear, his mind either emasculated by submission, or cor-
4 rupted by despotic power. There are many things, which might
4 look amusing enough to you in a letter, of which the effect is, in
4 truth, soon worn out. I am carried in my palankeen by bear-
4 ers from Hydrabad. I have seen monkies and their tricks
4 exhibited by a man from Oujein. I condemned a native of Ah-
* medabad to the pillory. I have given judgment on a bill, for
4 brandy supplied by a man who kept a dram-shop at Punah.
4 I have decided the controversies of parties, who live in Cutch,
4 and granted commissions to examine witnesses at Cambay. I
4 have, in the same morning, received a visit from a Roman Ca-
4 tholic Bishop, of the name of Ramazzini, from Modena, a
4 descendant of the celebrated physician, Ramazzini, a rela-
4 tion of Muratori, who wondered that an Englishman should
4 be learned enough to quote Virgil ; of an Armenian Archbishop
4 from Mount Ararat ; of a shroff (money-dealer) from Benares,
4 who came hither by the way of Jyenagur, and who can draw
4 bills on his correspondents at Cabul ; and of the Dustur, or
4 Chief Priest, of the Parsis at Surat, who is copying out for
4 me the genuine works of Zoroaster. All this jumble of na-
4 tions and usages and opinions looks, at a distance, as if it
4 would be very amusing, and for a moment it does entertain ;
4 but it is not all worth one afternoon of free and rational con-

• Jonathan Duncan was something more than this. He did not consider himself
a mere bird of passage, and labour only for money, and long for “ emancipation’’ from
his work. He was a conscientious and philanthropic public servant, devoting bis
time and his talents to the welfare of Hindustan. His noble exertions to put down
infanticide (had he done nothing else) give him a juster title to the respect of right-
thinking men, than all the conversational triumphs of the “ King of Clubs.” — Ed.

SIR JAMES MACKINTOSH IN INDIA, 487

‘ versation at the “King of Clubs.” If ever I rise again from
4 the dead, I shall be very glad to travel for the sake of seeing
4 clever men, or beautiful countries ; but I shall make no tours
4 to see fantastic or singular manners, and uncouth usages. It
4 is all a cheat; at least it is too trifling and short-lived to de-
4 serve the pains that must be taken for it. I should rather
4 travel to the Temple, and then try to keep Porson quiet for a
4 week, and make a voyage down the Thames, to force my way into
4 Jeremy Bentham’s in Queen-square place. These are mon-
4 sters enough for me ; and, fierce as one of them is, they suit
4 me much better than Mullahs or Pundits.”

The picturesque scenery of the island of Bombay did not escape
the eye of Mackintosh ; but it lost much of its beauty by being
the scene of his banishment. Another cause was the difficulty
of enjoying it — the heat during the greater part of the day
confining him to the house, and the morning, or evening, ride
being necessarily of too short duration to permit of his going
any distance from home. He was in the habit, however, of
riding at day-break, and being in the saddle before six. On
his return, about eight o’clock, breakfast was waiting him ;
44 when, to shew the enervating effects of the climate, I eat only
4 two eggs and a large plate of fish and rice, called kedgeree;
4 not to mention two cups of coffee, and three of tea.” When
not engaged in his duties at the court, he devoted the forenoon
to study. The baneful system of 44 tiffins in mid-day — of over-
4 loading the stomach with various meats, and clouding the brain
4 with draughts of thick ale, when the heat is at its greatest, and
4 when the slightest exertion of the frame excites profuse
4 perspiration ” — was not then in fashion ; all classes followed
the London habit, which was to take the principal meal at
four in the afternoon, leaving the evening — the luxury of a
tropical climate — to the enjoyment of a walk, or a ride. The
hour or two preparatory to retiring to rest, Sir James em-
ployed in his favourite diversion — that of reading aloud to
his family. His favourite author was Addison ; but all the new
books, as he received them from England, after having undergone
his previous revisal, were made to contribute to the evening en-
tertainment. His wife, a lady of intellectual acquirements, but
without any tincture of the bas-bleu, used to divide with him this
delightful task. To her it fell, by her readings, to bring up their
little audience to a just appreciation of the genius of Shakes-
peare. Without doubt a good recital of the plays is worth
all the commentaries that were ever written. Shakespeare is
easier than his commentators. Lady Mackintosh’s readings,
we are told, were marked by a delicate perception of the

488

SIR JAMES MACKINTOSH IN INDIA.

lights and shades of the several characters introduced by
our great poet : she individualized each one of them. Her
acquirements as a writer, if we may take the judgment
of her husband — naturally perhaps a partial one — were
no less distinguished. “ Our readings in Milton produced
‘ one good effect — a criticism on the Allegro and Penseroso
‘ in Lady M.’s journal, less idolatrous than Tom Warton’s ;

* less spiteful than Johnson’s ; better thought, better felt, and
‘ better worded than either.” We can never pass the gates of
Parell, and glance up the noble vista of trees leading to the
house, without beingreminded of these scenes, and without a spirit
of veneration stealing over us for the great name, whose presence
once graced the spot. First, a nursery for Jesuitism — at present,
a seat for the representative of royalty — Parell house derives
its chief celebrity from having been the residence of Mackintosh.

Though possessed of considerable facility in the acquirement of
languages, being a thorough French and Italian scholar, and so
well versed in German, as to be able to peruse with ease the spe-
culative writings of Kant, Fichte, and Schelling, Mackintosh
made no attempt to master any of the Eastern tongues. In this
respect he was right. At the time of life he had reached,
when he accepted the Recordership of Bombay, he was aware
that many years of his prime would have to be sacrificed, to
the exclusion of all other studies, should he undertake the study
of Sanscrit, or indeed any of the more modern and easy lan-
guages of the East. Whatever exertions he might choose to
make, he could scarcely hope to distinguish himself in a
field already so ably occupied by a Jones, a Wilkins, and
a Colebrook. On this point Francis Horner, in a letter to
Mr. Thomson of Edinburgh, remarks : — “ Mackintosh carries
‘ out such a library with him as never, I presume, was known

* in Asia ; for his plans of metaphysical and political reading,

* it is admirably selected. He has fortunately no desire to
‘ make himself particularly acquainted with either the language
‘ or the antiquities of Hindustan ; but he has got permission

* from the Board of Controul and Directors to circulate, under
‘ their authority, statistical and political queries among all
‘ the servants of the Company in the different establishments.
‘ This may produce a little. In a few days, the author of
‘ Vindicise Gallicae is to receive the honor of Knighthood.”*

Sir James’s first care, after his professional duties, was
the creation of a literary taste among the English residents

• Memoirs and Correspondence of F. Horner, M. P., edited by his brother,
Leonard Horner, Esq., F. R. S., vol. 1, page 218.

SIR JAMES MACKINTOSH IN INDIA.

489

at Bombay. He found society lamentably deficient in that
respect. Those, who held the chief offices under Government,
had grown to be men in India: on leaving home they had been
mere boys. It could therefore have scarcely been expected
that they should be au courant of affairs in the world of
letters. To create “ a literary atmosphere/’ to use his own
words, wa3 one of Sir James' first objects upon his arrival.
After some negociations with the leading European residents,
a meeting was held at Parell-house, on the 26th November, 1804,
for the purpose of instituting a society in Bombay, to be called
the “ Literary Society.” Its objects were explained in an elegant
discourse, written by the President, and read by him on that
day before the Governor and several of the leading inhabitants,
from among whom his future son-in-law, Mr. W. Erskine,
and the late Sir C. Forbes were elected Secretary and Treasurer.
As being the parent of the Bombay branch of the Asiatic
Society, the library of which is at once the most extensive and
well selected, East of the Cape, and with which few of the
circulating libraries (in the higher sense of the word) even in
Europe can compare, the institution of the Literary Society is of
the most interesting character. To it, and to its distinguished
founder, is the present Society indebted for its most valuable
books. So excellent was his discrimination in the selection of
the library, that of the standard works, which at present adorn the
shelves of the Asiatic Society, the greater proportion may be
traced to him. In looking into the published volumes of the
“ Transactions of the Literary Society,” we find a list of names
not unknown to fame. Major David Price was eminent by his
contribution towards a history of the Muhammadan dynasty in
India ; Dr. Robert Drummond, by the first grammar of the Cana-
rese dialect ; Dr. James Ross, by his attainments in Persian litera-
ture. Of Sir John Malcolm we need not speak. The present
Society ranks among its members many distinguished oriental
scholars, such as John Wilson and Dr. Stevenson — not to mention
the Honorary Members of the Society, such as Garcin de Tassy,
and a host of others : but it seems to wantt he freshness and
energy of its predecessor.

In regard to the library, there is room for many improve-
ments. The first should be a good catalogue. The number
of medical works is also out of all proportion ; and, with
the exception, perhaps, of a dozen volumes, they are all
antiquated. This seems the more absurd, because of late years
no branch of knowledge has made more rapid strides than medi-
cine. The incongruity, however, is to be traced to the Literary
Society, which, when establishing itself in 1805, purchased the

p 1

4 90 SIR JAMES MACKINTOSH IN INDIA.

■whole of a library, which had been collected by several medical
gentlemen of the Bombay establishment.

Of the numerous other faults in the library we shall for the
present content ourselves with the mention of two — an objection ,
and a want. The former applies to the stock of trashy novels,
which occupies a goodly array of shelves, and which, every
spring, is augmented by the fresh crop, which appears as regu-
larly as the rains. The wa?it refers to the scanty supply of fo-
reign works. Thanks to Sir James Mackintosh, the Asiatic So-
ciety possesses a few of the Italian and Spanish classics; but,
(will it be credited ?) the only German works to be found in the
library are Schiller’s. Goethe, were it not for an early and in-
correct edition of the “ Faust,” would be an entire stranger.
Jean Paul Richter, Ephraim Gottfried Lessing, Theodore Korner,
Uhland, the Schlegels, Ranke, and all the other celebrities of
German literature, are absent !

Sir James, in addition to the goodly assortment of books
which he brought out with him, possessed a choice and
extensive library at Parell. Here might be seen all the cur-
rent literature of the day. There would scarcely pass a
month, without the arrival of a ship, with a box of the newest
publications from Paternoster Row. His friends were constantly
reminded to keep him well supplied. Some passages in his let-
ters are characteristic.

" Let me entreat you to miss no opportunity of writing me
very long letters, and sending me very large packets of news-
papers, magazines, pamphlets, &c., of what you think trash in
London. No memorial of the world, in which we have lived,
is trifling to us. I am almost ashamed to own, that if I were to
receive another Paradise Lost, and a large packet of newspapers
by the same conveyance, I should open the last parcel with
greater eagerness. Yet why not feel more interest in my friends
and my country, than in the most delightful amusements of fancy?
Let me remind you, also, of the German and French journals ;
and to the latter, I beg you to add a new one, Les Archives de
la Litterature , par Suard , Morellet , &c. For my list of books I
shall trust to my two former letters. I will only add that I be-
lieve I have stinted myself too much in Reviews and Magazines,
so trifling in London, so invaluable here ; and that I beg you
to indulge me largely. Besides the regular bound sets of the
Reviews, Morning Chronicles, and Cobbetts, I beg you to send
hv every opportunity as many loose ones as you can collect.
Think of these things — so worthless in the midst of the luxury
of London, but to me as delightful as a cup of your filthiest
Wapping water might be between Bussorah and Alleppo.”

Sift JAMES MACKINTOSH IN INDIA.

491

How constantly Mackintosh's thoughts were turned towards
home, the many allusions in his journal to the delights he ex-
perienced on the receipt of letters and newspapers may testify.
Unlike the most of those, who come out to this country, he
never abated in his private correspondence, or looked with an eye
of indifference on a ship entering the harbour. “ His heart was
in the Hielands” always. It is not infrequent in his diary to find
some elaborate criticism on history or literature come to an ab-
rupt halt — for the Bussora Packet had just been signalled. Away
with all previous speculations ! His whole attention was given
to the welcome announcement. The news of an Indian victory
gave him not half the excitement, that the intelligence of a
reverse to our arms in Europe caused. In writing to his
friend Sharp, he says : — “ I shall therefore hope that no overland
dispatch will reach Bombay, during my residence here, with-
out a little billet, and no English ship will enter the harbour
without a voluminous epistle from you. If you can prevail on all
our friends to take compassion on me, and to write to me with the
same, or with nearly the same regularity, you will deprive
exile of half its bitterness. — As to my answers, you do not need
charity ; and what I have to give would not be relief, if you did.
Indian topics are very uninteresting in England — not to mention
that I am in the most obscure corner of India ; but nothing Eng-
lish is trifling, or little, or dull in our eyes at present. I should
be very glad to have written to me the refuse of Debrett’s (the

publisher) shop, or even Dr. 's account of Ptolemy Phi-

lopater. Forget me not — -forget me not ! ”

On another occasion he remarks : — “ One great break in the
importunity of our life arises from the packets from Bussoruh,
with the overlaud dispatches, which usually arrive every month
or six weeks. I need not say how great an event, the arri-
val of the Europe ships (as we call the Indiamen) is to us.”
The picture is true even to the present day. The excitement
is, perhaps, even greater, in consequence of the expectation
being more regular. All classes know when the “ ag- boat'*
may be looked for : though the (generally speaking) tortoise-
paced and wretchedly equipped Steamers of the Indian Navy
keep up, by their irregularity, a fever of disappointment.

The following extracts furnish amusing examples of his im-
patience.— “At five, news are brought that the “Exeter," is
coming in. I went to the new Bunder (the Pelawa, or Apollo ,
probably), and I saw her just round the Light House. No
letters or papers came till a little after ten. I could not
sleep. I got up at half-past one, walked about the verandah,
and read some packets sent at mid-night by the Governor.

SIR JAMES MACKINTOSH IN INDIA.

492

4th April. In daily, and almost hourly, expectation of the
“ Cumbrian but as Madam de Stael says, “La carosse de
Caen ?ien arriva pas plutot. 12th. — Seven months from the

date of the last London news. A pause of unexampled length.
1st May. Mr. Cumbrian ! you may go, and be hanged. Your
month is out. My rounds and sirloins are, I fear, ruined. I now
transfer my solicitude to the China ships, whcli may arrive
in this month, and must arrive in six or seven weeks. 10th.
— Finished my Report on Police, which is only seventy folio
pages. No “ Cumbrian.” 2nd June. — A Yankee arrived at
Calcutta ; saw “ La Nvmphe,” a French Frigate, on January
7th, in 5° N. and 19° W. This Nymph has, therefore, I fear,
seized our “ Cumbrian” — the time and place agree too well.”

Sir James made several excursions into the interior of India,
as well as two voyages down the coast. Of the latter, the first
was a visit to Goa. He was much struck with the scenery
around that ancient colony. The picturesque dwellings of the
Portuguese fidalgos reminded him of the continent, could but the
molten sky of India have been hidden from view. He says : —

“ Colonel Adams agreed with me, that, if we were to exclude the
mountainous background, we might have fancied ourselves
rowing along the Scheldt, from the appearance of the houses,
and the richness of the plain immediately adjoining to us on
the right.” The Lilliputian character of the Government of Goa
amused our hero not a little, and the fact of there being two
palaces, a viceroy, an archbishop, and a chancellor, while
at Bombay, where we have an army of 25,000 men, we content
ourselves with a governor, a recorder, and a senior chaplain.”
But the elegance of the churches made ample amends for all.
The Franciscan Monastery and the church of Cajetan trans-
ported the historian back into the days of St. Francis Xavier,
Vasco de Gama, and the band of adventurous spirits, who first
doubled the Cape. Sir James visited the convent, and the
library in the Augustine Monastery. From Goa, he proceeded
to Tellichery, and thence on to Madras, where he made an
interesting visit. In a few words, he thus graphically sketches
this portion of his tour : —

“I accordingly left Lady M. and went in my palankeen through
the awfully grand forests and mountains of Malabar and Coorg
(which, if they were within reach of picturesque travellers, would
be classed with Switzerland), to Mysore, near Seringapatam.
Emboldened by my success, I ventured, after some days’ repose,
to run down to Madras. I passed six days there, and seven,
going and returning, in Mysore, and was back again at the
ship, exactly a month after I had left the coast of Malabar,

SIR JAMES MACKINTOSH IN INDIA

493

having travelled over about a thousand miles. The exterior of
Madras is very striking. I doubt whether there be any town
in Europe, north of the Alps, which can boast such a
diffusion of architectural elegance. There are probably no
three kingdoms, which differ more in every respect, than the
three provinces of Malabar, Mysore, and the Carnatic, over
which I ran. Malabar is one of the most beautiful countries in
the world, inhabited by fierce and high spirited mountaineers.
Mysore is a high and naked region, peopled by a martial, but in-
dustrious, race of husbandmen. The Carnatic is a boundless
plain of sand, covered with the monuments of ancient cultiva-
tion and civilization, and still successfully cultivated by polished
and ingenious slaves. All this variety of objects, natural and
moral, amused me much ; and I cannot say whether, even at
Paris, I crowded more life into a month, than I did during this
excursion.1'

It was not only in the establishment of a library at Bombay,
that Sir James led the public of that Presidency. He was fore-
most in all good works ; he was ever the first to head a subscrip-
tion list, or wield his eloquent pen in the sake of misfortune.
None of our readers, who have visited Bombay, can fail to have
been struck with a marble monument to the memory of Captain
Hardin ge of the Royal Navy, erected in the Cathedral of that
town. The following letter to the Editor of the Bombay Cou-
rier will explain its origin, as well as illustrate our remarks.

“ Sir, — Yielding to the first impulse of those feelings, with
which the heroic death of Captain Hardinge has filled my mind,
I take the liberty of proposing to the British inhabitants of this
residency a subscription for erecting a monument to his me-
mory in the Church of Bombay. A grateful nation will doubt-
less place this monument by the side of that of Nelson. But
the memorials of heroic virtue cannot be too much multiplied.
Captain Hardinge fell for Britain ; but he may more especially
be said to have fallen for British India.

“I should be ashamed of presuming to suggest any reason
for such a measure. They will abundantly occur to the lovers
of their country. Nor can I at present bring my mind to
consider any details of execution. If the measure in general
be approved, such details can easily be arranged.

“ I am vour's, &c.

“ James Mackintosh.”

Sir James* goodness of heart may be further seen in his care
for a young stranger, whom he judged of only from his poems.
In a letter to Mr. Sharp he thus writes : — c‘ I see a volume of

494

SIR JAMES MACKINTOSH IN INDIA.

poems, published by Henry Kirke White of Nottingham, which
are called by one of the Reviews extraordinary productions of
genius. They are published, it seems, to enable the author,
a lad of seventeen, to pursue and complete his studies. I par-
ticularly request that you will read the volume, and that, if
you find it deserves but some part of the praise bestowed
upon it, you will enquire into the circumstances of the author,
and give him for me such assistance, as you think he may
need, and as I ought to give. If you think the young poet de-
serve it, you can procure the contribution of others. You can
scarcely, indeed, have a poorer contributor than I am, as you
know very well ; but nobody will give his mite more cheerfully.”

We have not before spoken of Mackintosh on the bench : —

“ 12th May, 1810. — Day of my adjourned sessions. Charged
the grand jury with more than usual solemnity, and informed
them, that after near six years, in which I had the happiness of
never once inflicting capital punishment, the present state of the
calendar seemed to announce, that I must now show my regard
to human life in another manner. The calendar contained four
charges of murder. The fourth was a most difficult case. It was
that of an Irish artillery-man, who, having wrested an officer’s
sword from his horse-keeper, ran two or three miles on the road
with it, and at last killed a poor old, unarmed and unoffending
sepoy of police. It had not a single circumstance, which could be
considered as a mitigation : but the man wa3 mortally drunk.
To admit this as a defence, or even to allow it publicly as a miti-
gation, seems extremely dangerous. But as the example of pu-
nishment does not influence a man who is drunk, any more than
one who is mad, it is plain, that to hang a man for what he does
in such circumstances is to make drunkenness, when followed by
an accidental consequence, a capital offence. The execution
will not deter drunkards from murder ; it only deters men, who
are sober, from drunkenness After much consideration, I de-

termined to pronounce sentence of death on the ‘ murderer,’ or
‘ killer ;’ and, after letting the terror of it hang for some time over
his head, either to respite him till the King’s pleasure be known,
or to commute the punishment into transportation. The
sentence of death will be found in the newspapers. It was the
first time that I had worn my condemnation cap, and I was
considerably affected. I, however, contained my feelings ; and,
in the midst of humanity, did not, I hope, lose the proper firmness
and dignity.”

On the occasion of Sir James’ last session, a complimentary
address was presented to him by the grand jury, in which
they requested he should sit for his picture, to be placed in the

SIR JAMES MACKINTOSH IN INDIA.

495

hall “where he had so long presided with such distinguished
ability.”

The following refers to the death of the amiable and bene-
volent Governor, Jonathan Duncan.

“ llth August, 1811. — After a wakeful and uneasy night, I saw
from the verandah, about half-past seven the flag half-mast
high, and about a quarter to eight, I received a note from
Dr. Inveraritv, with the information, that Jonathan Duncan
breathed his last about seven, having remained insensible since
Daw saw him yesterday forenoon.

‘ On some fond breast the parting soul relies ;

Some pious drops the closing eye requires

But no such solace or tribute attended his forlorn death. I
wish that I were once more with my family. I shudder at the

thought of* my dying eyes’ closed * by foreign hands’ Went to

the Government House a little after three, to attend the funeral.
On going up stairs, I found the coffin in the middle of the upper
hall. The remains of poor Jonathan Duncan were deposited
in a grave within the pale of the altar, on the right hand
going up to it, immediately under the monument of General
Carnac.”

Bombay had already in those days, it appears, acquired a
notoriety for ship-burning : —

“ Last night, or rather this morning, about 2 o'clock, the
‘ Camden’ took fire in the harbour, and is totally consumed.
She was one of the Bombay and China ships, had just com-
pleted her lading, and was about to sail on Sunday or Mon-
day We dined last night at the Rickards’s. They had

both been up all night, observing the unusual and awful phe-
nomena of the * Camden’ drifting from her moorings to the
Mahratta shore, moving ten miles across the harbour, like
a mass of flame. At 10 o'clock last night (twenty hours after
the ship took fire), the flame was still visible on the opposite
coast.”

We conclude with an extract, which lets us into a higher mood of
his mind : — “ I have just glanced over Jeremy Taylor on theBea-
titudes. The selection is made in the most sublime spirit of
virtue. To their transcendant excellence I can find no words to
express my admiration and reverence. * Blessed are the merciful,
for they shall obtain mercy/ * Put on my beloved, as the elect of
God, bowels of mercy.’ At last the divine speaker rises to the
summit of moral sublimity! * Blessed are they who are per-
secuted for righteousness’s sake.’ For a moment, 0 blessed
teacher, I taste the unspeakable delight of feeling mvself to be

496

SIR JAMES MACKINTOSH IN INDIA.

better. I feel, as in the days of my youth, that ‘ hunger and
thirst after righteousness,’ which long habits of infirmity, and
the low concerns of the world, have contributed to extinguish.”
This passage calls to our mind the beautiful lines of the great
Goethe : —

‘ * Was sucht ihr machtig und gelind,

Ihr Himmelstone, mich im Staube ?

Klingt dort umber, wo weiche Menschen sind.

Die Botschaft hor ich wohl, allein mir fehlt der Glaube;

Zu jenen Spbaren wag ich nicht zu streben,

Woher die holde Nachricht tont ; —

Und doch, an diesen Klang von Jugend auf gewohnt,

Ruft er auch jezt zuriick mich in das Leben.

Sonst stiirzte sich des Himmels Liebe-kuss
Auf mich herab, in ernster Sabathstille ;

Da klang so ahnungsvoll der Glockentone Fiille,

Und ein Gebet war briinstiger Genuss ;

Ein unbegreiflich holdes Sehnen

Trieb mich durch Wald and Wiesen hinzugehn,

Und under tausend heissen Thranen,

Fiihlt’ ich mir eine Welt entstehn.

Dies Lied verkiindete der Jugend muntre Spiele,

Der Friihlingsfeier Gluck ;

Erinnrung halt mich nun, mit kindlichem Gefiihle,

Yom letzten, ernsten Schritt zuriick.

O tonet fort, ihr siissjen Himmelslieder !

Die Thrane quillt ; die Erde hat mich wieder \tr

On the 6th November 1811, Sir James Mackintosh quitted
India. He had for some time past suffered from severe ill health.
Here is the last entry in his journal : — “ Day of departure.
Last sun-rise view of the Ghauts, with their hill forts, &c. Last
is a melancholy word !”

Yes ; even in India !*

We owe a word of thanks to the editor of these volumes for
the highly creditable manner in which he has acquitted himself.
He writes comparatively little himself; though what he does
write is both clever and very useful in connecting the parts ot the
story. He shows, with much real affection towards his father,
an amount of discretion which is as sensible, as it is consider-
ate and rare We trust that our brief notice will direct the atten-
tion of many of our readers to this excellent work.

