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Full text of "Caledonia : or, a historical and topographical account of North Britain, from the most ancient to the present times with a dictionary of places chorographical & philological"

CALEDONIA 



CALEDONIA: 

OB, 

A HISTOEICAL AND TOPOGEAPHIO AL 

ACCOUNT OF NORTH BRITAIN 

FROM THE MOST ANCIENT TO THE PRESENT TIMES, 

WITH 

A DICTIONARY OF PLACES 

[CHOROGRAPHICAL AND PHILOLOGICAL. 



BY 



GEORGE CHALMERS, F.R.S., F.S.A. 



NEW EDITION. — VOL. I. 



PAISLEY: ALEXANDER GARDNER. 

1887. 



^. 



DA 




THE NEW CLUB SERIES 



JnstituteD, |une, ^.Occc.lrrtiii. 



PUBLISHEK : ALEX. GARDNER, PAISLEY. 



^2^Z39 



EEGULATIONS 



I. The Series shall be called the New Club Series. 

II. The express object and design shall be to print in a uniform and hand- 
some manner a Series of Works illustrative of the Antiquities, History, Litera- 
ture, Poetry, Bibliography and Topography of Scotland in former times. 

III. The number printed of each work shall be strictly limited to 100 
copies, 86 in Post 4to, and 14 in Koyal 4to. 

IV. Two volumes shall be issued in each year. 

V. When works printed are of very special importance or magnitude, and 
of general interest, in order to lessen the cost, which otherwise would fall upon 
the subscribers to the Series, the publisher reserves the liberty to throw off an 
impression for sale, but on paper inferior to that used for the Series. 

VI. A list of the works most suitable for publication shall be submitted 
to the subscribers from time to time, that they may have an opportunity of 
regulating the order in which such works shall be printed. Subscribers and 
others are invited to transmit to the publisher notices of ancient manuscripts, 
works, or tracts connected with the objects of the Series. 

VII. If any subscriber or private individual shall undertake to print any 
work of interest connected with the objects of the Series at his own expense, 
he shall receive the necessary supply of paper (to serve as a distinguishing 
mark of the origin and destination of such work) yree of charge, it being under- 
stood that every subscriber shall receive a copy of such work. In order further 
to preserve uniformity, such work shall be printed at the same press as the 
regular issue of the Series. 

VIII. That, unless in such special cases as are referred to in Rule V., no 
copies of any work printed in the Series shall, on any account whatever, be 
offered for sale by the publisher. 



THE NEW CLUB SERIES- 



LARGE PAPER. 



1- ^Tftc Itogal afbrarg, sambBor. 

2. JAMES DONALDSON, ESQ. 

3. R. T. HAMILTON BRUCE, ESQ. 

4. J. CLELAND BURNS, ESQ. 

5. JAMES CALDWELL, ESQ. 

6. MRS. THOMAS COATS, 
r. JAMES DICKIE, ESQ. 

8. THE REV. JAMES DODDS, D.D. 

9. WILLIAM GARDNER, ESQ. 

10. J. GRAHAM GIRVAN, ESQ. 

11. J. WYLLIE GUILD, ESQ. 

12. ALEX. B. M'GRIGOR, ESQ., LL.D. 

13. G. S. VEITCH, ESQ. 

14. WILLIAM WILSON, ESQ. 



ORDINARY COPIES. 

1. Ef)e ISlcgal atbrarg, 2Htntr0ov. 

2. EDWARD ADAMSON, ESQ., M.D. 

3. WALTER ALEXANDER, ESQ.— d. 

4. R. VANS-AGNEW, ESQ. 

5. THOMAS BROOKE, ESQ., F.S.A. 
G. THE MARQUESS OF BUTE, K.T. 

7. D. C. R. CARRICK-BUCHANAN, ESQ. 

8. JAMES COPLAND, ESQ., F.S.A. Scot. 
t>. THOMAS CHORLTON, ESQ. 

10. MRS. JAMES CLARK. 

11. JOHN CLARK, ESQ. 

12. STEWART CLARK, ESQ. 

13. WILLIAM CLARK, ESQ. 

14. ARCHIBALD COATS, ESQ. 



16. Sm PETER COATS, KNIGHT. 
IC. MRS. THOMAS COATS. 

17. JAMES COWAN, ESQ. 

18. ROBERT CRAWFORD, ESQ. 

19. WALTER EASTON, ESQ. 

20. D. FISHER, ESQ. 

21. JAMES CxARDNER, ESQ. 

22. WILLIAM GARDNER, ESQ. 

23. WILLIAM GEMMILL, ESQ. 

24. ROBERT GIBSON, ESQ. 

25. THE EARL OF GLASGOW. 

26. THE REV. ALEX. THOMSON GRANT. 

27. GEORGE GRAY, ESQ. 

28. ROBERT GUY, ESQ. 

29. GEORGE GUTHRIE, ESQ., M.B. 

30. THE REV. DUNBAR STEWART HALKETT, M.A. 

31. THE REV. WILLIAM A. KEITH. 

32. WALTER KING, ESQ. 

33. JOHN KNOX, ESQ. 

34. JAMES BARR LAMB, ESQ. 

35. JOHN LOGAN, ESQ. 

36. D. LYELL, ESQ.— d. 

37. JOSEPH M. LOCHHEAD, ESQ. 

38. ALEXANDER M'A LISTER, ESQ. 

39. ARCHD. MACALPINE, ESQ. 

40. H. MACFARLANE, ESQ. 

41. WILLIAM S. MACKEAN, ESQ. 

42. ALEXANDER MACKENZIE, ESQ. 

43. MACMILLAN & BOWES, Cambhidgb. 

44. JAMES D. MARWICK, ESQ., LL.D. 

45. JAMES MUIR, ESQ. 

46. THE REV. WILLIAM M'INDOE. 

47. JOHN M'INNES, ESQ.— d. 

48. JOHN MILLAR, ESQ. 

49. JOHN MORISON, ESQ. 

50. JAMES BARCLAY MURDOCH, ESQ. 

51. DAVID MURRAY, ESQ. 



5 

62. E. W. COCHRAN-PATRICK, ESQ. 

53. HUGH PENFOLD, ESQ., M.A. 

54. A. RUSSELL POLLOCK, ESQ.— (2. 

55. JOHN POLSON, ESQ. 

56. REEVES & TURNER, London. 

57. WILLIAM REID, JUN., ESQ. 

58. HUGH H. SMILEY, ESQ. 

59. JOHN GUTHRIE SMITH, ESQ. 

60. JOHN STEWART, ESQ. 

61. WILLIAM THOMSON, ESQ. 

62. ROBERT THOMSON, ESQ. 

63. WILLIAM WOTHERSPOON, ESQ. 

64. ALEX. YOUNG, ESQ. 

65. THE BODLEIAN LIBRARY, Oxfobd, 

66. THE PAISLEY PHILOSOPHICAL INSTITUTION. 

67. THE BOSTON PUBLIC LIBRARY, U.S.A., Per Messrs. 

Trubner & Co. 

68. THE LIBRARY OF CONGRESS, WASHINGTON, U.S.A., Per 

E. G. Allen, Esq., London. 

60. THE MITCHELL LIBRARY, Glasgow. 

70. THE LIBRARY OF THE FACULTY OF PROCURATORS, 

Glasgow. 

71. THE LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF ABERDEEN, 

Per Messrs. D. Wyllie & Sox. 

72. ALEX. MOFFATT, ESQ. 

73. SYDNEY FREE LIBRARY, Per Messrs. Trubner & Co. 



The Impression of this Edition of Cf^lC^O^ia is limited to Eighty-six 
Copies, of wliich this is Number liJ... 



fci^^ 



/ <?-t ^ n- « •• 



INTRODUCTORY NOTE. 



In issuing this [edition of Chalmers' Caledonia it is right to explain 
its character, and the extent of the matter now for the first time published. 
As is well known, the original edition of Caledonia is rare, and this 
fact, together with the esteem in which the work is held as an authority 
on all that concerns Scotland, makes its republication desirable. Chalmers' 
original scheme was not completed ; three only of the four volumes he 
projected having been published when his death arrested the progress of 
the work. He left, however, in Manuscript the " Accounts " of most 
of the counties north of the Forth, and the " Topographical Dictionary of 
Places " to which he repeatedly refers. The permission of the Faculty of 
Advocates having been granted, the publisher proposes to issue the hitherto 
unprinted portion of Caledonia as left by the Author, carefully revised, and 
with the addition of much fresh matter. The Caledonia will then furnish 
a body of information relating to the history, topography, and antiquities 
of Scotland, such as the literature of no other nation supplies. The notices 
of parishes will be revised, verified, and brought up to date, and every 
care will be taken to make this portion of the work as accurate as possible. 
The purely historical portion, comprised in this and the following volume, 
is given without material change, as the interpolation of fresh matter 
would inevitably lead to confusion, and impair the value of the woi'k as 
containing an original view of the History of the country. This section 
of the work is so full of controversial matter that it is felt it would 
be unwise to attempt to readjust or amend the conclusions of an author 
renowned as the exponent of a well-defined system of Scottish history. For 



Ti. IMTEODUCTORY NOTE. 

the use of such readers as desire to compare Chalmers' opinions with the 
residts of later research, a hst of works by inoie recent wiiters is appended to 
this notice. From these, and the Additional Notes at the end of Volume 
II. of the present edition, a fair notion may be obtained of the many 
points with regard to which writers on the history and national antiquities 
of Scotland hold conflicting views. The only alterations which have 
been made in the historical part of Caledonia are connected with ortho- 
graphy and punctuation. The spelling of place-names has been modernised 
when the change does not interfere with the Author's etymological deduc^ 
tious, and the work throughout has been repunctuated. The titles of the 
more important authorities, imperfectly cited or abbreviated in the text, are 
given with greater fulness at the end of this notice ; and a few notes have 
been inserted within brackets to explain obscure passages. In other respects 
the text is that of Chalmers. 

Note. — The paging of Volume I. of the original edition ruus through Volumes L and H. of thi» 
edition, and so ou in the other Volumes. 



LIST OF PRINCIPAL AUTHORITIES IN VOL. L 



[The following bibliographical list of the works quoted by Chalmers will be found useful in aiding those 
who wish to collate the text of "Caledonia" with the authorities on which it is based, and have diffi- 
culty in identifying the books to which reference is made by the abbreviations given.] 



Anderson (James). Selectus Diplomatiim et Nu- 

niismatum Scotite Thesaurus, Edin. 1739, fo. 
Arch^ologia Scotica : or Transactions of the 

Society of Antiquaries of Scotland. Edin. 

1792, etc., 4to. (Continued to present date.) 
Aechaiolooy, The Mvvtrian, of Wales, collected 

out of Ancient Manuscripts. Loud. 1801-7, 

3 vols. 

Beaufort (D. A.) Memoir of a Map of Ireland. 
Lond. 1792, 4to. 

Bede. Historise Ecclesiastical gentis Anglornm. 
Camb. 1722, fo. (Edited by J. Smith. Trans, 
by Stevens in 1723. 

Blaeu (J.) Le Grand Atlas, ou Cosmographie 
Blaviane. Amsterdam, 1663, fo. , 12 vols. 
(Vol. 6 is Scotland, by Gordon and Pont.) 

Boece (Hector). Scotorum Historias h prima gen- 
tis origine... Paris, 1526, fo. Also Bellenden's 
translation of the " Histoiy and Croniklis of 
Scotlaud" in the handsome edition of Lord 
Dundrennan. Edin. 1821, 2 vols., 4to. 

BoRLASE (William). Observations on the Anti- 
quities of the County of Cornwall. Oxford, 
1754, fo. 

Buchanan (George). Rerum Scoticarum Historia. 
Edin. 1582, fo. Trans, in numerous editions, 
1690, to Aikman's, 1827, 4 vols., 8vo. 

Camden (William). Britannia. Translated from 
the Edition pulilished by the Author in mdcvii. 
Enlarged by the Litest Discoveries, by Richard 
Cough. Loud. 1789, 3 vols., fo. 

Collectanea de Rebus Hiberviois, published from 
Original Manuscripts and Illustrated by Notes 
and Remark.s. [E lited by Charles Vallancey, 
LL.D.] Dublin, 1786-1804, 6 vols. 

CoRDiNER (Charles). Antiquities and Scenery of 
the North <.f Scotland... Lond. 1780, 4to. 

Crawfurd (George). Lives and Characters of the 
Officers of the Crown and of the State in Scot- 
land... Ediu. 1726, vol. 1 (all published), fo. 

Dalrymple (SiK Jamb.s). Historical Collections 
concerning the Scottish History, preceding the 
Death of King David I., 1153. Edin. 1705, 8vo. 

Da VIES (John). Antiqua? Linguae nunc vulgo dictte 
Cambro-Britannicte. Lond. 1632, fo. 



Douglas (James). Nenia Britannica : or, a Sepul- 
chral History of Great Britain, from the Earliest 
Period to its General Conversion to Christianity. 
Lond. 1793, fo. 

Douglas (Sir Robert). Peerage of Scotland. 
Edin. 1764, fo. New edit, by J. P. Wood. 
Edin. 1813, 2 vols., fo. 

DuoDALE (Sir W.) Monasticon Anglicanum...Lond. 
1655-73, 3 vols., fo. (Also in English by J. 
Stevens, Lond. 1718-23, 3 vols., fo.) 

Florence OP Worcester. Chron icon... Lond. 1592, 
4to. (Also republished in English in Bohn's 
Historical Library.) 

FoRDUN (John op). Scotichronicon...edit. by 
Th. Hearu. Oxford, 1722, 5 vols., 8vo. Also 
edited by W. Goodall, Edin. 1759, 2 vols., fo., 
and Skene (with translation), Edin. 1871-72, 
2 vols., 8vo. 

Gebelin (A. C. de). Le Monde Primitif, analyst 
et compart avec le Monde Modeme. Paris, 
1773-82, 9 vols., 4to. 

Histoire Naturelle de la 

Parole, ou Precis de I'Origine du Lansnase et 
de la Grammaire Universelle. Paris, 1776, 8vo. 

Gordon (Alexander). Itinerarium Septentrionale : 
or a Journey through most of the Counties of 
Scotland, and those in the North of England. 
London, 1726-,32, 2 parts, fo. 

GouGH (Richard). British Topography: or an 
Historical Account of what has been done for 
illuslratiiig the Topographical Antiquities of 
Great Britain and Ireland. Lond. 1780, 2 
vols. . 4to. 

Grose (Fkancis). The Antiquities of Ireland. 
Lond. 1791 -.5, 2 vols., fo. [Historical part 
written by Dr. Ledwich.] 

Antiquities of Scotland. Lond. 

1789-91, 2 vols., fo. 

Hailes (Lord). Annals of Scotland from the Ac- 
cession of Malcolm III. to the Accession of the 
House of Stewart. Edin. 1776-79, 2 vols., 4to. 
Also Edin. 1819. 3 vols.. 8vo. 

HoRSLEY (John) Britannia Romana. or the Roman 
Antiquities of Britain. Limd. 1732, fo. 



Till. 



LIST OF AUTHOEITIES. 



HovEDEN (Rogek). Chronicle. In Sir H. Savile's 
Rernm Anglicarum Scriptores. 1596, fo. [Also 
reprinted by the Record Commissioners.] 

Innes (Thomas). A Critical Essay on the Ancient 
Inhabitants of Scotlnnd. Lond. 1729, 2 vols., 
8vo. Also republished in the Historians of 
Scotland, edited by Dr. VV. F Skene. 

Civil and Ecclesiastical History 

of Scotland, 80-818. [Ed. by George Gnil..] 
Aberdeen, Spalding Club, 1853, 4to. Thia is 
the MS. work so frequently quoted by Chal- 
mers. It was reprinted from the MS. in 
Chalmers' possession. 

Keith (Robert). A Large and New Catalogue of 
the Bishops of Scotland to 1688. Edin. 1755, 
4to. New ed. by Russell. Edin. 1824, 8vo. 

Kennedy (Matthew). Chronological, Genealogical, 
and Historical Dissertation of the Royal Family 
of the Stuarts. Paris, 1705, 8vo. 

King (Edward). Munimenta Antiqua ; or, Obser- 
vations on Ancient Castles, including Remarks 
on the whole progress of Architecture, Ecclesi- 
astical as well as Military, in Great Britain, etc. 
Lond., 1799-1805, 4 vols., fo. 

Langebeck (Jaijub). Scriptores rerum Danicaruni 
medii sevi... Copenhagen, 1772, etc., 9 vols., fo. 

Ledwich (Edward). Antiquities of Ireland. Dub- 
lin, 1793, 4to. 

Lhuyd or Lloyd (Edward). Archteologia Bri- 
tannica. Oxford, 1707, fo. (Vol. 1 all pub- 
lished.) 

Adversaria de Flu- 

viorum, Montium, Urbium, etc. in Britannia 
Non\inibus. Lond. 1719, 8vo. 

Lloyd (Himphrey). Commentariolii Britannicee 
Deacriptionis Fragmentura. 1572. 

Macpherson (David). Geographical Illustrations 
of Scottish History, witli Explanations of the 
difficult and disputed points. Lond. 1796, 4to. 

Macpherson (James). An Introduction to the 
History of Great Britain and Ireland. Lond. 
1773, 4to. 

Macpherson (John). Critical Dissertations on the 
Origin, Antiquities, etc. of the Ancient Cale- 
donians. Lond. 1768, 4to. 

Maitland ( William). The History and Antiquities 
of Scotland from the Earliest Account of Time, 
etc. Lond. 1757, 2 vols., fo. 

Major (John). De Historia gentis Scotorum libri 
sex. ..Paris, 1521, 4to, and Edin. 1740, 4to. 

Martin (M.) A Description of the Western Isles 
of Scotland. ..Lond. 1703, 8vo. 

Maule (Henry). History of the Picts. Edin. 
1706, 12mo. Also reprinted in the Miscellanea 
Scotica, vol. 4. 

O'Brien (J.) Focaloir Gaoidhilge-Sax-Bhearla ; or, 
an Irish-English Dictionary. Paris, 1768, 4to. 
Dublin, 1832. 

O'CoNOR (Charles). Dissertations on the History 
of Ireland. Dublin, 1766, 8vo. 



O'CoNOR (Charles). Ogygia Vindicated against the 
Objections of Sir George Mackenzie. Dublin, 
1775, 8vo. 

O'Flaherty (Rodekii). Ogygia, sive rerum Hiber- 
nicarum Chronologia. Lond. 1685, 4to. Trans, 
by Jas. Heley, 1793, 2 vols., 8vo. 

Orkneyinga Saga, sive Historia Orcadensium a 
prima per Norwegos Orcadum occupatione ad 
exitum steculi XII. Ed. by J. Jonaeus. 
Copenhagen, 1780, 4to. [See also the trans- 
lation by Hjaltalin and Goudie, edited by Dr. 
Joseph Anderson. Edin. 1873, 8vo.] 

Owen (William). Dictionary of the Welch Lan- 
guage, explained in English. ..Lond. 1803, 2 
vols, 8vo. 

Pelloutier (S.) Histoire des Celtes. Paris, 1770- 
71, 2 vols, 4to. 

Pennant (Thomas). Tours in Scotland in 1769 and 
1772. Lond. 1776, 3 vols., 4to. 

Tours in Wales in 1773. Lond. 

1778-84, 2 vols. (3 parts), 4to. 

Pinkebton (John). An Enquiry into the History 
of Scotland preceding the Reign of Malcolm 
III., or the year 105U, including the Authentic 
History of that Period. Lond. 1789, 2 vols., 
8vo. New ed., Edin. 1814, 2 vols., 8vo. 
[Appendix includes Dissertation on the Origin 
and Progress of the Scythians or Goths.] 

Richard of Cirencester. Britannicarum gentium 
histories antiquse tres : Ricardus Corinensis, 
codas Badonicus, Nennius Banchorensis. [Ed. 
by C. Bertram.] Copenhagen, 1757, 8vo. Also, 
An Account of Richard of Cirencester, with his 
Ancient Map and Itinerary of Roman Britain. 
By VV. Stukeley. Lond. 1757, 4to. 

The Description of Bri- 
tain translated. ..with the original Treatise de 
Situ Britannife, and a Commentary on the 
Itinerary. Lond. 1809, 8vo. 

Richards (Thomas). Antiquse LinguK Britannici« 
Thesaurus ; being a British or Welsh-English 
Dictionary.. .Bristol, 1753, 8vo. 

Robertson (William). Index. ..of many Records 
of Charters, granted by the different Sovereigns 
of Scotland between the years 1309 and 1413. 
Edin. 1798, 4to. 

Rowlands (Henry). Mona Anriqua restaurata, or 
Antiquities, Natural and Historical, of the Isle 
of Anglesay. Dublin, 1723, 4to. 

Roy (William). The Military Antiquities of the 
Romans in Britain. Lond. 1793, fo. 

Rymek (Thomas). Fosdera, conventiones, literse et 
cujuscunque generis acta publica inter reges 
Angli;e, et alios quosois imperatores, reges, pon- 
tifices, principes, etc. Lond. 1704-35, 20 v., fo. 

Saxon Chronicle. Chronicon Saxonicum, seu 

Annales Rerum in Anglia gestarum. Oxford, 

1692, 4to. (Ed. by E. Gibson.) 
ScHiLTER (Johann). Thesaurus Antiquitatum 

Teutonicarum Ecclesiaaticarum, Civilium, etc. 

Ulm, 1727-28, 3 vols., fo. 
Shaw (Wm.) A Galic and English Dictionary... 

Lond. 1780, 2 vols., 4to. 



LIST OF AUTHORITIES. 



IX. 



SiBBALD (Sir Robert). The History of the Sheriff- 
doms of Linlithgow and Stirling. Edin. 1710, 
fo. 

History of the Sheriffdoms 

of Fife and Kinross... Edin. 1710, fo. (Also 
Cupar Fife, 1803, 8vo.) 

Description of the Isles of 



Orkney and Zetland. Edin. 1711, fo. (Also 
Edin. 1845, Svo.) 

Historical Inquiries con- 



cerning the Roman Monuments and Antiquities 

in the North Part of Britain called Scotland. 

Edin. 1707, fo. 
Simeon of Durham. Historia Ecclesiss Dunhel- 

mensis. Lond. 1732, 8vo. 
Smith (John). Galic Antiquities, consisting of a 

History of the Druids, particularly of those of 

Caledonia. Edin. 1780, 4to. 
Statistical Account of Scotland. Drawn up 

from tlie Communications of the Ministers of 

the Different Parishes. By Sir John Sinclair. 

Edin. 1791-99, 21 vols., 8vo. 
Stillingfleet (Edward). Origines Britannicie ; 

or, the Antiquities of the British Churches. 

Lond. 1685, fo. 
Origines Sacra, or a 

Rational Account of the Christian Faith. 

Lond. 1662, 4to. 
Stckeley (William). Abury, a Temple of the 

British Druids, with some others described. 

Lond. 1743, fo. 
Itinerarium Curiosum, or 

an Account of the Antiquitys and Remarkable 

Curiosities of Great Britain. Lond. 1776, 2 

vols., fo. 

TiGBRNACH. The Annals of Tigemach, quoted by 

O'Flaherty, are printed entire in O'Conor's 

Rerum Hibernicarum Scriptures, 1814-26. Vol. 

2. Also partially in Skene's Chronicles of the 

Picts and Scots. 
Tillemont (S. Le Nain db). Histoire des Em- 

pereurs. Paris, 1690-1738, 6 vols., 4to. 
ToRF.«u.s (Thormodus). Orcades, seu Rerum Or- 

cadensium Historia. Copenhagen, 1697, fo. 
Historia Rerum Norvegi- 

carum. Copenhagen, 1711, 4 vols., fo. 

Ulster Annals. The best printed edition is con- 
tained in vol. 4 of O'Conor's (Charles) Rerum 
Hibernicarum Scriptores. 1814-26, 4 vols., 4to. 



Ure (David). History of Rutherglen and East 

Kilbride. Glas. 1793, 8vo. 
Usher (Jambs). Britannicarum Ecclesiarum Anti- 

quitates Primordia. Dublin, 1639, 4to. 

Wachter (J. G.). Glossarium Germanicura. Leip- 
zig, 1737, 2 vols., fo. 

Wallace (Jambs). Description of the Islands of 
Orkney. Edin. 1693, 12mo. 

Wakburton (John). Vallum Romanum ; or, the 
History of the Roman Wall. Lond. 1753, 4to. 

Ware (Sir Jambs). De Hibernia et Antiquitatibus 
ejus Disquisitiones. Lond. 1654, 8vo. (Also 
in Whole Works revised by W. Harris. Dub- 
lin, 1739-46, 3 vols., fo.) 

Wells (Edward). Historical Geography of the Old 
and New Testament. Lond. 1711-18, 4 vols., 
8vo. 

Wharton (Henry). Anglia Sacra, sive collectio 
Historiarum de Archie piscopis et Episcopis 
Angliie ad annum 1540. Lond. 1691, 2 vols., 
fo. 

Whitaker (John). History of Manchester. Lond. 
1771-5, 2 vols., 4to. 

— ■ Genuine History of the Britons 

asserted in a full and candid Refutation of Mr. 
Macpherson's Introduction to the History of 
Great Britain and Ireland. Lond. 1772, 8vo. 

William of Malmesbdry. History of the Kings 
of England... Ed. by J. Sharpe. Lond. 1815, 
4to. (Also early editions.) 

W^ooD (John P.). The Ancient and Modern State 
of the Parish of Cramond. Edin. 1794, 4to. 

Wyntoun (Andrew of). De Orygynale CronykiU 
of Scotland. With notes, etc. , by D. Macpher- 
son. Lond. 1795, 2 vols., 8vo. Also ed. by 
David Laing. Edin. 1872-79, 3 vols. , 8vo. 

Chartularies of Religious Houses printed by the 
Bannatyne Club since Chalmers wrote : — 
Chronica de Mailros. Edin. 1835, 4to. 
Registrum Episcopatus Glasguensis...Ed. by C. 

Innes. 1843, 2 vols., 4to. 
Liber S. Marie de Calchou (Kelso).. .Ed. by C. 

Innes. 1846, 4to. 
Registrum Abbacie de Aberbrothoc. 1848, 4to. 
Registrum S. Marie de Neubotle. Ed. by C. 

Innes. 1849, 4to. 
Liber Ecclesie de Scon. Edin. 1843, 4to. 
Registrum Episcopatus Moravienais. Edin. 1837, 

4to. 



LIST OF WORKS ON THE EARLY HISTORY OF SCOTLAND PUBLISHED 
SmCE VOL. L OF "CALEDONIA" APPEARED IN 1807. 



Andbrson (Joseph). Scotland in Early Christian 

Times. Edin. 1881, 2 vols, 8vo. 
Scotland in Pagan Times. 

Edin. 1883-86, 2 vols., 8vo. 
Anttquakibs of Scotland, Proceedings of the 

Society of. Edin. 1851-1886. 

Burton (John Hill). History of Scotland, from 
Agricola's Invasion to the Extinction of the 
last Jacobite Insurrection. Edin. 1876, 8 
vols., 8vo. 



Fergcsson (James). 
the Brochs, etc. 



Essay on the Age and Uses of 
Lond. 1877, 8vo. 



Grub (George). Ecclesiastical History of Scotland. 
Edin. 1861, 4 vols., 8vo. 

Innes (Cosmo). Sketches of Early Scotch History 
and Social Progress. Edin. 1861, 8vo. 

Scotland in the Middle Ages... 

Edin. 1860, 8vo. 

Jamie.son (John). Historical Account of the 

Ancient Culdees of lona. 1811, 4to. 
Etymological Dictionary of the 

Scottish Language... Edin. 1808, 2 vols., 4to. 

New edition. Paisley, 1879, etc., 4vols.,4to. 

[See the Introduction.] 

Leslie (Col. Forbes). The Early Races of Scot- 
land and their Monuments. Edin. 1866, 2 
vols., 8vo. 



Maclagan (Christian). The Hill Forts, Stone 
Circles, and other Structural Remains of 
Ancient Scotland. Edin. 1875, fo. 

RiTSON (Joseph). Memoirs of the Celts or Gauls. 
Lond. 1827, 8vo. 

Annals of the Caledonians, Picts, 

and Scots ; and of Strathclyde, Cumberland, 
Galloway, and Murray. Edin. 1828, 2 vols., 8vo. 

Robertson (E. W.). Scotland under her Early 
Kings. A History of the Kingdom to the Close 
of the Thirteenth Century. Edin. 1862, 2 vols., 
8vo. 

Skene (W. F.) Celtic Scotland: a History of 
Ancient Alban. Edin. 1876-80, 3 vols. , 8vo. 

Chronicles of the Picts, Chronicles 

of the Scots, and other Early Memorials of 
Scottish History. Edin. 1867, 8vo. 

Statistical Account (New) of Scotland, by the 
Ministers of the Respective Parishes. Edin. 
1845, 15 vols., 8vo. 

Stuart (John). Sculptured Stones of Scotland. 
Aberdeen — Edinburgh, Spalding Club, 1856-67, 
2 vols. , fo. 

Stuart (Robert). Caledonia Romana : a Descrip- 
tive Account of the Roman Antiquities of Scot- 
land. Edin. 1844, 4to. 2nd edition, Edin. 
1852, 4to. 

Wilson (Daniel). Prehistoric Annals of Scotland. 
2nd ed., Lond. 1863, 2 vols., 8vo. 



CALEDONIA: 

OR, 

An account, 

HISTORICAL AND TOPOGRAPHIC, 
OF 

NORTH BRITAIN; 

FROM 

THE MOST ANCIENT 

TO 

THE PRESENT TIMES: 

WITH 

A DICTIONARY 
OF PLACES, 

CHOROGRAPHICAL AND PHILOLOGICAL. 



IN FOUR VOLUMES. 



VOL. I. 



BY GEORGE CHALMERS, F.R.S. and S.A. 



LONDON: 

Printed for T. Cadell, and W. Davies, Strand ; and 
A. Constable and Co. at Edinburgh. 

1807. 



' Antiquities may be looked upon 05 the planks of a shipwreck, which industrious and 
ivise men gather and preserve from the deluge of time." — Bacon. 



PREFACE 



IPRESU]\IE to lay before the public a work which has been the agreeable amuse- 
ment of many evenings. 
The earhest ages of the Scottish annals have been considered by able writers as the 
wild region of pure fable, and have been fastidiously resigned by great historians to 
the vain credulity of industrious antiquaries. Yet was I not discouraged from per- 
severing in the piu-pose which I had long entertained of rectifying the ancient history 
of North-Britain, whatever might be its fabulousness, or obscurity, or its difficulties, 
arising from disputes. I thought I saw " a clue to guide me through this gloomy maze," 
and I was not in the habit of being very apprehensive of " certain contentious humours 
" which are never to be pleased." 1 soon formed my plan, and began to collect my 
documents, knowing that in the details of history, as well as in the distribution of 
justice, he who proposes what is not admitted as incontrovertible, ought to give the 
best evidence which the nature of the subject allows. I immediately perceived that the 
ancient chronicles which the critical lunes first submitted to the public did not plunge 
tha curious reader into the abyss of fabulous antiquity. It was during the vehement 
competition for the Scottish crown that the two nations, the one contending for supe- 
riority and the other for independence, carried up their several pretensions to the 
utmost verge of " antiquary times." Those great examples were followed by the two 
earliest of the Scottish chroniclers, Fordun and Wyntoun, who brought the aborigines 
of Scotland from Egypt by a direct transmission during the remotest ages. Boece and 
Buchanan, who might have derived a better spirit from the recent revival of learning, 
went beyond those iiseful chroniclei's in the grossness of their fables and the absiirchties 
of their theories. It was wittily remarked by the late Lord Hailes that " although 
" we have been long reformed from Popery, we are not yet refoimed from the fictions of 
" Hector Boece." Lord Bacon complained, in his Advancevient of Learning, " of the 
" partiality and obliquity of the history of Scotland in the latest and largest author 
" [Buchanan] that I have seen." Yet did the late learned author of the Ancient 
Peerages declare " the sceptical doubts of Buchanan as entitled to more consideration 
" than the laborious researches of shallow antiquaries." Till the scholars of Scotland 
shall be reformed from such " speculative heresies," it will be scarcely possible to 
rectify the eiTors of fabulists, or to repress the dogmas of her polemics. Of those 
veracious chronicles, as they have been pubhshed in the Critical Essay of Innes, I have 
made some good use ; of the fablers who succeeded them, I have hardly made any. 
Vol. I. b 



vi. THE PREFACE. 

By pursuing a very different track, and using quite dissimilar proofs, I have been able 
to ascertain the Aboiigines of Caledonia by evidence which comes near to demonstration. 
Without appealing to doubtful authorities, I have traced the Roman Transactions in 
North-Britain, and have illustrated the obscure histories of the Picts and Scots from 
such satisfactory documents as convey moral certainties. 

The earliest disputes touching the Scottish history began with the petulant attack of 
George Buchanan on Humphrey Lluyd, for presuming to suppose the Britons to be mure 
ancient than the Scots. But a thousand facts which are now stated collaterally attest 
that Buchanan was wrong, while the Welsh antiquary was right. The effluxion of a 
century brought very different polemics upon the stage. Sir George Mackenzie, a 
scholar of various erudition, was so heroic as to come before the public in defence of 
the length of the royal hue of the Scottish kings against Bishop Lloyd. This heroism of 
the Lord Advocate called out that able controvertist. Bishop Stillingfleet. There are 
documents now introduced for a very difierent piu-pose, which prove, with full con- 
viction, that Sir George attempted impossibilities, while Stillingfleet only showed how 
much he over-rated his own knowledge. The King's Advocate was thus di-awn into a 
dispute vrith the Irish antiquaries touching the original country of the Scots. The 
genuine history of this Gaelic people, which from satisfactory information is at length 
submitted to the reader, demonstrates that the antiquaries were historically right, 
while the Lord Advocate was completely fabulous. This success led the Irish writers to 
claim the family of the Stewarts as by descent their own. They were encountered by 
Richard Hay, a professed antiquaiy, who pointed out their errors without being able to 
ascertain the truth. The genuine origin of the Stewart family will be found to be fully 
discovered after the researches of learned men had altogether failed. The ti'ue descent 
of the Douglas family had been equally sought for by intelligent zeal, but without 
success, whatever diligence and learning were employed in the search. Their origin 
will be seen in the following work, as it was discovered in charters. Thus ■will it 
appear, from the perusal of the following Account of North-Britain, that there has been 
scarcely a controversy in her annals which is not therein settled, a difflculty that is not 
obviated, a knot wliich is not untied, or an obscurity that is not illustrated from 
documents as new as they are decisive, though they are introduced for different 
pm-poses. Such is the elaboration of this work ; it may perhaps supply hope with 
expectation that the wild controversies of the elder times may be now consigned to 
lasting repose. 

" The history of Scotland," saith the late Mstoriographer royal, " may properly be 
" divided into four periods. The first reaches from the origin of the monarchy to the 
" reign of Kenneth II. The second from Kenneth's conquest of the Picts to the death 
« of Alexander IIL The third extends to the death of James V. The last from thence 
« to the accession of James VI. to the crown of England. The first period [from to 
" 843, A.D.] is the region of pure fable and conjecture, and ought to be totally 
" neglected or abandoned to the industry and credulity of antiquaries. Truth begins to 
"dawn in the second period [from 843 A.D. to 128(5] with a light, feeble at first, 



THE PREFACE. vil. 

" but gradually increasing ; and the events which then happened may be slightly touched, 
"but merit no particular or laborious inquiry. In the third period [from 1286 to 
" 1542] the history of Scotland, chiefly by means of records preserved in England, 
" becomes more authentic ; not only are events related, but their causes and effects 
" are explained ; and here every Scotsman should begin not to read only, but to study 
"the history of his country. During the fourth period [from 1542 to 1603] the 
" affairs of Scotland were so mingled with those of other countries, that its history 
" becomes an object to foreigners. — The following history is confined to the last of 
" these periods."' Thus far the historiographer royal, who thus tells, in specious 
terms, what part of the annals of his country ought to be wintten, and what ought to 
be read. 

Yet the late Lord Hailes, when he wrote his "Annals of Scotland from the 
" Accession of Malcolm III.," pushed his inquiries far into the obscure regions of the 
second period, which is indicated by the royal historiographer. Nay, he even went back 
to the accession of Dimcan, in 1034 A.D., declaring, however, " that the history of 
" Scotland, previous to that period, is involved in obscuiity and fable." The critics 
of his country cried out with alacrity, " Thus has his lordship happily freed from 
" fable the whole reign of Malcolm Canmore ! " In this manner, then, were left a 
thousand years of obscurity and fahle to my " credulity and industry as an antiquary," 
to enlighten the one and to dispel the other. Yet I doubt whether any writer can be 
fairly charged with credulity who reduces his historical topics to moral certainty, or fitly 
accused of fabulousness, who ascertains his facts by a comparison of charters with 
circumstances. Id est certum, gvod certimi reddi j^ofest": Eveiy thing is certain which 
may be made certain. Buchanan did not know who built the Roman wall between 
the Forth and the Clyde ; but Camden, by throwing his antiquarian eyes on the lapideous 
records which had been dug from its foimdation, ascertained that curious fact. Nor is 
there any thing more certain in any period of the Scottish histoiy, than the Roman tran- 
sactions in North-Britain, as they have been now investigated, and at length ascertained. 
In them there are much less debate and certainty than in the history of Mary Stewart 
and her eon. 

The Society of Edinburgh for the Encouragement of Arts, Sciences, and Manufactiu-es, 
ofiered, in 1756, a <jold medal " for the best history of the Roman, and afterwards of 
" the Saxon conquests and settlements to the north of Sevenis's wail." But the 
scholars of Scotland remained sluggish and silent. And I now submit to the reader's 
judgment a history of both those interesting events. The same Society offered a gold 
medal "for the best account of the rise and progress of commerce, arts, and manu- 
factures in North-Britain." But the scholars of Scotland remained inert, and uncom- 
municative of what they did not know ; and I presume to submit such an account 
of the origin of commerce, arts, and manufactures to the curious eye of inquisitive 
men, I come, however, too late to claim the gold medals. And I fear the hist of that 
Society expired with the recent deaths of Sir WilUam Pulteney and the Earl of Roselin ! 
But T may shelter myself under the authority of the most learned, the most intelligent, 

b2 



viii. THE PREFACE. 

aud the most accomplished meu in Scotland, who offered those prizes, from the charge of 
folly in treating of tiifles, aud from the sueer of self-sufficiency for scribbling of events 
which ment no jxirticular inquiry. 

I was ambitious, I wall avow, to offer my coimtrymen the ancient history of Scotland, 
elaborated into detail, and illustrated into light, without regarding previous opinions 
or fearing contentious opposition ; without dreading difficvilties or apprehending disap- 
pointment. I have divided my work, without regardiug fantastical conceits of fabulous 
epochs, into such periods as were analogous to the genuine history of each successive 
people. The Roman pe7iod, extending from Agricola's arrival in North-Britain, 
A.D. 80, to the abdication of the Roman authority in A.D. 44G, forms the first book, 
from its priority in time, as well as precedence in importance. In discussing this 
interesting subject I was not content with previous authorities. I engaged intelhgent 
persons to siuwey Roman roads, to inspect Roman stations, and to ascertain doubtful 
points of Roman transactions. I have thus been enabled to correct the mistakes of 
former wiiters on these curious topics. Much perhaps cannot be added to what has 
been now ascertained, with respect to the engaging subject of the first book. Yes, since 
Caledonia was sent to the press, a discovery of some importance has been made. A 
very slight doubt remained whether the Burghead of Moray had been a Roman 
station, as no Roman remains had there been found; but this doubt has been 
completely solved by the recent excavation, within its limits, of a Roman bath. 
The first Chapter of the following work will be foxmd to be as much the first chapters 
of the annals of England and of Ireland, as it is of Scotland. The Pictish period 
naturally succeeds the former Book, as it extends from the Abdication of the Romans, 
in A.D. 4i6, to the overthrow of the Picts, in A.D. 843. It will be found to com- 
prehend interesting events: The affairs of the Picts; the fate of the Romanized 
Britons ; the an-ival of the Anglo-Saxons on the Tweed ; the adventures of the Scandi- 
navians in the Orkney aud Western Isles; the colonization of Argyle by the Scots 
from Ireland. It is the business of the Pictish period to trace the singular history of all 
those people, various as they were in their lineages, throughout the different events of 
their obscm-e warfare, and the successive turns of their frequent changes. Add to those 
topics of pecuhar interest the introduction of Christianity, which in every age and in 
eveiy country has produced such memorable effects. The Scottish period, forming the 
third Book; and extending from A.D. 843 to 1097, will be found to comprehend historic 
topics of equal importance : The tmion of the Picts and Scots into one kingdom ; the 
amalgamation of the ancient Britons of Strathclyde ^vith both; the colonization of 
Galloway by the Irish ; the annexation of Lothian to the Scottish kingdom ; the history, 
both civil aud ecclesiastical, of all those people of various races, with notices of their 
antiquities, their languages, their learning, their laws ; all these form historical matters 
of singular interest to rational curiosity if they be investigated from facts in contempt 
of fabulosity. The fourth Book contains the Scoto-Saxon j^eriod, which extends from 
A.D. 10'J7 to 130(5, and which details many notices of varied importance. At the first 
and at the second of those epochs, momentous revolutions took place, though they have 
passed unnoticed by the Scottish historians, and were vmknown to the historiogi-apher 



T H E P R E F A C E . ix 

royal. With this period began a uew dynasty of kings, who introduced new people, new 
manners, new usages, and new establishments. In this period the Saxon colonization 
of proper Scotland was begun. In this period was the Scotican church reformed. In 
it was introduced the municipal law of North-Britain, in the place of Celtic customs. 
In this period originated her agriculture, her commerce, and shipping and fishery, 
her manufactures and her coins. The beginning of this period formed the pivot on 
which tiu-ned the Celtic government of ancient ages, and the Anglo-Norman polity of 
subsequent times. Yet is it of a period so crowded with changes, and so var-ied with 
novelties, that the late historiographer royal says, " the events which then happened 
"may be slightly touched, but mei-it no particular inquiry." But I have dwelt on 
those revolutions and have marked every change. By a vast detail from the Cliavtu- 
laries in respect to the civil history, from 1097 to 1306, to the ecclesiastical annals, 
to law, to manners, and to domestic economy, I liave tried to ascei-tain every interesting 
circumstance, and to render the national annals of that interesting period quite familiar 
to every reader ; and to give completeness to the whole are added supplemental views 
of subsequent times, which have their details to instruct, and their curiosity to amuse. 
Such is the plan which I have formed and essayed to execute for reforming and 
ascertaining the ancient history of North-Britain, which has been so long distorted by 
controversy, obscured by fable, and disregarded by fastidiousness. 

It is the common complaint of intelhgent readers that there is nothing neio in 
history, as the same facts are again served up in different forms with some inter- 
spertions of sentiment. It is very seldom, indeed, that any history contains so many 
new facts, new discoveries, and new documents, as the following Account of North- 
Britain discloses. What can be more novel than ascertaining the aborigines of the 
country, by proofs which are as curious in themselves as they are decisive in their 
inferences. Roman camps in North-Britain had been already brought before the 
curious eye; but it is quite new to show their location amidst the prior forts of the 
Britons for some hostile purpose. Roman roads and Roman stations had been 
before mentioned by tourists and traced by antiquaries ; but it is altogether new to 
investigate their poHcy, and to form the whole of the Roman transactions in Caledonia 
into a connected body of genuine history during four interesting centuries. The Picts 
had been sometimes casually mentioned ; but it is quite a novelty to give the histoiy 
of the Pictish people, their lineage, their language, their antiquities. It was known 
from Bede that the Picts had defeated and slain the Northumbrian Egfrid in the battle 
of Nectan's Mere; but it is altogether new to ascertain the true site of that conse- 
quential conflict. The genuine chronology of the Scotish kings, their civil wars, their 
hostilities with the Picts, the Scottish laws and hterature are all novelties. The colonization 
of Scotland by the Anglo-Saxons, Anglo-Normans, and Flemings, comprehending the 
origin of the Stewarts and the descent of the Douglases is quite new. The history of 
law during the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, including the origin and epoch of 
the Rer/iam Majestnfem ; the histoiy of manners in this period ; the account of agriculture, 
of manufactm-es, of ti'ade, and of the vaiious topics which are connected with them. 



X. THE PREFACE. 

are entirely new. The whole volume may be regarded as a novelty, consideriag its 
arrangeiueut, its matter, and its documents. Few histories can be found wherein 
there are so many charters called for, so many records avouched, so many facts 
ascertained, and so many documents quoted. 

Yet this volume, which comprehends the history of so many people during ages of 
darlcuess, does not comprehend my whole plan for rectifying the annals and ascertaining 
the antiquities of Caledonia. I propose to offer to the public three other volumes 
successively, and soon, if my health and spirits should continue. As the present volume 
has given the history of the several people, the next volume will form a DICTIONARY OF 
Places, Chorogmj^Mcal and Philological, for the investigation of the various languages 
which have been ever spoken within that country. This volume will be immediately 
sent to the press. The two subsequent volumes will contain the local history of every 
shu"e in Scotland, upon a new plan, and from the most authentic informations. The 
materials for all these are already collected, and they are mostly all worked up ; so that 
there is little to prevent me from sending the whole to the printers, except that I should 
certainly feel this circumstance too fatiguing, and the public might perhaps regard it as 
too repulsive. We must always remember with Milton that, 



" God liatli set 

" Labour and rest, as day and night, to men, 
" Successive. 

I will conclude with a passage from honest Verstegan's Restitution of Decayed Intelligence, 
1605. " Abeit it may seeme unto some a rash, and unadvised attempt, that after so 
" many the great, and woorthy labors of our learned antiquaries, a new work under the 
" name of [Caledonia] should now be presented imto publyke view ; yet, when it 
" shall have pleased the courteous reader to have considered of the contents of the 
" chapters, I tiiist he will see, that the ensuing matter will be answerable to the fore- 
" going title ; much of it being so extraordinary, and imwonted, that perhaps not any 
" (especially of our nation) hath thereof written before. I know, I have herein made 
" myself subject imto a world of judges, and am lykest to receive most controlement of 
" such, as are least able to sentence me. Well I wot, that the works of no writers 
" have appeared to the world, in a more curious age than this ; and that, therefore, the 
"more ckcumspection and warynesse are required in the publishing of any thing 
" that must endure so many sharpe sights and censures; the consideration whereof, as 
" it hath made me the most heedy not to displease any, so hath it given me the less 
"hope of pleasing all." After so long a preface I will beg leave to add only four 
words : 

" FACILnJS CARPERE 
" QUAJI diitarl" 



THE CONTENTS. 



BOOK I. 

The Roman Period — 80 a.d. 446. 

Chap. I. Of the Aborigines of North Britain, 

Chap. II. Of the North British tribes ; their topographical Positions ; 

and Singular Antiquities. 
Chap. III. Of Agricola's Campaigns. 
Chap. IV. Of the Transactions of Lollius Urhicus, 
Chap. V. Of the Campaign of Severus. 

Chap. VI. Of the Treaty ivhich Caracalla made ivith the Caledonians ; of 

the Picts ; of the Scots; Of the Abdication of the Eonian 

Government. 

BOOK II. 

The Pictish Period — 446 a.d. 843, 

Chap. I. Of the Picts ; their lineage ; their Civil History ; their language, 

with a review of the Pictish Question. 
Chap, II. Of the Romanized Britons of the Cumbrian Kingdom, in North 

Britain. 
Chap. III. Of the Saxons in Lothian. 

Chap. IV. Of the Orkney and Shetland Isles, 

Chap. V. Of the Western Isles or Hebrides. 

Chap. VI. Of the Scots. 

Chap. VII. Of the Introduction of Christianity. 



Xll. 



THE CONTENTS. 



BOOK III. 
The Scottish Period — 843 a.d. 1097. 

Chap. I, Of the Union of the Picts and Scots. 

Chap. II. Of the Extent and Names of the United Kingdoms. 

Chap. III. Of the Orkney and Shetland Isles. 

Chap. IV. Of the Hebndes or Westeim Isles. 

Chap. V. Of Cumbria, Strathclyde, and of Galloway. 

Chap. VI. Of Lothian during this Period. 

Chap. VII. Of the Civil History of the Scots and Picts from 843 to 

1097 A.D. 

Chap. VIII. Of the Ecclesiastical History, during this Period. 

Chap. IX. Of the Laws during this Period. 

Chap. X. Of the Manners, Customs, and Antiquities during this 

Period. 

Chap. XI. Of the Learning and Language during this Period. 

BOOK IV. 

The Scoto-Saxon Period, from 1097 to 1306 a.d. 

Chap. I. Of the Saxon ColonizcUion of North Britain during this 

Period. 
Chap. II, Of the Civil History during this Period. 

Chap. III. Of the Ecclesiastical History driving this Period. 
Chap. IV. Of the Law during this Period. 
Chap. V. Of Manners during this Period. 

Chap. VI. Of Commerce, Shipping, Coin, Agriculture during this 
Period. 

Chap. VII. A Supplemental View of subsequent times. 



!*■ S. — This work is illustrated with a British Roman Map of Caledonia; with a Plan of 
the Roman Camps at Normandykes, which is quite new to the curious reader ; 
with a Plan of the Roman Fort at Clattering-bridge, that is also new ; with Sketches 
of the Roman Tuessis on the Spey ; of the Roman Varis ; and of the British hill 
fort on Ban-aldll; all which are now submitted to the Public for the first time. 



AN 



ACCOUNT 



OP 



NORTH-BRITAIN 



BOOK I. 

THE ROMAN PERIOD, A.D. 80—446. 



CHAP. I. 



Of the Aborigines of North - Britain. 

The first Book naturally extends from the colonization of North-Britain 
to the abdication of the Roman government. It will be found to contain 
many matters of great importance. The investigation with regard to the 
Aborigines is not only cm'ious in itself, but will comprehend, in its pro- 
gress, sketches of the peopling of Europe,'of the history of the Celts, and of the 
origin of the Goths ; topics these, which are intimately connected with that 
investigation, either by original a,nalogy or by subsequent opinions. When it 
shall be made apparent, by the most satisfactory evidence, who those Abori- 
gines were, every inquiry must cease concerning the first settlers of North- 
Britain. The reader, when every tribe who inhabited that country during 
the first century of our common era shall be exhibited before his curious eyes, 
must read, with more satisfaction and intelligence, the account of theii' strug- 
gles in defence of their original land against their powerful invaders. The 
campaigns of Agricola, the transactions of Urbicus, the conflicts of Severus, 

the treaty of Caracalla, in four divisions, will conduct the diligent inquirer 
Vol. I. B 



2 , An ACCOUNT [Book I.— The R<,man Period. 

about the afiairs of the Romans, in North-Brltam, through the Roman peinod, 
from the arrival of the Romans, in a.d. 80, to their abdication in 446 A.D. 
The Picts first, and the Scots afterwards, will merely appear in the dawn of 
their obscure histories, when they were scarcely known to classic authors 
under those celebrated names. It is the common complaint of well-informed 
readers that there is nothing novel in history. It must be the business of this 
first period of the North-British annals to introduce new notices, and to 
inculcate uncommon truths ; to spread out before the inquisitive eye the 
geograpliical position of the Aboriginal tribes, with their natural antiquities, 
as they are evidenced by remains ; and to settle on immoveable foundations 
the itineraries, the roads, and stations of the Romans, while their empire was 
at its greatest extent in North-Britain ; illustrating the obscurity of their 
relics, and explaining the objects of their policy : Yet, must all those topics 
be introduced to the attention of the more judicious reader by retrospections 
to the pristine ages, and by sketches of the first movements of the most 
illustrious nations. 

In the history of every people the dispersion of the human race ought to be 
considered as the earliest epoch. To that event the various tribes owe their 
discrimination and their origin (a). Then it was " that mankmd were di- 
" vided in the earth, after the flood, after their tongues, in their countries, 
" and in their nations." {h). Chronology has fixed the epoch of the dispersion 
seventeen hundred and fifty-seven years after the creation, and two thousand 
two hundred and forty-seven years before the birth of Christ (c). When the 
mind contemplates those dates, it becomes familiarized with the most distant 
objects by the steadiness of its own views ; and it gains fresh energy while it 
makes the most difiicult inquiries by the constant exercise of its own powers. 

The chief place of our regard as the preserver of the Patriarch, and as the 
refuge of his issue, is Asia, the fairest quarter of the earth, where the sun of 

(o) Bryant's Mj-tb., 3 v. 95. 

(6) Genesis, cli. ] 0. The Scriptures, says Sir William Jones, after all his researches, contain, 
independently of a divine origin, more true sublimity, more important history, and finer strains 
of eloquence, than could be collected within the same compass from all other books that were 
ever composed. Asiatic Researches, v. iii. p. 15, 16. The President Goguet had already ex- 
pressed a similar opinion on this interesting topic. There is nothing certain, he says, with regard 
to the early annals of mankind but in the Scriptures. Moses, he adds, is the only guide in the 
first peopling of countries. De L'Origine des Loix, «S:c. Li v. 1, art. v. 

(c) Moore's Chron. Tables, lo9;j, p. 3 ; Helvicus Chron. Hist., p. 4 ; Usher's Chron., 
Geneva Ed., p. 5; Eak-igh's Hist. World, 1614, p. 132; Goguet's L'Orig. des Loix, torn. 1, 
Table Chronologique ; Well's Hist. Geog., v. i. p. 378. 



Ch . I.— The A borif/mef.] OfNORTH-BRITAIN. i 

science first rose, and the arts of society were originally cultivated. On this 
scene mankind began to multiply, and early commenced their career. The 
most fruitful soil enabled the children of men to increase ; and a climate the 
most pure called forth the energies of the human genius. In the progress of 
settlement, and in the pursuits of ambition, empires successively arose ; 
flourished for their several periods; and, from domestic weakness or from foreign 
invasion, sunk into non-existence. While conquest, by extension enfeebled 
the influence of her own success, the genius of commerce at length raised up 
the Phenician people, who, cultivating the arts of peace, accumulated wealth 
by their practice of every art, with characteristic perseverance. As the parent 
and the instructor of nations, Asia will always appear, in the pages of history 
venerable for her antiquities and respectable for her knowledge (d). 

From Asia, meanwhile, went out the colonists who were destined to settle 
Africa, to plant America, and to people Europe. If Asia were, indeed, the 
nursery of mankind, every other quarter of the globe must necessarily have 
been colonized by the superabundance of her populousness. 

It is demonstrable that the west was peopled from the east ; allowing the 
Hellespont to be the meridian. The track of colonization cannot be precisely 
ascertained : but it is certain that Ion the son of Japhet, with his children, 
found a temporary abode, after a short period of migration, near the shore of 
the narrow strait which separates Asia from Europe (e). During the agita- 
tions of mankind, their pursuits are not to be stopped by any barrier. The 
curiosity which is natural to man, the restlessness that is incident to colonists, 
urged the posterity of the Patriarch to cross the Hellespont in such vessels as 
necessity would direct, and ingenuity provide (/). In this manner did the 
children of Ion pass into Europe during a very remote age (g). This division 
of the earth was already settled as we may learn from the intimations of Moses, 
at the epoch of tlie Exodus, fourteen hundred and ninety-five years before 
our common era (A). 

('/) See the Asiatic Researches. 

(e) Genesis, cli. 11 ; Josep. Antiq., L. 1, ch. 6 ; Goguet's L'Oiig. des Loix, torn. 1, p. 57. 

(/) Many ages after that event five thousand Bulgarian horsemen had the courage to swim 
across the Hellespont, without the aid of either float or bark. Geb. Monde Primit., 9 torn, xsxiii. 
The narrowest part of the strait is scarcely a mUe broad. 

((/) Stillingfleet's Origines Sacrae, b. iii., ch. 3 ; Bedford's AnLmad. on Newton's Chron., p. 40. 
The sons of Ion, or Javan, says Bryant, wei'e certainly the first colonists, who planted Greece. 
Myth., 3 vol., p. 378 — 9. Javan is thought, says Shuckford, to have first planted Greece. 
The Seventy were of this mind : and, they constantly translated the Hebrew woi-d Javan into 
"EXXas, or Greece. Shuekf. Connect., v. 1., p. 1.58. Well's Hist. Geography, vol. i.. eh. 3. 

(h) Usher, Bedford, Calvisius, Helvicus. 



4 AnACCOUNT [Book l.—The Bmnan Fermi. 

The period of the ancient Greeks commenced at the Exodus (i). The 
patriarchal emigi-ants first occupied the nearest districts of that vast triangle 
which is formed by the Danube on the north, the Egean sea on the east, and 
the Adriatic on the west (k). In regions that offered to their inquiries every 
advantage of soil, and every commodiousness of water, the original settlers 
began to cultivate those districts, which, however sterile, for ages produced 
in after times the fair fruits of valour, literature, and the arts. Whether it be 
that childhood is captivated with the variety of adventiu'es, or that youth is 
charmed by the allurements of letters, or that age delights in the lessons of 
wisdom, it is certain that the annals of a coimtry which abundantly gratified 
all those propensities, have found, in every period, many readei's. 

Yet is the history of the aborigines of Greece involved in all the gloom of un- 
certainty ; because it is confounded with all the misrepresentations of fiction (/). 
Alas ! when the luminous torch of Moses ceases to blaze before our eyes, every 
step of our inquiry must be made in the anxiety of darkness. The ablest of the 
Greek writers neither knew the origin of their own ancestors, nor understood 
the etymology of their own language (m). A few hints, indeed, were handed 
down from the earliest times by means of doubtful traditions (n). But what 
history could the first people have before there were events to record ; and what 
etymology could they teach, before they had a formedlanguage to write ? From the 
epoch of the dispersion to the era of the olympiads, nineteen centuries elajjsed; 
whilst the aborigines of Europe were searching for places of repose. During that 
long period, the children of Ion were continually in motion ; having chiefs to guide 
their steps rather than rules to dkect their actions ; without the ease which 
settlement only can give, or the security that polity alone can afford. The 
paucity of events, during two thousand years of colonization, demonstrates their 
original insignificance ; because in history want of incidents and want of 
importance are the same. Their annalists, indeed, speak of tyrants who 
enslaved the first people ; of heroes who freed them ; of legislators who ci- 
vilized them ; while those tyrants, heroes, and legislators, only existed in the 
strong remembrance of hatred, or in the feeble recollection of benefits. 

It is apparent, however, from satisfactory notices, that during the first ages 
colonization was accomjjlished by journies on land, rather than by enterprizes at 

(0 Petavius Hist, of the World. (l) Geb. Monde Prim., torn. 1. p. 33. 

(/) Bryant concurs with Stillingfleet in reprobating the early annals of Greece, as a congeries of 
fable, mythology, and imposition. 

(h») Goguet's LOrig. des Loix, tom. i., bk. 1 ; Bryant's Myth., vol. i., p. 30f>, vol. iii., p. 392. 
(n) Geb. Monde Prim., tom. 9, p. 156. 



Ch. I.— r fie Aborigines.'] Of NOE TH-BEIT AIN. 5 

sea. While tlie ai't of ship-building was yet unknown ; while the nearest bays 
were yet unexplored ; it was the direction of the countries along the course of 
the rivers which conducted the unenlightened steps of the original emigrants. It 
is extremely probable that western Europe was explored and settled by means 
of the Danube and the Rhine ; these great rivers showed the natural openings 
of the regions, and furnished the necessary accommodations to the settlers along 
their banks. 

In peneti'ating from the Euxine to the Ocean, the more adventurous colonists 
easily explored and early planted Italy. The original people carried a strong 
pruiciple of division along with them ; the nature of the country corresponded 
with their genei-al habits : and, they formed many distinct settlements which 
had no other connection between them than a common language, the same 
worship, and similar customs. It was in a much later age that new migrants, 
who were easily distinguished from the aborigines, crossed the Adriatic sea 
from Arcadia, and formed fresh plantations ; which, as they gave rise to dis- 
putes, necessarily produced events. A thousand years elapsed from the 
settlement of Italy to the foundation of Home, while that fine country was yet 
inhabited by several distinct tribes, which were again subdivided into clans 
and towns that were connected only by a common origin, and joined 
merely by political confederacies. Among those tribes the Latins, who occu- 
pied the country between the Tiber and the Liris, were at that epoch con- 
spicuous ; and became in after ages most pre-eminent, at least for their 
language. After the Roman epoch, four centuries of bloody warfare contri- 
buted, by the subduction of all those clans, to gratify the ambition and aug- 
ment the greatness of Rome. 

Whoever may be disposed to pause here, for the useful purpose of surveying 
the eighth century befoi-e our common era, would see a new order of things 
commence. The face both of the east and of the west was at once changed : 
the Greeks established the Olympiads (o) ; Rome was founded Qj) ; the epoch 
of Nebonassar took place (q) : the empire of the Assyrians, which had domi- 
neered over Asia for thirteen hundred years sunk under its own weight ; and 
the Chinese began to move. History at length attempted to free herself from 
fable; and the heroes of antiquity fell back into their original obscurity as soon 
as the sun of truth shot forth the irradiations of a clearer light on the dark 
events of the most ancient times (r), 

(o) In 776, A.A.C. (;*) In 75.3, A.A.C. (rj) In 747, A.A.C. 

()•) Geb. Monde Prim.. 8 torn. p. 84. At those great epochs of universal history, the judicious 
Prideaux began his Connection between sacred and profane history. Those early dates form one of 
the epochs of Bossuet's Histoire Universelle. And those dates are called by the ingenious Ic Sage, 
in his Atlas, Epoques liistoriqncs, when something like history begins to appear. 



€ An A C C U N T Book I.— The Roman Period 

Aleantime, the impulse which had been given to the human race, at the epoch 
of the dispersion, filled the European regions with people. The kindred tribes of 
those colonists, who settled Greece and planted Italy, penetrated from the Euxine 
to the Atlantic, and occupied the ample space from the Mediterranean to the 
Baltic, and perhaps to the Frozen Sea (s). Yet, were not the aborigines of Europe, 
who in subsequent ages acquired the name of Celtce, any where found in large 
assemblages of men. While Asia and Africa show several examples of em- 
pires vast and flourishing in the earliest times, we only see, among the Celts, 
clans disconnected from habit, and feeble from dismiion. At the recent 
period when the Romans entered Gaul, with whatever design of revenge or 
conquest, that extensive country, the appropriate seat of the Celtic people, was 
cantoned among sixty tribes who were little united by polity, and still less 
conjoined by the accustomed habits of natural affection. Wherever we turn 
our inquisitive eyes on the wide surface of Europe, we look in vain for a 
Celtic empii-e, however the Celtic people may have agreed in their language, 
in their worship, and in their customs. Yet, at the dawn of history, we see 
the European nations who dwelt to the westward of those waters which flow 
eastward to the Euxine, denominated the Celtce (t). 

Disunited, however, as the Celtic clans were, and dispersed in their several 
positions, they often made themselves felt. During the I'eign of the elder 
Tarquin, if we may believe Livy, more than five centuries and a half before 
our era, the Gauls luider Belovesus seized the country on the Po ; while an- 
other swarm under Segovesus settled in Germany {u). Four hundred years 
before our common era the Gauls invaded Italy in such a numerous body as 
to evince the extent and populousness of the countiy whence they proceeded. 
Breiinus their leader sacked Rome. They were repulsed by the genius of 
Camdlus ; but they were not dismayed by their disaster. They again over-nvn 
Italy by a second invasion. And it required all the valour and all the skUl of 
the Roman armies to repress the daring of the Celtic people {x). The Gauls 

(.<) The learned autliois of the Universal Ilistorij have diligently shewn what was sufficiently 
probable in itself, that the Celtic nations peopled originally the whole extent of Europe, 
vol. vi. p. 10, 13. Plutarch, in the Life of Camillus, speaks of the vast extent of the Celtic 
countries ; stone monuments and tradition attest that they extended from the Baltic even to the 
Northern Ocean. 

(t) Herodotus, Melpomene ; Ptolomy ; and. among the east«m nations, says Selden, the tenn 
. Celts was a general name, for all the Em-opeans : the Greeks applied the name to the western 
Europeans. Tit. Hon. 8 Ed., p. 75. 

(h) Bossuet Histoire Universelle, p. 41 ; M. le Comte du Buat's Histou-e Ancienne, 
V. i. chap. 2. 

(.r) Universal Hist., v. xi. p. 532 : ib. svlii. p. 004 ; ib. xi. p. .-)33— 4— 9. 



Cli. I.— The Ahoriyines.'] OfNORTH-BRITAIN. 7 

overspread Thrace, and plundered the temples of Greece, whatever genius and 
force could be opposed to their inroads. They invaded Asia, which had 
already acknowledged the superior character of European firmness and 
discipline ; and which gave their irresistible invaders a settlement that was 
long known by the vivid remembrance of their perseverance and their 
prowess {y). 

Those intimations of history seem to demonstrate that western Europe 
throughout its wide extent was already filled with Celtic inhabitants. It was 
the superabundance of its populousness which discharged itself, during suc- 
cessive ages, in quest of plunder or in pursuit of settlement It is thus 
apparent, from every notice of history and every specification of geography, 
that the Celtce was the aboriginal people of Europe throughout its ample 
limits (z). Yet, has it been debated by ingenuity and inquired by learning, 
whether the Celtse or the Scythes were the most ancient people ; as if there 
could be priority of origin while they were both descended from a common, 
though distant origin. It is of much more importance to inquire when, and 
on what occasion, the Celtee who were thus for ages the sole inhabitants, as 
they were the original colonists of Eui'ope, became mingled with a dissimilar 
people either by colonization or conquest. 

A history of the Celtic nations has long been a, desideratum among intelligent 
antiquaries. Such a work has, indeed, been essayed by Pelloutier: but, 
hescreened in night, he so stumbled on his subject as to confound the Celts with 
the Scythians (a). While the Mosaical account of the peojaling of Europe is so 
distinct, who would plunge into the cloud of uncertainty which perpetually 
hangs in ever-during darkness over the remote annals of the Scythes and 
Scythia ! 

(y) See Petavius, and the Universal History. 

(z) The Geographer Ortelius was so persuaded of the foregoing truths, that he considered the 
names of Europe, and of Celtica, to be synon3rmous. 

(a) " Les Celtes ont ete connus anciennement sous le nom gent?ral de Scythes." Such is the hal- 
lucination of his first chapter ! From this opening, which is not quite consistent with the fact, it is 
easy to perceive that he must constantly confound the ancient Celts with the modern Goths. The 
ingenious vindicator of the ancient history of Ii-eland has also entangled his subject, and embarrassed 
Ms readers, by connecting the Scythians with the Irish. Our erudite mjrthologist has shown, how- 
ever, with his usual learning and research, that in ancient times there were tribes of Sc}-thes 
in Asia, Africa, and in Europe. Ancient Mythol., vol. 3, p. 143, wherein he treats distinctlj-, of 
the Scythce, Scythia, and Sc3'thismus. As Britain was undoubtedly peopled from Gaul, and Ireland 
From Britain ; the early annals of our islands seem to have no relation to the Scythes and Scandi- 
navians, who, like the Scandian Vikingr during the middle ages, infest our researches by the 
frequency of their intrusions, and perplex our reasonings by the obscurity of their aberrations. 



8 An A C C U N T [Book I.— The Roman Period. 

It is a singular circumstance in universal history, that the migration of the 
second race of colonists throughout western Europe is much more obscure than 
the i)rogress of the first. The torchof Moses lights the steps of the original settlers 
of Europe, while every motion of the second emigrants is involved in peculiar 
darkness. The silence of history seems to prove that the introduction of the 
new people upon the old was made without any great change, which must 
have been transmitted by tradition, and mucli less of warfare, that must have 
been noticed by historiography. As language is the genealogy of nations, 
philology may lend her aid : but it is geography which must exhibit to our unen- 
lightened eyes the distant positions of the various people at successive epochs. 

The pretensions of the Scythes have created confusion through every age. 
They assumed so many shapes ; they appeared in so many places ; they arro- 
gated such superior antiquity ; that inquiry has been bewildered in following 
their steps, and judgment is perplexed in settling their pretensions. Bryant and 
Gibbon, seem to concur in opinion that their name has been vaguely applied 
to mixed tribes of barbarous nations in distant countries, during the expanse 
of time. In this view of a curious subject it is in vain that paradoxical writers 
attempt to ascertain the antiquities, to trace the progress, or to fix the chro- 
nology of that devious people. Epochs of " the first Gothic progress over 
" Europe " have, indeed, been assigned with more confidence than autho- 
rity. And, in order to establish those fanciful epochs, the Scripture chronology, 
which Kennedy has demonstrated to be morally certain, has been rejected for 
a fictitious chronology that has been obtruded in the ajspropriate place of 
" the Hebrew verity (6)." 

Yet are we told, with the specious tongue of historic certainty, that the 
first dawn of history breaks with the reign of Menes in Egypt, before Christ 
4000 years (c). This fictitious reign is thus placed before the creation according 
to Petavius, Calvisius, and Helvicus ; and four years after the creation accord- 
ing to Usher, Dufresnoy, and Bossuet. (2.) The Scythians are said to have 
conquered Asia 3660 years before the birth of Christ {d). This fabulous event 
is thus placed several centuries before the dispersion of mankind, according to 
Usher and Dufresnoy, Petavius, Calvisius, and Bossuet. (3.) Ninus, the first 
monarch of the Assyrian empire, establishes that empire on the ruins of the 

(l>) See a Dissertation on the origin and progress of the Scythians, or Goths, 1787 [By Pinkerton]. 
But the Scythian chronology say the learned authors of the Universal Histori/. after all their re- 
searches, is not to be ascertamed. Vol. vi., p. 87. See, in the same volume, "the few fragments, 
which "antiquity has left of the Scythians." There is, indeed, scarcely any thing but fable to be 
related of the ancient S i/t/dann. 

(c) Dissertation on the Scythians, 186. (d) lb. 187. 