• The Indian career of Sir James Mackintosh will add nothing to his high and
well won fame. The “ lions" of the literary world find no resting place here. The Mack-
intoshes and Macaulays look down upon us, as well they may : and we admire them
very much, but are quite willing that they should stay at home. There seems to be
something uuwholesomely exciting in the atmosphere ot the higher intellectual circles
of London, which unfits the mind for ordinary society, and for earnest practical work.

We want men here, who think it nobler and more truly great to labour for the welfare

of a hundred millions of Hindus, than to shine in the clubs, or even to write works
of real genius, like the Vindicice Gallic a, the History of England, or the Lays oj
Ancient Rome. — F.d.

broome’s history of the Bengal army.

497

Art. VIII. — 1. History of the Rise and Progress of the Bengal

Army , by Captain Arthur Broome. Vol. I. Calcutta . W.

Thacker and Co. 1850.

2. History of British India , by James Mill .

3. A Voyage to the East Indies , by Mr. Grose.

4. A History of the Military Transactions of the British Na-
tion in Indostan , by Robert Orme , Esq., F. A. S.

5. The Life of Robert Lord Clive, Baron of Plassy, by Mr.
Caraccioli .

6. Life of Lord Clive, by Major General Sir John Malcolm.

7. Macaulay's Critical and Historical Essays.

8. Reports of the Select Committee of the House of Commons.

9. The Seir Mutakherin .

10. Ives’s Voyage and Historical Narrative.

There is perhaps no task so difficult as that of having to
blend together, and form into a connected narrative, a series of
petty military actions, which, although highly important as a
train of events all bearing upon one object, yet are in them-
selves apparently trivial and unimportant. The early history
of our military exploits in India, as detailed in the pages of
Orme, is a striking instance of the difficulty we allude to: and
the History of the Rise and Progress of the Bengal Army, by
Captain Broome, is only relieved from it by the skill with
which the author has contrived to bring prominently forward
such details, as are interesting even at the present day. The first
volume of this history extends] from the earliest period of our
connection with India to the close of Lord Clive’s second
administration. It does little more than trace the progress
of this now mighty kingdom from its infancy to the time
when it first exhibited signs of its future power. It shows
how our success in war has been generally owing to the
triumph of discipline, skill, and energy, over the untrained and
misdirected efforts of a brave, but inexperienced and unskilful,
foe. It gives us many highly interesting details, which cannot
be found in any other volume, but have been collected and con-
densed with a skill, patience, and perseverance, that are entitled
to lasting praise. The military student of our early wars will
here find the best and most connected narrative, that we have
yet seen, of those transactions ; and he will also find the autho-
rity for each fact or statement given with scrupulous fidelity.

Q 1

498

BROOMES HISTORY OF THE BENGAL ARMY.

Most of the works, to which Captain Broome has referred, are
not procurable in Mofussii Stations in India ; and even the best
formed libraries are deficient in many of them. We have now
before us an array of not less than fifty volumes, which we
have collected for the purpose of reference ; yet we have
been unable to procure many works, to which we wish-
ed to refer in our examination of this work. Much of Cap-
tain Broome’s information has been derived from the India
House ; and much labour and expence have been incurred by
him in causing references to be made to the manuscripts exist-
ing there : indeed, we are convinced, that no pains have been
spared to render the book substantially correct. We could
have wished that a more copious detail at the head of each
chapter had been added, to aid in our notice of the book ; and
a simple reprint of the running title at the head of each page,
if prefaced to each chapter, would have added much to the
value of the work.

The first chapter closes with the oft-told tale of the fatal
night of the Black Hole ; and the second as appropriately con-
cludes with the narrative of the early death of the sanguinary
tyrant, who caused that massacre. It is only in Eastern
climes, where vice and profligacy are as rapid in their growth
and as gigantic in their evil consequences, as the rank vegeta-
tion in the jungles around, that a monster, like this, could have
been so precociously matured in evil, as to perish with such
universal execration at the early age of twenty years, after a
reign of only fifteen months.

We pass over the few unimportant military records of the
first chapter, observing merely that the charges on that head
for the five years preceding the capture of Calcutta by Su-
raj-ud-dowlah scarcely averaged £20,000 a year ! It was by
sea, and not by land, that the Company, trading to the East
Indies, first prominently signalized themselves, by fitting out
(what was for those days) large and expensive fleets: and had
they been as successful in securing good naval, as they after-
wards were in securing military, commanders, their power
might have been more early and successfully developed.

An ensign and thirty men were sanctioned in 1652 in Ben-
gal, to do honour to the principal agents there : and this small
party wa3 the nucleus of the present army at this Presidency.
In 1653, this force had only increased to 250 men ; although
at that time a ship of war, mounting seventy-two guns, was
employed in the Bay of Bengal to act against interlopers,
who appeared to be the enemies then most dreaded by the
Company. Aurungzebe, in 1685, was in the zenith of his

BROOMK’s HISTORY OF THE BENGAL ARMY. 49$

power : and yet, so conscious were the Company of their
strength, even at that early period, that they did not hesitate
to commence hostilities against him, and to appeal to arms,
when the Nawab of Dacca tried to impose, in Bengal, a duty of
three anda half per cent., which was customarily levied at Surat,
but had hitherto not been imposed in Bengal. On this occa-
sion, a fleet of no less than ten ships, of from seventy to twelve
guns each, was fitted out in England, and the command
given to Captain Nicholson, with the rank of Admiral. The
orders were, that the Company’s ships then in the Bay of
Bengal should join this fleet, which would increase its num-
bers by nine vessels : and Chittagong was fixed upon as the
place of debarkation and attack. Two hundred pieces of cannon
were sent out to be placed on the works, which were ordered
to be erected there: —

As soon as Chittagong should be captured, and put in a state of proper
defence, the troops and the smaller vessels were to proceed against Dacca,
which, it was contemplated, would offer but little resistance; and, when mas-
ters of his capital, terms were to be offered to the Nawab on the following
conditions : “ That he should cede the city and territory of Chittagong to the
Company, and pay the debts due by him ; that he should allow rupees coined
at Chittagong to pass current in the Province, and restore all privileges ac-
cording to the ancient Phirrnaunds — each party to bear their respective losses
and expenses in the war. On these conditions alone, the Company would agree
to re-settle the factories in Bengal — P. 13.

Unforeseen and disastrous circumstances frustrated these plans
of conquest. Contrary winds and bad weather detained or des-
troyed portions of the fleet ; and, instead of going to Chittagong,
the remnant of the fleet, when it arrived at the mouth of the
Hugly, in October 1686, was ordered up to the English
factory, which had been built at Hugly. Four hundred
European troops had been that year brought round from
Madras to that place ; and the Nawab Shaistah Khan, alarm-
ed by all these demonstrations, assembled a considerable force,
both of horse and foot, in the immediate neighbourhood. A
bazar row, which took place between some of his men and some
of the English soldiers, ended in a regular fight, in which the
English killed sixty of the enemy, wounded many more,
spiked eleven guns, and, with the assistance of Admiral Nichol-
son’s fleet, burnt or destroyed upwards of 500 houses in the
town of Hugly. No pillage was allowed by Mr. Charnock,
for which lenient conduct he was reprimanded by the Court,
who remarked that such a measure “ would have convinced the
natives of our power /” The claims of the Company upon the
Nawab then amounted to sixty-six laks. One item was “ for
protecting Haggerston from justice, 45,000 rupees” — which

500 BROOME S HISTORY OF THE BENGAL ARMY.

was an easy way of recovering “ the debts remaining and
owing us in the country Admiral Nicholson appears to have
undertaken nothing of importance, except the bombardment of
Hugly ; and the proceedings of Mr. Charnock and his council
were characterized by so much irresolution, that the Court sent
out Captain Heath with two more vessels, one of which
mounted sixty-four guns, to re-inforce the expedition, and
carry out their original intentions. This officer might well
have been called “ hasty Heath” and was said to be “ of a
variable disposition , not far removed from craziness He ar-
rived off the village of Chutanutti in October 1688, resolv-
ed to commence hostilities immediately, and, for this purpose, or-
dered all the Company’s servants to embark on board the fleet,
which sailed for Balasore on the 8th November. Having
captured and pillaged that place, he next proceeded to Chitta-
gong; but, finding the works there stronger than he expected,
he proceeded to Arracan, and proposed to the King to co-operate
with him against the Mogul. On the rejection of these pro-
posals, he tried, in order to obtain a settlement, to enter into a
negotiation with a chief of some consequence, who had revolted
against the King: but, being too hasty and impatient to wait
even for an answer to his proposals, he sailed with the whole
fleet to Madras — thus abandoning the trade in Bengal, and
leaving the property there to be confiscated by the Emperor,
who was now much incensed against the English.

About eighteen months after the failure of this mad ex-
pedition, Mr. Charnock, the founder of our capital, received
permission to renew the trade in Bengal, and landed at Chuta-
nutti in August 1690, with a guard of one officer and thirty
men, the original military establishment, which power was
increased to 100 men by the close of the year. The disputes
between the old and the new East India Companies do not
seem to have retarded the progress of the settlement in
Calcutta ; and their junction considerably increased the power
of the British nation there. In the year 1707-8, the rival
Companies were united, and in the same year, the Emperor
Aurungzebe died. With him fell the power of the Mogul
monarchy, which speedily passed into the hands of the Unit-
ed Company, which had just been formed. The coincidence
was remarkable ; but half a century elapsed ere they were
able to avail themselves of the rapid decay of the Muhamma-
dan power, which ensued on the death of Aurungzebe. Dur-
ing great part of this period, the Governors in Bengal were
friendly to the English. But at length, in 1756, Suraj-ud-dow-
lah succeeded to the Government ; and he, by his vices, his

broome’s history of the Bengal army. 501

ignorance, and his folly, soon paved the way for the conquests
of the English in India. Captain Broome has given a very
interesting account of the dissensions, which speedily en-
sued between the English and the Nawab; the siege and cap-
ture of the old fort of Calcutta; the cowardly and disgraceful
conduct of many of the principal gentlemen in the service ;
and the sufferings and cruel fate of those, who were taken and
imprisoned in the Black Hole.

The temporary downfall of Calcutta served but to increase
its dominion, power, and splendour ; and, under the able rule
of Clive, it rose like a phoenix from its ashes. He arrived
about the middle of December at Fultah, where the miserable
remnant of the Presidency were then assembled, anxiously
awaiting succour from Madras. The aspect of affairs was now
soon changed. The fleet, which bore the expedition, constituted
its main strength : and in this, as in all the early contests of
the Company, there is nothing so remarkable as the disparity
between the land and sea forces employed. Our power in the
East had not at that time taken firm root in the soil : and it was
necessary to have at hand the means of transplanting it at
any moment to a new settlement. Hence the naval force em-
ployed was necessarily much greater in proportion, and even
in actual amount of ships and guns, than it has been at any
later period of our history.

Five large ships of war, the smallest mounting twenty guns,
under two Admirals, with five of the Company’s merchant-
men as transports and store-ships, formed a force sufficient to
have annihilated the whole power of the Nawab, had it con-
sisted in naval strength. But unfortunately the ships could not
proceed far up the rivers, and the land-forces of the expedition
were inconsiderable, while the strength of the Muhammadans in
Bengal was too far removed from the coast to be much affected
by our superiority at sea. Surnj-ud-dowlah was however ignorant
of this. He knew not the draft of water required for our ships,
and his officers were probably equally ignorant ; — so much so,
that we find them even sinking large piles above the city of
Murshedabad, lest the English ships of war should proceed
up the great branch of the Ganges, and then come down the
smaller river to Murshedabad. When we reflect therefore on
what was then accomplished in Bengal, we must never lose sight
of the great naval power, which we then had here, and the
effect of the broadsides that was so rapidly shewn at Calcutta,
and even at Chandernagore. The land forces on the other hand
were inconsiderable. Clive’s whole army at Plassev only
amounted to 1,100 Europeans, and 2,100 native troops, with ten

502

broome’s history of the Bengal army.

field-pieces, against a nominal army of 18,000 horse and 50,000
foot, accompanied by fifty-three pieces of heavy ordnance, which
were, however, too unwieldy to be of much real service.

Clive had been early trained in the Madras wars, and had
but lately returned from the expedition against Angria, so that
he had considerable experience in native warfare; and his stern,
forcible and impetuous character led him to despise the
armies of the native powers. Though he may be considered
to have been on the whole the best leader, that our troops ever
had, in those early days, in India, still we cannot quite subscribe
to the opinion of Macaulay, that he exhibited rare talents for
war: and the assertion of that talented writer, that Clive was
the only man, except Napoleon, who had ever at so early an
age, given equal proof of talents for war, can only have arisen
from his own want of military experience.

How Clive landed below Budge-Budge ; how he lost his
route in the jungles, through the ignorance or treachery of
his guides ; how he was attacked, when sleeping on his post
in rear of the fort, by Manik Chund; how he subsequently
defeated that officer; and how Strahan, the drunken sailor, took
the redoubtable fortress of Budge-Budge — are all detailed in
the narrative before us with much spirit and faithfulness.

Calcutta was soon reduced by the fire of the ships. Indeed
there is nothing in all this warfare, as far we have yet gone, to
equal even the feeble resistance, which our troops experienced in
China. Thus the forts of Tannah and Allyghur, which mounted
fifty guns, were abandoned without firing a shot ; and, although
a few rounds were fired from the fort in Calcutta against
the advancing squadron, which killed nine men on board the
Kent and seven on board the Tiger , yet as soon as the ships
“ took up their position, and commenced to return the cannon-
‘ ade, the fire from the fort slackened, and the enemy, ob-
‘ serving that Clive with the troops had nearly invested the place
* on the land side, abandoned the defence, and hastened to seek
‘ safety in flight.” This was on the 2nd January, 1757, just
fifty years after the death of Aurungzebe and the junction of
the two Companies.

A force was next sent up to attack Ilugly, and it was equally
successful. After battering the town for a whole day, the place
was assaulted and taken — the enemy flying, as soon as our men
had mounted the breach. Meanwhile, intelligence had been
received that war had been declared between France and
England, and it was naturally anticipated that the French, who
had then a considerable force at Chandernagore, would join
with the Nawab at once against us. This led Clive at first

BROOMES HISTORY OF THE BENGAL ARMY.

503

to endeavour to open Degociations with the Nawrab : and there
appears to be no reason to suppose that any thoughts of per-
manent conquests were then entertained by the English, or
that they would not have been perfectly content, if left alone
with the successes which they had already obtained. It was how-
ever otherwise destined. The Nawab would not listen to their
overtures, and gave orders to march immediately with his whole
force to Calcutta. Fortunately no official information had
arrived of the breaking out of hostilities between the French
and English : and, as the former had then at Chandernagore
no man of ability able to seize the crisis of affairs which
was at hand, that nation let slip the great opportunity, which
was presented to them, of crushing the English by joining the
Nawab, and left him single-handed to deal with the haughty
islanders.

On the 30th January, the Nawab crossed the river, a
few miles above Hugly, with a force of 18,000 horse, 15,000
foot, 1,000 pioneers, forty pieces of heavy cannon, fifty
elephants, and a vast assemblage of camp-followers. The po-
sition, which Clive took up, had he intended to assail the
army of the Nawab, while on its line of march, was a good
one : but we cannot see that he properly availed himself of
the advantages of his situation. He encamped about half
a mile from the river, rather in advance of Perring’s re-
doubt, which stood near the site of the present Cbitpore
suspension bridge. His head-quarters were thus not far
distant from the junction of the Dum-Dum, Cossipore, and
Barrackpore roads. The army of the Nawab swept round
his position ; and, although Clive marched out with the greater
part of his force, supported by six field-pieces, and commenced
a cannonade, yet he effected nothing, and gradually drew off
his troops. This was on the 2nd February : and so completely
was Clive’s position now surrounded, that the followers of
the Nawab’s camp spread themselves beyond the Mahratta
Ditch, and proceeded to plunder the town. A sally from the
detachment, posted at Perring’s redoubt, quickly stopped the
plundering : but mass after mass of the enemy had by this
time established themselves in force, and entrenchments had
already been commenced a mile and half to the south-east
of the British camp, which were in such a state of forwardness
as to be able from their batteries to bring a fire of ten heavy
guns on Clive’s army, when it advanced that day. We
are disposed to criticize Clive’s conduct in thus permitting
the Nawab to get into his rear, between the Mahratta
Ditch and the Salt-water Lake, and to occupy the whole

COL

broome’s history of the Bengal army.

plain of Chowringhi, where his cavalry had ample room to
act, and to fix his head-quarters in Qmichund’s garden,
within half a mile or less of Perring’s redoubt. Had it been
Clive’s intention not to attack the Nawab’s force, when on
their line of march, we cannot help thinking, that, had he him-
self occupied Omichund’s garden, it would have been a much
better position for his forces ; as he would then have been able
to debouch, either by the Dum-Dum road, or by the two cause-
ways leading to the end of the Salt-water Lake, in any attack
he might make on the Muhammadan army. By taking up his
position at Cossipore, and abandoning the line of the Mahratta
Ditch, he permitted the enemy to avail themselves of the
advantages which it afforded them ; and when Clive attacked
the camp of the Nawab on the 4th, after wandering about on
the plain for a considerable time, being bewildered in a fog.
he had to lead his men to the attack of the barricade, which the
enemy had formed across the causeways, and was, in so doing,
exposed to the fire of the gun3, which they had posted
along the whole circle of the Mahratta ditch. Our military
readers will at once understand the radical defect in Clive’s posi-
tion and tactics on this occasion, by considering that he had
permitted the Nawab’s force to get into the interior of the circle ;
thus he was compelled to act on the circumference, while the
troops of the latter had the more easy task of acting on the
radius of the circle, with a ready-formed ditch to protect their
position. Clive, after moving round the Nawab’s position,
and forcing an entrance at the barrier on their extreme right,
succeeded in gaining the fort about noon, having been harassed
by the enemy’s cavalry and artillery almost the whole way, and
having lost three officers, thirty-nine Europeans, and eighteen
sepoys killed, and eighty-two Europeans and thirty-five sepoys
wounded — a greater loss than was sustained at Plassey, The
greater part of this mischief was done by the enemy’s
guns, mounted on the ramparts, inside our own ditch. The
enemy had, however, suffered very considerably, having, it was
said, 1,300 killed and wounded: but possibly this loss was
exaggerated. Orme, in his account, could not help seeing,
that, had Clive advanced from Perring’s redoubt, direct on
Omichund’s garden, the attack might have been more successful.
We think Clive is much to be blamed for this rash pro-
ceeding ; for he had still the command of the direct road,
leading through Perring’s redoubt to the fort, by which he
returned to his position at Cossipore in the evening, and could,
by that road, have easily got within the circle of the Mahratta
Ditch, and thus attacked the Nawab in a direct line, instead of

BROOME*S HISTORY OF THE BENGAL ARMY. 50,5

leading his men round the circumference of the circle, exposed
to the fire of all the guns mounted along its face. Captain
Broome says of this attack, that it was altogether “ a dashing
affair, and the conception not unworthy of the Heaven-born
General who formed it but we are doubtful whether
he intends to express any great praise of the design, how-
ever bold may have been its execution. Although the spirits
of our men were damped by the result of this expedition,
yet its discouraging effect on the Nawab was much greater.
He was astonished and terrified by the courage and intrepidity
displayed : and, on the following morning, he sent proposals of
peace, and drew off his army to the northward of the Salt-water
Lake, to be out of the reach of so daring a foe. A treaty
of peace was concluded, on very advantageous terms for the
English: and the Nawab on the 11th commenced his march
homeward.

Clive immediately turned his attention to an attack on
Chandernagore, and sounded the Nawab, as to the views
which he entertained of the meditated attack on the French.
The Nawab was greatly incensed, and accused the English of
breach of faith : but this did not deter Clive from crossing the
river on the 18th, and marching against Chandernagore. The
Nawab was too much in fear of the English to commence
hostilities again in person : but he peremptorily forbade
them to commit any act of hostility, and ordered the Governor
of Hugly to assist the French. Upon this Clive desisted
for the present, and the troops re-crossed the river : but, adds
Captain Broome, “ he did not ultimately despair of obtaining
the Nawab’s consent, for which the English agents, Mr. Watts
and Omichund, were directed to apply.” Things remained in this
uncertain state for some time; and the English Council, who were
evidently afraid to act in a hostile manner without the Nawab’s
consent, endeavored to patch up a treaty of neutrality with the
French: but, Chandernagore being subordinate to Pondicherry,
a difficulty arose, by which the negociations were broken off.
This was unfortunate for the French: as the A ffgh an inva-
sion, which then occurred in Northern India, alarmed the
Nawab, lest an attack should be made on him from that
quarter, and induced him to give the English a tacit permis-
sion to attack their rivals. They speedily availed them-
selves of this permission ; and the Tiger , the Kent , and the
Salisbury were chosen to attack Chandernagore by water,
while Clive attacked by land. The difficulty of getting these
large vessels, mounting from fifty to sixty-four guns each,
up the river, and placed in position opposite the fort, was

R 1

500 BROOMES PI l STORY OF THE BENGAL ARMY.

considerable : but, that difficulty once overcome, the fall of
the place could be calculated on as certain. The Tiger
got into position at 7 a. m. on the 23rd March ; and, by 9
o’clock, the batteries were silenced, their parapets destroyed,
and a flag of truce hung out by the garrison, upon which
the cannonade was suspended. We do not think that the
land forces materially influenced the reduction of the place ;
for though batteries had been erected, which opened their
fire at sunrise, it appears to have been of little effect ; whereas
one well directed broadside from the Tiger , on its coming
into action, completely cleared the defences of the ravelin
next the river. It is the number of guns, which can concentri-
cally be brought to bear on one spot, and the vast weight
of shot, which can at the same instant be hurled by them upon
a fortress, that renders the broadside of a man-of-war so effec-
tual : and here, as at Algiers, and, in subsequent times, at
Beirut, the enemy found it impossible to resist the fury of its
power.

A sum of £130,000 sterling was acquired by the capture of
Chandernagore : and the way was now paved for the destruction
of the Nawab. Ignorant and irresolute, that prince at one time
flattered the English, and the next instant strove to attach the
French to his person : but finally he dismissed Monsieur Law,
who had been chief of the French factory at Cossimbazar, and
to whom all those, who had escaped from Chandernagore,
had fled, and thus formed a considerable party. The
Nawab thus detached from him all those, who had the
most interest in protecting him, while, at the same time, he
continually weakened the fidelity of his own subjects by his
cruelty and licentiousness.

The crooked policy, which was pursued at this time by
the chiefs of the English factory, does not necessarily
come under review in a consideration of the military details
of the campaign : but it would be unpardonable to omit all
notice of the conduct of our officers on this occasion. It
is difficult for us now to realize the position in which they
were then placed ; without any thoughts of conquest, they
found themselves solicited and courted by the most influ-
ential parties in the province to aid in overthrowing a ruler,
whom able historians have united in painting as a monster,
and as one who had uniformly exhibited himself as hostile to
the English and their trade. The temptation to aid in this
meritorious work was too strong to be resisted ; and the moral
delinquency of Clive and his confederates consisted in their
plotting the destruction of Suraj-ud-dowlab, at the same

broome’s history of the Bengal army.

507

moment that they were outwardly professing friendship for
him. Clive was evidently led into these dishonourable
negotiations by the representations made to him of the
character and cruelty of the Nawab, and the chances
which were afforded by the excited feelings of his subjects
against him, for the recovery and extension of the English
power and trade. We look upon it as unfortunate, that any
treaty was made with the Nawab in the first instance, and
think that full reparation should have been exacted for our un-
fortunate officers and men, who fell victims to his cruelty in
the Black Hole. Had Clive taken a higher and a bolder tone,
he would not have left this stain upon his memory, and the
English could not have been reproached with unfaithfulness in
their engagements.

Three months were consumed in negociations with the con-
spirators: and, on the 1 3 tli of June, the whole force, which
had assembled at Chandernngore, commenced their route — the
Europeans with the ammunition and stores in boats, and the se-
poys marching along the right bank of the river. On the same
day, Mr. Watts, who had up to this time continued on terms of
apparent amity with the Nawab, made his escape from Murshe-
dabad, and, with the gentlemen who were at Cossimbazar, fled
to Aghardip, and thence in a small boat proceeded down the
river to meet the expedition. His flight overwhelmed the
Nawab with terror. He had been about to attack Mir Jaffir’s
house, when he heard of it : but he immediately endeavored
to patch up a hollow truce with that old friend of his grand-
father, and strove to detach him from the confederation. The
Nawab moved out with all his force on the 19th, but halted at
Munkarah; and Clive with all his force had, the previous even-
ing, arrived at the small fort of Kutwa, where he found suffi-
cient grain to supply an army of 10,000 men for a year. The
rains set in with great violence on the 20th ; but Clive felt he
had now advanced too far to retreat ; and, after some hours of
mature reflection, on the 21st, and in opposition to the advice
and opinion of a council of war, he determined to cross the
river, and attack the Nawab. His situation at that moment
was not devoid of peril. At a distance of 150 miles from
his ships, and without either support or reserves, he could
but cast all upon one throw ; and, if he lost, with a rapid river
in his rear, he was sure to be annihilated. Notwithstanding
these considerations, there is no doubt that he acted right, not
perhaps so much in a military point of view, as in a political ;
for we cannot believe, upon a careful review of the case, that
Clive ever coolly calculated upon engaging and defeating the

508

broome’s history of the Bengal army.

vast force of the Nawab with 3,000 men and six guns. He was
merely to play his part in the coming action, and the conspira-
tors were to do the rest for him. Thus we find Clive taking up such
a position at Plassey,as enabled him to sustain during the whole day
the ineffectual cannonade of the Muhammadans; and, although
he kept up a fire from his own guns on the enemy, yet his anger,
when Major Kilpatrick advanced to attack the enemy’s guns,
showed that he wished rather to wait upon events, than to strive to
bend them to his purpose. The conspirators persuaded the
Nawab to retire from the action; and then the whole native army,
ignorant of the intentions of their chiefs, and suspecting that each
man was more a traitor than himself, speedily fled from the
plain. The small French force made a decided stand ; but, part-
ly from the fire of Clive’s guns, and partly from the pressure of
the crowd of fugitives, they soon also gave way, and Clive remain-
ed master of the field.

Ours is not perhaps a very flattering view of an action,
which generally has been considered so famous : but we

do not think the praise, which has been bestowed on Clive
and his army for their intrepidity, misplaced, although
the courage exhibited by them, was more of a moral, than
of a physical, nature. Had Mir Jaffier not been a traitor,
Clive would probably have been destroyed ; and to compare
this action with the victories gained over the intrepid Mexicans
by Cortez, is to assimilate things which are totally dissimilar.
There was no fighting worth speaking of ; and had a mob of
totally unarmed men of equal numbers been assembled together,
they could scarcely have opposed less resistance to the English
than the Navvab’s army did; or, if moved by such an extreme
panic, as was exhibited on this occasion, could they well have
separated with less loss. We are told that Clive cannonaded
a body of 50,000 men for a whole day ; yet their casualties
only amounted to 500 killed and an equal number wounded :
while on his own side, there were only 23 killed and 49
wounded.

After the battle, Clive hastened on towards Mursheda-
bad, and, on the 29th, he entered the city; when all the
arrangements were made for the installation of the new
Nawab, Mir Jaffier Khan, and the payment of the dif-
ferent sums to the English leaders, and the army and
navy. A sum of 11s. 72,71,666, in coined silver, was paid
as a first instalment, and a large part of the force was
employed in the welcome duty of escorting it to Calcutta.
Many disputes however arose as to the proper division of
the spoil ; and, when some of the military officers drew

broome’s history or the Bengal army.

509

lip and signed a protest, remonstrating with Clive for the
part which he found it necessary to take, he instantly put them
all in arrest, and sent the ringleaders to Calcutta. His con-
duct, in apportioning so much of the gifts of Mir Jaffier to
Admiral Watson and the fleet, shows a generous nature ; aud
the following letter, to the officers of the army who remon-
strated on that occasion, is characteristic of the man : —

Gentlemen, — I have received both your remonstrance and protest. Had
you consulted the dictates of your own reason, those of justice, or the respect
due to your commanding officer, I am persuaded such a paper, so highly
injurious to your own honour as officers, could never have escaped you.

You say you were assembled at a council to give your opinion about
a matter of property. Pray, Gentlemen, how comes it that a promise of a
suin of money from the Nabob, entirely negotiated by me, can be deemed a
matter of right and property ? So very far from it, it is now in my power to
return to the Nabob the money already advanced, and leave it to his option
whether he will perform his promise or not. You have stormed no town,
and found the money there ; neither did you find it in the plains of Plassey,
after the defeat of the Nabob. In short, Gentlemen.it pains me to remind
you, that what you are to receive is entirely owing to the care I took of your
interest, Had I not interfered greatly in it, you had been left to the Com-
pany’s generosity, who perhaps would have thought you sufficiently rewarded
in receiving a present of six months’ pay; in return for which, 1 have been
treated with the greatest disrespect and ingratitude; and, what is still worse,
you have flown in the face of my authority, for over-ruling an opinion, which,
if passed, would have been highly injurious to your own reputation, being
attended with injustice to the Navy, and been of the worst consequences to
the cause of the nation and the Company.

I shall, therefore, send the money down to Calcutta, give directions to
the agents of both parties to have it shroffed; and when the Nabob signifies
his pleasure (on whom it solely depends) that the money be paid you, you
shall then receive it, and not before.

Your behaviour has been such, that you cannot expect I should interest
myself any further in your concerns. I therefore retract the promise, I
made the other day, of negotiating either the rest of the Nabob’s promise, or
the one-third, which was to be received in the same manner as the rest of
the public money, at three yearly equal payments.

I am, Gentlemen,

Your most obedient, humble servant,

Robt. Clive.

We must rapidly pass over much of what follows in Captain
Broome’s work. A detachment under Major Coote was sent in
pursuit of the French, who had fled to the northward : but they
succeeded in making good their retreat, and took refuge atBena-
res : and the detachment, after suffering considerable hardships at
such an inclement season of the year, and having advanced as far
as Chuprah, considered it prudent to return to Patna, which they
reached on the 13th of August. The immediate object of the
expedition was not accomplished ; but it was useful as showing

510

BROOME’S HISTORY OF TFIE BENGAL ARMY.

the determination of the English character ; and it was possibly
the means of keeping the Rajah Ram Narain of Patna from
openly joining with the French, or raising his standard in
revolt against the new Nawab. The situation, in which this
prince now found himself, was by no means agreeable. The
great Hindu and Muhammadan leaders at Patna, Midnapore,
Dacca and Purneah, together with Rajah Dulub Ram, the
Dewan and Chief of the Hindu faction, were all more or less
inimical to him : and those, who did not actually revolt, were
only restrained from it through fear of the English: wherever
this fear did not extend, revolts and insurrections arose. Such
was the state of the province of Bengal for several years.

Meanwhile, Clive sedulously applied himself to raising and
training a body of native infantry of a superior description —
those formerly entertained in this Presidency having been very
inferior. When he first landed, he commenced what was a new
system in Bengal, and supplied the men, not only with European
arms and accoutrements, but with similar clothing to that of the
Europeans, and drilled and exercised them in the same manner.
Most of the men so raised were Muhammadans ; for the natives
of the province did not make good soldiers, and the Muhamma-
dans, who came from the Upper Provinces to seek service with
the native princes, were a much finer race of men than the peo-
ple of Bengal. Clive had already raised and equipped one batta-
lion, and the organization of the second was steadily progress-
ing. The judgment, which he shewed in the formation of this
force, is worthy of great praise, although he was by no means
the first person, who sought to raise a native force after a Euro-
pean model. On Clive’s return to Calcutta, after arranging
affairs at Murshedabad, he first turned his attention to the state
of the fortifications in Fort William, which had been com-
menced in the close of the previous year, and were progressing
but slowly. He soon had the outline of the enciente completed :
and, in September 1758, the ravelins and the covered way were
finished.

The Court of Directors, previous to the receipt of the intel-
ligence of their brilliant prospects in Bengal, and of how much
they were indebted to the one leading man there, had appointed
a new council for Bengal, making no mention at all of Colonel
Clive ; but, when the orders came out, it was felt that it would
have been highly injudicious to act upon them, and Clive con-
tinued at the head of the Government. The time was indeed
critical : and few could have been found in India, who would
have ventured to undertake the responsibility which Clive did.
He exhibited far greater qualities as a statesman and a ruler

BROOME’S HISTORY OF THE BENGAL ARMY. 511

than as a general, and has this great praise, that he never shrank
from incurring responsibility. Had he at this moment left the
helm, the ship would have speedily foundered; the French
would have triumphed at Madras, or the Dutch might have
driven us from Bengal. But Clive remained ; and, taking ad-
vantage of the opening presented by the Rajah of Chicacole
and Rajahmundri, who solicited the aid of the English against
the French, he fitted out an expedition under Colonel Forde,
and sent it to Yizagapatam to cause a diversion there,
and thus indirectly to aid Madras, which was then hard
pressed by Monsieur Lally.

The Marquis de Conflans, who commanded the French force
in the Northern Sircars, had under him a European battalion
of 500 men, with thirty or forty guns, 500 native cavalry, and

6.000 sepoys. On the other hand, Colonel Forde could only
muster 470 Europeans, 1,900 sepoys, and six field-pieces; his
ally, the Rajah, had certainly 5,000 foot and 500 horse, but
they were considered a miserable rabble. The sepoys un-
der Forde were better trained, and probably better equipped,
than the French native troops ; and they advanced with all
the prestige of victorious troops, as some of them had assist-
ed to recover or conquer Bengal. Forde landed on the 20th
October; and, after some delay and much difficulty, having
made his arrangements with the Rajah, he marched against
the enemy on the 8th December. We extract the wdiole of
Captain Broome’s animated description of the Battle of
“ Condore : ” —

Here Colonel Forde took up his position again, determined to be guided
by the movement of the enemy. Condore was as far from the French camp
as the old position at Chambole, but with more advantageous ground to
advance upon, and with a village half way, which would serve for an ad-
vanced post. M. Conflans, imagining that the possession of this village was
the object of the English movement, pushed forward with his whole force to
anticipate this supposed intention ; and he attributed Colonel Forde’s in-
action, in letting him seize this post without an effort, to a consciousness of
inferiority. Fearing that the English might now attempt to regain their old
position, he determined upon an immediate attack, and, hastily forming his
troops in line, advanced towards Condore. His European battalion was in
the centre, as usual, with thirteen field-pieces divided on their flanks ; immedi-
ately to the left of the battalion were the 500 cavalry, and, on either wing,

3.000 feipahis, supported by five or six heavy pieces of cannon.

Colonel Forde drew up his force in like manner, with the European
battalion in the centre, and the six field-pieces divided, three on each flank ;
to the right was the 1st battalion of sipahis commanded by Captain Knox,
with half of the Madras sipahis; to the left, the 2nd battalion of sipahis
commanded by Captain- Lieutenant MacLean, with the remainder of the
Madras sipahis ; extended on either flank were such of the Rajah’s troops
as possessed fire-arms, and the remainder of the rabble in the rear. Cap-

512

broome’s history of the Bengal army.

tain Bristol, with his party and four field-pieces, took post with the three
guns to the left of the European battalion.

Both sides now advanced — the English steadily and deliberately, without
firing a shot — the French moving more rapidly, but keeping up a hot can-
nonade from their artillery, as they approached. When they came near, the
impetuosity of the French infantry carried them in advance of their guns ;
upon which the English halted to receive them, and both sides commenced
a fire of musketry, which lasted for some minutes.

It so happened that, when the English line halted, the European battalion
was immediately in rear of afield of Indian corn, which grew so high as to
intercept them from the view of the enemy ; but the sipahis on either flank
were fully exposed. Colonel Forde, probably with a view of leading the
enemy into the very error into which they fell, ordered the sipahi battalions
to furl their small colours, of which one was allowed to each company, and
to lay them on the ground. This circumstance, and the men being dressed
in scarlet uniform, resembling that of the Europeans, for which the French
were unprepared — the English sipahis on the Madras side wearing the na-
tive dress — led them to suppose that the Europeans were divided on the
flanks ; the French battalion, as their line advanced, instead of moving direct-
ly forward, obliqued to the left, to engage the 2nd native battalion, which
they thus mistook for Europeans. When they arrived within the distance of
200* yards, they halted, dressed their ranks, and commenced firing by platoons.
Colonel Forde, who perceived their error, rode up to the 2nd battalion to
encourage the men to stand : — but the la'ter, observing the enemy’s line of
sipahis outflanking them to the left and gaining their rear, and being dis-
mayed at finding themselves opposed to Europeans, began to fire in a hurried
and irregular manner, and finally to give ground, retreating in the direction
of the village of Chambole. Flushed with this success, the French battalion
advanced rapidly, though in a disorderly manner, to follow up their advan-
tage. Colonel Forde, who anticipated what would occur, had hastened to
the European battalion, and forming them in line to the left, upon the left
Company, commanded by Captain Adnet, advanced and took the French
in flank, just as they were clearing the field of Indian corn. As the several
companies came up into their new alignment, they poured in a deadly fire
of musketry upon the enemy, which did great execution. Half the French
grenadiers went down at the first volley from Captain Adnet’s company ;
and, being taken completely by surprise and thus roughly handled, the whole
French battalion went about in great confusion, and hastened to regain
the support of their field-pieces, which they had left nearly half a mile

behind The French rallied at their guns, thirteen in number, which

were scattered about the plain in details, as they had been left when
the advance commenced ; these guns opened their fire on the English,
as soon as their own troops were clear, and killed and wounded
several men. Captain Adnet fell mortally wounded at the head of the
leading company; but the men were not to be denied: the enemy’s fire
only induced them to hasten to the charge; and, forming line, they rushed
on with .the bayonet, drove the enemy from their guns, and once more put
the French battalion to flight.

The day, if not completely gained, was at least secured from reverse by
the possession of the enemy’s field artillery and the flight of their Euro-
pean battalion ; but much yet depended on the conduct of the 1st native
battalion. When the European battalion advanced, its field- pieces had
been left with this corps. Encouraged by this support, and the spirit of
their gallant commander, Captain Knox, the sipahis, though opposed by
nearly four times their own number, stood their ground nobly ; taking

BROOMES HISTORY OF THE BENGAL ARMY.

513

advantage of the cover of some embankments in their front, they kept up a
warm fire upon the enemy, — to which the latter replied with great spirit,
until they saw their own European battalion driven from the guns, and in
disorderly flight, when they also began to retreat. Captain Knox now
advanced with his battalion and the six field-pieces, to join the Europeans.
The enemy’s right wing of sipahis and the cavalry had retreated, as soon
as they saw the French battalion defeated, without making any attempt to
follow up the 2nd native battalion — which, having rallied, also joined the
advance. Colonel Forde now determined to push on, and complete his
success by attacking the enemy’s camp, to which they had all retreated j
and he sent to the Rajah to beg that he would advance, particularly with
his cavalry, which would have been of the greatest use in following up the
broken troops of the enemy ; — but the Rajah and all his force were cowering
in the hollow of a large tank during the action, and could not be induced
to stir.

Colonel Forde, having made his arrangements, now advanced with his
own troops ; but, the ground being very bad, the guns, drawn by bullocks,
were unavoidably left considerably in the rear.

A deep hollow way passed along the skirt of the camp, behind which all the
French troops had rallied, supported by their heavy guns, placed so as to
command the line of advance. But just as the English troops had taken up
their position to attack, and the leading company had stepped out to give
their fire, the field-pieces came in sight — and the enemy, as if panic struck,
went to the right about, and fled again in the utmost confusion, leaving
their camp and the remainder of their guns in the hands of the victors ; but
the English following them up rapidly, many threw down their arms, and
surrendered themselves prisoners. No victory could have been more com-
plete. The enemy were totally routed and dispersed. Thirty-two pieces of
artillery, including seven mortars of from 13 to 8 inches calibre, 50 ammuni-
tion carriages, a large supply of shot and shell, 1,000 draught bullocks,
and the whole of the camp equipage and stores were captured ; 6 French
officers and 70 Europeans were killed or mortally wounded, and about 50
more slightly wounded; 6 officers and 50 Europeans, rank and file, were
taken prisoners, and the loss of their sipahis must also have been con-
siderable.

* * * 9****

Thus ended the battle of Condore, one of the most brilliant actions on
military record ; which, however, is generally but little known or mentioned
in the service ; and, by a strange chance, not one of the corps employed has
ever received any distinction for this most important victory, whilst the 1st
Madras European fusiliers, of which not an officer or man, excepting Cap-
tain Callender, was present, have the word ‘ Condore’ emblazoned on their
colours and appointments. The corps, properly entitled to this distinction,
are the present 1st Bengal European fusiliers, the 1st Regiment of Bengal
native infantry, and the Bengal artillery. The 2nd native battalion is no
longer in existence, and the Madras sipahis present were never organized as
a regular corps. — Pp. 215-220.

There is a slight misprint in this excellent description of the
battle ; thus the French battalion is described as obliquing to
the left, to engage the second native battalion, instead of to the
right, which it actually did. This should be corrected, as it
involves in obscurity an important movement in the action, and
might puzzle a young military reader.

s 1

514 broome's history of the Bengal army.

After this engagement, although the French force was still
superior to that of the English, yet Colonel Forde did not
hesitate to advance and fight his way to Masulipatam. He
was delayed, however, for six weeks, in consequence of the va-
cillating conduct of the Rajah, and the difficulty in procuring
supplies of money, cattle, and carriage. On the 28th January,
the force at length moved forward, and on the 6th February
reached Ellore ; but Anundiraj still delayed them ; so that
it was not till the 1st March that he was ready to march from
thence. On the 3rd March, Captain MacLean took the little
fort of Konkale, where he met with a gallant resistance ; and, on
the 6th, the force arrived before Masulipatam. We have no space
to extract the full description of the siege of this strong fort ;
but the determined conduct of Colonel Forde in reducing it,
entitles him to the highest military praise. The garrison
consisted of 500 European and 2,000 sepoys, independent
of an army of observation under Monsieur Du Rocher; while
the forces of Salabut Jung, Subadar of the Deccan, amounting
to 15,000 horse and 30,000 foot, were actually on their way
to raise the siege of the place : —

The treasure chest was completely empty. Colonel Forde and all the
officers of the force had advanced whatever sums they possessed, and the
prize money had been used and all expended in procuring provisions,
whilst the troops were several months in arrears of pay.

Such was the condition of the English detachment — besieging a superior
force, which was well supplied with all the means and material for defence
in a place of acknowledged strength — themselves with the most scanty
material, til supplied with provisions, and entirely without funds ; whilst
the enemy possessed a separate force without the wall, which crippled
their resources, and prevented the arrival of the money sent from Bengal;
—in addition to all which, a powerful Army was advancing to the relief of
the place. — P. 230.

Colonel Forde saw that the taking of Masulipatam was the
main object of the campaign ; and, like a good General, he sacri-
ficed every thing to gain that vital point. By his authority,
example, and influence, he quelled a serious mutiny amongst his
men; he negotiated and temporized with Salabut Jung, who had
advanced within forty miles of the place ; and, just at the moment
that his small stock of ammunition was almost exhausted, and
his enemies were rejoicing in anticipation of his speedily falling
a prey to the combined army of Du Rocher and the Deccan
troops, he stormed and took the fort, on the night of the 7th
of April. With 372 Europeans, and 700 sepoys, he took a place,
containing a garrison, as shown by the muster roll of the previ-
ous day, of 522 Europeans in the battalion, besides nearly 100
European agents of the Company, officers, and merchants, and

BROOME‘s HISTORY OF THE BENGAL ARMY.

515

2,537 Caffrees, topasses, and sepoys. One hundred and twenty
pieces of ordnance were found in the fort, and a large supply of
military stores, which were of great value to the English at the
time. The conduct of our troops in the assault was admirable :
the sepoys emulated the Europeans in gallantry, and to their
conduct on this occasion, much of this brilliant success may be
justly ascribed : —

When the whole of the attendant circumstances are considered — the
numerical superiority of the enemy, the strength of the place, and the
disadvantages under which the English force was labouring, as also the
great importance of the conquest — few achievements on Indian record
can be compared with this brilliant affair, which is surely deserving of
commemoration; and it is to he hoped that the corps still in existence,
which were employed in that assault, may, even at this late date, receive
the distinction so justly due, and be permitted to emblazon the word
“ Masulipatam” upon their colours and appointments. These corps are the
Bengal artillery, the 1st Bengal European fusiliers, and the 1st regiment
of Bengal native infantry.

The apparent impossibility and rashness of such an attempt were proba-
bly the chief causes of its success: for the garrison was only waiting the arri-
val of Salabut Jung and the Army of Observation, to commence a concerted
and combined attack upon the English force, which they already looked upon
as completely in their power, and consequently treated all its efforts with
perfect contempt. — P. 241.

Salabut Jung was astonished and surprised at the fall of the
place. He re-advanced to within fifteen miles of it ; but finding
it impossible to retake it, he concluded a treaty with the Eng-
lish, and hastily retraced his steps — his presence being urgently
required in his own dominions, in consequence of the prepara-
tions that had been made by his brother, Nizam Ali, to seize the
Subahdari. Thus every thing fell out as Colonel Forde
had hoped, and anticipated. The most effectual aid was given
to the English cause by the capture of Masulipatam, and the
French interests in that part of the country were entirely
destroyed. We must pass over the rest of the gallant acts of
this detachment : but we give our readers Captain Broome’s
admirable summary of the effects of this expedition, which
returned to Bengal in March 1760 : —

Thus terminated this brilliant expedition, during which the troops obtain-
ed all the objects contemplated, diverted the attention and means of the
French from the prosecution of the war at Madras, gained one glorious and
complete victory in the field, took one of the strongest forts in that part of
India, captured upwards of 200 pieces of cannon, acquired a most valuable
and extensive tract for the Company, drove the French completely out of
the Northern Provinces, and destroyed their influence at the Court of tho
Nizam ; — and all this, in the face of a superior force of regular troops, and
in spite of difficulties and obstacles of the most serious nature. Viewed
under all the circumstances attending it, and the results obtained, this may
be considered one of the most successful and important expeditions ever

51 0

broome’s history of the Bengal army.

undertaken by this army, although the details have been slightly passed
over by historians generally. — Pp. 249-250.

While Forde was assaulting Masulipatam, Clive was not idle
in Bengal. The attempt of the Shah-Zadah, Alii Gohur
Khan, to emancipate himself from the thraldom, in which, the
now almost nominal Emperor of the Moguls was kept by the
ruling minister, Ghazi-ud-din Khan, and to recover for him-
self some portion of the former power of his house, caused great
alarm at Murshedabad. His party meditated an attack on
Bengal, and requested aid from Clive ; but, when he refused to
assist them, made overtures to Monsieur Law, and advanced as
far as Patna, where the Prince strove to gain over to his cause.
Bam Narain, the Governor of that place. This latter tempo-
rized and negotiated ; but, when well assured of the advance of
the English under Clive, he shut his gates, and defied the
Prince ; who, after assaulting the place, was obliged to retreat,
about the very time that our troops were successfully assault-
ing Masulipatam. The English thus triumphed in both quar-
ters at the same time : nor could Monsieur Law, on his subse-
quent junction with the Prince, induce him to return and
renew the siege, although he engaged to take Patna in an hour ;
which might easily have been done, as it was by no means a
strong place, and the main body of the English had not then
arrived, but only a small detachment under a native officer.
The French, in this instance, as in many other parallel cases,
endeavoured to persuade their native allies; the English, on the
other hand, usually acted for themselves with a much greater
tone of authority, and thus compelled the wavering inclinations
of the fickle races of Hindustan.

The next affair of importance which occurred in Bengal was
the attack of the Dutch, which threatened the most serious
consequences to the Company’s establishment — if not its total
subversion. Mir Jaffier was only too glad to find some power
which he could use in opposition to the English, and he rather
too eagerly attempted to treat with the Dutch Company, hoping
through their assistance to coerce his too powerful allies.

In a former number, in the “Notes on the right bank of the
Hugly,” a slight sketch was given of the transactions, which
took place at this time ; but we must now partly again go over
the same ground. In that account we stated, that the Eng-
lish under Clive, during a period of profound peace, captured
the Dutch vessels proceeding up the river, and sent Colonel
Forde to attack the Dutch army on its route to Chinsurah ; — in
short, that the English were the aggressors, and that Clive deter-
mined to defeat the projects of the Dutch at the risk of his

BROOMES HISTORY OF THE BENGAL ARMY. 517

own commission. A closer and more searching investigation how-
ever shows, that the Dutch were the first to attack the English :
and as this involves the great case of a breach of national faith,
we notice prominently the account given by Captain Broome,
as truer and more substantially correct than our own.