Ch. I.— The A horiyines.'] OfNOETH-BEITAIN. 9 

Scythian : and the Scythife evacuate Persia, and settle around the Euxine, 
2160 years before the birth of Christ {d). These fictitious events are thus said 
to have happened eighty-seven years after the dispersion, and eight and twenty 
years after the settlement of Egypt, as we know from Usher ; and Ninus, as 
we learn from Bryant and Gebelin, is merely a mythological personage like 
the Gothic Odin. (4.) The Scythians are said to begin their settlements in 
Thrace, lUyi-icum, Greece, and Asia-minor, 1800 years before the birth of 
Christ (e). These settlements are thus made to begin four years before the 
flood of Ogyges, according to Usher, Petavius, and Dufresnoy : yet, all those 
settlements are said to have been completed 1500 years before the birth of 
Christ [f). These fabidous settlements are thus stated to have been formed 
only nine and twenty years before the flood of Deucalion, according to Usher and 
Dufresnoy, and fifteen yeai-s according to Calvisius. (5.) Sesostris attacks the 
Scythians of Colchis 1480 years before the birth of Christ {g). Sesostris is an- 
other mythological conqueror, as we learn from Bryant and Gebelin. (G.) The 
Scythians peopled Italy 1000 years before the birth of Christ (/;). This ficti- 
tious event, aljoiit which history and chronology are silent, is thus said to 
have happened during the age of Solomon, two hundred and forty-seven 
years before the building of Rome {i). The Scythians on the Euxine are said, 
however, to have held the supreme empire of Asia, by conquering Media 740 
years before the birth of Christ {h). This event, for which there seems to be 
some foundation, though it is mixed with much fable, happened more than a 
century afterwards, according to Usher and Raleigh. (8.) Yet, the Scythians, 
we are told, peopled Germany, Scandinavia, a great part of Gaul, and Spain, 
500 years before Christ(Z). 

{d) Id. (0 Id. (/) Id. (.-/) Id. Qi) Id. 

(/) For the genuine letters and ancient language of Italy, see Gebelin's Monde Primitif. t. vi. 
Disc. Prelim. 

(k) Dissertation on the Sc^-thes. p. 187. This event is stated by chronology, in 634. A.C. 

(/) Id. Herodotus, whose geogi-apliica! notices extend from 450 to 500 years before the birth 
of Christ, included the inhabitants of western Europe, from the sources of the Danube, under the 
general name of the Celtn: Rennel's Geog. Syst. of Herodotus, p. 42. Diodoms Siculus, whose 
geoffi-aphical infonnations may be deemed Jive hundred i/enrs later, placed the Sc3-thians to the 
eiiMivnrd of the Celtse. Id. Pliny concurred with Diodorus. Id. Eschylus, who was born forty 
years befdre Herodotus, concurred with the father of history in his position of the Scythes on the 
Euxine. See the Mem. Liter. 1730, p- 217, "of the situation of Sci/thi'V. in the age of Herodotus. 
" by T. S. Bayer." Until we are better infoi-med with regard to the origin of the Sc3-thians, who 
were attacked by Darius on the western shores of the Euxine ; until a specimen of their language 
be produced : I shall not admit that either those Scythians or theii' descendants ever came into 
western Europe. 

Vol. I. C 



10 AnACCOUNT [Book l.~Thc Roman Period. 

We are now arrived, after a tedious march througli the ahsurdities of 
fiction and the obHquities of prejudice, at an important period in the real 
history of the Scjthic people and country which are undoubtedly ascertained. 
The well known expedition of the Persian Darius against the European Scythians 
took place at the beginning of the sixth century, before the birth of Christ (m). 
He passed the Bospihorus into Thrace ; he crossed the Danube by another 
bridge ; he pursued the flying Scythes along the loestern shoi-e of the Euxine to 
the bank of the Wolga ; he followed them south-westward through the desert 
to the Carpathian mountains ; and he was obliged to recross the Danube by 
the same bridge while he was pursued by the Scythians (n). We thus per- 
ceive that history concurs with geography in placing the European Scythians 
on the north-western shores of the Euxine, from the Danube to the Don, at 
the very period of 500 years before Christ, when system supposes them to have 
inhabited Scandinavia and Germany, Gaul, and Spain (o). It is a fact, then, 
that the Scythians continued at that epoch to live on the rivers and shores 
of the Euxine, and not in western Europe. The Scythians still remained on 
the Euxine more than a century and a half later than the age of Darius, during 
the conquests of Alexander, whom they were studious to court, in 334 a.c. (^:>). 

All attempts to trace the migrations of the Scythic people from the Pains 
Mfeotus and the Euxine to the Baltic and the Atlantic have failed {q). These 
migrations, as we may learn from the silence of history, if they were ever made, 

(«() Usher places this expedition in 514 A.C; Prideaux conciu's with Usher; Petavius fixes 
this epoch in 508 ; Dufresnoy places the building of the bridge over the Thracian Bosphorus, by 
Darius, in 508 A.C. 

(«) See Eennel's Map. in his Herodotus, No. iii.. facing p. 50, of Western or " Euxine Scythia, 
" with the surrounding countries, and the march of Darius Hystaspes." And see the map in 
Wells's Hist. Geog., v. 1, facing page 109. Arrian. bk. 1, ch. 3. And Gibbon concurs with all 
these. Hist. v. iv. p. 355. 

(o) Dissertation on the Scyths and Goths, p. 187. Herodotus, says this writer, p. 173 — 4, 
places most of his Sc3rthians in Germany. The context of Herodotus might have shown him the 
true position for his Scjrthians, which Arrian confirms. Bk. iv. ch. i. The safe line of demarcation 
between the Celtce and the Scythians, during the successive periods of Darius and Alexander, is 
the points of partition whence fiowed the waters in contrary direction, westward to the Atlantic, 
and eastward to the Euxine. 

(p) Id. 

(rj) This difiicult task was attempted, indeed, in the dissertation on the Scythians or Goths, 
ch. v., wherein "the progress of the Scythians into Scandinavia is especially considered." But, the 
dissertator has failed, like other theorists who try to perform impossibilities. He acknowledges, 
like the more learned and judicious writers of the Universal History, '-that the narrower the 
"bounds to which we confine the knowledge of the ancients about Scandinavia, we shall be the 
"nearer to the truth." Dissertation, p. 168. 



Ch. I.— The .1 boru/iiies:] OfNOETH-BEITAIN. 11 

must have proceeded quietly, without the efforts of war, or the perturbations 
of revohition. The chronology of such migrations cannot possibly be fixed, if 
they ever existed. If, however, we compare the notices of Eschylus and 
Herodotus with the much more recent intimations of Diodorus and Pliny, we 
shall be convinced that the Gothic migrations westward did not happen much 
more than a century before the Christian era. But, whether Scythic or 
Gothic migrations came into Western Europe at that recent period, they arrived 
too late to augment the populousness of the original tribes, much less to change 
the Celtic laufjuaere of the British isles. 

That Gothic colonists came into Western Europe, from whatever country, at 
some period, we know from the prevalence of their speech, which has almost 
superseded the aboriginal tongue. But, whence came they ? is a question that 
has been often asked ; yet has not hitherto been answered (r). With a view to 
that question, we must throw our inquisitive eyes over the instructive course of the 
Danube, from its spring among the Celtse to its issue into the Euxine among 
the Getse (s). There, we may see, on the banks of the Danube, Dacia, the 
country of the Daces, Getia, the region of the Getes, and Moesia, which in 
after ages gave subsistence and a name to the Moeso-Goths. On the northern 
side of the Danube flowed the sister stream of the Tyras, which gave rise to 
the name of the Tyro-Goths, who lived either upon its banks or within its 
isles ; and who in subsequent times were denominated by Ptolomy the Tyran- 
Goths. In his time the appellation of Goths, by the philological changes of 
seven centuries, had displaced the more ancient name of Getes : and there can, 
therefore, be no reasonable doubt whether the Goths were any other than the 
same people who in more early times had been known by the kindred de- 
signation of Getes and Daces {t). Thus, the Goths, the Tyro-Goths, and 
the Moeso-Goths, the Dacians, and the Getes, were the same people, who, 
like other barbarous tribes in successive ages and in varying situations, were 
differently denominated by writers who viewed them in different lights. 

(;•) One of tlie latest and ablest inquirers about tlie orvjiti of the Goths is Gibbon. As be does 
not admit the Mosaic account of the dispersion and the subsequent migrations of mankind, he knows 
not liow to trace the dubious descent of the Gothic people. He is disposed to consider Scandi- 
navia as their original country : yet, he durst not say, as J. Csesar had said before him, of the 
Britons, that they had grown like meaner matter from the virgin earth. Gibbon is glad to 
find the Goths on the Vistula at the epoch of Christ, though he is unable to ascertain whence 
they came. 

(•>•) See the Geograph. Antiqua, Tab. ix., the map of Paunonia, Illjnicum, Moesia, and Dacia. 

(t) Pliny says, that the Getae were called by the Romans Daci, lib. iv.. c. 12 ; see Stephanus's 
Diet, in vo. Getm. Yet, in Pliny's age, the name of Goths had scarcely displaced the ancient ap- 

C 2 



12 4- N A C C U N T [Book. I.— The Roman Period. 

The Gothic tribes, however denominated, formed one of the aboriginal people 
of Europe. On this event history is silent ; but philology is instructive. 
The Gothic language is certainly derived from a common origin with the most 
ancient languages of the European world ; the Greek, the Latin, and the 
Celtic {u). Ancient Thrace, comprehending Getia, Dacia, and Moesia, was 
the original country of the Goths. Every inquiry tends to demonstrate that 
the tribes who originally came into Europe by the Hellespont, were remark- 
ably difierent, in their persons, their manners, and their language, from those 
people, who, in after ages, migrated from Asia by the more devious course 
ai'ound the northern extremities of the Euxine and its kindred lake. This 
striking variety must for ever evince the difference between the Gothic and the 
Scythic hordes, how-ever they may have been confounded by the inaccuracy of 
some writers, or by the design of others {x). 

Long after Western Europe had been occupied by the Celtse, the Gothic 
people still appeared within their original settlements (y). During the fifth 

pellation ; and the Gothic people were but little known in that age by their new designation. 
The fii'st appearance of the Goths, as a great and united people, was in the year 2.50, A.D., 
when they were felt by the Roman empu-e : in 328, A.D., the Gothic empire on the Danube 
was formed by Hennanrick ; and was destroyed by the Huns : in 375, a.d.. the Huns from the 
borders of China chased the Alans from the Black sea ; overpowered the Goths ; and sapped the 
foundations of Borne. Writers who mention those several hordes do not sufficiently advert to 
those recent epoc/is. 

(u) Geb. Monde Primitif, t. ix., p. 41 — 51 ; Schilter's Thesaurus Antiquitatum Teutonicarum ; 
Wachter's Glossarium Germanieum : these vastly learned authors demonstrate, without intending 
it. that the Celtic and Teutonic languages had a common origin. 

(.(■) This interesting investigation has been very learnedly discussed by the ingenious, and erudite 
William Clarke, in his Connexion of Coins. (1.) Even as early as the revival of learning in 
Europe, scholars observed a great similarity of the Greek and the Teutonic tongues. But neither 
Hem-y Stephens, Joseph Scaliger, nor Camden draw any inference from tlie fact which so forcibly 
struck their cmious eyes : and it was Salmasius, Francis Junius, and Meric Casaubon who first 
inferred that the Greek and Gothic languages, which were so similar in many respects, must have 
undoubtedly come from a common parent. (2.) Yet, was it reserved for Salmasius to assume, 
with modest erudition, that people speaking the same language must necessarily be descended from 
a common stock. De Hellen, p. 364. This evidence of speaking the same tongue may be acknow- 
ledged, says the very intelligent Clarke, as one of the surest proofs of original descent. Connexion, 
p. 77. (3.) That the Getae were undoubtedly Thracians was observed by Herodotus. L. iv. c. 93. 
That the Getae, Daci, and Gothi, were but different appellations for the same people was strongly 
intimated by Strabo. V. 1, p. 466. That the Germans and Goths were sister nations, is a con- 
clusion which results from their, common language. (4.) The same circumstances led il. de 
Gebelin to the same conclusions on this curious subject, during om- own times, in opposition to 
M. d'Anville, who was a geographer but not a philologist. Monde Prim., t. is., § 7. 

(//) Well's Hist. Geog., v. 1, the map prefixed to p. 10'.); Bayer's Dissert, in Mem. Lit. 1750, 
p. 211—259 ; Gebel. Monde Prim., t. ix., p. xlix. 



Ch. I.— The Aborigines.'} OfNORTH-BEITAIN. 13 

century, before our common era, they inhabited the western shores of the 
Euxine on the south of the Danube. The Gothic people were found in that 
position by Darius when he crossed the Hellespont and the Danube in pur- 
suit of the unsettled Scythians (z). The Gothic people felt his power, but 
maintained their possessions. They remained within Thrace, their pristine 
country, when Xenophon, a century later, finished the retreat of the ten 
thousand among the Thracian tribes, who acknowleged the Greeks as a 
kindred people. The Gothic nations still remained within their ancient do- 
minions, when Alexander was preparing to invade Asia, a hundred and seventy 
years from the invasion of Darius, one of the earliest epochs of European 
history («). Asia had hitherto predominated over Europe : Europe began now 
to domineer over Asia, when the superiority of Europeans over Asiatics was 
at length felt : and the grim visage of war during that memorable period 
turned steadfastly to the opulent weakness of the eastern regions. The jjages of 
history are crowded with the continual enterprizes which resentment, or am- 
bition, or avarice, pi-ompted Greece and Macedon, and other nations of 
Europe, to send against the less hardy and worse informed people of Western 
Asia. Thus, during the effluxion of five centuries from the epoch of Darius's 
expedition, there does not appear an event which could have contributed to 
force the Gothic inhabitants on the Euxine and the Danube, in any great 
bodies, to remove westward, in search of new settlements on the Rhine and 
the ocean. 

If the Gothic people continued to dwell on the Euxine and the Danube 
during the active age of Alexander, the same people could not have resided at 
the same period on the Atlantic and the Rhine : if the Gothic people did not 
reside at that epoch in Western Europe, they could not have emigrated thence 
to the British isles at some period three centuries before our common era. 
When, and on what occasion, and by what route, the Goths, with their asso- 
ciates, moved westward from their ancient settlements, are questions which 
the united scholars of Europe have been unable to answer. History has not 
always disdained to supply the defect of events Ijy the fictitious adventures of 
mythological characters {h). The credulity of Gassiodorus, the ignorance of 

(i) Herodotus, Melpomene : Plin}-. 1. iv., ch. 9 ; Count Je Buuts Hist. Ancienne des People 
de L'Europe. g. 1, cli. 1 — 8. 

(a) Arrian, bk. i. cb. 3, bk. iv. cli. 1 ; Q. Cui-tius ; De Buat's Hist. Ancienne, t. 1, ch. 1 — 8. 

(J>) Even Gibbon has not hesitated to introduce the fabulous adventures of the mythological 
Odin into serious history. The (hinons of Eudbeck. and the ijiuats of Torfaeus, are plainly the 
obscure representatives of the Celtic ahori(jiiies of Scandinavia. The good sense of Mascou preserved 



14 An ACCOUNT [Book I.— The Roman Period. 

Juinaudes, the fastidiousness of Gibbon, concur in supposing tliat the Goths 
were indigenes of Scandia (c). We know that the Gothic tribes were not 
indigenous plants of that sterile soil : and the questions must ever be asked 
when, and from whence, did the Gothic people migrate into Scandia. Yet 
does fable, taking the place of history, send out the Goths, from that storehouse 
of nations, at the Christian era, to conquer and to colonize the world. When 
Gibbon has conducted the enterprising Goths from Sweden, by an easy voyage 
across the Baltic to the Vistula, at that era, he is induced, by an intimation 
of Tacitus, to cry out in the midst of his reveries, " Here, at length, we land 
" on firm and historic ground I " (d). He might have easily found other 
writers of as much knowledge and equal authority, who placed the Gothic 
people at the same period on the Euxine (e). The fact seems to be that there 
were Gothic tribes, at the Christian era, spread out in a scanty populousness 
among the aborigines from the Euxine to the Atlantic. The silence of history, 
and the unconsciousness of tradition, evince that the migrations of the Gothic 
people had been made ^vithout the perturbations of violence, in the progress of 
colonization. From the notices which have been collected with regard to the 
Germans, who were a Gothic tribe with a new name, it is apparent that they 



Mm from tlie reproach of writing nonsense or fiction with regard to the antiquities of Germany : 
he considers the Gothic people as the first settlers of his country, though they were apparently 
only the second : they obviously came in on the Celtic aborigines ; as we learn from J. Csesar and 
Tacitus ; from Schilter, and Wachter. 

(c) Hist, V. i., p. 387 — 397. The learned Cassiodorus, and his abridger Jornandes, were the 
masters who taught the historians of the middle age to derive every people, however different, 
from the Scandinavian hive. With regard to the origin of nations, the silence and loquacity of 
histor}' are equally uninsti-uctive. It is a maxim that the populousness of every country must be 
in proportion to the constant supply of its food. The dreary forests and uncultivated wastes of 
the Scandinavian regions preclude the notion of these desert countries having ever been the 
nfjicina (jentium, except in the systems of theory, or in the misrepresentations of fabulists. 

{d) Hist., V. i., p. 392. 

(e) Pliny, lib. iv., c. 11 ; Mela, 1. 11, c. 2. Gibbon was aware that Ovid, being banished 
by Augustus to Tomi near the southern branch of the Danube, lived long among the Daces, 
a Gothic people whose Gothic tongue the poet learned. Ovid wrote a poem which he addressed 
to Augustus, in the Gotldc language. When Ovid resided at Tomi, in a.d. 1 1 . there were only 
two tongues (except the Greek) heard on the Western side of the Euxine ; the (letie. and the 
Saniiatic ; which were diversely spoken by two nations who were different in their origin, and still 
more distinct in the course that conducted them into Europe. See Clarke's Connexion of the 
Eoman, Saxon, and English Coins, p. 4.5 — 17. 



Ch. I.— n^ Ahon^/me>'] Of NORTH-BRITAIN. 15 

were recent settlers among an ancient people {/). The other Gothic tribes can- 
not boast a more early settlement in Western Europe (g). 

Meantime, the original impulse which had been given to mankind peopled 
the British Islands during the most early times. The stone monuments, which 
still appear to inquisitive eyes in Britain and Ireland, evince that the first settle- 
ment of those islands must have been accomplished during the pristine ages of the 
post-diluvian world, while only one race of men existed in Eiu'ope, and while 
a second impulse had not yet induced various people to quit their original settle- 
ments in Asia. As the current of colonization during those times constantly 
flowed from the east to the west ; as the isles were necessarily colonized from 
their neighbouring continents ; Britain must undoubtedly have been settled 
from adjacent Gaul, by her Celtic people (h). J. Ctesar and Tacitus agree 
in representing the religion, the manners, the language of Gaul, and of Britain, 
to have remained the same, when those curious writers cast their intelligent 
eyes on both those countries (i). But, it is the facts which are stated by ancient 
authors more than their opinions, respectable as they may be for their dis- 
cernment and veracity, that ought to be the grounds of our conviction. The 
religion and manners of the two countries remained the same during ten 
centuries : their pristine language has continued the same in several districts 
to the present day. Britain, indeed, was a mirror of Gaul at the recent pe- 
riods when the Romans invaded the British shoi'es. The several tribes were 

( /') Tacitus. Maseou. and Gribbon, severally attest tlie tnith of that representation : ami 
Cluverius, when he delineates ancient Germany as a region of uncultivated lands, rugged moun- 
tains, vast woods of horrible aspect, and stinking fens, suflSciently proves its late settlement by a 
new people of rude manners. When J. Caesar and Tacitus speak of Celtic colonies proceeding 
from Gaul into Germany, they only confound those recent colonies with the ancient people, who 
appear to have been unknown to those celebrated writers. Strabo, who was not well infoi-med 
with regard to Western Europe, acquaints us, indeed, that the JJaci cih antiqiio of old lived 
towards Germany, around the fountains of the Danube. V. 1, p. 446. If his notion of aiitiqxiti/ 
extended to the age of Herodotus, we might learn from the father of history that the Danube 
had its springs among the Ce/tcc. 

(if) Rudbeck. and Torfaeus. had already proved this position when they scribbled of (hmcn.f 
and ijiantK. 

(li) Schoephlin's Vindicice Celticcp, § L.. with his authorities, and facts. 

(?) J. Cses. de Bel. Gal. 1. v. c. 2 : Tacitus Agiic. § 11. "The present age," says Gibbon, 
•• is satisfied with the simple and rational opinion that the islands of Great Britain and Ireland 
were gradually peopled from the adjacent continent of Gaul. From the coast of Kent to the 
extremit}' of Caithness, and Ulster, the memory of a Celtic origin was distinctly preserved, in the 
perpetual resemblance of language, reUgion. and of manners." Hist, of the Decline and Fall of 
the Eom. Em., 8vo ed., v. iv., p. 291. 



It; 



An account [Book l.— TIie Roman Pn-iod. 



united by a polity which allowed but slight ties : they j^ractised the same reli- 
eious customs : they were actuated by the same personal habits : they spoke a 
conunon lanc--uao-e : but, we see nothing of a body politic which fastened the 
disunited clans by the kindred bonds of civil society. Neither does there 
appear, within the narrow outline of their affairs, any event either of warfare 
or colonization, which would lead a discerning observer to perceive that their 
principles had been corrupted, their habits altered, or their speech changed, by 
the settlement among the aborigines of a new people. 

Yet, has it been supposed by some, and asserted by others, that Belgic 
colonies emigrated to Britain, and occupied no inconsiderable portion of her 
south-eastern shores, three hundred years before the birth of Christ [k). Tf 
the Belgic colonists were of a Teutonic race, this supposition would settle them 
in Britain before the Teutonic tribes had sat down in Western Europe (I). If 
the Belgic colonists were a Celtic people, it is of little moment whether they 
came from Germany or Gaul, as they must have spoken a Gaelic and not a 
Gothic tongue. The topography of the five Belgic tribes of Southern Britain 
has been accurately viewed by a competent surveyor ; and the names of their 
waters, of their head-lands, and of their towns, have been found by his inqui- 
sitive inspection to be only significant in the Celtic tongue {m). I have followed 
his track in searching for Gothic appellations ; and finding only Gaelic names 
of people and places, I concur with hini in opinion that the British Belgce were 
of a Celtic lineage («). It is even probable that the Belgse of Kent may have 

(/i) Dissertation on the Scythians, p. 187. 

(/) This inquiry, with regard both to the lineage and colonization of the Belgae in Britain, has 
arisen, by infeience rather than by direct information, from J. Csesar, when he speaks of thfe 
Belgse as occupying one third of Gaul, and as using a different tongue from the other Gauls. 
De Bel. Gal.. 1. i.. c. 1. Yet, from the intimations of Livy and Strabo, Pliny and Lucan, we 
may infer that J. Csesar meant dialect when he spoke of language. He ought to be allowed tb 
explain his own meaning by his contest. He afterwards says that the Belgae were chiefly de- 
scended from the Germans ; and passing the Ehino. in ancient times, seized the nearest country 
of the Gauls. lb. lib. ii. c. 4. But, JJei-many, as we have seen, was possessed by the Celtae ih 
ancient times; it was occupied by them 500 years A.c; it was occupied by them 330 years a.c: 
and it was occupied by them 112 years A.O.; when the Oimbri is supposed to have made an 
iiTuption from the Elbe to the Ehine ; and when those migratory people were repulsed by the 
Belgae, as we learn, indeed, from J. Caesar himself. Germany continued to be occupied by Celtic 
tribes during the subsequent century when it was described by Tacitus. See his Treatise on 
the manners of the Germans: and the same fact, or rather inference from the fact, is more strongly 
stated by Schilter, and by Wachter, in their elaborate Glossaries. 

(//() Genuine Hist, of the Britons, p. 83 — 145. [By Rev. John Whitaker. Lond. 1772.] 
(/() In every question with regard to our topography in those early times, Ptolomy must be 
our useful instructor : from him we learn that three of those Belgic tribes are named Carnabii 



Ch. I.— The A boriijines.'] OfNORTH-BRITAIN. 17 

obtained from their neighbours, the Belgae of Gaul, their GaeUc name ; and even 
derived such a tincture from their mtercourse, both in their speech and their 
habits, as to appear to the undistinguishing eyes of strangers to be of a doubtful 
descent. In the meantime the name of the Belgce was derived from a Celtic and 
not a Teutonic origin. The root is the Celtic Bel; signifying tumult, havoc, 
war : Bela, to wrangle, to war ; Belae, trouble, molestation ; Belawg, apt to 
be ravaging ; Belg, an overwhelming, or bursting out ; Belgiad, one that over- 
runs, a ravager, a Belgian ; Belgws, the ravagers, the Belgse (o). 

Daiiinii, and Cautce : we find also the Cainabii. in Cheshii-e, and Shropsliire, and the Carnabii, 
and Dainnii, in North-Britain, and also the Damiiii, in Ireland : there are the Cant(e, in North- 
Britain, who, as well as the Belgic Cantoi, in Kent, derived their significant name from the 
districts which they inhabited ; being the British Caint, signifying the open country. The rivers, in 
the country of the Belgae, have the same Celtic appellations, as those in the other parts of Britain ; 
such as the I.yca, which led Lhuyd astray, the Alauna, the Duriiis, the Ahoua, the l\(mesa, and 
the Tamara : there are other rivers, in different parts of Britain, named Iscn and Esica, which 
derive their names from the Gaelic Ease, signifpng water: the Belgic Alauna, as well as the 
Alauna, in Northumberland, and the Alauna, in Perthshire, derive their name from the British 
Alwen, which, like the analogous Alain of the GaeHo, signifies the bright or clear stream: Durius is 
merely the latinized Dur, which, in the British and Irish, signifies water, and gives names to 
several rivers in Britain and in Ireland ; the Aboiia. as well as the Abona river in the country 
of the Cantae, in North-Britain, and the Avona river in the country of the Iceni, derive their 
names from the Biitish Avon, being the Iiish Ablian, signifying a river. The Taniesis, and the 
Tamer, derived their names from the British Taw, Tarn, Tern, Gaelic TamJi, signifying what 
expands or spreads, or what is cahn : the other British rivers named Tame, Tave, Tavy, and Taw, 
derive their appellations from the same source. The names of many of the Belgic towns end 
in Dun, or Dun-um ; as Duwim, liondiauiii, Yinchnuni, ^hlsvlunum : this termination equally 
appears, in the names of other towns, in different parts of Britain ; as Ga,raelodimnm. Higsbdunum, 
Mari'/'(/«H7rt. &c. ; and, Dunum is the name of the chief town of the Cauci, in Ireland, which is 
asserted to be a Belgic tribe : now. Dunum, and Dinum, are the latinized form of Dun, and Din, 
which, in the British and Irish, as well as in the ancient Gothic, signify a fortified place : the Dan, 
and Din. appear in the names of several towns in Gaul and in Spain. Tha towns of the proper 
Belgae are named Uxela, and Venta : now, Uxela is the latinized form of the British Uchel, 
signifying hiijh, lofty: and the same British word, which is still retained in the OcAiY-hiUs, also 
appears in the names of the Uxellnm promontorium, a point, at the mouth of the Humber, in the 
U.eelluni, a town of the Selgovae, in the Uxellum-Montes among the Novantes, in the Uxellnm- 
Montes among the Cantae, in Ross. Venta was also the name of the chief town of the Cenomani, 
in Norfolk : and all the Venta.^ derived their names from the British Gwent, which, in composition, 
is Went, signifying the open country : and thus was the British Went latinized Venta. Such, then, 
is the significant sameness, between the names of the Belgic tribes, their rivers and towns, in 
Sovith-Britain, and those in every other part of the same island : all are indisputably Celtic, and 
all are descriptive, in the British and GaeUc languages ; and, such are the jMts which stand op- 
posed to the doubtful authorities of ancient and modem times. 

{o) See Owen's Welsh Diet, in Art. The root of this word does not appear in anv of the 
Vol. I, D 



18 AnACCOUNT [Book I.— The Rmiuin Period. 

If the nearest shores of Britain were colonized from the neighbouring con- 
tinent, we might easily be convinced, that Ireland must have been originally- 
peopled from the nearest promontories of Great Britain, if fable, and system, 
and self-conceit, had not brought emigrants to the sacred isle from every 
country except the parental island. It is morally certain that Western 
Europe was originally settled by the Celtic people. Gaul, Spain, and Britain, 
remained in possession of Celtic tribes when Rome successively conquered 
those several regions. As there were no indigenes in Europe whatever Gibbon 
might think or Tacitus might talk ; as the stream of colonization ran from the 
east of Europe to the westward, Ireland, lying to the west of all those countries 
within the bosom of Britain, must have been settled by her children in the 
subsequent age to the peopling of Gaul, Britain, and Spain {p). All the pro- 
babilities, then, are in favour of the reasonable proposition which refers the 
population of Ireland to the people of Britain. 

With regard to this curious subject the taciturnity of history, and the 
loquaciousness of archaeology are equally uninstructive. Yet, amidst this 
obscurity, topography offers her informations to those inquirers after truth 
who can listen patiently to her lessons. The most early maps of Ireland are 
Ptolomy's Table and Richard's Supplement, which exhibit the names of 
places and of waters in that island during the second century : these topo- 
graphical notices may be compared with similar intimations In Britain : and, 
barbarized as those appellations are by tradition, and transformed by trans- 
cription, they yet evince to attentive minds, by their Gaelic names, that 
Ireland was originally colonized from Britain by Celtic tribes [q). 



Gothic languages : }'et, in some of tlie mixed dialects of the Gothic, a few derivatives from the 
Celtic root appear in analogous significations ; a cii-cumstance this which is far from uncommon 
in the Teutonic. 

( /) ) Diodorus Siculus who lived under J. Cjesar and Augustus says, Iris, the lerne, or 
Leland of that age, was inhabited by Britons. The map of Europe, indeed, evinces that the 
British isles embrace Ireland within theu- kindred bosoms. The western point of Caermarttenshire 
is only distant from the coast of L-eland five and thirty English miles ; and Holyhead is about 
sis and thirty : the Mull of Cantyre is only sixteen miles, and the Ehins of Galloway nineteen 
miles from the opposite shores of Leland : the nearest promontorj' of Gaul is distant from the 
nearest point of Ireland three hundred English miles ; while Cape Ortegal, in Spain, is not nearer 
to Cape Clear, in Ireland, than five hundred and twenty of the same miles. 

(q) We see as well in Ptolomy, as in Eichard, the tribe of the Briijantes both in Britain and in 
Ireland. The Domnii we perceive in Ireland, in North-Britain, and in South-Britain. There are, 
in Ireland, the Corimidii ; and the Coritani, and Corndbii, in Britain. In Ireland, there are the 



Ch. I.— The Aborijines.'] OfNORTH-BRITAIN. 19 

After the maps of Ptolomy and Richard, we have no other delineations of 
Ireland till much more recent ages(;'). Yet, in these, we equally see the 
same names of many waters in Britain and in Ireland, wliich can only be 
shown to have significance and meaning in the Celtic dialects, which were 
spoken by the original colonists of the sister islands. The undoubted certainty 
of the facts is demonstrable by the subsequent detail ; being a comparative 

Voluntii; and in Britain, the Vuluntii, or Vohintii, and tbe Sistiintii. There, are, in Ireland, the 
Vennicnii, and in Britain, the Venniconteft. We see in Ptolomy, the Gaiif/ain, the Camjaiii, in 
Richard ; the point of Caernarvonshire, which is the nearest land of South-Britain to Ireland, is 
called Gangaiwrum promontorium by Ptolomy, and by Richard, Cangwiorum promontorium ; and he 
calls the bay, on the south side of this promontory, Caiigaiiiis sinus : from these coincidences, we 
may easily infer, that the tribe of the Caiigani emigrated from the opposite coast to Ireland. On 
the east coast of Ireland, as we see in Ptolomy and Richard, there is a tribe of the Menapii, whose 
metropolis is Meiiapia: on the opposite point of South Wales, there is the town of Menapui. as placed 
by Richard : and from these coincidences, we may reasonably presume, that the Menapit of Wales 
were the progenitors of the Menapii of Ireland. There was a tribe, which equally bore the name 
of the Menapii, in Belgic Gaul. The Dur river, and Dmironn, in Ireland, are obviously from the Celtic 
Dur, or Dour, signifying water : this word appears in the names of certain rivers in Britain, in Gaul, 
and in Spain. The lerniis river, in Ireland, is derived from the same Celtic source as the lerna river 
in North-Britain, whereon stood the Roman station of Hierna. The Aiifona river in Ireland, which 
is iucoiTectly wi'itten Auwna, in some maps, is obviously the Celtic Avon, the name of so many 
rivers, in Britain, which is merely latinized into Aufona. The Senus is the latinized form of the 
Celtic Sen, which signifies great, gi-and, and slow. In either sense, it is a very appropriate name, 
for this river, which. Ware assures us, is the most noble river in Ireland ; and runs so slow as 
to stagnate into several lochs, in its extended course. Antiq. Hib. p. 4.S-4. The name of this 
fine river was first changed into Senen. then Shenen, and finally into Shannon. The Buvinda of 
Ptolomy is the Bui-on, or Yellow river of the Ii-ish. which is now called the Boijne. The Banna 
of Richard's map is the latinized name of the Celtic Bann, denoting a white coloured water, the 
same as the Bain, in Lincolnshire : there are, Ln Ireland, other two rivers named Ban. The 
Darabona of Richard's map, is ob\-iously the Celtic Dar-abhon, or Dar-avon, the Oak river. The 
Birgus of Ptolomy. which is vmdoubtedly the Barrow of modern maps, may have derived its 
significant name from Bir, Bior, signifying water : whence, Biorach. watry. The Deva of 
Richard's map is the same as the Devas in South, and North, Britain, the latinized name of the 
Celtic Dee. We may find a river Deva, in Ptolomy's map of Spain. On Ptolemy's and Richard's 
maps of Ii'eland, we may see the Argita river ; and in Gaul, Ptolomy marks the Argen. and Argentus, 
rivers : the root of these names is the Celtic Ar or Aer, which denotes a clear stream, or a rapid 
stream: there are several rivers of this name and quality in Britain, and in the other countries of 
Europe, which were settled bj' the Celtse. 

(rj O'Connor has. indeed, given, in his Dissertations, p. 170, " a map of L-eland agreeable to 
" the times of Ptolomy the geographer." This map is, in fact, compiled from the old Ii-ish 
historians, rather than from any preceding geographer : yet, it is obvious, that the names of places 
are all Gaelic, and not Gothic. 

d2 



20 



An account 



[Book I. — Tlie Roiiirin Period- 



statement of the names of rivers in Ireland and in Britain, with the subjoined 
meaning of each appellation from the Celtic language ; 



In Ireland : 



In Beitain : 



The Atrds, a remarkable peninsula, on the coast The Aird, a similar peninsula, on the east coast 

of Down. of Lewis. 

Ard-more. a promontor}' on the coast of Water- Ard-more, a promontory, in the kindred Firth 



ford. 
Arraii isles, in Galway-bay ; 
Airan isle, on the coast of Donegal. 
Adar, a river, in Mayo-count)' ; 

Aile, in Mayo-county ; 
A//e)i-locli, in Leitrim county ; 

A II cue river, in Cork ; 

Ara-glin river, in Cork ; 
Ari-gadeen river, in Cork ; 

Arj-ozv river, Loch-Arrow, in Sligo ; 

Aven-hanna. river, in Wexford ; 

Ai-en-hm river, in Cork; 

Aven-m.0Te rivers, two of this name in Mayo ; 

Ai'en-iaore river, in SHgo ; 

Aren-gorm, in SHgo ; and several other Avens, 

in Ireland. 
Aiil-diiff] or Ald-dtdili water, in Cork; 



of Clyde (1). 

Arraii Isle, in the Firth of Clyde ; 

Arran Isle, in Wales (2). 

Adder, a river, in Wiltshire ; Adur, in Sussex. 

.Af/f/er-black, Adder-white, in Berwickshire (3). 

Ale, in EoxburgsMre ; and Ale, in Berwickshire. 

Allen, or Allan, is the name of several rivers in 
South, and Nortli, Britain (4). 

Allou'. two rivers of this name, in Northumber- 
land (5). 

Arre river, in Cornwall; Are, in Yorkshire; 
Arm/, in Argyle ; Ai/r in Ayrshire ; and 
Ayr, in Cardigan (6). 

Arrow river, in Hereford ; Arro, in Warwick ; 

Arw, in Monmouthshire. 

Several rivers, both in South, and North, Britain, 
are named Avon, which, in the ancient 
British and Gaelic languages, signifies a 
river (7). 



Ald-dithh riviilet, in Perthshire (8). 



(1) The Gaelic Aird, signifying a point, or projection, is applied to several promontories on 
the coast of L-eland, and on the shores of North-Britain. 

(2) j4 ran, in the British, signifies a high place: it is the name of several mountains in Britain. 

(3) Aweddur (Brit.) signifies running water. 

C4) Alwen (Brit.) Alain (Gaelic) signify the white, or clear, stream. 

(5) Allow, or Ail-ow, means the clear, or bright, water; Aw, and Ow. in the British, and 
other dialects of the Celtic, signify water. 

(6) Air (Brit.) denotes the bright, or lucid, stream ; and Acr signifies the violent, or tumul- 
tuous stream. Aer-ow, or Aer-ivij, convey the same meaning. Jrw in ancient Gaulish signified rapid. 

(7) Avon-ban, signifies the white river ; Avon-hui, the yellow river ; At'on-more, the great river, 
and AvoH-f/orni. the blue river. These epithets appear frequently in the names of waters, and hills, 
in North-Britain. 

(8) Ald-dnbh. in Gaelic, signifies the black rivulet. The epithet duhh is frequently applied, iu the 
names of dark-coloured waters, in Britain and Ireland. See Duve. 



Cli. I. — The Aborigtnef:.'] 

In Ireland : 

Aw-heg river, in Cork ; 
Aney river, in Meatli ; 
Anne river, in Clare ; 

Bonn river, in Down ; 
Bonn river, in Wexford ; 
Avon Banna river, in Wesford ; 
Bandon river, in Londonderry ; 
Ben river, in Mayo. 
Bar river, in Donnegal. 
Barroiv river, in Kilkenny. 
Beg river, in Limerick ; 
Boir river, in Louth ; 
Bray river, in Dublin County ; 
Brow water, in Galway ; 

Callen river, in Kilkenny ; 
Camon river, in Tyrone ; 

Camlin river, in Longford ; 
Car lake, in Armagh ; 
Carrn lake, and river, in Kerry ; 
Cary river, in Antrim ; 
Carron river, in T}Tone ; 



Of NORTH-BRITAIN. 



21 



In Beitain : 



Aw river, and Aw loch, in Avgj'le (9). 
Auney river, in Devon ; 
Annan river, in Dumfries (10). 

Bane river, in Lincoln ; 

Banney river, in York ; 

Ban7i-oc-hum. in Stilling ; 

Banon river, in Pembroke ; 

Bain river, in Hertford (11). 

Barle river, in Somerset. 

Barrmv river, in Westmoreland (12). 

Biga river, in Montgomery (13). 

Boiv river, in Shropshire. 

Bray river, in Devon (14). 

Brue river, in Somerset (15). 

Calne river, in Wilts (16). 
Cam river, in Cambridgeshire ; 
Cam river, in Gloucester. 
Camel river, in Cornwall, <fec. (17). 
Car river, in Dorset ; 
Care river, in Devon ; 
Carraa river, in Gloucester ; 
Carron river, in Stuling (18). 



(9) Aw, in the British, and in the ancient Gaulish, signifies water: Aw-heg signifies the small 
water; as, Avon-beg signifies the little river. 

(10) An, Ana', or Annagh, in the Gaelic, signifies a water, a river; An, and Ana', are com- 
pounds, in the names of several waters in Britain. 

(11) Ban, Bane, Banna, Bannon, all signify the white water, from the Gaelic Bans, white. 

(12) Bar (Brit.) signifies impulse, fury ; and so is applicable to a rapid stream. 

(13) Beg river, is perhaps an imperfect translation of A\on-beg, signifying the little river. 

(14) B>-ai (Brit.) means the stream, that floods or swells. 

(15) The Bro, and Brue, have probably derived their names from the countries through which 
they run : Bro (Brit.) Bru. (Ir.) signify the level, or plain country, the vale, or borders, or banks 
of a river. 

(16) Caolan, in Gaelic, signifies the small water: hence, a small water, in Argyleshire, is named 
Caolan. Call-an, in British, means the water that is apt to run out of its channel. 

(17) Cam, Cam-on, Cam-lin, denote the crooked, or bending water, from the British and 
Gaelic, Cam : it is a compound, in the names of several streams of this description, in Britain ; 
as Cam-\as, in Brecknock. Cam-let, in Shropshire : Cam-hec, in Cumberland, &c. 

(18) Car, Carra, and Carran, signify the winding water: there are several winding streams in 
North-Britain named Carron. 



22 



An account 



[Book I. — Tlie Itoiiian Period. 



In Irel.vnt) : 

Clyde river, in Loutli county ; 
Clodajli river, in King's county ; 
CloilfV/h river, in Fernianagli ; 
Clody river, in Londonderry ; 
Cidanij river, in Sligo ; 

Dee river, in Louth, the Deva of Ptolemy ; 

Dearij river, and lake, in Donnegal ; 
Dearig loch, in Longford ; 

Derina loch, in Kerry ; 
Glen Don river, in Antrim ; 
Doro river, in Dublin county ; 
Z)ojv> river, in Queen's county ; 
Dorrij water, in Wicklow ; 
Diive river, in Kildare ; 



Li Beitain : 

Clyde river, in Lanarkshire ; and Cluyd in 'Wales. 

Clydach. two of this name, in Pembroke. 

Cledich, in Glamorgan ; C/edacli. two rivers of 

this name, in Brecknock (19). 
Ciilan water, in Banffshire (20). 

Dee river, in Wales ; two Dees in North-Britain, 
the DevcK of Ptolomy (2 1 ). 

Dearg-an water, in Argyle ; several rivulets, and 
some lochs in North-Britain, are named Dearg, 
from the red colours of their waters (22). 

Deren river, in Caermarthen (23). 

Don river, in Aberdeen (24). 

Dour water, in Fife, and Dour water, in Aber- 
deen : and hence the names of Aberdour. 

Durar water. Argyle (25). 

Dove river, in Staffordshire (26). 



(19) Clyd (Brit.) Cliid (Jx.) signify wai-m, sheltered: Clydach, of a warm or sheltered nature: 
Clydog is a diminutive form of the word : the L'ish Clodaglis may possibly mean, indeed, from 
analogy, the sUmy or db-ty waters ; from Clodaijh, dirt, slime. 

(20) Cul-an (Brit.) signifies the naiTow or confined water. 

(21) The name of the Dee is probably derived from the British Dtv, which is pronounced like 
Dee, and signifies the dark coloured stream : the Gaelic foinn of the word is Dubh, which is pro- 
nounced Duv, and m;iy account for the ancient name of Deva, that was given it by Richard and 
Ptolomy. 

(22) Dearg, and Dearg-an, signify. La Gaelic, the red water. 

(23) Dair-an (Brit, and Ir.) signifies the oak water ; and Daran (Brit.) means the sonorous or 
noisy stream. But the Der, in these names, is perhaps only a variation of Dar, water, which is 
common to all the dialects of the Celtic. 

(24) Dwn (Brit.) Don (L'.) signifies dusky, or discoloured, which is characteristic of the 
colour of those waters : the Doun, in Ayrshire, retains its original name, in the British form. 

(25) All these streams derive their names from the Celtic Dur, or Dour, signifying water. In 
the British, it is Dm-; in Cornish, Dowr ; in Gaelic, Dur, or Dobhar, which is pronounced 
Dour; in the ancient Gaulish Dur, and Dour; and in Bas Breton Dur. The Dur is a compound 
in the names of many British rivers, as the Gal-dnr's, Qlas-dur, Dur-hack, &c. There is a Dur 
river, and there is a Dourona river, in Ptolomy's map of Ireland. 

(26) These, and several other rivers of similar names, have probably derived their appellations 
from the Gaelic Dobh, or Dove, signifying boisterous, swelling ; or more probably from Dubh, 
Dow. denoting, like the British Dee, the dusky, or dark colour of the water. This epithet appears in 



Ch.l.—T lie Aborigines.'} Of FOETH-BEITAIN. 

In Ireland : In Britain ; 



23 



Ayon-Eti, or Ea river, rises from hoch-Ea, in Ea river, in Dumfries ; Ei/ river, in Berwick ; 

Donegal. and Ey river, in Aberdeen (27). 

Erne loch, in Westmeatb, mistakenly called Erne river, and Erne loch, in Perthshire ; Erne 

Iron loch ; river, now called Findhorn. in Elginshire ; 

Erne river, and Ertie loch, in Fennanagh, and Emn water, in Eenfrew (28). 

Cavan ; 

Esk river, and Jjoch-Esl:, in Donegal ; Esk is the name of a number of rivers in Britain, 

Esty river, in Sligo : from the Gaelic Esc, Ease, signif3-ing 

Esker river, in King's county : water. 



Feal river, in Kerry ; 

Fallen river, in Longford ; 

Fane river, in Louth ; 

Fina river, in Monaghan ; 

Finn river, and loch, in Donegal ; 

Foy river, in Waterford ; 

Foyle river, in Londondeny ; hoch-Evyle, in 

Donegal ; 
Ftiogh river, in Galway ; 



Fale, or Fain rivei-, in Cornwall. 

Fall water, in Perthshire (29). 

Fane loch, in Sutherland (30). 

Fine loch, in Argyle. 

Fin rivulet, in Argyle ; Fin loch, in Ayr ; Fin- 

glan-water, in Lanerk(l). 
Foy river, in Com wall (2). 
Foyle, which gives name ioAhcr-Foyle, in Perth (3). 

Fevgh river, in Kincardineshire (4). 



the names of many British waters : the name of Black water, which several streams bear in Ireland 
and in Britain, is a mere translation from the Gaelic Uisye-dtihh, and Avon-diihli. Spenser men- 
tions in his Fairy Queen, 

" Swift Avinduff. which, of the Englishman, 
" Is called Blakewater, and the Liffer-deep." 

(27) Ea, Ey, Eu\ and Aw, all signify n-ater in the old Celtic. 

{2S) The Ernes may have derived their names from the British .4 crox, or Airon; signifying the 
briylit or foamy stream. A river in the south of Ireland which is different from the Ernes in 
the text, is called by Ptolomy leriius: the ancient name of the Erne \r\ Perthshire is preserved in 
the name of the Eonian station of Hierna, which was placed on its banks : the origin of the whole 
may be perhaps found in the British Er ; signifying an impulse or progression. 

(29) Feal, Full, and Fallen, deiive their names from the British Fall, denoting what spreads 
out, a .spread. 

(30) Fan, and Fana. in the Gaelic, signifies a descent, or declivity, also lower. 

(1) All those waters which are named Finn and Finne derive their appellations from the 
Gaelic Fion, or Finn ; signifying white. Finn enters into the fonnation of the names of several 
waters, in North-Britain ; as Fin-raorae, /-'j^i-glass, Fin-em, &c. 

(2) Foy, Faoi, in the Gaelic signify the noisy or sonorous stream. 

(3) Foile is the English orthography of the Gaelic Phoil, which is an inflection of the Pol, and 
is applied both to a loch and to a slow-ninning water : it is put in the oblique case from having 
the terms Avon, Loch, or Aber, prefixed to it. 

(4) Fiior/h, and Fetiyh. may have derived their names from the Gaelic Fio'ach, Fin'acli, signify- 
ing woody ; or from Fnachd. cold, chill. 



24 



An account 



In Ireland : 



[Book I. — The Roman Period. 
In Britain : 



Geron point, a piomontoiy on tlie coast of Garon point, a promontory on tlie coast of 



Antrim ; 
Gara lough, in Sligo ; 
Gale river, in Kerry ; 
Gara river, and Loch-Gara, in Sligo ; 

Garnere water, in Clare ; 
Glass locli, in Westmeatli ; 
Gui-hixn-a, river, in Donegal ; 
G«J-doro river, in Donegal ; 



Kincardineshire (5). 

Gare loch, in Dumbarton ; Gore loch, in Boss. 

Gala river, in Selkirk (6). 

Gam/ river, in Perthshire ; Garry river, in In- 
verness (7). 

Garnar river, in Hereford. 

(?/«.< river and loch, in Inverness (8). 

Giiij-le river, in Caenaarthen. 

Guy-thel, in Herefordshire (9). 



Inver river falls into Iiiver bay, at Liver village, Inver river falls into Loch-Iiwer, in Suther- 
in Donegal. • land (10). 



Kelvin river, in Londonderry ; 

Layan water, in Antrim ; 
Lagan, or Logan water, in Down ; 
Logan water, in Louth ; 
Lee I'iver, in Kerry ; 
Lee river, in Cork ; 
Leane river, in Kerry. 



Kelvin river, in Lanerk. 

Logan loch, in Inverness ; 

Logan water, in Dumfries ; 

Logan water, in Lanerk (11). 

Lee river, in Hertford ; 

Lee river, in Cheshire (12). 

Line river, in Northumberland ; Lyne river, in 

Peebles ; and several others of the same 

name, in Britain (13). 



(5) Garran, in the British signifies a Shank, what stretches out. 

(6) The Gale, and Gala, may be derived from the British Gal, signifying what breaks out, 
or makes an irruption ; and, secondarily, from the British Geal, denoting white, bright. 

(7) Garra, and Garry, signify the rough or impetuous river, from Garw, (Brit.), Garbh, 
(Gaelic), rough, a torrent. Several torrents in Britain are named from this source. 

(8) The epithet Glass, which signifies grey, blue, or green, in the British and Gaelic, is applied 
to a number of waters in Britain ; as Glas-inr, Fin-glass, and a variety of streams named Duglas. 

(9) These and many other streams in Britain derive their names from the British Givy, signify- 
ing water, a stream : and the same, in Cornish. The same Gwy frequently appears in the names 
of ^rivers in the form of Wy, Uy ; as the (g) is dropt in composition. 

(10) Inbhear, in the Gaelic, which is pronounced Lwer, denotes the mouth of a river, the 
influx of a river into the sea, or into a lake, or the influx of one river into another : hence, the term 
Inver has in a few instances been transferred to the rivers themselves. 

(11) These waters probably derived their names from the valleys through which they run as 
Lagan, and Logan, in the Gaelic, signify a hollow. 

(12) Lit, in the British signifies a flux, a flood, a stream. Ana'-/ee has its prefix from the 
Irish Ana', a river. 

(13) Llyn, in the British, and Linne, in the Gaelic, signify what proceeds or is in motion, what 



Cli. I.— The Aborigines.'] OpNOETH-BEITxVIN. 25 

In Ireland : In Britain : 

Liffar river, whicli was called by Spenser the Liver river, in Cornwall ; 

Liffar deep; Zwer river, in Argyle (14) 
Louijh, and Loch, are every where, in L-eland ; Llwch, and Loch, are eveiy where, in Wales and 

Scotland (15). 

Mai<j river, in Limerick ; Mcag river, in Eoss-shire (16). 

Mmjne river, in Antrim ; Mayne river, in Stafford ; 

Maytie river, in Desmond ; Main water, in Wigton ; 

Manrj river, in Kerrj' ; Mean water, in Dumfries (17). 

Mitlla river, in Cork ; Mulle river, in Montgomeiy ; Moule river, in 

Moyle river, in Tyi'one ; Devon ; Mole river, in Sun-ey (18). 

Neagh lough, in Antrim ; Neag water, in Denbigh (19). 

Roe river, in Londonderry ; Roy river, in Inverness ; 

Rohe river, in Mayo ; Rue river, in Montgomery (20). 

Rye river, in Kildare ; Rye river, in Yorkshire ; Rye river, in Ayi'. 



flows, water, a pool, a lake. The word frequently appears in the names of rivers in Britain, 
particularly of such as form pools. Loin, in Gaelic, signifies a rivulet ; and is frequent in the 
topogi-aphy of North-Britain. Lliua is the plural of the British Z//, a flood. 

(14) The Liffar, and J^iver, as well as the I-^iffy, which bisects Dublin, derive their names 
from the British Lif, or Lliv ; signifying a flood or inmidation. The rivers, named Y-lif, which 
are now Ila, and Hen, in Britain, have their names from the same source. 

(15) The British TAicch, and the Gaelic Loch, or Louch, signifying an influx of water, a lake, 
are everywhere, in Britain, and Ireland, applied to inlets of the sea ; and to lakes. 

(16) The Maig, and the Meag, may have derived their names from the British Maig, signifying 
a sudden turn, or course ; or, perhaps, from the Gaelic Mcag, denoting the ivhey colour of their 
waters. The Meggit water in Peebles, the Meggit in Dumfries, the Miglo in Fife, and the Migil 
in Sutherland, probably derive their names from the same source. 

(17) Mayne, Main, and Mean, may derive their names from the Gaelic ]\[eadhon, which is 
pronormced Mean ; signifying the middle : so Avon-Mean signifies the middle river ; or, perhaps, 
from the British Mai-an ; signifying the agitated, or troubled water ; which is, indeed, characteristic 
of those several streams. 

(18) The British Moel, and the Gaelic Maol, signify bare, naked; and may have, therefore, 
been applied to those waters, from the circumstance of their being naked, by being without the 
covering of wood : Mrvl (Brit), means close, warm : Mol, (Gaelic), of which Mhoil, and MItiiil, 
are inflections, signify loud, noisy. The Miil/a is often called by Spenser, by the endearing 
epithet, inine ; as it ran through his domain. 

(19) Neach, in Gaelic, signifies an apparition; Neoch, in Gaelic, means good, and originally 
meant anything noble, excellent, eminent. Collect. Hibern., v. 3. p. 279. In this sense it is very 
applicable to loch Neagh, which is certainly the largest lake, in Ireland. 

(20) Roe, Roy, and Rue, all signify the red coloured water, from the Gaelic Rua\ Riiai. red : 
the analogous word, in the British, is Rhiuld. 

Vol. I. E 



26 



An account 



[Book I.— The Roman Period. 



In Ieeland ; 
Rea loeb, in Galway ; Rei locli, in Roscommon ; 

Slaneij river, in Wexford ; Slaan river, in Cork ; 
Suire river, in Waterford ; 

Swel/i/ river, in Donegal ; Swilli/ river, and Sivi/ly 

loch, in Donegal ; 
Ta loch, in Wexford ; 
Tai/ river, in Waterford. 
Tnoiie rivei', in Cork ; 
Tulu-clea, river, in FeiTnanagh ; 
Urrin river, in Wexford ; 
Avon- Ure, in Boscommon ; 



In Britain ; 

Rea river, in Shropshire ; A'lrt river, in Warwick ; 

Rei) or Rail, in Wilts (21) 

Slanic vv^ater, in Perthshire (22). 

Sotvre river, in Leicester; Swere river, in Ox- 
ford (23). 

Swail river, in Yorkshire ; Swail, two of this 
name, in Kent ; Swily, in Glocester (24). 

Taw river, in Devon ; Tan loch, and river, in 
Perth ; Taw liver, in Glamorgan (25). 

Tone river, in Somerset (26). 

Tuile river, in Fife (27). 

Urrin river in Eoss-shire ; 

Urr river, in Galloway ; Urie river, in Aber- 
deen (28). 



(2 1 ) Rea, Rey, and Rye, rivers, derive their names from their quality of quickness of flow : 
Rhe, (Brit.), Eei', and Rea', (Gaelic), signify a swift motion, rapid : Uisye-rea', and Uisye-rei', 
signify literally runnitirj ivatcr; of which Rea water, or Rea river, is a half translation. 

(22) Slaan, and Slaney, may have derived their names, from the Gaelic Easc-lan ; signifjring 
the full water. 

(23) In the Irish, and other dialects of the Celtic, Sur, and Suir, signify water. Collect. 
Hibem. v. 3. p. 147 ; and Bullet, mem. in voc. Suyh (Gaelic) and Siiyh (British), means juice, 
or liquor. 

(24) Suaill, in the Gaelic, signifies small, and Sua!/, famous : but neither of these tenns are 
very applicable to the objects : these rivers may have borrowed their names from the nature of the 
countries through which they ran : ys-wal, in the British, signifies a sheltered place, an inhabited 
or cultivated country. 

(25) These, and various other similar names of rivers in Britain, are all derived from the British 
Ta, Tati; Gaelic Tamh, Tar, signifying what expands, or spreads; also, what is still, or quiet: 
the fine expanses foi-med by these waters justify the propriety of their British appellation : Tay is 
the English pronunciation of the British Taw. 

(26) Ton (fem.), Tmi (masc), in the British, and also in the Gaelic, denote a water, which 
forms sm-ges, or waves, in its roll : but. these names are, perhaps, merely a variation of Tain, 
which anciently signified a river, in the British, as well as in the old Gaulish. 

(27) Both these rivers derive their names from the Gaelic Tuile. a flood. The Gaelic Tuile enters 
into the formation of other names of streams, in Britain; as Ayon-tfniile. or Avon-idle; Tvi/e-i\t, 
a stream, in Aberdeenshire. 

(28) Avon-'«fo-, (Gaelic), and Avon-oer, (Brit.), signify the coM river : Avon-;(v/)-, (Brit). 
Aven-?n-, (Gaelic) signify the pure, or fresh river. 



Ch. I.— The Abovi'jines. OpNORTH-BBITAIN. 27 

From this comparative view of the rivers of Ireland, and of Britain, arises a 
moral certainty, that the British islands were originally settled, by the same 
Celtic tribes. This certainty might even be made more certain, by a com- 
parison of the names which the first colonists imposed on the other great 
objects of nature. Of these, islands and insulated places have the Gaehc 
name of Inis, which appears from the maps in the various forms of Insh, Inch, 
Incc, Ennis ; and which is the same as the Cambro-British Ynys, and the Cornish 
Ennis (a). Of the mountains, several are named from the Gaelic Sliabh ; as 
Sliahh-sneacht, the snow mountain, in Donegal ; Sliabh-damh, the stags' moun- 
tain, in Sligo ; Sliabh-glas, the grey mountain, in Cavan ; Slahh-bui, the yellow 
mountain, in "Wexford (b). The Gaelic hein, signifying a mountain, is the 
general appellative of many hills ; as Ben-dubh, the black mountain, in 
Tipperary ; Ben-levagh, in Galway ; i?e?i-balbagh, i?(?n-icolben in Sligo. Several 
heights have the Gaelic prefix Mam, which also signifies a mountain ; as 
Mam-Stxty, in Mayo ; il/am-trasna, in Galway. Several hills are named, 
from the Gaelic Cnoc or Knoc, a hill; Knoc-hreac, the speckled hill, in 
Cork; Cnoc-na-shi, the fairy hill, in Sligo. The Gaelic Cruacli, a high heap; I j 
Cam, a heap ; Midlach, a summit ; Dun, a hill, enter into the names of many 
hills in Ireland. AU those Gaelic compounds appear equally conspicuous in 
the topography of Scotland, and equally evince that a Gaelic people imposed 
those several names on remarkable places in both those countries. 

The great body of the names of places in the map of Ireland is undoubtedly 
Gaelic (c). Many names, as we might expect, are derived from Ach or Acha, 
which is frequently spelt Agh by the English, and signifies a Jield. Many 
names are formed from the Gaelic Clo7i or Cluain, signifying a pasturage. 
Several names are derived from Ard, a height ; and from Dram or Drum, 
a ridge. A number of names are compounded with the Gaelic Dun, which 
originally signified a hill, and secondarily a strength or fortress : it often 
appears in the form of Dun, Don, Down. Several names are derived from Rath, f j 
which also signifies in the Gaelic a -place of secuHty , a strength, a village (d). w 

(«) In tlie Comisli. tlie same term is Ynys, Ennis, and Lice. Piyce's Arch. Li the Bas 
Breton, it is liiis : and in the ancient Gaulish, Inis, and )'»y.«. 

(6) The Gaelic Sliabh is spelt slew, in Speed's maps, which is the spelHng of Spenser ; because 
it is the English pronunciation : but, in Beaufort's map of Ireland, and in several of the late 
county maps, the orthogi'aphy of Sliabh is more analogically Sliebh, and Sliev. 

(c) See Beaufort's map, which has best preserved the Gaelic names of the old Irish people. 

{<l) Rath in the Gaelic, and Rhdth in the British, signified originally a plain, or cleared 
spot, such as the Celtic inhabitants of the British isles usually fixed their habitations on. Rath, in 

E2 



28 AnACOOUNT [Book I.— The Roman Period. 

Cahir and Car form the prefixes of some names in the topography of Ire- 
land (e), as Caer and Car do in Walea, in Cornwall, and also iii Scotland, and 
all these are derived from the British Caer or the Gaelic Cathair, winch is 
pronounced Cair, signifying a wall or mound for defence, a fortified place, a 
fortress, lijortified town. There is a numei'ous class of names which is much 
more modern, because those names were generally imposed both in Ireland and 
in Scotland after the epoch of Christianity, and which appears under the form 
of Cil or Kil, signifying a cell, a chapel, a church. 

Ireland plainly preserves in her topography a much greater proportion of 
Celtic names than the map of any other country, and next to it in this respect 
may be placed North-Britain. The names of towns, villages, churches, parishes, 
mountains, lakes, rivers, and of other places and objects in Ireland are 
nearly all Gaelic. A small proportion are English, or of a mixed natm-e, 
consisting of Gaelic and English. The names of places, which appear to be 
derived from the Scandinavian rovers who made some settlements on the coasts 
of Ireland during the ninth and tenth centuries, are so very few that they 
would scarcely merit notice if they did not illustrate the obscurities of history : 
and the Scandian names are confined to the coast, as Ave know from Ware {/), 
the Eastmen were in their residence, and these appellations are chiefly con- 
spicuous from their giving names to some of the marine towns. The mixed 
names are composed by grafting English words on Irish roots, as Lif-ford, 
Achil-head, Ban-foot, Baile-horougli, Gil-ford, Ahhey-feal. The English ap- 
pellations are such as Ahing-ton, Ac-ton, HiUs-horoiir/h, Lanes-horough, Mary- 
horough. New-town, New-castle, Long-ford, Stratford. The termination of 
ford in those names and in others, as it merely signifies the passage of several 
waters, must not be confounded, as Ware and Harris have mistakenly done, 
with the affix ford in 'W ex. ford, Wa,ter-ford, CarVing-ford, Strang-ybrcZ. The 
fact evinces that in these names the ford is affixed to some hay, frith, or 
haven, and consequently must be the Scandinavian ford, which denotes such 
collections of water. The names which were applied to various objects in 

the Gaelic also signified a siiretij : hence the term was applied by the old Irish and by the Sooto- 
Ii-ish to the villages in which they lived, to the seats of their Flait/is or Princes, and to the fortress 
or place of security : Rath is the common appellation for the ancient Irish Forts, most of which were 
situated on eminences, the same as in Britain : yet, this -n-oll-known Celtic word, which was so 
frequently applied by the Gaelic people of L-eland and of North-Britain to their villages and strengths. 
has been deduced by speculation from the Geiman Rat, which has quit 3 a different meaning! Trans, 
of the Irish Academy, v. 8. Antiq. p. 5. 

(f) See Beaufort's Map, and his Index. {/) Antiq. Hibern. ch. 24. 



Ch. I.— The ALoriffifies.'] OfNOETH-BEITAIN. 29 

Ireland by the Eastmen are so few as to admit of being enumerated. Tlie 
names of Wex-fo7-d, Water-ford, Cuvlmg-fovd, 8tva.ng-ford, which are all con- 
nected with hays, need not be repeated : it is of more importance to note, that 
the native Irish still use their own vernacular names for these towns, as 
Waterford is by them called Port-Lairge, Wexford Loch-garman. The name 
of Wicklow is somewhat doubtful : Wik in the Scandinavian signifies a hay or 
creek, and also a fortress or strength ; but the term is also in the Anglo- 
Saxon and in old English : and the affix loio in Wick-ZoH', Ark-low, Car-?0(r, 
may possibly be derived from the old English loiv, a hill or rising ground, 
which was borrowed from the Anglo-Saxon hlaew (g). Smerwick, a bay on 
the coast of Kerry, is probably the Srnerivick of the Scandinavians, signifying 
the butter-haven. The Olderfeete-heiven, in Speed's map of Antrim, seems 
also to be a Scandian name. The Scandinavian ey, signifying an island, ap- 
pears to have furnished a few names of islands with terminations, such as the 
islets of Dalk-ey, Lamb-a?/, Ireland's-eye, on the coast of Dublin ; the Salt-ee 
islands, on the coast of Donegal ; Om-ey island, on the coast of Galway ; 
Durs-e^ island, on the coast of Cork ; Whidd-?/ island, in Banti-y-bay. Holm- 
Patrick, an islet on the coast of Dublin, is probably the Scandinavian Holm, an 
islet, though holm also signifies an islet in the Anglo-Saxon speech. But 
these form very few of the numerous isles lying around the shores of Ireland, 
the great body whereof is named from the Gaelic Tnis, and a few indeed 
have English appellations. The names of Limen'cyt, of Lein.sier, of Mwnster, 
and of Ulster were plainly formed from the vernacular names of Gaelic times 
by the addition of Scandinavian terminations. The Irish name of Luim-neach 
was converted by the Scandinavian intruders into Limerick. To the Gaelic 
appellations of Laighean, Mumhain, and Ulladh, which are pronounced like 
Laiean, Muain, and Ulla, the Scandinavians who settled on their shores 
added the Gothic term Stadr or Ster, and thus formed Leinsier, M.ua.r\sfer, 
and Ulster : and these compounded names, which were more familiar to the 
English of the twelfth century, were by them adopted and continued, while 
the native Irish still use their own vernacular names, with the prefix Coige, 
signifying a province. Such are the few names which the Scandinavians im- 
posed on the places of Ireland : and the topography of Ireland, which exhibits 

(jj) See Gibson's Sax. Chron. Rajulie Generales, p. C, 7. Yet Carlow is merely a corruption of the 
vernacular Irish name Catliair-lowjli, signifying the fortress or town on the lake. See Collect. Hibem. 
V. 3. p. 340. This name is pronounced in Irish Cairlough, and by the English Carlow : so the ter- 
minations of Arllow and Wicklow may also be from the Irish loiiah, which is pronounced loio by the 
English : \hefact must decide many such doubtful positions. 



30 



An account 



[Book I. — The Roman Period. 



none of those Gothic appellations at any distance from the coast, to which 
they were confined, altogether corresponds with their history as we read it in 
"Ware's Antiquities : nor is there to be seen one mountain, lake, river, town, 
village, or any other object in the ulterior of this Celtic island which bears a 
Scandinavian name. 

The Index to Beaufort's map, which may be deemed the villare of Ireland, 
contains 3342 names of cities, towns, baronies, villages, parishes, churches, 
mountains, lakes, rivers, bays, promontories, and islands : of these 3028 are 
GaeUc names; 171 are mixed names of Gaelic and English; 623 appellations are 
English ; and of the whole only 20 names are Scythic, Scandinavian, or Gothic. 
The several proportions of those various names are exhibited in the subjoined 
table under the different letters of Beaufort's alphabet (h). 

This table, then, furnishes a moral demonstration of the historic truths, that 
Ireland was originally colonized by Gaelic people from Great Britain, and 



(//) A Table sliowing tlie respective numbers of the several names of towns, villages, parishes, 
mountains, lakes, rivers, bays, promontories, and islands, in Beaufort's map of Ireland, and 
exhibiting the proportion of Gaelic, English, and Scandinavian designations under each letter 
of the Alphabet. 





Gaelic. 


Mixt, Gaelic 
and English. 


English. 


Scandian. 


The Total. 


Names in A - 


187 


13 


5 





205 


B - 


387 


12 


88 





487 


C - 


409 


29 


91 


1 


530 


D - 


•270 


8 


10 


2 


290 


E - 


39 


2 


4 





45 


F - 


74 


4 


17 





95 


G - 


88 


7 


30 





125 


H - 


2 





33 


2 


37 


I - 


99 


3 


10 


1 


113 


K - 


G50 


3 


7 





660 


L - 


127 


3 


17 


3 


150 


M- 


182 


12 


57 


1 


252 


N - 


20 


7 


48 





81 


- 


3.5 


4 


6 


2 


47 


P - 


22 


2 


33 





57 


Q - 








3 





3 


R - 


143 


4 


26 





173 


S - 


117 


8 


84 


3 


212 


T - 


1.58 


47 


18 





1 223 


U and V 


13 


3 


6 


1 


23 


W- 








26 


4 


30 


Y - 





" 


4 





4 




3028 


171 


623 


•20 


3842 



Ch. I.— The Ahorijinex.l OfNOETH-BEITAIN. 31 

that a Scandinavian race never settled beyond the shores of the sacred island. 
Such are the instructive helps which the topography of Ireland supplies to the 
obscure history of her successive colonists from the earliest to recent times. 
The stone monuments of the first settlers which still remain, confirm the just 
representation that has been given of their original country and genuine 
lineage {i). 

From those authentic facts and satisfactory circumstances, it is reasonable to 
infer that the British isles were all settled by the same people during the most 
early times. If Europe was originally peopled by the gradual progress of 
migrations by land ; if the nearest continent colonized the adjacent islands ; if 
the shores of South-Britain were thus peopled from Gaul, we may thence infer, 
that the northern districts of the same island were settled by migrants from 
the South, who were induced by curiosity, or urged by interest, to search for 
new settlements, while the original impulse yet produced its early eftects. This 
reasoning is confirmed by facts. It will be found that the Celtic tribes of 
North-Britain practised the same worship, followed the same manners, and 
spoke the same language : and these circumstances are proofs which demon- 
strate the sameness of the people, with greater conviction, than the fanciful 
theories of philosophers or the absurder intimations of ignorant chroniclers. 

In every history, it is of the greatest importance to ascertain the origin of the 
people, whose rise, and progress, and fortune it is proposed to investigate. 
But, in an account of Nwth-Britain, that object becomes still more important, 
when it is considered how often its aborigines have been traced to various 
sources, and how much its annals are involved in singular obscurity. Whether 
the aborigines of North-Britain were of a Gaelic or a Gothic origin has been 
disputed with all the misinformation of ignorance, and debated with all the 
obstinacy of prejudice. The lineage and the chronology of the Caledonians, 
the Picts, and the Scots, have been investigated with the zeal of party rather 
than the intelligence and the candour of rational inquirers, who examine 
much more than dispute. 