Clive never at any time hesitated at incurring responsibi-
lity, but in this case he incurred none: and although he wrote
that he most anxiously wished, that the next hour would bring
news of a declaration of war with Holland, yet the Dutch them-
selves relieved him from this source of anxiety by commencing
hostilities. They seized seven vessels under English colours,
transferred the cargoes and stores to their own ships, and made
the crews prisoners. They also attacked the factories at Fulta
and Raepur, burned the houses, and destroyed the effects of
the Company, and finally fired upon and destroyed the Leopard ,
carrying an express to Admiral Cornish. Hence Clive inferred
that war had been declared ; and he prepared for hostilities.
We are well aware that Mill states that Clive was the aggressor,
and that he explains away the acknowledgment of the Dutch
council, that they were in the wrong, by stating that they did so
to avoid expulsion from Bengal; but all the authorities are against
Mill. Orme, Grose, and Caraccioli, the author of the Life
of Clive , all agree in stating that the expedition was fitted
out against the English by the Dutch, and that these latter
took the initiative. The facts of the case also, when critically
examined, shew clearly that this must have been the case. The
Dutch ships arrived in the river in the beginning of October,
and landed and committed several acts of violence : and it was
not till the 18th November, that Clive took, and hoisted the
English flag in Baranagore. Captain Broome says it was the
20th ; but this is evidently incorrect, as the letter from the Dutch
council, dated “ Hugly, 18th November, 1759,” states, that
they had that morning received the disagreeable news. Clive
certainly appears to have acted uncourteously towards the
Dutch authorities at Hugly, as he does not appear to have
stated to them officially that he would hold them answer-
able for the ravages committed by their fleet ; but letters had
been passing between the parties for two months, and they
must have been well aware that Clive had a full right, by the
law of nations, to retaliate for the injury done. When the
Dutch fleet advanced, and refused to make any apology for the
insult of tearing down the English flag, or to restore the Eng-
lish property they had plundered, Clive ordered Commodore
Watson to attack them at all hazards. This order was
promptly responded to in true English style ; and three mer-
chantmen attacked and defeated the whole Dutch fleet of seven

518 BROOMES HISTORY OF THE BENGAL ARMY.

men-of-war, four of which mounted thirty-six guns each.
This was on the 24th ; and, early in the morning of the
2oth, Forde marched to encounter the troops of the Dutch,
which had been landed from their ships the day before
the naval action. The Dutch had entered the river, eager,
confident, and audacious. They were the aggressors, and not
the English. They trusted in their great superiority both in
ships and men : but they were bitterly deceived ; for their
fleet was captured in a couple of hours, the broad pennaut of
the Commodore of the Dutch striking to an English mer-
chantman ; and the next day saw their army routed, and the
memory of tire massacre of Amboyna obliterated in the car-
nage on the field of Bedarrah :* —

The action was short, bloody, and decisive. In half an hour the enemy
were completely defeated, and put to flight, leaving 120 Europeans and
200 Malays dead on the field, 950 Europeans and as many Malays wound-
ed, whilst Colonel Roussel and 14 other officers, 350 Europeans, and 200
Malays were made prisoners. The troop of horse and the Nawab’s
cavalry — which latter did nothing during the action— were very useful in
pursuing the fugitives afterward, which they did with such effect, that only
fourteen of the enemy finally escaped and reached Chinsurah. The loss of
the English on this occasion was comparatively trifling. The advantage of
a skilfully chosen position, the effect of a well-directed and well-served
artillery, and finally the aid of cavalry, all tended to render this victory
so decisive and complete, in despite of the disparity of numbers. — P. 270.

The Dutch were now as abject in their submission, as they
had formerly been insolent in their supposed superiority. De-
puties were appointed on both sides, and a treaty was speedi-
ly arranged. In noticing this, Captain Broome has commit-
ted the error of following Mill, by saying, “ The Dutch being
willing to place themselves in the wrong,” which is inconsistent
with his former clear statement that they were the first ag-
gressors.

Soon after this, Clive, whose health had for some time
been failing, determined to proceed to England, and left in the
February following. His departure was considered a serious
evil by all parties, and, in the words of a contemporary observer,
“ It appeared, as if the soul was departing from the Govern-
ment of Bengal.”

We now come to the consideration of the very worst period
in the whole history of the connection of the English with
India. The large sums of money, which had by some been
suddenly acquired, created an insatiable craving in the minds of
all the Company’s servants. The wealth of Bengal was con-
sidered to be unbounded, and the disgraceful method of acquir-

* This is the battle, which drew forth Clive’s celebrated letter : — “Dear Forde, fight,
them immediately. I will send you the order of Council to-morrow.”

broome’s history or the Bengal army.

510

ing fortunes by the unblushing sale of the highest appoint-
ments was openly resorted to by those in power ; while the
whole class of inferior civilians, by means of the free licences
given under the broad seal of the Company, battened on the
prostrate carcass of their victim. Nor do the military annals
of that period altogether redound to our credit: as we were de-
feated on several occasions, and the love of money bore its baneful
fruit amongst the ranks of both the European and native troops.
The Shah Zadah hovered on the frontiers. On the death of
his father, having proclaimed himself Emperor, he, by this means,
recruited his falling fortunes, and again, with more prospect of
success, advanced to the attack of Bengal. He invested Patna,
and defeated the army of Ram Narain, its Governor, consisting
of 40,000 men ; in which action, the small English detachment of
Europeans and sepoys, amounting to 700 or 800 men, were very
severely handled; all the European officers, except Dr. Fuller-
ton, killed ; and four companies of sepoys almost annihilated.

This Dr. Fullerton deserves more than a passing notice;
he was a brave, amiable and skilful man, and his almost mira-
culous escapes must have been due to some more constant
cause than the mere chances of war. On this occasion he
brought off the men and one gun with the utmost skill and
coolness; the ammunition waggon having upset, he deliberately
halted his party, righted it, and resumed his march in the face
of a numerous army, flushed with the conquest of 40,000 men.
This officer again escaped, when the war with Mir Cossirn com-
menced, and when Patna was retaken from Mr. Ellis, as sud-
denly as that gentleman had previously acquired it. He was
also not numbered amidst the slain at the total defeat of our
army soon after at Manji ; and he and four serjeants alone
escaped from the inhuman butchery at Patna, when upwards of
fifty civil and military officers, then prisoners there, perished.

Major Caillaud, then Commander-in-Chief, speedily ad-
vanced to the relief of Patna, and, at the battle of Sirpore,
defeated the Emperor’s forces, but was unable to follow up
his victory. Mirun, the son of Mir Jaffier, who commanded
the Nawab’s army, so clogged Major Caillaud’s movements,
that he was unable to effect any thing of importance ; and
had the Emperor, who manoeuvred with considerable skill and
boldness, only persevered in his original intention of marching
on Murshedabad, the campaign might have ended different-
ly. After the battle of Sfrpore, the Emperor gave our army
the slip, and marched southwards; but, finding the river route
to Murshedabad likely to be intercepted by the English, he
burst his way, through the then almost unknown and difficult

520

broome's history of the Bengal army.

passes of the Rajmahal hills, and poured down on the plains
of Bengal. At his approach, all was confusion and alarm.
Major Caillaud pressed anxiously in pursuit, and, but for the
indecision of Mirun, might have brought the imperial force to
action. Nothing considerable was however effected, and the Em-
peror, not finding the support that he had expected in Bengal,
retreated by the route he came, and hastened to renew his at-
tack on Patna. This time, aided by the skill and ability of
Monsieur Law, he pressed the siege with vigour, and was as
ably and bravely repulsed by our old friend Dr. Fullerton and
Rajah Shitab Roy, with their small but gallant band of sepoys.
The place, however, must ultimately have fallen to superior num-
bers, had not Captain Knox fortunately arrived in time to save
it. He had been despatched by Caillaud to aid in defending
Patna; and had, in the short space of thirteen days, under a burn-
ing April sun, marched from Burdwan, a distance of 300 miles ;
having also, during the march, been obliged to cross the Ganges
twice to avoid the Emperor’s troops. The very day after his
arrival, by a successful sally, he made himself master of the
guns and stores of a considerable detachment of the enemy
in the trenches, and infused so much fear amongst them, that
in three days the Emperor raised the siege. He then followed
up the Emperor on his retreat ; and, undismayed by the
formidable odds, he even crossed his little force over to the
other side of the river, to intercept Kuddum Hossein, on his
way from Purneah to join the imperial army, and successfully
and gallantly encountered his large division near Hazipore,
and compelled him to retreat with a loss of 400 killed, and
eight guns taken.

Major Caillaud and Mirun, soon after this action, joined
in the pursuit, and relieved Captain I£nox: but an awful
event now occurred, which at once brought our army to a
halt. The young Nawab Mirun, as precocious in crime as
Suraj-ud-dowlah, the victim of his former cruelty, was amidst his
guards, courtezans, and slaves, suddenly arrested in the midst
of his pursuit, and lay a blackened corpse in his tent, having
been struck by a flash of lightning. His death was a cause of
general rejoicing to every one, but Major Caillaud, in conse-
quence of it, returned towards Patna.

Affairs in Bengal had now come to a crisis. The cruelties
and exactions of Mirun, and the misrule that ensued on the
one side, and the demands of the English Government on the
other, had completely exhausted the treasury : and to the finan-
cial difficulties were added intrigues, cabals, and disputes
amongst all parties. It was at this time that Mir Cossim came

BROOMES HISTORY OF THE BENGAL ARMY. 521

prominently forward, and contrived, by the promise of seventeen
lakhs and a half of rupees to the Council and their adherents,
to get himself appointed Nawab of Bengal ; and the old Nawab,
not without some show of violence, was deposed. Mir Cossim
was a much more able ruler than Mir Jaffier: but unfortunate-
ly he was too able and too haughty to act as a mere tool in
the hands of the English, and he saw with bitter disgust that,
by the ruinous system of granting free passes to all the Eng-
lish civilians, the country was on the brink of ruin. With all
the fierce passions of a cruel and vindictive Moslem, he was yet
far in advance of his countrymen in knowledge and ability. He
was too discerning and too greedy of wealth to feel friendly
towards a nation, whose chiefs and servants were revelling on
the riches, which they wrung from the impoverished country ;
and hence arose the hatred, which he cherished against the
whole race, and which he subsequently so fearfully indulged.

Major Caillaud was succeeded in the command of the ar-
my in 1761 by Major Carnac, who appears to have been a
vain foolish man, without much military ability, and fond of
show and pomp, and who, though superseded the same year
by Colonel Coote of the Royal service, still retained com-
mand of the Company’s forces. Violent disputes in Council
now took place, Mr. Vansittart’s party espousing the cause
of Mir Cossim, and the opposition, that of his Dewan, Ram
Narain, whom the Nawab wished to sacrifice in order to
obtain his accumulated hordes. To the disgrace of the Eng-
lish, the Nawab was permitted to effect his purpose, and the
treasures of this minister, who had so long been our ally,
were appropriated to pay part of the long-pending accounts
due to our Government — or its members. But Ram Narain was
not to perish unavenged ; and a vial of wrath was soon to be
poured out, which in its sweeping destruction spared neither
age nor sex, and caused the horrors of the imprisonment of the
Black Hole to be temporarily forgotten.

The opposition in Council obtained the ascendancy by the
recall of Messrs. Hoi well, Pleydell, Sumner, and McGuire,
who had all signed the intemperate letter, which Clive address-
ed to the Court previous to his departure ; and thus Mr. Ellis,
the most violent of the opposition, was appointed to Patna.
This was in February 1762; and, within a year, matters had
come to such a pass between the English and the Nawab,
that both parties prepared for war. Mir Cossim had formed
an admirably appointed army, better armed and drilled
than any force the English had yet encountered. Monghyr
was his principal depot : but magazines and manufacto-

T 1

522 BROOME’S HISTORY OF THE BENGAL ARMY.

ries had been formed in various parts of the country, and
the guns, carriages, and ordnance stores of powder, shot, and
shell, which they turned out, were little inferior to European
articles ; while the muskets, with which his infantry were
armed, were found superior to the Tower-proof arms of the
Company’s troops. He had 16,000 cavalry, all picked men
from the North-west Provinces, and a large force of infantry
and artillery, under some able leaders. This army had also gain-
ed experience by a not unsuccessful campaign in Nepal, where
the troops defeated the Nepalese in several actions, but, from
the unexpected difficulties of the mountain warfare, thought it
prudent to retire. The English force did not exceed 1,500
Europeans, including infantry, artillery, and cavalry; but their
native force had been gradually increasing since the year when
Clive first formed them in Bengal, and now amounted to about
10,000 men in twelve battalions. We give the distribution of
this force from Captain Broome : —

At Patna four European companies of infantry and one of artillery, with
three battalions of sipahis, commanded by Captains Tabby, Turner and Wil-
son, amounting, after making allowance for desertions, to about 300 Euro-
peans and 2,500 sipahis ; at Burdwan, two native battalions, amounting to
about 1,500 men; in the Midnapore district, three companies of European
infantry, a detail of artillery, a troop of Mogul horse, and two battalions of
sipahis, under Captain Stibbert and Lieutenant Swinton, making together
about 180 Europeans and 1,800 Natives ; in the Chittagong, Dacca, and
Luckipore districts, two native battalions, and the independent companies
at Dacca and Luckipore, amounting to little more than 1,800 sipahis, with
a few artillerymen; at the Presidency, H. M.’s 84th regiment, five com-
panies of the European battalion, the company of French rangers, three
weak troops of European cavalry (two of dragoons and one of hussars), the
Commander-in-Chief s body guard (a newly raised troop of thirty European
cavalry,) one troop of Mogul horse, one company of artillery, a company of
European invalids, and three battalions of sipahis, viz,, those of Captains
Broadbrook, Grant, and Trevannion ; making together about 1,000 Euro-
peans, and little more than 2,400 Natives; — these were stationed between
Calcutta and Ghyrettie. Two or three companies of sipahis, in addition to
the local companies, were at Cossimbazar ; and a local company was station-
ed at Malda. — Pp. 357-358.

Events now rapidly progressed. Mr. Ellis having rashly seiz-
ed Patna, and thus commenced hostilities, one of the Nawab’s
brigades as quickly recovered the place. Our party was
driven but — was finally obliged to cross the river — and, after
sustaining a total defeat at Manji, where numbers were slain,
the rest of the force were made prisoners. During this time
Mr. Amyatt and his party, who had been permitted to leave
Monghyr, were attacked by the Nawab’s order, as soon as he
heard of the affair at Patna, and all made prisoners or slain.
This was a most iuauspicious commencement of the campaign ;

broome’s history of the Bengal army.

523

our loss amounted to 300 Europeans and 2,500 natives, either
killed or prisoners, and, as we have already related, the
European prisoners were afterwards all massacred. Mir Cos-
sim, in his letter to the Council in Calcutta, taunted them,
that, although they had previously refused him 300 muskets,
yet now that Mr. Ellis “ from inward friendship had supplied
him with all the muskets and cannon of his army,” and that
he trusted the Council would make good the loss which had
been occasioned by this gentleman’s attack ; his own loss he
did not care for, but, says he, “you must answer for the
injury the Company’s affairs have suffered.” The Council re-
torted by proclaiming his old enemy, Mir Jaffier, Nawab, and
inviting all officers in Bengal to resist and oppose Mir Cossim.

Notwithstanding this inauspicious commencement, no cam-
paign has ever been more honourable to our troops in India than
that which now commenced under Major John Adams ; and,
although we cannot quite agree with Captain Broome, that his
achievements were on a par with the conquests of Alexander
in India, yet still they were such as the Bengal Army has
just cause to be proud of. At the battle of Gherriah, fought
on the 2nd August, 1763, our troops were hard pressed,
and one battalion was cut off and nearly annihilated ; ex-
treme gallantry alone retrieved the day, and, as in later and
still more hazardous encounters in our own days, all oppo-
sition was finally borne down at the point of the bayonet.
Well may we ask, with Captain Broome, why no distinction
or record has been granted to the troops, who were engaged
in this field, where we so strongly contested for the supremacy
in Bengal ? No action had till then been fought in this Pre-
sidency, of so desperate a nature, or where the result was so
important. After the battle of Gherriah, two days were
employed on the field in repairing the losses, and the army
then advanced to Oodwah nullah, a strong pass well fortified,
commanding the only road that existed in those days to the
north-west, and extending across the narrow gorge between
the Ganges and Rajmahal hills. In front was a morass, and the
newly strengthened works were lined with 100 pieces of can-
non, while the width of the pass did not exceed 100 yards.
This strongly entrenched position was attacked, and taken by
assault, very early in the morning of the 5th September, when a
fearful scene of carnage ensued. Fifteen thousand are said to
have been slain, chiefly from the dreadful confusion into which
the enemy fell, and partly from their being unable to escape
across the Oodwah, where numbers were drowned. Much loss
was also occasioned from the orders given to some of Mir
Cossim’s gunners to fire on their own men. After this, our

521

BROOM ES HISTORY OF THE BENGAL ARMY.

army slowly advanced on Mongliyr, and took it on the 2nd
October. It was, when enraged with the loss occasioned by
these victories of the English, that Mir Cossim gave orders to
massacre the English prisoners, which was but too faithfully
performed by the cold-blooded wretch, Sumroo; but the details
are too horrible for us to relate.

On the 15th October, the army left Monghyr, and, on the
28th, arrived at Patna. This place was quickly invested, and,
after some hard fighting, was taken on the 6th November. Mir
Cossim now retired across the Soane. He had still 30,000
men with him, including Sumroo’s battalions and a powerful
body of cavalry, but he had lost all energy; and many of his
followers began to desert him. He sent handsome presents to
the Nawab of Oude, requesting permission to enter his terri-
tories ; and, having received a passport from him, written with
his own hand on a leaf of the Koran, he advanced in perfect
confidence : but he was destined to be betrayed. Major Adams
would not violate the territories of the Nawab of Oude with-
out the orders of Council : and, as there was now no longer
an enemy in the province, and his health had become much
injured, he obtained leave, and returned to Calcutta, intending
to proceed to England; but died at the Presidency, on the 16th
January, 1764. We extract Captain Broome’s noble tribute
to the memory of that able and distinguished officer : —

Had Providence been pleased to extend his life, there can he little doubt
that he would have occupied a conspicuous position in Indian history ; but,
as it is, amongst the numerous able and distinguished men, who have
upheld the honour of the English arms in this country, there is not one,
whose career of success is more remarkable than that of Major Adams.
With a limited force, of the native portion of which the majority were
raw recruits, ill-supplied with stores, and with an empty treasure chest, he
ntered upon, and brought to a conclusion, a campaign against a Prince, who
ossessed the most perfect and regular army hitherto seen in India, con-
isting of disciplined and well-appointed infantry, an organized body
of cavalry, and an excellent park of artillery, manned by Europeans, with
the further advantage of possessing every stronghold in the country, com-
manding the whole line of communication and supply — and last, though
not least, possessing the regard and good will of the people, who, whatever
may have been his other crimes, had reason to be grateful for the modera-
tion and justice, with which they had been invariably treated under his rule.
In spite of these difficulties, Major Adams, in little more than four months,
made himself master of the entire provinces of Bengal and Behar from
Calcutta to. the Karumnassa — expelled Mir Cossim Khan from the
country — dispersed his troops, having defeated them in two well-contested
pitched battles in the open plain, against fearful numerical odds — carried
our strongly fortified positions by siege or assault — captured together
between 4 aud 500 pieces of cannon, and supplied and equipped his army
from the enemy’s stores.

• By these brilliant successes, he obtained every object of the campaign,
and placed Mir Jaffier Khan in full possession of his Subahdari. An

broome’s history of the Bengal army. 525

examination of the details of these important events, as far as the limited
information available will admit of it, tends to show how greatly these suc-
cesses were attributable to the personal exertions, ability, and foresight of
the commanding officer, which were nobly seconded by the conduct of his
subordinates and soldiers, into whom he had succeeded in instilling his own
gallant spirit and — that grand criterion of an able General — a perfect con-
fidence in his plans and operations.

The greater part of a century of continued conquest upon unequal terms
has accustomed us to success under the most adverse circumstances; but,
notwithstanding the numerous subsequent instances of a similar nature, it is
impossible to look back without admiration and surprise, upon this march
of a handful of European and native troops, advancing in one uninter-
rupted course of triumph and success, through a hostile country, in the face
of a numerous, brave, and disciplined army, marching over such an extent
of country, in the most trying season of the year, and only ceasing their la-
bours when there was no longer an enemy in the field. What were the
boasted Indian Triumphs of Darius, of Alexander, or Seleucus Nicanor,
with their powerful and disciplined armies opposed to unwarlike barbari-
ans divided amongst themselves, compared to this single campaign ?
The conquests of Alexander in India, which are hallowed by our boyish
admiration and the applauses of twenty centuries, amounted to this, that
with upwards of 100,000 disciplined troops, inured to conquest, he invaded
the Punjab and defeated in detail the seven separate nations occupying that
territory, not one of which could probably muster so numerous a force as
Mir Cossim Khan, and certainly not half so formidable an one, even
making every allowance for the difference of times and the changes in the
system of warfare. But what is this compared with Major Adams, who
with a force less than one-twentieth of that amount, traversed as great an
extent of country with even more complete success, under much more pow
erful opposition? Strip these early records of the classical and romantic
prestige that envelopes them, and we shall find that the most wonderful
amongst them fall far short of the deeds performed by a handful of Eng-
lishmen in modem days, who with the most limited means have conquered
and maintained a powerful and wealthy Empire, into which the ancients,
with their numerous armies and immense resources, were proud to have
conducted a few fruitless inroads.

Amongst all these modern acts of moral and physical daring, we find a
pre-eminent place occupied by that small but heroic band who fought and
conquered under the able and gallant John Adams. — Pp. 405-406.

During the period of hostilities, which we have been re-
cording, recruits, especially European, were enlisted without
much discrimination. Thus numbers of Frenchmen and other
foreigners were entertained, who subsequently became very
troublesome ; and a most serious spirit of mutiny was soon
apparent, both amongst the European and native troops, who
were even detected corresponding with emissaries from Mir
Cossim Khan. The complaint made was, that a donation
had been promised to them, which had not been paid. The
mutiny in the European battalion, which was very serious,
was finally quelled by the exertions of Major Jennings, and
a prompt and liberal distribution of donation money ; and this
gallant officer was also mainly instrumental in restoring order

5 26

broome’s history of the Bengal army.

amongst the disaffected sepoys. Each European private receiv-
ed forty rupees, but each private sepoy received only six ; and
this was the cause of two battalions breaking out into open
mutiny when the proportions were known : —

Clamour and discussion immediately arose in the lines ; and, profiting by
the example so recently afforded them by the Europeans, they resolved to
endeavor to right themselves, and appeal rather to the fears than to the
liberality of the Government. Accordingly, on the 13th of February, at
9’clock in the forenoon, in imitation of the Europeans, they assembled un-
der arms on their several parades.

Captain Jennings, immediately that he heard of this, ordered the Euro-
pean battalion and the artillery to get under arms also, with a view of
protecting the magazine and park, and further of preventing any com-
munication betwixt the Europeans and the sipaliis. The last precaution,
however, was altogether unnecessary, for the Europeans were most anxi-
ous to show their sense of, and to atone for, their past misconduct; and the
only difficulty was to restrain their violence, and prevent their falling upon
the sipahis for presuming to follow the example they themselves had afford-
ed. The European battalion was in the centre of the line, with the
magazine and park in their rear, and the sipahi battalions were drawn
up, two on either flank. Captain Jennings ordered the Europeans to load
their arms, and also prepared two field-pieces for action ; but gave positive
orders that no violence should be used, unless an attack was made. In
this state, both parties remained for some time, watching each other,
when suddenly Captain MacLean’s battalion ( the present 2nd Grenadiers ),
which was on the extreme left, setting up a shout, rushed down in an irre-
gular body towards the Europeans, who had been drawn up in separate
companies across the parade, with the park on their left, and two 6-poun*
ders on their right. Captain Jennings, anticipating an attack, at first gave
orders to oppose the advance of the sipahis ; but, observing that they were
moving without order and with shouldered arms, having apparently no
hostile intention, he directed that they should be permitted to pass through
the intervals of the battalion, if tbey would do so quietly. This was a
nervous moment. The noisy and tumultuous advance of the sipahis left it
somewhat uncertain whether they intended mischief or not; and to admit
them in the midst of the ranks, was a dangerous experiment ; whilst on
the other hand, the discharge of a single musket would have been the
signal for a general and fearful struggle, which must have ended either in
the extermination of the Europeans, or the total dissolution of the native
portion of the army, on which the Government were of necessity so deeply
dependent. Several officers urged Captain Jennings to resistance ; but he
was firm, and repeated his order to let the sipahis pass unmolested. Still,
the fact of contrary orders having been issued just before, and the feeling
of the European troops at the moment, rendered him apprehensive that
some violence or collision might occur. He rode along the ranks, exhort-
ing the men to be steady and quiet, pointing out that the sipahis evidently
only wished to pass through the intervals to the other flank ; and he arrived
at the right of the line just in time to snatch the match out of the hand of
a subaltern of artillery, as he was putting it to a 6-pounder loaded with
grape. The result justified his decision. The sipahis passed quietly through
and proceeded to the other flank, where, on the extreme right, were post-
ed their friends and comrades, the 2nd Burdwan battalion (now the 8th
N. IJ, under Captain Smith, when the two corps went off together to the
Karumnassa. — Pp. 420-421.

broome’s history of the Bengal army.

527

We have given this long extract from Captain Broome’s
interesting narrative, as it so well describes a most important
crisis, which was happily terminated, and the two mutinous
battalions restored to a sense of their duty, by Captain Jen-
nings’s exertions. He also altered the proportions, and granted
the not unreasonable demand of the native troops, that their
share of the donation should be made equal to half that of
the corresponding ranks of the European battalion.

The army now came under the command of Major Carnac.
We pass over all the details of his inglorious campaign against
the combined forces of Mir Cossim, the Emperor, and the
Nawab of Oude — merely observing that his Fabian policy
neither suited the temper of the times, nor that of the men,
who burned with impatience to signalize themselves, and
thus wipe out the record of their late crimes. Had a more
noble leader succeeded at once to the command of the troops,
the painful scenes, which subsequently occurred under the
stern, but impartial, Munro, might possibly have been avoided :
and thus we cannot but think that Major Carnac, in addition
to the disgrace which he afterwards brought on our army at
Worgaum, has also partly to bear the blame of the mutiny
which occurred at Manji.

Major Munro, on assuming the command in the middle of
August, issued a code of minute and well-digested orders for
the use of the army, and called the attention of all officers to
the proper observance of their duty : he also saw to the enforce-
ment of his orders, and, by a firm, and yet conciliating, course of
conduct, gradually brought the army into order. We may judge
of the state into which it had been permitted to fall, through
the lax discipline of his predecessor, by the serious mutiny which
arose amongst the sepoys, showing the urgent want of a
strict and firm hand over them. The details of this mutiny at
Manji are exceedingly graphic. The spirited manner in which
Major Munro quelled it — how he brought the ring-leaders to
a Drum-head Court Martial, — how, when the orders were
given to blow those sentenced to death from the guns, the gre-
nadiers claimed the privilege of suffering first, as they had al-
ways been the foremost in the post of danger or of honour —
and how those gallant, but misguided men were permitted so to
suffer — are all clearly detailed by Captain Broome, to whose
work we must refer our readers for a picture of this most
touching and harrowing scene, which caused a thrill of horror
to run through all ranks, as the fragments of the bodies of
their comrades fell scattered beside them on the plain.

This fearful spectacle raised murmurs amongst the troops ;

528 broome’s history of the Bengal army.

but Major Munro, as intrepid and determined in action, as he
was humane and considerate in feeling, notwithstanding the
threatened opposition of the sepoys to the execution of
the rest of the sentence, proceeded quietly with his duty.
The guns of the European battalion and marines were loaded
with grape, and, under penalty of instant destruction, the se-
poys were required to ground their arms, until sixteen more of
their comrades had in like manner suffered : which they did with
firm and unmoved countenances. In a similar manner four
men were executed at Moneah, and six at Bankypore ; and we
are almost at a loss which to admire most, the unflinching
courage of him who executed, or of those who so suffered.
That of both was admirable in its way ; but the one was that
of misguided and ignorant men, who were but too faithful to
their fancied point of honour ; the other that of a humane, but
heroic and determined leader, resolute in the path of duty.
Such men, under such a leader, might well be led to triumph at
Buxar.

Major Munro was the Napier of those times. “ Like him,
he also considered that a light and well equipped force,
confident in its discipline, and capable of rapid movement,
was far preferable to a larger numerical army, whose move-
ments were liable to be cramped by the necessity for a
large establishment of baggage, stores and cattle, and whose
efficiency in all respects could not be relied on. ” With
such a force Major Munro quickly restored the prestige
of victory to our army ; took Rhotas ; and, whilst the Nawab
Vizir, who had learnt from the conduct of Major Carnac to
undervalue the English, was indulging in luxury in his camp
at Buxar, he rapidly advanced. By a skilful manoeuvre, he
crossed his force over the Soane on the 1 1th of October, and
after a sharp skirmish of cavalry on the 13th, the main body
of the enemy were encountered on the 24th, on the plains of
Buxar. In this action, we had 857 Europeans, 5,297 sepoys,
and 918 Mogul horse engaged, making a total force of 7,072 ;
of this force only seventy-one were artillery-men, although
the number of guns on the field was twenty-eight. The
combined force of the enemy ten times out-numbered that of
the English. Amongst them, instead of treacherous allies, were
the disciplined battalions of Sumroo and Madoc, with field-
pieces worked by Europeans, the powerful batteries of the
Nawab Vizir’s artillery, and the splendid Durani Horse.
But combined forces invariably act together with difficulty ;
and the English, after a hard-fought action, conquered. Our
loss in this battle was 101 Europeans and 847 natives, killed

BROOMES HISTORY OF THE BENGAL ARMY. 529

and wounded ; and when we compare this loss with that in the
action at Plassey, where we had 1,100 European infantry and
artillery in the field, and had only seven killed and thirteen
wounded, it will be at once evident which was the more hard-
fought and important action of the two. Yet a halo of fame
encircles the field of Plassey, to which in no military sense
is it entitled ; and its victor has been lauded by numbers,
who have scarcely ever heard of the far more desperate and
-glorious encounter at Buxar.

Previous to this action, Mir Cossim, whose treasures were
exhausted, had been dismissed from the camp with ignominy,
mounted on a tame elephant, on which he fled, to the westward,
where, a few years after, he ended his days in extreme poverty and
misery.

The battle of Buxar decided the fate of the campaign. A large
booty fell into the hands of our troops, and four lakhs were
received from the merchants of Benares, to save themselves
from pillage. Arrangements were also quickly concluded with
the Emperor, who was detached from the league : but the Nawab
of Oude would not consent to deliver up either Mir Cossim or
Sumroo. Whilst these negociations were pending, Chunar still
held out. It had been twice assaulted in vain, as the steepness
of the ascent to the fort enabled the defenders, who gallantly
resisted, to roll down large stones on the assailants, by which
numbers were bruised or slain ; and, as the Nawab’s troops were
collecting again in force, the siege was temporarily raised. Ma-
jor Munro went home this year, and resigned the command of
the army to General Carnac, who was more successful in negotiat-
ing with the directors at home, than skilful in defeating the
enemy in the field, and who had managed to get restored to the
service, and to be placed in command.

Early in this year, the farce of nominating a Nawab to the
Guddi at Murshedabad was again enacted, as Mir Jaffier died
in January, 1765 : and a sum of about ten laks of rupees was
received in presents on this occasion by the leading members
of the Government. But such transactions were no longer to
be permitted ; the iniquity of the Company’s servants in
Bengal had now come to the full ; and the proprietors of India
stock, then a more influential body than at present, with an
almost unanimous consent, determined to send Clive out again
with full powers : —

The glaring and unblushing corruption of the Company’s civil servants
was to be put down with a strong hand, as also the whole system of the
inland trade; a better adminstration of justice and revenue was to be

u 1

055

13 ROOM ES HISTORY OF THE BENGAL ARMY.

introduced, and a reduction in the expences of the Goverment effected,
especially in the military department — P. 501.

Lord Clive landed on the 3rd May, and soon commenced his
arrangements for reform in both the military and civil branch-
es of the service. In this latter department, four gentlemen ra-
pidly resigned ; one was suspended ; and one, accused of serious
malversation, committed suicide. But as we are not now review-
ing the civil, but the military affairs of those days, we pass on to
notice the manner in which Lord Clive re-organized the army.
This was now ordered to be divided into three brigades, each con-
sisting of a company of artillery, one European regiment, and
seven battalions of sepoys. The company of artillery consisted of
seven commissioned officers, 102 Europeans, and a body of
lascars to assist in working the guns. The strength of each
European regiment was as follows : — *

Colonel, commanding the whole Brigade.
Lieutenant-Colonel, commanding the ftegiment.

Major.

Captains.

Captain-Lieutenant.

Lieutenants.

Ensigns.

36 Serjeants.
36 Corporals.
27 Drummers.
630 Privates.

Iu those days all the field officers had companies : as the
European force in India was originally raised in independent
companies, which were afterwards formed into regiments.

The establishment of a battallion, consisted of

1 Captain.

2 Lieutenants.

2 Ensigns.

3 Serjeants.

3 Drummers.

1 Native Commandant.
10 Subadars.

30 Jemadars.

1 Native Adjutant.
10 Trumpeters.

30 Tom Toms.

80 Havildars.

50 Naicks.

690 Privates.

With each brigade was a rissalah of cavalry ; and a fourth
company of artillery was permitted for the garrison of Fort
William. The ordnance, attached to each brigade, consisted
of six 6-pounders, two howitzers, and twelve or fourteen 3-
pounders. The professional reader will at once observe the
great disproportion, which existed between the number of guns
required for each brigade, and the strength of the company of
artillery-men to work the guns. The Lascars of those days were,
as artillery-men, totally useless. In Olivet whole system there is
nothing so faulty, as the endeavour made to combine the duties
of the artillery and infantry soldier ; and nothing shows so clearly

broome’s history of the Bengal army. 531

that he had not that extensive and almost intuitive knowledge
of the art of war, which some historians would lead us to sup-
pose. Had Clive apportioned three European companies of
artillery to each brigade, instead of one, or raised a distinct
body of native artillery-men on superior pay to that of the
sepoy, the guns could have been efficiently served, as each man
would have been properly instructed in his duties : but when
he continued the custom of allotting battalion guns to each
native battalion, to be served by the men of the battalion, who
had received little or no instruction in the art of “ shooting
with great guns,” he committed, for a man of his supposed
military skill, a great and unpardonable error.

The error, which he then committed of neglecting this, the
most important branch of all modern armies, has continued to
this day, and still goes on increasing : for it is an important fact,
that the total number of European artillery-men in the Bengal
army is now actually less than it was twenty years ago ! It
might have been supposed that the great loss at the action
of Chilianwalla, and the protraction of the siege at Multan, in
consequence of the inability of the State to furnish a sufficient
force of artillery for the army in the field, when compared with
the brilliant results obtained in the subsequent action atGuzerat,
where the proportion of artillery was more in accordance with
the true theory of the art of war, would have sufficed to have
opened the eyes of the Home authorities to the importance of
this branch of the profession : yet, strange to say, it has not.
The Punjab has been annexed, and various branches of the
army have been increased : but that force, which is most required
in time of war, and which requires the longest time to raise,
drill, and instruct, has not been increased by even one man.
Indeed, as we have said before, the number of both European
and native gunners is now actually less than it was, ere our
banners had been advanced to the station of Ferozepore. Facts
and figures are powerful to convince even the most incre-
dulous ; and we therefore give the actual numbers. Five-and
twenty years ago, the permanent establishment of native artil-
lery-men was 1,664 privates : it is now 1,584. At that time,
we had also three brigades of horse artillery ; and the com-
plement of European foot artillery was then 1,600 gunners:
it is now 1,440. Nor in point of officers, although the num-
ber has been slightly increased, is it even yet in any proportion
to the actual wants of the service. The spirit of the corps may
have hitherto contended manfully in the hour of danger, to
perform the full extent of duty required by the exigency of

532

BROOMES HISTORY OF THE BENGAL ARMY.

the occasion; but is this just to either men or officers? Is it
prudent ? Or is it even a safe position for the Government to
maintain ?

It is possible that Olive was fettered by orders from home*
in the organization which he made : but such an opinion does
not agree with the full powers which, from the records of those
days, it is said that he received. He may indeed be partly held
excused on other grounds; for, except at sea, the full importance
of artillery was then almost unknown. Few Generals, till the
time of Napoleon, understood the full value of artillery ; and
the records of the war and sieges in Spain show that the Eng-
lish Government, even long after, in their continental warfare,
would scarcely permit their favourite General, the Duke, to
show what English artillery could do. The reason is plain.
There is no royal road to knowledge, and it takes time to
make even an artillery-man; nor could the officers in that
corps be readily recruited from the ranks of the aristocracv.
Could the fiat of the Horse Guards have at once converted the
Life Guardsman, or the Captain of Dragoons, into a Captain of
Horse Artillery, the scientific branch would have been popular
enough ; but as this could not quite be done with safety to the
army, the artillery was comparatively neglected till modern days,
when the more numerous armaments of neighbouring powers
compelled us to pay more attention to so formidable a weapon.
Clive therefore did but follow the usual custom of those days, in
proportioning the strength of the different branches in the Bengal
army ; but, if he had the power to act otherwise, the organiza-
tion, he made, proves little, either for his knowledge of the art of
war, or for the merits of the system which he established.
With this exception, however, we cordially agree with Captain
Broome, as to the skill, firmness, and wisdom, displayed by
Lord Clive, in the re-organization of the army, and the reform
of the military services — one great point of which was, in both
services, causing all officers to sign a covenant not to receive
presents. The following extract shows how beneficial the re-
forms then introduced into the army were, and also how
extensively they were required : —

The army, by the new regulations, was thus placed upon a much more
efficient footing. Each brigade was in itself a complete force, capable of
encountering any native army, that was likely to be brought against it.
The proportion of officers was considerably increased, especially, as regarded
the higher grades and the staff ; the division of staff officers was also
better arranged ; a more efficient check upon abuses was established ; and
the good effects of the change were soon rendered generally apparent. In
an extensive reform of this nature, it was to be expected that some errors

broome’s history of the Bengal army.

533

and omissions would occur; but the more important of these were certain
to force themselves into notice before long, and were capable of being cor
rected in detail. In the very first month it became apparent that some
separate arrangements were necessary for the payment of the brigades, and
Lord Clive, immediately after his return to Calcutta, laid before the Council
a minute upon this subject, in consequence of which, a pay-master and a
commissary of musters were appointed to each brigade. These duties were
performed by civil servants, partly from an idea that a greater check would
be established, and less inducement to connivance at fraud would result; but,
in all probability, chiefly from the circumstance of the appointments being
particularly lucrative, and consequently too valuable prizes to fall to the
lot of the army. This system continued iu force for many years, although
there is little reason to believe that it was found an efficient one — the com-
plaints of fraud and collusion between the pay-master, the commissary of
musters, and officers commanding corps, being frequent and loud. The
duties of both these departments being declared to be very heavy, deputies
were subsequently added to each brigade. A military storekeeper, a com-
missary of boats, and a storekeeper of building stores, were also appointed
in Calcutta, which situations were likewise held by civilians. The deputy
Commissaries of the artillery companies had the charge of the brigade
magazines. No army commissariat at this time existed, but all supplies of
provisions, cattle, &c., were furnished by contractors, who, in their own per-
sons, or those of their agents, were present with the brigades. — Pp. 543-544.

The operations of the army in the field, after Sir R. Fletcher
succeeded Major Munro in the command of the troops on the
frontier, including his pursuit of the enemy, the final dispersion
of the army of Sujah-ud-dowlah, and the surrender of Allahabad
to the British, are all clearly detailed by our author ; but we must
refer our readers to the work itself for details. We give in full
the short account of the surrender of Chunar, which, under its
brave old Killadar, so long held out, after the tide of conquest
had swept past its gates : —

Major Stibbert lost no time in investing the place; and, having more
extensive means than were available on the former occasion, the operations
were carried on with great energy, and a much better prospect of success.
More caution also was exhibited, of which dear bought experience had
taught the necessity. Under the able superintendance of Captain Win
wood, who commanded the 2nd company of artillery, and conducted the
attack, three good practicable breaches were effected before any preparations
were made for assault ; and, when all was at length ready, the Killadar offered
to surrender. This gallant old soldier, who had so ably resisted the former
attack, would not readily have given up now without a struggle, not-
withstanding the desperate state of affairs, had he not been compelled to do
so by the mutinous conduct of the garrison, who, being greatly in arrears
of pay and in extreme distress for provisions, refused to bold out any
longer, or to serve a master, who had fled, and left them to perish by famine
or the sword. On the 8th of February, the Killadar surrendered the keys
of the fort to Major Stibbert, at the same time saying, with tears in his
eyes, “ I have endeavoured to act like a soldier ; but, deserted by my prince
and with a mutinous garrison, what could I do ? God and you (laying his

534

BROOMES HISTORY OF THE BENGAL ARMY.

hand on the Koran and pointing to his soldiers,) are witnesses, that to the
faith of the English 1 now trust my life and fortune.’* — P.506.

Let those who think that native troops have no spirit, or may
be insulted with impunity, weigh well the conduct of this brave
old man, and reflect also on the following narrative of another
officer in command of a small post near the site of the present
cantonment of Cawnpore : —

At a little distance from the camp, was a small ghurri, or mud fort, with a
ditch and a strong wooden palisade. This was occupied by a small party
of the Vizier’s troops, amounting altogether to only 14 men, under a native
officer. This post was so insignificant as for sometime to escape notice ;
but, when its existence was discovered, Capt. Swinton was sent with a de-
tachment to take possession of it. On arrival before the place, he sent for
the native officer in command, and insisted upon an immediate surrender ;
to which the latter objected, except upon honourable terms. A discussion
ensued, in which Captain Swinton appears to have lost his temper, and, in the
most culpable manner, to have struck the native commandant, who was thus
shamefully driven back to his post. Stung by this insult, the little party
determined to sell their lives dearly, and made a desperate defence. The
detachment under Captain Swinton was repulsed, and he was obliged to
send for a reinforcement, with a couple of 6-pounders. The guns were
now brought up to the gateway, which they blew open ; but the en-
trance was barricaded within. Major Fletcher, hearing the firing, now came
up, with Captains Goddard and Duffield’s battalions and a party of bildars,
who forced a passage across the ditch and over the walls ; when, the defen-
ders having nearly all fallen, the place was taken, but with a loss, in killed
alone, amounting to more than double the number of the garrison. — P.514.

Clive landed on the 3rd May, by which time the war was
almost over, as on the 16th, Sujah-ud-dowlah sent a letter to
Major Carnac, tendering his submission. Early in June, the
army returned to cantonments ; where Clive soon after proceeded
to inspect them, and to have the covenants signed ; and where he
also arranged the treaty with theNawab of Oude and the Emperor.

Captain Broome does not generally profess to give more than
a passing notice of civil affairs, so as to connect the narrative ;
but we fully agree with him in the following remarks, which he
makes, regarding Clive’s treaty with the Emperor, whereby the
Company acquired the Dewani of Bengal : —

The receipt of the Dewani, which completely changed the position
of the Company in lodia, has been brought forward as matter of accusa-
tion against Lord Clive — more particularly, as he is stated to have
determined upon it on his arrival at Madras, during his passage out.
That he did so is not only probable, but very natural, and may be
considered highly creditable to his judgment. It must not be forgotten,
that the offer was by no means unexpected ; or unprecedented. It had
been formerly tendered by the Emperor as far back as 1761, and again in
1764, on several occassions. It is true that, in the first instance, the Court
of Directors had approved of its refusal by the local Government ; but cir-
cumstances bad greatly changed since that time. The whole actual con-

BROOMES HISTORY OF THE BENGAL ARMY. 535

troul of the provinces had devolved upon the British. It had become evi-
dent, that by their large military force, it could alone be maintained. The
Nawab Nazim had gradually sunk into a cipher in the great account ;
and it was only subjecting the inhabitants to a double set of receivers and
increased oppression, to leave the revenues to be collected by the durbar,
for the use of the Company. On an impartial review of the whole
transaction, it may safely be pronounced the most prudent, just, and — as
regarded the inhabitants of the country — the most humane measure, that
could have been adopted. It has also been urged against the illustrious
nobleman, in whom the measure originated, that having decided upon it, he
sent orders to invest the whole of his property in the Company’s stock ;
but this only proves his strong conviction of the wisdom and advantages
of the proceeding; and, as the Company’s stock was open to all the world,
there was no reason that he should debar himself from sharing in the
expected benefits to accrue to it. — Pjp. 531-532.

When Clive compelled the members of the civil service to
give up their private trade, he reserved a monopoly in salt,
betelnut, and tobacco — the traffic in which articles was to be
carried on under the orders of Government by a committee, for
the benefit of the civil and military services. Out of the pro-
fits, £120,000 was to go to the Company annually ; and the
balance was to be divided in certain proportions amongst the
senior civil and military officers : but no portion of these allow-
ances found its way into the pockets of the captains, or other
junior officers. When, therefore, in the following year, the
long debated reduction of the double batta was ordered, the
senior officers, many of whom were friends of Clive, and had
only lately joined the Bengal service, on the re-organization of
the army on an augmented scale, did not so much feel the loss
of the allowances, as their juniors in the service. Their situa-
tions, in fact, were already sufficiently lucrative, and their shares
in the Inland Trade Society tended to remove all cause of dis-
content. This was, however, not the case with the captains
and subalterns, who now suffered severely in their allowances,
as compared with those of the former period. These men had
been in the receipt of large allowances, and had, many of them,
previous to the execution of the covenant, received at times from
the native princes valuable presents. They had witnessed the
retirement of some of their comrades with fortunes, drawn from
those perennial streams of wealth, which were now to cease to flow.
Some of them had, perhaps, hoped to retire themselves in a few '
years. All had in common aided in the conquest of the country,
whence all this wealth was derived. All had hoped to partake
in turn of the spoil; and, as few of them were personally friends
of Clive, they looked upon his orders against the receipt of
presents and the reduction of batta, as tyrannical and unjust.
Hence arose the mutiny of the officers in the Bengal army, and
their determination to combine, and oppose a passive resistance.

r>3 o

B ROOM ICS HISTORY OF THE BENGAL ARMY.

Nor can we be surprised, when we consider the state of those times,
and the loose system which had so long continued. Nine years
had not elapsed since the battle of Plassey ; and the remembrance
of the presents then received was fresh in the recollection of every
one. The accounts of the booty received had been exaggerated
rather than diminished, by the few years of plunder and misrule
which had intervened ; and the dazzling narrative was constantly
repeated to fire the imagination of the youthful recruit on his
arrival in the land of promise. But now they were “to bid a
long farewell to all their former greatness;" the frost — the killing
frost, had come to nip their blushing honours: and from a posi-
tion of comparative affluence and independence, they were to be
reduced to what (as they stated) would be one of ruin and
misery. The blow was also doubly felt, as coming from Clive,
who had himself benefitted so largely, when presents were allowed
to be taken : and he, who had boasted that he was astonished at
his own moderation in accepting only a quarter of a million
sterling, now prohibited the receipt of a solitary gold mohur.
Nor were the officers without extraneous support and sympathy.
The civil service almost openly encouraged them, and subscribed
largely to provide commissions for them in the royal service,
should the mutiny fail; while the general feeling of the free
merchants and other European residents in India was amply
testified by the fact, that only two in Calcutta, and one or two
in the Upper Provinces, could be found, who were willing to
assist the Commander-in-chief by accepting commissions, which
were freely offered to them.

Lord Clive, when at Murshedabad, received a memorial sign-
ed by forty-one officers of the 3rd brigade, respecting the
reduction of their batta, and the miseries that threatened them
in consequence; but no suspicion appears to have existed of
any combination, until the receipt of a letter from Sir B.
Fletcher, announcing that the officers of his brigade seemed
determined to combine. This was on the 28th of April.
Next day, Captain Carnac, then with Lord Clive, received a letter
signed “ Full Batta,” informing him that 130 officers in the
three brigades had already lodged their commissions, and joined
in an agreement to resign them, requesting him to do the
same. This letter was laid before Clive. Other and more
violent letters were subsequently received by other members of
the staff from different brigades, all clearly proving, that the
combination was general. We shall best convey to our readers
Clive’s sentiments and conduct on this occasion by the fol-
lowing extract : —

He saw at once that the combination was general : but his knowledge of

BROOMES HISTORY OF THE BENGAL ARMY. 537

human nature convinced him that so considerable a number of men,
actuated by so many various motives and principles, were not likely to
persevere in a course, criminal in itself, and, in the event of failure, entail-
ing certain ruin. He knew that a few of the senior officers had acquir-
ed considerable fortunes during the late campaigns, and to them the loss
of their commissions might be a matter of comparative indifference : but
he also knew that the majority were, on the contrary, entirely dependent
on the service for support ; and that, as the excitement wore off, and the
crisis approached, they would naturally shrink from throwing aside
their hopes of obtaining, not only an independence, but an actual sub-
sistence. It was true that this very circumstance — were the Rubicon once
passed — might render them desperate : and, enlisting the troops on their
side, a general and fearful mutiny might ensue, which could only be sup-
pressed by a powerful armed force from England, and even then the evils
would be of the most serious nature. On the other hand, the slightest
concession to a demand made in such a manner was out of the question.
It was not only repugnant to the personal character of Clive, but would
have been opposed to the practice of his whole career. Such a measure
would have evinced the weakness of the Goverment, and the strength of
the army; a lesson which, once learned by the latter, was not likely to
be speedily forgotten. Similar opposition might be made to any future
measure of Government with equal success; new demands might arise
and be thus enforced; discipline and subordination would be at an end ;
and the civil government of the country become perfectly subservient
to the military.

No time, however, was to be lost, On the 12th of April, Lord Clive
formed a special committee, himself as president, and General Carnae
and Mr. Sykes as members, in which it was determined that the demands
of the officers should not be complied with : and an express was despatched
to Calcutta, requesting the Council to write to the Madras Government,
informing them of the state of affairs, and urging them to send round as
many captains, subalterns, and cadets, as they could possibly spare, hold-
ing out every encouragement to the officers of that army, who should prove
their zeal for the service, by coming round to Bengal.

A further resolution was passed, that any officer, resigning his commis-
sion, should be precluded from holding any place or situation whatever, in
the Company’s service.

Copies of these resolutions, as conveyed in the letter to Council, were
forwarded to the commanding officers of the three brigades, with authori-
ty to make the contents known to their officers, if they considered that
this proof of the firm determination of Government was likely to be at-
tended with success. — Pp. 572-573.