Under such circumstances it becomes necessary to offer with regard to such 
inquiries, proofs which come near to demonstration. We have seen that the 
Bi-itish isles were peopled by Celtic tribes in the most early ages. These 

(j) It is not tlie Round Towers which are here referred to, and which are of much more recent 
erection ; but the Cairns, the Circles of Stones, the Cromlechs, which are of the first ages. See 
Wright's Louthiana, bk. iii. pi. 3, 4, 5, G ; Gough's Camden, v. 3, pi. xxxv. xlvi. xlviii ; King's 
Munimenta Antiqua, v. i. p. 282 — 3 ; Grose's Antiq. Ireland, introd. p. xi ; Smith's Hist. Cork, v. ii. 
pi. xii. xiii. 



32 



An account 



[Book I — The Eoman Period. 



settlements were made during distant times while only one race of men in- 
habited Western Europe. The Gothic migrations which are but recent when 
compared with the colonization of Europe, had not in those times begun. 
And, from those intimations we might easily infer that the Gaulish tribes 
who planted the southern parts of Britain found a ready course throughout 
every division of Britain, and a final settlement in the northern districts of the 
same island. In our subsequent progress we shall see history recognise and 
topography confirm that rational notion of the original colonization of North- 
Britain, [k) This region during the first century is a small but genuine mirror 

{Ic) A comparison of the appellations of the tribes, and of the names of places in South and North- 
Britain, as they are stated by Ptolomy and Richard, will furnish a decisive proof that the tribes in 
both were of the same lineage, and that the names of places, in both those countries -were imposed 
by the same Gaelic colonists. They are, 

In South-Beitain. In Nobth-Beitain. 

(1) The Carnabii of Cornwall; the Camabii of (1) The Carnabii of Caithness. 
Cheshire and Shropshire ; 
The Cantae of Kent ; 
The Damnii of Devon ; the Damnii of Ire- 



land; 
The Tri-novantes of Esses, and Middlesex ; 



The Cantae of Eoss-shire. 

The Damnii of Clydesdale, of Renfrew, and 

Ayr. 
The Novantes of Galloway. 



(2) The Sylva Caledonia of Norfolk ; and Suf- (2) The Sylva Caledonia of the interior high- 

folk ; 

Uxella, a town of the Hedui ; 

Usella, a river of Somerset ; 

Uxellum promontorium, at the mouth of the 
Humber ; 

Lindum, at Lincoln, a town of the Coitani ; 

Eerigonium, a town of the Sistuntii, in Lan- 
cashire ; 

Varis, in Wales ; 

(3) The Alaima, a river of the Belgaj ; 



The Esca, a river, in Devon ; 
The Isca, or Esca, in Wales ; 
The Abona, which falls into the Severn ; 

The Deva, a river in Wales ; and in Ii-eland ; 



lands. 

Uxellum, a town of the Selgovse. 

Uxellum monies of Galloway. 

Pf)i-Uxellum promontorium, at the mouth of 
Dornoch frith. 

Lindum at Ai-doch, a town of the Damnii. 

Eerigonium, a town of the Novantes, in Gallo- 
way. 

Varis, in Murray. 
(3) The Alauna. whereon stood Alauna, a town of 
the Damnii. 

The Esica, in Angus, and others of the same 
name, in North-Britain. 

The Abona, which separates the Cantse and 
Logi. 

The Deva, a river in Galloway, and in Aber- 
deen. 

The Nidus, a river in Galloway. 

The Tina, a river of the Veni-icones, in Angus. 



The Nidus, a river in Wales ; 
The Tina, a river of the Ottodini, in Nor- 
thumberland ; 

This comparative statement, then, exhibits not similarities, but samenesses ; and thereby clearly 
shows that the same people must have originally imposed all those names on the same persons and 
places. 



Ch. I.— The Ahoriiimes] OpNORTH-BEITAIN. 33 

of Gaul during the same age. North-Britain was inhabited by one and twenty 
clans of Gaelic people, whose polity, like that of their Gaelic progenitors, did not 
admit of very strong ties of political union. They professed the same religious 
tenets as the Gauls, and performed the same sacred rites : their stone monu- 
ments were the same, as we know from remains. Their principles of action ; 
their modes of life ; their usages of burial, were equally Gaelic : and, above 
all, their expressive language, which still exists, for the examination of those 
who delight in such lore, was the purest Celtic. 

To leave no doubt, with regard to the Aborigines of North-Britain, v/hich is 
of such importance to the truth of history, there will be immediately subjoined 
proofs of that simple notion of their original settlement, which amount to a 
moral demonstration. These proofs will consist of an accurate comparison 
between the names of places in South-Britain, and the same names in North- 
Britain, under the following heads : (1.) Promontories, hills, and harbours ; 
(2.) Rivers, rivulets, and waters ; (3.) Miscellaneous names of particular 
distiicts. Now, the identity of the names of places in both the divisions of 
our island being certain, as well the fact as their meaning, no doubt can 
remain but the same people must have imposed the same names on the same 
objects in the north and in the south of the British islands. In this topo- 
graphical investigation, wliich is as new as it is interesting, we at once proceed 
to inquire : 

I. Of PEOMONTOEIES, HAEBOUES, and HILLS. 

In South-Beitain ; In Nobth-Beitain ; 

.4fe(, (laigli cliff). ) , ^.,, ,• p . 11 ^j'te, a liigli, rocky, island in the Frith of Clyde. 

A/stdii, (high cliff),) ' ^ '^ ' ■ Aha, a rocky isle in Loch-Crinan, Argyleshire (1). 



(1) Als (Corn.), a cliff; Allt (Brit.), a cliff; All (Ir.), a rock, or chff ; Alt. m ancient Gaulish, 
a height, a hill. The language which is made use of in the whole of this enquiiy is taken from the 
following sources, and is supported by the subjoined authorities : the British and Ai-moric from the 
Dictionaries of Davies and Ehydderich, of Eichards and Owen, and Lhuyd's Archaiologia : the 
Cornish from Pryce's Archaiologia, and Borlase's History of Cornwall : the Irish or Gaelic from 
the Irish Dictionaries of Lhuyd and of O'Brien ; from Shaw's Gaehc Dictionary, from the Voca- 
bularies of Macdonald and Macfarlane, and from Stewart's Gaelic Grammar. The Bas-Breton, 
the Basque, and the old Gaulish or Celtic from the Dictionaries of Eostrennen and Pelletier and 
from Bullet's Memoires sur la Langue Celtique. This general intimation is here given to save the 
frequent repetitions of those several authorities, which would occupy much room and only embaiTass 
the sense. 

Vol. L F 



84 



An account 



[Book I. — The Eomau Period. 



In South-Beitaix ; 

Armn island, in Wales : several mountains iu 
Merionetli ; and two hills, near Bala, are 
called Aran. 

Aber-yaUviih, and Aber-portli, in Cardiganshiie ; 
Aber-poult, Aber-ithy, Aber-melin, Abcr- 
awrgog, Aber-howel, and Aber-kibor, on 
the coast of Pembroke ; Aber-dovey, in 
Merionethshire ; Aber-daron, in Oaeraarvon- 
shire ; Aber-fi-aw, in Anglesey ; and many 
places at the confluence of waters inland, 
as well as on the coast, are named Aber. 

Cove is applied to a creek ; as Coi'«-hith, in 
Blething-himdred, Suffolk ; Toplund}' Cove, 
and Portkewin Cove, in Trig-hundred ; and 
Nantgissel Cove, at the lands-end, Cornwall : 
the Cove in St. Mary's isle. Scilly. 

Calais, on the coast of France, was doubtless 
named from the naiTOw strait which separates 
South-Britain from France. 



In Noeth-Beitain ; 

Arran island, in the Clyde, is so named from a 
range of high mountains which run through 
the middle of it (2) 

Aber-deen, Aber-don, Aber-dour, in AberdeeushLre ; 
Aber-dour, in Fifeshire; Aber-brothock, Aber- 
lemno, and Aber-elliot, in Forfarshire ; Abex- 
tay, at the mouth of the Tay ; Aber-ladj', in 
Haddingtonshire ; and many places at the 
confluence of waters inland, as well as on the 
coast, are named Aber (3). 

Cove is applied to a creek; as old Cove-harbour, in 
Berwickshire ; Coi'«-haven, in St. Vigean's 
parish. Forfarshire; the Core-harbour, in Nigg 
parish, Kincardineshire (4). 

There are several straits, between the different 
islands and the mainland, around the west 
coast of North-Britain, called Caolan. Calais, 
and Ki/les. which in Irish, signify a frith or 
strait. 



(2) Aran (Brit.) a high place: it is the name of several of the highest mountains in Britain. 
There are also the Arran isles in Galway-bay, and Arran island on the coast of Donegal, Ireland. 

(3) Aber (Brit.) signifies a confluence of water, the junction of rivers, the fall of a lesser river into 
a gi'eater, or into the sea ; by metaphor, a port, or harbour. Aber has the same signification in 
Cornish, in Bas-Breton, and in the Ancient Gaulish. The British Aber appears very frequently in the 
topography both of North and South-Britain : it is uniformly applied to the influx of a river into the 
sea, or into some other stream, as the word signifies ; and it is compounded -n-ith the Celtic names of 
the rivers in the Celtic fonn of construction, as Aber-ta,y, which, in the Scoto-Saxon, is called Tay- 
movth. This ancient British word cannot, iherefore, be referred to the Saxon or German Oher, the 
root of the English Over, which is totally different in its meaning and mode of application. In the 
British speech of Wales and Cornwall, the Aber is still in common use, both in its original significa- 
tion, and the secondary application of it to a port or harbour. The Aber of the British corresponds 
with the hirer, of the Irish, and both are applied to similar objects, as they signify the same thing. 
It is a curious fact, which wo learn from the charters of the twelfth century, that the Scoto-Irish 
people substituted their Liver for the previous Aher of the Britons. David I, granted to the monastery 
of May " Inver-in qui fuit Aber-in." Chart. May. This remarkable place is at the influx of a small 
stream, named In, into the sea on the coast of Fife ; both those names are now lost. It is an equally 
curious fact, that the influx of the Nethy into the Ern, which had been named Aher-nethy by the 
Britons, was called Inver-net\iy by the Scoto-Irish ; and both these names still remain. The Gothic 
word for the British Aber is Aros ; as Nid-Aros. 

(4) Cof. (Brit.) moans a hollow trunk, a cavity, a belly : so Cof, Coff, and Cov, in the ancient Gaulish. 



Cli. I. — Tlie Alori(/tiies.'] 



Op NOETH-BEITAIN. 



35 



In South-Bbitain ; 

Heugh is a name appplied to several heiyhts, or 
hi(ih points, around the coast of Cornwall ; 
as Heuijh Town, on a liigli peninsula ; Hcur/k 
Passage, in Beer Fen-ers ; Lamerton Heugh, 
in Lamerton parisli ; Dunterton Heugh, in 
Dunterton parish ; the Heugh, or Hew, a 
high peninsula, in St. Mary's isle, Scilly ; 
and several heights, on the shores of the 
Tamar, are called Hevghs. 

Kenarth, on a point between two rivers, in 
Caei-marthenshire ; Penarth-T^omi, near 
Cardiff ; and PenartA-point, near Swansea ; 
Glamorganshire. 

Pentire is the name of a point of land, in Trig- 
hundred, Cornwall. 

Pen-lee point, near Plymouth, and several other 
names of Pen, which are applied to head-lands, 
on the coasts of Cornwall, and Wales. 

PorUeg, and Portsmouih., in Por^scZo wre-hundi-ed, 
Hampshire. 



In North-Bhitain : 

Heugh is a name appUed to several heights, along 
the sea coast of North Britain ; as the Eed- 
Hcugh, and Hawks-//e(((//j, in Berwickshire ; 
Craig-Heug/i, and Heugh-eni, in Fifeshire ; 
Carlin-i/e;/5'/i, and Bieei-Heugh, in Forfar- 
shire ; Fowl's Heugh, and the Eam-Hcxgh, 
in Kincardineshire ; Oai-Heugh, in Moch- 
rum parish, Wigton ; and Clachan-i/e(/(/A, 
on Loch -Ey an, in Wigtonshire (5). 

Kingartli, in the island of Bute ; which was so 
named from a bold head-land, near it on 
the coast (6). 

Kintijre is the name of a long narrow point of 
land, in the south of Aigyleshire (7). 

Pen-an, a head-land, on the north coast of 
Buchan, Aberdeenshire ; and the Pen is 
applied to projecting heights in North- 
Britain (8). 

Portsoy, a sea-port, in Banffshire ; PoH-dovin, 
a creek in Wigtonshire. 



(5) Uch, and Uchel, (Brit.), means high, a height, the top, &c. ; and so Uch in the Bas Breton and 
ancient Gaulish. The aspirate //. was probably prefixed to Uch, and thereby formed Huch : there 
are many instances in the topogi-aphy of North-Britain where the H has been prefixed to Celtic words 
beginning with a vowel ; the Hoch, or Hoh, of the Gennan alius, excelsus, is derived from the British 
Uch, Uchel. Wachter's Glossary. 

(6) Pen (Brit.), signifies a head, or end, as in the ancient Gaulish and Bas Breton : and Garth, a, 
high cape, or ridge ; in composition, Penarth : so Garth in Bas Breton and ancient Gaulish. Cean, 
and Cin, (Ir.), means a head, or end; in the ancient Gaulish, Cen: so Pen-arth and Kin-garth signify 
the same : the British Pen is a frequent prefix to the names of places in North-Britain. 

(7) From Pen, (Biit.), and Cin, (Ir.), a head, or end as above, and Tir, land, (Brit, and L-ish) : so, 
Pen-tire and Kiii-ti/re are synonymous. "At the north-west end of all Caithness," said John Harding, 
in the fifteenth century, "is Kentyr, and Eentijr-ynough." Gough's Top. v. 2. p. .582. This is the 
name which had been given to the lands-end b}' the Scoto-Irish inhabitants of Caithness. Cean-tir-a 
nochd, in Irish, signifies the nahed lands-end, or the naked head-land. In the British and Cornish 
languages, the point of Caithness is called Penrhyn-Blathaon. Lhuyd's Aich. p. 238, and Eichard's 
Diet. Penryhjn, in both those languages, signifying a promontory, a cape, from Pen. a head, or end, 
and Bhyn, a point : it is easy to perceive the analogy of the application of this appropriate name to 
the farthest point of Caithness. 

(8) The annex, An, is the diminutive : so that Pennan is the little point, in contradistinction, per- 
haps, to Troup-head, a large promontory, two miles westward of Pen-an at the entrance into the 
Moray Frith. 

Vol. I. F 2 



36 



An account. 



[Book I. — The Roman Period. 



In South-Beitain ; 

Poj-f-Mellin, (Mill-creek), in Cornwall. 

Portedck-haxan, in Trig-hundred, Cornwall. 

Pori-Garreg, on the coast of Glamorgaushire : 
there are divers names, beginning with Port, 
•which are compounded with British words, 
on the coast of Wales, and Cornwall ; as 
Pori-Felyn, PorM-Orion, Porrt-Colman ; 
Po)-rt-Ysgadan, Po?-f/j-Lechog, Por</i-Mel- 
gon, &c. in Wales ; Pori-Leven, Port- 
Keum, Pori-Hillie, Po?t-Luny, &c. iu 
Cornwall. 

Ram, and P«HJ-Head, near Plymouth, in Corn- 
wall ; 

Pam-Head, a point opposite to Portsmouth ; 

Ram-sjde, on a point in Lancashire ; 

Ramsey, on an arm of the sea, in Essex ; 

Pawisgate, in the face of a steep cliff, in the isle 
Thanet ; 

Pamsway, and Eamsey-haven, in the Isle of 
Man ; and divers other names, beginning 
with Rant. 

Rill is, in many instances, applied to a point, as 
Pen-ryn, on a promontory, in Falmouth- 
haven, Cornwall ; and the heights above 
the same town are called the Rins. 



FenrJii/n point, 
Fenrhijn Caml3m point, 
Tenrhynyr Wylan point, 



J 



in Anglesey. 



In Noeth-Beitain : 

P())'?-Moulin, (Mill-creek), in Wigtonshire. 

Po/'<-Nessock, in Kirkcolm parish, Wigtonshire. 

Poci- Yarrock, on the coast of Wigtonshire : 
there are divers names, beginning with 
Port, which are compoimded with Celtic 
words, on the coast of North-Britain ; as 
Poj-<-Charran, Pori-Cheillion, Po?'<-Losset, 
&c. in Argyle ; Poi'i-Cunan, Pori-Gill, 
Po?-?-Kale, Po?-?-more, &c. in Wigton ; 
Porf-Camuil, Port-Leak, &c. in Suther- 
land ; Porf-Liech, and Por^-Mohomack, in 
Cromarty (9). 

Carrick-Pa»i, a promontory, in Ku-kmaiden parish, 
Wigtonshire ; 

Pa?«-asa isle, north of Lismore, Argyleshire ; 

Prt»i-saig, on a point in Skye, Inveraess-shire ; 

PflH(furlee, in Kilbarchan parish, Renfrewshire ; 

Rome, near Crail, in Fife ; 

Rome, in Scone parish, Perth ; and divers other 
names, beginning with Ram (10). 

Rill is, in many instances, applied to a point ; as 

two large promontories are called the Rins 

of Galloway ; 
Rindovi- point, between Wigton and Fleet bay ; 
P/«'(ichewaig, a narrow point, in Loch-Eyan, 

Wigtonshire ; 
Pen)%» Blathaon, the British name of Caithness 

point ; 
East, and West, Rijncl, on naiTow points, in 

Perthshire ; 
Rhind, a point in Clackmananshire. 



(9) Porth, (Brit. Cornish, Armoric, and ancient Gaulish), signifies a haven, a harbour : Port, (h:), 
a port, a haveri. The Forth, the great haven of Edinburgh, is merely the British Porth ; the P 
changing to Ph, and F: In the Irish, P, in the oblique case, becomes Ph. 

(10) Ram is a very ancient word, which always signified high, noble, great ; as we may see in 
Cahnet s Diet, of the Bible : so Ram, Rama, Ramos, signified something great, noble, or high. 
Holwell's Myth. Diet. Ram, Rham, in the British, signifies what projects or is forward ; Rhamn, to 
project, or go foi-ward ; and Rhamunta, from the same root, to predict. Ram, rohur, j>ars e.rtrcma 
rei, mwyo terminus. Wachter's Gei-m. Gloss. Ram. signifying a height, or elevation, is a primitive 
word. Geb. Gram. Univer., p. 182. And see the word Rom, having the same meaning. Geb. Monde 



Ch. I. — The Aborigines.'] 



NORTH-BEITAIN. 



37 



In South-Bbita™ ; 

Rin-xa.oxQ, on a point in Armington-liundred, 

Devonshire. 
Ross, on a point formed by the junction of two 

waters, in Greytree-hundred, Herefordshire ; 

Ross, on a promontory South of Holy-island, on 
the coast of Northumberland. 



Trwyn-y -^3,rk, a promontory,^ 
Tnvijn Melin point, 

Trwyn-dca. point, V. in Anglesey ; 

Trwyn Penrhosy feilw point, 
TriOT/zi-y-Balog point, 
Trwyn-y -Bylan point, Camai'vonshire ; 
Trun/n-Qogarth. point, Denbighshire ; 
An-Tron (the point), in Kirrier-hundred, Corn- 
wall. 



In Noeth-Beitaiu : 

Rill-more, in Strathdon, Aberdeenshire ; 

i?Hj-more, in Cantire, Argyle (11). 

Ross, a point in Berwickshire ; 

Ross-inj, and i?os.s-Finlay, small promontories in 

Loch-Lomond ; 
i?os-neath, on a promontory between Loch-Long 

and Loch-Gare ; 
Ross-keen, on a promontory in ^css-shire ; and 

several other promontories are called Ross(\2). 
Truyn point, on the coast of Kyle, Ayrshire ; 
'Dun-troon point and castle, in Lcch-Crinan, Argyle- 

shire ; 
D\va-tri)(jv, in Dundee parish, Forfarshire ; 
Twrrtberry-head (a con'uption of Tniynhevxy) on 

the coast of Carrick, Ayrshire, and manj^ 

names wherein Stron is applied to pvints or 

l^ojections (13). 



11. OF EIVERS, EIVULETS, and WATERS, 



In South-Beitain ; 



In Noeth-Bbitain : 



Adder, a river in Wiltshire ; White Adder and Black Adder, rivers in Berwick- 
Adur, a river in Sussex. shire (1). 

Allen, rises in Denbighshire, and joins the Dee in Allan joins the Teviot in Roxburghshire ; 
Flintshire ; 



Prim., tom. 3. p. 64, 343. In fact, there is a i'am-head on the coast of Ireland ; and one of 
the principal promontories in the Euxine was called the ^ams-head. Clarke's Connexion, p. 53. 

(11) The above and many other Rins have derived their names from 7?%» (British and 
Cornish), a promontory, a hill. Rinn (Ir.), a promontory, a peninsula, the iwint of any thing. 
In fact, Rin is also applied to a jwint in several names of places in Ireland, as Rien parish, on a 
long point in Clare county. Several points about Valentia island, in the county of Ken-y, are called 
Rins. 

(12) Rhus (Brit.) signifies a start, and is applied figuratively to a promontory in the same manner 
as the English Start point on the coast of Devonshire. Ross (Ir.), a promontory. Ros, in ancient 
Gaulish, signified a promontory, a peninsula. Ross appears frequently in the topography of L'eland 
applied in this sense. See Beaufort's map of Ireland, and the Index. 

(13) Trwyn (Brit.), a nose, a snout. Tron (Coniish), a nose, a proiaontcry. Sron (Ir.), a nose, a 
snout. 

Aweddiir (Brit.) signifies running water : whence, also, the name of the Adiir river in Ireland. 



S8 



An account 



[Book I. — The Roman Feriod. 



In South-Britain; 

Allen, in Dorsetsliii'e ; 
Alan, in Cornwall ; 
Alwen, in Merionethshire, 

Aln falls into the aea at Aln-mouth in Northum- 
berland : Ahi, in Warwickshire. 
Aid, in Suffolk; 

All falls into the sea at 4Z<-mouth in Lancashire; 
Alet, in Denbighshire (4). 
Aijr, in Cardiganshii-e ; 
Are, or Air, in Yorkshire ; 
Arre joins the Tamar in Cornwall. 
Anion joins the Lougher in Oaermarthenshire ; 

Avon falls into the sea below Aberavon in Glamor- 
ganshire ; 

Avon joins the Taff in Glamorganshire ; 

Avon, in Gloucester, joins the Severn at Tewks- 
bm-y ; 

Avon, in Wiltshire, falls into the Severn below 
Bristol ; 

Avon falls into the sea in Hampshire; 



In Nobth-Beitain : 

Allan joins the Tweed in Eoxburghshire ; 

Allan joins the Forth in Perthshire ; 

El win, formerly Alwen, in Lanarkshire (2). 

Aln joins the Teviot in Bosburghshire ; 

A hi, in Berwickshire (3). 

Aid and Alt are prefixed to many names of rivulets, 

as Ald-Bain!i.c, ^/(Z-Damph, 4W-Each, in 

Aberdeenshire, etc., etc. 
Ayr fall into the sea at Ayr in Ayrshire ; 
Araj falls into Loch-Fyne at Inveraray, Ai-gyle- 

shire (5). 
jinion divides West and Mid-Lothian ; 
Anion joins the Tay in Perthshire (6). 
Avon joins the Clyde in Lanarkshire ; 

Avon falls into the Forth between Stirlingshire 

and Linlithgowshire ; 
Avon joins the Spey at Inveravon in Banffshire ; 
Avon joins the Feugh in Kincardineshire ; 
Avon, in Logie-Easter, Eoss-shire ; 
Avon joins the Annan in Dumfriesshire ; 



(2) All those rivers derive their names from Alwen (Brit.), Alain (Ii-.), signifying a white 
or bright stream. In a charter of William the Lion to the monastery of Melros, in the twelfth 
century, the Allan, which joins the Tweed, is called Alwen, in the British form. Chart. Antiq. in 
Bibl. Harl. 

(3) These names of Aln are, no doubt, abbreviations of Alwen or Alen, as before explained. The 
Aln in Eoxburghshire, and the Aln in Berwickshire, are still further abbreviated Ale m common 
speech, but these names in old charters are Aln, and hence the name of Alncrum, a village on the 
banks of the Eoxburghshire Aln, which is mentioned by the name of Alna in a charter of David to the 
.monastery of Kelso in 1128. The Elan in Eadnorshire, Alaw water in Anglesey, the Alows in 
Northumberland, the rivers Aile and Allow and Loch-^//«)i in Leland, have probably derived their 
names from the same source. 

(4) Akd (Brit.) signifies a moving or fluid principle, a running stream, a rivulet : Aid and Alt in 
Gaelic means a rivulet. 

(.5) Air (Brit.) signifies brightness, lucidity : and Aer means violence, tumult : whence also the name 
of the Arun in Sussex. Are is the name of many rivers in Europe, says Gebelin, as indeed the maps 
evince, particularly the Are in Switzerland. Arw, in the ancient Gaulish, signified rapid: so we have 
the Arow river in Herefordshire, and the Aruw in Sligo, Ireland. 

(6) Anion is merely a variation of Avon, as under, the v of the British changing to m; and in the 
sist?r dialect of the Lish the foim of the word is Amhan and Ahhain. 



Cli. I. — The Aborigines.'] 



Of NOETH-BEITAIN. 



39 



In South-Beitain ; 

Avon joins the Usk, in Monmoutlishue ; 

Avon, or Avon-Vane, falls iato the sea, in 
Merionethshire. Avon is the common ap- 
pellation which is prefixed to the names of 
many rivers in Wales and Cornwall. 

Bain joins the Witham in Lincolnshire ; 

Banney in Yorkshire ; 

Below joins the Eden, in Westmoreland ; 

Bei'win joins the Tivy, in Cardiganshire ; 

Bran joins the Usk at Aber-braen, in Brecknock- 
shire ; 

Braen joins the Towy, in Caermarthenshire ; 

Brant, of which there are two in Anglesey. 

Calder joins the Wire, in Lancashire ; 

Calder joins the Eibble, in Lancashii-e ; 

Calder joins the Air, in the West-Eiding of 
Yorkshire ; 



In Noeth-Beitain : 

Avon is also prefixed to the names of many rivers ; 
as ylron-Brouchag, ^roH-Coll, and Avon- 
Loung, in Eoss-shire ; Avon-A.As.i\, Avon- 
Araig, and ^Irou-Laggan, in Argyleshire. 
fro. (7). 

Bainac, a small stream, falls into the Dee in 
Aberdeenshire. 

Bannoc bum, in Stirhngshire (S). 

Bella joins the Lugai-, in Ayrshire (9). 

Bervie falls into the sea at Inver-bervie, in Kin- 
cardineshire (10). 

Bran joins the Tay, in Perthshire ; 

Braan joins the Connon, in Eoss-shire ; 
lioch-Braon, in Eoss-shire (11). 
Calder joins the Clyde, in Lanarkshire : 
Calder in the south-west of Edinbui-ghshire ; 
Calder joins the Nairn, in Nairnshire ; 
Calder, South, and Calder, North, in the north- 
east of Lanarkshue : 

Calder. 



(7) Avon, in the British, the Cornish, and Armoric, as well as in ancient Gaulish, signifies a 
river, a stream. Ahhain and Amhan have the same meaning in the Irish ; and the word appears 
in the name of many rivers in Ireland. The Saxons took this general appellation for the proper 
name of particular rivers : hence so many waters are simply called Avon. In the same manner 
the Saxons adopted, as the proper name of many rivers, the British terms denoting their quahties, 
without the general appellative, which was coupled with these terms by the Britons ; and is still 
used by their descendants. This renders the sense of many of the Celtic names, as pronounced in 
EngUsh incomplete, unless where they are coupled ; as is generally done with the English appella- 
tive river, or water: so the Du, or Bow, is equally indefinite as the black; but if it is called 
BiM'iver, or Dow-water, this comes up to the sense of the real Celtic names, Avon-Du, and UiKje- 
Doiv. These general intimations are here given, to save the unnecessary repetition of them with the 
explanations, which are offered in these notes. 

(8) These streams, as well as the Bain in Hertfordshire, the Banon in Pembrokeshire, and the 
several rivers named Ban, in Ireland, derive their names from the Gaelic Ban, Bain, denoting the 
white colour of their water. Bainac, and Bannoc, are diminutives, being applied to small streams. 

(9) Bel-aw (Brit.) signifies a tumultuous or raging stream : Bal-aw (Brit.) means an efflux of 
water. 

(10) Those waters derive their names from the British Bern, to flow; Bcrw, Berwi/, a boiling, or 
ebullition : whence also the name of Brivie-hnm, a small stream in Kincardineshire. 

(11) There is also the Branio, in Denbighshire; and Bran appears in the names of several other 
streams. Bran (Brit.) signifies what risis over. Bran, in the old Gaelic, means a stream. Bran, 
says Macpherson, denotes in Gaelic a imuntain stream. Oarrio-thura. 



40 



An account 



[Book I. — The Roman Period. 



In SotJTH-BniTAiN ; 

Colder falls into the sea in tlie south-west of Cum- 
berland. 
Cain joins the Avon in Wiltshire. 
Caifiie, in Caemiarthenshu-e. 

Char falls into the sea at Char-mouth in Dorset- 
shire ; 

CAnr-well, in Northamptonshire ; 

Car, a winding rivulet, falls into the Tarf in 
Brecknockshire ; 

Carraii joins the Severn in Gloucestershire. 

Carno falls into the Severn, Montgomeryshire ; 

Cerne falls into the Frome in Dorsetshire. 

Churn falls into the Isis in Wiltshire. 

Cliii/d runs through Strath-Clntjd in Denbigh and 
Flint shires, and falls into the L-ish Sea ; 
Clifdan and Clijdach are the names of several 
streams in Wales. 

Cluyn, in Flintshire. 

Clun rises in Clun Forest, Shropshire. 



In Noeth-Beitain : 

Colder, in Badenoch, Inverness-shire ; 

Calder, in the south of Eenfrewshire (12). 

Cahicr joins the Avon in Lanarkshire (13). 

Cathie falls into the Don near Aber-catie in Aber- 
deenshu-e (14). 

Char joins the Dj-e in Kincardineshire ; 

Carron, in Stirlingshire ; 

Carron, in Kincardineshire ; 

Carron, in the north, and Carron in the south- 
west of Eoss-shire ; 

CarroH, in Nithsdale, Dumfriesshire (15). 

Cairn joins the Nith in Dumfriesshire ; 

Cairn, a rivulet in Carrick, Ayrshire (16). 

Churn, a rivulet in Perthshire (17). 

Cliide runs through Strath-Clyde, in Lanarkshire, 
and falls into the Frith of Clyde ; 

Cludan joins the Solvyay Frith, in the east of 
GaUoway (18). 

Clune, a rivulet in Moulin parish, Perthshire (19). 



(12) Caleddur (Brit.), signifies the hard water : and so does Calh-dur, in ancient Gaulish. Cell-divr 
(Brit.), and Coill-dnr (Ir.), means the woody water. The banks of all the Calders in North-Britain 
are still covered with natural wood. Loch Lomond of the present time was anciently called by the 
British name of Lijn-Caledur, as we learn from Richard. 

(13) There is also Callen river in Kilkenny, Leland. 

(14) Another small stream, named Catie, falls into the Dee, at Inver-C'a^jV, in Aberdeenshire. Here 
we see the Irish Inver applied to the influx of one Catie into the Dee, and the British Aber applied to 
the rnflus of the other Catie, into the neighbouring river Don. 

(15) The Celtic Car, of which Char is the obhque case, signifies a bending, a winding ; and 
Car-an means the idndimj water, which is highly characteristic of all those Carrons, as well as of 
Carron river, in the county of Tyrone, Ireland. Car-on (Brit.), signifies a strong or rough stream, 
which is also applicable to the current of those rivers. 

(16) Cam (Brit.), signifies a stoney or rough stream. These waters may, however, have 
derived their names from some Cairns, or funeral monuments of the ancient people, on their 
banks. There was a rivulet Cam, near Bodmin, in Cornwall ; as we may see in Wilham of 
Worcester, 108. 

(17) Churn, or Chuirn, is the oblique case of Cam. 

(18) There is also a stream named Clyde, in Ireland. Cli/d (Brit.), signifies waim, sheltered: 
so, these rivers derive their names from the warm sheltered natm-e of their vales or straths : the 

'i .-trad-Clnyd, in Wales, and Strath-Clyde, in North-Britain, are both remarkably warm valleys. 
The names of Clydan and Clydavh are diminutives, and are applied to several streams that run through 
sheltered vales. 

(-,'.}) Cluain, Cluan (h.), signifies a sheltered place. Clon, Cluain (Cornish), means a den. 



Ch. I. — Tlie Aboriyines.'\ 



Op NOETH-BEITAIN. 



41 



In South Britain. 

Come, a rivulet, near Manchester, in Lancashire. 
Corre, in Shropshire. 

Cowen joins the Towa at Abercowen, Caermar- 
thenshire. 

Crajj joins the Usk in Brecknockshire ; Cray falls 
into the Derent in Kent. 

Cunnoti joins the Tave in Glamorganshire. 

Ciinnon in Merionethshire. 

Dairan in Caernarvonshire. 

Derbeck joins the Trent in Nottinghamshire. 

Dour, or Doir, joins the Minnow in Herefordshire. 

Dean joins the Snite in Nottinghamshire (26). 

Don runs by Doncaster, and joins the Aire in York- 
shire. 



In NoBTH Britain. 

Cornie, a rivulet, falls into the Forth at Abercorn. 
Linlithgowshire. 

Cornj joins the S. Esk in Forfarshire (20). 

Coivie falls into Stonehaven Bay in Kincardine- 
shire. 

Cree, or Cratj, falls into the Solway in Gallo- 
way (21). 

Cannon runs through Strathconnon into Cromarty 
Frith, Eoss-shire (22). 

Dair joins the Clyde in Lanarkshire (23). 

Durback joins the Nethy in Elginshire (24). 

Dour falls into the Forth at Aberdour in Fife- 
shire (25). 

Dean joins the lala in Forfarshire. 

Don falls into the sea at Aberdeen. 



(20) Coi'y (Brit.) signifies what makes turns or rounds. Cor (Ir.) means a twist, a turn. The 
names of these streams may, however, have been taken from the glens or valleys through which they 
run. Coire in the Gaelic, means a deep holloio or small valley. 

(21) Cra! (Brit.) signifies what is fresh or brisk: whence the name of the Criie, perhaps, which 
joins the Tave at Aber-crue, in Glamorganshire. 

(22) Con-an (Brit, and Ir.) signifies the narrow or contracted stream. Cwn-an (Brit.) means the 
water which is apt to rise ; a quality that is remarkable in the Eoss-shire Connon, from the number of 
mountain streams that fall into it. The Comry, in Caernarvon, derives its name from the same source ; 
the final uy and an both signifying water, a river. 

(23) There is also the Dery, a small stream in Merionethshu-e. Dar, Daran (Brit.) mean the sono- 
rous or noisy stream. Dear, in Bas-Breton, and Der, in ancient Gaulish, signify rapid. The Dair 
and the Dairan are both rapid and noisy. Dyr, in ancient Gaulish, means a water, a river being a 
variation of Dnr. 

(24) Dur, or Dour, in all the dialects of the Celtic, signifies water, and it is compounded in the 
names of rivers in Britain, in Ireland, and on the continent. Dar-back (Brit.), Dur-beay (Ir.) signify 
the small water. The names of these two streams may, however, have been formed by adding, pleo- 
nastically, the Saxon beo, signifying a torrent, a rivulet, to the previous Celtic appellation of Dur ; so 
Avon-river, Esk-water, Pow-burn, Aid-burn, are pleonasms of the same nature, which were formed by 
adding sjmonymous Gothic or English words to the original Celtic terms. 

(25) There is also the Dour, which falls into the sea at Ah&v-dour, in Aberdeenshire. These and 
various other streams derive their names from the Celtic Dour ; Dur signifjring water. 

(26) Dane is the name of a stream which joins the Weever in Cheshire. 
Vol. L G 



42 



An account 



[Book I. — The Roman Period. 



In South Britain. 
Dun, in Lincolnshire. 

Devon joins the Trent in Leicestershire. 

Davon falls into the Weaver in Cheshire. 

Davon joins the Severn at Aberdavon, Glamorgan- 
shire. 

Dee runs through Merioneth and Flint, and falls 
into the Irish sea. 

Dee, in Louth county, Ireland. 

Dwy-'va.-ai, and Divy-v&ch (the great Dwy, and 
little Diry), in Arvon, Wales. 

Doiv falls into the ^ye in Yorkshire. 

Dove falls into the Trent in Derbyshire. 

There is Diwe river in Kildare county, and several 
other streams of the same name in Ireland. 



In NoETH Beitain. 

Down, or Dun, runs from Loch-Z)o!™ into the 
Irish sea, in Ayrshire (26). 

Devon runs through Glen Devon in Perthshire. 

South-Z)«ron falls into the Forth in Clackmannan- 
shire ; Black- Z)a!'o« in Fifeshire (27). 

Dee falls into the sea at Aberdeen. 

Dee falls into the Solway at Kii-kcudbright, in 

Galloway (28). 
Dye, in Kincardineshire. 
Dye, in Berwickshire. 
Z)oM'-uisk, in Cunningham, Ayrshire. 
Dow-nisk, in Carrick, Ayrshire. 
Duff, or Z)wi'-rivulet, in Forfarshire. 



(26) Dwn (Brit.), Don (Ir.), signify a dark or dusky colour, such as these rivers exhibit, 
from the mossy tinge of their waters. Dtvvyn (Brit.), Domhuin or Douin (Ir.), mean deep, 
■A quality for which the Aberdeenshire Don and the Ayrshire Doun are remarkable. There 
is a river named Don in the county of Antrim, Ireland, and there are rivers of the same name on the 
continent. 

(27) The name of both the Devnns was formerly Dovan, as appears from a charter of Robert IH. to 
the burgh of Inverkeithing. Dobhan, or Dovan (Ir.), signifies the boisterous or swelling water, which 
is highly characteristic of the Scottish Devons. This quality of the larger Devon struck Lord Stirling, 
who cries out : 



" But, dangerous Doven, rumbling through the rockes, 
" Would scome the rainebowe with a new deluge." 

(28) De (Brit.), signifies impulse, action, and so denotes the rapid flow of those streams. Dee, 
in the name of those rivers may, however, be a variation of Dwy or Dye, which is the pronun- 
ciation of the British Du, signifpng a black or dark colour : whence the rivers Dwy and Dye 
derived their names, owing to the dark colour of their waters. The British Dn corresponds with 
the Irish Duhh, which is pronounced Duv and Dow ; and hence Dow and Dow-\xii)s., the names 
of several streams m South and North-Britain, signify the black ivater. The Dee in Wales issues 
from Lyn-Tegid, and a stream which falls into the top of this lake is called Du. It is equally 
remarkable that the upper part of the Galloway Dee is called now the Black water of Dee. This, 
then, is a pretty plain intimation that the present names of Dee are merely variations of Du, Dwy, 
and denote the dark colour of the waters. 



Ch. I. — The AhorujinesJ] 



Op NORTH-BRITAIN. 



4a 



In South-Bbitain : 

Dovie, or Dyvi, falls into tlie sea at Aberdovy in 
Merionetbsliii-e. 

Dulas joins the Wye in Brecknockshire. 

Dulas joins the Tow}-, and falls into the sea in 
Caenuartheiishi re. 

Dulas, two of this name fall into the Severn in 
Montgomeryshire. 

Dulas joins the Dovey in Montgomeryshire. 

Dulas joins the Neath in Glamorganshire. 

Dulas joins the Stour in Dorsetshire. 

Douglas falls into the mouth of the Riddle in Lan- 
cashire. 

Donlas joins the Ython in Radnorshire. 

Eden falls into the Solway Frith in Cumberland. 

Eden falls into the Medway in Kent. 

Esk in Devonshire. 

Esk falls into the sea at Whitby in Yorkshire. 
Eslc falls into the sea at Ravenglas in Cumberland. 
Eskir joins the Usk in Brecknockshire. 
Ewes, a rivulet, joins the Tyne below Newcastle. 



In Noeth-Beitain : 

Duvie. or Diiie, joins the Earn, or Fiudhom, in 

Elginshire (29). 
Douglas runs through Douglasdale, and joins the 

Clyde in Lanarkshire. 
Douglas falls into Loch Fyue in Argyllshire. 
Duylas falls into Loch Lomond at Inver-Uglas, 

Dumbartonshire. 
Duylas, another stream of this name, falls into 

Loch Lomond at Inver-Uglas, eight miles 

above the former. 
Duglas falls into the Yarrow in Selkirkshire 

(30). 

Eden falls into the sea in Fifeshire. 

Eden joins the Tweed in Roxburghshire (31). 

Esk (South) and Esk (North) fall into the sea in 
Forfarshire. 

Esk (South) and Esk (North) falls into the Forth 
near Inver-esk in Edinburghshire. 

Esk falls into the Solway in Dumfries-shire (32). 

Elvis, a rivulet, joins the Esk in Dumfries- 
shire (33). 



(29) Those streams may have derived their names from the British Du, Irish Dubh, a black or dark 
colour ; so Duv-ui, the black water ; or from the British Dwvui, signifying the deep or full stream. 
The Duvie in Elginshire is reruarkable both for its dark colour and for its depth. 

(30) Dulas and Du-glas (Brit, and Ir.) signify the dark blue stream. The difference in the foim of 
the name arose from the g being frequently dropped in composition by the Biitish, whence Du-glas 
becomes Du-las. Near to the lower Dulas, which falls into Loch Lomond, another stream of lighter 
coloured water falls into the same lake, and is called Fin-las, signifying the /t^A<-blue water, in con- 
tradistinction to the i^H-glas. This curious fact shows the acute discrimination of the Celtic peuple 
who imposed all those significant names. 

(31) Eddain (Brit.) signifies a gliding stream. This is, in fact, the characteristic of all those rivers. 

(32) The above rivers, and many other streams named Esk and Uisk, derive their appellations from 
Esc, Wysc, in ancient Gaulish, Wysg in British, Ease, Uisg, in Irish, signifying water, a stream, a river. 
This ancient word also forms the names of several streams in Ireland. 

(33) Ewis is merely a varied form of Uisg or Wysg, hence, perhaps, the names of the several rivers 
Ouse in Britain. 

&2 



44 



An account 



In South-Beitain : 



Ey falls into the Stour in Leicestershire. 
Eye (Little) falls into the Weilan in Leicester- 
shire. ' 
Yea joins the Parrot in Somersetshire. 
Eii-einiy in Glamorganshire. 
Fiddy joins the Tamar in Cornwall. 
Fidin in Monmouthshire. 
Gade falls into the Coin in Hertfordshire. 
Garway in Caermarthenshire. 
Garra, or Garran, in Herefordshire. 
Gelt joins the Irthing in Cumberland. 
Glen water in Leicestershire. 
Grant falls into the Cambridgeshire. 



[Book l.—T/ie Roman Period. 
In Noeth-Bbitain : 



Ey falls into the sea at Eyemouth, Berwickshire. 
Ey joins the Dee at Inver-ey in Aberdeenshire. 

hoch-Ey in Eoss-shire. 
Ea joins the Annan in Dumfriesshire (34). 
Eveny in Forfarshire (35). 
Fiddich runa through Glen-Fiddich into the Spey 

in Banffshire (36). 
Gadie joins the Urie in Aberdeenshire. 
Garry joins the Tay in Perthshire. 
Garry in Glen-garry, Inverness-shire (37). 
Gelt joins the Lugar in AjTshire (38). 
Glen water in Kirkcudbright Stewartry (39). 
Grant falls into Cromarty Frith in Eoss-shire (40). 



(34) Aw, Ew, Ea, Ey, in the old Celtic, signify water, a river. Aw in the British means a fluid, 
a ftoicing water, and is the root of a number of words denoting fluidity. Aw, Ew, and Ey, says 
Gebelin, are primitive words that signify water everywhere in Europe. This ancient radical is stUl pre- 
served in its simple form in the names of several other waters in Britain and Ireland, as the Aw river 
and Loch-.4!(' in Argyllshire ; the Aw-heg, or little Aw, in Cork, Ireland ; the Ew river and Loch- 
Ew in Eoss-shire ; the Ea river and Loch-£a in Ireland. It also forms a compound in the names of a 
number of British and Irish waters. 

(35) These are merely the diminutives of Aven, a river, a stream. Vulgar pronunciation has in 
other instances converted the Avon into Evan, as .Bra?i-dale for Avon-dale in Lanarkshire, Evan-dale 
for ^I'oji-dale in Gloucestershire. 

(36) Fwd-uy, Fwd-au, and Fwd-ach (Brit.) signify a rapid water. This is characteristic of the 
Fiddich in Banffshire ; but as the glen through which it rans is full of wood, the name may be derived 
from Fiodhach (Ir.), signifying ivoody. 

(37) Gam- (Brit.), Garhh (Ir.), signify what is rough, a torrent ; whence also the characteristic 
names of Garve river in Eoss-shire, Gara river and Loch-Gaj-n in the county of Sligo, L-eland, and a 
number of smaller torrents named Garv-ald and Ald-yarve. 

(38) The above streams may have derived their names from the British Gel, signif3ang aptness 
to Jiow. 

(39) Those waters, like many others, have taken their names from the valleys through which they 
nm. Glyn (Brit.), Gleann (L.) signify a valley more deep and narrow than the dale to which the Irish 
Strath is applied. 



(40) Grant (Ir.) signifies yrey; Gran (Brit.) means precipitous, shelvy. 



Ch. I. — The Ahorigines.'\ 



Of NORTH-BRITAIN. 



45 



In South-Beitain : 

Irvoii falls into the Wye in Brecknockshire. 
Ken runs by Kendal, and falls into the sea in West- 
moreland. 
Ken joins the Ex in Devonshire. 
Lavern falls into Lyn-Tegid in Merionethshire. 

Leith in Westmoreland joins the Eden. 

Laith, which is now called Dijji, in Merioneth- 
shire. 

Ledev joins the Conway in Caernarvonshire. 

Leveii falls into the sea at Port-Leven in Corn- 
wall ; Leven, composed of the White Leven 
and Black Leven, falls into the Solway Frith 
in Cumberland ; Leven falls into Morecambe- 
bay in Lancashire. 

Liver falls into the Lemord in Cornwall. 



In Noeth-Beitain : 

Irvine falls into the sea in Ayrshire (41). 

Ken in Galloway, after receiving smaller streams, 
forms Loch-A''eji, and then takes the name of 
the inferior Dee, which joins it (42). 

Laveran joins the White Cart in Renfrew- 
shire (43). 

Leith falls into the Forth in Edinburghshire. 

Leith-an joins the Tweed in Peeblesshire (44). 

Leader joins the Tweed in Berwickshire (4.5). 

Leven rans from Loch-Lomond, which was an- 
ciently called Iioch-Leren, into the Frith of 
Clyde at Dumbarton ; Leven runs from Loch- 
Leven into the Frith of Forth at Leven ; Loch- 
Leven in Ai-gyllshire (46). 

Liver falls into Loch-Aw at laver-Liver in Argyll- 
shire (47). 



(41) The above streams probably derived theii' names from the verdure of their banks. Ir-vin 
(Brit.) signifies a green margin. 

(42) Cain (Brit.) signifies white, clear, or beautiful, whence also the names of the Cain in Merioneth- 
shire, the Ken, a rivulet in Somersetshire, the Kennet that joins the Thames in Berkshire, and Kennen 
in Oaermarthenshire, which are merely diminutives of Ken. There are several rivers in Wales named 
Can-dur, that is, the white or bright water. 

(43) Llavar (Brit.), Labhar (Ir.), means sonorous, sounding, or noisy. Laver-an, the noisy 
stream. 

(44) The general characteristic of these streams is their swelling suddenly into a flood ; and from 
this circumstance they appear to have got their names from the British Llith, signifying a, flood or 
inundation. Leith-an is the diminutive. 

(45) Lai-dur (Brit.) signifies the muddy or discoloured water. The Leader is frequently dis- 
coloured by a mixture of I'eddlsh mud which is washed down by the stream. The name may also be 
derived from the British Lai-dur, signifying the lesser water, as both these streams are small compared 
to the rivers which they join. Laidur was no doubt the old name of these waters, as the vale of the 
Leader is still called Lauder-dale, and the town on its banks Lauder. Camden, indeed, calls it the 
riveret of Lader. 

(46) There are also other rivers of this name, as the Leven in Gloucestershire and the Leven in 
Yorkshire. The names of the whole are derived from Lleven (Brit.), Leva (Corn.), signifying smooth, 
which is characteristic of all those riverets. 

(47) Lliv-er (Brit.) signifies the floodg water, whence also the rivers Liffar and Liffy in Ireland 
derived their names, being apt to flood. 



46 



An account 



[Book I. — The Roman Period. 



In South-Bbitain : 

Lyn joins tlie Ouse at Lynn-Eegis in Norfolk. 
Line falls into the sea in Northumberland. 
Line falls into the Trent in Nottinghamshire. 

Line in Cumberland. 

Lain or Layn, a rivulet, joins the Allain near 

Bodmin in Cornwall. 
Lue falls into Lyn-Tegid in Merionethshire. 
Luyan in Caernarvonshire. 

Laugher falls into the sea in Caermarthenshire. 



I/une or Liione falls into the sea in Yorkshire. 

Liine falls into the Tees in Yorkshire. 
Luny falls into the sea in Cornwall. 
Lyd joins the Tamar in Cornwall. 
Lyd joins the Thrushel in Devonshire. 
Lidden joins the Stour in Dorsetshire. 



In Noeth-Britain : 

Lyne joins the Tweed in Peeblesshire. 

Lyne falls into the Frith of Forth in Fifeshire. 

Lyon rises from 'Loch.-Lyon and joins the Tay in 
Perthshire. 

Loin or Lyon runs through Jjoch-Lyon and joins 
Moriston river in Inverness-shire. 

Loin joins the Avon in Banffshire. 

Various rivulets in Galloway are called Lane (48). 

Luy joins the Dee in Braemar, Aberdeenshire. 

Lewie, a rivulet, joins the Proson in Forfar- 
shire (49). 

Liirfar joins the Ayr in AjTshire. 

Locher in Dumfriesshire. 

Locher joins the Gryffe in Eenfrewshire (50). 

Lunan falls into the sea in Lunan parish, Forfar- 
shire. 

Lunan, a rivulet, joins the Airdle in Perth- 
shire (51). 

Lid, which is now called ZzVZ-dal, runs thiough 
ii'rf'sdale in Eosburghshire, and joins the 
Esk in Dumfriesshire (52). 



(48) TJyn (Brit.) signifies what proceeds or is in motion, what flows, water, a lake, a pool. The 
word appears in the names of a number of running waters as well as lakes. TJion (Brit.) is the plural 
of Lli, a flood, a stream. Loin in the Gaelic signifies a rivulet, whence several small streams in 
Galloway are termed Lane, which is merely a modern corruption of the Gaelic word. 

(49) Lua (It.) signifies ivater, and Liia means swift; Llw (Brit.) denotes what has aptitude 
of motion, and Liu signifies what is all in motion. The Luy in Braemar is a rapid mountain stream. 

(50) There is also a stream named Locher in Lanarkshire. Llwchir (Brit.), Lochur (Ir.) 
mean a stream that forms pools, and this is descriptive of all those waters. Lugyr or T^oegyr 
(Brit.) signifies what breaks out. This is applicable to the Ayrshire Lugar, which bursts out into 
floods. 

(51) There is also the Lune in Durham, and the Lune or Loijne that falls into the L-ish sea in 
Lancashire. Lun, Lon, Lyn, and lAnn are merely varied foiTus in different dialects of the same 
Celtic word, signifying what is in motion or what flows, water, a lake, a pool. It appears 
somewhat differently formed in the names of a number of lakes and waters, particularly such as 
form pools in their course, like the riverets above-mentioned. The Lunan in Angus, from its tranquil 
flow, settles into a number of small pools, and it runs through three considerable lakes. Ltinan 
and Luny are diminutive forms of the word. Lion (Brit.) signifies tranquil, and Llon-an or 
Llon-uy, the tranquil water, a characteristic which is applicable to the still flow of those several 
streams. 

(52) Llid (Brit.) signifies a violent effusion, a gush, a gushing. Lid in ancient Gaulish 



Ch.I.— The Aborigines.'] OfNOETH-BRITAIN. 47 

In South-Bbitain : In North-Beitain : 

May falls into the sea in Caernarvonshire. 3fat/ joins the Earn at Inver-raay in Peith- 

shire (52). 
Milk, a rivulet, joins the Tyne in Durham. Milk joins the Annan in DumWesshire (53). 

Medlocl; a rivulet at Manchester, in Lancashire. Medlock, a rivulet, joins the Clyde in Lanarkshire 
There are in Lancashire the Medlock, the (54). There are in Lanarkshire the l/ed/oft, 

Calder, and the Dowjlas. the Calder, and the Douglas. 

Never, or Nevern, falls into the sea in Pembroke- Naver, or Navern, runs from Looh-iVaver, through 
shire. Strath-iVarec, into the sea in Suther- 

land (55). 
Nid, or Nith, joins the Ouse in Yorkshire. Nith, formerly Nid, falls into the Solway Frith 

in Dumfriesshire. 
Neth, or Neath, and iVeaiA-Vachan (Little Nethy in Perth, Nethy in Elgin, and Nethau in 
Neath) both fall into the sea in Glamorgan- Lanarkshire (56). 

shire. 

signified hasty, rapid. This description is characteristic of the Lid in Roxburghshire ; as indeed we 
learn from Armstrong, who was born on this mountain stream : 

" the crj'stal rivulet, that o'er 

" A stoney channel, rolls its rapid maze, 
" Swarms with the silver fry." 

Drummond, in his Forth Feastiny, mentions the " Lid, with curled streams," whence we learn that 
the secondary name Lid-dal is a modern corruption, by confounding the Saxon term for the valley 
with the British name of the river. In the same manner, Tiueed is corruptly called Twed-dal in the 
poem of Peebles to the Play; and a stream in Gloucestershire is now called Aven-dale or Evan-dale. 
The Lyd in Devonshire, forms a remarkable cataract at Lyd-ford. 

(52) Mai, My-ai, (Brit.) signified the agitated or troubled water, and is, in fact, highly descriptive 
of those streams. 

(53) ]\[ilk is the modernized form of Melc, the ancient name of those streams. In a number of 
charters during the twelfth century the Milk in Dumfriesshire is uniformly written Melc ; and the 
place at its influx into the Annan is called Aber-melc in the Jnquisitio of David, anno 1116. These 
coincidences prove that the name Melc is as old as British times, and must have been applied by the 
first people. As the word has been long obsolete in the language of their descendants, its proper 
meaning cannot easily be traced. 

(54) Med-loc, or Med-luc, says Whitaker, is a compound of two British words which signify water 
or a quantity of water. Hist. Manchester, v. i., p. 290. Mawd-liich (Brit.) signifies a slow flowing 
water that settles into pools, and this applies to the qualities of both these streams ; whence also the 
name of the Mawdd-ach (slow stream) in Merionethshire. 

(55) Never (Brit.) signifies the gentle stream. Var, Par, signify water ; and hence the names of 
many rivers, lochs, and streams. Geb. Monde Prim., v. vii., p. 12-83. So Na-var may mean simply 
the water. The river Var-ar was the ancient boundary of the Roman dominions in North-Britain, and 
is now called Beauly river ; but the valley through which it runs is still called Strath-/a;-ar. There 
is a Varus river in Ptolomy's map of Gaul. 

(56) Nedd, or Neth (Brit.), denotes a stream that fonns whirls or turns. This etymon applies well 
to the ivhirling roll of the Nith and Nethys. Nethy and Nethan are diminutives of the word. 



48 



An account 



In South-Bhitain : 



Ore falls into Orford haven; and 
0/--well falls into Orwell haven in Suffolk. 

Fever falls into the Weever in Cheshire. 

Poole, on an inlet of the sea in Dorsetshire. 
Liver-Poo/, at the mouth of the Mersey in Lanca- 
shire. 

Mi/e joins the Darwin in Yorkshire. 

Rey joins the Isis in Wiltshire. 

S/iele falls into the Tyne in Northumberland. 

Tiiir falls into the Bristol Channel in Devon. 



[Book I. — The Roman Period. 
In North-Beitain : 



Ore joins the Lochty in Fifeshire. 

On; or Urr, runs from Loch- ?7jt into the Solway 

Frith in Galloway (57). 
Peffer (East) and Peffer (West) unite and fall into 

the sea in Haddingtonshire (58). 
There are divers creeks or inlets of the sea around 

the west coast of North-Britain which are 

called Pool, as Ulla-poo/, PooWEw, Pool- 

iculen in Eoss-shire (59). 
Rye joins the Garnock in Dal-?')/ parish, A3'r- 

shire (60). 
Shell Water and Loch-Sheil in the north-west of 

Inverness-shire. 
Twj in Perthshii'e falls into the sea at Aber- 

Tay(6\). 



(57) Oer (Brit.) cold, of a cold nature ; but these streams probably derived their names from the 
British Wyr, denoting their brisk flow. Ur, Or, in Bas-Breton, signify embouchure. Ura, in Basque, 
is applied to a water, a river. See Ure, Ury, after. 

(58) There is also a stream named Peffer, which runs through Strath-Pejf'cr into the Cromarty 
Frith in Eoss-shire ; and a rivulet of the same name falls into the sea at Inver-Pe/?'e/' in 
Forfarshire. 

(59) Picll (Brit.), Poitll (AiTnoric), Poll (Gaelic) signify a ditch, a standing water, a pool. PwU 
and Puull, in the ancient language of Gaul had the same meaning. Bullet. The Anglo-Saxon Pol, 
and the English Pool, are from the British Pivl. This word is in all the dialects of the Celtic, but 
not in any of the pure Gothic dialects. 

(CO) There is also a stream named Ret, or Rea in Oxfordshire ; a Rea in Shropshire ; and a 
Rhiw in Montgomeryshire. Rhe (Brit.), Rea, Riea (Ir.) signify swift, rapid, a rapid course. 
The Eye in Ayrshire is a rapid stream. Ri and Rhiu, in ancient Gaulish, signified a stream, and the 
tenn is still retained in Auvergne. Bullet. Rhiu is doubtless the root of the modem French 



(61) There is also the Taw in Glamorganshire ; the Ta-Loch in Wexford, and Tay river in 
Waterford, Ireland. Ta, Taw (Brit.), signify what spreads or expands, also tranquil, quiet. Tay is 
the English pronunciation of the British Taw. Both these fine rivers are remarkable for their noble 
expansions. The Tay in the latter part of its course expands into a frith twenty miles long, and from 
one to three miles broad ; and in the same manner the Devonshire Tau spreads out into a frith eight 
miles long and one mile broad. The Solway Frith, from its expanse, was actually called Tan by the 
Britons at the epoch of Agricola's invasion, as we learn from Tacitus, who has the same word under 
the form of Tau. The antiquaries were deluded by their own inattention to apply the Tau of Tacitus 
to the Toy in Perthshire. 



Ch. 1.— The Aborigines.^ Of NOETH-BEITAIN. 



49 



In South-Beitain : 

Tame in Buckinghamsliire ; Tame in Staffordshire. 
Teivi, or Tivy, rises at Llyn Teivi, and falls into 

the sea in Cardigansliire ; Taiy, or Theve, 

falls into the Tamar in Devonshire. 
Tvrch joins the Tawye in Brecknockshire ; Turch 

in Montgomeryshire. 
Tweed in Cheshire. [Carey.] 
Tyne South and Tyne North falls into the sea at 

Tynemouth in Northumberland ; Tyne joins 

the Trent in Staffordshire ; Teyn or Teign 

falls into the sea at Tez^ramouth. 
Uske rises in Brecknock, and falls into the sea in 

Monmouthshire. 
Wisk joins the Swale in Yorkshire. 



In Noeth-Beitain : 



Tema joins the Ettrick in Selkirkshire (62). 
Teviot, or Tiviot, runs through Teviotdale, and 
joins the Tweed in Eoxbiirghshire (63). 

Turk runs through Glen-Turk in Perthshire ; 
Turky, a rivulet in Forfar (64). 

Tweed in Berwickshire (65). 

Tyne runs by Tyningham into the sea in Hadding- 
tonshire ; Tynet, a rivulet, falls into the sea 
in Banffshire ; Tian falls into the sea in Jura 
Island, Argyllshire (66). 

Uisye-dviv joins the Earn in Elginshire. 

Du-uisk (Black-Uisk) in Cunningham ; and 

Tiu-uisk in Carrick, Ayrshire. 



(62) The above riverets, as well as the Tame in Devonshire and the Tame in Cheshire, derive 
their names from the British Tain, Tern, expanding or spreading, which are derivatives of Ta, 
Taw. Tarn in the ancient Gaulish was applied to a river, a running water. Bullet connects it with 
the Greek Potamos. Gebelin exhibits the same word differently : nor-AMos, fleuve ; mot-a-mot, eau 
grande. 

(63) Teivi, or Tavi (Brit.), signifies what expands or spreads; what has a tendency to expand or 
spread. Tevig, expanding, spreading over. The characteristic of these several streams is a tendency 
to spread. The root of all these names is Ta, Taw, what spreads or expands; whence the names of the 
Tave in Glamorganshire, the Tave in Pembrokeshire, and others. Tav in ancient Gaulish was applied 
to a water, a river, the same as in Britain. 

(64) There are also the Turch that falls into Lyn Tegid in Merionethshire, and another 
streamlet named Turch which joins the Cothy in Caermarthenshire. Turch (Brit.) signifies what 
burrows or goes into the ground, and hence it is the appellative for a swine. Turc in Armoric, 
and Turc, Tore in Irish, have the same meaning. On the Turk in Perthshire there are several 
hideous dens, one of which, tradition says, was the haunt of a wild boar which infested the 
country. 

(65) Tuedd (Brit.) signifies what is on a side or border ; the border or limit of a coimtry. 

(66) A small stream named Teyn joins the Dove in Derbyshire. Tain in the British anciently 
signified a river, a running water, the same as Avon. Tain signified the same in the ancient Gaulish ; 
and in the kindred dialect of the Irish it still means water. It appears in somewhat varied forms in 
the name of a number of streams. In the country of the Vecturiones in North-Britain there is a river 
named Tina. Ptolomy. 

Vol. I. H 



jjQ AnAOCOUNT Book I. — The Roman Period. 

In South-Britain : In North-Britain : 

rr*i-e-vachan (Little Uske) joins the Ushe in J/wjue-vagli-Loch in Benbecula-Island, Inverness- 
Brecknockshire, shire (67). 

lire in the North Riding of Yorkshire. Urie joins the Don at Inverurie, Aberdeen (68). 

Willy joins the Avon at Salisbury in Wiltshire. Avon- Uille, the old name of the river Helmsdale 

in Sutherlandshire (69). 

Tarro joins the Douglas in Lancashire. Yarrow joins the Ettrick in Selkirkshire (70). 

Tare falls into the sea at Yarmouth in Norfolk. Yair, a rivulet, falls into the Tweed in Selkirk- 
Yare joins the Ex in Devonshire. shire. 

Ython falls into the Wye in Eadnorshire. Ythan falls into the sea in Aberdeenshire (71). 



m. Of miscellaneous DISTEIGTS 

In South-Britain : In Nohth-Beitain : 

Bala, at the issue of the Dee, from Llyn Tegid in Balloch, the old name of Tayniouth, where the 
Merionethshire. river issues from Loch Tay in Perthshire. 



(67) Wysg (Brit.), Uisge and Ease (Ir.), Wysc and Esc in ancient Gaulish, signify a current, a 
course, a stream, a water. This word, in a slightly varied form, is common to all the dialects of the 
Celtic, and is still retained in the names of many waters. 

(68) A small stream named Owrie joins the Avon at liiyev-Owrie in Banffshire ; and there is the 
Avon Ure in Roscommon, and Urrin river in Wexford, Ireland. The names of all these are from the 
same source as the Ore and Ur before-mentioned. Guyr in composition, Wyr (Brit.), Ur (Ir.), signify 
what is pure, lively, or brisk; so Avon-TT'^;', the pure stream, or the brisk flowing stream. This 
characteristic is applicable to the Urie in Aberdeenshire, the Owrie in Banffshire, the Ur in Galloway, 
and the Ore in Fife. Or, Owr, in ancient Celtic, are applied to streams of water, and so is Ura in 
the Basque. 

(69) The Avon Uile, or Iliijh, in Sunderland, is the Jla of Richard's map, and has its name, like the 
other Has in North-Britain, from their rising rapidly after rains. Y-Uif, or Y-Uiv (Brit.), signifies 
the _^ood, and Avon-Uile (Ir.) means the floody river. The Ila in Forfarshire is caMed Hylefhy 
Giraldus Cambrensis in the twelfth century. This shows that the British name was then unchanged 
except by prefixing the aspirate h as in pronunciation. 

(70) The Yarroiv in Selkirkshire is a rough, rapid stream, as the name denotes. Gare in 
Bas-Breton signified rapid. Gariv (Brit.), Garbh (L\), denotes what is rough or rugged, a tor- 
rent. These by inflection become Gharw, which in composition is pronounced Yarw ; so Yarro 
and Yarrow are merely variations of Garra, Garway, Garry, before explained. In the Scottish 
as well as the old English g is frequently changed to y, as Yod for God, yate for gate, yeve for 
give, etc. 

(71) The Ythan in Aberdeenshire is the Ituna of Richard, and has the same origin with the Ituiia 
or Eden which falls into the Solway, They all derive theu- descriptive names from the British 
Eddain, or Ethain, which signifies gliding. The Ithan in Aberdeenshire is a slow running stream. 
The Ithan in Hampshire derives its name from the same source. 



Ch. I. — The Aborigines.'] 



Of NOETH-BRITAIN. 



51 



In South-Beitaik : 

Bala, tlie issue from a lake near Snowdon, in Caer- 
narvonshire. 

Bangor, a town and Bishop's See in Caernar- 
vonshire ; Bangor, a parish in Cardigan- 
shire ; Bangor, in Mailers-Hundred, Flint- 
shire. 

Barry, a village and a church ; and Barry Isle, 
in Denis, Powis-Hundred, Glamorganshire. 

Brocly, in Dewysland-Hundred, Pembrokeshire. 

Cil is the prefix to many names every where in 
South-Britain ; as Kil-cwm, Kil-sant, Kil- 
y-con, in Caermarthen ; .fftV-garran, Kil- 
redin, &c., in Pembroke ; A7/-kenin, Kil- 
uellon, Kil-wya, in Cardigan ; Kil-owen, in 
Flintshire ; A'jY-gwri, in Cheshire ; Kil- 
stock parish, in Somerset ; ATiV-dale and Kil- 
low parish, in Yorkshire ; Kil-naersdon parish, 
in Somerset ; A'z7-pisham parish, in Rutland ; 
-and many others. 

Cam is a compound in many names of places in 
Wales and Cornwall ; aa Ca?-n-dydel, Carn- 
Llenduel, Cam-wen, Car?i-vadrine, Carn- 
Headwll, Carra-Uayd, in Wales : Carn-Bin, 
Ca;vi-Eglos, Caivi-glas, Car/i-hell, Carre-kie, 
Cajvi-sew, in Cornwall. 



In Noeth-Beitain : 

Balloch, near the issue of Leven river from Loch 
Lomond (1). 

Bangor, in the middle of Linlithgowshire ; Ban- 
^or-Mount, in the north of Haddingtonshire ; 
Banchory-Taima.n, and Barichory-Devimck, 
two parishes in Kincardineshire (2). 

Barry Parish, in Forfarshire ; Barry Castle and 
HUl, in Alyth parish, Perthshire; Barry, in 
the Boyne, Banffshire (3). 

Brodie, in the parish of Dyke, Elginshire (4). 

Cil is the prefix to many names every where in 
Scotland ; as Kilbride, of which there are 
eighteen ; Z'tV-chattan, of which there are six ; 
Kil-colmMl, of which there are eight ; Eil- 
donan, of which there are ten ; ^t7-michael, 
of which there are six ; Kil-raory, of which 
there are eleven ; iTi'Z-patrick and AtV-phe- 
dir, of which there are eight ; and many 
others (.5). 

Cam, or Cairn, is a compound in many names of 
places in North-Britain ; as Carn-bee, Carn- 
gour, Carn-ock, in Fife ; Ca;vi-muck, Cairn- 
banno, CaeVn-bulg, CairTi-glass, in Aberdeen ; 
Carn-both, Carn-brue, Cara-wath, &c., in 
Lanark (6). 



(1) Bala CBrit.) signifies a discharge or issue, the issue of a river from a lake. 

(2) Bangor (Brit.) Ban^cor means the principal row or circle, the upper and thickest row in a 
wattle-fence ; metaphorically it means a defence or security, and was the name of some noted monas- 
teries : one in Flintshire, one in Caernarvonshire, one in Ireland, and one in Belleisle, on the coast of 
Brittany. In compounding Ban and cor the British turn it into Bangor, and the Irish into Ban-chor. 
The adjuncts Tarnan and Devinick are the names of the two patron saints. 

(3) Barry is from Bar (Brit.), Barr (Ir.) signifying the top, the summit, or end. Bar (Brit.) means 
a bush ; it signified formerly, in Welsh, a Bush of sprigs, branches, or hair, saith Ed. Lhuyd ; the 
plural is Baran : so there is 'Ba.rra.-Bush in Barra parish, Haddingtonshire. 

(4) Bro-ty, or Bro-dy (Brit.), means the house in the lowland or plain country. This applies 
strongly to Brodie, in Elginshire. 

(5) Cil (Brit.), signifies a recess, a retreat ; Ceall, Ceil, Cill (Ir.), means a retreat ; a Cell, a chapel, 
a burial place ; and hence the Cil or Kil became the prefix to the names of so many parishes. A 
number of names all over Ireland have the prefix Kil. See the Index to Beaufort's Map, and Arch- 
dall's Monast. Hiber. 

(6) Cam, in the British and Irish, as well as in ancient Gaulish, signifies a prominence, a heap, a 



52 



An account 



[Book I. — The Roman Period. 