Clive managed to bring the officers at Murshedabad to a sense
of their duty, and, with two exceptions, prevented their re-
signing their commissions. The efforts of the Council at the Pre-
sidency were also similarly successful with the officers in the
immediate vicinity of Fort William. On the 1st of May, Sir

R. Fletcher, at Monghyr, received the commissions of forty-two
officers of his brigade. On the same day, the adjutant of the
3rd brigade sent to Sir R. Barker between fifty and sixty com-
missions from officers in his brigade, which, however, were irame-

w 1

538

broome’s history of the Bengal army.

diately returned by that officer, with an assurance that, should
any of the officers presume to disobey his orders, the full penal-
ties of military law should he put in force against them. He
followed up this declaration by placing the adjutant in arrest,
and forwarding him with three others to Calcutta by water. This
determined conduct had the desired effect ; and the rest of the
officers continued temporarily to perform their duty without fur-
ther question, although their resolution to resign remained un-
altered.

Fully to understand the difficulties of Clive’s position at this
time, it must be remembered, that a large Mahratta force had
moved down the Jumna to Korah ; and Balaji Rao, with a body
of 60,000 cavalry, was preparing to cross that river at Kulpi.
The death of the Nawab occurred also at the same time,
and might have led to disturbances in Bengal. But Clive was
fully equal to the emergency. He wrote to General Smith in
the field, giving him full power to act, according as he might see
occasion. He wrote to Madras for officers, and proceeded himself
with all expedition to Monghyr, which he reached on the 15th.
Sir R. Fletcher had by no means given a faithful picture of the
circumstances, which had taken place in his brigade at that station ;
and his officers bitterly complained of his ill conduct and duplicity.
“ They declared that he himself had originated the combination,

* and artfully made tools of them in carrying out his private

* views of opposing Lord Clive’s Government.’’ One letter, which
that officer wrote to Clive on the thirteenth, contained the follow-
ing startling paragraph : —

Some have been very troublesome, and particularly those whom I have all
along suspected, and whose confidence 1 used every art to gain in January
last , when I heard that the whole were to form a plan of quitting the
brigade without giving any warning. I even went so far as to approve of
some of their schemes, that they might do nothing without my know-
ledge.— P. 589.

Clive took no notice of his conduct at the time. On the 16th
he harangued the Europeans ; pointed out that the conduct of
the officers was mutinous ; that the ringleaders should suffer
the penalties of martial law, and the rest be sent to England
by the first available ship ; and exhorted the men to orderly
behaviour, until the arrival of other officers at Monghyr. He
also distributed honorary rewards amongst the native officers ;
praised the sepoys for their fidelity, and ordered double pay for
the men for two months. These measures were effectual ; and
the European troops, who had previously exhibited signs of
mutiny, now gave three hearty cheers to the Commander-in-Chief,
and returned quietly to their quarters. The officers, who had re-

broome’s history of the Bengal army. 539

signed, were ordered to proceed forthwith to Calcutta, and Olive
started the next day for Bankipore and Patna, where, in Sir R.
Barker’s brigade, matters were quickly settled, as that officer was
so universally beloved and respected.

The officers in the 2nd brigade, both those in garrison at Alla-
habad, and those in camp at Surajpore, had almost all combined
to resign, which they did on the 6th May. Colonel Smith lost
no time in communicating with the select committee, and his
letter reached Lord Clive on his arrival at Monghyr. The
officers in command of this brigade, confident of the fidelity of
the sepoys, dismissed all the more turbulent of the European
officers, and sent them down to stand their trial. Major Smith
even threatened that, if they attempted to break their arrest,
he would order the sepoys to put them to death. This spirited
conduct broke the combination. Those, who tendered apolo-
gies, and whose characters had hitherto been good, were pardoned
at once rand, with the exception of the ringleaders of each brigade,
most of the subalterns were reinstated before the close of the
year. Some were made to feel the consequences of their mis-
conduct by the hesitation, which Clive affected to feel in restor-
ing their commissions : and they not only lost their allowances
during the interval of suspense, but many were superseded by
officers, who had in the interim come round from Madras. To
prevent any recurrence of such conduct, agreements were re-
quired from every officer not to quit the service under three
years, or without giving a year’s notice. The ringleaders were
tried by Court Martial, and, with one exception, were sentenced
to be cashiered. Some pleaded, that the court had no authority
to try them, as they had resigned their commissions, and were
not subject to military law; but this plea was not listened to by
the court.

After the suppression of the mutiny, the conduct of Sir R.
Fletcher came under review. This appears to have been bad
throughout : and it was with general satisfaction that he was
subsequently arraigned, tried, convicted of exciting sedition, and
cashiered ; nor did it much redound to the credit of the Court of
Proprietors, that he was afterwards restored to their service, which
indulgence he abused, by taking a prominent part at Madras
in the deposition and confinement of Lord Pigot.

The volume closes with the retirement of Clive in the follow-
ing January, and a well merited tribute of praise to that great
man for his conduct in the Government. Whether some others
might not have been found at that particular juncture equal
to the performance of the part, which Clive so ably executed,

540

broome’s history of the Bengal army.

must ever remain undecided ; but we may be very certain that,
without some such able hand to stem the torrent of corruption,
which then flowed in so broad and rapid a stream, the affairs of
the Company would speedily have gone to ruin, and the cause
of the English in India might have been lost for ever. Clive’s
conduct has, in some respects, not been sufficiently appreciated.
He has been too much lauded as a soldier, and too little approv-
ed of as a statesman : but, the more the circumstances and the
events of his Indian career are critically and minutely examined,
the more noble will his conduct appear to have been, and his
character more free from stain.

We have now followed to its close the interesting narrative
of Captain Broome, and presented our readers with an epitome
of his work, which we heartily recommend to their notice. We
trust also, that he will speedily fulfil his intention of carrying
on the history. It is the only work which contains a connected
narrative of the military events of the period of which it treats,
and so far, therefore, is complete in itself. As to the composition
of the work, we are bound to say, that it might in some places be
judiciously condensed, without omitting any necessary details;
and it appears to us that the serial mode of publication, origi-
nally adopted, has rather injured than benefitted this volume.
Some of the chapters might have been more conveniently
divided, and the subjects, embraced in each, more skilfully
combined into one picture ; but Captain Broome has ably and
faithfully performed the task which he appointed for himself;
and the most carping critic must allow, that he has amply
fulfilled his endeavour “ to collect material with industry, to
employ it with discrimination, and to narrate facts plainly and
honestly.”

We hope soon to meet with Captain Broome again, and we
take leave of him now with regret ; for the freshness and charm
of the style, the minuteness and accuracy of the details, and the
impartial and soldier-like spirit in which it is written, render
this portion of his work, in our opinion, the most interesting
book, that has yet been published on Indian Military History.

MISCELLANEOUS NOTICES.

1. Memoirs of a Hungarian Lady ; by Theresa Puls/a/. 2 vols,

8 vo. Colburn . London.

2. Hungary , and the Hungarian Struggle ; by Thomas Grieve
Clark. Edinburgh. 1850.

The former of these volumes is a book to be placed on the same
shelf with the touching memoirs of Madame la Rochejacquelin and
Madame Bonchamps. Madame Pulsky had not, indeed, to endure
the extremity of danger, misery, and horror, which those high-mind-
ed French ladies passed through : but if their trials were greater, the
cause for which she endured was a far holier one. The struggle in
La Vendee was for a false faith and selfish princes ; that in Hun-
gary, was for the dearest rights of a free and self-dependent people.

The history of Europe presents us with three examples of nations,
temporarily enslaved by superior force, who have gloriously regained
and maintained their freedom. In Scotland and Portugal, a dis-
puted succession and a divided aristocracy were taken advantage of
by a powerful and ambitious neighbour, to bring a distracted country
under an iron yoke. In both, indomitable patriotism and intense
national hatred toward the oppressors were the means — in the hands
of the representatives of the ancient princes of the land — of break-
ing off the yoke of a people, infinitely superior in number, riches,
and extent of territory, and nowise inferior in bravery. The
struggle was decisive : the aggressor in both cases received a lesson,
which effectually prevented any resumption of those schemes of
conquest, which had ended in ignominious defeat. We hardly know
whether Greece can be legitimately classed with these heroic exam-
ples. During upwards of four centuries, she bent under the Turkish
yoke : yet, although roused to resist it, not by an impulse from within,
but from without , she fought so gallantly and pertinaciously for her
freedom, that the interference of foreign nations, which alone secured
her the prize, must be looked upon, more as the interposition of a
judge to award justice, than as that of a partizan to secure an ad-
vantage.

The close of the last century, which witnessed the judicial punish-
ment of so many nations, beheld also the darkest and deepest of na-
tional crimes. Poland was torn asunder at the very moment, when
she was most worthy of existence. The tyranny of her nobles, the im-
morality of all classes, and the anarchy of her Government — all call-
ed for retribution from the All-just, as well as the All-merciful, ruler
of nations. But the instruments of His wrath heightened their own
crime by punishing Poland, not for her defects, but for her determi-

XVI

MISCELLANEOUS NOTICES

nation of correcting them ; not for her past tyranny, but for her
newly established freedom ; not for the confusion of her past
elections and the evils entailed by the Liberum Veto, but on
account of the danger to their own despotism, from the proximity
of a constitutional and hereditary throne, a liberal aristocracy, and
a free and thriving people.

The history of Hungary stands out in strong contrast to those
we have named. She has never been enslaved. The Hunga-
rians chose Ferdinand of Austria and his successors, as freely as
any people ever chose a King — as freely as the Germanic Elec-
tors chose the same princes to be Emperors of the most Holy Roman
Empire : consequently the continual never-ceasing struggle between
a free people and their despotic princes assumed the party character
of a domestic contest, rather than that of a unanimous national
conflict for life and death against a foreign foe. A Hungarian mag-
nate could serve the purposes of his lawful sovereign with far less
violence to his honour and conscience, than a Scotchman of the
fourteenth century could swear fealty to Edward, or a Fidalgo of
the sixteenth could enrol himself among the courtiers of Philip
II. Again, as the Austrian princes were truly the sovereigns of
Hungary, the sympathy of foreign nations was in no wise roused.
It would be expecting too much of the statesmen and diplomatists
of England and France, to require that they should interest
themselves in the domestic disputes of the Emperor and his sub-
jects. Still less could foreign sovereigns be expected to forget the
maxim of Frederick the Great, “ mon metier, c’est d’etre Roi,” and
to form alliances with subjects, however just might be their cause
against their King.

Only half of Hungary was free. Her nobles were probably the
most patriotic in Europe ; but then they were the Hungarian nation.
The other half of her population were, like the Serfs, or Helots, deprived
of all political rights, and could not hold a foot of land, until earth
received them into her bosom. The great lesson, which nature teaches
us, was unheeded. The equality between man and man, at his en-
trance into this life and his departure from it, ought surely to prevail,
in some degree, during his passage through it. In all that regards
their relations to God, all men are equal ; in all that regards their
relations to each other as human beings, desirous of kindness,
claimants of justice, possessors of will, and owners of property, they
should be no less so. The divinely appointed and most wisely
ordered differences of station, of circumstances, and of enjoyment,
are sufficient. Before God and the law, all men are equal. This
had been forgotten in Hungary, as it was in France, in Ger-
many, and in the West Indies — as it is in Asia, in Russia, and
in the slave states of America. But the Hungarian nobles, wffiose
fore-fathers, two centuries ago, had so fully understood tolera-
tion, that, while fighting for Protestantism, they did not expel the
Jesuits, could not be blinded for ever, even by self-interest, to the

MISCELLANEOUS NOTICES.

xvii

rights of others. The Diet of 1832 began to revise the Hungarian
constitution. Before, however, we enter into the detail of recent
events, we must take a glance at the past.

The youngest of the European nations, the Hungarians, more
than any other retain the characteristics of the East, from whence they
came. From their homes in Central Asia, they migrated to the shores
of the Caspian ; and from thence to the Black Sea, they rolled like
a devastating flood over Eastern Europe. Attila shook the empire
of Rome, as five centuries later, the second inundation of the same
warlike race made the Emperors of Germany and Constantinople
tremble. They are the only people, who can point to a social con-
tract between their rulers and themselves, at the very beginning of
their existence as a nation. Before their invasion of Europe, they
elected Almos, the father of Arpad and his descendants, as their
leader, or Duke, stipulating that, “if the Duke were to break the
contract, he should be deposed, and cursed, and banished ” — a very
plain-spoken declaration — wholesome moreover, and often appealed
to by their descendants. The Magyars, as the followers of Arpad
were called, became the nobles, as the conquered inhabitants be-
came the peasants of Hungary. Her first Kings were some of the
best and most energetic, of whom any country can boast. Among
them were St. Stephen, her first Christian King; Ladislas the Great,
her chief Legislator ; and “ Koloman,” the deformed, but far-
sighted and enlightened Prince, powerful alike in mind and body,
who, in the days of our William the Red, declared that “ witches
should not be punished — for there were none /”

The liberties of England and Hungary were secured about the
same time. The Golden Bull of 1222, the Magna Charta of
the Magyars, established the famous principles, on which so much
of the subsequent fate of Hungary has turned, that “ if the King
4 or his descendants should despise the laws of the country, that
4 then the Magnates and free men should be entitled to resist the
‘ authority of such a King, without thereby incurring the penal-
4 ties of high treason.”

Hungary may be said to have entered the European family of na-
tions in the time of Edward I. of England, by the election of
Charles Robert of Anjou and Naples, great grandson in the female
line of Bela IV. His son, Louis the Great, conquered Naples, to
revenge the death of his brother Andrew, the prototype of the un-
fortunate Darnley, as the beautiful and bewitching Joanna was of
Mary Stuart. What must we think of the charms and talents of
her, who could prevail on the Pope to acquit her of the murder of
her husband, on the ground that she had been bewitched, and who
could induce the brother of that very husband to forego the indem-
nification, she was sentenced to pay for the expenses of the war ? But
the Hungarians suffered. The indemnity, which Louis forgave to the
fascinating Queen of Naples, he raised from the peasantry, by grant-
ing a ninth of the whole agricultural produce to the nobles for ever,

X V 1 1 1

MISCELLANEOUS NOTICES.

as a reward for the sacrifices they had made during the war. Thus
a woman’s charms, a prince’s momentary impulse, and things, which
in common parlance are styled “ mere accidents,” often affect the
welfare of nations. It is our consolation to know, that even these
minute threads in the warp of human life are in the hands of Him,
whose never-ceasing Providence rules the universe: and “shall not
the Judge of all the earth do right ?”

The year 1414 was marked by a Jacquerie, as frightful in its cha-
racter, and still more mysterious in its causes, than that which has so
recently occurred in Gallicia. The Pope’s Legate preached a Crusade :
the peasants alone took the cross, and then turned their arms
against the nobles. At this distance of time, it is difficult to assign
the true origin of this outbreak, and to say positively, whether the
peasants avenged the tyranny of their masters, or the priests the
disobedience of their noble auditors. Probably it arose from a
combination of both causes.

At the close of this century, the Hungarians, under the heroic Mat-
thias Corvinus, overran Austria, and took Vienna. The battle of
Mohacz in 1516 — at which Louis II. ended his inglorious life, and by
which Suleiman effectually broke the power of Hungary, which had
so long been the bulwark of Christendom against the Turks — opened
the way to the throne for Ferdinand of Austria, brother-in-law of the
late King, and brother of the Emperor Charles V.

The end of the sixteenth century saw more than two-thirds of Hun-
gary Protestant. The Emperor Rudolph, a thorough Jesuit, confirm-
ed by his sole authority in 1604 all the laws in favour of the Romish
Church, and forbade the discussion of religious subjects in the Diet.
It might as well be forbidden in this present year in the British
House of Commons. Upper Hungary immediately refused supplies ;
and the Hungarian cavalry swept up to the walls of Vienna. A
peace was concluded in that city, securing perfect religious freedom
to Hungary. But, after a short respite under Matthias, Ferdinand
of Styria, the blood-thirsty and relentless tool of the Jesuits, ascended
the throne ; and the first man of note among the Esterhazys became
his willing instrument. Thrice did that gallant warrior and enlight-
ened statesman, Betlilem Gabor, Prince of Transylvania, compel the
false Ferdinand to confirm the treaty of Vienna: but every advantage,
gained by the Imperial arms during the Thirty years’ war, was a
signal to the wily Emperor for a fresh attack on the religious free-
dom of Hungary. He succeeded in destroying both the constitution
and the Protestant faith in Bohemia : for he had sworn faith to his
people, as priests swear fealty to Sovereigns, “ with reservation of the
rights of the Church.”

Leopold I. marked his reign with the blood of the Protes-
tants. They were obliged to fly in crowds to the protection of their
Mussulman neighbours. Ferdinand II. and his son had been
somewhat restrained and guided by the Counsels of Pasman, Arch-
bishop of Gran, and Niklas Esterhazy ; but Leopold had no

MISCELLANEOUS NOTICES.

XIX

Hungarian advisers. He set blunderingly to work on unknown
materials, and constant insurrections were the consequence. The
story of the sufferings of the Hungarian Protestants, at the hands
of the Austrians, is a tale yet to be told in the ears of indignant
Europe. Notwithstanding this, Leopold prevailed (by the promise
of a general amnesty) on the honest and credulous Hungarians,
to settle the succession on the House of Hapsburg, and to abrogate
that clause of the Bulla Aurea, which established the right of armed
resistance. But though a clause may be erased (and probably the
Hungarians are the only people whose constitution ever contained
such a clause), yet the right remains inalienable. Macaulay tells us
that, when the most bigotted Tories, the Cavaliers, and high church-
men of the restoration, who had strenuously maintained that no
amount of tyranny could justify resistance even to a Nero, came in
their time to feel the despotism of James II., their eyes were sud-
denly enlightened, both as to the lawfulness and expediency of resisting
extreme tyranny by force. So it will ever be. It is an undefinable
but an incontestable right — we might almost say an instinct.

Maria Theresa, the most popular and statesman like of all the
Austrian sovereigns, repaid the devotion of the Hungarians, to which
she owed her crown, by every mark of confidence and regard, and
appointed Hungarians to the highest offices. Her system was to
maintain the constitution without the Diet , thus removing the strong-
est bulwark of liberty, without rousing the wrath of its short-sighted
defenders. When the Diet of 1764 (the last she summoned after
her throne had been secured) refused to regulate the relations be-
tween the peasants and their masters, she arbitrarily introduced her
Urbarium, which accurately defined the rights of the peasantry. Her
son, the “doctrinaire ” Joseph, refused to be crowned King of Hungary,
in order to be wholly unfettered by the coronation oath in his schemes
for overthrowing the constitution. The upshot of his twenty years’
reign of innovations was, that he left Belgium in insurrection; Hun-
gary on the verge of it ; and that, on his death bed, he retracted every
one of his ordinances, with the exception of the Toleration Act. His
brother, Leopold II., attached the Hungarians more firmly than ever
to his House, by solemnly recognizing their constitution and indepen-
dence. This prince shares with Matthias, and Joseph I., the honour
of being the only sovereigns, who acted honestly towards Hungary.

The late Emperor Francis was a prince of narrow mind and narrowr
heart, without education or imagination, and therefore, without sympa-
thy ; yet with a certain degree of affection for his precise and faithful
Austrians, such as we all have for men after our own hearts, and which
has given rise to volumes on “ the paternal Government of Austria.”
He was like a despotic parent, who loves his well-trained little
children, who only require bread and butter and dolls, and never
ask for more ; but who can neither endure, nor understand, the
arrogance of his grown-up offspring, who justly require liberty both
of thought and action. He had been thoroughly frightened by

MISCELLANEOUS NOTICES.

the French revolution : and nothing makes a man so savage as past
fear. He viewed progress as synonymous with revolution : and hence
the petty vindictiveness, the mingled ferocity and meanness of his
treatment of the Italian patriots, which he carried to such an
extent, as to refuse to one of these unfortunate prisoners the solace
of some books, which even Prince Metternich was anxious to lend
from his own library. The lofty Maria Theresa had a heart to
repay loyalty with love : but Francis could only appreciate servility.
It is well known that he never forgave a complaint, however just,
against a superior. Turnbull relates the case of an officer, who, feel-
ing himself aggrieved by his colonel, represented his case to the
Emperor : by whom he was justified by the eve, and returned, as it
were in triumph, to his regiment : but, in a very few months, he was
compelled to leave it, in pursuance of an order placing him on the pen-
sion list for life. Blind obedience was, with Francis, the cardinal virtue.
No sooner was the peace concluded, than he forgot the loyalty shown
by the Hungarians : no sooner were the Diets no longer needed to vote
men and money, than they ceased to be summoned. He endeavoured
to raise both troops and taxes by his arbitrary fiat, backed by force of
arms, but was frustrated by the passive resistance of the counties.

In 1832 a reforming Diet once more sat. The policy of the Aus-
trian Government, in Bohemia and the hereditary states, has ever been
steadily to raise the peasantry and diminish the power of the nobles,
by promoting commutations of forced labour into money payments,
and endeavouring by every means to bring the peasantry under the
immediate authority of the crown: but in Hungary, where the result
would be to create another class, as free and independent as the nobles
already were, the Government has sided with those of the Magnates,
who obstinately opposed any change in the feudal institutions, or re-
form in the condition of the peasantry. In 1847, when the opposi-
tion, under Count Louis Batthiany in the Upper House and Kossuth
in the Lower, obtained a majority, the immunity from taxation,
peculiar to the nobles, was abolished ; Transylvania was re-annexed
to Hungary ; the franchise was greatly extended ; and municipal and
other reforms — all having the same beneficial tendency — were carried
through ; solemnly ratified by the Emperor, on the 11th of April, 1848,
and characterized, in the Royal speech, at the opening of the Diet, July
2nd, as “ necessary to the progress and prosperity of the country.”

In order fully to understand the subsequent events, we must bear
in mind, that Hungary formed no portion of the Austrian empire.
It was as distinct as Hanover from Britain ; and not only was, but
had been repeatedly recognized as, a wholly independent kingdom,
with a representative Government. No imperial decrees are legal
in Hungary, unless countersigned by the Hungarian ministry.
The heir of the crown is not considered King of Hungary, until his
coronation, at which he solemnly swears to maintain the constitution.
Thus Joseph II., who refused to be crowned, is not reckoned among
the Hungarian sovereigns.

MISCELLANEOUS NOTICES.

XXI

The population of Hungary is about 14,000,000, of which nearly
700,000 are nobles, i. e.t free citizens and electors by right of birth.
Every act of Government was discussed by the whole body of electors
in each county, and their objections were brought before the Diet by
the deputies, who, previous to April, 1848, were properly delegates,
not representatives.

The French revolution took place in February. It had less effect
in Hungary than in any other country, except our own. Kossuth,
who saw its probable influence in Germany, declared in the Diet,
March 4th, that the freedom of Hungary would never be secure from
attack, until all the provinces of the Empire obtained constitutional
guarantees. The revolution of March took place in Vienna, and Met-
ternich fled on the 13th. In April, as we have seen, the Emperor
ratified the acts of the Diet of 1847-48: but^at that very time, the
Austrian ministers were secretly supporting the deputation of Serbs,
Wallachs, Croats, &c., who sought to disobey and annoy the Hunga-
rian ministry ; as if Lord John Russell were to uphold Tipperary
against the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland. Croatia had been an integral
part of Hungary, since the time of Koloman in the eleventh century.
The Arch-Duke Stephen, Palatine of Hungary, called upon Baron
Jellachich, Ban of Croatia, to explain to the Croatians, the acts
which had just been ratified, and which ensured to them “ full
part in all the benefits of the enlarged constitutional liberty and
equality of rights,” of the Hungarians. The landed proprietors of
Croatia were indemnified for the abolition of soccage (forced labour)
out of the Hungarian Crown Estates. So much for the falsehoods
propagated regarding Croatia having been driven to arms by the
oppression of Hungary.

Our authority for these statements is the Emperor’s own ma-
nifesto, dated Innspruck, June 10, 1848, addressed to the Croats and
Sclavonians, in which Jellachich is accused of having forced the peo-
ple by violence into hostile demonstrations against Hungary, of having
seized the public treasure, imposed taxes illegally, and summoned
the Croatian congregation, in defiance of the law, as well as of the
Imperial Autograph Order, and in which he is deprived of all his
dignities : — “ All persons are sternly exhorted to renounce all sedi-
‘ tions, which aim at a separation from our Hungarian crown, and all

* authorities are commanded, under penalty of deprivation, to break

* off immediately all intercourse with Baron Jellachich and his ad-
‘ herents ! ”

The crafty policy of Austria is too little known to other nations.
Few have read the incontrovertible proofs, that, in 1846, that Govern-
ment excited the peasantry of Gallicia to assassinate their lords, in
order to prevent the latter from joining the Polish insurrection ; and
that the dead bodies of the victims were brought in by the murderers
themselves, and delivered up to the authorities at ten florins a head.
We have now a letter before us, written by a Gallician proprietor,
which speaks of the peasantry, as considered by the Government, as

XXII

MISCELLANEOUS NOTICES.