In South-Britain : 

Craig is a compound in many names of places in 
Wales; as Craig-An, in Denbigh, Craig-iu- 
gannol, and Cmz^-du-uctaf, and Craig-y-Vis- 
tyll, in Merioneth, Fen-craig, in Anglesey, Pen- 
craig-va.ch in Glamorgan, &c. 



Currg, a parish in Kirrier-hundred, in Cornwall ; 
Curry parish, in Abdick-hundi-ed ; Curry, in 
North Curry-hundred; and Curry, in Bul- 
ston-hundred, Somersetshire. 

Caer, or Car, signifying a fort, is a compound 
in the names of several places ; as Caer- 
narvon, Cficr-marthen, Cacr-hean, C<J«r-soose 
Castle, Caer-went, Caer-philly Castle, Caer- 
giby, Caer-wis, &c., in Wales ; Car-goal, 
Cai'-hallock, Car-lisle, Ca?--minnow, Car- 
hayes, &c., in Cornwall ; Casr-nerven castle 
in Cumberland. 

Derri, in Anglesey ; Derry, in Caerphilly-hun- 
dred, Glamorganshire ; Dery water, in 
Merionethshire. 



In Noeth-Beitain : 

Craig is a compound in many names of places in 
North-Britain : as Craig-leiih. and Craig- 
millar, in Edinburghshire ; CraiV^-darroch and 
Craig-iovr, in Ayr ; Craig'-nethan and Craig- 
nith, in Lanark ; Craig-haaih. and Crai^^-kelly, 
in Fife ; Crai^-an-gour and Craz'^-na-cat, in 
Aberdeen (7). 

Curry parish and Curry, in Borthwick parish, 
Edinburgh ; Curry duff, in Forfar ; Curry- 
dow, Curn/-hill, in Kirkcudbright, and a 
number of Corrys (8). 

Caer, or Car, signifying a fort, is a compound in 
the names of several places ; as Ca«r-lave- 
rock and Wester Ker, in Dumfries ; Car- 
riden, in Linlithgow ; Cnr-luke, Car-stairs, 
Car-munnock, and Cor-michael parishes, in 
Lanark ; Car-minnow, in Kircudbright ; Kei-- 
chesters, in Roxburgh ; at which places are 
the remains of fortifications (9). 

Derry, several in Wigton ; Berry, in Perth ; 
Derry, in Forfar ; Derry-dn, in Elgin ; 
i)«rr)/-meanoch and Derry-moie forests, in 
Sutherland, &c. (10). 



pile : and hence Cam was the term for the tumuli or funeral monuments, which the Celtic people 
raised to commemorate their fallen warriors. Cam, in the Cornish, means a high rock, a collection of 
rocks, a rocky place. The word Cair7i is applied in the names of hills : to some from having Cairns on 
their tops ; to others, metaphorically, from their resemblance to a Cairn or heap. 

(7) Craig, in the British and Irish, as well as in ancient Gaulish, signifies a rock, a rocky height. 
The word is still used Ln the Scoto-Saxon language of North-Britain, as well as in the common speech 
of South-Britain. 

(8) Coire and Cuire, in Gaelic, signifies a deep hoUow, a ravine, and is frequently applied in the 
topography to deep narrow glens ; Currie and Corrie are the forms which the word has acquired in 
English pronunciation. 

(9). Caer, in the British and Cornish, as well as in the ancient Gaulish, and Ca'ir, in Irish, signify 
a wall or mound, a fortress. The remains of many British forts along the Forth, which had opposed 
the Roman progress into North-Britain, still bear the ancient appellation of Caer in the corrupted form 
of Keir. 

(10) Dar, in the British and ancient Gaulish, signifies oak, oakwood ; plur. Deri: so Dar, in the 
Cornish ; plur. Deru. Dair, Ir., means oak ; and Duire, a thicket, a grove, a wood, properly of oaks ; 
in several parts the word is pronounced Derrie and Dirrie. 



Ch. I. — The Aborigines.2 



Of NOETH-BEITAIN. 



53 



In South-Beitain : 
Dol, signifying a flat field or meadow, is applied 
in the names of many places, as Dole and 
Do^gelly in Merionelli, Dol-ana,g, Z)o?-artlian, 
i)o/-gadvan, Dol-ohrim, Dol-j-coTslvryn, Dol- 
y-fondy, in Montgomeryshire. 



Dysart church in Eadnor, Di/serth castle in Flint, 
Dyserth in Montgomery, Dysart in Breck- 
nock, and Dysard in Cornwall. 

Egles-ih-oxn parish, Yorkshire ; Egles-ion, several 
in Dorset, Durham, and Lancaster ; Eglos- 
hale and Eglos-kerrj parishes in Cornwall ; 
Egiwys-hrewis and Eglwys-yhxa. parishes in 
Glamorgan ; Eglwys-^eznen parish in Caer- 
marthen ; Eglwys-Ynch. parish in Denbigh ; 
Eghvys-aXey parish in Anglesey ; Eccles hall 
in Stafford ; Eccles, two parishes of this 
name in Norfolk. 

Forden chapel and parish in Montgomeryshire ; 
Fordon in Dickering-hundred, Yorkshire ; 
Fordon in Shropshire. 

Glas is a compound in the names of divers places, 
as Glas-covah parish in Eadnor, Glas-coeA in 
Denbigh, Glas-ter in Pembroke, Fen-glass in 
Cardigan, Glas-an in Cumberland, Glas- 



In Noeth-Beitain : 

Dol and Dal, signifying a flat field or meadow, 
are applied in the names of many places, as 
Doll and Dollar in Clackmannan, Doll 
in Forfar, Doll in Fife, J>o/-danid and 
Dollhe&d. in Perth, Doll-aa parish in Elgin, 
etc., and a number of names beginning with 
Dal{\\). 

Dysart town and parish in Fifeshire ; Dysart in 
Maryton, Forfarshire ; Clachan-Dysart was 
formerly the name of Glenorchy parish, 
Argyllshire (12). 

Eagles-hara parish in Eenfrewshire ; Eagles- 
carnie in Haddington ; Eccles-]ohu in For- 
farshire ; £cc/es-fechan parish in Dumfries ; 
^ccZes-greig (now St. Cyrus) parish in Kin- 
cardineshire ; Eccles-vasichzn. parish in Lin- 
lithgow ; ^cc/e«-magirdle in Perthshire ; 
Eccles parish in Berwickshire (13) 



Fordun parish in Kincardineshire ; Fordun in 
Auchterarder parish, Perthshire (14). 

Glass is a compound in the names of divers places, 
as Glas-gow town and Glas-hin in Lanark, 
Glas-hoys in Aberdeen, Gto-cloon, Glas- 
corry, and Glas-choil in Perth, Glas-dur 



(11) Dol in the British and ancient Gaulish, and Dal in Lish, signifies a low, plain field, a fruitful 
or pleasant mead on a river side. 

(12) There are divers churches in Ireland called by this name, as Dysart church in Louth, Dysert 
church in Eoscommon, Dysart church in Kerry, Dysart church in Queen's county, Dysart ruins and 
Kil-dysari in Clare, Desart church in Cork, Z)esart-creat church in Tyrone, Dysart lodge in Meath, 
etc. Dyserth castle in Flint is said to be so named from its high situation. Lew. Morris's Celtic 
Eemains. Serth (Brit.), steep. 

(13) Eglivys (Brit.), Egles and Eglos (Cornish), Eaglais (Ir.), signify a church. In a charter of 
King William, and in a Bull of Pope Celestino III. in 1195, the church of St. Ninian, near Stirling, is 
called Egglis, which name was changed in the thirteenth century to the Scoto-Saxon Kirk-tovm ; 
hence also the French Eglise. 

(14) Ford (Brit, and Com.) signifies a passage, a road, a way. 



54 



An account 



[Book I. — The Roman Period. 



In South-Beit AiN : 

brook in Lancashire, Glas-cote in Warwick, 
Glas-aeth and Glas-on in Cornwall, etc. 

Kelly, Kellio, Killi-gorick, Kille-helan, Killy- 
verth, Kille-vose, Killy-vroTgy, and several 
other villages in Cornwall ; KelH-gsAe, Kele- 
kenyn, Kelle-a,yion, etc., in Wales ; Kelley in 
Devonshire, etc. 

Ken, or Kin, is a compound in the names of 
divers places, as ^ere-art in Eadnor, Ken- 
narth parish in Caermarthen, ^en-cot in 
Oxford, Kendal in Westmoreland, Kenn in 
Somerset, ^en-net parish in Cambridge, 
Kin-diQr in Derby. Kin-\Qj parish, Gloucester, 
and many others. 

Xare-cant parish in Gloucester, Zan-beach parish 
in Cambridge, Za;i-garr in Nottingham. Lan 
is prefixed to the names of many churches 
and parishes in Wales and in Cornwall. 

Lanerch, a market town in Anglesey ; Lanereh, 
on Dovy river, Merionethshire : Lanerch 
park, on the river Clwyd, in Denbighshire ; 
ianej'cA-ciron in Cardiganshire ; Lanraclc in 
Cornwall. 



In Noeth-Bbitain : 

in AjT, Glas-ivc in Inverness, in Arran, 
and in Galloway ; G/ass-lochy in Kinross, 
etc. (15). 

Kelly in Aberdeenshire ; Kelly, several in Fife- 
shire ; Kelly, several in Forfar ; Kelly in 
Renfrew ; Kelly-more in AiTan island ; 
Kelli-ness in Wigtown ; Kelloe in Berwick, 
etc. (16). 

Ken, or Kin, is a compound in the names of 
divers places, as ^en-ard in Perth, ^iji-garth 
parish in Bute, ^iji-caid in Stirling, ^en-dal 
in Aberdeen, Ken-ny in Forfar, ^en-net in 
Clackmannan, Kin-der in Kirkcudbright, 
Kin-\ey in Fife, and many others (17). 

Lan-hnie parish in Elginshire, a church dedicated 
to St. Brigid ; Zare-morgan in Elginshire, 
where there was a chapel dedicated to St. 
Morgan (18). 

Lanerk, the county town of Lanerkshire ; Lan- 
rick in Fossaway parish, Lanrick in Kil- 
madock parish, Lanrick in Dunblane 
parish, and Lanrick in Callander parish, 
Perthshire (19). 



(15) Glas (Brit.) as an adjective signifies blue, pale grey, verdant, green ; and as a substan- 
tive, a blue colour, a green, a green plat. Glas (Com.), green. Glas (Ir.) means grey, green, 
verdant. 

(16) Celli (Brit.) and Kelli (Cornish) signify a grove, a shady place, a copse-wood. Coille (Ir.) 
means a wood. 

(17) Cyn (Brit.), substantive, signifies the first or foremost part ; as an adjective, first, chief, fore- 
most. Ceann, Cin (Ir.), means the chief, the head ; also an end or limit ; and so Cen, Cyn, in ancient 
GauHsh ; so in Egypt and among the Hebrews Ken was applied to a prince, a priest, etc. Geb. Monde 
Prim., torn, viii., p. 140-1. 

(18) Llan, or Lan (Brit, and Com.), a church. It signified originally a place of meeting or 
gathering together, an inclosure, a churchyard, in which the church was buUt. Lann (Ir.) also 
signifies a church. 

(19) Llannerch (Brit.) signifies a green, a bare place in a wood, a little yard. Lanherch (Corn.) 
means a forest, a grove, a lavm, a bare place in a wood. Lanark is vulgarly pronounced Lanrick, 
which has occasioned the corruption of several of those names. 



: h. I.— The A borigines.] OF NORTH-BEITAIN. 



55 



In South Beitain : 

Lin and Lyn are compounds in several names of 
places, as Lynn and Lynn-Regis in Norfolk, 
Lyn-del in Lancaster, Lin-ion parisli in 
Hereford, Lin-ion parisli in York, Liiu 
yerew, Zi/n-hoglilen, Zyn-Tegid, and many 
others. 

Manaclity in Llanylar-hundred, Oardigansliire. 

Park is the name of several places, and a com- 
pound in the names of others, as Park in 
Brecknock, in Cornwall, in Southampton, in 
Stafford, in the Isle of Wight, Park-hall in 
Essex, Pa?'i--pill in Monmouth, Parl--ream in 
Caermarthen, Parf-erissie, Par^-hale in Corn- 
wall, etc. 

Park is a compound in the names of naany places, 
as Pen parish and Pen-ard in Somerset, 
Pen-craig in Anglesej^ in Montgomery, 
in Denbigh, in Glamorgan, etc. ; and Pen- 
pont, in Cornwall, and in Brecknock ; Pen- 
kuick, in Cornwall ; Pe;i-keth, in Lancaster ; 
Pe?i-ooid, in Hereford ; Pe?i-rith, in Cumber- 
land ; and many others. 

Pill is the name of several places, and is a com- 
pound in the name of others ; as Pile, in Gla- 
morgan ; Pile of Foudray, in Lancashire ; 
Pill, in Devon ; Pill, in Somerset ; Pill, in 
Pembroke ; and Pill, in Cornwall ; Pz7-leth, 
in Radnor ; Pj'Z-lesdow parish, in Dorset ; Pil- 
lick parish, in Cornwall, etc. 



In Noeth-Bbitain : 



Lin and Lyn are compounds in several names of 
places, as Linn in Fife, Forfar, and Dumbar- 
ton ; Lyne in Peebles, Lin-Aa\& loch in Ayr, 
Zw-ton parish in Peebles, and Lin-ion parish 
in Roxburgh, Zzra-dores loch and abbey in 
Fife, Lm-lithgow (20). 

Monachty in the parish of Alves, Elgin- 
shire (21). 

Park is the name of divers places, and a com- 
pound in the names of others, as Park in 
Banff, Nairn, Kirkcudbright, Perth, Ayr, etc. ; 
Paci-hall in Lanerk, Park-vnore and Park- 
beg (Great Park and Little Park) in 
Banff, Par^-hay in Wigton, and many 
others (22). 

Pen is a compound in the names of many places, 
as Pen of Eskdalemuir, Pen-nagaul hills in 
Dumfries, Pera-craig, a hill ia Hadding- 
ton ; Pew-pont parish in Dumfries, Pen- 
ycuick parish in Edinburgh, Pen-caithlan 
parish in Haddington ; Peu-valla in Peebles, 
Pe«-wally in Ayr ; P«?i-drich in Perth, &c. 
(23). 

Pill is a compound in the names of many places ; 
as PiVe-ily, Pj7-mar, PjY-tarf, and Pj7-vealain, 
in Perth ; PilVWie in Fife ; Pz7/-wal!s in 
Berwick ; Pil-r\g in Edinburgh ; Pt7-whiiTy 
in Wigton ; PzY-whirn and P!7-nour rivulets 
in Kirkcudbright, etc. (24). 



(20) Llynn (Brit.) signifies what is in motion or flows, water, a lake, a pool. Lyn (Corn.) means a 
pond, a pool, a standing water. Linn (Ir.), a pond, a pool, any standing or lodged water : hence Dub- 
lin, and many other names of places in Ireland. 

(21) Manach-iy in the British, Cornish, and Irish, signifies the monks-house. 

(22) Pare, Park, in British and Cornish, as well as in ancient Gaulish and Bas-Breton, signify a 
field, an inclosure : and so Pairc in Irish. 

(23) Pen in the British and Armoric, as well as in the ancient Gaulish, signifies a head, a chief, the 
beginning, the top or summit, the end, a cape, a promontory. Pen or Pedn (Comish) means the head, 
a hill, &c. The analagous word in the Gaelic is Cean, of which Cin is an inflection : so the names of 
Peii-ard and 7v7ii-ard, Pen-craig and Kin-CTsdg, etc., are synonymous, as hath already been observed of 
P««-arth and A'm-garth. 

(24) Pill, in the British and Cornish, as well as in ancient Gaulish, signifies a strong hold, a 



56 AnACCOUNT [Book I.— The Roman Period. 

In South Beitain : In Noeth Beitain : 

Rayiie parish in Esses. Rayne parisli in Aberdeenshire (25). 

Rescob forest in North-hundred, Cardigan. Rescobie parish in Forfarshire. 

Rosehjn in Cornwall, and several other names — i?ose/m in Edinburghshue, and several other names 

names compounded of Ros and Rose (26). compounded of Ros and Rose (26). 

Sorn, a village in Cornwall. Sorn parish in Ayrshire (27). 

Tre is a prefix in many names, as JVe-evan, Tre- Tre is a prefix in divers names, as 2Ve-broun in 

tire, ?Ve-vill, Tre-wen, in Hereford ; jP>-e-ton Lauder parish, BeiTvick ; Tre-horn in Cnn- 

parish in Yorkshire, Tre-borough parish in ningham, Ayrshire ; Tre-iown in Kennoway, 

Somerset, Tre-garon town and parish and Fifeshire . Tj-e-gallon in Troqueer parish, 

Tre-villy parish in Cardigan; Tre-maine, Tre- Kirkcudbright; Tre-long in Dunnotter parish, 

neglos, and Tre-wen parishes in Cornwall, Kincardineshire ; IV«-uchan in Port parish, 

and many others. Perthshire, etc. (28). 

Tre, or Trcf, is also an affix to several names, as Tre is also an aflBx to several names, Ochil-<re 

Uchil-fref in Anglesey, Uchel-tref, a gentle- parish and castle, Ayrshire, Uchil-^re in 

man's seat in Merionethshire, etc. in Penningham parish, Wigtown, Oehil-ire 

Linlithgow, etc. (28). 

Vai-is, on Cluyn river in Flintshire. Varis, the Roman name of Forres, on a small 

water in Elginshire. 

fortress, a secure place. Pill also means a sea-ditch or trench, filled at high-water, in South Wales 
and in Cornwall. There are a number of old forts in North-Britain which are called by this name : 
as the Peel of Garguunok and the Peel of Garden, on the river Forth in Stirling ; the Peel of Lin- 
lithgow ; the Peel of Kirkintilloch, a fort on the Eoman wall ; the Peel castle in East Kilbride, 
Lanarkshire ; the Peel fort at Lumphanan, Aberdeenshire ; the Peel fort in Castletown parish, 
Eoxburgh ; and the old fortified castle of Livingston in Linlithgowshire is, in ancient writings, and 
in Pont's Map of Lothian, called the Peel. The term Pill was also applied to a number of the bor- 
der strengths. The Pill or Peel is unknown to the Irish language or Scoto-Irish, as well as to the 
Teutonic. 

(25) The name of this parish is probably derived from the British and Armoric Rhann, which 
seems to be the same as the Irish Rann and Rain, a portion, a division, a division of lands among 
brothers. 

(26) Rhos (Brit.) signifies a mountain, meadow, a moist plain. Ros (Corn.) means a mountain, a 
meadow, a valley or dale between hills, or attended with a promontory. Rhus (Brit.) signifies a start, 
and is hence applied to a promontory. Ros in the old Celtic, and Ros in the Gaelic signifies a pro- 
montory ; in fact Eoslin castle stands on the point of a rocky promontory, around which winds the 
river Esk. 

(27) Sam (Brit.) signifies a causey, stepping stones. Sorn (Cornish) means a corner. Sorn castle 
stands in a corner, formed by the junction of a rivulet with the river A.yr in Ayrshire. 

(28) Tve and Tre/ (Brit, and Arm.) signifies a resort, a dwelUng-place, a home-stead, a hamlet, a 
town. Tre (Corn.) means a town, a village, a dwelling, a gentleman's seat. It forms a part of the 
name of a number of mansions and hamlets in South-Britain, and also in North-Britain. 

(29) Uchiltre is the orthography in Pont's maps of Kyle and Wigton, in Bleau's Atlas ; but it 
has smce been changed to OchiUree. Uchel (Brit.), Uhel (Com.), mean high, lofty, stately: so 
Uche-tre, the high-dwelling or hamlet. The Ochil hills in Perthshire are so named from the 
British Uchel. 



Ch. U.—The Tribes, their Positions.} OfNOETH-BRITAIN. 57 



CHAP. II. 

Of the North-Bf'itish Tribes ; their Topographical Positions ; and 

singular Antiquities. 

IN every treatise, whether didactic or narrative, what has been demonstrated 
must be taken for truth. It seems indeed impossible to resist the proofs that 
have been offered in accurate detail, for establishing the simple proposition, 
which was more than probable in itself, that the Aborigines of North-Britain 
were undoubtedly the same Gaelic Clans who, in the most early ages, settled 
South-Britain (a). Theories then must bow down to facts, and conjectures 
must ever give place to certainty. 

At the epoch of Agricola's invasion North-Britain may be viewed as a 
mirror that reflects back the condition in which was South-Britain at the 
more distant era when Julius Csesar first invaded the shores of our island. 
This faithful mirror shows also the state of Gaul when the Roman ambition 
enterprized the conquest of the common parent of the British nations. Those 
kindred countries were each canonized into many tribes, who were only con- 
nected together by the slight ties of a common origin, similar customs, and 
the same speech. Caledonia, in its largest extent, from the Tweed and the 

(a) See before, Chap. I. Every scholar knows how many conjectures Tacitus has made con- 
cerning the origin of the Caledonians who opposed Agricola in arms. Agric. xi. But such a 
body of facts as are established in the preceding chapter would explode conjectures of more 
solidity if it were allowable to regard speculations in opposition to fact: but he cannot be ad- 
mitted to reason against demonstration. If any additional proofs were wanting to support this histo- 
rical demonstration, they might be found in an accurate comparison of the stone monuments, which 
are the undoubted remains of the earliest inhabitants of South and North Britain, the Cromlechs, the 
rochintj stones, the circles of stones, all which aboimd as much in the North as in the South of our 
island, with the same form, and therefore appear to have been the work of the same people. Compare 
Borlase's Corawall, Book iii. ; Eowland's Mona, § is. ; Munimenta Antiqua, ch. 1, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7 ; Cor- 
diner's Antiquities, p. 44 ; lire's Hist. Eugleu, p. 85-6 ; the Statistical Accounts of Scotland, 15th 
Vol., 280, 517 ; 4th Vol, 262, 456 ; 9th Vol., 483 ; 16th Vol., 481 ; 5th Vol., 71 ; and Martin's 
West. Isles, p. 71. Add to all these the many hiU-forts that formed, when Agricola invaded North 
Britain, the defences of the British tribes in the North as well as in the South, which are all of the 
same construction and in similar situations. 

Vol. I. I 



58 A N A C C U N T. [Book I.— The Roman Period- 

Eden on the south, to Caithness point on the north, was possessed by one- 
and-twenty tribes of Aboriginal Britons, who were populous in proportion to 
the greater or less fertility of the districts which they severally occupied : 
the tribes on the west coast must have been fewer in numbers than the more 
potent clans on the eastern shore. Every tribe enjoyed the ancient privilege 
of being each independent of the whole, and who only united under a Pen- 
dragon, when danger pressed and necessity demanded the authority of a single 
person for the safety of the whole people, according to the Celtic principle of 
disunited independence. 

1. Let us now cast a curious eye on that speculum, wherein we may see the 
topographic position of the Caledonian clans, in their respective series. In it 
we may perceive at the south-east boundary of North-Britain the tribe of the 
Ottadini, who occupied the whole extent of coast from the southern Tyne to 
the Frith of Forth, inhabiting the half of Northumberland, the east part of 
Roxbrn-ghshhe, the whole of Berwick artd of East-Lothian, having theh 
chief town at Bremenium, which is undoubtedly Roechester, on Heed- water, in 
Northumberland {b). The British name of the Ottadini is supposed to be de- 
rived from the site of their country, which stretches out from the great river 
Tyne northward, along the coast of the German Sea, and the Frith of Forth (c). 
A British Poet of the sixth century, Anem'in, a chief of the Ottadini, has 

(A) Ptolomy ; Eichavd and his map. The riyers in the country of the Ottadini were the 
Tina, the Alauna, and the Tueda, as we learn from Richard. The Tina and Tiieda are omitted 
by Ptolomy. The Tine is merely the British Tain, signifying a river of the same import as Avon. 
The Lothian Tine and the Tina, in the countr3' of the Venricones, derived theu- kindred names 
from the same source. The Alauna of the Ottadini, as well as the Alauna in the country of the 
Damnii, drew their descriptive names from the Al-ieen of the British speech, signifying the clear 
or hrirjht stream. There are several other waters in North-Britain which are named Alen or 
Allan, and which owe thoir appellations to similar qualities. The Tueda of Eichard is merely the 
British Tued, the ancient name of this dividing water, vnih. the Latin termination [a] annexed to it. 
Lluyd's Archaeol., p. 239. 

(c) Camden supposes that they w^e named Oiin-dina from living beyond the Tine. Following up 
this idea he endeavours to derive the name from the British Uch-tin, supposing, mistakingly, that 
Uch signifies beyond, as the Welsh apply C^c^-Conway for the country of Wales beyond the Conway. 
Uch-coed, beyond the wood. The British Ucli properly signifies upper, higher, above, and may be some- 
times put for the English beyond when there is the coincidence of acclivity in the situation. But the 
name of the Ottadini may be derived from the British language in a more analogous form, thus : Odd, 
or Oih, in the British, signifies what tends out from: So Odd-y-tin implies the region tending out from 
the Tine, which is, in fact, descriptive of the Ottadinian country, stretching out from the river T3-ne. 
along the east coast to the Frith of Forth. From Oddytin the people inhabiting the country would 
properly be called Odditini and Odditiniaid, and by the Eomans Othadini or Ottadini, the dd of the 
British being pronounced like the th of the Latin and the English. 



Ch. II.— The Tribes, their Positions.'] OfNOETH-BEITAIN. 59 

left a poem whicli deplores, in animated strains, the defeat of his countrymen 
by the intruding Saxons in the battle of Cattraith; 

Gwyr a aeth Odoclin, chwertliin wanar. 
Heroes travers'd Otodin.ia, a joyous course (rf). 

2. The neighbouring tribe of the Gadeni inhabited the interior country on the 
west of the Ottadlni, from the Tyne on the south, to the Forth on the north, 
comprehending the west part of Northumberland, the small part of Cumber- 
land lying on the north of Irthing river, the west part of Roxburgh, the whole 
of Selkirk, Tweeddale, much of Mid-Lothian, and nearly all West-Lothian, having 
Curia, on the Gore water, for their capital (e). Then- British name is sup- 
posed to be derived from the many groves which in those days added both 
strength and ornament to their various country. 

3. The western clan of the Selgovce inhabited Annandale, Nithsdale, and 
Eskdale, in Dumfriesshire ; the east part of Galloway, as far as the river Deva, 

(d) Cambrian Register, v. 2, p. 15, 16 ; Welsh Archfeol., v. 1, p. 1. 

(e) Richard's text and his map. Ptolomy differs from both in his position of the Gadeni, on the 
north of the Damnii, bej'ond the Clyde, in the country of the Attacotti, whom he has annihilated. 
The discovery of inscriptions has, however, proved that Ptolomy and his interpreter are com- 
pletely -wrong, and that Richard is perfectly right as to the country which he has given to the 
Gadeni, near the wall of Severus. At Risingham, where the Roman station of Hahitancnm was 
situated, there was found in the river Reed which passes this place, two stone altars, the inscrip- 
tion upon one of which bears that it was erected to Mogon, a god of the Gadeni, and to the 
deity of our Lord Augustus at Ilabitanmim : the other bore an inscription, " Deo Mouno Cadenorwn 
"Inventus Do. V. S." Camden's Brit., p. 1075 — 6; Horsley's Brit. Rom. Northumberland, 
No. Isxx. ; Warburton's Vallum Romanum, p. 137 — 8. As Ptolomy displaced the Gadeni 
country, so he gave Curia, their metropolis, to the neighbouring tribe of the Ottadini ; but 
Richard has properly restored it to the right owners. This Gadeni town probably derived its 
significant name from the British Owr, signif3dng a limit, a border, or extremity, a corner ; Cwr 
would be latinized Curia by the Romans. In an endeavour to settle Ptolemy's erroneous position 
of the Gadeni, a late enquirer has observed, "that Richard, compared with Ptolomy, is no autho- 
" rity at all, and that it is sufficient to say that Ptolomy must be right and Richard must be 
" wrong ; " yet have we seen that the demonstration of inscriptions supports Richard, and con- 
futes Ptolomy. This is by no means the only improvement which Richard has made upon 
Ptolomy, in the topography of North-Britain ; he has added several tribes which were wholly 
omitted by Ptolomy ; he has corrected many of his erroneous positions ; he has given many addi- 
tional intimations of the ancient British names of rivers, of moimtains, and of stations that are 
not in Ptolomy ; and in all these additions, corrections, and improvements, Richard is in general 
supported by modern discoveries and by undoubted facts. It thus appears that Richard wi-ote from 
better documents and more copious information than Ptolomy ; and that Richard's authority and 
notices ought to be preferred to the inaccuracy and barrenness of Ptolomy when they differ, as flippant 
remark must yield to solid sense. 

12 



60 AnACCOUNT [Book I.— The Roman Period. 

or Dee, which was their western boundary ; and they had the Solway Frith for 
their southern limit (/). The British name of the Selgovce is supposed to be 
descriptive of their country, which lay on a dividing water, and which, by the 
new settlers, who wei-e introduced during the middle ages, was denominated 
the Solway. 

4. The remarkable tribe of the Novantes inhabited the middle and west 
parts of Galloway, from the Dee on the east to the Irish sea on the west ; 
they had the Solway Frith and the Irish sea on the south, and the chain of 
hills, the Uxellum-montes of Kichard, which separate Galloway from Carrick, 
on the north : and they possessed Lucopihia, on the site of the present Whithorn, 
for their principal town, with another town, which was named Rerigonium, on 



(/) Ptolemy ; Richard and his map. The Ituna of Ptolomy and Eichard is the Solway, 
which received its name from the Ituna, the ancient Eden of the modem maps ; and which loses 
itself in the wide expanse of the same frith. This river, as well as several of the same name in 
North-Britain, and the Eden in Kent, derive their descriptive names from the British Eddain, which 
signifies a gliding stream. In the country of the Selgovae, there are two other rivers on Richard's 
map, the Nidus, or Nith, and the Deva, or Dee. The Nid or Nith, like the Nidus or Neth 
in Wales, derives its appropriate name from the British Nedd, which is pronounced Ne<A, and 
which signifies in the Cambro-British speech, circling or revolving, as the fact evinces. The Dee 
derives its significant name from the same British source as the Dee in Aberdeenshire, and the 
Dee in Wales ; De, as a substantive, signifies impulse, action, a separation, and was obviously 
applied to those rivers from their quality of rapidness : both the Dees, in North-Britain, as moun- 
tain streams, are rapid ; the name may, however, be derived from the British Du, which is pro- 
nounced like Dee, and which denotes the dark colour of their waters. One of the Selgovae 
towns is called by Ptolomy and Richard, Trimontium : it plainly derived its prefix Tre from the 
British Tre, a town ; the Trimontium was certainly at Burrenswark-hill in Annandale, on the 
BUnmit of which there are the remains of a large British strength and two Roman camps on its 
declivity. See chap. iv. Uxellum, another iovnx of the Selgovse, draws its descriptive name from 
the British Uchel, which signifies high, lofty ; and which has been merely disguised by a Latin 
termination. It was situated at Wardlaw hill, near Oaerlaverock. Caerbantorigum, another town 
of the Selgovse, was situated at Drummore, where there are still the remains of a British strength 
and a Roman camp on the east side of the Dee below Kirkcudbright ; the name is obviously 
British, with a Latin termination : the Oambro-British Caer, signifies a fortress, a fortified place ; 
Ban, in the British, means conspicuous ; and Bant, a high place. We thus perceive that the 
Selgovae were a British people, since their rivers and towns had their significant names from the 
Cambro-British speech. Ptolomy (Bertius's edition) also gives to the Selgovae a fourth town, 
which he named Corda, and which is not recognised by Eichard, nor is it in some of the piior 
editions of Ptolomy. It is placed by the Egyptian geographer in the high part of their country, 
and was probably at Castle Over, in Upper Eskdale, whei'e are the remains of a remarkable British 
strength, and also of a Roman station ; and there are several smaller British strengths on the heights 
in the surrounding country. 



Cb. II.— The Tribes, their Positions.} OfNOETH-BRITAIN. 61 

the Rerigonius Sinus, the Loch-Ryan of modern maps {g). They are supposed 
to have derived their British name from the nature of their region, which 
abounded with streams. The Novantes were remembei'ed by A)ieunn in the 
sixth century, when he was describing the warriors who hastened to the de- 
fence of their country at Cattraeth : 

" Tri 11 wry Novant : 

" Three from Novant." (/i) 

5. The Damnii inhabited the whole extent of country from the Uxellum monies 
of Richard, the ridge of hills between Galloway and Ayrshire on the south, 
to the river Earn on the north, comprehending all Strathcluyd, the shires of Ayr, 
Renfrew, and StirKng, with a small part of the shires of Dunbarton and Perth. 
Their towns were Vanduaria, at Paisley ; Colania, in the south-eastern extremity 
of Sti'athclyde ; Coria, at Carstairs, in Eastern Clydesdale ; Alauna, on the river 
Allan ; Lindum, near the present Ardoch ; and Victoria, at Dealginross, on the 
Ruchil water {i). Such were the five tribes who occupied, during the first 

((/) Ptolomy ; Eicliard and his map. The most prominent object among the Novantes, which is 
delineated by Richard, though not by Ptolomy, is the Uxellum montes, a ridge of high hills running 
from east to west along the northern side of their country. The TTxellum is plainly the British 
Uchel, signifying high, lofty. Richard is confirmed by what we find in the vicinity of those moun- 
tains in Wigton, a place which, in Font's map of Galloway, is called Ucheltre, the high town : this, 
as well as the Uvheltres in Ayr and Linlithgow, are now perverted to Ochiltree. The Ochil hills, 
on the northern side of the Forth, are also named from the same British word. The Abravanus of 
Ptolomy and Richard is obviously the Aber-avon of the British topography; the Aber signifying 
merely a confluence, and Avon, a river. 

(/j) Cambrian Reg., v. 2, p. 17 ; Welsh Archaeol., v. 1, p. 4. 

(i) Ptolomy ; and Richard with his map. Such were the extensive temtories and the towns of 
this powerful tribe at the period of Agricola's invasion, and such they continued till the erection of 
the wall of Antonine, which, running from the Forth to the Clyde through the northern part of 
their country, comprehended the greatest part of it within the conquered province of Valentia. At 
that epoch, as we learn from Richard, the Horestii acquired the towns of Alauna, Lindum, and 
Victoria, with the surrounding country. The Vido^nra river, which runs through the country of the 
Damnii, as laid down by Richard, plainly represents the Ayr. This stream, that has conferred its 
British name on the modem shire, formed, no doubt, the annex to the WAogara of Ptolomy and 
Richard : now, Gicddawj, in the British, signifies woody, and dropping the (g) in composition, 
wyddawg-ttra would signify the woochj-ar : this epithet was formerly very descriptive of this river ; 
and is still so in a gieat degree. The Clota-Jluviiis and Ctuta-yEstuariam are obviously the latinized 
names of Cluijd, which, like the sister Cluyd in Wales, derives its name from the British Clyd, 
signifying luarm or sheltered. These agreeable qualities apply in a remarkable manner to the 
Straths or vales through which those well-known rivers run even in the present times. The A launn 
derived its name, as we have seen, from the river Allan, on which it stood; and the Allan obtained 



62 AnACCOUNT [Book I.— The Roman Period. 

century, that ample region from the Tyne and the Solway on the south, to 
the Forth and the Clyde on the north, varying their limits, no doubt, as am- 
bition pressed or weakness gave way during the succession of many ages. 

6. The Horestii inhabited the country between the Bodotria, or Forth, on 
the South, and the Tavus, or Tay, on the north ; a district which compre- 
hended the shires of Clackmanan, Kinross, and Fife, with the east part of 
Strathern, and the country lying westward of the Tay, as far as the river 
Brand {k). From the natural strength of their country, the Horestii are supposed 
to have derived theu- British name. 

7. The Venricones possessed the country between the river Tay, on the 
south, and the river Carron, on the north ; comprehending Gowrie, Strathmore, 
Stormont, and Strathardle, in Perthshire ; the whole of Angus, with the larger 
part of Kincardineshire ; having their chief town Orrea, on the north east 
margin of the Tavus, or Tay (I). 

its name from the British Al-wen, signifpng the clear or white stream. The Lindum, which stood 
on the bank of Knaig water, is equally a Celtic name, though it be somewhat corrupted ; it is merely 
the Lli/n of the British, signifying a pool, and Din or Dim, a strength. Victoria is plainly a name of 
Eoman application during the age of their victories. 

{k) Richard and his map. Such was the territory of the Horestii at the epoch of Agricola's 
invasion, when they were subdued, and even until the wall of Antonine was built, when they obtained 
a considerable accession of country from the Damnian territories, with the towns of Alauna, Lindum, 
and Victoria. Richard. The Horestii are wholly omitted by Ptolomy ; but Tacitus, who expressly 
mentions them, supports the authority of Richard against Ptolomy. The Bodotria of Ptolomy and 
Richard, which bounded the Horestii on the south, was merely the Forth of the British, the Forth of 
modem maps, signifying a haven or Estuarij in the Oambro-British tongue. 

(J) Ptolomy ; Richard and his map. In the edition of Ptolomy, 1486, this tribe are called 
Vernieones ; in Bertius' edition Venicontes; Richard calls them Venricones; this tribe, as well as the 
Horestii, obtained afterwards the classical designation of Vecturiones. The name of their capital Or, 
which the Romans latinized into Orrea, was descriptive of its situation on the border of their 
country and on the margin of the Tay ; Or, in the British, signifying what is outward or bordering, 
a limit, a margin. The rivers in the country of the Venricones, as we learn from Richard, were the 
Tairus, the Esica, and Tina; Ptolomy has only recollected the Tavus and Tina, and he has mis- 
placed both. The name of the Taviis is obviously the British Tan, signifying what spreads. The 
Tay, like the Tau of Devonshire, forms a grand expanse in the latter part of its course. Several 
rivers in South-Britain are equally named from the British Tau, owing to their qualities of expan- 
sion : the Solway was called the Tau by Tacitus. The ^sica of Richard is merely the South Esk 
of the recent maps ; and derived its name, as well as other Esks in North and South-Britain, from 
the Celtic Ease, and Uisg, signifying water. The Tina, which was placed on the northward of the 
^sica by Richard, is probably the North water of the late maps, and no doubt derived its appella- 
tion, hke the Tpie in Lothian, and the Tyne in Northumberland, from the British Tain, signifying a 
river, the same in import as Avon. 



Chap. II. — The Tribes, their Positions.'] Of NOETH-BEITAIN 



63 



8. The Taixali inhabited the northern part of the Mearns, and the whole of 
Aberdeenshire to the Doveran ; a district which included the promontory of 
Kinaird's-head, to which the Romans gave the name of Taixalorum Promon- 
torium : and they had for their chief town Deuana, on the north side of the 
river Dee, six miles above its influx into the sea, being the Normandykes 
of the present times. They probably derived their British appellation from the 

f airhead-land, A\hich is the most prominent feature of their open and pointed 
region (in). 

9. The Vacomagi possessed the country on the south side of the Moray Frith 
from the Doveran on the east, to the Ness, the Longus of Richard, on the 
west, an extent which comprehended the shires of Banfl:', Elgin, Nairn, the 
east part of Inverness, with Braemar in Aberdeenshire («). Their towns were 
the Ptoroton of Richard, the Alata Castra of Ptolomy, at the mouth of the 

(in) Ptolomy ; Eichard and his map ; Cambrian Eeg. 2d vol. p. 18. The remarkable names in the 
map of Eichard and the tables of Ptolomy within the country of the Taixali, are the Deva, the station 
of the Devana upon the same river, and the Jtiina : Deva or Dee derives its name from the same 
British source as the Dee of the Selgovae, and the Wizard Dee in Wales. The Ituna, or Ithaii of the 
modern maps, obtained its name from the same British origin, and from the same qualities as the Ituna 
of the Selgovae, which has been already noticed. 

(h) Ptolomy; Eichard and his map. In the country of the Vacomagi, on the shores of the Moray 
Frith, were the Celnii of Ptolomy, or Celnius of Eichard, and the Tuesis of Ptolomy, and the Tuessis 
of Eichard. The first was probably the Culen water, at the influx of which into the Moray Frith 
there is a town which was named Inver-culen by the Scoto-Irish, and is now abbreviated into 
CuUen : the Celnius has generally been applied by modern antiquaries to the river Dovern without 
much analogy of language or propriety of local position. The Tuessis was plainly the Spey, the 
Espet/e of the British language, signifying what bursts out and ravages, an epithet which remark- 
ably applies to that outrageous river : in the Scoto-Irish, indeed, the Tua-easc would signify the 
north water. The Varar, that separated the Vacomagi and Cantae, was properly the western 
extremity of the Moray Frith, into which falls at this day the river Farar, whence the Estuary 
of Eichard drew its Celtic name. On Ptolomy's maps the town of Tuesis is misplaced on the 
west instead of the east side of the river Spey, where it is accurately placed by Eichard, who 
is confli-med by the recent discovery of a Eoman station on the east bank of the Spey a little below 
the Kirk of Bellie. The Alata Castra of Ptolomy is also much misplaced, being removed a gi-eat way 
from the coast ; but Eichard has properly placed his Ptoroton on the promontorj', which is now called 
Buj-ghead, on the Moray Frith, and which has been established as its real site. Baiiatia is also 
misplaced in Ptolomy's maps a great distance southward of the Tamea, while Eichard has more 
correctly placed it on the east side of the Ness, where there have been discovered the remains of a 
Eoman post at a place named Bona, Bana, and Boaess. The British Bon-nes, which is descriptive of 
its situation, at ihafoot or lower end of Looh-Nes, was no doubt by the Eomans latinized into Bonaesia, 
that formed the Banatia of Ptolomy and Eichard. The site of Tamea, which foi-med a stage in the 
tenth Iter, of Eichard, from Ptoroton southward, ";je»- mediam insulce," is supposed to have been on 
the river Dee in Braemar. 



U AnACCOUNT [Book I.— The Roman Period. 

Varar, where the present Burghead runs out into the Frith ; the Tuessis, on the 
east bank of the Spey ; with Tamea and Banatia in the interior country. 

10. The Albani, who were subsequently called Damnii-Albani, from their 
having been subjected to the Damnii, inhabited the interior districts between 
the lower ridge of the Grampians, which skirt the southern side of the loch 
and river Tay on the south, and the chain of mountains that forms the southern 
limit of Inverness-sliire on the north, comprehending Braidalban, Athol, a 
small part of Lochaber, with Appin and Glenorchy in Upper-Lorn ; a 
country, as Richard intimates, surrounded with mountains and replenished 
with lakes (o). The British word, Alhan, means greatest, utmost, or superior 
height (p) ; as Gwyr Alhanmi consequently signifies the men of the upper 
mountains : the Welsh denominate Scotland by the appropriate word Alhan 
even to the present times. 

11. The Attacotti inhabited the whole countiy from Loch-Fine, the Le- 
lanonius Sinus of Richard, on the west, to the eastward of the river Leven and 
Loch-Lomond, comprehending the whole of Cowal in Argyleshire, and the 
greater part of Dunbartonshire (q). They are supposed to have been called in 
the British speech the Eithacoeti, or the men dweUing along the extremity of 
the wood. 

12. The proper Caledonii inhabited the whole of the interior country from 
the ridge of mountains which separates Inverness and Perth on the south, to 

(o) Riohard and his map. This tribe is wholl}- omitted by Ptolomy ; but Richard has, as in many 
Other instances, supplied this defect ; and Eichard has described the prominent features of theii- 
secluded country with such correctness as to leave no doubt of the genuine source of his information. 
The significant name of their mountainous country, Alhan, from which they got the appellation of 
Albani, was afterwards extended to the whole of the middle country between the Forth and the Varar, 
and has been presei-ved through successive ages to the present times. The Scoto-Irish people gave to 
the southern part of the Albani country the appellation of Braid-Alhan, signifying the vjiper part of 
Alban; and a ridge of mountains in the northern part was by the same people named Drum-Alhan, 
signif3nng the ridge of Alhan. 

(p) In fact, this region contains some of the highest mountains in Britain. Ben-Nevis, on its 
northern limit, is 4370 [4406] feet above the level of the sea ; Ben-Lawers, in the southern part, is 
4015 [.3984] above the same level ; and there are several others which are very little inferior in height. 

(?) '^^^ Lelamonius of Ptolomy : the same water is called Lajlamnonius Sinus in Bertius's 
edition of Ptolomy. Richard and his map. Ptolomy has wholly omitted the Attacotti ; and his 
interpreters have erroneously placed the Gadeni in their country. Eichard has, however, restored 
this tribe, who were once formidable, to their real territories, which included, as he iufonns us, 
the Lincaledur Lacus. The much admired Loch-Lomond of the present age is the Lincaledur 
Lacus of Eichard, which appellation was plainly derived from the Lyn-calcd-dwr of the British 
speech. 



Ch. 11.— The Tribes, their Positions.^ Of NORTH-BEIT A IN. 



65 



the range of hills that forms the forest of Balnagowan, in Koss, on the north ; 
comprehending all the middle parts of Inverness and of Ross (r). This terri- 
tory formed a considerable part of the extensive forest, which in early ages 
spread over the interior and western parts of the country, on the northern side 
of the Forth and Clyde, and to which the British colonists gave the descriptive 
appellation of Celyddon ; signifying literally the coverts, and generally denoting 
a ivoody region (s). The large tribe, who thus inhabited a great portion of the 
forest Celyddon, were consequently called Celyddoni, and Celyddoniaid, the 
people of the coverts. This descriptive term, Celyddon, was also applied, by 
the British people, to an extensive forest which, in the same early ages, covered 
a large tract of country on the south of the Humber (t). The northern forest 
of Celyddon is frequently mentioned by the Caledonian Merddin, a native poet 
of the sixth century (if). The name of Celyddon also occurs frequently in 
ancient Welsh manuscripts, having in some instances the prefix coed, which 
signifies merely a wood (x). From tlie great extent of country to which the 
descriptive term Celyddon was applied, this name, in its Romanized form of 
Ccdedonia, was, in after times, extended to the whole peninsula on the northern 
side of the Forth and Clyde. 

13. The Cantce inhabited the east of Ross-shire, from the Estuary of Varar 
on the south, to the Abona, or . Dornoch Frith on the north ; having Loxa, 
or Cromarty Firth, which mdented their country, in the centre, and a ridge of 



(r) Ptolomy ; Eicliavd, and liis map. Ptolomy eiToneously carries the territories of the Caledonii, 
throughout the country, southward to the Lelanonius Sinus, or Loch Fine. This error arose frona 
his omitting the Albani, who inhabited the intermediate district between the Caledonii and the 
Lelanonius Sinus. 

(.<) The British people applied the descriptive terms Celt, Cehjddon, Givyddyl, and Ysgoed, to 
wooded and wild regions ; and to the open and plain countries they gave the characteristic temis Gal, 
Peithw. Gwent. Owen. Thus, they distinguished the countiy on the northern side of the Forth and 
Clyde, by two characteristic appellations : the interior and western part, which was clothed with 
woods, they termed Cehjddon, and the inhabitants Celyddoni; and to the open country, along the 
east coast, they apphed the term Peithw ; and the inhabitants were called Peilhi. These general 
appellations of Celyddoni and Peithi, were, by the Eomans, latinized Caledonii and Picti. Cal, Cel, 
and Coil, are primitive words, which, in all the dialects of the Celtic, signify woods ; as Calon, in the 
Greek, also signifies woods : hence, Calydon, a town and kingdom of Etolia, which derived theu- 
descriptive names from the forest of Calydon. Gebelin's Monde Prim. tom. is. p. 108. 

{t) Eichard, and his map. He calls it by the latinized name of Caledonia Sylva, the same in import 
as the Caledonian forest in the north. In p. 26, speaking of the Coitani, he says, " Coitani, in tractu 
" Sylvis obsito, qui ut aliw Brittonnum Sylvce Caledonia fuit appellata." 

{it) Welch Archaiology, v. 1. p. 150, 152, 153. (x) Cambrian Eegister, v. 2. p. 19. 

Vol. I. K 



gg AnAOCOUNT [Book I.— The Roman Period. 

hills, the Uxellwn monies, on the west (y). Then- couiitry ran out eastward 
into the narrow point, or Pen Uxellum of Richard, the Tarbet-ness of Ainslie. 
The country of the Cantce plainly derived its significant name from the British 
Cdint, which, as it means an open country, has at all times been a very appro- 
priate epithet for the eastern part of Ross, compared with the mountainous 
interior and the western districts {iv). 

14. The south-eastern coast of Sutherland was inhabited by the Logl, whose 
country extended from the Abona or Dornoch Frith on the south-west, to 
the river Ila on the east (.r). This is obviously the Helmsdale river of the 
Scandinavian intruders, which the Celtic inhabitants have always called Avon- 
Uile, or Avon-High, the floody water ; an apjjellation which is strongly cha- 
racteristic of this High and of the other Has in North-Britain. The Logi, 
probably drew their name from the British word Lijgi, which was naturally 
applied to a people living on the shore (i/). 

15. The Carnabii inhabited the south, the east, and north-east of Caithness, 
from the Ila river ; comprehending the three great promontories of Viruhium, 
or Noss-Head, of Virvedrum, or Duncansby-Head, and of Tarvedrum, or the 



(r) Ptolemy ; Eichaid, with his map. The Loxa of Ptolomy and Eichard is from its position, 
plainly the Cromarty Frith of the modern maps : and it obviously derived its name of Loxa, from the 
British Llwch, with a foreign termination, signifying an inlet of the sea, or collection of watei'. 
Several aims of the sea on the west coast of North-Britain are called Lochs to this day, probably 
from the Scoto-Irish Loch, signifying the same as the Cambro-British IJwch. The country of the 
Cantse was divided from that of the Caledonii by a ridge of mountains which is called, in Richard's 
map, Uxellum monies, and which, like the Tlxellum monies, in the land of the Novantes, derived 
their name, as we have seen, from the British Uchel, high or lofty. This ridge, of which Ben Wijvis 
is the prominent summit, gradually declines towards the north-east and terminates in a promontorj', 
which is called Pen Uxellum ; and which is the Tarbet-ness of modern maps. The prefix Pen is 
merely the British word that signifies a head, or end, or promontory. Ptolomy has omitted to notice 
these remarkable objects, the Uxellum viontes, and the Pen Uxellum 2'>romontorium , in the country of 
the Cantse. Upon the coast of the Cantse, on the south of the Loxa, or Cromarty Frith, Eichard has 
placed the Arte Jinium Tnqjerii llomani. 

(w) Ptolomy ; Eichard, with his map. The original blunder of Ptolomj-, in the position of 
North-Britain, has introduced a correspondent embarrassment into the map of Eichard, particularly on 
the north of the Varar. This estuary is plainly the western extremity of the Murray Frith. Eichard's 
Al>ona must be the Frith of Dornoch, which runs far into the country between Eoss and Sutherland ; 
and which receives into its ample channel Avon-Oigeal, Avon-Shin, Avon-CaiTon, and other ivnUrs ; 
the name of Abona is obviously formed from the British appellative Avon, a river, with a foreign 
tennination. 

(.c) Ptolomy ; Eichard, with his map. 

(//) ^Vhitaker'3 Manchester, 8vo Edit. v. 2. p. 204. 



Ch. U.~The Tribes, their Positions.'] OpNORTH-BEITAIN. 67 

Orcas promontorium, the Dunnet-Head of the present times. Tlie Carnahii 
derived their appropriate appellation, like the kindred Carnabii of Cornwall, 
from their residence on remarkable promontories. 

16. The small tribe of the Catini inhabited the north-west corner of Caith- 
ness, and the eastern half of Strath-Naver, in Sutherlandshire ; having the river 
Naver, the iVa?;aW-fluvius of Ptolomy, the NahcBus-^vcv'ms of Richard, for their 
western boundary (2) : they probably derived their appellation from the British 
name of the weapon the Cat, or Catai, wherewith they fought ; whence, by 
an easy variation, they may have been called in an age when every word had 
its meaning, the Catini, or Club-men (a). The Gaelic people of Caithness and 
Sutherland are ambitious even at this day of deriving their distant origin from 
those Catini, or Catai, of British times. 

17. The MertcB occupied the interior of Sutherland (6) ; and probably derived 
their name from the British Meredio or Merydd, signifying flat or sluggish ; 
and conveying, perhaps, some analogous quality of the people (c). 

18. The Camonacce inhabited the north and west coast of Sutherland, and 
a small part of the western shore of Ross, from the Naver river, on the east, 
round to the VoIscLS-haj, on the south-west. In this district a river called 
Straha falls into the sea on the west of the river Naver ; and the head-land, 
at the turn, is named Ehudium promontorium (d). The Carnonacfe probably 
derived an appropriate name from the British Cerneinog ; signifying the country 
of points. 



{:) Ptolomy ; Kicliard and liis map. This river is called A'arart-fluvius in the edition of 
Ptolomy, 148G, Naucei-S.VLxms, in Bertius's edition ; Eichard calls it N'abceus-Q.nvins : in Ptolomy's 
maps the Catini are erroneously placed on the tvest, in place of the east, of the Naver river. 
Ptolomy calls this tribe Carini: they are called Catini by Eichard, and his name maybe recog- 
nized in the appellation of their descendants, the Catti, who inhabited this country in after ages, 
and from whom the extremity of North-Britain got the name of Catti-ness, the Caithness of the 
present times. 

(o) Cambrian Eeg., vol. 2, p. 20. 

(b) Ptolomy ; Eichard and his map. (c) Owen's Diet. 

{(I) Ptolomy ; Eichard and his map. The Navari, or A'fn'<T'/-fluvius of Ptolomy, the Nabmus- 
fluvius of Eichard, were certainly Naver river, which gives a name to the country of Strath-iVaco' ; 
and the Straba-?L\m\iA of Eichard was probably the Strath-more river, which runs through Loch 
Hope, and falls into Loch Eribol, an inlet of the sea. The Ebudium promontorium of Eichard is 
no doubt the Cape Wrath of Ainslie, as this map-maker indeed supposes. The Volsas Sinus of 
Richard is probably the great arm of the sea on the west coast of Eoss, which is denominated by 
Ainslie Loch Braon or Broom. Li Ptolomy's maps the Carnonacae are misplaced on the south, in place 
■of the north of Volsas Sinus. 

K2 



68 AnACCOUNT [Book I.— The Roman Period. 

19. The west coast of Ross, from Volscts- sinus, on the north, to the lUjs, on 
the south, was inhabited by the Creones (e), who derived their British name 
from their Jierceness ; Crewon, Creuomoys, signifying tlie men of blood. 

20. The Cerones inhabited the whole west coast of Inverness, and the coun- 
tries of Ai-dnamurchan, Morven, Sunart, and Ardgowar, in Argyleshire ; 
having the Itys of Richard, which is now called Loch Duich, on the north, and 
the Lonrjus, or the Linne-Loch, on the south (/). 

21. The Epidii inhabited the south-west of Argyleshire, from Linne-Loch 
on the north, to the Frith of Clyde and the L'lsh Sea, on the south ; including 
Ceantyr, the point whereof was called the Epidian promontory, which is now the 
Mull of Ceantyr (c/) ; and were bounded on the east by the country of- the Al- 
bani, and the Lelcmonius Sinus, or the Loch-Fine of the present day. The 
Epidii, no doubt, derived their descriptive appellation from the British Ebyd, 
a peninsula ; as they inhabited chiefly the remarkable neck of land which has 
since been called by the Scoto-Irish colonists Ceantire (h). 

Such, then, were the one-and-twenty tribes of Aboriginal Britons who pos- 
sessed, during the first century, the whole range of North- Britain, extending 
from south to north two hundred and sixty statute miles, and from east to 
west, one hundred and fifty. A general view of North-Britain would represent 
the whole, at that epoch, as consisting either of mountains or valleys, M'hich 
were covered with woods, and embarrassed with bogs ; or of surrounding 

(e) Ptolomy ; Eicliard and his map. In Ptoloiu}''s maps the Creones are also misplaced on the 
soiit/i, in place of the north of Itys-fluvius. The Itys applies to the long inlet of the sea, named Loch- 
Duich, between Boss and Inverness, into which several riverets empty their kindred waters. 

(/) Eichard and his map. The Lonrjus-Fhiviint of Eichard is called by Ptolomy \07701, which 
corresponds nearly with the Lochy-Loch and Lochy river of the present day. This Loch and 
river, together with Loch Linne, form the western part of that remarkable chain of Lochs and 
rivers which stretch from the west sea, through the middle of the island, to the head of the Moray- 
Frith at Inverness ; and which formed plainly the Longns of Eichard, and is the remarkable track of 
the Caledonian Canal. 

(</) Ptolomy ; Eichard and his map. 

(A) Cambrian Beg., vol. 2, p. 21. The topography of North-Britain in that age, as it is re- 
presented by Ptolomy and Eichard, affords a new proof of the proposition with regard to the 
sameness of the people which is demonstrated in the first Chapter. The appellations of the 
several tribes, the names of their towns, of the headlands and mountains, of estuaries, and of 
rivers, are all significant in the Cambro-British language ; and are merely disguised by Grfiek 
forms and Latin terminations. But of Scandinavian names there appears not either in Ptolomy *3 
geography or in Eichard's map the smallest trace for Gothic zeal to mistake, or for theoretic sub- 
tilty to misrepresent. For the typographic position of all those tribes, witli their rivers and towns, see 
the Eoman-British map prefixed to this work. 



Chap. II.— The Tribes, their Antiquities.'] OfNOETH-BEITAIN. 69 

coasts, which were indented with numerous bays, and ampUfied by successive 
promontories (i.) 

The Caledonian tribes, at the arrival of Agricola among them, seem to have 
resembled their kindred Britons of South-Britain, as they were described by 
Julius Caesar in a prior age. From his account they all appear to have been 
little raised, in their social connections, above the natural state of rude savages, 
who live on the milk of their flocks, or the supplies of their sport. In this 
condition they probably remained for ages. The prejudice of Dio represents 
them indeed as a people who reared their children in common, as they had 
wives in common ; and who lived in huts, rather than inhabited houses ; that 
they were almost naked from choice ; and were remarkable for bearing fatigue, 
cold, and famme: they were said to be addicted, like the heroes of more 
ancient times, to robbery, which was analogous to their warfare. Their infantiy 
were equally famous for their speed in attack, and for their firmness in the 
field ; being armed, like their Gaelic posterity in more recent times, with slight 
shields, short spears, and handy daggers : they, however, sometimes fought in 
cars that were drawn by horses, which were said to be small, swift, and spirited. 
As the Caledonian tribes appear thus to have been little advanced beyond the 
first stage of society, so they seem to have had scarcely any 23olitical union : 
then' governments are said by Dio, in the same strain of doubtful intimation, to 
have been democratic ; yet they were, perhaps, like the American tribes, 
governed under the aristocratic sway of the old men, rather than the coercion 
of legal authority, which all were bound to obey. Herodian concurs with 
Dio in his disadvantageous representation of the civilization, manners, and 
the arts of social life among the Caledonian clans, even during the recent 
period of the third century. And yet the stone monuments of vast labour 
which still remain ; the hill-forts of the ingenious construction of many 
hands, that could not even now be taken by storm ; and the gallant stand 
which they systematically opposed to the disciplined valour of the Roman 
armies ; clearly show the Caledonian people in a better light of civilization and 
poUty than the classic authors uniformly represent. 

The Aborigmes of North-Britain, like other rude people in the most early 
stages of society, were probably less governed by law than by religion. In 
all the colonies of the Celts in Europe, Druidism was the mode of their reli- 
gious faith, which may have been corrupted by innovation, and may have ap- 

O") See the Mappa Antiqua; and Eoy's MiUt. Aotiq., p. ')7, for his short description of the face 
of the country. 



70 An ACCOUNT [Bookl.—T/ie n„ma)i Period. 

peared under difierent aspects in various climes. It was the intelligent opinion 
of Diogenes Laertius that the tenets of the Druids might be comprehended 
under four heads: (1.) To worship God; (2.) To abstain from evil; (3.) To 
exert courage ; (4.) And to believe in the immortality of the soul, for enforcing 
all those virtues. "We may easily suppose from the less favourable representa- 
tion of subsequent writers, that the tenets of Druidism degenerated into mere 
grossness, and that the practice of Druidism became degraded by practices of 
less refinement. 

The Celtic people undoubtedly brought their Druids and Druidism with 
them from the east into Europe ; and the Gauls conveyed both into Britain. 
The Druids probably derived their appropriate name from the Celtic Derwyz, 
the Dar-gwyz of the British speech, which signifies one who has knowledge ; 
a theologian, a Druid (h). As the Druids had undoubtedly an appropriate vene- 
ration for the oak, they imagined there was a supernatural virtue in the wood, 
in the leaves, in the fruit, and above all in the misseltoe. Among the priests 
of Druidism, there appear to have been three orders : the Druids, the Vates, 
and the Bards, who severally performed very different functions : the Bards 
sung in heroic verse the brave actions of eminent men ; the Vates studied 
continually, and explained nature, the productions of nature and the laws ; 
and the Druids, who were of a higher order, and were disciplined in the 
forms of an established order, directed the education of youth, officiated in the 
affairs of religion, and presided in the administration of justice. In considera- 
tion of those several duties, which in every age and country are of great im- 
portance, the Druids were exempted from serving in war, from the paying of 
taxes, and from contributing to the burdens of the state. 

Whatever may have been the speculative tenets of Druidism, the Druids 
taught the duties of moral virtue, and enforced the precepts of natural religion. 
They inculcated a strong desire of liberty, with an aixlent love of their country, 
which strikingly appeared in the struggle for both which was made against 
the Roman legions by the Gauls, by the Britons, and, above all, by the 
Caledonians. It was a peculiar principle of the Druids which enjoined that 
no temple or covered building should be erected for public worship : for, the 
sun being the great medium, rather than the object of their adoration, to have 
shut out that luminary during their religious services would have been Incon- 
sistent with their objects. Neither did the Druids ever erect any Image of the 

{k) See Owen's Diet, in Vo. Dcni-yz. This word he ingeniously traces back to Bar, an oak, 
a male oak. From the oalc, as it was held in religious veneration, it had this name, which implies 
tlie tree of presence. 



Cli. n.—T/ie Tribes, their A ntiquities.'] NOETH-BRITAIN. 71 

Deity : nor did they communicate with the Greeks or Komans in the mul- 
tipUcity of their local gods, or in the grossness of their general idolatry. 

In religious worship, the individual may perform his devotions wlien and 
where he finds it most convenient ; but the worship of societies requires a 
determinate time and place. In the first ages there was an agreement in 
religion, both in faith and in practice, among the nations of the earth, in the 
same manner as there was a similarity in their language, from a common origin. 
The earliest temples were uncovered. The places of the Druid worship con- 
tinued uncovered till the dark epoch of Druid dissolution. 

The most eai'ly places of worship, as might naturally be expected, ^^■ere 
gi'oves {I) : the oak woods were the first places of the Druid devotion. Long 
after the Caledonian forests had fallen before the waste of design and the de- 
struction of accident, the sacred tree still remained within the Caledonian 
regions the inviolable object of vulgar veneration {m). 

Oratories existed among the earliest j)eople {n). These ancient places of 
worship consisted of plots of gi'ound, which, as they were enclosed, and were 
open above, were appropriated to the public worship of families and villages. 
One of the earliest of those Oratories was distinguished by a Pillar of Stone, 
which was set up under an oak (o). The Druid sacrifices were only performed 
at the altar, which stood within the circles, and under an oak ; and when no 
sacrifices were to be made, we may easily suppose that the people assembled in 
those inclosures, either for the acquirement of knowledge or the performance 
of devotion. For those impoi'tant ends, and for the instruction of youth, were 
groves appropriated by the Druids and altars erected. Many of those altars 
still remain in North-Britain. And such a superstitious regard is even now paid 
to those sacred stones by the country people, that though some of those stones 

(I) Gen. 12.7. 

(//() See Ure's Euthergleu, p. 8.5 ; and Stat. Acco. V. xv. p. 280 : the sequestrated spot on 
wliieh stands tlie large Cromlech, called the Auld Wives-lift, appears to have been surrounded by a 
grove of oaks ; as several of the stumps of those trees are still visible. In the Isle of Skye, there 
is a consecrated ivell, which is called Loch Seaiit Well, and which is celebrated for many virtues ; 
and near it there is a small coppice or ckimp of wood, that is to this day held saci-ed by the 
surrounding inhabitants, who are careful not to cut a branch of it, from the belief that some mis- 
fortune would be the result of the act. Martin's West. Isles, p. 140-1. From the sacred groves 
of the Druids, arose the term Cel, or Cil, which, in the Celtic language, originally signified a 
covert, a recess, a retreat, such as were the sacred groves of the Druids. On the introduction of 
Christianity, the term Cil was apphed to the cells and chapels of the first Christian missionaries 
and saints, and secondarily, to the consecrated cemeteries which were usually attached to them. 

(ji) Mede, 65. (<-) Joshua, 24, 2G. 



72 A N A C C U N T [Book I.— The Roman Period. 

of worship stand in the middle of com fields, ^evf persons have ventured to 
remove the objects, which were once univex'sally venerated (/). ISear the vil- 
lage of Kilbarchan, on an elevated plain, stands a huge stone, called Clochodrick, 
which is merely a corruption of Clochadruid ; signifying, in the Celtic language, 
the Druid's stone. At some distance around it, there are a few large grey 
stones ; but whether they once formed a Druid inclosure cannot now be ascer- 
tained (g). There is scarcely a district in North-Britain where a Clochadruid 
may not be found whence an illiterate people were taught to offer their usual 
adorations. 

The number and variety of the Druid remains in North-Britain are almost 
endless. The principal seat of Druidism seems to have been the recesses of 
Perthshire, near the Grampian range.. Accurate inquuy might perhaps discover 
that the circles and ovals of erect stones, with stone pUlars and small cairns 
within them, are the Oratories of ancient times ; and that the circles of stones, 
having an altar or a cromlech within the area or on the outside of them, 
have been used for the different purposes of making saciifices. Those inclo- 
sures are sometimes formed of a single cu-cle, and often of double, and treble, 
concentric circles of upright stones. In general only one or two of those 
inclosures are seen in one place : But in many districts of North-Britain there 
are found three, four, and even more, in the same vicinity ; and sometimes 
there may be perceived Druid cairns, which are closely connected with them, 
both in neighbourhood and in use (h). 



(/) Stat. Account of Kirkmictael, v. 15, p. 520. 

{(/) Stat. Acco. V. 15, p. 487. In Trescaw, one of tlie Scilly Isles, there is a similar stone of 
an oval form, about nineteen feet long, and shelving at the top ; round which there was a row of 
rude unequal stones, and a sort of trench. Borlase, p. 200. pi xii. ; King's Munimenta Antiq. 
p. 230. pi. X. 

(/() Within the parish of Kiikmichael, in Perthshire, there is a vast body of Druid remains. 
Upon an extensive and elevated moor, on the east side of Strath-Ai-dle, there is a large Cairn of 
stones, ninety yards in circumference, and about twent}'-five feet high. From the east side of this 
Cairn, two parallel rows of stones extend to the southward, in a straight line, upwards of one hun- 
dred yards, having a small Cairn at the extremity of each : these rows form an avenue thirty-two 
feet broad, leading to the great Cairn. Around this large Caii-n there is a number of smaller Cairns, 
ficatteied at different distances, generally in groups of eight or ten together. They are all co- 
vered more or less with moss or heath. About a furlong west from the great Cairn there are 
the remains of two concentric circles of upright stones ; the outer circle is about fifty-feet, and the 
inner thirty-two feet in diameter. There are also in the neighbourhood of the great Caii'n, at dif- 
ferent distances, the remains of six or more single circles of standing stones, from thirty-two to 
thirty-six feet in diameter. About a mile north-east from this great Cairn, on a flat-topped emi- 



Ch.U.— The Tribes, their Antiquities.^ OpNORTH-BEITAIN. 73 

There ajDpear, from a thousand remains both in South and North Britain, 
to have been two kinds of Druid altars. The first sort consists of flat stones, 
which are either incumbent or upright (i) ; the second sort is the Cromlechs, 

nence, stands an immense rocking stone. In the vicinity of this stone there are a number of other 
Dniidical remains. About sixty yards north of it, on a small eminence, there are two concentric 
circles of stone, similar to those already described ; and adjoining to them, on the east side, there 
is a single circle of stones. Beyond these, at the distance of thirty-seven yards, on another small 
eminence, there is another pair of concentric circles of stones, with a single circle adjoining them on 
the east side. From these, at the distance of forty-five yards, there is yet another pair of concen- 
tric circles of stones, with a single circle, adjoining them on the east side. North-east from these 
concentric circles, about ninety yards, there is a single circle of stones ; and beside it, on the west, 
two rectangular enclosures of thirty-seven feet by twelve, also a Cairn twenty-three or twenty-four 
yards in circumference and about twelve feet high in the centre. There are several Cairns scattered 
about in the neighbourhood. About one hundred and twenty yards west from the rocking stone 
there is a pair of concentric circles of stones, having beside them a small single circle seven feet in 
diameter. All these pairs of concentric circles are of the same dimensions, the inner one being 
about thirty-two feet, and the outer about forty-five feet in diameter ; and all of them have an 
entrance four or five feet wide on the south side. The single circles are, in general, from thirty- 
two to thu'ty-six feet in diameter. There are several cairns and circles of stones similar to those 
above described, in other parts of the same parish, particularly between Strath-Ardle and Glen-derby. 
There are also several tall upright stones called by the Gaelic inhabitants Crom-leaca or C/ach- 
sleachda, the stones of worship. Some of these are five and six feet above gromid, and must be 
sunk a considerable space under the surface, from their remaining so long in the same upright position. 
Stat. Acco., V. XV. p. .516—20. 