14 the saviours of the monarchy ” in ’46, and as consequently commis-
sioned to supervise every action of their former masters. * Another
insurrection is feared. Few know these things : — alas! few care for
them ; for we are become Gallios, in regard to the sufferings of our
neighbours. Few therefore are prepared to believe, that Jellachich
was secretly ordered by the Emperor, or rather by the “camarilla ” who
managed the imperial puppet show, and at the head of which was the
clever and intriguing Arch-Duchess Sophia (mother of the present
Emperor), to act in open rebellion against his (the Emperor’s) own
legitimate Government, as King of Hungary. When Jellachich at last
thought fit to appear at Innspruck (July 5th) to answer for his pro-
ceedings, the Arch Duchess Sophia invited him to tea. The Ban
replied, “ Imperial Highness, I am no longer any thing but Arch-
traitor.” Then saic^ the Arch- Duchess, “ My dear Arch-traitor,
I expect you to tea.” Three days later , the Palatine, in opening the
Hungarian Diet, July 8th, speaking from the throne in the name of
the King, denounced the insurgents in Croatia, as rebellious and guilty
of sedition in declaring that His Majesty approved of their acts, and
called upon the Diet to provide for the defence of the country. The
Diet immediately voted a large levy, and passed the budget for
1848-49 ; and Count Batthiany went to Vienna to obtain the royal
assent to these bills. But the battle, in which Radetzky overthrew
the hopes of Italy, produced a sensible change in the love of the Aus-
trian Cabinet. The royal assent could not be obtained ! News arriv-
ed that the Ban had on the 1st September seized Fiume, and driven
away the Governor and other authorities appointed by the Emperor
himself, as King of Hungary. The Emperor, whose imbecility of mind
from epilepsy is well known, wrote to the Arch-Duke Palatine, that he
agreed with liis Austrian ministry in their opinion, that he had “ no
right to sanction the propositions of the Hungarian Diet,” or to
grant the Hungarians a ministry of their own ; and that the finan-
ces and army of Hungary must be confined to the Austrian ministers
of finance and war ; — an arrangement hitherto unheard of. This unex-
pected declaration astounded both the Palatine and the Diet ; and
a deputation was sent to Sclioenbrunn to ascertain from the King,
whether he recognized the laws of 1848, or not. As the deputies
were assembled in the hall of the Hungarian ministry at Vienna,
they were greeted with another coup de foudre, in the shape of an
autograph letter from the Emperor to Jellachich, dated September
4th, reinstating him in all his dignities, and highly approving of all
his acts. Still the deputation persevered. Their loyal and manly
address -was answered by the Emperor in faltering accents to the effect,
that he would “ sacredly preserve the laws he had sworn to, and the
integrity of Hungary .” This took place on the 9th of September :
and, on the evening of that day, Jellachich, at the head of 65,000
men, crossed the Drave, the boundary between Hungary and Croatia.
The Palatine, having ascertained from Jellachich himself, that he had
no written order from the Emperor, put himself at the head of the

MISCELLANEOUS NOTICES.

XXlll

Hungarian army, which only amounted to 8,000 regular troops.
This step of the Palatine’s was approved of by the Emperor. Count
Batthiany, who was at the head of the ministry, directed M. Pulsky
to represent to the Emperor the necessity of ordering Jellachich to
withdraw from Hungary, so that all questions between Hungary and
Croatia might be settled by arbitration: but, instead of this, the Em-
peror wrote to the Arch Duke to avoid any conflict with the Croa-
tian army, now marching on Pesth. The Palatine, a Hungarian by
feeling and education, gave up his post in despair and disgust, and
retired to his German estates. The burning eloquence of Kossuth
roused the whole nation to arms. The Hungarian regiments re-
fused to follow' the example of the German ones, who had gone over
to Jellachich. The Austrian minister at war now threw off the
mask, and ordered the surrender of Komarom(Komorn) to Jellachich :
but the commandant replied that “ the King legally conveyed his
orders through his Hungarian ministry, and therefore no order could
be accepted from His Majesty’s Austrian ministry.”

Another plan was devised. Count Lamberg was appointed “ Com-
mander-in-chief of all the troops in Hungary,” with full power to dissolve
the Diet , if necessary . This wTas in fact placing the country under mar-
tial law. M. Pulsky represented in vain, that this appointment would
not be legal without the counter-signature of Count Batthiany.
Count Latour, the minister of war, pledged his honour that he had
no official relations with Jellachich. A few days subsequent, des-
patches from the Ban to Count Latour and others of the Austrian mi-
nistry were seized, and printed, and published, even in Vienna, ac-
knowledging the receipt of stores, requesting more, and soliciting full
recognition by the Emperor. Lamberg came to Pesth, in spite of all
warnings from M. Pulsky and others, and was murdered by a mob,
without there being the slightest ground for accusing any member
of the Hungarian government of the remotest participation in the
horrid deed. The Diet immediately passed a resolution for the
seizure of the criminals. Batthiany went to Vienna, and resigned.
Jellachich attacked the Hungarians on the 29th of September, and
was beaten back by Moga. He retreated to Raab, and from thence to
the Austrian frontiers, slowly pursued by Moga, whose object seemed
rather to free the country from his presence, than to destroy him.
He appears to have been actuated by that weakness, so often fatal in
civil wars — an aversion to pushing his antagonist to extremity. It is
founded on many kindly feelings, but is not the less a pernicious weak-
ness. If war is necessary and just, it must be carried on without any
compromise. This is the only way to serve one’s country ; and it is
also the most merciful to all concerned. If Cromwell had notacted on
this principle, he never would have restored peace to his country. If
Cavaignac had not done the same, the fire, that buret out in June
1848, would now have been smouldering among the ashes of the
French republic.

Two other bodies of invaders, amounting to 17,000 men, were

XXIV

MISCELLANEOUS NOTICES.

routed by the national guard. M. Pulsky received a letter from the
Emperor, which stated “ that his resignation, as under secretary
of state, had been accepted by His Majesty.” He smiled at its con'
tents, for he had not offered his resignation. On the 3rd October,
an imperial proclamation dissolved the Diet, and appointed Jella-
chich dictator of Hungary, placing the country under martial law.
Meanwhile the Viennese were indignant at the advance of Jella-
chich — the soldiers were discontented at being sent against the Hun-
garians— the people endeavored to prevent their departure. They
were summoned to disperse, and refused ; the troops fired ; the peo-
ple returned the compliment; General Bredi fell dead, and the mi-
litary were obliged to retreat with the loss of one gun. The conflict
was resumed ; and Count Latour was murdered. The Viennese Diet
sent to Schoenbrunn to request the Emperor to recall the appoint-
ment of Jellachicli, and to grant a general amnesty. The Emperor
promised to fulfil their request the next morning — and, the next
morning, fled to Olmutz ! The Hungarians would not cross the
frontier, until legally summoned. At last, when Prince Windisch-
gratz bombarded Vienna, the Hungarian army advanced ; but the
city capitulated before their arrival, and the undisciplined Magyars
were repulsed, and returned to Presburg. On the 28th October, the
Hungarian bishop addressed the King, describing the dreadful,
cruelties and ravages committed by the Serbs. The Austrian Ge-
neral, Puchner, had desired all his officers to renounce the oaths
they had taken to the constitution. The Wallachs surrounded
1,200 civil officers, and others, with their wives and families, who were
on their way to take refuge in Enyed. These were mangled, mutilat-
ed, beaten to death, impaled. Upwards of nine-tenths of the whole
were murdered. The survivors, mostly women, and dreadfully wound-
ed, dragged themselves to the gate of the fort of Karlsburg, where
the commandant of the Austrian garrison refused them admittance !
The bishops, finding their efforts unavailing, issued a pastoral letter,
calling on all the people to obey the constituted authorities, i. e. the
Diet. The Wallachs and Serbs, like the Croats, had been stirred up
by Austrian emissaries.

Hungary was menaced from nine points at once. She was in
want of arms, gun-caps, medicines, brimstone, linen, &c., but
nothing daunted. The committee of defence erected manufactories,
which supplied all these wants. The unfortunate emperor, though
weakened in mind and body by epilepsy, still retained so strong a
sense of moral obligation, that, whenever the overthrow of the Hun-
garian constitution was advocated, no other answer could be obtained
from him than “ My oath, my oath ; I cannot break my oath.” His
abdication was therefore determined upon; and his young nephew,
the Arch Duke Francis Joseph, proclaimed in his stead. They
then broached the doctrine, that the oath taken by a sovereign was
only binding on him personally, and that therefore the young Emperor
was free from all obligation towards Hungary ; forgetting that the

MISCELLANEOUS NOTICES.

XXV

same principle applied to the nation, and that, if the Emperor was in no
wise bound to Hungary, Hungary was in no wise bound to him. On
the 9th March, an imperial manifesto erased Hungary from the list
of the independent nations of Europe, dividing its territory into
five parts, separating Transylvania, Croatia, Sclavonia andFiume from
Hungary, and declaring the whole incorporated with the Austrian
monarchy. The laws of 1848 were revoked, and Kossuth and the com-
mittee of defence outlawed. Perhaps so barefaced and so needless
an act of perfidy was never perpetrated. The Diet declared that
Francis Joseph could not be recognized as King, until he had taken
the oath to the constitution, and been crowned according to the laws.

Gorgey was now commander-in-chief. Windischgratz was approach-
ing with an overwhelming force. It was therefore deemed advisable
to give up Buda. We will not dwell on the victories which followed,
when Kossuth occupied one night the bed from which Windisch-
gratz had fled in the morning, when Bern cleared Transylvania, and
the Austrians were beaten six times in three weeks. But Gorgey,
instead of pursuing his advantage, delayed and neglected all that
should have been done. On the 14th of April, the Diet in a noble
manifesto, worthy of being read and studied by all who can feel for
an heroic people, declared, in manly and temperate language, that
the house of Hapsburg-Lorraine had forfeited the throne. Kossuth
was named Governor of Hungary, and, with rare patriotism and self-
devotion, offered to give up this, or any other, position, on which
Gorgey might have set his heart. Kossuth wisely saw that the in-
dependence of Hungary was the point to be fought for ; and he
had no jealousy, either of the rise of another, or of the possibi-
lity of a military despotism. The brave Irishman, Guyon, plainly
declared to Kossuth, that he would not fight under Gorgey, whom
he considered as a traitor ; but, under a more honest commander,
he totally defeated Jellachich. It is inconceivable how even the
confidence, natural to a generous and honest nature, could have so
far blinded Kossuth’s eyes to the treachery or folly of Gorgey ’s pro-
ceedings. On the approach of the Russians, whom the callous indif-
ference of the other great powers had permitted to advance for the
maintenance of tyranny, Gorgey, whose surrender had been spoken of
as certain by Prince Wittgenstein, so far back as July 21st, declared
that he could and would save Hungary — but only, if Kossuth
resigned, and had him appointed dictator. Kossuth at once did so,
and issued a proclamation, conferring the highest power upon Gorgey,
and imposing upon the new dictator the responsibility of using his
authority solely for the safety of the country. But Gorgey, having
persuaded the army, that the Russians would return their arms, and
march against the Austrians, as the Grand Duke Constantine was
to be King of Hungary, surrendered atVilagos on the 13th August, with
24,000 picked men, and an immense park of artillery. The tidings
of the honourable treatment experienced by Gorgey and his officers,
induced others of the Hungarian corps to surrender. Several stipula-

XXVI

MISCELLANEOUS NOTICES.

ted for “the same conditions that had been granted to Gorgey” —
never dreaming that he had surrendered unconditionally.

Kossuth, Messaros, Bern, Guyon, Dembinsky, and others fled
to Turkey. Klapka surrendered Komaromon honorable terms, which,
it is needless to say, were grossly violated. Then the Austrian Govern-
ment thought the time was come for revenge : and Haynau, who had
so notoriously disgraced himself by cowardice, that the Russian Gene-
rals refused to act with him, became the willing executioner. On
the 6th of October, 1849, four Generals were shot in Arad ; eleven
more were hanged. Among them was General Anlich, who, when
asked for his defence, replied — “ In July, 1848, by the order of the
Emperor Francis, King of Hungary, I swore to the Hungarian con-
stitution, and therefore I have remained true to my oath. I prefer
death to perjury/’ The last was the gallant Damianics, hardly yet
able to support himself on his broken leg. He had to witness the
execution of twelve comrades. He said to an Austrian officer — “ Ever
the first in battle, why am I now to die the last?” The noble patriot,
Count Louis Batthiany, who had been treacherously detained by
Prince Windischgratz in June 1849, when sent with a flag of
truce by the Diet, was shot at Pesth, on the evening of that bloody
day, though he had been acquitted by the first court martial, by
which he was tried. Condemned on false grounds by an illegal tribunal,
he fell with the cry, “ Eljen hazam” — “ Long live my country,” on
his lips. Numbers of other victims followed. Of those who were spared ,
the colonels were condemned to eighteen, and the majors to sixteen,
years’ imprisonment. The “ carcere duro ” of Silvio Pellico may
enlighten us on their fate ; all others were forced to serve as private
soldiers. In consequence of these executions, many of the Hungarian
aristocracy, who, during the struggle, had retired to Austria, becom-
ing passive lookers on, and who, after the surrender at Yilagos, had
accepted office from the Austrian Government, now gave in their re-
signations, and returned to their estates.

In looking back on the struggle, we feel it to be an incomplete story.
The Hungarians, after proving themselves more than a match for
Austria, were crushed by treachery and Russia. Next time , Russia
may have her hands full. It is not to be thought of, now that the
truth is known, that there should not be found one among the great
powers of Europe to throw her influence into the balance on the side
of truth and right. The Hungarians require a military leader; one,
who for the time shall wield both the military and civil power ; one, on
whom all can rely, and whose pre-eminence shall be so universally
acknowledged, as to be a security against all contest for power, or
jealousy of authority. Such a one, the Arch Duke Stephen might
have been : but he proved himself unequal to the position, having
preferred his family to his country. That Hungary will remain
enslaved long by Austria, appears to us an impossibility ;

For freedom’s battle once begun,

Bequeathed from bleeding sire to son,

Though baffled oft, is ever won.

MISCELLANEOUS NOTICES.

xxvii

In giving (what we believe to be) a true and faithful account of
the late events in Hungary, we must advert to a diplomatic weapon,
which has been of great use to Austria. Was it not Fouche, who
declared that a lie, believed for twenty-four hours, was a great advan-
tage ? But thanks to the general ignorance of our statesmen and diplo-
matists, both of geography and history, those, who wish to impose
upon the British public, can generally reckon on a much longer period
of credulity. One artifice has been very successful. Maps are usually
copied from those published by the Governments of the respective coun-
tries. If therefore either Russia or Austria wishes to persuade the
world, that such a territory is an integral part of her empire, she has
only to colour her maps accordingly. Thus most people believe Cir-
cassia to belong to Russia (though the Russian boundary is the River
Kuban, to the north of that country) and Hungary to be a part of
the Austrian empire, because so say maps and manuals. Those,
versed in the secret history of our own time, are aware that the
ignorance of English statesmen in these matters has been calculated
upon by the astute and well-trained Russians in more cases than that
of Greece, in which the proposal of a perfectly indefensible frontier
succeeded in causing Prince Leopold to decline the proffered crowm.

Numberless have been the misrepresentations of Austria. Those,
accustomed to despatches from the fabulous Hystaspes, will not bear
hard upon Jellachich, for styling his retreat to Raab, “ a flank move-
ment,” or upon the Austrians, for styling their defeat by Klapka at
Tokay a “victory — though we might enquire why they retreated imme-
diately afterwards ; and we can smile at their describing the successful
relief of Komoron as a manoeuvre, by which the Austrian General
succeeded in forcing the Hungarian troops into the besieged fortress.
We will not even notice their scurrilous personalities against Kossuth
and the other patriots : but it is necessary to point out, that they not
only accused Hungary of oppressing’Croatia (how truly we have already
seen), but they have represented this gallant struggle sometimes as
“ a Polish insurrection,” incited, and carried on by Poles — and this,
when even Prince Wittgenstein reckoned the Hungarian insurgents
at 140,000 ; and sometimes as a war carried on by the nobles for the
purpose of enslaving the people ! And many of ourgobemouche country-
men believed them ! We do not hesitate to affirm that a more barefaced
lie was never forced down the throats of a gullible public, and that
a more thoroughly national contest never took place.

And now a word of our authoress. We have left her out of sight, and
we are inclined to complain of her for doing pretty much the same in
her book. Her readers long to hear more of her, and her high minded
husband. A young delicate and attractive woman, the only child of
opulent parents, who had spared nothing to form her mind, or gratify
her taste, she found in the ardent young Hungarian patriot, a man whoso
talents and heart were worthy of her own. The exclusive and borne
society of Vienna had few attractions for so cultivated a mind. Cir-
cumstances, and perhaps a kind of presentiment, had thrown her

MISCELLANEOUS NOTICES.

xxviii

much into the best English society in Germany; and the tastes, thus
excited, she found fully gratified in her new home in Hungary. She
gives a delightful sketch of her life as lady of the manor, active
without, happy within, with two lovely babes born in prosperity and
affluence. Her third saw the light under far different circumstances.
M. Pulsky, after taking a distinguished part in public affairs, was
sent to England as envoy from the Diet ; and there his heroic wife
succeeded in joining him. The Austrian Government having had
the meanness to confiscate not only her husband’s property, but hers ,
they now owe their subsistence chiefly to the pen : and the young
wife and mother now offers the spectacle of the gentle heroism, the
indomitable courage, cheerfulness, and hope, which are often found
even in the most delicate frame and retiring nature.

Mr. Clark’s little work is the production of a young Scotch-man. It is
written in a pleasing though somewhat grandiloquent style, contains
a brief, but spirited and accurate, sketch of Hungarian history, and
conveys very vividly the impressions, warm from the heart, of an
intelligent and observant eye-witness.

Note. — The infamous Haynau has since been disgraced ; and his latest public
appearance has been as the Hero of the Brewery.

Journal of the American Oriental Society. Boston . 1849.

The land of the Pilgrim Fathers is taking a high position in the
department of Oriental studies, as the works of Stuart, Robinson, and
others of the New England School show. The eagerness, with which
German, the fount of modern philological science, is cultivated, has
given a depth to linguistic research among the Americans, equalling,
or even excelling, that in the mother country. While the British
Government of Bengal gives little countenance to Oriental studies,
which are so useful for acquiring a knowledge of the native character
and consequently in the administration of justice, we see the genius
of Orientalism pluming his wings in the valley of the Rhine, on the
banks of the Seine, and now in a land trodden, not many centuries
ago, by no foot save that of the roving Indian.

The American Oriental Society was formed in 1842, at Boston, for
the cultivation of the Asiatic, Polynesian, and African languages ; and,
notwithstanding the obstacles arising from the immature state of
American institutions, and the bustling activity of the people, it has
made great way — the Missionary enterprise, commercial zeal, and the
popular education of the country, adding to its ranks a host of sup-
porters. Studies of an Oriental class are calculated to give a sobriety
and enlargement to the American mind, which is in danger of adopting
a frivolous tone from the multiplicity of periodicals, party newspapers,
and works of light literature, which form the chief staple at present

MISCELLANEOUS NOTICES.

XXIX

of American reading. We are glad, however, to see that Yale College
has a Professor of Sanskrit, who has given us, in the Journal of the
American Oriental Society, a Memoir on Buddhism , superior to all
that has ever issued from England on that subject. He shows an
intimate acquaintance with the most authentic works relating to Bud-
dhism, and considers that Budha, like Ram, Raghu, &c. was an histo-
rical character, born B. C. 543, near Oudh, a Kshetriya by race.
Like Muhammad, devoted to meditation in his youth, and like him
zealous to proselyte, he selected Oudh as his Mecca. The author also
notices the three great Buddhist convocations, which sent Mission-
aries to all parts of Asia, selected from their ablest men. One of
them, Mahindra, was the son of the great monarch Asoka. A daugh-
ter of Asoka, also, is said to have founded monastic institutions in
Ceylon.

The excellent notice of Lassen's Antiquities of India, makes us regret
that there are so few readers in India, who can understand or ap-
preciate Lassen’s researches ; for he is doing for the Antiquities and
Geography of India, what has been accomplished by Bopp for its Phi-
lology. He has done , indeed, what only German industry could effect
— so mastered the 100,000 Sanskrit slokas of the Mahabharat, as to
shed a flood of light on the state of India, both social and religious,
previous to the days of Alexander.

The American Missionaries, of whom there are 234 scattered over
the East, have nobly co operated, both by their literary contributions,
and donations of books, to the success of this Society. The papers
in the Journal on Arabic Musical notes — on Arrakan — on the com-
parative Vocabularies of the principal Negro Dialects of Africa — on
the Zulu language — the translation of an imperial Barat, and the
article on the present condition of the medical profession in Syria, are
all written by Missionaries, and are creditable to their talents and
industry. Men, who edit works in thirty- eight different languages,
fourteen of which were written for the first time by them, are
important auxiliaries to Orientalism.

The Society proposes submitting a series of questions on Oriental
subjects to various American Residents and Missionaries in the East,
in order to elicit information, and direct enquiry to certain impor-
tant points. This plan was adopted originally by the Bengal Asiatic
Society in the form of desiderata. Another important object is
“ to promote the application of the study of classic authors to Orien-
tal research.” At Oxford, in the classical examinations, questions are
frequently proposed on the connection between the Sanskrit and
Greek languages. We trust indeed, that the day is passing away,
which restricted the classical studies of youth to Greek and Latin, as
if they had been the only monuments of antiquity. Arabic and Sans-
krit literature are now advancing their just claims to a share of at-
tention : and the increased attention paid to Hebrew in schools and
colleges, and the spirit of philosophical analysis, with which philolo-
gical pursuits are conducted, will gradually lead to the study of the

XXX

MISCELLANEOUS NOTICES.

Eastern languages, as containing some of the noblest monuments of
genius and the finest examples of acute thought. We cordially hail
therefore the direction that our American friends are taking, and
hope to see Oriental Societies flourishing far and wide in the land
of Columbia.

Report on the Diamond Harbour Dock and Railway Company .

Rush ton.

This report is of importance at the present juncture, wrhen an
electric telegraph has been constructed between Calcutta and Dia-
mond Harbour. The report has been drawn up with great care and
diligence by Mr. Simms. As it treats of a question deeply affecting
the commercial interests of the great port of the Gangetic valley,
and is probably in the hands of very few of our readers, we shall give
a brief analysis of its contents.

The proposal to erect docks at Akra was rejected by Government :
but, an English Company having brought forward the project of
having docks at Diamond Harbour, Mr. Simms was ordered to report
on it : and he has given his opinion decidedly in favour of selecting
Diamond Harbour. Comparing it with Kidderpore, he writes : —
“ Kidderpore has no greater accommodations than Diamond Harbour
‘ in the landing, storing and securing of merchandize, with a much
4 less saving in the Preventive and Pilot establishments of Govern-
‘ ment, and without any saving at all in either the risk, or the charge,
* of the river navigation. By a railroad to Diamond Harbour, a day
4 may be saved in the posts from Calcutta to Europe, to Madras,
4 and to Bombay.”

The Company propose to have a capital of one million sterling.
Their plan is to make a railway to Diamond Harbour from Calcutta,
with docks near the Hajipur creek, which has a depth of fifteen feet
water — the rail to be made along the line of the present road. On
this plan, Mr. Simms observes : —

“ The ships are exposed to great danger in the river from storms,

‘ and the bore. The freshes are so strong at times, as to prevent the
4 tide reaching Calcutta; and, in former days, before steam was em-
‘ ployed, ships were frequently detained ten days off Garden Reach,
‘ without being able to get up to the city.” The expense of a vessel
of 400 tons, towed by 6team from Diamond Harbour to Calcutta,
amounts, for, steaming and pilotage to more than 900 rupees — a
higher expense than even the conveyance of the freight of such a
ship by the proposed railway. By a railway, the dangerous shoals of
the James and Mary also would be avoided, which cannot be remov-
ed, as long as there is a confluence of three rivers, unless the stream
of the Damudabe turned into the Rupnarayan, near Tamluk, as is
suggested by Mr. Simms.

MISCELLANEOUS NOTICES

XXXI

Diamond Harbour had a bad name for unhealthiness; but that
arose, perhaps, more from the reckless and intemperate habits of the
sailors, than from the climate ; for, during the last seven years, only
one native has died out of eighty, that were connected with the
Harbour Master’s department there. The locality may therefore
improve in salubrity, as Calcutta has done. Diamond Harbour has
the advantage of being sheltered from the S. E. and N. W. mon-
soons.

The profits on the railway are calculated on 13,575 tons of mer-
chandize at 2d. per ton, 10,000 passengers at 3 rupees each, 20,000
at 1 1 rupees, and on one thousand ships, averaging 300 tons, at three
rupees a ton, which are likely to avail themselves of Diamond Har-
bour.

Appended to the report are valuable tables, which elicit the follow-
ing facts. The distance from Calcutta to Diamond Harbour, in a
straight line, is twenty-seven miles ; along the centre of the river,
forty-five ; and, along the navigable channels, fifty. When a ship is
not towed by steam, she takes on an average 3f days between Dia-
mond Harbour and Calcutta, and, from April to June, five or six
days. Only a small number of the vessels, which come to Calcutta,
avail themselves of steam tugs; between 1832 and 1845, of 7,235
arrivals of vessels in the Calcutta port, only l,u82, or *th, availed
themselves of steam. Out of the number of 885 vessels,* grounded
between Calcutta and the Sand Heads, from 1835 to 1844, 327 were
wrecked above Diamond Harbour; or f th of the whole number.