(?) The altar stones are generally connected with Druid circles ; and have sometimes artificial ca- 
vities in them. In Kincardineshire, at Achen-corthie, which signifies thejield of the circles, there are 
two concentric circles ; the exterior one is composed of fifteen standing stones, three yards high 
above ground, and seven or eight paces distant from one another, the diameter being twenty-four 
paces : the interior circle is three paces from the other, and the stones of it are three feet high above 
the ground. On the south, ther6 was a large broad stone lying flat ; and on the east of the circle, at 
the distance of twenty-six paces, there is another large broad stone, which was fast in the ground, 
having a cavity that may contain a Scots gallon. Near these two concentric circles, there are 
other three concentric circles, the stones of the largest being about three yards, and those of the 
two smaller circles about three feet above the ground. On the top of one of the stones of the largest 
circle, on the east side, there is a hollow about three inches deep, along the bottom of which there 
is a channel cut one inch deep and two inches broad, which leads some way down the side of the 
stone for the purpose of caiTying off the liquid that had been poured in at the top ; in another 
stone, within the same circle and upon the same side there is also a cavity with a channel for 
the purpose of convejdng down the side of it the liquid that may have been poured into it. Ar- 
chaeol. V. i., p. 315. There are several artificial cavities in the top of an altar stone, at a Druid 
circle, in Caputh parish, Perthshire. Stat. Acco., V. ix., p. 504. There are flat altar stones at 
many other Dniid circles in North-Britain ; such as at Coupar Grange in Perthshire, Kilteam 
in I?o33-shire, and other places. View of the Agriculture of Perthshire, p. 571 ; Stat. Acco. 
Vol. I. L 



74 AnACCOUNT [Book I.— The Soman Period. 

consistino- of a large broad stone, which is supported by several stories that are 
usually placed upon their respective edges. Of the fiz'st kind there are nume- 
rous examples in every district of North-Britain, as we have seen. The Crom- 
lechs are equally numerous, and still more remarkable (k). And both these 
sorts of altai's are generally connected with Druid circles or other Druid works, 
though the Cromlechs sometimes appear alone in some sequestered place, 
which may have been sheltered by the sacred grove while the Caledonian 
forest yet covered the Caledonian regions (0- 

V. i., p. 292. Many of the Druid circles in England and Wales have similar altar stones 
and upright stones, with artificial cavities in them. Archaeol., V. ii., p. 207. Borlase's Cornwall, 
p. 117—241, &c. 

(Ic) Many Cromlechs are connected with Druid circles, and several appear without circles. In 
the parish of Old Deer, in Aberdeenshire, there is a number of Dniidical circles : the most entire 
of these is on the hiU of Park-house, and has a large Cromlech, the top stone of which is fourteen feet 
long, contains about two hundred and fifty solid feet, and rests upon other two large stones placed 
on their edges. Cordiner's Antiquities, p. 44 ; Stat. Acoo., V. 16, p. 81. In the enclosures of 
Kipp's-house, in Linhthgowshire, there is a Druidical cu'cle, having one or two erect stones in 
the centre, and a large Cromlech near it. Cough's Camden, V. iii., p. 318. In the middle of 
one of the Druidical circles in the isle of Arran there is a Cromlech, consisting of a large broad 
stone, which is supported by three lesser ones. Martin's Western Islands, p. 220. In the parish 
of Castleton, in Eosburghshire, there is a Cromlech at the south end of a large oblong Cairn, 
near the north end of which there is a Druid circle. Stat. Acco., V. xvi., p. 85. On a high 
ground, near a mile north from the church of Baldernock, in Stirlingshire, there is a circular plain 
or area, of about a hundred paces diameter, and surrounded by an ascent of a few yards in height, 
in the form of an amphitheatre : within this area or enclosure there is a remarkable Cromlech, 
which is called the auld wives' lift : and this area appears, from the remains, to have once been 
covered by a grove of oaks. Stat. Acco., V. 15, p. 280 ; Ure's Eutherglen, p. 85. There are 
many such Druid works, with similar Cromlechs, in England and Wales. Cough's Camden, 
V. i., p. 285—294. PI. xv.— lb. V. iii., p. 174—90 ; Antiq. Eepert, V. vi., p. 239 ; Stukeley's 
Abury; Borlase's Cornw. 119; Pennant's Tour in Wales, V. ii., p. 203; King's Muniment. 
Antiq. V. i. p, 210 — 260. And there are also in England, Wales and Cornwall, a number 
of Cromlechs at which there do not at present appear any Druid circles. Such as the famous 
Cromlech, called Kitfs Cottij-house, in Kent. Munimenta Antiq. V. i. p. 215. PI. viii. and is. 
That at Plas-Newydd, in Anglesey, and several others in the same island. Pennant's Tour in 
Wales, v. ii. p. 237 ; Cough's Camden, V. ii., p. 569 : Eowland's Mona Antiqua, p. 92 — 3 ; 
King's Munimenta Antiq. "V. i., p. 231—237. PI. x. and si. See King's Munimenta, from 210 to 
263 ; and Borlase's Cornwall, p. 223 to 233, for a number of other Cromlechs in different parts of 
South-Britain. 

(/) The tei-m Cromlech is brought by Eowland, from Babel, in the form of Cseraem-lech, or Caerem- 
luach, a devoted stone or altar. Mon. Antiq. p. 47, which is quoted by the learned author of 
the Munimenta Antiq. "V. i., p. 230—58—9. This elaborate antiquary also quotes an Etymon of 
the Cromlech, which is supposed to have been given by a Scots highlander, in the Gent. Mag. 



Cli. II.— The Tribes, their Antiquities.'] OfNOETH-BEITAIN. 75 

The Cairns which the superstition of the earliest ages dedicated to Druid 
rites must be carefully distinguished from the sepulchral Cairns that are every- 
where found in North-Britain (m). The Druid Cairns may be easily ascer- 
tained by attending to the following circumstances : The Druid Cairns are 
always connected, either by vicinity or use, with some Druid circle or Druid 
work, of which we have seen several examples. The Druid Cairns are gene- 
rally fenced round the bottom by a circle of stones. These Cairns had always 
on their summits a large flat stone on which the Druid fires were lighted : 
and, lastly, these monuments may be distinguished by the avenue of upright 
stones which conducted the devotees to the base of so many Druid Cairns («). 

1792, p. 695 ; and which consists of Crom, bent or crooked, and lech, that is supposed by the 
highlander to be a con-uption of Clach, a stone : thus, Cromlech was conjectui'ed to be the stone 
which was to be bowed towards, or the stone of adoration. Borlase, p. 225, says the general 
name for this stone among the learned is Cromlech or crooked stone ; the upper stone being 
generally of a convex or swelling surface, and resting in a crooked position : Borlase adds in a 
note, that Crom, in the Cornish, signifies crooked, and Crijmimj, bending, bowing ; whence To- 
land and others have conjectured that these singular erections were called Cromlech, from the 
reverence which persons, bowing in the act of adoration, paid to them. None of these, however, 
have given the true and proper interpretation of the term Cromlech. Crom., both in the British 
and Irish, undoubtedly signifies bent, inclined ; and Cromadh, bending, inchning ; and Llech (Brit.) 
and Leac (Ir.) mean a flat stone, as we learn from Davies and O'Brien : whence, Crom-lech 
literally signifies the inclined flat stone ; and certainly is, like most other Celtic names, descriptive of 
the thing to which it is applied ; the top stone of all the Cromlechs being a flat stone that had 
been designedly placed in an inclined position. The conjecture of the Soots highlander, of Toland, 
and of others, as above mentioned, of the Cromlech being the stone of adoration does not agree with 
the fact, as the Cromlechs were not constructed for objects of adoration, but for the analogous 
purpose of sacrificing altars. It must, however, be observed, that Crom is not the proper epithet, 
either in the British or in the Irish, for inclining or sloping unless the stone was also concave : 
Crom literally signifies, in both those languages, bending, bowed, bent, concave ; and might be ap- 
plied to the attitude of the body in bowing. For drawings of Cromlechs, see Pennant's Tour in 
Wales, V. ii, p. 246 ; King's Munimenta Antiqua, PI. viii. ix. x. and si., p. 222 ; Borlase's Cornwall, p. 
223, PI. xxi. ; Ure's Butherglen, p. 85. 

(«i) Cairn is an original word in the British and Iiish dialects of the Celtic ; and signifies literally 
a heap, a prominence. 

(n) In Kirkmichael parish, in Perthshire, the distinguished site of Druid remains in North- 
Britain, there are a number of Druid Cairns in the vicinity of Druidical circles, and other remains, 
as we have seen. In Blair of Athol parish there is a large Cairn, sixty paces in circumference, 
which stands near a Druid circle, and which has several flat stones on its lofty summit. Stat. 
Acco. V. ii., p. 474. In the parish of Leochel, in Aberdeenshire, there are several large Caims, 
some of which are fended round with large stones ; and near these Cairns, are several double and 
triple concentric circles. lb. V. vi., p. 221. In the parish of East Kilbride, in Lanarkshire, on 
the summit of the Cathkin hilLs, there is a large Cairn, which is surrounded with a narrow ditch. 



70 AnACCOUNT [Book I.— The Roman Period. 

Among tlie vast variety of Druid monuments in North-Britain one of the 
most interesting is the rocking stone, which seems to have existed in eveiy coun- 
try and in every period (o). That those singular stones are Druid remains 
cannot easily be doubted by the scepticism vi^hich denies the evidence of Druid 
remains in North-Britain. It vs^as, after the subHme truths of Druidism had 
fallen into the grossness of superstition, and the pure adoration of the Deity had 
degenerated into delusive imposition, that the rocking stones whether natural or 
artificial were brought in, either to induce belief or to heighten devotion. 
And these rocking stones are still to be seen, the objects of learned curiosity, 
but of ignorant wonder, in every district of North-Britain, as well as in Corn- 
wall and in Wales (^). 

and a small dike of eartli, and is surmounted witli a very large flat stone. Ure's Hist., p. 216. — In 
lona, which has always been sacred to religious observances, there is a Cairn or a mount, which is 
called Claodli-nan-Druidlineach, the burial place of the Druids, and which is sun'ounded with a 
stone fence and had once a Cromlech. Stat. Acco. V. siv., p. 199 ; Smith's Gael. Antiq. : Pen- 
nant's Tour, V. iii., p. 258. — In the isle of Arran, there is a Cairn or mound, within two concen- 
tric circles, and near this, there is a huge Cairn of gi-eat pebbles, having a circle of stones round its 
base. Pennant's Tour, V. iii.. p. 180. — In Castleton parish, in Eoxburghshire, there is a large 
oblong Cairn, having at the north end of it a Dniid circle and at its south end a Cromlech. Stat. 
Acco. V. xvi., p. 8.5. 

(o) Borlase's Cornwall, p. 179-182. See Pennant's Tour in Wales, V. ii., p. 246, for an account of 
Druid remains in every part of Europe. 

(^p) In the parish of Kirkmichael, in Perthshire, there is an immense rocking stone, which 
stands on a flat-topped eminence in the vicinity of a large body of Druid remains that have been 
already noticed. This stone is placed on the plain surface of a rock level with the ground. It is a 
very hard solid whinstone, of a quadrangular shape, approaching to the figure of a rhombus, of 
which the greater diagonal is seven feet and the less five feet : its mean thickness is about two and 
a half feet; and its sohd contents must therefore be about 51,075 cubical feet: its weight must 
be about three tons and half a hundred, for a stone of the same quality was found to weigh 
eight stone three pounds the cubic foot. By pressing down either of the extreme comers a rock- 
ing motion is produced, which may be increased so as to make the distance between their lowest 
depression and highest elevation a full foot. This stone makes twenty-six or more vibrations, 
from one side to the other, after the pressure is wholly withdrawn. Stat. Acco. V. xv., p. 517. 
On the south descent of the hill, which is opposite to the Manse of Dron, in Perthshire, there is a 
large rocking stone. It is a block of whinstone, ten feet long and seven feet broad ; and it is 
placed in a somewhat sloping position, and rests its central prominence upon a gi-eat flat stone, 
which is fixed in the earth. On gently pressing the upper end, it begins a rocking motion, vibrating 
in an arch of from one to two inches, and continues to vibrate for some time after the pressuj'e is 
withdrawn. lb. V. ix., p. 483. — In the parish of Abemethy, in the same shire, upon Farg- 
water, near Balvaird, the town of the bard, there is a rocking stone, which attracted the notice 
of Buchanan. lb. p. 484. On the hill, called Mealyea, in the parish of Kells, in the stewartry 
of Kirkcudbright, there is a vast rocking stone, which from its size, must be eight or ten tons 



Ch. n. — The Tribes, their Antiquities.] OpNOETH-BRITAIN. 77 

It were easy to show that the remains of Druidism are more numerous in 
North than in South Britain. They do not equal, though they certainly 
emulate, the stupendous works of the same kind on Salisbury Plain, and at 
Abury. They were all undoubtedly the works of a people who were actuated 
by great activity of religious principle, and possessed amazing ingenuity of 
invention and power of execution. Those monuments also evince that the 
Druids enjoyed and exerted all the knowledge and influence which have 
been attributed to them by history in ancient and in modern times. From 
the foregoing investigations we may perceive that the stone monuments in 
North and South Britain, as they are exactly the same, must necessarily 
have been erected by the same people, and nearly in the same age (g). It is 

■weight : it is so nicely balanced upon two or three protuberances, tliat the pressure of the finger pro- 
duces a rocking motion from one side to the other. lb. V. iv., p. 262 ; and Grose's Antiq.. V. II., p. 
190. PL i. ii. This rocking stone is called in the country the Logan-sioTie. There are a variety of 
rocking stones in Cornwall, which are there called Zof/aji-stones. Borlase, p. 143, 179, 181. There 
are also rocking stones in Wales, in Derbyshire, and in Yorkshire, and also in Ireland. lb. p. 182 ; 
Camden Brit., 762 ; Gough's Camden, V. iii., p. 36-7. 

{c[) Several of the Druldical works which remain in North-Britain are of an elliptical, and 
several of an oval form. On the farm of Graitney Mains, in Dumfriesshire, there are the remains 
of a Druidical temple, of an oval foiTa, enclosing about half an acre of gi-ound. It is composed of 
large rough whin or moor-stone, which must have been brought from a considerable distance, 
there being no stones of this kind within ten or twelve miles of this place. One of the largest of 
these stones measures one hundred and eighteen cubical feet. Stat. Acco., V. ix., p. 528. On 
an eminence about half a mile west of the house of CljTie, in the parish of Kiltearn in Eoss- 
shire, there are the remains of a Druidical temple, consisting of two ovals joined to each other, 
and foimed of large upright stones. The area of both these ovals are equal, being thirteen feet 
from east to west, and ten feet in the middle from north to south. At the west end of one of 
them there is a stone which rises eight feet above the surface of the earth : the other stones are 
from four to six feet long. Within the same oval there is a large flat altar stone, which seems to 
have stood foi-merly at the east end. There are three concentric circles marked out round the 
eminence, on the top of which these ovals are situated : The lowest one, at the bottom of it, is 
eighty paces in circumference ; the second, twenty-eight paces above this, is about fifty 
paces in circumference ; and the third, twelve paces above the second, is about thirty-five 
paces in circumference. lb., V. i., p. 292. Several other Druid temples in North-Britain 
are of an oval or an elliptical form ; and many of those in South-Britain are of the same form. 
The grand temple of Stonehenge, and the principal circle at Stan-ton-Drew, in Somersetshire, are 
of an elliptical form. The Druid temple near Town-Mailing, in Kent, is of an oval form, and has 
at the east end of it a great altar stone, and near it a stone pillar. Ai'chaeoL, v 2, p. 107. The 
Druid temple near Keswick, in Cumberland, is oval. Pennant's Tom- in Scotland, v. 3, p. 38, 
pi. 1, fig. 1 ; and Antiq. Eepertory, v. 1, p. 239. The Druid temples at Boskednaw, at Ken-is, 
and at Boscawen-un, in Cornwall, and that at Trescaw, in the Scilly isles, are all oval. Borlase 
Antiq. of CorawaU, p. 198, 200, 205, pi. xv. and xvii. There are the remains of six different 
Druidical temples within a mile of the present church of Kiltarlity in Invemess-shire : one of 



78 An ACCOUNT [Book 1—77(6 Roman Period. 

in vain, then, for sceptics to talk vaguely of there never having been Druids 
in North-Britain, where so many stone monuments attest their existence and 
exhibit their labours. 

them is in tlie present cliurch-yard. Such of these temples as are entire consist of two concentric 
circles, the external one from sixty-four to seventy-foui' yards in circumference, fonned of nine large 
stones. Four of these stones, which are placed to the west-south-west and north-west, are con- 
siderably larger than the other five, being from five to six and a half feet high, and broad in 
proportion, and are three or four feet farther distant from each other than the other five, which 
are only about four feet high. The inner circles are about ten or eleven feet distant from the 
outdr one, and consist of a number of smaller stones placed near each other, about two feet high. 
There is sometimes a cairn of small stones in the area of the inner circle ; several places in the same 
parish are named from these circles. As Bal-na,-carrachan, the Town of the Circles, Blar-na,- 
carrachan, the Field of the Circles, and a farm hamlet near the church is called Ard-driddhnack, 
the heifjht of the Druids. Stat. Account, v. 13, p. 524. Druidism seems not only to have spread over 
North-Britain to the extremity of Caithness, but also to have penetrated into the western islands, 
and even into the Orkney islands. In the main island of Orkney, called Pomona, there are consider- 
able Druidical remains at a place called Stenness. At the south end of a causeway which crosses 
a narrow and shallow part of the loch of Stenness, there is a circle formed of smooth flag stones 
set upright. The stones are about twenty feet high above the ground, six feet broad, and a foot 
or two thick. Between this circle and the end of the causeway there are two upright stones of 
the same size with the others, in one of which there is a hole of an oval form, large enough to 
admit a man's head. About half a mile from the other or north-west end of the causeway, which 
crosses the narrow part of the loch, there is another large circle of stones about a hundred and 
ten paces in diameter. Both this and the former cu-cles are surrounded with fosses. On the 
east and west of this large circle there are two artificial tumuli, or mounts of a conical form, 
and somewhat hollow upon the top. About half a mile from the first mentioned circle, at the 
south end of the causeway, there is a tumulus larger than the others, which has been surrounded 
with a fosse. It is called the Mes-lwiv. Wallace's Orkney, p. 53 ; Stat. Account, v. 14, 
p. 134 — 5. Mes-Aoio means Mes-knoll ; Hoiv, in Orkney, denotes a knoll or eminence : it is 
from the Scandinavian Holl, vulgarly pronounced Hoio, which is different from the Scoto-Saxon 
how, a hollow. Some parts of these grand remains appear to have been demolished since Wallace's 
time. The hole, in one of the upright stones at this place, is similar to the Maen-tol's or hole 
stones in Cornwall. See Borlase, p. 177, pi. xiv. Yet the foregoing intimations must only be 
regarded as a few specimens of Druid remains which have been selected from an infinite number 
that may be seen by the curious eye in every parish in North-Britain. The inquisitive reader may 
expect a fuller detail of Druid remains in the several county histories, under the head of Anti- 
quities in this work. Nerertheless scepticism has doubted, and absurdity denied, that there ever 
•were Druids in any part of Scotland! Much has been written, since the revival of learning in 
Europe, on the interesting subject of the Dniids, their tenets, and their worship. In the fore- 
going sketch I have derived some help from a MS. Enqiiirij into Druidism, which is in my library. 
Among the Gaelic Antiquities of Dr. John Smith is "A history of the Di-uids." But Frickius, 
the learned and industrious Frickius, has collected, in his curious work, '-De Druidis," every 
thing which had been written before him, in any language, on the Druids ; and he has added to 
his elaborate treatise, "Catalogus Scriptorum de Druidis et Rebus ad Antiquitates illorum per- 
tinentibus." 



Ch. II. — The Tribes, their Antiquities.'] OfNOETH-BEITAIN. 79 

The same Gaelic people undoubtedly erected all those singular monuments 
in Britain and in Ireland : this position might be further illustrated by an in- 
vestigation of the sepulchral remains in North-Britain, which are so intimately 
connected with the religious sentiment of the ancient inhabitants. Dimnf the 
first ages the modes of sepulture were various. In the most early times, how- 
ever, during the existence of paganism, the burning of the dead settled into 
a general practice. But the Pagans relinquished the mode as the light of 
Christianity dawned upon them, and as traits of civility approached from the 
illumination of their minds. Our present inquiry, however, relates chiefly to the 
modes of sepulture among the Pagan people of North-Britam. They seein aU 
to have burned their dead, though they appear to have somewhat differed 
in the manner of inhumation, according to the rank of the deceased. In 
every part of North-Britain, in the Hebrides, and in the Oi'kneys, there is 
still to be traced a great number of the sepulchral remains of the first colonists 
or their immediate descendants. There were formerly many more. But in 
the progress of improvements, during the last century, those sacred remains 
have supplied the cultivators of the soil with stones for then- fences, and 
mould for their compost. These sepulchral remains of the earliest people in 
North-Britain may be considered under the several distinctions of Barrows, 
Cairns, Cistvaens, and Urns. 

The greatest numbers of these tumuli are circular heaps, resembling a flat 
cone. A great many are oblong ridges, like the hulk of a ship with its bottom 
ujjwards. Some of them are composed of earth ; the most of them of stones ; 
many of them of a mixture of earth and stones ; and a few of them of sand : 
the great distinction, however, between the Barrow and the Cairn, consists in 
this, that the first is composed only of earth, and the second of stones : in 
South-Britain the Barrows chiefly prevail ; in North-Britain the Cairns abound 
the most (r) : and both these, when they are of a round shape, and are covered 
with green sward are called, in the last country, by the vulgar hillocks, and 
by the learned tumuli. 

(r) Borlase, p. 211, will have the Barroivs to be rather Burrows; as the barrow, according to him, 
signifies a place of defence, but the burrow is from Bijrig, a burial place. Bailey derives the barrow 
from the Saxon Beonj, Collis : Skinner equally derives the same word from the Anglo-Saxon Beorg, 
tumuhis: and Ash supposes the baiTow to be derived from the Saxon Beerwe, a grove or woody 
place. None of them seem to have hit upon the true derivation of the well-known term, baiTow. 
Beorg, and Beurh, in the Anglo-Saxon, signify coUis, agger, acervus, tumulus : so, aefler-beorgum 
means muninientum sepulchrum. Lye. But as the barrows were the works of a Celtic people, so 
the name is probably derived from the Celtic language : Bar, in the British, Baraii, in its plm-al, 
signify the top or summit, an excressence. Davies and Owen. Bar, in the Irish, equally means 



80 A N A C C U N T [Book I.— The Roman Period. 

Barrows of a greater or a less size may be found in eveiy district of 
North-Britain, in the most southern as well as the most northern. Near 
the abbey of Newbottle there was once a remarkable Barrow, composed of 
earth and of a conic figure, in height thirty feet, and in circumference at the 
base ninety feet ; it was surrounded by a circle of stones, and on its top 
there grew a fii' tree. When this Barrow was removed there was found in it a 
stone cofiin, near seven feet long, and proportionably broad and deep ; and 
from it was taken a human skull (s). Several other Barrows, both in South 
and North -Britain, have been also surrounded with circles of stones (t). There 
is a Barrow in the parish of Kirkmabreck, in Wigtonshire, which is called 
Cairny-wanie, and which is merely the Cairn-uame of the Scoto-Irish, or Green- 
Cairn of the Scoto-Saxon : when C&xmj-wanie was opened there was found in 
it a stone coffin, comprehending a human skeleton that was greatly above the 
ordinary size, together with an urn containing some ashes and an earthen 
pitcher iu). There was a sepulchral tumulus at Elie, in Fife, which, when 
opened some years ago, was found to contain several human bones of a re- 
markably large size {x). In the parish of Logic, in Forfarshire, there are se- 
Teral tumuli, two of which have been opened : in one of these there was found 
a coffin, formed of flag stones, and containing a human skeleton, the bones 
whereof were of an extraordinary size, were mostly entire, of a deep yellow 
colour, and were very brittle when touched : in the other tumulus there were 
found, about a foot from the surface, four human skeletons, the bones whereof 
■were exceedingly large ; and near these was discovered a beautiful black ring, 
like ebony, of a fine polish, and in peifect preservation ; and this ring is twelve 
inches in circumference, and four inches in diameter ; it is flat in the inside, 
and roimded without, and it would fit a large wrist. In the same tumulus 
there was found an urn which was full of ashes (?/). In the parish of Girvan, 

a head, a top, a heap. O'Brien and Shaw. Bera, in the British, signifies a pyramid, a heap, a stack, 
as of corn or hay. Davies and Owen. Borra, in the Irish, means a swelling, a protuberance. O'Brien 
and Shaw. And in the Scoto-Irish it signifies a pile. Stat. Account, v. 14, p. 257. Cam, in the 
British and Irish, means merely a heap, as we have seen. 

(s) Antiq. Trans. Edinb., p. 95. 

(<) Gough's Camden, 'V. i., p. 3 : several Barrows in the Scilly Isles are edged round with large 
stones. Borlase's Cornwall, p. 219. 

{u) Stat. Acco., V. XV., p. 552. {x) lb. V. svii., p. 542. 

(j/) Stat. Acco., V. ix., p. 51-2 : in a large oblong Cairn about a mile west from Ardoch, in 
Perthshire, there was found a stone cofiin, containing a human skeleton seven feet long. lb. 
"V. viii., p. 495. From those facts, with regard to the large size of the skeletons, the tradition 
3n this subject should seem not to be quite groundless, as indeed Tacitus, when describing the 
Caledonians, appears to intimate. 



Chap. II.— r^e Tribes, their Antiquities.] OpNOETH-BEITAIN. 81 

in Ayrshire, there were several tumuli : in one of these there was found a stone 
chest, which enclosed a clay urn, unglazed and rudely ornamented ; and the chest 
was open at the top, and contained some ashes (z). In two sepulchral tumuli, 
near the manse of Dun, in Forfarshire, there were found several clay ui'ns, 
with sculptures, and containing ashes and pieces of bones (a). There is in 
Hamilton parish a large tumulus which, when opened, was found to contain 
a good many urns ; they were all of baked earth, some of them were plain, 
and others of them were decorated with mouldings, without any inscriptions ; 
and they contained ashes and human bones, and some of these bones were 
accompanied with the tooth of a horse (b). On the west of the village of Eden- 
ham, in Roxburghshire, there is a sepulchral tumulus called the Picts-hnoiv ; 
out of which there were dug, some years ago, three stone coffins, one whereof 
contained an urn with ashes (c). On the banks of the Cree, in Galloway, 
there were several tumuli: in some of these, when they were opened in 1754, 
there were found the remains of weapons of brass, which were very much cor- 
roded ; one of these was formed much like a halbert ; another was shaped like a 
hatcliet, having in the back part an instrument resembling a paviour's hammer ; 
a third was formed like a spade, but of a much smaller size ; and each of these 
weapons had a proper aperture for a handle {d). In the parish of Kirkpatrick- 
Fleming, m Dumfries-shire, there were several sepulchral tumuli, one of the 
largest whereof is called Belton-hSi, from the Baal-teiti probably, or fire of 
Baal, which in ancient times was lighted on May-day (e). In the parish of 



{:) lb. V. xii. p. 342 : in every part of North-Britain stone chests have been found in Barrows and 
Cairns, as the cajfins of older times. lb. v. xiii., p. 272-3. lb. v. x., p. 186. lb. v. iii., p. 57. 
(a) lb. V. iii., p. 3G2. (b) lb. v. ii., p. 208. (c) lb. v. si., p. 307. 

(d) Stat. Acco., V. vii., p. 60: in a Caim on the King"s Moor, near Peebles, there was found 
an urn inverted, containing the ashes of some ancient warrior, with the blade of his dagger. lb. 
V. xii., p. 15. In a BaiTOw in Kirkurd parish, Peebles-shii-e, there were found the remnants of 
weapons, which were formed of flint-stones ; one of the weapons resembled the head of a halbert, 
another was of a circular form, and the third of a cylindi-ical shape. From these intimations we 
may not only perceive the manner of the pristine interments, but the kind of weapons which were 
used by the first people. Within a Barrow in the parish of Coupar, in Fife, there were found several 
heads of battle-axes, formed of a very hard white-coloured stone, and neatly shaped, carved, and po- 
lished, lb. V. xvii., p. 159. lb. v. x., p. 186. 

(e) Some years ago, when a considerable part of Belton-hiW was removed, there was found in its 
■bottom a large square stone chest, wherein were some beeuls ; other two Barrows, at some distance 
northwest from Belton-hill, were also opened, when there was found in one of them a stone chest 

Vol. I. M 



82 AnACCOUNT [Book I.— The Roman Period. 

Glenholni, in Peeblessliii'e, by Tweedside, there are several Barrows, one of 
which was found to contain a stone coffin, wherein was found the skeleton of a 
man, haviac bracelets on his arms (/). On the coast of Banifshire, in the Boyne, 
several sejDulchral tumuli have been opened : in one of them there was found 
a stone coffin, containing human bones, with a deers-horu : in others there 
were stone chests enclosing urns, which were full of ashes (g). 

The sepulchral tumuli in the Hebrides and in the Orkney Isles are of the 
same kind, both as to their structure and contents, with those on the main- 
land, in their neighbourhood: and we may, from these circumstances, infer 
that they are the undoubted remains of the first people. Within several tumuli 
which were opened in the Isle of Skye, there were discovered stone coffins with 
varus containing ashes and weapons {h). In a Barrow which was opened in 
the Isle of Egg, there was found a large urn containing human bones : this 
urn consisted of a large round stone which had been hollowed, and the top of 
it covered with a thin flag-stone (?'). In the islands of Lismore, Gigha, and 
others, there have been dug out of svach tumuli stone coffins and urns, con- 
taining ashes (k). 

In Pomona, the chief of the Orkney Isles, there are a number of Barrows : 
in some of these, within the parish of Holm, there were found small stone 
urns containing ashes (0. In the parish of Sandwick there were discovered 
in several tumuli three stone chests, about fifteen or eighteen feet square, 
containing ashes and fragments of bones without urns : in one of these there 
was found a large urn which was shaped like a jar, and was sufficient to hold 
fifteen gallons ; and it contained ashes with fragments of bones {m). In the 
parish of Kirkwall there was a number of tumuli which have disclosed stone 
chests containing bones that were partly consumed, together with the ashes 
of the dead (71). In the Isles of Shapinsay, Sanday, and other Orkney Islands, 



within wliicli there ^vas an urn of fine workmanship that was filled with ashes, and the mouth whereof 
was covered with an appropriate stone ; there were also found in the chest, and near the urn, several 
iron rings about the size of half a crown ; but they were so much eat up b}' rust that on being 
touched they fell to pieces. Beads, the ornaments of the British women, have been found in several 
other Barrows in North and South-Britain. See Douglas's Nenia. Archaiol., v. vii., p. 474 ; King's 
Munimenta Antiqua, v. i., p. 2oG. 

(/) Stat. Acco., v. iv., p. 435 ; lb., v. vii., p. 299. (rj) lb., v. iii., p. 57. 

{k) lb., V. xvi.. p. 227 ; lb., v. sviii., p. 186. (0 lb., v. xvii., p. 287. 

(/.) lb., V. :.. p. 493 ; v. vin., p. 56. (/) lb., v. v., p. 413. 

(»() lb.. V. xvi., p. 459. (u) lb., v. vii., p. 557. 



Ch.ll.— The Tribes, their Antiquities.'] OfNOETH-BRITAIN. 83 

there are sepulchral tumuli, in which have been found urns and half-burnt 
bones (o) ; the whole denoting that the Orkneys must have been originally- 
colonized by the Gaulic-Britons of the southern shores. 

The many Barrows and other sepulchral tumuli which have been opened 
in different parts of South-Britain, have evinced a perfect similarity in their 
structure and composition to the same melancholy monuments in North- 
Britain ; and exhibit in the curious contents of their urns and cistvaens, the 
ornaments which once belonged to the British women, and the weapons that 
enabled the British warriors to defend their country during the earliest ages. 
The sameness in all those objects of rational curiosity attest that they were 
undoubtedly the works of the same jaeople during the most ancient j)eriod of 
the British history (p). 

The sepulchral cairns, as they are composed of vast collections of stones, are 
more numerous in North than in South-Britain, from its aboundino- more with 
lapidose substances, "Within the parish of Borthwick, in Edinburghshire, there 
once were a great many such cairns : In those which have been opened, and 
all around them, there have been found a number of earthen urns that were 
covered with flat stones and were full of half-burnt human bones ; these urns 
were of coarse but ingenious workmanship, being ornamented with different 
figures, and would have contained about a gallon (q). On a moor between 
the parishes of Kintore and Kinellar, in Aberdeenshire, there are several se- 
pulchral cairns, wherein were found a stone chest, and in it a ring of a sub- 
stance like veined marble, which was large enough to take in three fingers ; 
and near this stone chest was discovered an urn, containing /m«i a ?i /iatV ((/</). 
In a cairn on Crameston-hill in Berwickshire, which was dispersed in 1792, there 
were found several earthen urns of different sizes, containing human bones (r). A 
sepulchral cairn in Bendothy parish in Perthshire being opened, there were found 
in it some ashes and human bones, which had undergone the action of fire ; and 
lower down in the same cairn, there were discovered two inverted urns, which 
were large enough to hold thigh and leg bones ; and contained human bones : 
these urns were adorned with rude sculpture, but were without inscriptions (s). 

(o) Stilt. Account, V. xvii., p. 234. ; v. vii., p. 489. ; Pennant's Arctic Zool., v. i.. p. ssxv. 

(/>) Archaiology, throughout; Gough's Camden, throughout; Borlase's Cornwall, p. 211 — 222; 
King's Munimenta Antiq., v. i., p. 267 — 326 ; Mr. King has shown that the notion which attributes 
several of those sepulchral tumuli to the Danes, is groundless. 

(7) Stat. Acco., V. xiii., p. 635-0. {qq) lb. v. xiii., p. 92. 

(;•) lb. V. siv., p. 584. 

(s) Stat. Account, v. xix., p. 359 : in a sepulchral cairn, in the parish of East-Kilbnde, there were 

M2 



84 A N A C C U N T [Book I.— The Roman Pmod. 

la the Beauly Fritli, which is ou both sides very shallow, there are, a con- 
siderable distance within the flood-mark, on the coast of Ross-shire, several 
cairns, in one of which urns have been found {t). We may easily infer from 
those facts how much the sea has encroached upon the flat shores of the 
Beauly Frith since the distant epoch of cairns, which are now so far within its 
flux. 

Amidst the varieties in the manner of bui'ial among the ancient inhabitants 
of our island, the Cistvaen is remarkable : the word in the British language 
sig-nifies, literally, a stone chest, from Cist, a chest, and onaen, stone ; the (m) 
in the British changing in composition to (v) (a). In the various practice of 
those people, the Cistvaen sometimes contained the urn, which preserved the 
precious aslies of the deceased ; but it often contained the ashes and bones, 
without an ui'n, as we have seen. In the same manner urns were frequently 
found without Cistvaens, whicb were of different sizes and shapes, as we have 
perceived, according to the fashion of successive ages, and to the rank of the 
deceased (b). 

found some urns, wliicli were open at both their ends ; were narrow in the middle : and were glazed 
and ornamented with flowers. Ure's Hist., p. 214 — 15. In a sepulchral cairn, which was opened in 
the parish of Kirkinner in Wigtonshire, there was found a stone coffin containing human bones, which 
were half burnt. Stat. Account, v. 4, p. 145. 

(?) Stat. Account, v. 17, p. 350 ; one of those caii-ns, to the south-east of Redcastle, stands four 
hundred yards within the flood mark, and is of considerable size. On the south side of the same frith, 
at some distance from the mouth of the river Ness, a considerable space within the flood-mark, there 
is a large cairn, which is called Caim-airc, that is, the cairn in the sea. West from this, in the same 
frith, there are three other cairns, at considerable distances from each other : the largest is a huge heap 
of stones in the middle of the frith, and is accessible at low water : and, it appears to have been a 
sepulchral cairn, from the urns which are found in it. lb. v. 9, p. 631. 

(«) Davies and Owen : it is cm-ious to observe that the British word Cist remains to this day in 
the Scoto-Sason language. 

(6) Stat. Account, v, 12, p. 342 ; v. 13, p. 272—3 ; v. 10, p. 186 ; v. 3. p. 57 ; which have 
been already quoted. lb. v. 14, p. 113 — 370. Scarcely anything has appeared within any of 
the sepulchral tumuli which have been opened in North-Britain to shew that the funeral remains 
were Eoman. Two circumstances are always wanting; (1.) The sepulchral urn with its appro- 
priate ashes and burnt bones, ought to be found around some Roman camp ; or, (2.) It ought to 
be discovered neai- some Eoman road : such urns have been found near the Eoman camps at 
Ardoch and at Orrea. Stat. Account, v. 8, p. 495 ; v. 15, p. 528. It has been a very com- 
mon error to attribute those sepulchral urns, which have been discovered in North-Britain, to the 
Eomans, on the supposition that they originally introduced um burial, and that they only were 
capable of making such urns. lb. v. 14, p. 30; Trans, of Antiq. Soc. of Scotland, v. 1, p. 304: 
and so, Douglas's Nenia, p. 127, 131—3. But Ifr. King has evinced that several barrows. 



Cb. II.— r//c Trihe/', tlidv A nfiqtutks.] OfNORTH-BEITAIN. 85 

The same observation may be made with respect to urns, whicb have been 
generally found in tumuli, but often below the surface without a hillock : they 
were composed, as we have seen, usually of potteiy, sometimes of stone ; and 
they were of different shapes and variously ornamented, according to the taste 
of the tunes and ability of the parties (c). There are still other varieties in the 
modes of sepultures in South and North-Britain. In both, sepulchral tumuli 
have been found in close connection with the Druid circles. At Achen-corthie, 
the field of the circles, there is a Druid temple, which, we have already seen, was 
composed of three concentric circles ; and there has been dug v;p, between the 
two outer circles, a cistvaen, about three feet long and one and a half feet 
wide, wherein there was found an urn containing some ashes (c^). And we 
may thus see an additional example of the simUar policy, which appears to have 
existed in every age, between the inhabitants in the southern and northern 
parts of our island, as well as the close continuity which there seems to have 
existed between the Druid places of worship and of sepulture, and those of the 
Christians in Gaelic Britain. 

There appears to have been a still more natural connection between the 
British strengths and sepulchral tumuli ; as stone chests, and clay tn-ns, cou- 

wHch have been falsely attributed to the Romans, are really British ; and that the Roman 
sepultures in Britain are generally without tumuli : it was not the usual practice of the Romans to 
raise barrows over their dead. Munimenta Antiq. v. 1, p. 300 — 304. And it ought to be recol- 
lected that the Danes had desisted from burning their dead before their expeditions into Britain. 
Douglas's Nenia, p. 125. 

(c) In the parish of Mousewald, in Dumfries-shire, urns containing pieces of human bones and 
ashes have been found in places where there was no appearance of tumuli. Stat. Account, v. / , 
p. 299. Near Fordun, in Kincardineshire, there have been discovered clay urns, which were enclosed 
in stone cases, that were sunk in the earth without any tumulus ; and which contained ashes. lb. v. 
4, p. 498 ; and Mr. Leslie, the Minister's Letter to me. In the parish of Oleish, in Kinross-shire, 
several urns were found under a large stone and some under small cairns : the m'ns appear to have been 
made of coarse materials, and to have been pretty well glazed and ornamented with dotted lines. lb. 
V. 3, p. 561. 

(d) Stat. Account, v. 4, p. 456. At Barrach, in the parish of New Deer, Aberdeenshire, a peasant 
digging for stones in a Druid temple found, about eighteen inches below the surface, a flat stone 
lying horizontally ; and on raising it, he discovered an urn full of human bones, some of which were 
quite fresh ; but on being touched they crumbled into dust ; this urn had no bottom, but was placed 
on a flat stone such as covered its top : and about a yard from this excavation another urn was 
found containing similar remains. Scots Mag., 1772, p. 581. There are many other instances both 
in South and North-Britain, which evince an intimate connection between Druid remains and tumuli. 
Stukeley's Abury ; Douglas's Nenia, p. 171 ; Gough's Camden, v. 1, p. 285 — 294, and pi. xv. ; Gent. 
Mag. 1767, p. 170. 



80 An ACCOUNT [Book I.— The Roman Period, 

taiuiug aslies and bones, are frequently dug up about such ancient fortresses. 
On the east side of the British fort at Inchtuthel, there are two sepulchral 
tumuU (e). Such were undoubtedly the burial places of the chiefs who com- 
manded the Caledonian hill-forts in early times. 

Analoo-ous to those are the sepulchral cairns which, at the end of so many 
eventful ages, still denote the fields of ancient conflicts. It is more than pro- 
bable that the battle at the Grampian is still perpetuated, and that the 
memory of the Caledonians who fell in defence of their countiy is yet pre- 
served by sepulchral tumuli if). In the parish of Liberton, Edmburghshire, 
there were several large cairns, wherein were found variovis stone chests, 
enclosing urns, which contained ashes and weapons : some of these cairns, 
w^hicli still remain, are called the Ca^stanes, or Battle-staTies (g). Single stones 
in various parts of North-Britain are still known by the appropriate name of 
Caf- stanes (h). The name is plainly derived from the British Cad, or the 
Scoto-Irish Cath, which signifies a battle. On Lauder-muir, in Berwickshire, 
where a battle is said to have been fought, there are a number of sepulchral 
tumuli ; and there have been found near them fragments of swords, of bows, 
and of arrows, which have been pointed with flints (i). The early practice of 
raising cairns to perpetuate the memoiy of those who had fallen in domestic 
conflicts, or in repelhng foreign invasions, has come down to our own times (k). 

(e) Stat. Account, v. 9, p. 50.5. There are several sepulcliral hillocks on a moor contiguous to a 
British fortress, in the parish of Monzie : in one of these, called Cocn-Comhall, a stone coffin was found. 
lb. V. 15, p. 257. An urn curiously carved and filled with ashes was dug up within the area of a 
Biitish fortress on the top of Benan-hill in Ap-shire. lb. v. 3, p. 586. Under the min of the wall 
of a British fort, in the parish of Pittenain, Lanarkshire, there were found several stone chests, including 
urns, which contained ashes. lb. v. 12, p. 39. 

(/) " On the hill above the moor of Ai-doch, says Gordon, Itin. Septeii., p. 42, are two great 
" heaps of stones, the one called Carn-wochel, the other Carnlee : the former is the greatest curiosity 
" of this kind that ever I met with ; the quantity of great rough stones lying above one another 
" almost surpasses belief, which made me have the curiosity to measure it ; and I found the whole 
" heap to be about one hundred and eighty-two feet in length, thirty in sloping height, and forty- 
" five in breadth at the bottom. " The minister of the parish concurs in this account ; and adds, 
that there has been found in it a stone coffin wherein there was a skeleton seven feet lung. Stat. 
Account, V. 8, p. 497. 

(.9) Transac. Edin. Soc. Antiq., v. 1, p. 308. 

{h) Stat. Account, v. 19, p. 591 ; Mait. Edin., p. 508 ; Cough's Camden, v. 3, p. 317 : a rade up- 
right stone, which stands at Kinver, in Staffordshire, is called the battle stone. King's Munimenta 
Antiq., V. 1, p. 120. 

(i) Stat. Account, v. 1, p. 77. 

(i-) lb. V. 15, p. 279 ; V. 13, p. 422 ; v. 15, p. 52G— 7 ; v. 17, p. 444 ; v. G, p. 136 ; v. 17, p. 516 ; 
V. 17, p. 442 ; Cough's Camden, v. 3, p. 430. 



Cb. n.—T/ie Tribes, their A ntiquitics.] OfNORTH-BRITAIN. 87 

Connected with those cairns of i-emembrance are stones of memorial. Be- 
sides the upright stones, which we have seen so essentially connected with 
Druid works, there is, in every district of North-Britain, a variety of stone 
pUlars which are in their natural shape without the mark of any tool, and 
which are called traditionally standing stones, from their upright position. They 
frequently appear single and often in groups of two or three, or four, and 
sometimes in a greater number. These stones have been raised in successive 
ages to perpetuate events which, as the stones are without inscriptions, they 
have not transmitted. In Arran there are tv/o large stone columns, which 
ai'e quite rude (l). There is a number of these columnar stones in Mull, 
whereof some are very large, and are commonly called by the Scoto-Irish inha- 
bitants Carra, a word signifying in their language, a stone pillar (m). In 
Fife there are four huge standing stones, near Lundin, and one near Dysart, 
which tradition says are memorials of battles (n). For the same purpose 
similar stones have been erected in every part of North-Britain, which, as they 
are without inscriptions, do not answer the end either of personal vanity or of 
national gratitude (o). 

We are thus led on to some inquiries with regard to the hill-forts, and other 
safeguards of the original people. That such strengths existed in North- 
Britain, at the epoch of the Roman invasion, we know from the information 
of facts (p). Burrenswark hill, in Aimandale, was the site of a Selgovte fort, 

(Z) Pennant's Tour, v. 3, p. 178 ; there are otliers of tlie same Mnd In Arran. JIartin's West. 
Isles, p. 220. There are shnilar stones in Hams. lb. 47 — 59. 

(m) Stat. Account, v. 14, p. 154, 203. 

()i) Stat. Account, v. 4, p. 546 ; v. 12, p. 522. 

(o) See the Stat. Accounts every where. Similar stones may still be seen in many parts of 
England, Wales, Cornwall, and in Ireland. Borlase's Coi'nwall, p. 160 — 1 ; Rowland's Mona ; 
King's Munimenta, v. 1, p. 113 — 23. 

(p) The situation of those British strengths, their relative positions to one another, and the 
accommodations attached to them show that they have rather been constnicted for the purpose of 
protecting the tribes from the attacks of one another than for the purpose of checking an invading 
enemy. They are placed upon eminences in those parts of the country which, even in those early 
ages, must have been the most habitable, and furnished the greatest quantity of subsistence. The}- 
frequently appear in groups of three, four, and even more, in the vicinity of each other ; and thej- 
are so disposed upon the tops of heights that sometimes a considerable number may be seen from 
one another ; having one much larger and stronger than the others, in the most commanding 
situation, which has no doubt been the distinguished post of the chief. Such was the large and 
strong post on the Eldon hills, around which, in the adjacent country, there are the remains of more 
than a dozen smaller strengths : such also were the large strengths on Burrenswark-hill, at Inch- 



88 An ACCOUNT [Book I.— The Loman Period. 

and of the Roman station of Trimontium, as we may see in Ptolomy and 
Richard. All around the edge or summit of this hill there are traces of 
something Hke the foundation of a breastwork : but this defence, as well as 
the lines of circumvallation, appear to have been prior to the camps, and 
possibly might even have existed anterior to the arrival of the Romans, accord- 
ing to Roy. The meaning of the name, which he egregiously mistook, would 
alone establish the fact that a British fort existed on this commanding hill be- 
fore the construction of the Roman camps (q). The term Burrin may be 
derived from the British Bur, the plural Burau, signifying an inclosure or 
entrenchment, or work thrown up for defence (r) ; Yet Birne, Byrn, 
Byrna, signify thorax, lorica, in the Anglo-Saxon ; and ivarh is merely 
Scoto-Saxon for loorh. The coincidence of the British and Saxon 
terms for a defensive work has preserved the ancient name to the present 
times. From Burrenswark, about two miles, there is a village named Birrens 
or Burrens, at which there is a Roman camp : there are at Burren hill, in 
Mousewald parish, Dumfriesshire, and at Burren hill, in Kirkbean parish, in 
Kirkcudbright, the remams of fortifications : from the coincidence of the facts 
we may easily perceive whence all those fortified hills derived their appropriate 
appellations. Burron hill, in Mousewald parish, was plainly the commanding- 
site of a British strength, being surrounded by a double ditch (s). Near 
BurronhUl there is another British fort on the summit of Payiteth-hill, which 
also commands an extensive prospect (t). On a well known hill, ^^'hich is now 
called Wardlaw, in the parish of Caerlaverock, there is a circular British 
fortress that is surrounded with two ditches at the top, whence there is a most 
extensive view. On the same site there are faint traces of a Roman camp, the 

tuthel, tlie Catertliuns, Ban\i-hill, Castle-over, and otliers, all which, had their subordinate posts 
around them ; and the remains of many of those strengths are still to be seen. That many of those 
fortresses were in existence before the Romans invaded North-Britain, appears from this decisive 
circumstance, that several of the larger strengths were converted into Eoman posts. The large 
British fort on the Eldon hills, that at Inchtuthel, that at Castle-over, and some other smaller 
British fortlets were converted into Eoman posts. We may also draw the same inference from 
this curious fact that Eoman camps are judiciously placed among several groups of those Biitish 
strengths, for the evident purpose of overawing and watching them. 

(fj) See this station described in book i. ch. iii. of this work, and the tme etymon of Trimon- 
tium, from Tre, the well known British appellative for a town : see Eoy's Antiq., pi. xvi., for a 
plan and sections of this hill and camps: see also the Trans, of the Antiq. Society of Scot., 
V. 1, p. 125. 

('•) Owen, in vo. (s) Stat. Account, v. 7, p. 298. 

(t) Id. The prefix Pan is plainly a corrruption of the British Pen, which signifies a head or top. 



Cb. II.— T/(e Tribes, their Antiquities.'] OfNORTH-BEITAIN. 89 

area whereof is now much ploughed up (w). This eminence afterwards served 
as a watch-hill to a strong castle of the Maxwells, who were wardens of this 
frontier during the middle ages. From this circumstance it is apparent that 
this commodious height acquired the Scoto-Saxon name of Wardlaw (x). In 
the same vicinity there is on Eskdale-moor Castle-over, which appears to have 
been a British fortress before the establishment of the Roman post on the 
same commodious site. The ancient entrenchment is of an oval form on the 
top of a hill ; and there are a number of small strengths of a similar nature on 
the surrounding eminences (y). 

In the parish of Menmuir, in Forfarshire, are two well known hill-forts called 
White Caterthun, standing to the south, and Brown Caterthun, to the north- 
ward (z). Pennant, whose Welsh etymons are not always accurate, says that 
the literal translation of Caterthun is C&m.\>town (a). The name is plainly from 
the British words, Cader, a fortress, a stronghold, and Dtm, a hill (h). Several 
of the fortified hills in Wales bear the same prefix Cader; as Cader-Dm- 
moel, Cader-Idr'is, and others : Cader-dun would be made CacZer-dhun by the 
Scoto-Irish, Cater-thun by the Scoto-Saxons, and Fort-hill by the English. 
These are said to be decidedly reckoned amongst the most ancient Caledonian 
strongholds, and to be coeval with what are called British posts (c). White 
Caterthun is of uncommon strength : it is of an oval form, constructed of a 
stupendous dike of loose stones, the convexity of which, from the base withm 
to that without, is a hundred and twenty-two feet: on the outside, a hollow, 
which is made by the disjjosition of the stones, surrounds the whole. Round the 
base is a deep ditch ; and below, about a liundred yards, are vestiges of another 
trench that went round the liill. The area within the stoney hill is flat ; the 
length of the oval is four hundred and thirty -six feet ; the transverse diameter 
two hundred : near the east side is the foundation of a rectangular building ; 
and there are also the foundations of other erections, which are ch-cular and 
smaller ; all which foundations had once their superstructures, the shelters of 
the possessors of the post : and there is a hollow which is now nearly filled 

(i/) Pennant's Tour, v. iii., p. 95 ; Munimenta Antiq., v. i., p. 28 ; Stat. Account, v. vi., p. 31. 

(a:) See Weard and Hleaiv, in Somner. 

{y) See Eoy's Antiq., pi. xxvi., for a plan and section of Castle-over, wbicli has exactly the same 
appearance and form as the Caterthun. 

(c) Ainslie's map of Forfar-shire ; Stat. Account, v. v., p. 150, and v. iv., p. 214. 

(a) Tour, V. ii., p. 159. (b) Davis and Owen. 

(c) King's Munimenta Antiq., v. i., p. 27, and pi. i. and ii., which exhibit beautiful and accui-ate 
drawings of the White Cater-thun. 

Vol. I. N 



90 AnACCOUNT [Book I.— The Roman Period. 

with stones, and which was once the well of the fort {d). The other fortress, 
which is called Brown Catei-thun, from the colour of the earth that composes 
the ramparts, is of a circular form, and consists of various concentric dikes (e). 

Similar to the Caterthuns is the British fortress on Barra-hill, m Aberdeen- 
shh-e. This fort was of an elhptical form : the ramparts were partly built with 
stones ; having a large ditch that occupies the whole summit of the hill, which, 
as it is about two hundred feet above the vale, overlooks the low ground 
between it and the mountain of Benachie. It was surrounded by three lines 
of circumvallation. Facing the west the hill rises very steep, and the middle 
line is interrupted by rocks ; the only access to the fort is on the east-side, 
where the ascent is easy, and at this part the entry to the fort is perfectly 
obvious. This Caledonian hill-fort is now called, by the tradition of the 
country, Cumviin's Camp, from the defeat which the Earl of Buchan there 
sustained when attacked by the gallant Bruce. Of the name of this strength 
it may be observed that Bar, in the British language, as we have seen, is a 
top or summit ; and its plural is Barau {/) : but as this hill has only one top, 
we may suppose that the name is from Bar, which, in the Scoto-Irish, equally 
signifies a summit, and Ra', in the same speech, signifying a fort, a strength (g). 

Barry-hiU, near Alyth, in Perthshire, is probably nothing more iu the deri- 
vation of its name than Bar-ra, a hill-fort. At the base Barry-hill is about 
a mUe in circumference, and six hundred and seventy-six feet high. The sum- 
mit has been levelled into an area of about one hundred and sixty-eight yards 
in circumference within the rampart. Barry-hiU appears, from its vast ditch 
and walls, to have been a fortress of impregnable strength. The approach to 
the fort was from the north-east, along the verge of a precipice ; and the en- 
trance was secured by a bulwark of stones, the remains whereof still exist. 
Over the ditch, which was ten feet broad, and fourteen feet below the founda- 
tion of the wall, a narrow bridge was raised, about eighteen feet long and two 
feet broad : this bridge was composed of stones, which had been laid together 
without much art, and vitrified on all sides, so that the whole mass was firmly 

(rf) Those intimations correspond witli the remains of the several British forts in South-Britain, 
which had their Cells, and structures, and wells. Pennant's Tour in Wales, v. ii., p. 203, 215, 216, 
321 ; Archaiol., v. iii., p. 305, pi. xiv. 

(e) Pennant's Tom-, v. ii., p. 157 — 9 ; King's Munimenta Antiq., v. i., p. 27. 

(/) Davis, Richards, and Oweu. 

{g) O'Brien and Shaw : there is a British fortress on Pen-y-crog, in Brecknockshire, which ia said 
to be on the top of a high hill ; to be of an oval foi-m, and to be surrounded by t/iree deep and broad 
entrenchments. Archaiol., v. i., p. 299. See the Drawing of this fortress. 



' /' T., r 



To ftiiY 'p 




Ch.U.— The Tribes, their Antiquities.'] OfNOETH-BEITAIN. 91 

cemented : this is the only part of the fortifications which appears to have been 
intentionally vitrified (h). There seems to be no vestige of a well ; but west- 
ward, between the base of the mound and the precipice, there was a deep pond 
which had been recently filled up. The tradition of the country, which is 
probably derived from the fiction of Boece, relates that this vast strength of 
Barry-hill was the appropriate prison of Arthur's queen, the well known 
Guenever, who had been taken prisoner by the Picts. About a quarter of a 
mile eastward, on the declivity of the hill, there are some remains of another oval 
fort, which was defended by a strong wall and deep ditch ; and which, how- 
ever, was of less strength than the preceding. The same tradition relates, 
with similar appearance of fiction, that there was once a subterraneous commu- 
nication between those two British strengths on Barry-hill (i). 

There are many forts in every district of North Britain of a similar nature 
and of equal magnitude ; and several of those fortresses have also the remains 
of the same kind of structures, within the ai'ea of each, for the same purpose of 
shelter. There is a fortress of this kind, which commands an extensive view of 
the lower part of Braidalban (b). On the summit of a hill, called Dun-Evan, 
in Nairnshire, there is a similar fortress, consisting of two ramparts, which sur- 
round a level space of the same oblong form with that of Craig-Phadric, though 
not quite so large. Within the area of Dun -Evan, there are the traces of a ivell 
and the x-emains of a large mass of building which once furnished shelter to the 
defenders of the fort (c). In Glenelg, in Inverness-shire, there is a similar fort : 
the top of the hill is surrounded with a stone rampart, and in the area there is the 
vestige of a circular building (d), for the use of the ancient inhabitants. Within 



(h) It is observed by tlie Rev. Dr. Playfair, that " among tlae niins, tliere are several pieces of 
vitrified stone ; but this vitrifaction must have been accidental, as they are inconsiderable." Stat. 
Account, V. i., p. 508. 

(t) For a more minute description of those fortresses, see the Stat. Account, v. i., p. 508 — 9, 
and V. vi., p. 405 : there appears, from those descriptions, to be the remains of some superstructures 
within the walls, the undoubted remains of the dwellings of the ancient inhabitants who defended 
the fortress. 

(i) Stobie's Map of Perthshire ; Pennant's Tour, v. ii. p. 53 ; and this British strength Mr. King 
has mistaMngly described as lying in the parish of Moulin, in Athol. Munimenta Antiq., v. i., 
p. 30. 

(c) Trans, of the Royal Soc. Edin., v. ii., p. 13, part ii. The area is said to be about seventy paces 
long and thirty broad within the walls. William's Account of Remarkable Ruins, p. 36. 

(d) This is exactly similar to the circular enclosure within the centre of Caerbran, a hill fort in 
Cornwall. Borlase, p. 346. 

N2 



92 AnACCOUNT [Book I.— The Roman Period. 

sight there is another of these retreats which are called in Scoto-Irish Ba'-dhun, 
says Pennant, the place of refuge (e). 

A much more comjjlete specimen of those hill-fortresses with buildings in 
the upper area of them, is that on Carby-hill, in the parish of Gastleton, Rox- 
burghshire. This hill stands detached from all others, and commands a most 
extensive view of a wide country. The whole summit of the hill, which is cir- 
cular, and is about a hundred feet diameter, is surrounded by a very strong wall 
of stones. In the centre of the area there is a circular building of stone, and 
around this there are other circuitous erections of stone lying circumjacent. 
A road for ascending to the fort appears plainly to have been made in a 
winding coiirse round the hill, so as to enter the fortress on the south 
side (/). 

Beyond Liddel Water, northward, on the summit of a hill, there is a camp 
which is nearly of a square form, and about three hundred feet diameter : the 
rampart is entirely of earth, and is about eighteen feet high ; but within the 
area, as in Carby Fort, there are no remains of any buildings. This square 
camp, which thus stood opposed to the British fortress, is plainly a remain of the 
Romans that they had placed here, according to their usual custom, to besiege, 
or muffle, the previous strength. A similar coincidence appears in the same 
parish. On the farm of Flight, near to the Castle of CKntwood, there are two 
camps at a little distance from each other ; the one is round, and is fortified with 
a stone wall about a hundred feet diameter ; the other is square, about a hun- 
dred and sixty-eight feet in length, and strengthened with two ramparts of 
earth {g). There are similar coincidences in the same vicinity, which equally 
establish a curious fact and illustrate a singular policy. On two hills to the 
eastward of the village of Bengal, in Annandale, there are two fortresses ; the 
one circular and British, the other square and Roman ; and they equally stand 
opposed to each other, being only separated by a narrow morass. A little 

(e) Toui', V. iii., p. 336 — 7 : but there is no sucli word in the Gaelic as Ba , for a ptece ; Ball is 
a spot, dion, not dun, signifies shelter, or protection. Dun, wliich in the oblique case is dhun, signifies 1, 
a hill, and secondarily a fort, from the summits of hills being in ancient times the sites of the forts : /f 
Ba' is the plural of Bo, a Cow : so according to the intimations of Pennant, Ba'-dhun might be pro- 
perly enough explained to be the Cows-fort, or safe-guard. But this notion and name are more 
modern than the age of the Britons. 

(/) Stat. Acco., V. svi., p. 83 ; wherein may be seen a draught of the fort, with the circular struc- 
tures within it. There are similar structures within the areas of Castel-an-dinas, and Buntine Hill, in 
Cornwall. Borlase, p. 346 — 7 : there are similar structures in the area of Dinas, a hill-fort near 
Llandudno, in Wales. Pennant's Tour, v. ii. p. 346. 

{g) Stat. Acco. t. xvi., p. 84. 



Ch.ll.— The Tribes, their Antiquities.] Of NORTH-BRITAIN. 93 

higher in Annandale there is a pretty entire British fortress at Drysdale-gate, 
occu^jying about two acres of ground, and commanding a most extensive pros- 
pect : about half a mUe eastward from this, beyond an intervening moor, there 
is a large Eoman camp (</). If the Roman policy be apparent, as we have for- 
merly seen, this circumstance would evince that the British strengths existed 
before the Roman times (A). 

In the country upon the Forth northward of the Roman wall, on the isthmus 
between the friths, there are a number of British forts which are perched upon 
little hills. The round, sometimes the oval summits of those hills, are sur- 
roimded by a ramjDart, which on many of them stUl remains. And the general 
appellation in the country for those forts is Keir, which is evidently a corrup- 
tion of the British Caer, a fort, the (C) being pronounced in that speech like (K) 
in the Scoto-Saxon (i). 

Such were some of the British forts standing southward of the Forth. There 
is also a range of the same kind of strengths along the face of the country, on 
the north side of the same river, which are equally known by the common name 
of Keir, and which appear to have been the only Caledonian posts which were 
designed by them to oppose the Roman progress, as indeed Tacitus inti- 
mates {h). 

(g) Stat. Acco., v. ix., p. 423 — 6. 

(h) There are many other instances of the judicious position of Roman camps in particular 
situations, for the evident pm-pose of overawing or besieging the adjacent British strengths. In 
the districts upon the eastern side of the Dee, in Kirkcudbright, there are a gi-eat nximber of British 
strengths, which protected a part of the Selgovse people in the western extremity of theu- coun- 
try ; and among these we find the remains of three Roman camps, which were placed in appro- 
priate situations for overawing the Selgovae posts. See the Stat. Acco., v. xi., p. 24 — 5, with the 
map prefixed. The Roman camp at LjTie-Kii-k is placed in the midst of some British hi]l-forts, 
which formed the safe-guards of a part of the Gadeni tenitoiy on the western extremity of their 
country. See Armstrong's map of Peeblesshire and the companion to it. Several other instances 
of the relative situation of Roman posts to the previous strengths of the Britons may be seen in 
the account of Roman transactions in North-Britain, and in the detail of the British antiquities in 
the county histories. But what must have made the yoke sit very uneasy on the conquered Britons, 
was the invidious cu-cumstance that several of the distinguished posts of their chiefs were converted 
into Roman stations, which completely commanded the subordinate British strengths around them, as 
we have seen. 

(i) Of such forts, and names, there are in the parish of Kippen, A'«tV-hiU of Glentirran, A'eiV-hill 
of Dasher, Keir-hrae of Drum, A'«H--know of Ammore and A'ezV-brae of Garden : and all these forts 
are of the above description. Stat. Acco., v. xviii., p. 329. A httle southward of the village of Gar- 
gunnock, there is a conical eminence called the A^en'-hill, the summit of which was sun-ounded by a 
rampart of a circular form. lb. v. xviii., p. 116. 

(k) lb. V. xvii., p. 58 : the prefix in Car-by-hill, before mentioned, is merely the British Caer, a 
fort. 



94 AnACOOUNT [Book I.— The Roman Period. 

At the base of the Campsie Hills, about three miles from the Peel of Kirkin- 
tilloch, there are the remains of two British forts on the summit of their several 
hills, which are each surrounded by ditches and ramparts in a cu'cular foi-m 
as the hills are round : one of these, which is called in the country the Meikle 
Reeve, is about a hundred yards in diameter, the other, which is kno^vn by the 
appropriate name of the Maiden Castle, is about twenty yards in diameter {I). 
A mile northward fx'om the Roman fort of Barhill, on the same wall, there is a 
British fortress at Ball Castle, and it is situated on a small mount of a trian- 
gular shape. About a mile northward of another Roman fort at Wester-wood, 
there once was a British fort at Cunny Park, of a similar form and dimen- 
sions with other fortresses that owed their erectionu to British hands, before 
the ancient inhabitants were instructed by Roman arts, and which defended the 
tribes from each other before they were called on to defend their country from 
foreign intruders (m). 

Within the parish of Castleton there are also several circular forts, which are 
appropriately called Picts-ivorJcs. They are all strongly fortified by a rude 
wall of large stones. They seem also to have been erected with a view to 
foreign as well as to domestic war. There are two of those forts near Herds- 
house, two on the farm of Shaws, one on Toftholm, one on Foulshiels, one on 
Cocklaw, one on Blackburn, and one on Shortbuttrees. When the ruuis of this 
last fort were lately removed, there was found on the south side of it a place, 
which was ten feet wide and twenty feet long, and was paved with flat stones, 
and enclosed by the same sort of stones that were set on edge, and there was 
discovered within this enclosure what seems to intimate its culinary use, ashes 
and burnt sticks (n). 

On the east side of Loch-Ness stands the mountain fortress of Dundhardduil, 
upon a very high hill of a circular and indeed a conical shape. The summit of 
it is only accessible on the south-east side by a narrow ridge which connects 
the mount with a hilly chain that runs up to Stratherric. On every other 
quarter the ascent is almost perpendicular, and a rapid river winds round two- 
thirds of the circumference of the base. The summit is surrounded by a very 
strong wall of dry stones, which was once of a great height and thickness. The 
enclosed area is an oblong square of twenty-five yards long and fifteeen yards 
bi'oad, and it is level, is clear of stones, and has on it the remains of a well. 

(/) Stat. Acco., V. sv., p. 377. (m) Stat. Acco., v. xviii., p. 291—2. 

(«) Stat. Acco., V. xvi., p. 84. From tlieir circularity, those Picts-ivorks are also known to the 
people by the appropriate name of romul-abouts. 



Cb..ll.— The Tribes, their Antiquities.'] OpNOETH-BRITAIN. 95 

Upon a shoulder of this hill, in the course of the ascent, about fifty feet below 
the summit, there is a Druid temple, consisting of a circle of large stones which 
are firmly fixed in the ground with a double row of stones, extending from one 
side as an avenue or entry to the circle (s). In the parish of Penycuik, on the 
Linton road, near the ten mile stone, on an eminence there are the remains of 
a British fortress, which is called by the country people the Castle. It has an 
oval area of eighty-four yards long and sixty-seven broad, and is surrounded 
by two ditches, each of which is four yards wide, and having in the middle, 
between the ditches, a rampart six yards broad. In the area there is a number 
of tumuli, about eleven yards each in diameter. There is a similar fort on the 
side of Harkin-burn, withm the woods of Penycuik (t). 

From the foregoing details, it is now apparent that the above mentioned hill- 
forts and other strengths, which may still be traced in North-Britain by their 
remarkable remains, are all similar in their structure, form, and site to the 
British hill fortresses in England, Wales, and Cornwall, that were everywhere 
in Britam the safe-guards of the first people or their immediate descendants. 
The site which was chosen for the whole was the level summit of hills with 
difficult access, while the Roman camps were generally placed on rising grounds 
below. The ramparts of all those British forts were composed of dry stones and 
earth, without any appearance of mortar or cement. They vary in their forms 
according to the figure of the hills whereon they wei'e placed. In the areas of 
some of them there are still to be seen the ruins of buildmgs for habitation, 
and of wells which supplied them with water. In the areas of a few of those 
forts, both in North and South-Britain, there are tumuh. There appears to 
have accompanied some of those fortresses on the declivity of the hUls below, 
outworks, which were probably designed as shelter for the cattle belonging to 
those who defended the forts above. The hill-forts in Ireland, which are 
called in the Irish language and antiquities, Raths, and which have been mis- 
takingly attributed to the Danish uivaders, were really the strengths of the ancient 

(s) Phil. Trans, of Edin., v. ii. part ii., p. 14 — 15. There are several Druid remains on Carnbre, 
a British hill-fort in Cornwall. Borlase, p. 118—19. Near the British hill-fort on Warton Craig in 
Lancashire, there are three rocking stones, which stand in a right line from North to South, at equal 
distances, about forty feet asunder. Archaiol. v. is., p. 212., pi. xv. Near a British hUl-fort called 
Dinas, in the vicinity of Llandudno, in Wales, there is a large Maensigl, or rocking stone. Pennant's 
Tour, V. ii., p. 346. 

(() Stat. Acco., V. s., p. 431. In the area of a British hill-fortress on Moel-y-Gaer, in Wales, 
there is a small artificial mount. Pennant's Tour in Wales, v. i., p. 85. In the area of the British 
hill-fort on Pen-maen-mawi-, there is a barrow, or tumulus of the longitudinal sort. Archaiol. v. iii., 
p. 3U6. 



96 AnACCOUNT. [Book I.— The Roman Period. 

Irish : and those Raths are similar in their site and structure to the hUl-forts 
of the ancient Britons in South and North Britain ; the Raths were placed on 
the summit of hills ; were generally surrounded with a greater or less number 
of entrenchments. In the areas of several of them there were huts or other 
buildings for habitations, and wells for supplying the garrisons with water. In 
some of those forts there is the appearance of excavations like caves, which 
were probably the repositories for stores («). Every intimation concurs to attest 
that all those strengths were the work of kindred hands, for the safeguard of the 
Gaelic inhabitants within the British islands. 

Connected with those British forts on the summits of heights are the safe- 
guards which have been found in excavations within the earth below. The 
most ancient people in every country and in every age have constructed hiding 
holes for the safety, both of their property and persons, during seasons of dan- 
ger. The inhabitants of the East, and of the West, have equally resorted to 
this rude policy of unprotected tribes {x). The Britons in the most early times, 
as the individual was Httle protected by the many, resorted to this subterraneous 
shelter iy). The Caledonian descendants of the Britons, as they were perhaps 
less civilized, equally adopted similar safeguards {z). The same sort of excava- 
tions for similar purposes have been discovered in Cornwall {/). The same 
sort of subterraneous buildings have also been found in congenial Ireland {g). 
From all those coincidences, we may easily suppose that the subterraneous safe- 
guards which have been disco vei-ed in many parts of North-Britain, were con- 
structed by the pristme people during a rude age Qi). 

These interesting objects of a rational curiosity may be considered under three 
heads : (1.) The artificial structures which have been formed under ground of 
rude stones without cement; (2.) Natural caves in rocks, which have been 
made more commodious by art ; and, (3.) Caves which have been appropriated 
as religious retreats in later times. 

Of the first sort are the subterraneous apartments which have been disco- 
vered in Forfarshire, within the parish of Tealing : this subterraneous buUding 

(«f) Munimenta Antiq., v. i., p. 77 — 9 ; Gough's Camden, v. iii., p. 482 — 3, wlierein there is a 
description and view of the Bath, at Ardscul. 

(.1-) King's Munimenta Antiqua, v. i., p. 44 — 7. 

{y) lb. 48 ; wherein Diodorus Siculus is quoted for the fact. 

{z) lb. ; and the Eemains, ' (/) Borlase, p. 292. {g) Wright's Louthiana, p. 16, 

{h) See the Stat. Acco. throughout; Martin's Western Isles, p. 219; Pennant's Tom-, v. iii., p. 
181 — 2 : it is moreover to be added, that all those subten-aneous safe-guards are constracted of rough 
stones without cement of any kind. 



Ch. II. — The Tribes, their Antiquities] OfNOKTH-BEITAIN. 97 

was composed of large flat stones, without any cement, consisting of two or 
three apartments, which were not above five feet wide, and were covered with 
stones of the same kind : and there were found in this subterraneous building 
some wood ashes, several fragments of large earthen vessels, and one of the 
ancient hand-mills, called querns. In the same parish there has been disco- 
vered a similar building, which the country people call in the Irish language a 
weem or cave : it was about four feet high, and four feet wide ; and it was 
composed of large loose stones : there were found in it a broad earthen vessel 
and an instrument resembling an adze (i). In the same shire, near Lundie- 
house, there has been discovered a subterraneous building of the same kind, 
constructed of rough stones that had never felt a tool, but without cement : 
and there were found in this structure the remains of some burnt matter, the 
fragments of small bones, and some querns about fourteen inches diameter, with 
the remnant of an iron handle, and with appearances which indicate that they 
had been much worn (k). In the parish of Auchterhouse have been found two 
subterraneous buildings which are also called Weems, and which also contained 
ashes, bones, querns, and a brass ring without any inscription (I). Several 
hiding holes of a smaller size, and of a somewhat different construction, have 
long been known in the Western Hebrides (m). In Sanday, one of the Orkney 
Isles, there are several barrows, one whereof being opened was found to contain 
a building nine feet in diameter, round on the outside, but square and hollow 
within, with a well at the bottom: in the upper part of the building there was 
found a human skeleton standing almost upright (n). 

In every part of North-Britain there are natural caves which have been 
improved into hiding places by artificial means. In Applecross parish, there 

(i) Stat. Acco., V. iv., p. 101. (k) Stat. Acco., v. xviii., p. 117 — 19. 

(/) lb. V. xiv., p. .526. Near Dundee, on the lands of Balgay, similar dwellings have been 
found under ground. lb. v. viii., p. 207. Such a structure has also been found in Alyth parish. lb. 
V. vi., p. 406. In Bendothy parish there have been found similar structures of a larger size, with 
rafters of wood, which were covered with earth. lb. v. xix.. p. 359. On the moor of Kildi-ummie, 
in Aberdeenshire, such subterraneous structures have also been found. lb. v. xviii., p. 420; 
Oordiner's Antiq., p. 15. Similar buildings have been discovered in several parts of Kirkcudbiight 
Stewartry. lb. v. xvii., p. 120. In the district of Applecross in Ross-shire, such structures have been 
found. lb. V. iii., p. 409. Such buildings have been discovered in Kildonan parish, in Sutherland. 
lb. V. iii., p. 409. Similar structures have been found under gi-ound, in Shapinsay parish in Orkney : 
and in them was found a gold ring of very uncommon construction. lb. v. xvii., p. 237-8. On the 
estate of Baits, in the parish of Alvie, in Inverness-shire, such a building sixty feet long has been dis- 
covered, lb. V. xiii., p. 382-3. 

(m) Martin's Western Isles, p. 154 ; Pennant's Tour, v. iii., p. 223-4. 

(n) Stat. Ace, V. vii., p. 489. The circumstance of the Well seems to evince that this building waa 
rather a place of concealment than of sepulture. 

Vol. I. 



98 AnACCOUNT [Book I.— The Roman Period. 

are several natural caves, which have been rendered more commodious by arti- 
ficial means, for the purpose of secret habitation (o). On the coast of Skye, in 
the parish of Portree, there are several caves of very large extent, of which idle 
tradition relates many fabulous stories (p). In the isle of Arran there are several 
laro-e caves which appear to have been the necessitous retreats of the ancient 
inhabitants during the rude policy of early ages. One of those at Drunian- 
duin, is noted in the fond tradition of the country as the lodging of Fin mac- 
Coul, the Fingal of Ossian, during his residence in Arran. There are in this 
favoured isle other caves of great dimensions, which are also attended by their 
appropriate fictions {q). In the parish of Roxburgh, there are several caves 
which have been formed in the face of a rocky precipice which is washed by 
the river Teviot (r). In Ancrum parish, on the river Ale, there are several 
caves wherein there are fire places and vents for the smoke (s). On the shores 
of the Solway Frith, in the parish of Borgue, at the bottom of some remarkable 
clifts, there are some curious natural caves, one whereof has been assisted by 
art (0. In the parish of East Monkland there is an artificial cave which has 
been scooped out of a bold rocky eminence, on the river Calder, in a seques- 
tered spot (m). On the north bank of the same river, in the parish of Both well, 
there is, in the face of a steep rock, a cave which has been improved by art, and 
is capable of sheltering fifty men : it is difficult of access, and the entrance was 
guarded by an iron gate, which was fixed dming modern times in the solid 
rock {v). Such, then, were the sad expedients to which a rude people were 

(o) Stat. Accc, V. iii., p. 378. 

{p) Stat. Acoo., V. xvi., p. 146-7 ; Martin's Western Isles, p. 151 ; King's Munimenta Antiq., x. i., p. 
60. Similar to tlie great Cave in Skye, wliich is said to be capacious enough to contain five hundred 
persons, is the Giant's Cave near Penrith. Geut, Mag. 1791, p. 990. 

((/) Martin's Western Isles, p. 219; Pennant's Toxir, v. iii. p. 181-2; Stat. Aceo. v. ix. p. 167: 
by this account the Cave of Fin mac-coul is called the King's Cave and is said to have had the 
honour of giving shelter to the illustrious Bruce, with the patriot companions of his perilous efforts, 
for his country's independence. The well known Caves of Hawthomden have also furnished com- 
modious retreats to similar patriots, who risked their all for their country and to religious bigots, who 
hazarded much for their faith in more recent times. See Stukeley's Itin. Curiosum for a description 
and plan of the Oaves at Hawthomden ; Mait. Hist, of Edin., p. 505 ; Grose's Antiq., v. i., p. 54-5 ; 
Pennant's Tour, v. ii., p. 253 ; Stat Acco., v. x., p. 284-5. 

(r) Stat. Acco., v. six,, p. 136 : Several of those caves are of lai'ge dimensions, 

(s) lb. V. X., p. 294 ; and see lb. v. xiii., p. 273 for a singular cave in Kirkpatrick-Fleming. 
Within a sequestered glen in the parish of Moffat there are two caves which have been cut out of 
a freestone rock, and are capable of holding several men : they are at present used as farm houses. 
lb. V. ii., p. 288. (t) lb. v. xi., p. 41. (m) lb. v. vii., p. 280 

(i') Stat. Acco., V. xvi., p. 325 : The fire-place and floor of this remarkable cave still remain. 



Ch. U.--The Tribes, their Antiquities.} OrNORTH-BEITAIN. . 9D 

obliged to recur for safety, before society had collected men into regular tribes, 
and it had become the duty of government to protect the few by the efforts of 
the many. 

The next objects of rational curiosity to the strengths and hiding places of 
the British tribes are their weapons. Several of these have been already men- 
tioned, as they were occasionally found in the graves of the warriors who had 
once made an appropriate use of them. These weapons are of different kinds, 
axes or hatchets, and arrow heads. The hatchets which have been most 
frequently found, both in North and South-Britain, are generally of flint, and 
are usually called celts, though antiquai'ies have been unable to explain the 
meaning of the name. Yet the Jli7it habchets that have occasioned so much 
discussion among learned men were called celts, from the nature of the material 
whereof they were made ; the cellt of the British speech literally signifying & flint 
stone (a). These axes, or celts as they have been called, even when they were 
made of brass or other metals, have been discovered in both North and South- 
Britain, and they were often formed of brass and of other materials of a simi- 
lar kind as well as of flint. Several of these brass hatchets have been found 
in the British barrows on Salisbury Plain (b). The places where these hatchets 
had so long reposed with the original owners, and were at length discovered, 
attest that they were British weapons. These brass hatchets, as they have been 
also found within the British barrows in North-Britain, must equally be 
deemed the curious weapons of the Caledonian Britons (c). Several arrow 
heads which had been made of sharp-pointed flint have been found withm 
various graves in North-Britain, as we have already seen (d). Such arrow 

(a) Owen's Diet. These Celts have been found in various places and of different sizes all over 
South-Britain. Dug. Warwick., p. 778 ; Stukeley's Itin. Curiosum, p. 54 ; Plot's Staffordshu-e, 
p. 397 ; Hutch. Cumberland, p. 13-14 ; Whit. Manchester, 8vo. ed., v. i., p. 19, 20—22. 
Those curious Celts, which even appear on British coins, have also been discovered in every part of 
North-Britain. Gordon's Itin. Septen., p. 172 ; Sibbald's Hist. Enquir., p. 51 ; Companion to 
the Map of Tweeddale, p. 34 ; Acco. Antiq. Scot., p. 55—92 ; and part ii., p. 46—122 ; Stat. 
Acco., V. iv., p. 479 ; lb. v. iii., p. 56 ; lb. vol. v., p. 85 ; lb. v. x., p. 186 ; lb. v. x\-ii., p. 159 ; 
Tire's Hist, of Eutherglen, p. 149, pi. 1. 

(h) Stukeley's Stonehenge, p. 46 ; Gibson's Camden, 1263 ; Whit. Manch., 8vo. edition, 
V. i., p. 17—19. 

(c) Stat. Acco., V. vii., p. 251 ; lb. p. 60 ; lb. v. viii., p. 305 ; lb. v. x., p. 56 ; lb. v. xviii., 
p. 117. Sibbald says, "that several swords, heads of spears, and small darts made of brass, 
have been found in several places of Scotland." Hist. Enquir., p. 51. There is a delineation of 
some brass axes, which were found in Scotland, in Gordon's Itin. Septent., pi. 50. 

('/) Stat. Acco. of Lauder, v. i., p. 78. In the parish of Benholm, Kincardineshire, on the 
side of a hill, where tradition says a battle was fought in ancient times, there have been found a 
number of flint arrow heads, and in the same vicinity a quantity of human bones. lb. v. xv.. p. 238. 

02 



100 AnACCOUNT [Book I.— The Roman Period. 

heads of ilint have been found in the isle of Skye (e). To these arrow heads of 
flint, superstition has given the name of elf-shots, from a supposition that they 
are shot by elfs or fairies at cattle. The common people derive many of the 
disorders of then- cattle from the elf-shots, and superstition also directs the cure. 
The afflicted beast must be touched by the elf-shot, or must be made to drink 
the water wherein the elf-shot has been dipped (/). 

The armouries of the Britons were generally furnished with helmets, shields, 
and chariots, and with spears, daggers, swords, battle-axes, and bows (g). The 
helmet and the chariot were confined to the chiefs, and the common men 
fought always on foot, provided with shields for their defence, and with spears, 
swords, daggers, bows, and battle-axes for ofiending the enemy (h). These 
accoutrements have been mostly all found in the graves of the warrior, or have 
been seen during recent times on the Gaelic soldiers in fight. The Caledo- 
nian chariots encountered Agricola's legions at the foot of the Grampian mount. 
And they only wanted union and discipline to have enabled a gallant j^eople 
with such armour to repel their invading foe. 

Connected with theh armour ai'e their vessels, either for the enterprizes of 
war, or the accommodation of peace ; and these consisted of canoes and of cur- 
rachs. The first consisted of a single tree, which they hollowed with fire, in 
the manner of the American Indians ; and m the mode of the same Indians it 
was put into motion by a paddle : canoes of this sort have been discovered, 
where indeed they were to have been expected, in lakes and in marshes, both 
in South and in North Biitain (?'). In the gi-eat Locher-moss, in the loch of 
Cax"Hng-wark, in Loch-winnoch, and in the winding Carron, the canoes of 
the first people have been found {h). How early the Britons improved their art 



(«) Acco. Antiq. Soc. Scotland, p. 55, and part ii., p. 46 — 122 Similar aiTOw heads have been 
found in the parish of Logierait. Stat. Acco., vol v., p. 85. In the parish of Penn-y-cuiek, near 
Brunstone Castle, has been found an arrow head of flint, ragged on the edges and barbed. lb. v. x., 
p. 425. Similar arrow heads have been foimd in South-Britain. Stukeiey's Abury, 33 ; Thoresby's 
Leeds, 493-4 ; Whitaker's Manchester, 8vo. edition, v. i., p. 25. 

(/) Pennant's Tour in Scotland, v. i., p. 101. 

(jr) Whitaker's Manchester, 4to edition, v. i., p. 13 — 16, wherein is a delineation of British battle- 
axes. (A) lb. 

(J.) Eight British canoes were found in Merton-mere in Lancashire. King's Munimenta Antiq., v. i., 
p. 29 ; Hutch. Cumberland, v. i., p. 12. 

(JS) In Locher-moss near Dumfries, an extensive tract of swampy ground, through which runs 
the Locher, there have been discovered several canoes ; one of these Pennant examined and found to 
be eight feet eight inches long, the cavity in the inside being six feet seven inches in length : it was 



Ch. n. — Tlie Tribes, their Antiquities.'] OpNORTH-BEITAIN. 101 

of shipbuilding cannot easily be ascertained. Before the age of Julius Csesar 
they had certainly enlarged then- canoes into currachs. Caesar describes the 
currachs as being accommodated with keels and masts of the lightest wood ; as 
having then- bodies of wicker, which was covered over with leather, as 
he had learned from the Britons, and knew from his practice in Spain. Lucan 
calls the British currachs little ships, and m these, he adds, the Britons were 
wont to navigate the ocean il). In such currachs, according to Solinus {m), it 
was common to pass between Ireland and Britain. Adamnan, in his life of St. 
Columba, describes one of those currachs with all the parts of a ship, with sails 
and oars, and with a capacity for passengers ; and he adds, that in this roomy 
currach St. Cormac sailed into the North Sea, where he remained during fourteen, 
days in perfect safety («). We have thus seen what were the British vessels, 
both for the occupations of peace and the adventm-es of war, and what were 
the currachs wherein the Scoto-Irish made incursions from their woody isle into 
Romanized Britain during the age of Claudian, when the Scottish rowers made 
the sea foam with their hostile oars (o). 

Such, then, were the Caledonian Britons ; such the topographical position of 
the several tribes ; and such were their antiquities at the memorable epoch of 
Agricola's invasion of North-Britain. This country was, at that critical period, 

two feet broad, and eleven inches deep ; and at one end tliere were tlie remains of tliree pegs for 
the paddles ; and it appeared to have been hollowed by the action of fire, in the manner of the 
American Indians. In the same morass another canoe was dug up, which was seven feet long, 
and dilated to a considerable breadth at one end ; an iron grapple or anchor was discovered with one 
of these canoes ; and paddles, and oars, and other similar antiquities have been found in Locher- 
moss, which is ten miles long and more than two niUes broad. Pennant's Tour, v. iii., p. 93-4 ; 
Stat. Acco., V. i., p. 60 ; vol. v., p. 37. In Carhng-wark-Loch, in Ku-kcudbright stewartry, 
there were found, when it was drained, several canoes which appear to have been hollowed in the 
manner of the American Indians. lb. v. viii., p. 306. In Loch-winnoch, in Eenfrewshii-e, there 
have been discovered several canoes, which appear to have been formed in a rude manner out of 
single trees, like the American canoes. lb. v. xv., p. 68. The greatest of all the canoes which 
were thus discovered in North-Britain was that which was found in 1726, near the influx of the 
Can-on into the Forth, and was buried fifteen feet in the south bank of the Forth ; it was thirty- 
six feet long, four feet broad in the middle, four feet four inches deep, four inches thick in the 
sides ; and it was all of one piece of solid oak, sharp at the stem and broad at the stem. This canoe 
was finely polished, being perfectly smooth within and without. The wood was of an extraordinary 
hardness, and had not one knot in the whole block. Eeliquise Galeanse, p. 241-2 ; Hutch. Cumber., 
V. i., p. 12. 

(0 Caesar de Bel. Gal., 1. iii. ; De Bel. Civ., 1. i. Lucan, 1. iv. (m) Ch. 35. 

(ft) Stillingfleet's Orig. Brit, pref., p. Isi. 

(o) That celebrated poet flourished in the fourth century under Theodosius and his sons. 



102 An ACCOUNT [Bookl— The Roman Period, 

undoubtedly rude ; it was strong by nature, and its various hills were forti- 
fied with great discrimination, and by a singular sort of untutored policy. The 
people, who were constitutionally brave, had been long occupied with domestic 
war. Their arms were sufficiently powerful for enabling intrepid men to resist 
intruders of less skill and courage and experience than the Roman legions. 
And above all, though the Northern Britons were disunited by principle and 
habit, they were actuated by a strong sense ot national independence, which 
prompted their vigorous spirits to defend their land, their religion, and their 
women with obstinate resolution against unprovoked invaders. 



Oh. m. — Agricolas Campaigns.'] Op NORTH-BRITAIN. 10^ 



CHAP, m. 
Of Agricolas Campaigns. 

WE have now surveyed the region, and seen the people whom Agricola 
was destined to defeat rather than subdue, after a braver struggle than his 
foresight could have easily supposed ; but their country was strong from 
nature, and the mountain tops were all fortified by art, as we know from the 
remains, and as we have already perceived from research. One hundred and 
thirty-five years had elapsed since the Komans, under the conduct of J. Caesar, 
first invaded the southern shores of our island ; and the disappointments of that 
great commander discouraged the repetition of such expeditions for upwards 
of a century. The invasion and conquest of Britain were at length under- 
taken by some of the ablest officers of Rome. But, opposed by the strength 
of the island and the bravery of the people, their success was not equal to their 
expectations and their efibrts. In this alternate state of hope and disappoint- 
ment Agricola assumed the government of a country, wherein he had learned 
the art of war under the most experienced commanders. 

It was in the year 78 of our common ei'a that Agricola undertook his com- 
mand in Britain, by displaying his address as a statesman, and evincing his 
skill as a soldier. In the memorable year 79, by the exercise of both those 
qualities, he appears to have been chiefly employed in subduing and civiliz- 
ing Lancashire. After all those necessary measures of precaution, he set out 
at the age of forty, in the year 80, from Mancunium, the Manchester of the 
pi'esent times, to penetrate into the north, along the western coast (a). Un- 
known nations were now discovered by the perseverance of the Roman troops ; 

(a) The late Dr. Robertson has mistakingly fixed this date in A.D. 81. But the critical Tillemont 
in his Ilistoire des Eiiqnreurs, torn, ii., p. 32 — 39 ; the intelligent Horsley in his Romana, p. 46 ; 
the learned Whi taker in his Hist. Manch., 8vo. ed., v. i, p. 43, all concur In proving that Agricola 
assumed the command of Britain in 78, and entered North-Britain in 80. In this manner, by search- 
ing out certainties, may be satisfactorily settled the fancied uncertainties of the ancient history of 
North-Britain. That Agricola entered North-Britain by marching along the west coast, and not the 
east, is equally certain. See Horsley's Romana, p. 43. 



104 An ACCOUNT [Book I.— The Bomaii Period, 

and they are said to have pushed their ravages in this third campaign as far 
as the Tau (6). 

.In his fourth campaign, during the year 81, Agricola, if we may beUeve 
Tacitus, explored and overran the mountainous region extending from the Sol- 
way to the friths of Cluyd and Forth, which flow so far into the country as to 
leave only a narrow isthmus to be fortified. Much skill and labour and time 
were employed in trying to eft'ectuate the difficult enterprize of removing " the 
remaining enemies, as it were, into another island (c)." 

Yet much remained to be done before the power of the Caledonians could be 
efiectually broken, and the Roman conquests could be sufficiently secured. In 
his fifth campaign, during the year 82, Agricola, meditating further conquests, 
thought it prudent as an officer to inspect the country and to subdue the tribes 
who, on his marching beyond the Forth, would have been, from their western 
positions, in his rearward. With those views he invaded " that part of Bri- 
tain which is opposite to Ireland," the whole extent of Galloway (d). As 
he resolved to carry on his operations both by land and sea, he probably sailed 
from Kilbride-loch in Cumberland, and landed in the country of the Selgovse, 
within the loch near Brow at the Locher-mouth, which here forms a natural 

(b) Tacitus, wh.o wrote the life of Agricola at the end of seventeen years after the events 
■which he relates, as he affected brevity, has left much obscurity to be cleared and some contra- 
dictions to be reconciled. It is incredible that the Eoman legionaries, who were so vigorously 
opposed during their sixth campaign in the very strong country which lies between the Forth 
and the Tay, could have crossed so many waters and mountains, subdued so many strengths, and 
penetrated to the river, which is so well known at present by the name of Tay. It is certain, 
however, amid so much uncertainty that the word Tau signified any thing spread out, any ex- 
tended water, an estuary in the language of those Britons who accompanied Agricola into the 
North. Comparing this circumstance with the context, it will appear sufficiently obvious that the 
Romans carried their ravages in their third campaign to the Solway Frith, which answers re- 
markably to the plain meaning of the British Tau ; as Tacitus indeed informs us : " Vastatis 
" usque ad Taum (aestuajio nomen est) rationibus." If the distance from Manchester to the 
Solway be attended to, if the strength of the intervening country be considered, it will appear 
to military men to have been an exploit of sufficient celebrity to have carried his arms through 
Lancashire, Westmoreland, and Cumberland to the Solway, in one summer's march, occupied, 
as we are told' Agricola was, with securing the country as he proceeded, by fortifying his posts. 
Agric. xxii. But they had strengths to conquer. The high and strong grounds which separate 
South and North-Britain seem at all times within the period of history, to have formed the 
boundaries of nations. In the age of Agricola, the Selgovse, the Gadeni, and the Ottadeni, 
appear to have regarded those heights as their boundaries, that they were studious to strengthen 
by art, if we may judge of their policy from the many hill-forts which may still be traced through- 
out their countries, and which could not have been taken by the Roman armies without many 
conflicts. 

(c) Agric. xxiii. (d) Agric. xxiv. 



Cli. III. — Afjricolas Campaupis.'] OfNOETH-BEITAIN. 105 

harbour. But he immediately found hi^ march obstructed by an impenetra- 
ble wood and a vast marsh of many miles extent (e) : yet nothing could set 
bounds to Roman skill and labour (/). And marching along the shore with 
his left to the estuary of Locher, and leaving Caerlaverock also on his left, he 
encamped against the Selgovse town, the Uxellum of Ptolomy, and the Ward- 
law of Pennant [g), while he sent out detachments to open the woods and to 
form such roads as the urgency of the war required. We here see for the 
fii-st time a Roman camp directly opposed to a British hUl-fort. We shall 
perceive this interesting fact more frequently as we proceed. And from the 
frequency of this hostUe opposition of encampments against fortresses, we may 
infer that the Roman invaders found much obstruction in their progress from 
the British strengths. This post of Uxellum on the Wardlaw, seems to have 
been retained by the Romans during the age of the Antonines while Ptolomy 
flourished. Agricola, having removed every obstruction which arose either 
from art or nature, probably passed the Nith near Dumfries, where he may 
have been assisted by his ships, and where Roman remains have been found (li). 
He now turned to the left, and marching in a south-west direction into Kirk- 
gunzeon, left in his route traces of his operations, which may still be per- 
ceived in the vestiges of the Roman camps within that district {i). A march 
of five miles would have carried him thence to the Moat of Urr, on the west 
margin of the river Urr, where there are the remains of a British hUl-fort, and 
near it the vestiges of a Roman encampment {h). Another march of ten miles 

(e) See the Locher-moss, in Crawford's map of Dumfries-shire. 

(/) There is reason to believe that Agricola opened a passage through the whole extent of 
that wood, the trees which were then cut down have been recently found five feet below the 
moss, and a causeway that had been formed of trees on that occasion, probably, has also been dis- 
covered six feet below the Locher-Moss. Several Eoman utensils have also been dug up in this moss. 
Pennant's Tour, iii., p. 88 — 94 ; Stat. Account, v. i., p. 160. 

{j) Tour, V. iii., p. 95, and Eichard's map, which shows the mistake of Eoy in placing Uxel- 
lum at Castle-Over, in the upper end of Eskdale. The Wardlaw hill agrees well enough, though 
it be not extremely high, with the British word TJchel, signifying a height. On the summit of Ward- 
law hill there are the remains of a British hill-fort, of a circular form, which was surrounded by two 
ditches. Id. On the south side of this ancient strength of the Selgovae, there are the remains of 
a Eoman camp. From the Wardlaw-hill, which seems to have acquired a modem name, from its 
recent use, there is a vast prospect of the Solway Frith, of the mouth of the Nith, and a long 
extent of the Galloway hills. Id. King's Munimenta Antiq. v. i., p. 28 ; Stat. Account, v. vi., 
p. 31. 

(//) Stat. Account, vo. v., p. 142. (0 lb. v. vii., p. 193. 

{k) On the estate of Mr. Maxwell of Munshes, about a mile and a half south-west from TJrr- 
Moat there were found lately several legionary spear heads, which appeared to be made of a verj' 
Vol. I. P 



1 00 A X A C C U N T [Book I.— The Roman Period. 

and a half in a south-west dh-ection, brought his army from the Urr into the 
midst of several British forts on the west side of the Dee ; among these, nuiy 
be traced the opposing remains of several Roman camps (I). On the farm of 
Little Sypland there is a large British fort of a circular form, which is surround- 
ed by a double rampart and fosse, and somewhat more than a mile south- 
south-west fiom this ancient strength, near Whinny-Legate, there is a Roman 
camp of a square foi'm, and from this about a mile and a half south-south- 
west, there is another Roman camp of a similar kind, on the farm of Bombie ; 
between these two Roman camps there is a large British strength of an oval 
form near Mickle Sypland (m). From Bombie about three miles south-south- 
west, near the old church of Dunrod, there is another Roman camp («) : and 
in the intermediate country there were several British strengths which seem to 
mark the track of Agricola's route. Such then were the military posts, both 
of the invaders and defenders of the Selgovse country, which thus appears to 
have been strongly defended on every side during the march of Agricola, which 
brought him at length to the Caerhantorigum of Ptolomy, the Drummore-Castle 
of modern maps. 

hard kind of brass. Stat. Account, v. si., p. 70. Of tliis country the Romans remained long in pos- 
session. In the same vicinity, at the Mill of Buittle, there were found some years ago three Eoman 
silver coins : one of Tiberius, one of Adrian, and one of Commodus. Id. About thi'ee miles north- 
north-east of Urr-Moat, on the lands of Glenarm, there was discovered in a cavern, on removing a 
quantity of stones in a quarrj', a Eoman cinereal urn of a gravelly brown earth, six inches and a 
quarter in diameter, and five inches and a quarter in height ; and it contained some black liquor like 
tar. Other urns of the same kind were found along with it, but they were destroyed by the workmen. 
Account of the Antiq. Society of Scotland, p. ii., p. 55. This cavern appears thus to have been a Roman 
cemeterj'. In the year 1776 a piece of a Eoman sword of fine brass, and a round piu of the same 
metal, were found in Garlochan-Cairn, on a hill in the lauds of Chapeleara, about four and a half miles 
west-south-west from Glenarm. Id. 

(/j In the course of this route there was dug out of the earth, near Gelston, a Eoman ui'n, which had 
been nicely cai-ved, and was full of reddish coloured ashes. Stat. Account, v. viii., p. 305. In the 
Carlingwark-loch there was raised from the bottom of the lake, in a mass of marl, a brass pitgio or 
dagger, which was twenty-two inches long, and plated with gold. Id. 

(?») Between the Eoman camps at Whinney-Legate and at Bombie there are three British 
forts, — one large fortress and two smaller ones, which all derived much of their strength from 
the eminences on which they were placed. Stat. Account of Kirkcudbright, v. si., p. 24, 
by the intelligent Dr. Muter, and the map prefixed to his account, with Ainslie's map of 
Kirkcudbright. 

(«) A little more than half a mile west-south-west of this Eoman camp there is, on the summit of 
an eminence, a large British hill-fort, which is called Drummore-Castle. About the same distance 
north-east, on the farm of Milton, there is another British fort. There are also several other British 
posts which strengthened several parts of this strong country. See the reverend Dr. Muter's Stat. 
Account of Kirkcudbright, and Ainslie's map of this shire. 



Cli. m.—Agrtcola's Campaigns.'] OfNOETH -BRITAIN. 107 

The Caerbantorigum of the Egyptian geographer is placed by Eoy at Kirk- 
cudbright town : it is fixed nearly on the same site by Richard. The prefix 
Caer, in the name of this station, plainly intimates that there had been a British 
fortress on its site, from which the name was borrowed, and to which was added, 
as usual, a Latin termination. Among the many forts of the Selgovse in this 
country, that which is now called Drummore castle, and is situated on an 
eminence above Drummore, was the largest, the strongest, and the most im- 
portant ; and from its position and structure it seems to have been calculated 
for a permanent strength, where the Selgovge no doul)t had a town (a). As 
there is in the vicinity of this ancient strength the remains of a Roman camp, 
there can be little doubt whether this were the real position of the Caerbantori- 
gum of Ptolomy and of Richard, which, as we learn from both, was possessed 
by a Roman garrison during the reigns of the Antonines. The many remains 
that may still be traced in the southern face of this great peninsula of Galloway, 
and the absence of remains on its northern side, are circumstances which seem 
to evince, with strong conviction, that Agricola entered the country from the 
south of it, and not from the north, as is too often supposed. 

The Romans, in order to invade the Novantes, must have crossed the Dee 
to the westwai'd. Their country seems not to have been so strongly fortified ; 
neither are there found in it many Roman remains (6). The only Roman position 
which can now be traced among the Novantes is at Wliithorn, the Lucophibia 
of Ptolomy, the Candida-Casa of Bede (c). From the paucity of remains 

(a) This fortress is situated on an eminence above Drummore, and commands an extensive prospect 
of tlie Solway frith and the country along the side of it. It is surrounded by a rampart and deep 
fosse, that remain pretty entire ; near the base of the height whereon it stands there is a large well, 
which is now built up with stones, and which had supplied the place with water. 

(J)) A helmet of brass, which is supposed to be Boman, was found in a tumulus near the river Cree, 
in Galloway. Gordon's Itin. Sept., p. 172. A Eoman securis of brass, five inches long, three inches 
broad at the edge, and an inch broad at the opposite end, was found in the moss of Cree, which lies 
in the direct route from the passage of this river to Whithorn. Account of the Society of Antiqua- 
ries of Scot., p. 74. The head of a Eoman spear, which was made of brass, was also dug up in Wig- 
tonshire ; it measured thii'teen and a half inches in length, and was encrusted with verdigris when 
found. lb., p. 115. 

{c) Within a mile of the town of Whithorn there are the remains of a Eoman camp which, 
though much defaced, plainly evinces it to have been a Castra Stativa. Stat. Account of Whithorn, 
by the Eev. Dr. Davidson, vol. xvi., p. 288. Other Eoman remains are said by the same intelligent 
writer to have once existed in this neighbourhood where they cannot now be traced. lb., v. xvii., 
p. 594. Eoy, notwithstanding the hints of Eichard, was probably misled by Horsley to place Luco- 
phibia at Wigton, rather than at Whithoni ; and Ainslie was so idle as to copy his error. There are 
no Eoman remains at Wigton, The Lucophibia of Ptolom}', Camden himself knew not, indeed, 

whore to seek. 

P2 



IDS A N A C C U N T [Book I.— The Roman Period. 

we may easily believe that Agricola did not pursue the Novantes into the re- 
cesses of their coimtiy. It is much more probable, whatever Tacitus may inti- 
mate, that the Roman general, retracing his steps to the eastward, forced his 
doubtful way northward through the mountainous country, till he fell in with 
the south-western soui'ces of the Clyde. His fleet, indeed, may have sailed 
round the Novantian px'omontory, have taken some towns on the Glottan shore, 
and may have met him in the commodious estuary of the kindred Clyde. In 
this fifth campaign, however, he is said to have subdued several nations who 
were till then unknown to the Roman oflicers (J). 

In the summer of the sixth year of his command Agricola extended his views 
to the countries which lay to the northward of the Forth. He dreaded a 
general concert of the more remote tribes, who had hitherto been disunited by 
their principles, and hostile to each other from their habits. He ordered his 
fleet to survey the coast, and to sound the harbours. And he learned from 
captives that their countrymen had been greatly alarmed at the sight of so 
new an object on their shores, when they reflected that now they had no other 
hopes of safety but in the efibrts of despair. With all those designs, and 
knowing that his route by land would be unsafe from the vigilance and 
strength of the enemy, Agricola set out from the foi'tified isthmus in the 

(d) Agric. xxiv. The brevity of Agricola's biograplier lias again given rise 'to some contest 
among antiquaries, with regard to tlie route by whicb the Eomans entered the country that is 
opposite to Ireland. From the circumstance, which is emphatically mentioned by Tacitus, " that 
Agricola crossed over in the first ship," it has been supposed by some that he crossed the frith of 
Clyde, below Dunbarton, and invaded Kintyre, where Eoman footsteps have not yet been traced. 
The fact is, that every part of the river Clyde, from Dunglas upwai'ds, was in those days fordable : 
and this important fact is established by the well Imown ch'cumstance that the Eomans, when 
the}' built the wall of Antonine, eight and fifty years afterwards, carried it as low down as 
Dunglas, with design, plainly, to prevent the tribes fi-om fording the Clyde into the Eoman 
province on the south-west. Horsley's Brit. Eomana, plate 176, number 1 ; Watt's MS. Eeport 
on the Fords of the Clyde. It is to be infen-ed, from the context of Tacitus, that Agi-icola did not 
command in person the Eoman detachments who fortified the Isthmus of Forth and Clyde, 
during the year 81 : if he had been present, he could have conducted his army into the hostile 
peninsula opposite to L-eland without crossing any river ; but that prudent commander probably 
remained at some station on the south of the Tmi, whence he collected information and issued 
his orders : and it was, therefore, the Solway frith which he ivas the Jirst to cross in a ship, in 
order to subdue nations that were till then unknown. This exposition, by obviating all difficulties, 
seems to reconcile Tacitus to himself, and to illustrate the real policy of Agricola, who was attended 
by his fleet, as we learn from his biogi-apher. The Eoman remains, which may still be traced in Gal- 
loway, confirm this reasoning, for they are found in the south, from the Solway to the Dee, and not in 
the north, from the Dee to the Clyde. 



Ch. m..—Arjnco!as Catiqjaigns.'] OfNOETH-BEITAIX. 109 

summer of A. D. 83, on his expedition beyond the Forth (e). He was no doubt 
induced by the previous knowledge of his naval commander to the most 
commodious passage of a frith, the shores of which are in some places near 
the Isthmus very marshy, and in others very steep. And turning to the 
right he was probably directed by liis purpose, by the minute information of his 
naval officers, and by the nature of the country, to the narrowest strait of the 
Forth at Inchgarvey, where the frith is greatly contracted by the projecting 
points of the opposite shores. He was here no doubt met by a part of his 
fleet, which would speedily waft him over this contracted part of the frith to 
the advancing point in Fife, which is now known by the appropriate name of 
the Northferry (/). 

Agricola was now arrived among the Horestii. In the meantime the Cale- 
donian Britons commenced offensive operations from the higher country, by 
attacking the strengths on the Isthmus, which Agricola had left behind him 
without adequate defence. By thus daring to act offensively, they are said to 
have inspired terror. The general was advised by those officers, who disguised 
their timidity under the mask of prudence, to retreat from this hostile land by 
recrossing the Forth, rather than be driven out by the force of the enemy. 
But he was too firm to be moved by such insidious advice. And being in- 
formed that the tribes intended to attack him on all sides in a country with 
which he was unacquainted, he disposed his army into three divisions. He 

(f) Agric. sxv. With all his brevity Tacitus has given many circumstances in respect to 
Agi-icola's campaign of the year 83, which show distinctly the site of his operations : 1. The 
country beyond the Furth was his great object ; 2. The roads were supposed to be rendered unsafe 
by the enemy's army ; 3. He was induced, partly by this circumstance, to make use of the 
assistance of his fleet, which he caused to survey the Forth, and which pushed on the war by land 
and sea, — the cavah-y, infantry, and marines were frequently mixed together in the same camp. 
4. From the combination of all those circumstances, which are distinctly stated by the son-in-law of 
Agricola, it is apparent that the Eoman general crossed the Forth by means of his ships, which 
had first explored the several shores ; and the additional intimation of the advice given to the general 
by some officei-s, in consequence of an offensive attack of the enemy, " that he should retreat on this 
"side the Forth," carries the strongest probability, arising from the previous circumstance, up to 
undoubted certainty, that the Eoman army carried on their operations in Fife dmmg the year 83. 
Add to all those circumstances that there are the remains of a strength near Dunearn hill, adjoining 
to Bm-ntisland, which are to this day called Agricola s Camp. Stat. Account, v. ii., p. 429. This 
intimation makes it probable that the Eoman fleet may have here found a harbom- while it ex- 
plored the frith. 

(/■) See Stobie's map of Perth and Ainslie's map of Fife for this inviting contraction of the frith. 
Sir E. Sibbald, who had accurately surveyed Fife, fixes on the same ferry as the place where Agricola 
must have passed the Forth. 



110 An ACCOUNT [Book I.— The Roman Period. 

probably marched towards Caruock, a little to the left at no great distance, 
where there are still to be traced two military stations which, in the names of 
two farms, are still known by the significant appellations of East Camp and 
West Camp (g). Unacquainted as the general was with the countiy, he pushed 
forward the ninth legion, which was weak from former engagements, to 
Loch- Ore, about two miles southward from Loch-Leven, with two ranges of 
hills in front, the Cleish range on their left, and Binnarty hill on their right. 
At this position the Romans pitched their camp, the remains of which are still 
apparent to the eager eyes of antiquaries (h). In the meantime one of the three 
divisions of Agricola's army may have defiled to the right, and with the marines 
from the fleet may have encamped near Dunearn hill ({). During the night the 
Horestii made a vigorous attack on the Roman entrenchments at Loch-Ore. 
They were already within the camp, when Agricola, being informed of their 
march, hastened forward the lightest of his troops to attack the rear of the 
assailants. A furious engagement was now maintained in the gates of the 

((/) See Ainslie's Map of Fife, and the Stat. Account of the parish of Oarnock. v. si., p. 497. 
Those camps are not seven miles from the shore of the Forth ; they stand on a pleasant bank, which 
gives them an extensive prospect of the frith and the intervenient country. It is apparent, then, that 
Agricola could, from this eminence, at once see and communicate with his fleet. Upon Car-neU. 
hill, near Carnock, the Horestii appear to have had a strength, as we might learn from the prefix of 
the name, the C'aer of the British signifying a fort. The Romans probably took this strength by 
assault, as in 1774, upon opening some tumuU upon Carneil hill, several urns were found containing 
many Eoman coins. Id. From Carnock, northward a mile and a half, the Horestii had another 
strength on Craigluscar-hill, which the minister of Carnock supposed to have been a camp of the 
Eomans. Id. The minister of Dumfermline more truly calls this a Pictish camp. lb., v. siii., p. 
453. From Carnock, three miles north-north-west, there is another British strength on the summit of 
Saline hill. Stat. Account, v. siii., p. 453. And there was a similar camp of the Britons at no great 
distance below. lb., v. x., p. 312. These several fortresses of the Horestii were no doubt taken by the 
legions of Agricola in the campaign of 83 a.d. 

(/() This camp is situated on the north side of Loch-Ore, less than half a mile south-west from 
Loch-Ore house, in the parish of Ballingry, in Fife. Its form is nearly square. In some places it is 
levelled and defaced, but on the north and west sides there still exist three rows of ditches and as 
many ramparts of earth and stone. The total circumference of it is about 2020 feet. On the side 
towards the loch there is a round turret, analogous to those at the Eoman camp on Burnswark hill. 
Gordon's Itin., p. 36 ; Stat. Account, v. vii., p. 315 ; and Ainslie's map of Fife. Sibbald says, indeed, 
that the ninth legion was attacked in the Eoman camp at Loch-Ore. Hist. Inquiries, p. 37. In a 
moss near Portmoak there were dug up the heads of Roman lances and javehns, which were made of 
fine hardened brass. lb. 38. 

(i) This hill is only a mile distant from Burntisland, where there is the best harbour in the Forth, 
and where the Eomans had a naval station till the late period of their departure. Sibbald's Rom. 
Forts, p. 5-15 ; Stat. Account, v. ii., p. 424-6. On Duneam hill there was a British fort of great 
strength, which soon yielded to the Eoman art. lb. 429. 



Ch. m.—Agricokt'.'s Campaigns.'] OfNOETH-BEITAIN. lU 

camp. But the Britons were repulsed, though not discouraged : they attributed 
their repulse, not so much to the superior bravery of their adversaries, as to the 
skill of the commander and the accidents of war. They magnanimously 
resolved to defend the last defile of their country. They sent their wives and 
children into places of safety (k), they armed their youth, and they ratified 
the confederacy of the tribes, in their solemn assemblies by public sacrifices. 
This is the first occasion on which we hear of the union of the Caledonian 
tribes. We may judge of the pressure of the moment and the fortitude of the 
clans, which could unite so many people whose ruling passion was indepen- 
dence on each other. 

The Romans on their part were elated with their victory ; they cried out 
that no force could resist their valour, that now was the time to penetrate into 
the recesses of Caledonia. Agricola resolved to gratify theh ardour, as it pro-* 
moted his own designs ; and he immediately proceeded to subdue the Horestii, 
who do not appear, m the pages of Tacitus, to have made much resistance after 
that decisive blow. In these operations he spent the remainder of a.d. 83, 
and the beginning of the subsequent year, he occupied in procuring information 
of the enemy's motions (l). 

Excited thus, and instructed, Agricola marched from Fife, the hostile land 
of the Horestii, in the summer of 84, with an army equipped for expedition, 
to which he added those Britons whom he had brought with him from the 
south as useful auxiliaries. He in the mean time dispatched his fleet around 
the coast with design to spread distraction. He was probably directed in his 
route by the natural positions of the countiy, as it was shown to his intelligent 
eyes by the course of the Devon ; he turned to the right from Glen-devon, 

(k) In those times the British tribes had on every hill-top a fastness of considerable strength, as we 
know from their remains. 

(I) It is perfectly obvious, from the narrative of Tacitus, that Agricola passed the winter of 
the year 83 in Fife, where he was readily supplied with provisions by his fleet, and whence he 
easily coiTesponded with his garrisons on the southern side of the Forth. Besides the Eoman 
works which have been noticed, there are the remains of others that may still be traced along the 
frith. At Halyards also, in the parish of Tullybole, there is a Eoman encampment which would 
merely hold a detachment. Stat. Account, v. xviii., p. 470. In the parish of Tillycoultry there 
is said to have been a Eoman station on the north end of the Cuningar hill. lb., v. xv., p. 214. 
There appears to have been an advanced camp at Ardargie, the height of ivarriors, among the 
Ochil hills above the river May ; and it is still remembered as a Eoman work. lb., v. iii., p. 309. 
And see Stobie's map of Perth. Many circumstances with regard to this campaign seem to have 
been unknown to Eo}^ who combats the opinion of Gordon, without denying his facts. See also Sir 
E. Sibbald's Account of the Forts. Colonies, and Castles of the Eomans, between the Forth and Tay, 
1711, throughout. 



112 AnACCOUNT [Book I.— The Roman Period. 

through the opening of the Ochil hills, along the course of the rivulet which 
forms Glen-eagles, leaving the Braes of Ogilvie on his left. He now passed 
between Blackford and Auchterarder towards the Grampian hill, which he saw 
at a distance before him as he defiled from the Ochils {m). An easy march 
soon caiTied him to the moor of Ardoch, and to the presence of the Cale- 
donians, within the district of the Damnii. He found the Caledonians already 
encamped at the Grampian mountain to the number of thirty thousand, under 
the command of Galgacus, a general who appears to have merited the celebra- 
tion of Tacitus. An obstinate battle ensued, which was at length decided in 
favour of the Romans, not so much by great valour as by superior skill 
and better weapons. Night put an end to a well fought engagement (o). The 

{m) In the parish of Blackford there is a small camp on an eminence fronting Gleneagles, 
about five miles east from Ardoch, Stat. Account, v. iii., p. 310, In Auchterarder parish, opposite 
to it, there are some traces of encampments on the east of that village, at the foot of the Ochils : 
a coin of the Emperor Vespasian was here found in digging the foundation of the church. Stat. 
Account, V. iv., p. 44, 

(o) The site of this famous battle has been sought for in vain by antiquaries. All that can 
be done for the acquirement of certainty is to adjust circumstances. Having sent round his fleet 
to spread terror, he marched with an army equipped for expedition, expedito exercitu ; and he 
arrived without any obstruction that we hear of, as his route lay thi-ough the country of the 
subdued Horestii, ad montem Grampium, the Gran-pen of the Britons, signifying in their language 
the head or chief ridge, or ledge. As his fleet no longer co-operated with him, as he was lightly 
equipped, he could not carry much supply of provision with him. From his scouts he probably 
knew that the enemy were encamped at no great distance from him, a circumstance which the 
text seems to suppose. As he marched through the pass of the Ochil hills, along the natural track 
of the modern road, he saw the Grampian mountain, beyond the intervenient valley, before him ; 
and he also saw the ground whereon he could conveniently encamp. He took his station at the 
great camp which adjoins the fort of Ardoch, on the northward. See this interesting spot in 
Eoy's Mil. Antiq., pi. 10; and Stobie's map of Perth. From this camp Agricola drew out his 
army, as Tacitus infonns us, on the neighbouring moor, whereon Gordon saw a vast large ditch, 
■which might be traced for above two miles. The Caledonians came down from the declivity of the 
Grampian, which begins to rise from the north-western border of the moor. " On the hill above 
"the moor," says Gordon, "are two great heaps of stones: the one called Carnivochel, the other 
" Camlee : in the former the quantity of stones exceeds belief ; and I found, by mensuration, the 
"whole heap to be about 182 feet in length, .30 in sloping height, and 45 in breadth at the 
"bottom." Itin. Septen., p. 42. These two cairns are the British monuments of the Caledonians 
who fell in this celebrated conflict. Every circumstance concurs to evince that this moor was the 
bloody scene where so many Caledonians perished for their country's freedom. Here there was 
room enough for the combatants, who were not so many as Tacitus states : there was not a district 
in North-Britain during that age which co\ild have fed 30,000 persons for one day. It is not easy 
to tell how Agricola could have found supplies for his army, if it had been less in numbers than is 
generally supposed from the intimations of Tacitus. The camp is allowed by competent judges 



Ch. in.—Aijricola's Campaigns.'] OpNOETH-BEITAIN. 113 

Caledonian Biitons retired to the most distant recesses of their impervious 
country. Agricola led his army back to the confines of the Horestii, on the 
track of his former route. And having taken hostages fi-om them, he slowly 
conducted his troops through the conquered tribes into winter quarters on 
the south of the friths, perhaps on the south of the Tyne and Solway. He, 
meanwhile, ordered the commander of the Roman navy, who probably met him 
in the Forth, to sail round the island on a voyage of discovery, and with the 
•design of intimidation. This voyage was happily accomplished, by the return 
of the fleet ad portum Trutulenseni or Richborough before the approach of 
winter, when it returned to the Forth. With these remarkable events ended 
the campaigns of Agricola in North-Britain. 

The news of those exploits, however modestly stated, gave apparent joy to 
the Emperor Domitian ; but inspired him, at the same time, with real envy. 
And Agricola was recalled ft-om Britain in the year 85, under the pretence 
of promotion, which was rather declined by that great officer than seriously 

•to have been sufficient for such an army, whatever may have been its numbers. The vast caii'ns 
are British monuments of some great conflict here : the name of Victoria, which the Romans after- 

• wards gave to their station on the Ruchel, near Comrie, in this vicinity, is a significant memorial 
of their decisive victory. Gordon was so idle as to place the site of the battle at the station of 
Victoria. Pennant was so ill informed as to confute Gordon's position upon mistaken principles ; 
and Pennant supposed that the scene of action must be near the sea, where the fleet could 
co-operate ; but the plan of the campaign only admitted of general co-operation. If the Roman 
fleet came into the Tay, it performed all which was expected from it ; and Agricola, at the close 
of the campaign, communicated with his fleet either in the Tay or in the Forth. Pennant had 
attended so little to the intimations of Tacitus, as to suppose that the attack on the ninth legion, 
in the preceding year, was at the station of Victoria. Tour, 1772, p. 96 ; but we have already 
seen that the whole operations of the preceding campaign were in Fife. There is no evidence that 
Agricola ever reached the Tay : the Tan of Tacitus was the Solway frith of modern maps. Mait- 
land, who was the first antiquary who traced Roman roads and Roman camps beyond the Tay, 
was also the first who pointed to Urie hill as the appropriate site of the battle of ^fons Grampius. 
In his loose conjectures he was copied by Lord Buchan. And Roy followed both, who, in giving an 
account of the campaigns of Agricola, is always supposing what cannot be allowed and what he 
cannot prove. There is a thread of sophistry which, as it nins through the reasonings of all those 
writers on this point, it is time to cut for the sake of tnith. They presume that Agi-icola was the 
only Roman officer who made roads or constructed camps in North-Britain, and that Lollius Urbicus 
and the Emperor Severus never appeared on that arduous theatre of war. It has indeed been 
suggested to me by a friend, the late Colonel Shand of the artillery, for whose opinion I have a 
great respect, that the camp at the Findochs in the parish of Monzie, on the Amon river in Perth- 
shire, is very likely to have been the site of the battle of the Grampian. Stat. Account, v. xv., 
p. 256-7. But the weight of circumstantial evidence appears to my deliberate judgment to be far 
stronger in favour of the moor of Ardoch, which contains many more interesting remains, both British 
and Roman. 

Vol. I. Q 



114 AnACCOUNT [Book I.— The Roman Period. 

offered by his unfeeling master. Agricola died, probably from the effects of 
chagrin, on the 23d of August 93, celebrated by his friends and lamented by 
his countrymen, whose grief attests his worth. The silence of history, which 
intimates that there were no events to record during five and thirty years 
after the recall of Agricola, evinces the wisdom of his measures as a statesman, 
and shews the extent of his victories as a general (p ). 

(^) The foregoing sketcli of the campaigns of Agricola was drawn up from lais life by Tacitus. 
Considerable assistance was derived also from the learned notes of the elaborate TiUemont. 
Histoire, 2d torn. 475-6. Truth obliges me to notice the mistakes of Horsley, Brit. Eomana, p. 
39, 40. Most of the writers upon that period, by attributing every Eoman labour to Agricola, 
have only obscured the splendour of his conduct. The late General Eoy has debased his curious 
work on the Militarij Antiquities of the Romans in North-Britain, by ascribing every road and every 
rampart, the vestiges whereof are stiU to be traced in that country, to Agricola, as if neither 
Lollius Urbicus nor the Emperor Severas had led armies into the northern parts of Britain in 
after times. I do not observe that any monumental stone has preserved the name of Agricola, 
who is nevertheless recollected and admired without the aid of such perishable notices. The late 
M. de la Eochette, who was a French engineer that had inspected the Eoman camps in Scotland, 
observing the mistakes of Eoy, had prepai'ed materials for writing an account of Agricola's campaigns, 
as Mr. Faden, the King's geographer, informs me. I endeavoured in vain to secure the papers of M, 
de la Eochette before his death. 



Ch.lV.— The Actions of L.Urbicus.] Op N OE T H -BEIT AIN. 115 



CHAP. IV. 
Of the Transactions of Lollius Urbicus. 

WHEN Agricola was recalled by the envy of Domitian in the year 85, 
victory had declared in favour of Roman discipline at the foot of the Gram- 
pian mountains. The long silence of history shews, with sufficient clearness, 
that the Caledonian Britons had felt the Roman hostility, and that they had 
at length dreaded the Roman power (a). The British tiibes derived confidence, 
during Adrian's war with the Jews, from the recall of some of the Roman 
troops, with some of the best officers in the Roman armies (h). They were 
provoked to turbulence by the misrule of propraetors. The Emperor Adrian, 
who derived much of his celebrity from inspecting with a judicious eye every 
part of the empire, came into Britain, corrected many abuses, and, in the 
year 120, built a wall from the Tyne to the Solway ; a rampart which has, 
in every age, been a monument of his power and a memorial of his circum- 
spection (c). The antiquaries in their inattention have supposed that Adrian 
meant by this work to rehnquish the large extent of country from his wall 
to the northern friths. But their conjecture was made in opposition to the fact, 
and is in itself inconsistent with probability. That several stations remained 
on the north of the wall is a truth which we know from the discovery of 
inscriptions; and his policy seems only to have intended to provide an additional 
security for the more southern provinces against the insurrections of the 
Ottadini, and Gadeni, and the ravages of the Selgovas and Novantes, who 
having neither domestic tumult nor distant devastation to occuj^y them, were 

(«) From the departm-e of Agricola in 85, for tUrty years the Eoman historians took scarcely any 
notice of the affairs of Britain. Horsley supposes, from a loose expression of Tacitus, a querulous 
historian, that the Eomans lost much of their conquests here during that period. Ohron. Sub. An. 
86. But the silence of history conveys a quite contrary inference. 

(i) Horsley's Brit. Eom., p. 49 ; Tillemont Hist. Des Emper., torn, ii., p. 287. 

(c) Horsley, p. 50. Spartian is the ancient historian who is quoted for the facts. Scrip. Hist. 
Aug., p. 51. And see Warbm-ton's Vallum Romaimm, with his map, which show, from an actual 
survey, the track of Adiian's Vallum with Severus's wall. 

Q2 



116 AnACCOUNT [Book I.— The Roman Period. 

neither restrained nor overawed by the stations of Agricola on the Isthmus 
between the Clyde and Forth {i). 

Antonine assumed the purple on the death of Adrian, the 10th of July 

138, A.D. Among a thousand other good qualities the new emperor was 
remarkable for appointing to the government of the Roman provinces the 
fittest officers ; nor could he have chosen for the rule of Britain a more 
proper officer than Lollius Urbicus, a man who possessed talents for peace as 
well as a genius for war. His most early attention was drawn to the Bri- 
gantes, who, having raised a revolt, were again reduced to order by him in 

139, A.D. He marched northward in the subsequent year to the Friths, 
and tranquilLzed the tribes beyond them. There is cause for believing that 
this great officer carried his arms from the Forth to the Varar, and settled 
stations in the intermediate country, throwing the whole of that extensive 
country into the regular form of a Roman province. Antonine, in the mean- 
time, witli the beneficent spirit of his chai'acter, extended the right of Roman 
citizenship over the whole Roman empire (k). From this epoch, every inha- 
bitaut of North-Britain who resided along the east coast, from the Tweed to 
the Moray Frith, might have claimed, like St. Paul, every privilege which 
peculiarly belonged to a Roman citizen. But the Caledonian tribes probably 
paid little regard to such privileges, while thex'e remained among them indeli- 
ble marks of subjection, which humbled their pride of independence, as well as 
incited their hatred of submission. 

Whatever may have been thought during the infancy of our archaeology, 
there can be no doubt that the earthen rampart, the vast ditch, and the 
military way which conjointly extend from Caer-riden on the Forth to Dun- 
glas, and perhaps to Alcluid on the Clyde, were constructed duiing the reign 
of Antoninus Pius, under the orders of Lollius Urbicus, his lieutenant {I). 

(0 Horsley's Brit. Eom.. 241-2 ; Whit. Mauchest., 8vo ed., p. 259-60, wlio settles the point 
with his usual acuteness and ability ; and Hoisley, p. 51. The finding of a succession of coins and 
medals belonging to the intermediate Emperors at the northern stations, is also a strong proof that 
the Eoman soldiers remained in them during the period of that succession. Wood's Hist, of the 
Parish of Cramond, p. 4, 5. 

(k) Ulpian Digest. Tit., De Statu Hominum. 

(Z) Capitulinus, -who flourished during the third century, was the fli-st who intimated that 
Antoninus Pius had built a wall in Britain. Eichard, who wrote from classical informations, 
specifies the wall of Antonine to have extended from the Forth to the Clyde. And Bede, who 
appears to have possessed local knowledge, mentions the actual commencement and termination of 
Antoniue's wall. Tet Buchanan did not live long enough to be acquainted with those curious 
truths. It was the discovery of one inscription which enabled Camden to have a single 



Oh. IV.— The Actions ofL. UrUcus.'] OfNOETH-BEITAIN. 117 

The second legion, detachments from the sixth and twentieth legions, with 
some auxiliaries, are recorded in monumental stone to have performed those 
military works, which are equally demonstrative of their skill and creditable 
to their perseverance (m). The length of their labours, from old Kirkpatrick 
on the Clyde to Caerriden on the Forth, is thirty-nine thousand, seven hun- 
dred and twenty-six Roman paces, which agree nearly with the modern 
measui'ement of thirty-six English miles and six himdred and twenty yards («). 

glimpse of the fact. The successive discoveries of many monumental stones, by digging up the foun- 
dation of the wall, have shown to all intelligent men the whole circumstances of the time when that 
singular fence was made, and by whom. Those stones may be considered as so many records. The 
University of Glasgow, by engraving the gi'eat collection of stone monuments which have been 
deposited in their library, and which often mention the titles of Antoninus, and once the name of 
LoUius Urbicus, have liberally furnished exemplifications of those records. I owe to that learned body 
my acknowledgments for the favour of a copy of those exemplifications. Timothy Pont first had the 
learned curiosity to inspect the remains of Antonine's wall during the age of Camden. See Extracts 
from his Survey of this Praetentura in Gibson's Camden, 1695, p. 9.58-9, Sir Eobert Sibbald 
followed his example at the distance of a centm'y. Gordon, the tourist, made a personal survey of 
the same work about the year 1725. Horsley soon followed his track of inquiry and mensuration, 
but with a more vigorous spirit and more careful steps. And Boy, a professed engineer, with as much 
curiosity as either, and more science than both of them, made similar inquiries and mensurations in 
1755, when the remains were unfortunately more faint. Owing to aU those inquiries, the Prcetentura 
of Antoninus Pius has ceased to be an object of antiquarian research, and now engages merely 
historical attention. Whoever wishes to know eveiy particular with regard to objects which are 
altogether worthy of a rational curiosity, must read Horsley's Britannia Roniana, 1. i. ch. x.. and 
study Eoy's Militaiij Antiquities, § 3. From their curious informations it will appear that this 
Pratentura consisted of a vast ditch on the outward, which was generally about twenty feet deep 
and forty feet wide, and which there is some cause for believing might have been filled with water 
as occasion required ; 2dly, of a rampart- within the ditch, which was upwards of twenty feet high 
and four-and-twenty feet thick, composed of earth on a stone foundation, and this ditch and 
rampart were strengthened at both the extremities and throughout its whole extent by one-and-twenty 
forts, there being one station at each extremity of it, and one at the end of every two miles nearly ; 
3dly, of a military road which, as a necessary appendage, coursed within the rampart from end 
to end, for the necessary use of the Roman troops, and the usual communication between so many 
stations. 

{in) Horsley's Brit. Romana, 1. i. ch. x. 

(ji) Eoy's Military Antiquities, p. 164. It heroin appears, also, that the mean distance from 
station to station of the nineteen forts along the course of the wall is 3554^ yards, or something 
more than two English miles. Horsley, as above, had pointed out this cui-ious intimation before 
him, and has acutely shown that the stations on the wall were designedly placed on the pre- 
vious fortifications of Agricola. Horsley has also remarked a cmious fact, which tends to support 
the reasonings iu the text, that the fortified stations on Antonine's wall were placed more nearly to 
each other than the mihtary posts on Severus's wall. There are nineteen stations along the course of 
Antonine's Pratentura, exclusive of the fortified posts at Caer-riden, and at Dunglas, a mile and three 



118 A N A C C U N T [Book I.— The Roman Period. 

This rampart, this vast ditch, and this mlHtary road, which accompanied both 
in the rearward, were constructed in the year 140, along the course of the 
stations which had been estabhshed in A..D, 81 by the judicious pohcy of 
Agricola (o). At Dunglas near the western extremity of this memorable 
fence, the Romans found a conunodious harbour for their shipping, such as 
they likewise may have possessed at Blackness near the eastern extremity of 
the same strength, and such as they certainly enjoyed while they remained in 
Britain at Cramond (p). 

In the popular language of the country the wall of Antonine is called 
Grime' s-Dijhe. Roy was so idle as to adopt from Gordon, the tourist, the 

quarters beyond Old Kilpatrick. The military road went on to Dunglas, and may have proceeded 
even to Alcluid : the obvious reason for carrj'ing the Prcetentura so low down on the Frith was plainly_ 
to cover the fords of the Clyde. At Old Kilpatrick, where the modern opinions place the western 
termination of the wall, the Clyde was quite shallow throughout its whole breadth, which is about a 
quai-ter of a mile. Pennant's Tour, v. iii., p. 140. Lower down, between Dunglas and Dunbai-ton, 
there was the ford of Dunibuok stretching across the rivei', which, when it was sui-veyed by Mr. Watt 
in 1769, "had only two feet depth of ivater at ebb tide, and this shoal had only three feet depth of 
water, for an extent of six hundred yards up and down the Clyde, at this place." MS. Eeport. The 
state of the liver was not probably much different dui'ing the fii'st century, and this circumstance 
must have dictated to the Eoman officers the policy of covering those fords where the Caledonian 
people might have easily passed into Valentia. From these considerations, it is appai-ent that they 
must have carried their posts and their military road to Dunbarton, the Thcodosia of Eichard. 
Bede and Nennius seem to have given the Eoman Prcetentura this full extent. Camden concurred 
in this by placing the wall between Abercorn and Dunbarton. Brit. ed. 1586, p, 481. But from 
their several ages the remains were continuallj' disappearing before the eye of curiosity. Neverthe- 
less, sufficient remained to enable the intelligent Dr. Irvine, who was appointed historiogi'apher 
royal in 1686, to trace the several forts very distinctly. Sir Eobert Sibbald, in giving his account 
of this wall, says : " The west part of it, from Dunbarton to Falkirk, was accurately traced by 
Dr. Iivine, who told me he had several times travelled alongst it. The forts he observed upon 
the track of it, as I fowid them in his papers, are these, with the distances of each set down : 
(1) At Dunbarton a great fort ; (2) the castle, half a mile from it ; (3) a mile thence, at the 
foot of Dumbuck hill, a fort; (4) a mile thence, at Dunglas, a fort; (5) a mile thence to 
Chapel hill above the town of Kilpatrick, a fort;" and so he proceeds with other nineteen forts 
along the course of this Prcetentura, which has since been sur^-eyed by Gordon, Horsley, 
and Eoy. Eoman Antiq., p. 28-9. The great defect of all these, in reasoning about the 
extent of the wall of Antonine, seems to be that they did not attend to the ancient shallowness 
of the Clyde, and to the great object of the Eoman poUoy. The Eoman fleet, says Pennant, 
probably had its station under Dunbarton, where there is sufficient depth of water, and the place 
was convenient and secure : the water beyond [above] is impassable for any vessels of large burden. 
Tour, v. iii., p. 141. 

(o) Horsley Eom. 52 : and see his plate, Scotland, N xxv., for an inscription showing that Antonine's 
wall was constructed in a.d. 140. 

{p) Eoy's Mil. Antiq., p. 164. 



Ch. IV.— The Actions of L. Urbicus.] OpNORTH-BEITAIN. 119 

tradition of Grime and his Scots breaking through the wall, and so credu- 
lous as to suppose " that from this circumstance it might possibly have the 
"name of Grimes-Dyke (g)." It has not yet been proved that such a person 
ever existed, whatever such fablers as Fordun, Boece, and Buchanan may 
assert. The fact is that there are several works of the same kind m Encfland 
which bear the name of Grimes-Dyke (r). This significant appellation was 
undoubtedly imposed by the British people, who were long restrained in 
their courses by its opposing strength. In their speech, and in the Welsh 
language of the present day, Grym signifies strength ; and hence, by a little 
deflexion, Grym came to signify any strength (s). The fact, then, and the 
etymology concur to explode for ever the historical fiiction which has passed 
into popular story, and which speaks of Grime and his followers as having 
once been real characters, and as having, in some age, broke through the strong- 
dyke of Antoninus Pius. The Roman territories in Britain had been now 
carried to their largest extent, and the Boman power to its greatest height : 
they had conducted Iters from the rampart of Severus to the wall of Antonine, 
and from this fence to the Ptoroton of Richard, the Burgh-head of Moray ; 
they had formed roads throughout the extent of country ; they had established 
stations in the most commanding places within the districts of Valentia and 
Vespasiana ; and it may be of use, at this epoch, to investigate with some 
attention, those several objects which are so interesting to a rational inquiry as 
well as so demonstrative of the Roman art. 

As the wall of Antonine was obviously intended to overawe the tribes who 
hved within it, as well as to repel the wild people who ranged beyond its im- 
mediate scope ; with the same policy iters were settled, roads were constructed, 
and stations were fixed, to command the Caledonian clans throughout the 

{q) Eoy's Mil. Antiq., 161. 

(?•) As to the appellation of Grimes-dike, says Warton, or the ditch made by magic, it is common to 
other works of the same sort, and indiscriminately applied to ancient trenches, roads, and boundaries, 
whether British, Roman, Saxon, or Danish. He then gives five examples of different places, which are 
called Grimsdic, Grhaesdike, Grimmesdic, and Grimesditch. Warton's Kiddington, p. 54-6. There is 
also a Grimesditch in Bucklow hundred, Cheshire. See Horsley's Romana, p. 173, which seems to 
relinquish all hope of being able to explain the origin of the name of Grime' s-dylce ; and see what 
Hearne says in his edition of Neivhridije, v. iii., p. 756-60, with regard to the proper name being 
Gi-ume's ditch ; Grumoe, or Gromse, he says, were boundaries of provinces, but the intimation of Hearne 
is too refined for the occasion. 

(s) Davies, in voce Grym ; Grijme in Cornish signifies strong. Borlase. Grim, in the Gaelic means 
war. battle. Shaw's Diet. It is curious to remark that Timothy Pont points pretty plainly to this 
natural derivation of this well known but mistaken name. Blaeu's Atlas Scotiee, p. 87. 



120 An ACCOUNT [Book I— The Roman Period. 

Roman territories. Soon after the erection of the wall of Antonine three iters 
appear to have traversed the provinces of Valentia and Vespasiana. The ninth 
iter of Eichard extended from CarKsle to the northern wall, near Camelon, 
and from this strong fence to Ptoroton (t). The intelligent monk thus places 
his four stages, from Carlisle to the wall, from Lugnballium to Trimontium, 
from Trimontium to Gadanica, the Colama of Ptolomy, from Gadanica to 
Coria, the Coria Damniorum of Ptolomy, and from Coria to the wall, with- 
out being able, however, to assign the distance of any one of his journies (u). 
Bichard's fii-st stage, as we have seen, is from Luguballium to Trimontium. 
Setting out from Carlisle, along the track of the Roman road through Annan- 
dale, about twenty-three statute miles would carry the Roman armies to the 
station of Trimontium on Burrenswark-hill (x). From Carlisle, the Roman 
armies were naturally carried along Annandale on the eastern side of the 
Annan past Moffat, where there were some large Roman encampments, at 

(t) Eicliard supposes, from the documents before Mm, that the distance from Carlisle to the wall was 
eighty miles ; but the fact does not warrant his supposition. The shortest distance between his extreme 
points is ninety statute miles. 

(«) The Gadanica of Eichard's 9th iter is evidently a mistake, for Colanica, which is plainly the 
name in his own map, and is the Colama of Ptolomy's table, a town of the Damnii. 

(a:) A thousand circumstances &s. the Trimontium on Burrenswarkhill the Selgovse town, before 
Agricola placed a commanding garrison near the site of this British fortress. This remarkable hill 
is situated between the rivers Mein and Milk, on the east side of Annandale, and is exactly in the 
position which the Trimontium occupies in Eichard's map. It was the site of the most important 
fortxess, and also of the most eastern town of the Selgovse. This hill commands a very extensive 
prospect of the surrounding country, comprehending Dumfriesshire, the east part of Galloway, 
nearly all Cumberland, and even part of Westmorland. As it was also seen from afar, it seems to 
have early attracted the notice of the Eomans, who appear to have set a high value on its com- 
manding powers. The area on the summit of this hill was surrounded in prior times with a 
stone rampart, the remains whereof are still apparent, and evince that the rampart had been con- 
structed vrithout mortar; and within this area there also appear some vestiges of buildings for 
the purpose of residence or shelter, which are similar to those in the British hill-forts on Carby 
hiU in Eoxburghshire, Caterthun in Forfarshire, and in many others. There also remain on this 
hill some other vestiges of the British people ; particularly on the east side there are the remains 
of a line of oircumvallation, which appears to have surrounded the hill at some distance below 
from the circuitous trench on its summit. On the sides of this hill the Eomans constructed two dif- 
ferent camps ; one on the south side, which is an irregular oblong three hundred yards long and two 
hundred yards broad, having three gates, one in each end, and one in the south side ; the other 
camp, on the north side of the hiU, is an irregular oblong three hundi-ed yards long and one 
hundred yards broad, having two gates, one in each side. Both these camps are suiTOunded by two 
ramparts, having a fosse between them ; and they are connected by a large rampart of stone and 
€arth, which runs round the end of the hill. See Gordon's Itin., p. 16, pi. I. ; Pennant's Tour, v. iii.. 