The late Mr. Greenlaw, a man of long experience in nautical mat-
ters, from a firm conviction that ultimately large ships would not be
able to come to Calcutta, proposed to Government to select Tarda as
the port, instead of Calcutta. A surveying vessel was sent there,
but it was found in one particular place to be too shoaly. Tarda lies
to the east of Calcutta, and was famous for its trade in the Portuguese
times. The history of Bengal shows clearly, that the tendency of all
its rivers is to become shallow, and to open out new channels in other
directions. The Damuda flowed down by Nya Serai formerly. The
Hugli, which now passes by Chandernagore, Serampur, and Calcutta,
in former days flowed four or five miles to the west of these places,
and, making a detour through Sankral Reach, passed into Tolly's
Nullah, and so down by Barripur. The natives call the channel of the
Hugli below Calcutta, the Khata Ganga, and attribute no sanctity to
it, as, they say, it was not the original channel of the river. This
changing of the channel, with the fact that the Hugli, like the Da-
muda, Bhairab, and other rivers, is filling up its bed — as is seen by
the history of Chandernagore, which was battered in 1757 by a 60-
gun ship, though no such vessel could now pass up — calls for serious
attention on the part of the mercantile community, and affords an
additional argument in favour of the plan of fixing the docks at Dia-

• There is surely some mistake in these numbers. They would give a wreck in the
Hooglily for every three days !— Ed.

XXXii MISCELLANEOUS NOTICES.

mond Harbour, with a railway communication to Calcutta; for, as Mr.
Simms remarks, had the London Dock Companies the advantage of
railways, when they began their excavations, they would never have
made them so near London, but would have placed them at the
distance of twenty or thirty miles. This proposed plan respecting
Diamond Harbour therefore agrees with experience. We have an
illustration of the benefits, that may result from it, in the case of the
Peninsular and Oriental Steam Company, whose seat of business and
mercantile agency is in London, while their docks are at the distance
of sixty miles from it. In fact railroads alter the state of matters
altogether ; they have sent London “ out of town,” by enabling a
great number of those connected with trade in it, to live at the dis-
tance of ten or twenty miles.*

As the overland route to England is only a revival of a former route,
so this plan of concentrating a large amount of traffic in connection
with docks at Diamond Harbour is likely to be followed by the restora*
tion of fertility and populousness to the Sunderbund districts, which,
six centuries ago, according to Portuguese testimony, formed a portion
of the garden of Bengal. Even the now desolate and wild island of
Sagur contained, t\fo centuries ago, a population of 80,000 people :
but they were all swept away in one day by a mighty inundation :
and this has been the fate of many Sunderbund districts. Tamluk,
on the Rupnarayan, was a famous port in the days of the Romans :
but that process, by which the rivers of Bengal are gradually silting
up. was one of the causes that led to its ruin, the same as it did to
that of the once proud and palmy Satgan, whose port could once float
the largest ships, but can now give accommodation only to a Bengali
boat. The first railway, ever projected in India, was one to Diamond
Harbour; though the plan was abandoned, yet it evidently indicated,
that the importance of Diamond Harbour was felt ; — and we trust,
therefore, that this proposal of Mr. Simms will meet with all due con-
sideration.

A Treatise on Problems of Maxima and Minima , solved by Al-
gebra. By Ramchundra , Teacher of Science , Delhi College .
Calcutta . 1850.

It is with sincere regret that we are compelled to speak with very
limited approval of the merits of this work, both as regards its ob-
ject and its execution. The very nature of the problems of Maxima
and Minima involves the idea, which is the fundamental one of the
Differential Calculus; and, however it may be disguised, that idea must
pervade all investigations of the problems. What then is the use
of a cumbrous, and often inelegant, process of doing that without the
Calculus, which, in reality, it is the proper duty of the Calculus to
do, and which it does so much more simply and elegantly? We
can sec no advantage, in an educational point of view, in teaching

MISCELLANEOUS NOTICES.

XXX1IL

this cumbrous method of dispensing with the acquisition of
that, which is at once so easy of acquisition and so worthy of it,
as Taylor s Theorem. In any other point of view, the thing is
equally useless. In actual practice, problems of Maxima and
Minima never occur, except in investigations which, we may safely
state, are never carried on by persons ignorant of the principles
of the Calculus. Moreover, the author is in error, in supposing
that he has succeeded in inventing a method applicable to the
solution of all problems of the kind in question. His method may
be applicable to all problems involving only algebraical functions; but
these are in reality only a small portion of the problems that continu-
ally occur. Those that involve logarithmic and trigonometrical func-
tions are left untouched.

While we are thus compelled to express our doubts, as to the uti-
lity of the object of the book, we cannot be much more complimen-
tary as to the mode of its execution, which is, in general, clumsy and
school-boy-like. We very gladly, however, exempt from this censure
the “new method” of finding the value of a variable, which gives
a maximum or minimum value to an algebraic function of it of the
third, or any higher, degree. This is an original and neat application
of a familiar principle ; and had there been any utility in the appli-
cation, and had the details of the application been as well executed,
as the conception itself is ingenious, we should have been spared
the task of expressing our disapproval of the work, and should have
had, instead, the far more gratifying one of chronicling an ingenious
device of one of a class of Mathematicians, in whose success we feel
the liveliest interest. As it is, we state with much pleasure our con-
viction, that the mind, which formed this conception, is capable of
far better things than are achieved in the work before us.

Our author gives two solutions of each problem ; but the second
is in every case no solution at all. It is merely a proof of the ac-
curacy of the result; inasmuch, as it consists in assuming the un-
known quantity as equal to the result obtained by the former
method, with the addition of some indeterminate quantity, and then
showing that that indeterminate quantity is equal to nothing.

Our author has laboured under a disadvantage, resulting from his
distance from the press. A list of errata corrects ninety-two blun-
ders ; but a careful perusal of a considerable portion of the book
warrants our saying that there are four or five times as many left
uncorrected : and these not of trifling moment, but such as make
absolute nonsense of the passages, in which they occur.

If these remarks should fall under the notice of Ramchundra, or
any of the class to which he belongs, we trust that they will receive
them as a token of the interest, that we take in their progress. We
have spoken our sentiments freely, as becomes those who are en-
gaged in researches on abstract truth. We have cheerfully accorded
commendation, when we conscientiously could; and we have express-
ed our disapprobation as tenderly as our conviction would permit.

XXXIV

MISCELLANEOUS NOTICES.

Selections from French Poets of the past and present century ,

rendered into English verse, by R. F. Hodgson , B. C. S. Cal-
cutta. W. Thacker and Co. 1850.

This handsome little volume has been for some time lying on our
table, and we have had ample leisure to judge of its merits. These,
so far as concerns the execution of the task, which the author has
assigned to himself, are considerable. His verses are not only smooth
and elegant, but sometimes rise to the level of genuine poetry, and
always give abundant indication of a well-informed and highly culti-
vated mind.

But it was an unhappy thought to confine his selections within
the narrow limits of French poetry, and to narrow these still further
by restricting himself to the last two centuries. In the wild legends
of Bretagne, in the spirit-stirring lays of the Troubadours, and in
the more thoroughly French poems of the olden time, with much of
the ruggedness of Nature, there is also much of Nature’s freshness
and vigour. The old poetry is very deficient in brilliancy and point,
and would make an altogether wretched vehicle for declamation ; but
in revenge, it contrives to enchain the interest and stir the blood,
and is never stilted, vapid, or affected, like too much of modern
French poetry.

The true poetical genius of France, during the 18th century, found
voice in the noble tragedies of Racene and Corneille, and the elo-
quent and passionate prose of Jean Jacques Rousseau. The claims
of Voltaire to high poetical standing are at the best equivocal ; and
the much vaunted odes of J. B. Rousseau seldom rise above medio-
crity. In that galaxy of genius, which shone on her Augustan age
we have dramatists, satirists, and fabulists ; we have Moliere and
Beaumarchais, Boileau, Delille, and La Fontaine — but not one soli-
tary lyrical poem, that has become world renowned, or, indeed, that
is worth reading or remembering. Mr Hodgson appears to have felt
this ; for he has selected very sparingly from the poets of the 18th
century — and, to say sooth, had all that he has selected been left
out, his book would have been so much the better.

Lyrical poetry is more worthily represented in modern France;
and we, in more youthful days, have lingered with pleasure over the
dreamy and sentimental pages of Lamartine, the more than Ameri-
can nationalities of He Vigny, and the graceful and elegant verses of
Delphine Gay, Amable Tastu, and Madame Desbordes-Valmore. To
our more mature judgment, however, but two names stand out pro-
minently from the mass. They are those of Victor Hugo and P. J.
De Beranger. Hugo is a man of genius, and has written a few fine
lyrics ; but his fame will rest, rather upon his “ Notre Dame,” than
upon his dramas, or minor poems. But Beranger is a national poet.
His name alone, of all living French poets, is sure of immortality.
He has been called the Burns of France, but except in the gift of
genius, and in their intense nationality, these two great men are

MISCELLANEOUS NOTICES.

XXXV

utterly dissimilar. Unfortunately Beranger’s happiest efforts are
uutranslateable, and, therefore, we suppose, Mr. Hodgson has not
attempted any of these, although he has selected largely from
Beranger. His selection, altogether, indeed, appears to have been
made upon the principle, not of what was best, but of what was
easiest ; and we cannot accept it as a fair representative of what is
highest in modern French poetry.

But it is not only with his choice of specimens that we find fault :
his canon of translation appears to us altogether heterodox and
unsustainable. We give it in his own words : —

For whereas Prose may be defined as consisting of words and their meaning,
60 must Poetry be described, as words, and their meaning, and something more.

It is that something more which makes poetry ; it is the idea of the poet, which
hangs, like odour round a rose, about his work ; and this being lost, — if it were
in any sort possible to dissever it from the words he has sung, they must pass
out of their high class in literature into some other, and rank either *as bad
prose, or pure nonsense.

Now there is only one way, in which that disseverance can be effected, and
that is by putting those words literally into another language : the experiment
is easily tried, and let those therefore who doubt, satisfy themselves. This I
need hardly say, I have in my rendering necessarily endeavoured to avoid.
Wherever the genius of the two languages permitted corresponding words to
convey, with the charm of rhythm and diction, analogous ideas in poetry. I
have been strictly literal ; at other times I have paraphrased with greater or less
freedom for the preservation of the poetic “ estro’ of the original ; I have not
scrupled to mask expressions, nor even to give the equivalent for thoughts, which
might stand out in discordance with English notions of good taste ; and I have
allowed myself in all this to be guided by my instinct, as an ardent admirer of
poetry, and, I trust, a capable appreciator of the genius of those whose works
I have clothed in “ our dames’ tongue.”

Now, while we allow that a literal translation of the words would
in many cases be absurd, we hold that a literal translation of the
meaning is the essential element of every good or true translation,
If we take any great poet, such as Homer, or Dante, or Shakespeare,
who, we may ask, will presume to paraphrase any thing of theirs “ by
instinct?” Or, taking them singly, what other individual in the world
can pretend to the possession of their peculiar “estro?” Transla-
tions conducted on Mr. Hodgson’s principle, have two great dis-
advantages ; they have neither the merit of a faithful rendering of the
original, nor the freedom of a good imitation. That Mr. Hodgson can
produce at once good English verses, and a nearly literal rendering
of the original, his version of the following litile poem by V. Hugo
will evince : —

L’ETANG ET L’AME.

Comme dans les etangs assoupis sous le9
bois,

Dans plus d’une ame on voit deux choses
a la fois;

Le ciel, — qui teint leseaux a peine remues

Avec tous ses rayons et toutes see uuees,

Et le vase,— fond morne, affreux, sombre
et dormant,

Ou des reptiles noirs fourmillent vague-
ment.

In his translation of Beranger’s

THE TANK AND THE SOUL.

As in some stagnant tank by forest’s side.
In humau souls two things are oft des-
cried ;

The sky, — which tints the surface of the
pool

With all its rays, and all its shadows cool :
The basin next, — where gloomy, dark, and
deep,

Through slime and mud unnumbered rep-
tiles creep.

“ Le chant du Cosaque,” he has

XXXVI

MISCELLANEOUS NOTICES.

caught something of the true ‘ estro .’ We extract it, as a fair spe-
cimen of the book : —

THE SONG OF THE COSSACK.

O my courser, best friend of the Cossack, come forth
At the sound of the trumpet that calls from the North;

So intrepid in foray, so dauntless in fight,

May the dark death of hundreds thy prowess requite ;

Though at present thy housings with gold do not shine,

All the booty I reap in the battle is thine ;

Then neigh in thy triumph my old trusty steed.

And trample down people and kings in thy speed !

There’s a farewell to peace, so that onward’s the cry 1
Of old Europe the ramparts all ruinous lie ;

Come repose in yon mansions, where art is enshrined,

And my greedy hands fill with the treasures we find ;

And again drink those waters, where twice thou did’st lave
Thy limbs, all ensanguined, in Seine’s turbid wave ;

Then neigh in thy triumph, my old trusty steed.

And trample down people and kings in thy Speed !

Pent up and beleaguered, king, noble, and priest,

By a people, through wrongs, from allegiance released,

From the Cossack supinely assistance implore,

In the hope they will rivet their shackles once more ;

So I’ve levelled my lance, and will ne’er lay it down.

Till I’ve humbled before me the cross and the crown.

Then neigh in thy triumph, my old trusty steed,

And trample down people and kings in thy speed I

By the tremulous light of the Bivouac fire
Did a phantom colossal gaze on us in ire ;

And he thundered, *• Behold of new conquests the day,’*

And his batt e-axe, westward, denoted the way.

Of the king of the Huns ’twas the terrible shade ;

And by Attila’s sons must his law be obeyed.

Then neigh in thy triumph, my old trusty steed.

And trample down people and kings in thy speed !

All the glory and pomp that old Europe can show,

All her knowledge, that shields not her breast from the foe,

Shall be lost in the waves of the dust-rolling cloud,

That our coursers around us shall raise as a shroud !

So in this fresh invasion blot out and efface
Every vestige of laws, and religion, and race.

Then neigh in thy triumph, my old trusty steed,

And trample down people and kings in thy speed !

Yet even in this spirited poem we must protest against the first
four lines of the 3rd stanza, as a tame and incorrect dilution of
the original, which we subjoin : —

Comme en un fort, princes, nobles, et pretres,

Tous assieges par des sujets souff rants,

Nous ont crie ; Vtnez ! soyez nos maitres :

Nous serons serfs, pour demeurer tyrans.

Our next extract shall be his version of Arnaults famous little
poem ‘ La Feuille,’ which is sometimes wrongly attributed to Ma-
dame de Stael : —

THE LEAF— AN ALLEGOBY.

Detach'd from thy protecting bough.

Say ! withered leaf, where wand’rest thou ?

MISCELLANEOUS NOTICES

XXXY11

Alas ! the oak from which I sprung
By raging storms was prostrate flung,

And ever since that fatal hour,

The sport of elemental power,

I’m whirled unceasing o’er the land,

By cutting blasts, or Zephyrs bland ;

Where the inconstant breezes blow,

Without complaint or fear I go.

From forest depths to arid plain,

O’er hill and valley back again :

For time doth not the rose leaf save,

Nor laurel bays that crown the brave.

For all on earth must pass away,

And Nature’s changeless laws obey.

The following version of these stanzas was made many years ago,
and is, at least, somewhat nearer the measure and meaning of the
original than Mr. Hodgson’s : —

Sever’d from thy parent bough,

■ Withered leaf, where goest thou ?

Nothing know I ; on the oak,

Which sustained me, fell the stroke
Of the rushing hurricane :

Ever since I wander ; still
At the wind’s inconstant will ;

Over forest, over plain,

Down the valley, up the hill,

Onwards, without fear or pain,

Sweep I, with the breeze that blows,

There, where all things lay them down,

With the leaf from beauty’s Hose,

And the laurel crown.

We close our extracts with the following beautiful little poem of
Victor Hugo’s, which Mr Hodgson has ‘ paraphrased’ in his happiest
manner : —

THE TOMB AND THE ROSE.

With those bright tears of limpid dew,

Which on thy leaves each morn I view,

What dost thou, flower of beauty, do ?

One day demands a tomb.

The Rose replies ; In stilly night,

With those sweet tears of pearly white,

Are fed my flowers of rich delight,

That all around perfume !

And what awaits, demands the Rose,

Those, at the eve of life’s last close.

Who with their weight of sins and woes.

Are cast in thine abyss ?

All pass my portals, Death replies,

For every mortal being dies.

But from my womb they all arise
Angels of love and bliss !

We have scarcely done justice to Mr. Hodgson in our selection ;
for some of his longer translations, especially those from Lamartine,
are really admirable. But the crowded state of our pages warns us
to conclude.

XXXviii MISCELLANEOUS NOTICES.

Observations on the Indian Post Office , and suggestions for

its Improvement ; with a Map of the Post Office Routes , and

an Appendix of the present Postal rates and regulations.

By Captain N. Staples , Bengal Artillery. London. 1850.

This is a seasonable pamphlet on a subject of great moment,
and we trust it will do no little good in England. In these days of
ours, little good is effected without “ agitation and no little experi-
ence has taught us, that it is by agitation in England that good is
generally effected in India. It would seem, indeed, that things are
now ripe for Post Office reform in India ; and we trust that ere long
an effective measure will be adopted.

We remember to have heard long ago of a great drought, that
grievously afflicted the people of a certain district. Whether it was
merely local, or whether it extended over an extensive region, our
memory is not charged withal; but at all events, there was a
certain parish, whose inhabitants were very clamorous, and who
saw nothing in prospect, but famine for themselves and their cat-
tle, unless rain should speedily fall. In this emergency, as in
all others, they had recourse to their minister. The worthy man
assured those who applied to him, that he would certainly pray
for rain, and that prayer would as certainly be heard, and the
request as certainly granted, provided that one condition were
fulfilled. That condition was, that all the parishioners should be
unanimous in their desires for it. Of this the applicants thought
that there could not be the shadow of a doubt. The whole parish
had been crying out for weeks nothing but “ Rain, rain and
there was not a man, woman, or child in it who would not pur-
chase the precious fluid at the price of half their substance. But
the reverend man was not quite so sure as to the unanimity of his
flock. “ Call a meeting of the whole parish (said he) the day after
to-morrow ; then we will hear what every one has got to say ; and if
ye be, as ye say, all of one mind on the matter, then we will unite
in prayer, and I doubt not but we shall receive the boon that we
crave.” The meeting was called ; the parish assembled ; one or two
of the grave seniors stated the alarming prospect ; and it seemed
that there could be no difference of opinion on the subject. “ Well,
(said the worthy pastor) ye seem to be all of one mind on the
matter ; so now we will proceed to offer up our united supplications.”
“ Wait a wee,” said an elderly matron, — (the parish, we should perhaps
have said, was to the northward of the Cheviots) “ wait a wee —
just till the day after the morn — I’ve a muckle washing to dry.”

The application is all too easy. The newspapers have conflict-
ing interests ; and they, who are the recognized organs of public
opinion, have their own “ washings to dry.” One has a large
town circulation, and cannot bear that a stamp should be put upon
papers, which are not to be carried by the Post Office at all, or upon
those that are to be carried only a little way ; but argues strenuously
for a uniform postage , by which those, who now pay nothing, should
still be required to pay nothing, and those, who now pay much, should

MISCELLANEOUS NOTICES.

XXXIX

pay little. Another has a large circulation in the Mofussil, and is
all for a stamp. And we believe it is, in a great measure, on account
of the difficulty of settling this delicate question, that nothing has
hitherto been done. For ourselves, having no interest in the mat-
ter at all, we are free to say that it appears to us that a uniform
stamp is in strict accordance with the principle of Mr. Hill’s measure,
which, we believe, has given universal satisfaction in England,
while it is certainly in contravention of the details of that measure,
which have given no less satisfaction. People all rejoice that they can
send a letter to any distance for a penny ; but John Bull would doubt-
less utter a Stentorian roar, were he required to pay a penny for
every letter which he sends by his own servant for delivery in the
next street ; and yet the principle is the very same, when he pays a
penny for sending a letter from London to Richmond, (in order that
he may enjoy the privilege of sending another if he likes from Lon-
don to Panama for the same price.) He has been accustomed always to
a stamp upon his newspaper, and therefore roars not, when it is reduc-
ed to two-ninths of its former amount. But it is unquestionable
that our friends in Calcutta, Bombay, Madras, Mirut, Agra, La-
hore, and wherever newspapers are published, would grumble not a
little, were the price of their daily paper increased by 313 annas a
year, in order that the price of the same paper may be reduced to
their neighbours in the Mofussil by double that amount. Perhaps
the best way would be to “halve the difference.” Impose a uni-
form half-anna stamp, and a uniform half-anna postage. This
would certainly not please both parties ; but it would do what is
perhaps next best in all cases where interests clash — it would
displease both parties equally, and neither very intensely.

Captain Staples is a practical man ; and his suggestions are worthy
of serious attention on the part of the authorities ; and such atten-
tion we doubt not they will receive. His remarks on the cumbrous
machinery, that has been for so long a time employed to do what there
is no occasion to do, and what the machinery itself does not do well, are,
we think, thoroughly to the point. Altogether, the pamphlet is a good
one; besides being, as we have already said, a seasonable one. Its
value is greatly enhanced by the map of India, which is prefixed to it,
and which is, as the auctioneers say, “ well worth all the money.”

Since this notice was in type, we see an effect of the pamphlet in an
advertisement by the acting Pust-Master-General, intimating the dis-
continuance of the system of registration, a measure strongly advocated
by Captain Staples.

Recollections of India', drawn on Stone, by J. D. Harding ,
from the original Drawings by the Honorable Charles Stew-
art Hardinge. Part 1. British India and the Punjab.
Part 2. Kashmir and the Alpine Punjab. London. 1847.

It is very well that gentlemen who come to India, should exercise
the talents, which Nature and the drawing-master have given to them,

MISCELLANEOUS NOTICES.

by sketching the scenery of this gorgeous land. Nor can we conceive
any possible objection to their handing over their sketch-bioks, on
their return, to a skilful lithographer, in order that copies may be
multiplied for their friends, who will naturally attach a value to the
productions of their pencils, because they are theirs. But we do
lament over that feeling so prevalent in England, on which publishers
reckon, when they can place an author’s name on a title page, with
the prefix of “ Honorable.” The son of a Viscount may be quite as
good a draughtsman as the son of a shoe-maker ; but we cannot, for
the life of us, divine any reason why he should be a whit better. Yet
we venture to say that the main inducement to the publisher to risk
a large amount of capital on this sumptuous volume, was the prefix
to its author’s name. We have no sympathy whatsoever with those
who cry down the higher classes of society. We believe that no
class of men exists in the world, among whom a larger share of
accomplishments is to be found, than amongst the families of the
English nobility ; and we believe there is just as much “ snob-
bishness,” (we need make no apology for using a word which Mr.
Thackeray has rendered classical) in the Eton boy who glories
in bullying a duke, as in the Oxford tuft-hunter who glories
in fawning upon one. We are too well aware of the dignity of
our vocation to follow the lead of either. Tros Tyriusve, who
gives us a good book, shall have our very hearty commendations.
Lord or commoner, who palms a bad or an indifferent one upon
the public, shall get no countenance from us.

In the present case we must say, that the merits of the book be'
fore us, are almost all due to Mr. Harding, while its demerits are
chargeable upon Mr. Hardinge. The difference, as a Scotchman
might say, “ is a’ in my E.” Mr. Hardinge draws well enough for
ordinary purposes, but he has a singular infelicity in selecting his
points de vue. To take the first view for example, that of Barrack-
pore — we venture to say that there is not any one person, among all
who see the view, that will recognize it as representing the place whose
name is attached to it. It is true that there is a river at it, as there
is at Macedon, and eke at Monmouth ; but where the Barrackpore
river runs, and what are the ups and downs of it, we cannot imagine.
In the river too there are boats ; — and that such boats were never on
the Hugli, we are not in a position to assert ; but certainly we never
saw any at all like them. Altogether we cannot in the least imagine
whence the view is taken, or what part of the river it represents.
When our artist has to do with buildings, his choice is more cir-
cumscribed, and therefore is not so infelicitous ; but even then he has
a singular taste for back views. Of the places that we have not
seen, it is but fair to say that some make very agreeable pictures ; and
we are willing to believe that these afford a more accurate idea of the
places themselves, than those whose fidelity our rather circum-
scribed travels enable us to judge of. They are beautifully lithograph-
ed ; and, in this respect, the book is truly an ornament to the table
of any drawing-room.

SANDERS, CONES AND CO., TYP8., NO. 14, LOLL BAZAR.

t* • •

For use in Library only

* r*

1-7 v.14

The Calcutta Review

Princeton Theological Seminary-Speer Library

1 1012 00310 2441

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