Ch. lY.—T/ie A dims of L. Urbicits.'] OfNOETH-BEITAIN. 121 

the distance of nineteen statute miles, from Burrenswark-hill {y). The Iter must 
now, in its course north-eastward, have ascended Erickstane-hrae ; and passing 
this ridge that separates Annandale from Clydesdale, it must have fallen in 
with the sources of the Clyde ; and descending a little lower, it must have ar- 
rived at a Roman post at Little Clyde, upon the track of the Roman road (s). 
This Roman post is ahout one-and-thirty miles from Burrenswark-hill. And 
it is more than probable that this was the site of Gadanica, in the ninth Iter, 
the Colanica of Richard's map, and the Colania of Ptolomy, a town of the 
Damnii, which both concur in placing on the south-eastern corner of their 
extensive ten-itories. From this post, which corresponds so exactly with the 
Damnian town on Little Clyde, the Iter must have proceeded in a north-east 
direction, along the south-east side of Clydesdale to the remarkable turn which 
the Clyde makes op]josite to Biggar : from this position it would naturally 
proceed in a northerly course along the eastern side of the river to Caer-stairs, 
the Coria of the Iter, another town of the Damnii, which is four-and-twenty 

p. 91 ; Transact, of the Antiq. Soc. of Scotland, v. i., p. 125 ; and Eoy's Mil. Antiq., p. 72, 
pi. svi. and xxv. The Roman station on Burrenswark-hill must not be confounded with the station 
which is nearly two miles and a half southward from it on the north side of Mein-Water, 
and which, as it is near the hamlet of Burrens, is frequently called by that name. See Eoy's 
pi. xxv. In order to suit a favourite but mistaken etymology, General Eoy has, in opposition to 
Ptolomy and Eichard, and in hostility to the Selgovae, carried away the Trimontium from its true 
site, where the ninth Iter calls for it, into the distant track of a different Iter. Stukeley, without 
much consideration, guessed Canoby to be the Trimontium of the ninth Iter ; but this position is 
much too near Luguballium, and is moreover out of the route of Eichard's Itinerary and design. 
Of this station Horsley says : " Trimontium, according to Ptolomy, is not far from the estuaiy 
" of Ituna or Solway-Frith. I think," he adds, " the situation brings us near to Annan, 
" or perhaps to Burrenswark or Middleby, which I take to be the Baltum Buhjium of the 
" Itinerary." Brit. Eom., p. 377. Maitland, amidst many mistakes, in the Eoman topography 
of North-Britain, comes very near to the time position of Trimontium by placing it on the Eoman 
station at Middleby, which, as we have seen, is little more than two miles south of BuiTenswark-hill. 
Hist Scot., V. i., p. 142. 

{y) Stat. Acco., v. ii., p. 288. But it is pretty certain that neither of those camps were the 
station of Ptolomy's Colania or Eichard's Gadanica. Camden, who had not the help of Eichard, 
placed Colania at Coldingham on the east coast, sixty miles from the undoubted track of the ninth 
Iter. Maitland still more absurdly placed it at Cramond on the Forth, which is at least seventy 
miles from Trimontium. Stukeley idly placed Colania, at Colechester or Peebles, but there is no such 
place here as Colechester, and Peebles is almost fifty miles from Bun-enswark-hill without the range 
of the Iter. 

(i) Eoy, 104. The minister of Crawford parish, wherein is this Eoman post, mentions indeed the 
remains of three camps which he considers as Eoman. Stat. Acco., v. iv., p. 514. But the fact is 
that only one of these is a Eoman fort, as its square form attests ; the other two are British strengths, 
as their round forms and positions on the summits of heights demonstrate. 
Vol. I. E 



122 AnACCOUNT [Book I.— The Roman Period. 

miles from the Colania, on Little Clyde (a). At this place is the Roman station 
of Castle-dykes, which, with many Roman remains in its vicinity, attest that here 
had been many transactions of that enterprizing people (6). Horsley fancifully 
places Coria at Kii'kurd, in Peebles-shire ; Maitland, who did not live to see 
Richard, absurdly supposes Coria to be near Stirling ; Stukeley conjecturally 
places Coria at Crossford, below Lanark, out of the track of the Iter ; and 
Roy, who had Richard before him, most mistakingly carries this Iter, which 
we have thus traced through Annandale and Clydesdale, past Hawick and 
the Eldon-hills, to Currie on the Gore-water. (Several of our acutest anti- 
quaries have confounded Coria, a town of the Damnii, with Curia, a town of 
the Gadeni. From Coria this Iter proceeded ad vallum to Falkirk, says 
Stukeley. From Caer-stairs northward to Camelon, without the wall, is the 
distance of two-and-twenty miles. Whether this Iter went along the vale of 
Mous-water, past Cleugh to Whitburn, and thence northward to the wall, or 
went by a more westerly course past Shots, the distance is nearly two-and- 
twenty miles to the opening of the wall at Camelon, the Roman mart (66). 

We have now traced the course of the ninth Iter of Richard from Carlisle to 
the wall, and have also ascertained the several towns which are called for by 
it, and which have been so strangely confounded and misplaced by the ablest 
antiquaries. It is at length proper to trace with equal precision the fifth Iter 
of the same instructive monk, which went southward by the eastern route, 
throughout the whole extent of Valentia, before we pass the wall into Vespasiana. 

The fifth Iter of Richard, which proceeded from the eastern extremity of 
Antonine's wall to the south, is much more certain, though Stukeley has only 

(rt) The coincidences of the course of this Iter, of the distance and of the name, concur to 
ascertain the Coria of the Iter and Caer-stairs of the maps to be the same. In marching from 
Biggar, about three miles past Carnwath, the Roman troops would arrive at the entrance of a 
small glen or nan-ow vale, which is called Cleugh, from the Saxon Clovcjh, a glen, that is the same 
in sense as the Celtic Coire ; and the Coire in a thousand instances is applied in the North-British 
topography to glens of a similar description, and appears in many names of places in the form of 
Carrie ; before the Saxon people settled in this district we may easily suppose that this Cleugh was 
called, in the language of the Celtic inhabitants, Coire or Corrie, the Coria of Ptolomy and of 
Eichard. 

(i) In the coui'se of this Iter, between those stations there were several smaU Eoman posts : there 
was one between Catchapel and Little Gill, several miles from Little Clyde ; there was another post 
below, on the western side of Culter-water, opposite to Nisbet ; and there was a third post lower down 
at the tuni of the Clyde opposite to Biggar. 

(hb) Sir B. Sibbald, who wrote from the papers of Timothy Pont, in speaking of the Eoman road 
through Clydesdale says, '' the people have a tradition that another Roman street went from Lanark to 
" the Eoman Colony near Falkirk." Eom. Antiq., p. 39. By the lioman Colony we are to under- 
stand the Eoman port at Camelon, to which the tide once flowed and vessels navigated. 



Ch. lY. —The Actions of L. Urbicus.'} Of N ORTH -BEIT AIN. l->3 

obscured by his conjectures what he proposed to clear by his research. Richard 
conducts this Iter, a limite Praceturiam, to Curia ; thence ad Fines; and thence to 
Bremenium ; without being able to assign the distances of his several stages. 
If the Roman troops set out from the eastern end of the wall, nine-and-twenty 
Roman miles would have conducted them to Currie, on the Gore-water; the Curia 
of the Iter, where there was undoubtedly a Roman station, and whei-e several 
remains have been found. His next stage ad Fines would have reached the 
Eldon-hills, at the end of two-and-twenty miles (c). And another stage of 
thirty miles would have conducted them to Bremenium, which is undoubtedly 
Roe-chester in Reedsdale, on the borders of Northumbei'land. 

Beyond the wall of Antonine, an Iter with its accompanying stations tra- 
versed the whole extent of Vespasiana, from the wall to the Varar. This is 
merely the continuance of the ninth Iter of Richard, when he enters Ves- 
pasiana, and ends at Ptoroton. His first stage extended twelve miles, from 
the wall to Alauna on the Allan river, near its junction with the Forth, as the 
coincidences of the name and of the distance attest. From Alauna the Iter 
went forward along Strathallan nine miles to the Lindum of the Itinerary, 
the well-known station at Ardoch, as the course and distance evince. From 
Lindum, the celebrated scene of many conflicts, the Iter passed throughout a 
course of nine miles to the Victoria of the Itinerary, the proud monument of 
Agricola's victory at the Grampian, the Dalginross of the tourists, at the 
western extremity of Strathern, eight miles out of the direct course of the 
Roman road. The Iter now pursued its course in an easterly direction nine 
miles to Hierna, the station on the Earn at Strageth, as every coincidence at- 
tests, whatever Stukeley supposed. The next stage of the Iter is the central 
Orrea on the Tay, at the distance of fourteen itinerary miles. From Orrea 
the Iter went ad Tavum nineteen miles, and thence ad Esicam, twenty-three 
miles. If we set out from Orrea in an easterly direction through the passage 
of the Sidlaw-hills, and along the Carse of Gowrie, nineteen miles would carry 
us to the northern side of the estuary of Tay, near Dundee, which is certainly 
the ad Tavum of the Iter {d). If from this last station we proceed in a north- 

(c) Stukeley, by an odd mistake, reads ad Tines, and so fixed the station at the Tine, as Whitaker 
observes ; and, as he adds, this station must have been on the limits of the Gadenian and Ottadinian 
territories, and must have been somewhere on the banks of the Tweed in Tweeddale. Hist. Manch., 
V. ii., p. 346. This station was no doubt at the Eldon-hills, where there were a Eoman camp and a 
British strength. 

(rf) In the course of this route, at the distance of two miles west from Dundee, and half a mile 
north from Invergowiie, on the estuary of the Tay, there are the remains of a Eoman camp, which 
Maitland says are about two hundred yards square, fortified with a high rampart and a spacious ditch. 
Hist. Scot., V. i., p. 215 ; and see also the Stat. Acco. of Liff, v. xiii., p. 115. 



124 AnACCOUNT [Book I.— The Roman Period. 

north-east direction, through the natural opening of the country, we shall at 
the distance of eleven miles fall In with the well known Roman camp of Hare- 
faulds ; and at the end of three and twenty miles nearly, we shall arrive on 
the South Esk at Brechin, the ad Esicam of the Iter {a). This route exactly 
agrees with the names and distances in the Iter, and \vith the track delineated 
on Richard's map (6). Setting out from the South Esk at Brechin, and pro- 
ceedmg in a north-north-east direction, the natural course of the Itinerary would 
ai'rive at the end of five miles and three quarters on the North Esk, the Tina 
of Richard (c). Having passed this river at the Kmg's ford, the Roman troops 
would naturall}^ march straight forward through the valley of Luther- water about 
eight and a half miles to the station of Fordon, where there are the remains of 
two Roman camps ; and thence by Urie-hill, where there is the well known 

(a) Stukeley placed the station ad y^sicam by conjecture at Brechin. 

(b) In tracing the Koman route forward from Orrea, General Eoy departs from his usual guide ; 
Richard had shewn him the right track, but his desire of novelty forced him into a wrong one. Roy 
carries the Iter from Orrea to Burghtay [Broughty] castle, four miles east from Dundee, which he supposes 
to be the ad Taviim, and states it to be eighteen English miles from Orrea ; the fact, however, is that 
the real distance from Orrea to Burghtay castle is twenty-three miles, which extent is four beyond 
the Itinerary distance ; and moreover, as their object was to get through the country northward, they 
would naturally file off in that direction from Dundee through the open country towards the 
South Esk at Brechin. Going beyond Dundee to Burghtay castle would have been going four 
miles out of their way without any apparent object. From Burghtay castle he carries the Iter 
along the coast to the river South Esk at Montrose, which he supposes to be the ad Esicam of his 
guide, and from this he can'ies on his route three and a half miles to the river North Esk, which 
Ife equally conjectui'es to be the ad Tinam of Richard : yet this deviation is quite irreconcilable 
with the distance in the Iter of eight miles from ad Esicam to ad Tinam. From North Esk 
Roy carries the Iter along the coa~st to old Aberdeen, his supposed Devana, and he states the 
distance to be twenty-five English miles, though the real distance is in fact not less than thirty- 
three miles, and the Itinerary distance from ad Tinam to ad Devana is only twenty-three miles. 
For these great deviations from the distances in the Iter, the object of their route, and from the 
track pointed out on Richard's map, not one good reason is assigned. Both in this and the track 
of the Iter north of the Devana, General Roy has erred in carrying their route round the coast 
in place of through the interior of the country. It is apparent that the hostile policy of the 
Romans did not induce them either to place stations or carry roads along the shore of the German 
sea. 

(c) Richard in this stage must be over-ruled by the fact : the distance between the two Esks does 
not extend to eight miles, without diverging from the straight course, so far as to make up two and a 
quarter miles. The Roman name of Tina, or the British appellation of Tine, which, like the other 
Tines, signified in that language a river, the same as Avon, could not apply to any other river than 
the North Esk, because there did not exist any other river nearly in that site. The station ad Tinam 
may indeed have been a little beyond the river Tine, from which, having recently passed it, the 
Romans would naturally borrow the name. It is a very curious fact that the North Esh was called by 
the British name of Tine dm-ing the Roman period. 




^ 

< 






Ch. II.— The Actions of L. Urhicus.'] OpNOBTH-BEITAIN. 126 

camp of Raedikes ; and going thence in a northerly direction about six English 
miles would carry the Roman troops to the river Dee at Peter-Cidter, the 
Devana of Ptolomy and of Richard. This position is thirty-one miles from the 
South Esk at Brechin, and this distance exactly agrees with the number of 
miles in the Iter, being ad Tinani eig-ht miles, and ad Devanam twenty-three 
miles. This route corresponds with the devious track which is delineated on 
Richard's useful map. At the termination of the Itinerary distance on the 
north side of the Dee, west from the church of Mary-Culter, and south-west 
from the church of Peter-Culter, there are the remams of extensive entrench- 
ments, which are of a rectangular form, that indicate the site of a camp, and 
are usually called in popular tradition the Norman dikes (d). The agreement 
of the distance with that of the Iter, the correspondence of the name of the 
Deva or Dee with the Devana of Richard, and the undoubted remains of 
the large encampment on the northern margin of the river, on a high ground 
of moderate elevation opposite to several fords in the Dee, which the camp 
was designed to cover, all these coincidences concur to fix the station of De- 
vana on this commodious site, in opposition to the conjecture of Stukeley, and 
to the mistake of Roy (e). 



(d) This camp appears to have been of a rectangular figure, extending from the east-north-east to 
west-80uth-\vest. The rampart and ditch on the northern side are about three quarters of a mile 
long, and remain pretty entire. From each end of this work a rampart and ditch ran off at right 
angles, and foi-med the ends of the camp, a few hundi-ed yards whereof onlj' remain ; the whole of the 
southern side is destroyed. Colonel Shand, who was intimately acquainted with the field fortifica- 
tion of the Eomans on the north of the friths, and to whom we owe the discovery of the Eoman 
camp at Glen-mailen, examined the Norman dikes in February, 1801, and he informed ma "that the 
profiles and other dimensions of the ditch and rampart appeared to be the same as those of the camps 
at Glen-mailen and Urie, at Battledikes and other camps in Strathmore." The Stat. Account of 
Peter-Culter, v. xvi., p. 380, confirms these relations, though the minister attributes this camp 
either to the Danes or to William the Norman when he warred with Malcolm Ceanmore. This 
camp has been since more minutely inspected by more skilful men, — by Mr. Irvine of Drum, 
Captain Henderson of the 29th Eegiment, and Mr. Professor Stewart of Aberdeen, who agree in thinking 
the Norman dikes to be a Eoman work. This camp has lately been surveyed by Captain Henderson, 
who has obligingly furnished me with an accurate plan of this curious remain. The camp of 
Normandikes is delineated by him as of an oblong rectangular form, 938 yards long and 543 yards 
bi-oad, comprehending an area of 80 Scottish acres, being nearly of the same size as the camp of 
Eaedikes on the Ithan, the next stage in the Iter. It has two gates in each side, like the camps of 
Battledikes and Harefaulds, and at Urie, and one gate in each of the ends, which appear from this 
delineation to have been each covered by a traverse in the Eoman manner. See Captain Henderson s 
Delineation of the Camp of Noi-mandikes. 

(«) In respect to the station of Devana, antiquaries have been divided in theii- opinions between 



126 AnACCOUNT [Book L—The Roman Period. 

It is as curious as it is instructive to remark how different the course of 
Richard's ninth Iter is from the track of the Roman road through Angus, 
from Orrea. We have seen the Iter go, from the common departure at Orrea, 
in an easterly direction, through the Sidlaw hiUs to Dundee, the supposed 
station ad Tavum, and thence proceed nearly in a north-north-east direction 
to the South Esk at Brechin. The Roman road went from Orrea, in a north- 
east course, along the east side of the Tay and Isla, past Coupar- Angus, Reedie, 
Battledikes, and across the moor of Brechin to the camp of Wai'dikes at 
Keithoc. This contrariety naturally suggests what is probable, from the tenor 
of history, that the ninth Iter, as recorded by Richard, was established previous 
to the formation of the road, which is two miles shorter than the Iter, and 
even previous perhaps, to the settling of the camps on the line of the road, at 
Grassywalls, Coupar, Battledikes, and Keithoc. It is apparent, then, that the 
ninth and tenth Iters of Richai'd must have been made in the early part of the 
administration of Urbicus, and before the middle of the second age {/). And 
these intimations equally evince that none of the Roman camps, the I'emains 
whereof exhibit their sites on the north of the Tay, were formed by Agricola 
in the prior century. 

In pursuing their object northward from the Dee at Peter-Culter to the 
Moray-frith at Burgh-head, the Romans penetrated through the obvious open- 
ing of a rough country by the right of Achlea, Fiddy, and Kinmundy, and 
thence passing forward in a north-north-west direction, through a rather plain 
district, till they arrived at the site of Kintore on the Don, whence they would 

the Wo towns of Aberdeen, and Aberdon, without reflecting that the object of their searches might 
have existed on a much more convenient site than either. We have seen above how many coin- 
cidences attest the real position of Devana to be at Normandikes on the Dee. But no castrensian 
remains have hitherto been found at either of those towns which would remove doubts or establish 
certainties on this curious point ; we leani indeed from Gordon the tourist " that in a place 
called the Silver bum, near Aberdeen, a great quantity of Eoman medals was discovered, many 
of which I saw in the hands of some curious gentlemen." Itin., Sept., p. 186. Those coins may 
undoubtedly have been di-opped here by the Romans during some of their excursions, but that 
fact, without other circumstances more pregnant with proof, cannot ascertain the existence of a 
station which we have now found more commodiously placed at the fords of the Dee than at its Aber 
or issue. 

(/) The learned Whitaker, after investigating this point with his usual acuteness, has decided " that 
the Itinerary of Richard was compiled as early as the middle of the second century, in a period when 
the Roman empire among us was in its greatest glory, and at its farthest extent." History of Manch. 
V. i., p. 88. The facts which have now been ascertained confirm his decision ; yet the Itinerary was 
obviously settled at some epoch subsequent to the construction of Antonine's wall in 140 a.d., which 
is more than once called for by the Itinerary. 



Ch. IV.— The Actions of L. Urhicus.] OfNOETH-BRITAIN. 127 

follow the strath of the river, according to their practice, to the bend of the 
Don, where they found a ford at the same place where the high road has 
always passed the same river to Inver-urie ; they soon after passed the Urie ; 
and they now pushed on, in a north-north-west course, through a moorish 
district, to the sources of the Ithan, the Ituna of Richard, where the camp of 
Glen-mailen was placed, an extended course of twenty-six statute miles between 
those itinerary stations {g). The next station of the Itinerary is mons Grampius, 
but neither the course nor the distance is specified, though the mountain is 
supposed by Richard to be what it appears to the eye of mariners from 
shipboard, at no great distance from the sea. Proceeding from Glen-mailen 
northward, and crossmg the Doveran at Achengoul, where there may still be 
seen considerable remains of military works, thirteen statute miles would carry 
the Roman troops to the high ground on the north of Foggy-lone, at the eastern 
base of the Knoch-lilll, the real mons Grampius of Richard (/t). From this 



((/) From Aberdon, or Old Aberdeen, General Eoy, supposing it to be the station of Devana, con- 
ducts the ninth Iter of Eichard across the Don to the issue of the Ithan, which he supposes to be the 
itinerary station ; but the Don appears never to have been fordable where the road must necessarily 
have passed, and the distance from the Don to the Ithan, which is only eleven miles, by no means 
coiTesponds with the itinerary distance of twenty-four miles. From the issue of the Ithan at New- 
burgh General Roy carries the route along the coast to Peterhead thirty-three miles, and from 
thence to Doveran. nineteen miles. But for this difference between the itinerary distance and the 
fact, and for this deviation from probability and from the map of Eichard, neither proofs nor 
authorities are given, nor have any Eoman remains been found in that part of Aberdeenshire 
lying between the Ithan and the Doveran eastward to the sea which would justify those departures from 
the truth. On the other hand, the station ad Itunam has been found, not at the issue, but at the 
sources of the Ithan. This important station was discovered in 1786 by Colonel Shand, who 
communicated his discovery first to the antiquarian society at Perth in 1788, and afterwards his 
survey of it to General Eoy. The Eoman Camp, which the people of the country call the 
i?ae-dykes, stands on the southern bank of the Ithan a mile below the two weU-known springs of 
the river. There is in Eoy's Military Antiquities, pi. li., " a plan of the grounds in the parishes of 
Forg, Auchterless, and Culsalmon, exhibiting the ancient camp of Eedykes, near GlenmaUen, on the 
south bank of the Ithan." But this plan came too late to enable General Eoy to see that the camp at 
Glenmailen was undoubtedly the station ad Itunam of Eichard, which, from its central situation, 
commanded the ample extent of Aberdeenshii-e, the ancient country of the Taixali. There are other 
remains in the vicinity of this camp which indicate the long residence there of a military people. The 
camp at Glenmailen, as well as the camp at Urie, is called the ^«e-dykes, from the Gaelic Ra', signify- 
ing a cleared spot, a fortress. 

{h) The very intelhgent Colonel Shand informed me of the obvious remains of military works 
at Achengoul. From the heights, indeed, near Glenmailen, the Eoman ofBcers could see dis- 
tinctly the whole course of the Moray frith before them, and the intei-mediate country through 
which they were to pass forward to their ultimate object at Ptoroton. From the high grounds 



128 AnACCOUNT [Book I.— The Roman Period. 

station the Itinerary goes forward ad Selinam, which is mistakingly supposed 
by Stukeley to be the Doveran. Tiie distance from the mons Gixvmpius of the 
Itinerary to the station ad Selinam is not mentioned by Richard, but we are 
conducted, by the object of the Romans, by the coincidence of the name, and 
by the discovery of coins, to the rivulet Cullen, near the old tower of Deskford, 
at the end of ten statute miles (^). The next station is Tuessis, at the Itinerary 

nortli of Foggylone may be seen Kinnaird's head and the whole of the noiih-east of Buchan, 
which head juts out here into the German ocean, and from which the lofty summit of the Knock 
hill is the first landmark that is seen by mai'iners as they approach the most eastern point of 
North-Britain. Such were probably the cii'cumstanoes which led Richard to speak emphatically 
of the promontory which mns out into the ocean towards Germany, though he wrote in contradiction 
to his own map. 

(?) The route probably lay from the height on the north of Foggylone round the north- 
east base of the Knock hill near Ordiquhill, and from it to the rirulet of OuUen at Deskford, where 
lloman coins were found some years ago near the old bridge, a little below the tower of Deskford. 
The coins were given to the Earl of Findlater, the lord of the manor. We had, indeed, been pre- 
viously informed by Gordon, Itin. Septent. 186, " that in the country of the Boyne several 
Roman coins were dug up, twenty-seven whereof are preserved by the Earl of Findlater. Four 
of them I perceived to be medals of Antoninus Pius, one of Faustina, one of Otho, whose 
reverse had this legend, Victoria Othonis." Gordon was less lucky when he talked ignorantly 
of "there being no vestiges of Roman encampments or Roman Remains beyond the Tay." 
lb. 187. But Gordon published the result of his enquiries in 1726, when such objects had not 
been so diligently sought for. The Rev. Mi'. Lawtie, the late minister of Fordyce, the great 
antiquaiy of Banffshire, having minutely inspected the site of Deskford, cast his observations into 
a memorial. The antiquarian eyes of Mr. Lawtie saw appeai-ances here of a Roman station, which 
he conceived to have the form of an oblong square, along the west side of the rivulet Cullen, 
comprehending ten acres, with the tower, the church and manse, and the village of Deskford. 
In order to obtain more certainty, I caused the same interesting spot to be surveyed by the 
ingenious Mi-. George Brown the land-surveyor, in November, 1799. To his more accurate eyes 
the entrenchments appeared so indistinct that it was impossible to determine by what people or 
ior what purpose they had been made. The discovery of Roman coins in this position seem to 
render it probable that the Romans may have had some station here. There are, moreover, about 
four hundred and fifty yards of an old paved road leading from the south-east directly up to this 
supposed station. The antiquarian zeal of Mr. Lawtie pronounced this to be the remains of a 
Roman road. The indifferent eyes of Mr. Brown saw nothing but a regular causeway over a deep 
clay soil, which necessity may have caused to be made here in much more recent times. Colonel 
Shand, the great discoverer of Roman camps, and the zealous explorer of Roman ways, inspected 
this ancient pavement during the summer of 1801. He informed me that it is evidently very old, 
and is certainly paved like the Roman roads, but is much broken at the sides, and it does not 
proceed in a straight line like the Roman roads in Strathearn, with which he was very familiar. 
But it may be observed that the Roman camps do not invariably describe a straight line or a 
right angle where the ground does not admit of either, neither do the Roman roads always pursue 
a straight course when they are pushed aside by the inequality of the natui-al site. Horsley's Brit, 
Eomana, 1. i., ch. 2. 



Ch. TV.— The Actions of L. Urbicns.} OfNOETH-BEITAIN. 129 

distance of nineteen miles from the station ad Selinam. From Deskford, pur- 
suing the course of the rivulet to Inver-Culen, and passing along the coast of the 
Moi-ay frith seventeen statute miles, the Roman armies would be conducted 
to the Roman post, which may still be seen on the high bank of the Spey, the 
Tuessis of Ptolomy and of Richard, below the church of Bellie, and which 
was obviously intended to cover the ford of this rapid river {Jc). This station 
was placed without any authority at Rothes, higher on the Spey, by Stukeley, 
and still more absurdly at Nairn by Horsley. 

On the eastern bank of the Spey, with the Moray frith at no great distance 
to the right, the Romans were now only one day's march from the Alata-Castra 
of Ptolomy, the Ptoroton of Richard, the Burgh-head of Ainslie, at the mouth 
of the Estuary of Varar. The distance from the Tuessis to Ptoroton is not 
specified by Richard ; but a day's mai'ch of seventeen Roman miles would 
have enabled the Roman troops to reach the Ptoroton, though they would in 

(k) " The remains of tlie Eoman encampment," says Colonel Imrie, wlio examined it in January, 
1799, " is situated about half a mile nortli-east of the ruins of the kirk of Bellie, on a bank over- 
" looking the low fluviated ground of the river. It is upon a flat sui'face, and has been in form 
" nearly a rectangular parallelogram of 888 feet by 333, but the west side and the greatest part 
" of the north end of the parallelogram are now wanting. I say nearly a rectangular parallelo- 
" gram, as a small though perceptible deviation from the straight line exists in the vallum and 
" ditch of its eastern side. As deviations of this kind are not frequently found in Eoman field 
'•■ fortification where there is no obvious necessity, this deviation may be considered as an objection 
" to the camp at Bellie, when it is said to be a Eoman remain ; but from having examined with 
" much attention the remaining vallum and ditch of this camp, it is my decided opinion that 
" this has been the work of a Eoman army. It appears to me that the vallum and ditch of this 
" camp are nearly of the same size and depth as those of the camp at Battledykes in the county of 
" Forfar ; and if I might be permitted to form a judgment from the present appearance of the 
" works, I should say that, according to my opinion, these works were formed nearly about the 
" same period, and certainly by people who followed the same general rules with regard to their 
" field fortifications." Thus much from the intelligent Colonel Imrie in his obhging letter to me. 
The same ford on the Spey which enabled the Eomans to connect their stations in the north 
dm-ing the second centuiy, also facilitated the passage of the Duke of Cumberland in April, 1746, 
when he pressed forward to Culloden in order to decide the fate of the GaeUc descendants of the 
ancient race. At Upper Dalachie, near the Eoman station, there remained inviolate till 1794, a 
sepulchral tumulus, which is popularlj' called the Green Cairn, and which contained the ashes of 
some Eoman chief. About two feet from the surface was found, when it was broken up, an urn of 
rude workmanship, which, when the ashes of the dead were shaken out, disclosed a piece of polished 
gold like the handle of a vase, three inches in diameter, and more than one eighth of an inch thick. 
It appeared to have been the handle of a vase. As the society of antiquaries at Edinburgh declined 
to purchase this curiosity, the finder sold it for bullion at the price of thirteen guineas. The fore- 
going intimations were received from Mi-. James Hoy of Gordon Castle, in his letters to me, dated the 
22nd December, 1798, and the 6th April, 1799. 
Vol. L S 



130 AnACCOUNT [Book I.— The Roman Period. 

those days have been obliged to make a circuit for avoiding the waters which 
formed the ultimate station almost into a commodious islet. Horsley and 
Stukeley concur in fixing the Ptoroton of the Itinerary at Inverness, sup- 
posing the distance to be twenty-seven miles from Tuessis, instead of forty- 
seven statute miles (Z). The distance, as there was no intermediate station, 
will not permit such an inference to be drawn from such dubious premises. 
Other antiquaries have tried, with as little felicity of conjecture, to fix this 
station where the ninth Iter ends and the tenth begins, at Nairn ; but as this 
improbable position is distant at least one and thirty statute miles from Tuessis, 
the distance alone is sufficient to refute such an improbability, though Roman 
coins have indeed been found at Nairn. The situation of the Burgh-head, 
at the mouth of the Varar, where Richard had placed it ; the remams which 
show its vast strength from the skiU and labour of ancient times ; the coin- 
cidence of the distance from Tuessis to Ptoroton, and from Ptoroton to Varis ; 
all concur to fix unalterably the ultimate station of Richard at Burgh-head (»i). 

(/) Taylor and Skinner's Road Book, pi. 32. 

(m) See Roy's Milit. Antiq., p. 131, pi. 33, 34. I caused the Burgh-head to be surveyed in 
1792, by Mr. James Chapman, the land-sm-veyor, who described the whole site of this remarkable 
station as follows : " The north and west sides of this promontory are steep rocks, which are 
" washed by the sea, and rise about 60 feet above the level of the low water mark ; the area on 
" the top of this height is 300 feet long on the east side, and 520 feet long on the west side ; 
" it is 2G0 feet broad, and contains somewhat more than two acres English. It appears to have 
" been sun-ounded with a strong rampart 20 feet high, which had been built with old planks 
" cased with stone and lime ; the south and east sides axe pretty entii-e, but the north and west 
" sides are much demolished. On the east side of this height, and about 45 feet below the summit, 
" there is an area 650 feet long and 150 feet wide, containing upwards of three acres English. 
" The space occupied by the ruins of the ramparts, which have fallen down, is not included in this 
" measurement. It appears to have been surrounded with a very strong rampart of stone, which is 
" now much demolished. On the south and land side of these two fortified areas, two deep ditches 
" are carried across the neck of the promontory ; these ditches are at present from 16 to 20 feet 
" deep, from 12 to 16 feet wide at the bottom, and from 40 to 50 feet wide at the top. The 
" bottoms of the ditches are now 25 feet above the level of the sea at high water, and are con- 
" siderably higlier than the extensive tract of the flat ground on the land side. The ditches, 
" ramparts, rocks, and waste ground which surround the areas above described, contain upwards 
" of five acres English. The contents of the whole peninsula, with the rampart of the outer ditch, 
" are more than eleven acres English." The vast ditches and ramparts which anciently guarded 
the entrance to this strength, are obviously the laborious works of Roman hands. The rampart, 
which consisted of oak planks and of stone and lime, and which was subsequently erected for the 
security of the upper area, was undoubtedly raised by the less skilful work of Danish rovers in the 
middle ages. Till recent times the Burgh-head was called, in the common speech of the ancient 
people, T(y;v/-town or Tery-town, which antiquarian ears have regarded as something similar in sound 
to the Fivruton of Richard. Survey of Moray, 1798, p. 51. 



5: 






i 



K 

u 



V 







Ch. 111.— The Actions of L. Urbictis.'] OfNORTH-BEITAIN. 131 

The modern name is obviously derived from the Danish invaders, who reforti- 
fied this commodious station during the middle ages. 

From this remarkable strength, of which there can be no doubt that it is 
the Ultima Ptoroton of Richard, we are now to proceed southward, according 
to the tenth Iter of that curious collector, per mediam insulcB. The first station 
is Varis, at the end of eight miles : from Burgh-head to Forres is, in fact, 
eight statute miles. The coincidence of the name, of the distance, and of the 
object, together with the discovery of Roman coins at this town, demonstrate 
Forres to be the Varis of Richard (n). From that station to the Tuessis, the 
same river Spey, which the Romans had crossed below at the ford of Bellie, 
the Itinerary distance is eighteen miles ; the real distance to the lower ford at 
Cromdale is nineteen statute miles. Tamea, at the Itinerary distance of twenty- 
nine miles, is the next station from Tuessis. Proceeding southward along 
Strathavon by Loch-Bulg to the junction of the Dee and Cluny, twenty-eight 
statute miles would carry the Roman troops to the commodious ford in that 
vicinity. Etymological torture could not derive Tamea from Mar, as Roy 
wildly suggest ; but the misapprehension of foreign ears may have transformed 
Tarn or Tame of the British topography into Tamea. 

The silence of Richard with regard to the next station leaves us to suppose 
that he was unacquainted both with its name and distance, but nine and a 
half English miles would have carried the Roman troops from Tamea to the 
height which separates the waters that flow in opposite du-ections to the 
Dee and the Tay, and which consequently divides Aberdeen from Perthshire. 
That learned monk is equally unacquainted with the name of the next station, 
which he places at the end of one and twenty mQes, though the route un- 

(n) Boy's Milit. Antiq., p. 132. In November, 1797, J. Brodie of Brodie, F.E.S., assured me 
" that -when the streets of Forres were lately dug up in order to repair the pavement, there were 
" discovered several Roman coins and a Roman medallion in soft metal, which resembled a 
" mixture of lead and tin : this medallion he presented to the antiquarian society of Edinburgh." 
The V and / were often changed in the names of places, as Mure/ for Murev ; and the Varar of 
Bichard is now called Farar : so Varis is the same as Faris, which is the Gaelic name of the 
place even to this day, as I am assured by the Gaelic minister of the town. The Vacomagi had 
probably a village at Varis or Faris. They certainly had a large hill-fort, the remains whereof 
are still extant on the summit of the Clunie hills at Forres. This strength is of a form between 
oval and circular, is surrounded by a strong rampart of earth and a fosse which is still 12 feet 
wide. The area within the ramparts measures 6 acres, 3 roods, and 25 falls, Scottish. On the 
south side of the hill there is a small post of a square form, defended by an earthen rampart and 
fosse, inclosing an area of 10 feet square, or 16 falls Scottish. This description is given from an 
accurate survey and plan which were made for me in 1798 by Robert Macwilliam, a land- 
surveyor. 



132 A N A C C U N T [Book \.—Thc Roman Period. 

doubtedly lay along Glen-beg and Glen-sliee, to the confluence of the Shee 
with the Lornty water. From this position nine miles would conduct the 
Roman troops to the station in medio. From the passage of the Dee or the 
Tamea of Richard, along the Cluny water, Glen-beg, and Glen-shee, the 
whole extent of the route amounts to almost forty statute miles. This distance, 
the natural direction of the country, the constant course of the waters, and the 
existence of Roman works, all concur to fix the station, in medio, at Tnchtuthel, 
which still exhibits a remarkable camp of Roman construction on a height that 
forms the northern bank of the river Tay (o). From the station, in medio, is 
the distance of nine Itinerary miles to Orrea, and the real but corresponding 
distance from Inchtuthel, along the banks of the Tay to ancient Bertha, is 
almost ten miles (p). At this central station, which has in every age con- 
tinued a military position of great importance, the tenth Iter rejoined the ninth; 
and from Orrea it proceeded southward by the former route, though with 
some trivial eri'ors in the distances, to the wall of Antonine {q). Such errors 
may be well pardoned in Richard, when we consider how much Ptolomy has 
perverted the true position of North-Britain. It is, indeed, seldom that an 
ancient author is so completely confirmed by coincident facts, subsequent dis- 
coveries, and x-ecent experience, as the Westminster monk, to whom every 
British antiquary is so greatly indebted for his interesting researches. 

The whole extent of country from the wall of Antonine to the Estuary of 
Varar, which we have thus traversed, is said by Richard, who is supported by 
strong proofs, to have been erected into a Roman province by the name of 
Vespasiana (r). His authority for this information has been doubted, though 
his facts, which are confirmed by remains, can admit of no dispute. Wliether 
the east coast of North-Bi'itain, from the frith of Forth to the frith of 
Moray, had, in the age of Antonme, been formally erected into a Roman 
province, is a question which need not be strenuously argued. The comitry 
was traversed, as we shall immediately see, by Roman ways (s) ; the Cale- 
donian tribes who lived on that coast were overawed by Roman posts ; and 
coins, and medals, and potteiy, have been frequently discovered, which indi- 
cate, wherever they are found, the footsteps, and illustrate the arts, of that 
powerful nation. It is certain, as we have already learned from Ulpian, that 

(o) See afterwards an account of the station at Inclituthel. 

(p) Eichard, p. 38 ; Stobie's map of Pertlisliire. (q) Eoy's Milit. Antiq., p. 134. 

(»•) Eichard, p. 31. 

(.?) Bergier lays it down as a sort of maxim that every Eoman province must have had its mihtary 
ways. Hist, des Grands Chemins de I'Empire Eom., torn, i., p. 334. 



Cli. IW— The Actions of L. Urbicus.] f N E T H - B E I T A I N. 133 

the Caledonian people who lived within the Roman boundaries in North- 
Britain, were entitled to the privileges of Roman citizens under the beneficial 
edict of Antoninus Pius (t). 

One of the most striking monuments of the Roman power was their highA\ajs, 
which, by traversing theii' provinces, supported their authority and promoted 
their intercourse. The whole extent of territory which lay between the southern 
and northern walls, was every where intersected by Roman roads. A Roman 
way may still be traced into the very interior of Vespaslana, where it conducted 
the march of the Roman armies, kept up the communication between the stations, 
and thereby enforced the submission of the Caledonian clans. It is important to 
trace all those roads in their series, that we may be enabled to judge of the 
Roman polity which invigorated the Roman armies to subdue so many people. 
The westei'n road, as its course had been traced by the genius of Agricola, 
though constructed by his successors, was the oldest, and being the usual route 
of the troops, was the most frequented, even down to the sad epoch of the 
inarch of Severus. This road issues from the southern rampart at Stanwix, 
near Carlisle, and crossing the Esk at Langtown Church, points westward 
through Sol way-moss (a). After passing the Sark at Barrowslacks, the vestiges 
of this road are distinctly to be seen for many miles leading west-north-west, 
through the 2}^'0cesti-ium of the station at Birrens, the British name whereof in- 
dicates an ancient strength. Passing on the west of Burrens-wark hill, whereon 
there are the striking remains of two Roman camjjs, the road proceeds in a 
north-western direction to the river Milk, which it seems to have passed at the 
Drove-ford, Ijetween Scrogs and Milk-bridge ; and leaving the post of ]\Ialls- 
Castle, Lockerby and the Roman camp on Tor-wood Moor, all on the left, 
it d'osses the river Dryfe below Dryfesdale Church, at a little distance from its 
confluence with the Annan {b). At this position a branch of this great road 
departed from its usual course to the left towards Nithsdale (c). The Roman 

(i) Digest. This supports tlie notices in Richard, p. 36. 

(a) From Ainslie's map of Scotland, which delineates the Eoman road from Roy's Mappa Britannim 
Septentrionalis, it appears that the Roman road pushed across the present site of Solway JIoss, about 
the middle of it, and afterwards passed the White and Black Sark-watere a considerable distance 
northward of Gretna. Trom this intimation there is some reason to conclude that the Solway Moss 
did not exist in anything Uke its present state during the first centuiy. 

(b) See Maitland's History, v. i., p. 191-2. 

(c) The minister of Dryfesdale says : " There are plain traces of the great Roman road from the 
" borders of England up to the vast encampments on the hill of Bumswark, and thence, crossing this 
" parish at Lockerby, to Diysdale-gate, up to the Galaberr)-.hill, on which there is a Eoman fort, where 



134 AnACCOUNT [Book I.— The Roman Feriod- 

road now pursued its course along the east side of Annandale by Dinwoody 
Green, and a small post at Girthliead, to Wamphray-water, which having 
crossed, it pushed forwai'd along the east side of the Annan by another small 
redoubt, and then passed that river, near the Burnfoot of Kirkpatrick (d). 
The Roman road now proceeded along the west branch of the Annan, leading 
by the entrenchments at Tassies-holm ; and having passed the Avon, near its 
conflux, with the Annan, it pursued its course along the ridge, between these 
two rivers, and ascending Erickstane-brae, and passing this remarkable ridge, 
which sends out the Annan, the Tweed, and the Clyde, it soon arrived on the 
upper branch of this river at a place that is named Little Clyde, where the 
Romans had a small post (e). The Roman road thence coursing the right 
bank of the Clyde by Newton, that is opposite to Elvan-foot, appears to have 
been joined by the branch, which went ofl^ from its track to the westward in 
Annandale, near Crawford Castle, at the foot of Camp-Water (/). 

From this remarkable position, where we have just pei'ceived both the branches 
of the Roman road again join their accustomed track, it pursued the shortest 
course over the high grounds of Crawford parish ; and then descending from 
this elevation into the valley of the Clyde, it passed by Gateside, Causeway, 
and Catchapel, where there is a square redoubt towards Lamington. ((/). 

" the road divided, one branch leading up thi'ough Annandale, by Moffat, to Clydesdale ; the other 
" branch crossed the Annan, visited Lochmaben, and thence passed along the west side of the rivulet Ae, 
"through Nithsdale into Ayr." Stat. Acco., v. ix., p. 426. 

(cZ) The minister of Wamphray says : " The post-road between Glasgow and Carlisle passes 
"through that parish, and in the track of it there was a Roman road, by the side of which a 
" few upright stones, each about five feet high, are still standing, nearly at the distance of a Scots 
" mile from one another, and therefore are supposed by some to have been mile-stones." lb. 
V. sii.. p. 606. Yet are we to recollect that the Scots mile was larger than either the Roman or the 
English mile. 

(e) The minister of Kirkpatrick-Juxta says : " There is a Roman road yet to be traced running 
" through this parish from south to north. It comes up the east bank of Annan from the ruins of a 
" large camp at Burrenswark, and passes here a place called Tassiesholm, where there are some remains 
" of a small square encampment." Stat. Acco., v. iv., p. 522. The minister of Moffat adds : " The 
" Roman road from Esk to Stirling passes through part of this parish to the west of the village of Moffat. 
" The vestiges of that road, and of some military stations near it, are still visible. Some large Roman 
" encampments also can be distinctly traced in this neighbourhood. Near the Roman road, where it 
" enters the parish of Moffat, there was found in a mass, about three years ago, a piece of gold having a 
" semicircular form, on the outer edge of which was cut the following inscription : JOV, AVC VOT. 
" XX." lb. V. ii., p. 287. 

(/) Maitland, v. i., p. 193, says the Roman road runs from Newton along the south side of the 
Clyde, where it is plainly to be seen. 

(g) The minister of Crawford tells us : " We have two Roman roads which come "thi'ough this 



Ch. IV.— Actions of L. Urbkii^.l OpNOETH-BEITAIN. 135 

The united road proceeded from the Roman post near Lammgton along the 
right bank of the Clyde towards Biggar, but except in crossing Biggar-moss, 
where its vestiges are very obvious, few traces of it any where appear (h). At 
Biggar there is a strong redoubt, which is called the moat, where Roman coins 
have been found. From this place, which seems to have been a central j^osi- 
tion, there probably went oif a vicinal way to the Roman stations in Tweeddale, 
with which this was plainly the natural communication (i). 

From the station at Biggar the great road passed by Liberton-kirk towards 
Lockhart-hill, which is now called Carstairs-house (k). Having traversed the 
enclosures of Lockhart-hall, this road passes through the station of Castle Dykes 
near Carstairs, which is finely situated on the right bank of the Clyde ; and 
leaving Renstruther on the right, proceeds to Cleghorn MUl, where it crosses 
the river Mous (/). The road leads thence through the enclosures of Cleghorn, 
leaving the Roman camp on the right, and going on by Collylaw, Kil-Cad- 
zow, Coldstream, and YuUshields to Belstane, in the neighbourhood of Car- 
luke, being throughout Clydesdale known by the appropriate name of the 
WatliiKj -street (m). 

At Belstane the Watling-street pursued its course to the wall in two several 
dhections : a branch went off to the right by Shotts, to the opening in the wall 
near Camelon (n) ; the principal branch continued its usual course along 

parish." lb. v. iv. p., 514. He obviously alludes to tbe two branches of the great road which 
came out of Annandale and Nithsdale, the one coursing the left and the other the right side of Upper 
Clyde. 

(h) Roy carries the Eoman road up to the vicinity of Biggar, where there are the remains of a camp. 
PI. i. Eoss, when he surveyed Lanarkshire, traced this road almost to Biggar. 

(j) Maitland, v. i., p. 193-4, says mistakingly that a branch went off from Biggar in a north-east 
direction by the eastern end of the Pentland-hills. 

(k) Near Carstairs-kirk have been found the remains of a bath. Eoy, p. 104. And many Eoman 
bricks, Eoman coins, and other objects, which aU denote the long residence of the Eoman troops at 
this station, on the track of the road. Stat. Acco., v. xv., p. 10 ; lb. sviii., p. 180. 

(/) Eoy, p. 104 ; and pi. xxvii. 

(m) Sibbald's Eoman Antiquities, p. 39 ; Eoy, p. 104-5 ; Stat. Acco. of Scot., v. xv., p. 10. 
In the Stat. Account of Carluke, v. viii., p. 136, the Rev. Dr. Scott says: "From south-east to 
" north-west runs the Eoman road, which is caUed here Watling-street. In some places, especially 
" at Kilcadzow, it is still so visible that the manner of its fonnation can be easily ascertained : the 
" Eomans appear to have placed broad stones in the bottom of the road where the ground was soft. 
" and broke others very small with which they covered the surface. Eoman coins have been foimd in 
" the direction of this road at Bumhouse and at Castle-hill." 

(") Sir E. Sibbald, when speaking of the Eoman road through Clydesdale called the Watling- 
street, says, " The people have a tradition that another Eoman street went from Lanark to the 



13G An A C C U N T [Book l.—The Roman Perwd. 

Clydesdale to Garongilhead, and thence passing Blindwalls and Cambusne- 
than kirk on the right, it pushes on by Meadowhead to a place called Roman 
Stands; whence it passes forward by Motherwell towards Orbiston, on the 
west side of Calderwater, where there was a Roman station in a remai'kable 
bend of the Calder (»). The Roman road passed thence along the height to 
the southward of Bellshill, and must have crossed West Calder Water not far 
above its conflux with the Clyde. Between this jiassage and Glasgow some 
traces of it were lately to be seen, particularly a little to the eastward of Toll- 
cross ; its I'emains Avere also to be recently traced beyond Glasgow, between 
Dalmure-burn and Old Kirkpati'ick, where the road joined the western end of 
Antonine's wall. 

We must now return to that bi'anch of the western road which went off 
from the principal road in Annandale, near its passage of the Dryfe Water. It 

"Eoman colony near Falkirk." Rom. Antiq., 1707, p. 39. In liis map of the Roman roads. 
1726, Gordon delineates tliis Roman street from Clydesdale, several miles northward from Lanark- 
town, athwart the country to the opening of the wall at Camelon, the Roman colony to which 
Sibbald alludes. This road Gordon appears to have considered as the only continuation of the 
Watliug-street to the wall ; for he does not delineate the continuation of it along the east side of 
the Clyde to the western end of the wall. See his map, which is prefixed to his Itinerary. Roy 
assures us it was affirmed (by the country people) that a Eoman road went from Castlecary on 
the wall southward by Crowbank and Fannyside, and that the stones of it were lately chig up. He 
thus supposes that the Romans must have had such a communication, and he points out the most 
probable route by the Kirk of Shotts to Belstane. Milit. Antiq., 107-7. It is obvious that Sibbald, 
Gordon, and Roy all concur in speaking of a traditionary road which went, in the opinion of the people, 
from Belstane by the Kirk of Shotts to Camelon, whence the same road proceeded into the interior of 
Vespasiana. 

()i) The minister of Dalziel, in Stat. Acco., v. iii., p. 458, says, " The great Roman highway 
" commonly called Watling-street, went along the summit of this parish from East to West ; but 
" its course is now much defaced by modern improvements, and for some length the modern 
" turnpike road is laid upon the top of it. In one place near the centre of the parish it has been 
" preserved entire, so as to point out the line to after times, the Cross-stone, the emblem of the 
" baron's jurisdiction, being placed upon it, and a clump of trees planted around, fenced, and 
" secm'ed. On this ancient road, at the western boundary of the parish, upon a steep bank over 
" the river Calder, are the remains of a Roman encampment. Little more than twenty years ago 
" it was pretty entire, but cultivation has now greatly encroached upon it. At the foot of the bank 
" there is a semicircular arch over the river Calder of good masonry and very uncommon constnic- 
'• tion, which has been supposed to be the work of the Romans. By this bridge Watling-street 
" seems to have entered the parish of Bothwell." The Stat. Account of Bothwell, v. svi., p. 325, 
says, " About a quarter of a mile east from this thei-e is a bridge over the South-Calder, which is 
"judged to be of Roman construction, being of one arch, high, very naiTow, and without ledges. 
'•■ The Roman road called Watling-street was a few years ago in entire preservation leading to it from 
" the east through Dalziel parish ; but it is now scarce discernible, being removed by the course of the 
-"plough." 



Ch.l\.— The Actions of L. Urblcus.'] Op N OETH -B EIT AIN. 137 

turned away to the left, crossed the Annan below the influx of the rivev Ae, and 
pushed on in a westerly direction to Nithsdale, passing by the post called 
Wood-Castle, by Murder-loch, Lanegate, and Duncow to Dalswinton on the 
river Nith (o). This road now went up Nithsdale, on the east side of the Nith, 
passing by the village of Thornhill, and crossing Carron water a little above 
its influx into the Nith [p). From this passage the road continued its course 
in a northerly direction past a Roman fort, in a remarkable pass above the Kirk 
of Dui-isdeer ; from this post it pushed through the hills by the defile called 
the Wall Path ; and it went down the west side of Powtrail-water to its confluence 
with the Dair. The road now continued its course along the west side of the 
Dair till its influx into the Clyde, and equally proceeded along the west side of 
the Clyde, past Elvanfoot and Crawford village, and then crossed the Clyde 
to Crawford-Castle, where it joined the Annandale branch, as we have seen {q). 
There was plainly another road which traversed Nithsdale, and which was 
yet unknown to Gordon, to Roy, and to Ainslie (r). From the road which 

(()) The Stat. Account of Tinwald, v. i., p. 165, says that this Roman road, after coming 
through the parish of Lochmaben, enters the old parish of Trailflat, and passes by Amisfield- 
house, where there are many distinct traces of a castelluiii ; and the road is traced to the village of 
Duncow in the parish of Kirkmahoe. A branch from this road on the north has been traced 
through a moss in the parish of Kirkmichael, and seems to have terminated at a castellum, which 
has been converted into the minister's garden, the fortification whereof remains very distinct on two 
sides. In a moss upon the line of this vicinal road there was found in 1784 a pretty large pot of a 
sort of base copper, and a decanter of the same metal, nearly of the shape and size of a common white 
stone quart decanter, with three feet about an inch and a half long. These were presented by the 
Eev. Dr. Burgess to the Antiquary Society of Edinburgh, and were considered as Soman. Stat. 
Acco., V. i., p. 64. 

(jo) On the west side of the Nith, opposite to the point where the Eoman road turns up the Carron, 
there is the remain of a Roman fort called Tibbers-Castle, which is properly represented in Roy's 
MiUt. Ant., pi. xlis., and in Crawford's map of Dumfriesshire ; but Roy in his account of this road as 
well as in his Roman map. and Ainslie. who follows him in his map of Scotland, mistakingly apply 
the name of Tibbers-Castle to another Eoman fort in the pass lying north of Durisdeer church, which 
is more than five miles northward from the real site of Tibbers-Castle. 

(?) See Gordon's map, which is prefixed to his Itiiterari/, and which represents this western branch 
as the only communication that the Romans had between the Roman walls on the west. The track of 
this branch is erroneously represented by Eoy in his map, pi. i., and by Ainslie after him in his map 
of Scotland ; instead of making it touch Dalswinton on the Nith, they lead it into the valley of the Nith 
nine miles north of the remarkable position at Dalswinton. 

(r) Maitland, however, seems to have had some confused notion of such a road ; for in v. i., 

p. 193, he says: "The Roman road, after passing from Annandale to Nithsdale, ran up the east 

side of Nith river to the Eoman fortress, called Tibbers-Castle, and being joined by the Roman 

road from Elwanfoot, both went on together to the county of Ayr, and to the estuary of Clyde." 

Vol. I. T 



138 AnACCOUNT [Book I.— The Roman Period. 

went up tiie east side of Nithsdale, another brancla diverged to the left, crossed 
the Nith, and traversed the Strath of the Scar in a north-west direction towards 
Kyle (s) ; yet is it doubtful whether this road ever went forward into Ayrshire, 
where no remains of it have yet been found. 

From the station of Castledykes there went ofi' a vicinal road athwart Clydes- 
dale, wliich was perhaps intended to form a communication between the wes- 
tern road and the estuary of the Clyde. This vicinal road probably passed the 
Clyde near Lanark, and thence led over Stonebyre-hill towards Carro-mill, 
where it no doubt passed the Nethan river, though its track cannot now be 
ascertained ; yet on Draflan-Crofts, beyond the Nethan, its vestiges are often 
disclosed by the successive operations of the plough. This road now crossed 
Canerburn at the Gill, where it becomes very visible at present, leading by 
Tan-hill, along the northside of Blackwood inclosures to Dins-hill ; it thence 
passed to the south of Hazleden, crossing Kype-Water at Sandyford, and 
coursed along the south side of Avondale, by Wellsley and Westlingbank, 
towards the gorge of Loudon-hdl {t). Beyond this remarkable position this 
road has not been hitherto traced ; yet its natural track led along the Irvine- 
Water, till it terminated at the commodious haven which is formed by its influx 
into the Clyde (m). 

From the Clydesdale road another vicinal way diverged to the left at 
Glasgow, and passing the river at the ford, went athwart the country to the 
station of Vanduaria at Paisley. This way was traced by Gordon in 1725; 

(s) The Stat. Acoo. of Penpont, whicli lies on tlie west side of the Nith, v. i., p. 209, says : '•' An old 
Eoman causeway runs through Tynrou close to the edge of Scar-water." And the Stat. Acco. of 
Tynron, v. xiv., p. 280, observes : •' An old Eoman way runs through this parish, and at this distant 
day from its foundation, is in many places quite uncovered with grass : its direction is from east 
to west (rather north-west) along the face of the hills." 

{{) The Stat. Acco. of Strathaven, v. ix., p. 394, says : " A Eoman road or causeway can be traced 
for several miles ou the south side of the Avon." A remarkable discovery of Eoman coins has been 
lately made near the track of this vicinal road through the upper part of Strathaven. On the 5th of 
Miirch, 1805, some labourers who were employed in making a drain at Torfoot, some miles south-west 
of the village of Strathaven, discovered a glass bottle of an oblong square form, which was surrounded 
by several stones artificially placed for its preservation. The bottle was carefully sealed up with a 
greenish pigment, and upon being opened, was found to contain about 400 Eoman silver coins of 
Trajan, Antoninus Pius, Faustina, Crispina, and of various other emperors and empresses. The coins 
weigh about 40 grains each, and are generally in good preservation. About fifty of them were indeed 
so encrusted as to adhere together, and were considerably defaced by the rude hand that attempted to 
separate them. 

(») About two miles north-east of Irvine, in Ayrshire, there was found before Gordon's time a 
gladius of old mixed brass three yards underground. Itin. Sept., 1726, p. 118. 



Ch.IV.— The Actio7is of L. Urhicu.<.:^ Of NORTH-BEIT AIN. 139 

but such has been the agricultural imjDrovements of this industrious district, that 
the remains, which appeared to the curious eye of the tourist, can be no longer 
seen (v). There are indeed to be traced an ancient causeway through Mauls- 
rayre, on the estate of Castlemilk in Lanarkshire, which antiquarians have sup- 
posed to be a Roman remain, though they have not been very successful in con- 
necting it either with the vicinal way to Paisley or with the Roman road 
through Clydesdale {x). 

On the great western road there was also a vicinal way, which went off to 
the nortli-eastward from Langtown, by Netherby to Liddel-moat, and here, 
crossing the Liddel, pushed up into Eskdale along the eastern side of the Esk, 
as far as the station of Castle-over in Eskdale-moor {y). 

((•) Itinei-arium Septentrionale. Horsley also intimates tliat he had seen, soon after, the same remains. 
Brit. Eomana, p. 377. Eoy, p. 106. At Glasgow, when this vicinal road diverged towards Paisley, 
there once existed a commodious ford till the Clyde was deepened in 1772. The shoal which formed 
this ford was long known by the appropriate name of the Hirst, and extended a quarter of a mile up 
and down the river at this place ; between the Broomie-law and the Brewery Quay. Mr. Smeaton the 
engineer, who surveyed this shoal in 1758, found the depth of water on it only one foot three inches 
at low water, and three feet three inches at high water ; and Mr. Watt the engineer, who surveyed 
it in 1769, found that the depth of water on the Hirst was only one foot two inches at the ebb of a 
spring tide. MS. Eepoii. 

(.<•) Sir E. Sibbald says : " In Clydesdale, from Erickstane in the one end, to Maulsmyre in the other, 
"where it borders upon Renfrew, there are evident vestiges of a Roman military way called the 
" Watling-street, and is visible for whole miles together." Rom. Antiq., p. 39 ; Ure's Ruglen, p. 133; 
Stat. Acco., V. xviii., p. 172. 

{y) The Stat. Acco. of Canoby, v. xiv., p. 421, says: '-The remains of a Roman Station 
" appear about three quarters of a mile east of Gilknocky, near which a variety of Roman coins 
" and stones with Roman inscriptions have been dug up. From this camp a Roman road can 
" be traced through the east side of this parish, crossing Tarras-water, and entering the parish of 
" Langholm, on the estate of Broomholm, and from thence leading up Eskdale to the different 
" stations in that quarter." The Stat. Acco. of Langholm, v. xiii., p. 597, says : " The Roman 
" road of communication between Netherby and Castle-over, or Over-by, in Eskdale-muir, can still 
" be traced. It enters this parish at the south-east corner, crosses the Esk a little above Broom- 
" holm, and continues its progress north-west into the parish of Westerkirk ; and the minister 
"adds that a number of Roman coins have been found on that line of road." Particularly in 
1782 there were discovered by some workmen several denarii atirei — four of Nero, two of Vespa- 
sian, and one of Domitian, which were all in excellent preservation, and which are now in the pos- 
session of Lady Douglas of Douglas. In the track of the same road there were found at a subse- 
quent period a coin of Otho and two denarii aurei near Wauchope Bridge. The commanding 
station of Castle-over appears to have been originally a British strength, which, from the advan- 
tages of its situation, was converted by the Eomans into a post that commanded Eskdale. In 
the country around this remarkable station, to the distance of several mUes, there are still to be 
observed the remains of smaller British strengths on the top of almost every height. There are 
also to be seen the remains of several posts, which appear to have formed a chain of conii.iunication 

T 2 



140 AnACCOUNT [Book I.— The liomnn Period 

After this full account of the west road of the Romans between the southern 
and northern walls, it is proper to revert to the Roman ways which conducted 
the Roman armies from South to North, on the East of the Roman province. 
The Watling-street, having passed the walls of Hadrian and Severus at Poit- 
gate, directed its course through a rugged country, by the stations of Rising- 
ham and Roe-chester, in Reedsdale, and thence by the Golden Pots on 
Thirlmoor, to the camp at Chewgreen, near the source of the Coquet, where 
it enters North-Britain (z). At the distance of three miles from Chewgreen 
the Roman road ascends the mountains by the remarkable pass of Woden- 
law ; and at the bottom of those mountains it crosses the Kail-water at Tow- 
ford (a). From its entrance into North-Britain it forms the boundary between 
the parishes of Oxnam and Hounam for the extent of more than five miles, 
when it enters a detached part of the parish of Jedburgh, and pushes forward 
in nearly a straight line to Bon-jedburgh, which is situated on an angle formed 
by the confluence of the Jed and Teviot, where there are said to be some ves- 
tiges of a station (h). After passing the Teviot at that place it leads through 
the enclosures of Mount-Teviot, and now, for the distance of three and a half 
miles, in a direct course, it bounds the parishes of Maxton and Ancrum : 
passing over St. Boswell's Green it crosses Bowden-burn above Newton, where 
its remains aie veiy distinct (c) ; and from thence it went forward to the village 
of Eldon, at the eastern base of the Eldon hills, on the summit whereof there was 
a very strong fort of the Britons, with a Roman station in its vicinity below (d). 

between the station of Castle-over and the great station at Middlebie, on the Mein-watei-, in Annan- 
dalo. There is reason to believe that the Eoman road which has been thus described as leading up 
Eskdale wont even beyond the station of Castle-over to the northern estremitj' of Eskdale. Eeport 
states that a Roman canseway has been discovered at the head of the parish of Eskdale-muir, near a 
farm-house named Over-causewa)/, before which place the remains of a pretty strong outer station are 
still discernible. Stat. Acco., v. xii., p. 614. From a slight notice of this vicinal road thus leading 
up Eskdale, General Eoy mistakingly conceived that it had been begun by the Eomans with a view to 
carry it from Eskdale to the right along Tarras-water and across the country past Hawick to the 
Eldon-hills, and there to join it to the great eastern road. Milit. Antiq., v. i., p. 105, and the map, 
p. i. This error arose from his not tracing its real track to its proper destination, the station of Castle- 
over in Upper Eskdale. 

(.r) See Eoy. p. 102. and Stobie's map of Roxburghshire, for the track of this Roman road from its 
entrance into North Britain, through that country as far as it can be traced, under the name of the 
Watling-atTeet. This appellation has puzzled all the antiquaries, yet it is merely the A. Saxon Wathol, 
erraticus, as we leam from Lye. See the Saxon Chronicle, p. 143. 

((() There is a Eoman post on the road after it has passed the Kail-water. {h) Roy, p. 102. 

(c) Mr. Kingliorn, who surveyed this part of the Roman road for me in 1803, says that the remains 
of it are very distinct where it passes down the bank on the south side of Bowden-burn. 

((?) See Slilne's Account of Melrose, p. 4"), which Eoy seems not to have consulted. This road 



Ch. IV.— J ctions of L. Urbicvs.^ OfNOETH-BEITAIN. 141 

From Eldon the Roman road went ofl" in a north-west direction past Mel- 
rose, where many Roman coins have been found, and traversed the Tweed at 
the same ford, where the common road now passes it above Meh-ose, and 
near the village of Galtonside (c). Near to this ford there are two camps : 
one on the south side, and another on the north side of the Tweed (d). After 
the passage of the Tweed the road turned to the right, and proceeded north- 
ward to the R,oman station of Chester-lee, on the north side of a rivulet which 
falls into the Leader above Clacmae (e). Proceeding forward from Chester-lee 
for three quarters of a mUe, the Roman road still shows its remains for a con- 
siderable distance, and crossing the present turnpike, and soon after a brook 
which falls into the Leader below Chapel, and pushing on northward it 

is noticed in the Stat. Accounts of Hounam, v. i., p. 52 ; of Osnam, v. xi., p. 330 ; of Crailing, 
V. ii., p. 331 ; of Ancrum, v. x., p. 294 ; of Maxton, v. iii., p. 277 — 9 ; and of Eoxburgli. v. xis.^ 
p. 137. In some of those accounts antiquities are mentioned as having been found near the Watling- 
street, and the remains of Roman camps as existing in the vicinity of the same Eoman road. 

(c) Several Eoman coins of Vespasian, Trajan, Hadrian, Antoninus Pius, M. Aurelius, and of 
Constantine, have been foimd at Meh-ose. Milne's Account, p. 44 ; and Kinghom's MS. 
Survey, for the passage of the road. From Eldon northward, General Eoy in tracing its 
course, has completely mistaken its track towards Soutra-hill. Vfithout looking for the intima- 
tions of others, he was misled by the appearance of the Givthijate, which passes from the bridge end 
of Tweed up the valley of Allan-water, across the moors to Soutrar-hospital on Soutra-hill. This 
footway, without any examination of its formation or materials, he mistook for the only remains 
of this Eoman road. He forgot that Warburton, the surveyor and antiquary, had rode upon 
the true road in 1722, from the river Eeed, in Northumberland, by Jedburgh, Melrose, Lauder, 
Ginglekirk. now Channelkirk, to Dalkeith and to Graham's dike. See Warburton's Letters to 
Gale, dated the 12th December 1723, in Reliqutw Galeaiue, p. 438. He adds, " The pavement 
" is untrue, and the stones large ; so that some unskilful persons might perhaps take it for the 
"foundation of a wall; but that any one versed in antiquity should do so is strange." lb. 440. 
For this pavement with large stones Eoy never looked. He might have seen some useful intima- 
tions in Milne's Melrose, who had thrown his curious eyes on this interesting remain in 1746. I 
caused it to be surveyed by the intelligent Mi-. Kinghorn, in November 1803, when the real track was 
again ascertained. 

(rf) lb. 46 — 60 ; Stat. Acco., v. is., p. 92 ; and Stobie's Map of Eoxburghshiie. 

(e) The camp at Chesterlee was placed on a commanding eminence, which overlooked several 
British forts in the sun-ounding country. It was of a square foi-m, having its angles rounded ; and 
it measures 160 yards on each side. It was secured by a double fosse and an earthen rampart ; 
but the whole camp has been either cultivated or planted. About 500 yards westward from Chester- 
lee camp, upon the northern side of the same rivulet, there was a small Eoman post called Ridtjewalls, 
which stood also on a height that overlooked several British foi-ts, both on the North and South. 
The post of Ridgeiralls was of an oblong form, secured by three fosses and ramparts of earth, the area 
within the inner rampart being 85 yards long and 37 yards broad. This post has also been much 
defaced by cultivation. MS. Survey of Mr. Kinghorn. 



142 An ACCOUNT [Bodkl.— The Roman Period- 

arrives at a small station called the Waas, or Walls, near to New Blainslee (_/) : 
passing on from the Waas the Roman road again becomes very distinct, 
throughout a mile and a half, when it again crosses the turnpike road, and 
immediately afterwards a rivulet, about half a mile east-noi'th-east from Chield- 
helles Chapel, where it enters Berwickshire. In proceeding up Lauderdale the 
Roman road appears to have passed on the West of Lauder town, and between 
it and Old Lauder, where there are the remains of a military station (g). About 
a mile and a half above Lauder the remains of the Roman road again become 
visible, and is here named the Ox-road, as it leads up to a strong station 
called Black- CAeste7'(/i). From this station the Roman road passes on north- 
ward by the west of Oxton, and in the course of half a mile again becomes 
distinct, and continues obvious to every eye as it crosses the western stream 
of the Leader, in its course to the Roman station at Channel-kirk {i). From 
this commanding post the Roman road proceeded forward to Soutra-hill, 
whence turning to the left it traversed the declivity of the country to Currie, 

(/) This Roman station -was placed upon a gentle eminence on the western side of Leader- 
water. It is of an oblong form, and comprehends an acre and a half of ground. Its ramparts 
seem to have been of stone, though they are now so much defaced as not to show distinctly of what 
materials they were originally composed. MS. Survey of Mr. Kinghorn. 

((7) Roman coins have been dug up in the vicinity of Lauder, which the minister has preserved. 
Stat. Acco., V. iii., p. 77. This station, which was placed on a rising ground, is of an oblong form, 
which approaches to an oval ; and its longest diameter is 120 yards from East to West, and its 
shortest 82 yards from North to South. It was secured by a single fosse and rampart of earth, 
which are now very much defaced. Proceeding from this station there are the remains of a mili- 
tary road, with a sloping ditch on either side, which led down from this station eastward, as if 
to join the great road of the Romans as it passed northward to the Roman wall. MS. Survey of Mi". 
Kinghorn. 

(/() This camp was placed on a rising ground which overlooks several British forts in the sur- 
rounding country. Its figure is something between a circle and an oval, and seems to have been 
thus formed to suit the ground whereon it was placed. It was secui-ed by two fosses and ram- 
parts of earth, having one entrance on the East and another on the West. The outer ditch is, 
even now, nearly eleven yards wide, and from fifteen to twenty feet deep ; the inner ditch is about 
fourteen feet wide, and appears to have been seven or eight feet deep, but is now much filled up. 
MS. Survey of Mr. Kinghorn. 

(i) The Roman camp at Channelkirk appears to have been of considerable extent and very simi- 
lar to the Roman camp at Cleghorn, in Clydesdale ; but, as the greatest part of the surrounding 
ramparts of this camp has been levelled, its exact dimensions cannot now be ascertained. The west 
side and a part of the east only remained in November, 1803. The west side exhibits a gate 
which is covered by a traverse, and at the south-west corner there is a prodigious redoubt. The 
area of this camp is now occupied by the church, the church-yard, and the minister's glebe of 
Ohannelldi'k, and extends to almost five acres. Roy's Mil. Antiq., p. Gl, pi. vi. : and MS. Survey of 
Mr. Kinghorn. 



Ch. IV.—r/ie A ctions of L. Urhkus.] Of NORTH-BRITAIN. 143 

wtich stands in a bend of the Gore water, and which is ascei-tained to be the 
Curia of Ptolomy (k). From this remarkable position the road pushed on 
in a north-western direction, and crossed the South Esk near Dalhousie Castle, 
and the North Esk near Mavis-bank, where many Roman antiquities have 
been found. The road thence pursued its course by Loanhead and Straiton, 
which probably owe their names to its neighbourhood, to Bowbridge at the 
east end of the Pentland-Hills (Z). At this position vestiges of it were lately 
to be seen till the present turnpike was made, leading through the entrench- 
ments at the Buckstane (hi). The Roman road thence continued its course 
by the east end of Bruce-hill towards Mutton-hole [Davidson's Mains], near the 
corner of the park wall of Barnton ; and from this position it pursued its short 
track, which is still discernible by curious eyes, to the naval station on the 
Forth at CrauKind, the Alaterva of Roman times. From Cramond the road- 
crossed the river Almond, and passing Barnbougle-hill went on along Eklin- 
moor, where it appeared to the inquisitive sight of Maitland, to Caeridden, 
which formed the eastern extremity of the Roman wall (n). 

This memorable rampart was necessarily attended by a military road. It can 
be traced, indeed, behind the wall throughout its whole extent, and even to 
Dunglas beyond its western extremity ; and a military road, though not 
perhaps of the same magnitude and usefulness, must undoubtedly have con- 
nected the stations which the genius of Agricola had placed on the same com- 
modious isthmus. 

As there were still more western roads wliich went off from the west road ; 
so there was a more eastern branch that diverged to the eastward from the 

(i) From the Roman post at Inveresk there went a vicinal road to a large Roman camp at 
Sheriff-hall, three miles south-west of Inveresk, and thence southward to the station of Curia. The 
traces of this ancient road between the post of Inveresk and Sheriff-hall were visible in the memory 
of several persons who are still living. Stat. Account of Inveresk, v. xvi., p. 5. In writing on this 
subject in 1707, Sir R. Sibbald informs us that "the track of a Roman road appeareth yet, in the way 
"from Musselburgh to Lugton, and from thence to Borthwick-Castle " (near Currie). Rom. 
Antiq., 39. 

(/) In this neighbourhood, saith Maitland, the Roman road is to be seen pointing to the station of 
Cramond. Hist, of Scot., v. i., p. 194. 

(m) The entrenchments at the Buckstane which now remain are of an oval figure, and seem to have 
been originally much more extensive, but from their appearance they are thought to be rather of 
British than of Roman construction. 

(n) For the whole track of this eastern road, see Roy's Majjpa Brit. Septentrionalis ; and Ain- 
slie's Map of Scotland ; and also Richard, and Roy's Antiq., p. 104, h ; Maitland's Hist., v. ii., 
p. 203. It must, however, be recollected that Roy and Ainslie, who foUow him, have mistakingly 



144 AnACCOUNT [Book I.— The Roman Period. 

eastern Watliug-street, soon after it had issued from Severus's wall. This 
branch, which is known by the popular name of llie Devil's Causey, thus diverg- 
ing to the right from the Watling-street at Bewclay, pushed on between that 
road and the sea towards the Tweed, near West Ord, and entering Scotland, 
it pointed its course towards Mordington, whence it has not been traced along 
the eastern coast (o). It is, however, certain, as remains attest, that a Roman 
road led from Inveresk to Cramond along the coast of the Forth (p). 

One road only seems to have issued towards the North from the wall of 
Antonine, at the distance of a mile and a furlong eastward of the strong fort 
of Rough Castle, through an opening in the wall, which had been plainly left 
for this necessary purpose. This circumstance shows distinctly the design of 
Lollius Urbicus to extend the Roman avithority throughout the Caledonian 
regions on the north-east. 

The road had scarcely issued from the wall when it passed through Came- 
lon, the Roman port on the Carron ; and pushing straight forward according 
to the Roman manner across the Carron, it pursued its course, by Torwood- 
house, Pleaumuir, Bannockburn, St. Ninian's, and by the west side of the 
Castle-hill of Stirling to the river Forth, on the south side of wliich, near 
Kildean, there are evident traces of its curious remains. It here passed the 
Forth, and went forward to the station of Alamia, which was situated on the 
river Allan, about a mile above its confluence with the Forth, and which, as 



carried this road up the course of AUan-water to Soutra-liill, in place of the real track along Leader- 
water. See the British-Roman map prefixed. 

(o) Eoy, p. 103-4. This road may possibly have communicated with the Eoman station on the 
White Adder near Allan-bank, which is distant only about five miles from the Tweed at West Ord ; 
but Ainslie has in his map of Scotland carried up this road to the supposed Roman post on the height 
near St. Abb's-head. Maitland, indeed, supposes that this road entered Scotland at Ber-nn-ck, whence 
he cames it by Coldinghaui-moor, Old Cambus, and Dunbar by devious courses to Inveresk. Hist. 
Scot.. V. i., p. 202. He does not, however, say that he had seen any actual remains of this road 
throughout this extended route. See Sibbald's Rom. Antiq., p. 7. 

(^j) Maitland traced the remains of this road, near Musselburgh, on the West, whence it went 
on to Leith, where it passed Leith-water at the foot of the Weigh-house Wynd. where it was dis- 
covered when the pier was repaired, at the beginning of the last century. Hist. Scot., v. i., p. 203. 
This road appears in the north-east of Duddingston parish, by the name of the Fishwives Causey. 
Stat. Acco., V. xviii., p. 376. In dragging; for marie in Duddingston-looh, Eoman antiquities have 
been found. Id, Gordon traced the tame road from Cramond towards Edinburgh, where it dis- 
appeared among the improvements. Itinei avium, 117. Had he pursued his search in 1725 towards 
Leith he had discovered its remains. 



Ch. IV. — The Actions of L. Urbicus.] Of NORTH-BRITAIN. 145 

it is twelve miles from tiie opening in the Roman wall agrees with the distance 
in the Iter (a). 

Pm'suing its appropriate course along Strathallan, the road came at the end 
of nine miles to the Lindum of Richard's Itinerary, the well known station at 
Ardoch, according to Roy. The many Roman remains in this vicinity prove 
that it had been the active theatre of military operations during the successive 
conflicts of the Roman period. The distance of the Itinerary of Richard and 
the intimations of Gordon concur to show that the Victoria of Richard and 
the camp at Dcdginross are the same (b) : placed in the upper part of Strath- 
earn, the station of Victoria must have formed a very commodious defence to the 
valley below (c). A short journey must have conducted the Roman armies 
from Ardoch to the Hierna of Richard, the camp of Strageth upon the Earn. 
The Roman road, after passing on the east side of Ardoch, ascends the moor 
of Orchil to the post at Kemp's Castle, which it passes within a few yards on 
the east (cZ). The road from Kemp's Castle descends the moor to the station of 

(a) This station certainly derived its name from the river Allan, on which it stood, in the same 
manner as Ituna was named, from Ithan, the Esica, from Esk. In the vicinit}' of this station there 
were several British forts, called Caers, the remains of which are still extant, and are known in the 
country by the appellation of Keir, a coiTuption of the British Caer, that signifies a fort. From one of 
these the mansion-house and estate of Keir derive their names. 

(i) Gordon's Itinerary, p. 40-42 ; Richard, 38, who assigns the distance of nine miles 
from Lindum to Victoria ; Roy's Mil. Antiq., 128. In Richard's map the name of Victoria is 
misplaced in the east instead of the west end of Strathearn. There is, indeed, in this map a 
nameless station marked near the true position of Victoria to which the name should have been 
applied. The fact is, as the remains evince, that Victoria lay eight miles on the left from the 
direct course of the Roman road. At Lindum the Romans went off in a north-west direction 
nine Roman miles to the Victoria of Richard, the Dealgin-Ross of Gordon. In prosecuting 
their march northward they turned easterly nine Roman miles to their camp at Hierna, the 
Strageth of modern times, which is only sis Roman miles in a direct line from Lindum, The truth 
as is attested by facts, appears to be that the road and the Iter of Richard often took differ- 
ent routes, as here at Ardoch and farther on at Orrea. Bede and Richard agree in saying 
that Agricola founded Victoria as a memorial of his victory over Galgacus at the Grampian. 
The following coincidences confirm theii- opinion: (1) The name of Victoria; (2) There is a 
high stone which stands within the right gate ; (3) The tumuli or circle of stones which are 
scattered about the plain show that this had been the busy scene of some signal miUtary 
operations. 

(c) Stobie's map of Perthshire ; Gordon's Itin., p. 42 ; Roy's Mil. Antiq., p. 128, and pi. xxxii. 

{d) This is a small but strong fortification of an oblong form, about thirty yards long and twenty- 
five yards broad. It is strengthened by a double ditch and triple ramparts ; and being placed on an 
elevated situation, it commands an extensive prospect. Maitland's Hist. Scot., v. i., p. 195; Roys 
Milit. Ant., pi. xsxi. 

Vol. I. U 



146 AnACCOUNT [Book I.— The Roman Period. 

Hierna at Strageth, from which it immediately crosses the river Earn (e). The 
position of Strageth is pronounced by mihtary judgments to have been pecu- 
harly well chosen, whether its site on the bank of the Earn or the facility of its 
defence arising from the contiguity of the river be considered. 

After the passage of the Earn, the road turns to the right (_/'), and in an 
easterly direction passes on the north side of Inverpeftery, and proceeds nearly 
in a straight line across the moor of Gask, where it is now used as the com- 
mon road {g) ; and continuing its course through the plantations of Gask, it 

(c) Maitland says the road intersects the Eoman camp at Strageth. Hist, of Scot., v. i., p. 196. 
Eoy Games it past the west side of the camp at the same place. Milit. Antiq., p. 107. The reason 
of this apparent difiference is that Maitland and Eoy allude to different camps. There was a laro-er 
and a smaller Eomau camp at Strageth, through the former of which the road passed, leaving the 
smaller camp upon the right hand, as stated by Eoy. The large camp at this place was over- 
looked by Gordon and slightly noticed by Eoy. Gordon's Itiner., p. 42, pi. vii. ; Eoy's Milit. Antiq., 
p. 128, and p. xxxii, ; and see afterwards p. 136. 

(/) From the great Eoman road near the passage of the Earn, on the north side, a vicinal way 
diverged to the left, and went in a northerly direction through the country nearly seven miles to the 
Eoman station at East Findoch on the river Alnaond. I was informed by the late inquisitive Colonel 
Shand, who had inspected that vicinity with the eye of a soldier, after mentioning several vicinal 
ways of the Eomans in Strathearn, " that there is one way of this kind twelve feet wide, which I have 
" traced, and which in some places is very distinct, from the confluence of the Powaffray-water with 
" the river Earn near Strageth, where the great Eoman road crosses the Earn, through the country north- 
" ward to the plantations of Monzie, where there is the vestige of a strong post in the Eoman style, 
'• from which post this vicinal way tm-ns to the right ; and I was told by some of the country people 
" that it may still be seen in a few places running on past Connachan to the Eoman camp at 
" East Findoch. This camp contains, as usual, about ninety acres Scots measure, and is advan- 
" tageously situated in the mouth of Glen-Almond." Colonel Shand's letter to me, dated the 22nd 
December, 1801. Stobie's map of Perthshire may be inspected with a view to that camp and way. 
In the same letter Colonel Shand mentioned to me another vicinal road " ranning in a straight line 
" from the confluence of Farg-water with the Tay towards Dunning and the house of Duncrub." 
It remains almost perfect for more than a mile through the moorish ground called Muirmonth. 
It is sixteen feet wide, raised considerably above the adjacent ground, and has a ditch on either 
side of it. It is exactlj' the same in every respect as the other vicinal roads, except that it is 
not paved. 

{g) The Stat. Acco. of Trinity Gask, v. xviii., p. 486, says : " That the Eoman road or causeway 
" passes along the highest ground in the parish. It is very compleat, and with little or no repau' 
" serves for a public road. The stones of which it is made are pretty large, and are laid in good order. 
"It is commonly dry in the wettest season." The Stat. Acco. of Gask, v. i., p. 481, says: "The 
" Eomau causeway runs, through the middle of this parish on the highest ground. It is twenty feet 
" broad, and is composed of rough ^tones closely laid together. It is in entire preservation, as the 
" proprietor of the adjacent grounds, though he enclosed the fields on each side with stone dykes, did 
" not suffer a stoue to be taken from the road. Along the causeway are stations capable of containing 
'• ten or twelve men. They are enclosed by ditches, which are yet very distinct, and seem to have been 



Cli. lY.—The Actions ofL. Ui-bicus.'] OfNOETH-BEITAIN. U7 

passes a Roman camp on the right (h). At the distance of two miles farther 
on, where the plantations of Gask terminate, this great road passes another 
small post on the left (i). From this position the road proceeded forward in 
a north-east direction to the station of Orrea, which is situated on the west 
bank of the Tay, at the present confluence of the Almond with that noble 
river {k). The commodiousness of the site before a part of the encampment 
had been washed away by the floods of the Almond ; the correspondence be- 
tween the distance of the Itinerary and the real distance, and the passage of the 
Tay by the Roman road at this position, along a bridge which still may be 
traced by remains, to a landing place, whence the Roman road proceeds ; all 
those circumstances concur to show that the station at the confluence of the 
Almond with the Tay was the Orrea of Richard (I). 

"designed for the accommodation of the overseers of the work." For the policy of such small posts, 
see King's Munimenta, v. ii. 

(A) Stobie's map of Perthshire represents this camp in the same form, but of smaller dimensions 
than the small camp at Strageth. The minister of Gask says, " it seems to have been capable of 
"containing five hundred men:" the ditches \Tith the Pretorium are still distinct, though the 
ground is planted with firs, being enclosed in the plantations of Gask. Stat. Acco., v. i., p. 481. 
This camp is not noticed either by Maitland or by Boy. There is a paved way, twelve feet " 
broad from the great road to this camp, says Colonel Shand in his letter to me of the 22d December, 
1801. 

(?) Stobie's Map of Perthshire ; Roy's Mil. Antiq., p. 107 ; and Stat. Acco. of Gask, v. i., p. 481. ; 
and of Trinity Gask, v. xviii., 486. 

(k) The Almond at present washes the south side of the station, and has carried away a part of the 
works ; but this was not the course of it in ancient times, it ran past Euthven-oastle, now Hunting- 
tower, where there is still a rivulet called Old Almond, and it joined the Tay about half a mile south- 
ward of its present junction. Stat. Acco., v. xv., p. 528. 

(/) Roy's Mil. Antiq., 128. See a drawing of Orrea in Roy's plate xii. The intelligent minis- 
ter of Redgorton, the parish which claims this Roman station, remarks : " Another piece of 
" antiquity is the continuation of the causeway, leading from the Roman camp of Ardoch, which 
"crosses the Tay at its present conflux with the Almond. At this place there are the remains of 
" a Roman station, regularly formed into a square, surrounded with a deep fosse, which has for 
"some years been gradually washing away by the overflowing of the Almond. There have been 
" dug up here several urns filled with human ashes, a Roman lac/nymator)/. and also a pig of lead, 
" weighing about two stone, with Roman letters on it. The foundation of a wooden bridge 
" which had been throvra over the Tay at this place still remains, and consists of large oak 
" planks fastened together, coarsely jointed, and surrounded with clasps of iron. At the other 
" end, be}'ond this bridge to the north-east, there are some remains of a causeway which ex- 
" tends almost as far as Blairgowi-ie." Stat. Acco., v. xv., p. 527-8 ; Maitland's Hist, of Scot- 
land, V. i., p. 199; Cant's Threnodie, p. 112. On the north bank of the river Almond, near its 
influx into the Tay, there were dug up some Roman cinereal urns of yellow clay, and some fragments 
of glass vessels of a blueish colour, which were presented to the Society of Antiquaries of Scot- 

U2 



M8 An ACCOUNT [Book l—T/ie Romm, Period. 

From the important station of Orrea the Roman road and Richard's Itin- 
erary took different directions ; and we may infer from this unnoticed cir- 
cumstance that they belonged to difi'erent ages, or at least were composed with 
dissimilar views. Having crossed the Tay by means of the wooden bridge, 
the Roman road went up the east side of the river, and passed through the 
centre of the camp at Grassy-walls [h). Fi'om this position the remains of 
the road are distinct for a mile up to Gellyhead, on the west of which it 
passed, and went on by Innerbuist to Nether- Collin, where it again becomes 
apparent, and continues distinct to the eye for two miles and a half, passing 
on in its obvious coiu-se to Drichmuir and Byres (/). The road now went 
forward in a north-east direction, passing between Blairhead and Gil well to 
Woodhead, and thence pushing on by Newbigging and Gallowhill on the 
right, it descends Leyston-moor, and passing that village it proceeds forward to 
the Roman camp at Coupar- Angus, which is about eleven and a half miles from 
Orrea. The camp at Coupar appears to have been an equilateral quadrangle of 
four hundred yards, fortified by two strong ramparts and large ditches, which 
still remain on the east and south sides, and a part on the north side, but the 
west side has been obliterated by the plough {m). From Coupar the Roman 
road took a north-east direction towards Reedie in the parish of Airly. On 
the south of this hamlet, the vestiges of the road again appear, and for more 
than half a mile the ancient road forms the modern way in). The Roman 
road now points towards Kirriemuir, past which it appears to have gone in 
its course to the large Roman camp at Battle-dikes (o). Having traversed this 
camp, the Roman road continued its progress in an east-north-east direction 
for several miles along the valley on the south side of the river South-Esk, 
which it probably passed near the site of Black-mill, below Esk-mount. From 

land in March 1781. Acco. of the Society, p. 46. Richard, indeed, places the Orrea on the northern 
bank of the Tay, in the countiy of the Vecturiones ; but the facts which have just been stated -would 
over-rule a greater authority than Eichard's, with the classical aid of Ptolomy. 

(i) Roy, p. 65, and pi. xii. (J) Stobie's map of Perthshire. 

(m) Maitland's Hist., v. i., p. 199. The Stat. Acco. of Coupar-Angus, v, svii., p. 11, says: 
" It is nearly a regular square of twenty-four acres." This camp seems not to have been noticed, 
either by Gordon or by Roy. There is, indeed, a little more than one mile south of this camp, on 
Camp-moor, another Roman camp, which Roy describes p. 67, and of which he gives a plan, 
pi. xiv. 

()i) Maitland's Hist. Scot., v. i., p. 200 ; Roy's Mil. Antiq., p. 108. 

(o) Maitland's Hist. Scot., v. i., p. 200, says : " That John Webster, the farmer, who resided 
" in and laboured this camp, turned up with the plough the foundation of this road, in divers parts, 
" in its course through the camp which is now all converted into arable land." 



Ch. lY.—The Actions of L. Ui-bicus.] OfNOETH-BEITxVIN. U9 

this passage, it went across the moor of Brechin, where vestiges of it appear, 
pointing to Keithock {q) ; and at this place there are the remains of a Roman 
camp, which are now known by the modern name of Wardikes (■)•). Beyond 
this camp on the north this Roman road has been seldom or never seen 
even by inquisitive eyes. In the popular tradition this road is called the Lang 
Causeway, and is supposed in popular belief to have extended northward 
through Perth and Forfarshire, and even throughout Kincardine-shire to 
Stonehaven. Legend imagines this Lawj Causeway to have been constructed by 
the magic powers of Michael Scot even in one night, and it is therefore often 
called Michael Scot's Causeway. The tradition, though not the legend, is 
supported by remains. About two miles north-east from the Roman station 
at Fordon, and between it and the well-known camp at Urie, there are the 
traces of an artificial road as it crosses a small hill ; and it is popularly called 
the Picts Road, an intimation which carries back its origin and construction to 
ancient times (s). 

There is indeed reason to believe that there are traces of roads which may 
have been made by Roman hands even farther north. In Aberdeen-shire, 
between the rivers Don and Urie, on the eastern side of Bennochie, there 
exists an ancient road which is known in the country by the appropriate 
name of the Maiden Causeway (t). It proceeds from Bennochie, whereon there 
was a hill-fort, more than the distance of a mile into the woods of Pitodrie, 
where it disappears from the most inquisitive sight ; it is paved with stones, 
is about fourteen feet wide, and has every appearance of a vicinal way of the 
Romans (u). 

Even still more northerly in the track of the Tenth Iter, as it courses be- 
tween the two stations of Varis and Tuessis, from Forres to the ford of Cromdale 
on the Spey, there has been long known a road of very ancient construction ; 

(5) Maitland, who lias the merit of having first traced this road, says, " that its vestiges point to 
'■ Keithock." 

(r) See a pLan of the camp at Wardikes, in Eoy's Milit. Antiq., pL xiv. 

{s) In the same manner Severus's -wall, in the north of England, is called the Picts wall. The 
intimations about the traces of the road in the text I owe to the intelligent letter of the Reverend 
James Leslie, at Fordon, dated the 26th of March, 1799. 

{t) Some of the Eoman roads in the north of England are distinguished by the same name of 
Maiden Causeway. 

(m) Such was the opinion of the late judicious Colonel Shand, who described this road to me 
in his letter of the 22d December 1801. This Maiden-watj is on the west side of the ninth Iter, 
on its course from the Don to the springs of Ithan, the station of Eae-dikes. If this way were 
continued in its appropriate direction a mile beyond Pitodrie, it would join the tract of the Iter, near 
tlie river Urie. 



150 AnACCOUNT [Book l.—The Roman Period. 

leading along the course of the Iter for several miles through the hills ; and 
pointing to Cromdale, where the Romans must have forded the Spey. It ap- 
pears to have heen judiciously laid out and substantially constructed ; it is not 
now used, nor can the most intelligent persons of the country ascertain when 
or by whom it was made (x). The track of this very ancient way on the 
course of the tenth Iter, the mode of its construction, its unaccountable age 
and modern desuetude, all these coincidences make it pi'obable that those sin- 
gular remains were once a Roman road. 

Various traces of very ancient roads are still discernible along the track of the 
tenth Iter between the distant station of Tuessis and Tamea, by Corgarf and 
through Braemar, as hath been already intimated. The tradition of the people 
in Strathdee and Braemar declares, indeed, that there are remains of Roman 
roads which traverse the country between the Don and the Dee. It is cer- 
tain that there are obvious traces of ancient roads which cross the wild dis- 
tricts between Sti-athdon and Strathdee, though it is impossible to ascertain 
when, or by whom such ancient roads were constructed in such directions 
throughout such a country (y). Such are the various notices which have been 

(a;) The Reverend Jolin Grant of Elgin informed me in his letters, dated the 24th of October 
and 6th of November, 1799, of the existence of such a road, from the infoimation of Captain 
Grant, who was perfectly acquainted with that retired part of the country. I was thus induced 
to make farther inquiries. And Mr. James Grant of Grantown. the manager of Sir James Grant's 
extensive estates, informed me in his letter dated the 11th of March, 1800 ; "Last summer I 
" observed two pieces of very ancient road, not now used ; one of them is some distance north from 
" Castle Grant ; and the other further on, in a direction towards Forres ; upon making inquiry 
" of the people who live in that country, I was informed that still farther on there are two or 
" three pieces of a similar road leading through the hills towards Forres." The late intelligent Ro- 
bert Grant, the old laird of Elchies, said to me in his letter, dated the 16th of July, 1800 ; 
" There certainly is a very ancient road crossing the country in the direction you point out, 
"(from Forres to the ford of Cromdale on the Spey) ; some part of it must have gone in the 
" direction of the present military road which passes through Strathspey, and by the castles of 
" Corgarf and Braemar to Glenshee." Such then are the informations of those very well-informed 
persons. The tradition of the counti-y ascribes the construction of that very ancient road to the 
Comyns of the 13th and 14th centuries ; but that powerful family were otherwise occupied during 
times when the making of roads was unthought of ; the policy of those times would have rather 
obstructed the making of passages into the interior of an impervious region. 

{y) The Reverend Robert MacGregor, the missionary minister, in Glenmuick, Tulloch, and 
Glengaini, says in his letter of the 6th of May 1801: "That a man eighty yeai-s old gave him 
" a description of a Roman road which goes from the craigs of Ballater, near the influx of the 
" Gairn into the Dee, aci-oss the country in a northern direction, towards Corgarf on the Don. 
" This road first appears at a little distance north of the Dee, between Gairn-water on the west, 
" and the burn of AUdowrie on the east, and the traces of it are distinctly seen at intervals, 



Ch.lY.— The Actions of L.Urbkus.} OfNOETH-BRITAIN. 15 i 

diligently collected from the most intelligent persons in those wild districts 
with regard to those ancient roads which babbling tradition appropriates to 
Roman times. It is, however, certain from every inquiry that the Romans did 
not throughout Vespasiana make their roads with the massy materials which 
they usually employed in similar works of greater stability. 

We have now investigated with some precision the Iters and the Roads 
which facilitated the communications of the Roman territories in Noi'th-Britain. 
We have thus naturally conducted to a consideration of the Roman Stations 
which secured the Romanized Britons and overawed the independent Caledo- 
nians without the Roman limits. As the Romans originally entered the Caledonian 
regions on the west, we ought to look for their earliest encampments along the 
track of their first invasions. The fact attests the truth of this intimation. It 
is along the course of the usual communications where we observe the most 
early of the Roman works. On the Roman road from Carlisle through 
Annandale we soon meet with the Roman station at Birrens, near Middleby, 
which Horsley supposed to be the Blatum Bulgium of Antonine's Itinerary (y). 
It is situated on a commodious flat upon the northern bank of the small river 
Mein, having on its east side a rividet which here joins the Mein. It is of a 
rectangular form, and is surrounded by five earthen ramparts and four fosses, 
a part whereof have been carried away by the floods of the river that- once 
formed its ornament and strength {z). As we might easily expect, many 
Roman antiquities have been successively discovered at this station where the 

" throughout the country almost to Corgarf, a distance of about nine miles. The place where it 
"is most distinctly seen is at the well of Glaschoil, a few miles from Corgarf." He adds that 
Captain M'Donald of Gardensdale shewed him another ancient road higher up in the country 
which fii'st appears near the chapel of Abergeldie, and proceeds northward along the hill Gea- 
laig towards Einetton, by Sleadhach, towards Corgarf, the whole extent being about twelve miles. 
These roads, he remarks, go by the name of Roman in the language of those who know them. 
William Farquharson, the laird of Monaltrie, informed me in his letter of the 31st January, 1800 : 
" I have heard of a way near my house of Ballater called the Roman road ; and James Catenach, 
"the schoolmaster of that district, tells me in his letter that there is a place near the bum of 
"TuUich or Altdowrie called the Roman Causewaj." Mr. Farquharson supposes this to be 
the continuation of the same way called the Roman road near his house of Ballater. Both Mi-. 
Farquharson and Mr. Catenach allude to the same road which was first mentioned above by 
Mr. MacGregor as going from the craigs of Ballater northward between Altdowrie and Gaim- 
water. 

(i/) Brit. Eomana, p. 114-15. Eoy says he has done so with good reason. Milit. Antiq., 118. 
(«) See a plan and section of this station in Eoy's Milit. Antiq., pi. xxiv. ; and see Pennant's Tour, 
V. iii., p. 90 ; Maitland's Hist., v. i., p. 191 ; Gordon's Itin., p. IG, pi. i., and addit., p. 27. 



152 A N A C C U X T [Book l.—The Roman Period. 

Romans no doubt remained till their ultimate abdication (o). North-westward 
from Birrens nearly three miles the Romans placed two camps on the side 
of Burrenswark-hill, the summit whereof had been previously occupied by a 
British strength. This is obviously the Trimontium of the ninth Iter of Richard, 
as we have already seen (h). The antiquaries are not agreed by whom those 
Roman camps were placed on the commanding site of Burrenswark-hill, yet 
it is probable that the Roman genius was first attracted by the Selgov^ fort, 
and was afterwards induced to place successively two camps on the declivity of 
this hill by its commodious position. Un the Torwood-moor, about four and 
a half miles north-west from Burrenswark-hill, on the left of the Roman road 
half a mile, there are mutilated remains of a large camp. The greatest part 
of one side, with its two gates, and a portion of each end remain entire. Such 
was its extent that it would have contained ten thousand men (c). As it was 
somewhat dissimilar in its structure from the Roman camps on Burrenswark-hiU, 
it was probably formed by the Roman hands of a different age. In Upper 
Annandale, at Tassieshohn, there are the remains of a redoubt and a large 
entrenchment, which were probably constructed here by the Roman armies 
on their march for a temporaiy accommodation (d). In the parish of Moffat, 
near tlie Roipan road, there are the remains of some large Roman camps, 
which can still be distinctly traced after so many years of waste (e). Besides 
those larger stations, the Romans established within Annandale sundry smaller 
posts, along the course of the Roman road if). On the eminence of Galla- 
herry standing in the centre of the extensive holm between the Annan and 
the Dryfe, there is another small Roman post {g). On the Roman road below 

(a) Gordon's Itin., p. 18; Horsley's Brit. Rom., 207, 341, pi. n°7, ssxii., pi. n°7, sxsiv. ; Pennant, 
V. iii., p. 90-3, and v. ii., p. 406 ; Eoy, p. 119 ; and see tlie Trans, of the Antiq. Soc. Scot., p. 55-166, 
for the several antiquities which were found here and presented to that Society by the late Dr. Clap- 
perton and Mr. A. Copland of Colheston. 

(i) Book i., ch. 2. (c) Eoy, p. 61 and pi. vii. 

id) lb., p. 01, pi. viii. The minister of Kirkpatriok-Juxta mentions the post at Tassieshohn, and 
describes some antiquities which have been found in his vicinity. Stat. Acoo., v. iv., p. 552. 

(e) lb., V. ii., p. 288. 

(/) Beyond the Milk there are the remains of a Roman post which is called Malls-Castle. Roy, 
pi. XXV. North-westward from this post, on the south-west of Lockerby, there is a similar post 
near the great station on Torwood-moor towards the east. There is another Roman post on the 
western extremity of Torwood-moor near the Roman road. Half a mile fui'ther north there 
is a similai- post. From the village of Berngall, on the east side of the Annan, there is a small 
Roman post on a height which stands opposite to a British fort on an adjacent eminence. lb., v. ix., 
p. 425, which speaks of warlike weapons and ancient armour that have been frequently found here. 
See Roy, pi. xxv. 

(0) M. 



Ch. IN.— The Actions of L. Urbicus.'] OfNOETH-BEITAIN. 153 

Wamphray, there is a small Roman post at Girthhead (h). At Cartertown 
in the parish of Hutton there is a small Roman camp, which was probably 
placed here for the purpose of muffling and overawing several British forts 
that are perched on the surrounding heights ; it may have also served as a 
post of communication between Annandale and Eskdale, where the Romans 
had several stations. 

On the angle between the great branches of the Esk a little above their 
junction, the Romans had a station, the remains whereof are now called Castle- 
over or Overby, in contradistinction to the post of Netherby on the Lower 
Esk, whence a Roman road has been traced throughout Eskdale to Castleover. 
Such was the advantage of Castleover that it completely commanded Upper 
Eskdale. On this position there was previously a large British fort, which 
was surrounded by a number of smaller strengths, that were placed on the sum- 
mits of the heights for several miles around (i). It is more than probable 
that Castleover was the Corda of Ptolomy, a town of the Selgovse, wliich he 
places where this is found on the northern extremity of their territories. In 
lower Eskdale, three quarters of a mile eastward from Gilnocky, there are the 
remains of another Roman station, near which a variety of Roman coins and 
sculptured stones have been discovered by excavation (k). Still lower in 
Eskdale the Roman stations were the well known post at Netherby, and a 
smaller post at Liddel Moat, both which are on the English side of the divid- 
ing Esk. 

In Nlthsdale no considerable Roman stations have yet been discovered, 
except the camp on the declivity of Wardlaw-hill, the C/k-e^^wm of Ptolomy and 
Richard. This has been already noticed among the operations of Agricola, by 
whom it is supposed to have been constructed near the Selgovee town of Uxellum. 
On the Roman road which went athwart Annandale and along the eastern 
part of Nithsdale into Strath-Clyde there were several small stations ; particu- 
larly a post near Amisfield-house, and another in the remarkable pass lying 
northward of Durisdeer Church ; both wliich still appear in their distinct 

(A) Roy, p. 104. Upon the Roman Road along the east side of the Annan, in Upper Annandale, 
there are the remains of several small posts of the Roman armies, which had been here constructed on 
their successive marches. Stat. Acco., v. ii., p. 288. 

(i) Stat. Acco., V. xii., p. 614 ; lb., xi., p. 528 ; and Crawford's map of Dumfriesshire. Both on 
the summit of a height, and on the lower ground below, to the southward of Cagtle-Over, there are the 
vestiges of entrenchments, one line running southward and the other east towards the bank of the Esk. 
Roy, p. 120. See a plan of Castle-Over in Roy, pi. xxvi. 

{k) Stat. Acco., V. xiv., p. 421. 

Vol. I. X 



liVl An account [Book I.— The Eomin Perwd. 

remains (1). At Kirkmichael, between Annandale and Nithsdale, there was 
a small Roman station, the site whereof now forms the minister's garden. 
A vicinal way led oft' to it from the Roman road as it passed through Niths- 
dale (n). Though from this great road a Roman way branched off which 
pushed up the vale of Scar river towards Ayrshire, yet the only Roman 
post which has been discovered on the western side of the Nith is the small 
station of Tibhers Castle, opposite to the point whence the Roman road turns 
northward up Carron-water towards Clydesdale (o). 

The Roman stations which have hitherto been discovered in Galloway from 
the Nith westward to Whithorn, have already been described in giving 
an account of the operations in that extensive country of its first invader. We 
have found many footsteps of the Romans in Galloway, but scarcely any in 
Ayrshire ; and these curious circumstances attest more satisfactorily than the 
brief narration of Tacitus, that Agricola entered Galloway from the south, and 
not from the north as antiquaries have supposed. 

We are now to pass into Clydesdale, another great scene of Roman transac- 
tions. Here also shall we find almost all the stations lying along the track 
of the Roman road or in its immediate vicinity. On the sources of this great 
river we may see at Little Clyde, in the parish of Crawford, the remains of a 
Roman post placed upon the northern declivity of Erickstane-brae (p). This is 
obviously the long sought for Gadenica, the town of the Damnii. The ininister 
of Crawford claims for his parish the honour of having three Roman posts within 
it (2) ; but he can only be allowed Gadenica, the other two strengths being 
merely the circular hill-forts of the British people. A few miles lower down 
we come to an undoubted remain of a Roman post, as its square form evinces, 
near the Roman road between Catchapel and Littlegill in the parish of La- 
mington (r). The minister indeed mentions a Roman post on Arbor-hill (s) ; 
but this also is only a British hill-fort, as its remains attest. About seven 
"miles below, near the Roman road and between it and Culter-water opposite 
to Nisbet, there is an undoubted remain of Roman construction, square in its 

(Z) lb., V. i., p. 165 ; Eoy, 105. To this station, whose remains are still distinct, Roy and Ainslie 
tave mistakingiy applied the name of Tihbers Castle, which is, in fact, the name of a very different 
station distant five miles southward on the west side of the Nith. 

(?i) Stat. Acco., V. i., p. 64. 

(o) See a plan of Tibber's Castle in Eoy, pi. xlix., and Crawford's map of Dumfriesshire for its 
position. 

{p) Eoy, p. 104. ((j) Stat. Acco., v. iv., p. 514. 

(»■) Eoy, p. 104 ; and Eoss's map of Lanarkshire. {s) Stat. Acco., v. vi., p. 557. 



Cli. V^.— The Actions of L. Urhicns.'] OfNORTH-BEITAIN. 155 

form, and capacious in its contents [t). From this station two miles and a 
half west-north-west beyond the Clyde, above the village of Symington, there 
are the distinct remains of two Roman camps («). From the station on Culter- 
water about two miles northward there is the remain of another Roman camja, 
as its square form and its location near the Roman road attest; it stands between 
the road and the river where the Clyde makes a remarkable turn opposite to 
Biggar. From this station north-east a mile and a half there is another Ro- 
man post near Biggar on the west, which is now called the Moat ; and this 
camp was obviously intended to command the communication between the 
Clyde and Tweeddale (x). Below Biggar nine miles there is a Roman station, 
which has acquired the appropriate name of Castledyhes, through which passed 
the Roman road {y). Horsley says, indeed, that this station had a large fort 
with many buildings, which were even then to be seen, and where urns and 
coins have been discovered by excavation (z). In this vicinity, as all the co- 
incidences evince, was situated the long-sought for Coria, the town of the 
Daranii, and of the conjectures of the antiquaries ; as, indeed, we have per- 
ceived in tracing the ninth Iter of Richard, which calls for it as a commodious 
stage. From the station at Castledykes two miles there is a large Roman 
camp on the north side of the Mous river, between Cleghorn and Stobbylee. 
This camp is nearly six hundred yards distant from the Roman road on the 
east ; and from its vicinity to Castledykes we may suppose that it was not a 
permanent station (a). On the south side of the Mous there are the vestiges 
of another camp on Lanark-muir ; but as there can be traced only a part of 
the entrenchments on one of the sides and a part of one of its ends, its ori- 
ginal size cannot easily be ascertained (6). At Lanark, wliich is nearly three 
miles from Castledykes, and two miles from the track of the Ptoman road, 
Roy supposes that the Romans had a station, and the Damnii a town, the 
Colania of Ptolomy and Richard. But no remain has yet been discovered 
which would confer the honour of a station on Lanai'k, a shire-town ; and the 
Colania of the Damnii stood undoubtedly on Little Clyde, as we have seen in 

(t) Id., and Ross's map. (m) See Boss's map for their positions. 

(x) See Roy, and Ainslie's map. 

(y) See a plan of Cfiftledijke.i and of tlie adjacent country in Roy, pi. xsvii. Many remains, 
such as pottery, coins, bricks, and a bath, have here been discovered, which indicate this to have 
been a station of great note and long endurance. Stat. Acco., v. xviii., p. 180; v. xv.. p. 10. Roy, p. 
104. 

{£) Brit. Rom., p. .367. 

(a) Roy, p. 62 and pi. ix. He says its dimensions are 610 yards long and 430 broad, and that it 
^as not a permanent camp. 

{b) See Roy's pi. ix. and the Stat. Acco., v. xv.. p. 10. 

X 2 



155 A tJ ACCOUNT [Book l— The Roman Period. 

our progress (c). Proceeding down the vale of Clyde, from Castledykes four- 
teen miles we find another Roman station on the east bank of the river below 
the church of Dalziel. This station is distant more than a mile from the Ro- 
man road on the left which goes on to the Roman wall (d). Below this station 
nearly two miles there is a small Roman post on the banks of the river Calder, 
which seems to have been intended to protect tlie ford, as the road passed the 
Calder at this place (e) Below the post at Calder ten miles there is supposed 
to have been a station, whence a road pretty certainly diverged to Paisley (f). 
The road we have traced, but this doubtful station has been lost for ever. 
The fact is that the Roman wall came too near to the site of Glasgow to 
require a station, and being within the Roman province and near the Roman 
sentinels, the ford at Glasgow could be safely passed without a protecting post; 
nor has any Roman station yet been found, where none was requisite, between 
Glasgow and the wall. 

But no one has ever denied to Paisley the honour of a Roman station at 
Vanduaria, a town of the Damnii. Sir R. Sibbald and Horsley speak of the 
visible remains of a Roman station at this busy place. The expansion of the 
town and the cultivation of the countiy have almost obliterated the Roman 
remains. The bowling-green, however, on the commanding height, is said by 
tradition to denote the Prcetorium of the Roman fort. The British name of 
the Damnian town seems obviously to have been derived from the vicinity of 
the White-Caixt to which the station extended ; Wen-dur signifying in the 
British the tvhite water; and this Celtic appellation was easily latinized by the 
Romans into Vanduar-ia ; as Esc was converted into Esica, and Alan into Alauna 
(g). Beyond Paisley on the west no Roman station has yet been found, though 
some roads have been traced and coins and armour have been found, as we 
have seen. It was the opinion of the learned Mr. David Buchanan, says Sir R. 

(c) See Eoy, p. 122, where lie says, without authority, "that the Castlehill is indisputably a Boman 
" fort ; for here and in the adjacent fields coins have been found, particularly a medal of Faustina." 
But this castle was merely baronial, and coins might well be found where so many Eomans dropt them. 
See Stat. Acco., v. xv., p. 12. 

(rf) See Eoss's map of Lanarkshire. 

(e) A little more than twenty years ago, said the minister of Dalziel in 1792, this fort was pretty 
entire, but cultivation has now gi-eatly encroached upon it. Stat. Acco., v. iii., p. 458. 

(/) But for this station and road Eoy relies on the obscure intimation of Gordon the tourist, who 
was not much to be trusted. Milit. Antiq., IOC. 

(g) In the beginning of the last century there existed at Paisley the remains of a large Eoman 
camp, with its Pretorium, on the rising ground called Oakshawhead, which overlooks the sur- 
rounding country and the town of Paisley. The Pretorium was not large, but was well fortified 



Ch. lY.—r/ie Action.'^ of L. Urlncus.'] r IT E T H - B I? I T A I N . 157 

Sibbald, that there was a Roman camp on the Clyde where New-Glaso-ow 
stands, and where appeared the vestiges of a tower ; but no such camp has yet 
appeared to more accurate eyes, and the tower to wliich he alludes was either 
the old castle of Newark, or the eastern castle of Greenock, that he idly mis- 
took for a Roman post (h). 

If we pass, however, from Biggar, through the natural opening of the 
country, into Tweeddale, we shall discover Roman stations. The principal post 
in this country was the Roman camp at Lyne church, about ten miles east- 
ward from the Roman position at Biggar, the guard of the natural road into 
the interior country. This camp was placed upon a rising ground, on the east- 
ern side of the river Lyne, in a kind of amphitheatre, which is surrounded by 
hills. It is of an oblong form, and was defended by three strong ramparts 
and two large fosses, having a regular entrance on each of its sides ; on the 
west it was further defended by a bank forty feet high, along which flowed 
the Lyne ; the same bank and the river continued round the south side, 
though at a greater distance, the trench of the camp being a hundred and fifty 
yards from the top of the bank, which was artfully scarped away to augment 
the strength of the defences (i). The minister of Lyne says, that the road lead- 
ing to the camp visibly runs through the present glebe (k). Neither Roy nor 
Park speak of this road ; yet, Armstrong, the surveyor of Peeblesshire, men- 
tions a redoubt and a causeway on the eastward of the station (I). Pennicuik 
was the first who published any notice of this station. In speaking of Lyne, 

with three fosses and ramparts of earth, which were then so high that men on horseback could not 
see over them. The camp itself, says Mr. William Dunlop, who was the Principal of the College 
of Glasgow, and royal historiographer, " took in all the rising ground, and by the vestiges seems 
" to have reached to the Cart. Upon the north side the agger or rampart goeth along the foot of the 
" hill, and if it be allowed to go as far upon the other side, it hath inclosed all the ground 
" upon which the town of Paisley standeth, which may be reckoned about a mUe in circuit." The 
fonn of this camp appears to have been much the same with the Roman camp at Ardoch. In the 
vicinity of this station there are two small posts, somewhat larger than the Pretorlum of the large 
camp, but of the same form, the one on the west upon the lands of Woodside, and the other on the 
south upon the lands of Castlehead, each about half a mile from the large station. The description 
of Eenfrewshire, as quoted by Sir Eobert Sibbald, Eoman Antiq., p. 36 ; and Orawfurd's Hist, of 
Renfrewshire, p. 5, on the same point. 

(A) Eom. Antiq., 38. 

(0 This description is chiefly given from an accurate survey of this station, which was made by 
Mr. Mungo Park, in October 1802. Both Gordon and Eoy represent the parallel sides as of equal 
length, but the difference in Mi-. Park's measurement may be owing to the imperfect state of the 
remains. Eoy's measurement is 850 feet long and 770 feet broad, including the ramparts. The 
interior area, extending to between six and seven Scots acres, has been often ploughed, when coins are 
said to have been found. Stat. Acco., v. xii., p. 9 and 564. 

(/•) Id. (/) Companion to the Map, 64. 



158 A N A C C U N T [Book I.— The Roman Period. 

he says, " here is to be seen the remauis of a large camp, near half a mile in 
" circuit, which is strongly fenced with dry and double ditches, and which 
" the people call to this day Randal's walls {in)." From the central situa- 
tion of this Roman camp, in the middle of Tweeddale, it must have commanded 
the whole country ; and it is curious to remai'k that, even in the present times, 
the great roads leading from Strath-clyde on the west, from Selkirk and Rox- 
burgh on the east, from the Lothians on the north, and from Dumfriesshire 
on the south-west, all meet at a central point three quarters of a mile east of 
Lyne (n). In Tweeddale, which had its communication with Clydesdale, and 
could thus command the interior, there have been discovered by active curi- 
osity, some other Roman camps, but of less consequence than Randal's Walls. 
From this station, distant nine miles in Linton parish, there is a Roman camp, 
at Upper Whitefield on the north ; it is in the form of a parallelogi-am, and 
its dimensions and area, says Gordon, are much the same as the well-known 
camp at Ardoch (o). The minister of Manor claims the honour of a Roman 
camp for his parish, which he supposes to be pretty enthe, and to exist near 
a tower upon an eminence commanding a most extensive view {p). Armstrong, 
who was also ambitious of R,oman discoveries, could not find any Roman camp 
in Manor parish {q). 

In the wild country of Ettrick forest, which long after Roman times was 
covered with wood, there has not yet been explored any Roman post. The 
Romans, however, seem to have delighted to hunt, in this well-stocked forest. 

(til) Description of Tweeddale, 1715, p. 19: "It got this name says Annstrong, from a popular 
" tradition, tliat the famous Randolph, the Earl of Murray, had a house in the area." Companion to 
the Map of Peebles, p. 65. Gordon fu'st gave a plan of this camp. Itin. pi. lii. Eoy gives a drawing 
of this camp. Milit. Antiq., pi. xxviii. 

(«) There are the remains of several British forts on the heights around this Eoman station, within 
the circuit of a few miles, particularly one on Hamildun-hill, on the north, one on east Happrew, 
on the south, one on Hound-hill, one on Caver-hill, and the vestiges of others on other 
heights. 

(o) Itin. Septent., 114 ; Armstrong's Comp. to the Map of Peebles, 59. Gordon, who eagerly 
•connects this camp with the name of Romaruw in the neighbourhood, says, this camp is only one mile 
north-west from that place ; but in fact, it is at least three and a half statute miles northward of 
Romanno, where Armstrong the surveyor could find no vestige of any Eoman works. Companion, 74. 

{p) Some years ago a Eoman urn and some ancient coins were here discovered by the plough. 
Stat. Acco., V. iii., p, 388. The tower which is alluded to above, is no doubt the lofty ruin on a steep 
knoll, called Castle-hill, on the west side of Manor-water, above Manor-town. 

{q) He found, however, in this parish, what he might have seen every where, British hill-forts in 
several parts of Manor parish. Comp. to the Map, and his Map of Peeblesshire. Near Traquaii-, on 
the southern side of the Dale, an octangular vase of brass, which is doubtless of Eoman workmanship. 



Ch. IV.— The Actions of L. Urbicus.'] Of NOETH-BKITAIN. 1.59 

In a moss near Selkirk there have been found the skulls of the urus, with a 
Eoman spear, which seems to have been used in killing those powerful animals (r). 
Within the modern limits of Selkirkshire there was indeed a Roman post in 
Eoberton parish for overawing the circumjacent forts of the British people in 
western Teviotdale. 

The same policy dictated to the Roman officers the establishment of some 
posts in Ldddesdale. On the farm of Fhght, near the old castle of Clintwood, is 
a Eoman fort, which is surrounded by two ramparts of earth. The remain is of 
a square form, extending a hundi-ed and sixty-eight feet on every side. It was 
obviously placed here to oppose a British hill-fort, which still appears in its 
vicinity. In the south-west of Liddesdale there was placed on the commodious 
side of a hUl another Roman post, which was surrounded by a rampart eighteen 
feet high. It was plainly opposed to the British fort on Carbyhill (s). These 
two Roman posts, the one on the east and the other on the west, probably 
commanded the narrow district of Liddesdale. 

Teviotdale exhibits many more remains of Eoman posts than the foregoing 
districts, as it was much more populous, and as it was intersected by the Eoman 
road which came dowai from Northumberland by the name of the Watling Stree{, 
and passed upward through Lauderdale. At Bonjedworth, on the angle be- 
tween the Jed and Teviot, there are some vestiges of a Eoman station near the 
course of the Eoman road (a). On the border of Maxton parish there are the 
conspicuous remains of a Eoman camp {b). On the west of the E,oman road,- 
after it has passed the river Kail, there is also a Eoman post (c). Between 
Bedrule and Newton, a mile eastward from Eule water, there is a Eoman post' 
of a square form, which is surrounded by a fosse and rampart. It overlooks a 
British fort which opposes it about half a mile on the west {d). In the parish 
of Cavers, amidst several British strengths, there is a Eoman post which ob- 
structed their ancient influence. "Within the parish of Eoberton, on the 

was fouud, and presented by the Earl of Traquair to tlie Antiquary Society of Edinburgh. Acco. of 
this Society, p. 555. 

(?•) Those remains were presented to the Antiquaiy Society of Edinbui'gh. Stat. Acco., v. ii., p. 448. 

(i) Stat. Acco., V. xvi., p. 83. On the farm of Shortbut-trees in this vicinity were dug out of a moss 
some copper and brass vessels of antique construction, which were given to the Duke of Buccleuch. 
lb., 80. From the many matters of Eoman manufacture which have been dug from the bottom of 
mosses, we might infer that those mosses did not exist in Eoman times. 

(a) Eoy, p. 102. Ainslie represents a Eoman camp on the angle of the two great branches of the 
Jed on the south side of Teviotdale. 

(b) Stat. Acco., V. x., p. 294. (c) Ainslie's map of Scotland. (d) Stat. Acco., v. xv., p. 563. 



160 AnACCOUNT [Book I.— The lioman Period. 

Borthwick water, there is a camp which the country people call Africa, and 
which was judiciously placed amid several forts of the Britons on the surrounding 
heights (e). At the Eldon hills in northern Teviotdale the Romans had a 
considerahle station below, while there was a large forti'ess of the British people 
on the summit above [f). It has, indeed, been supposed that the Romans 
merely converted the British strengths into a stronger work [g). The Romans 
did certainly convert several British forts into more defensible posts, where the 
situations were advantageous ; but their permanent stations were more com- 
modiously placed than on steejjy crags. Their station here appears to have been 
situated at the northern base of the hill near Melrose (h). Around the British 
strength on the Eldon hills, which seems to have been of commanding force, 
there appears to have been several British forts of smaller size. Some of these 
the Romans converted into more defensible posts. Sudi was their fort on 
Caldshiels hill, two miles west-south-west of the Eldon hills (i). The smaller 
strengths of Row-chester at Kippila-mains, and Black-chester, southward of 
Glarilaw, appear also to have been converted from British forts to Roman 
posts. Row-chester is two miles and Black-chester three and a half miles south- 
ward of Eldon hills (JS). 

(e) lb., V. xi., p. 545. (/) Roy, pi. xxi., wliicli gives a view of the surrounding country. 

{(j) Milne's Melrose, p. 45. 

(Ji) lb., 44-5. There have been many Roman coins found here. Id. There are, indeed, some 
traces of entrenchments near the village of Eldon. Roy, 116. And there are some other further 
northward near Melrose. The Watling-Street went past this station in its course northward beyond the 
Tweed. 

{{) This fort is nearly of a square form, 200 yards long and 180 yards broad, having the corners 
rounded off. The area, extending to more than seven acres, is surrounded by an earthen rampart and 
fosse, and another rampart and fosse encompass the hill about fifty feet below. The Romans added a 
square redoubt on the south side extending to about half an acre, which was defended by a rampart 
and fosse. Mi'. Kinghom's MS. Survey in Februar}', 1803. 

(Jc) The post of Eow-chester, which stands on a gentle eminence, is in the form of a parallelogram, 
having the angles rounded. It was fortified by a strong rampart and large fosse, enclosing an area 
of two and a half acres. Mr. Kinghorn's MS. Survey. Eow-chester is also the name of a Roman 
fort near Severus's wall ; Roe-ohester is the name of the Roman station in Reedsdale ; and Ro- 
chester in Kent derives its name from a Roman fort. The Bow, Ro, Roe are probably the 
English forms of the Scottish Raw, Ra, Rae, as we see the word in Rae-dikes, the Roman 
camp at Urie, and also the Roman camp at Glenmeilin. The word is probably derived from the 
British Rha and Gaelic Ra, signifying a fortified place, a fort. The L-ish Ratfis have the same 
origin, the (th) being quiescent. Black-chester is situated on a gentle eminence northward of the Ale 
water. It is also a parallelogram, with the angles rounded. It was defended b}' a strong rampart and a 
double ditch. It was considerably larger than Row-chester at Kippilaw mains. Mr. Kinghom's MS. 
Survey. 



Ch. IV.— The Actions of L. Urbiai.<:.^ OfNOETH-BEITAIN. 161 

These three strengths were connected by a military road of a smgular kind, 
which runs from the strength on Caldshiels hill south-south-east nearly three 
miles to the post of Row-chester, and from it south-east a mile and a half to the 
camp of Black-chester. This military road was mentioned by Milne in 1743, 
and by the minister of Bowden lately (I). It is described by Mr. Kinghorn, 
who surveyed it in 1803, as being in general about forty feet broad, but in some 
places fifty, where the unevenness of the ground required such a breadth. It 
was plainly formed by scooping the earth from the sides, an operation which 
left the middle high ; there is a ditch on each side from twelve to twenty-eight 
feet wide, whence the earth was thrown up so as to form a mound on the 
outside of the excavation. No part of this road appears to have been paved 
with stones. It does not go straight forward, but in several places takes a 
bend (m). This remain is so different from all the Roman Roads in North- 
Britain, that it is not easy to suppose it to have been constructed by Roman 
hands. It may have been the work of the Romanized Britons during their 
struggles after the Roman abdication. When they reoccupied their strengths, 
on that sad occasion, they may have imitated the policy of the Romans in 
connecting their posts by a military way upon a plan that was adapted to their 
own purpose. Unlike the Roman roads this military work appears to have 
answered all the uses of a covered way. This singular work is in some 
respects similar to the Catrail which runs athwart the country in a similar 
direction, but considerably to the westward of this covered way. The Catrail 
in its perfect state must have resembled a lane with a high rampart of earth on 
either side ; it was thus obviously intended as a work of defence, though it 
may have also answered the useful purpose of a covered way. The object of 
the military road before mentioned appears to have been to furnish a defensible 
passage between those neighbouring strengths. It was probably formed at an 
earlier period than the Catrail, when the Romanized Britons had been driven 
back from the country through which it passes. It is remarkable that though 
this military road leads directly up to the strength on Caldshiels hill and to the 
fort of Black-chester, yet it passes Row-diester at the distance of four hundred 
yards westward, sending off two branches, one to the south and the other to the 
north side of the fortress. This circumstance shows clearly that this work was 
intended as a covered way between those several strengths. From slight 
appearances this remarkable work is supposed to have crossed the Ale water 

(/) Account of Melrose, p. 48 ; Stat. Account, v. xvi., p. 240. 

(»«) The minister of Bowden says that various warlike weapons have at different times been du? up 
in the vicinity of this work and in the adjacent mosses. Stat. Account, v. xvi.. p. 240. 
Vol. I. T 



162 AnACCOUNT [Book I.— The Roman Period 

soutliward to a strength on Bewlie hill, and from thence south-eastward a mile 
and a half to the ancient fort above Rawflat on the height. From Caldshiels 
hill two miles northward there is the strength of Castlesteads on a gentle 
eminence at Kidside. From Castlesteads a similar covered way to that above 
described, if not the same, has been traced westward nearly a mile to the 
Netherbarnford on the Tweed, and it seems even to have here passed the river 
into the country beyond it, though the occupations of peace have obliterated 
what the results of war had constructed (n). 

From the British fort on Eldon hills to the strength on Caldshiels hUl west- 
ward two and a half miles, there are a fosse and rampart which appear to have 
been carried throughout the distance between those fortresses as a defensible 
bovmdary. The fosse was dug from twelve to fifteen feet broad, and nine or 
ten feet deep ; the rampart was formed of the earth which was thrown up from 
the ditch upon the north side, to which the ground throughout the distance 
natvu'ally slopes (o). This defensible boundary, like Herrit's dike, extending 
from Lauderdale to Berwick, is to be referred probably to the Romanized 
Britons at the epoch of the Roman abdication, and with other remains of a 
similar nature, somewhat illustrate the darkest period of the British annals. 

With the Wailing Street, we now pass from the interesting district of Teviot- 
dale into the vale of the Leader, the Lauderdale of more recent times. We here 
may see the Roman post of Chestei'lee three and one half miles up the dale, west- 
ward of the Leader half a mile. This strength forms a square of one hundred 
and sixty yards on either side, with the angles rounded off to suit the position. 
Chesterlee was defended by a double fosse and a strong rampart of earth which 
cultivation has levelled. A part of the area has been planted. Standing on an 
eminence, this Roman post overlooks several strengths of the Britons in the 
circumjacent country. From Chesterlee westward five hundred yards was 
placed the smaller station of Ridgeivalls, which from its gentle eminence com- 
manded several forts of the Britons, both on the north and on the south. The 
Roman post of Ridgewcdls is of an oblong rectangular form, and was defended 
by three fosses and earthen ramparts. The interior area measures eighty-five 
yards long and thirty -seven yards broad {p). In Lauderdale, along the course 
of the Watling Street there were several British hill-forts, which were converted 
by Roman art into defensible posts. At Old Lauder was such a post, which 
was defended by a fosse and rampart. And from it led down a military road 

(n) Milne's Melrose, 55-5 ; Mr. Kingdom's MS. Survey, 
(o) Milne's Melrose, 46 ; Kinghom's MS. Surve}', 1803. 
{p) Both Chesterlee and Eidgewalls were surveyed by Mr. Kinghorn in November, 1803. 



Ch. TV.— The Actions of L. Urbicus.] OpNOETH-BEITAIN. 163 

to the Watling Street at some distance eastward. Farther up the dale, two 
miles from Old Lauder, there was the British fort of Black- Chester, which was 
obviously converted by Roman policy into a defensible post ; as it was advan- 
tageously situated on the Watling Street; and as it overlooked several strengths 
of the Britons in the circumjacent country (p). But the Roman station of 
greatest consequence in this district is the camp at Channelkirk in Upper 
Lauderdale . This station appears to have been of considerable extent, though 
cultivation has obscured its magnitude. The church, chm-chyardj and the 
minister's glebe, of Channelkirk, containing nearly five acres, are comprehended 
in the area of this singvUar camp [r). 

If from Lauderdale we turn to the right into the Merse, we shall find the 
most considerable station of the Romans in this district at Chester-knows. It 
stands on the bank of the White Adder, eight miles west-north-west from 
Berwick, and five miles east from Dunse. It was of an oblong rectangular 
form ; the length being from east to west along the river ; and it was defended 
by a triple line of ramparts, which have all yielded to the repeated attacks of 
the husbandman (s). The only other Roman station which time and chance 
have yet discovered in Berwickshire is a small post on St. Abb's head, ten 
miles north-north-east from Chester-knoivs. While this post possesses the 
eastern extremity of the height, a British strength occupies the western at the 
distance of half a mile. Further westward three furlongs there was another 
British strength, which, with the former, were both commanded by the Roman 
post (t). 

From St. Abb's head along the coast to Inveresk, no Roman camp has yet 
been discovered, whatever antiquaries may have supposed (w). The minister 

(q) I owe tliose notices to Mr. Kinghom's Survey in November, 1803. 

(r) In the vrest side there was a gate, which was obviously covered by a traverse, and a remark- 
able redoubt projects from the south-west angle. Eoy, p. 61, pi. vi. ; and Mr. Kinghom's MS. Survey 
in 1803. 

(*■) The ramparts remained pretty entire till 1765, when they were inspected by Dr. Anderson, the 
minister of the parish. Stat. Account, v. xiv., p. 32-3. At this station was foimd, by excavation, 
a Eoman moletrina in 1796. lb., 45-50. From Chesterknows, at some distance northward, was 
discovered in 1788 a Eoman sepulchre of considerable magnitude on Billiemire in the parish of Chim- 
side. Id., 30-1. 

(t) See Blackadder's map of Berwickshire. Ainslie has somewhat misplaced this Eoman post, and he 
seems to have gone beyond his authorities in carrying up to it the Eoman road, though the Eomana 
must have had a way to their post. 

(") Maitland speaks of a tradition which placed a Eoman camp at Dunbar, where no remains 
have been found ; and the Statistical Account is silent, though it particularizes every ancient remain. 



164 An ACCOUNT [Bookl.— The Eoman Period. 

of Humbie mentions, indeed, that a Eoman Castellum is still to be seen on the 
lands of Whiteburgh. This fort, .which occupies more than an acre of ground, 
stands on a lofty summit in the western parts of this parish. It is of a circular 
form, and is defended by three walls, which are at the distance of fifteen feet 
from each other, and which are built of large stones with cement at the founda- 
tion of each. He considers this circular hill-fort, thus surrounded by walls of 
stone, as a Roman castle, Ijecause there have been found in it a medal of Trajan, 
a fibula, a patera, and the horn of a mouse deer (x). But might not a British 
chief have carried all these into his stronghold as the spoils of war or the gifts 
of peace ? This castle is not more than three and a half miles east-north-east 
from the Itinerary station of Carrie on the Gore water, a town of the Gadeni. 

Mid-Lothiau much more abounds in Roman antiquities. The Roman ofiicers 
seem to have had many villas along its salubrious shore. At Fisherrow, at 
Musselburgh, at Inveresk, many Roman remains have been found at various 
times; and these show that the Romans had a post at Fisher-row, and a post at 
Inveresk (y). At SherifiPhall, the Roman camp is of a squai'e form, and is of a 
large size ; and a hamlet near it bears the appropi'iate name of Camp-end (z). 
From Sheriffhall south-east, distant four and a half miles, there is a Roman 
camp of a smaller size, which stands on a commanding site upon the southern 
extremity of the hiUy ridge that runs along the eastern side of Newbattle parish 
(a). This j)ost is of a quadrangular form, comprehending in its area about three 
Scots acres, and having an opening to the south-east (6). From this cora- 

Tlie traJitiou refers to a British strength on the summit of the Z)Hn hill, two miles south from Dmibar, 
or perhaps to a similar strength of the Britons three miles south from Dunbar, which Forrest has 
denominated a Eoman camp in his map of Haddingtonshire. Maitland also states that there is 
a Roman camp on Camp hill near Haddington on the north-east. Hist. Scot., i., p. 202. The 
Statistical Accounts are altogether silent. Maitland perhaps alluded to a large fort of the Britons, 
which as usual is called Chesters, near Haddington on the north. See Forrest's map, and Armstrong's 
map of the Lothians. 

(,(■) Stat. Account, v. vi., 1G2. 

(jj) An altar dedicated Appolini Grardo was dug up at Inveresk before the age of Camden. Brit., 
1607, p. 13 ; Sib. Rom. Antiq., 33. Coins and medals have also been found here. A bath has been 
laid open to the eye of curiosity. Stat. Account, v. xvi., p. 4, 5. From Inveresk a causeway led 
southward to the Roman camp at Sheriffhall, three miles distant on the south. Id. Another Roman 
road traversed the coast to Cramond, a well known Roman port. 

(z) See Armstrong's map of the Lothians for the camp at Sheriffhall, which exhibits it in a square 
form. 

(a) Its site is 680 feet above the level of the sea, and overlooks the Lothians, the Forth, and the 
shore of Fife. 

(S) Armstrong's map of the Lothians ; Stat. Account, v. x., p. 213 ; and the Rev. John Clunie's 
MS. Description. 



Cli. IV.— T fie A vfions of L. UvMcits.] OfNORTH-BEITAIN. 165 

maiiding position three miles south there is the remain of a Roman station 
at Cume, on the Gore water. Every circumstance attests Currie to have been 
a Roman post. It is plainly the Curia of the fifth Iter of Richard ; and of 
course the Gadeni town. The Watling Street, in its course northward, passed 
this position, as did the fifth Iter on its progress southward. The concurrence 
of the name, the distance of its position from Antonine's wall, the coincidence 
of the situation, all evince that this was the Curia of the Gadeni, however 
antiquaries have misplaced that British town (o). In the vicinity of Currie has 
been discovered a Pioman altar of a quadrangular form, which was raised upon 
a strong foundation. There is another Roman altar of the same figure and 
dimensions in tlie burying ground at Borthwick church, near the same interest- 
ing place (c^). In this vicinity, which abounds with antiquities, on the farm of 
Catcune, a mile below Currie, there is the remain of a British strength that is 
called the Chesters. In the middle of this fort there is an immense round whin- 
stone, which the cultivators of the soil have not been yet able to dig up, from its 
sitfast hold ; and from it, distant a hundred yards, there are several sepulchral 
trunuli. It is curious to remark that the prefix, in the name of Cat-cnne, 
where those remains exist, signifies, in the British and Gaelic languages, a 
battle, which the tumuli also indicate to have been once fought at Cat-cune (e). 
It is probable that there was a Roman post on the North Esk, near Mavisbank, 
where the Watling Street enabled the Roman troops to press forward to 

(c) On Eichard's map Curia is placed as far southward as Bremenium, in opposition to liis own 
text. Eoy and Whitaker have confounded Curia with the Coria of the Damnii. 

(d) The Eev. John Clunie's MS. Account. He also states that in this vicinity, upon the lands of 
Middleton, there are five rows of terraces above one another, in the face of a sloping bank which over- 
looks a pleasant valley, and these are called Chesters, a name which always intimates some warlike 
works. 

(e) The Eev. Mr. Clunie's MS. Account. He examined at my request all those remains 
with the tenant of the lands. On a plain half a mile east from Currie there are a number of 
sepulchral tumuli, which have disclosed earthen pots containing half-burnt human bones. Near 
the same tumuli have been dug up from the plain ground, only a foot or a foot and a half under 
the surface, earthen unis containing ashes, with half-burnt bones. From all circumstances it is 
reasonable to believe that the earthen pots which were found under the tumuli contained the 
remains of the Britons, while the urns that were ploughed up from the surface contained the ashes 
of the Eomans. It is apparent from all those coincidences that the Eoman legionaries and the 
Gadeni people had on this scene met in bloody conflict, the one to attack, and the other to 
defend the British town. In this neighbourhood were those altars erected, and three miles north, 
ward from CuiTie was placed the Eoman camp in Newbottle parish. I owe my thanks to the 
Rev. Ml-, Clunie of Borthwick for almost all those antiquities of this interesting spot on the Gore 
water. 



166 AnACCOUNT [Book I.— The Roman Period. 

Cramond, and the wall(y). At Ravelrig, eight miles south-south-west from 
Cramond, stood a Roman post, a little eastward from the hill, which was 
occupied on the summit by a British fort, whence the hill was named Castle- 
hank (g). But the most interesting station of the Romans in Mid-Lothian 
was Cramond, the Caer-amon of the Britons, the Alaterva of the Romans (h). 
At the mouth of the Almond, upon the eastern side, the Romans had their naval 
station from early times till their final departure from the shoi-es of the Forth. 
Here have been discovered the mole, which they had founded on the rock, 
the Roman altars, their coins, and medals, and pottery, and lime-kiln, and an 
anchor, the evidence of the port, and a pavement, the proof of the town (i). 
Cramond, as we have seen, communicated by a road eastward with Inveresk, 
and westward to the wall. 

West-Lothian has its full share of Roman antiquities. The Romans seem to 
have had a villa at Linlithgow, where the Gadeni had previously a town {k). 
Yet Camden and his followers cannot be allowed to place the Lindum of 
Ptolomy and Richard at Xin-lith-gow, which demonstration has fixed at 

(_/") Near Mavisbank many Roman antiquities have been found. Eoy, 103 ; Stat. Account, v. x., p. 
286. 

(g) See Armstrong's map of the Lotbians ; and tlie Stat. Account, vol. v., p. 326. From Castle- 
bank eastward tkree and a half miles there is the remain of another Eoman post on Lady hill. Id. 
In the south-west extremity of Mid-Lothian, not far from the town of Crosswoodburn, there is a Eoman 
post in a pretty entire state. It stands on a most commanding situation upon the summit of an 
eminence called Castlegreg, near the passage of the ridge which separates Lothian from Clydesdale, and 
over which passes the present road to Lanark. In the environs of Castlegreg have been dug up several 
Eoman coins that displayed the Eoman eagle, though the inscriptions were defaced. Stat. Account, 
V. xviii., p. 196. 

(A) The fort stood at the influx of the Almond river into the Forth, hence the Britons called the site 
Caer-amon or fort on the Almond, and this descriptive name has been abbreviated by pronunciation to 
Craynon, to which ignorance has added a (d), so as to form Cramond. 

(i) Sibbald's Eom. Antiq., p. 33 ; Gordon's Itin., p. 116-17; Horsley's Brit. Eom., p. 204-5; Wood's 
Cramond, p. 11, 12. Among many coins that have been fotmd at Cramond, there was discovered 
here a medal of Diocletian, who died in 316 a.d., having on the reverse a genius, with the appropriate 
inscription Genio Populi Eomani. This medal alone evinces, as Horsley indeed i-emarks, how late the 
Eomans retained this naval station. 

{k) Sir E. Sibbald is positive upon this point. Hist, of Linlithgowshire, p. 15. But he does not 
say that any remains of a station have been here found. A discovery was, however, made in 1781 
which supports the probability of there having been a Eoman villa on this elegant site, which was 
afterwards occupied by a royal palace. In the Burrow moor was turned up by the plough a Eoman 
urn which contained many Eoman coins of Vespasian, Domitian, Hadrian, Trajan, Antoninus Pius, 
Marcus Aurelius, and Faustina. Three hundred of these coins were presented to the Antiquarian 
Society of Edinburgh by Robert Clerk, the respectable provost of Linlithgow. Antiq. Transac, 
p. 60. 



Ch. III.— The Actions of L. Urbicus.^ OfNOETH-BRITAIN. 167 

Ardoch (l). There is mucli more reason to believe, as Bede indeed has 
intimated, that the Romans placed several posts, as exploratory forts, along the 
bank of the Forth from Cramond to Caer-riden (to). Near Queensferry, the 
castle of Abercorn, and Springfield, those posts are supposed, by various 
antiquaries, to have stood as stronger or weaker intimations struck different 
minds (n). It is, however, certain that the Romans during many ages were 
busily employed along this track, and must have dropped many relics which 
mark their footsteps, illustrate their policy, and exhibit their arts. But there 
has never been any doubt of there having been a Roman station at Caer-riden ; 
as the name imports, and as the termination of the wall evinces (o). The Romans 
found a shelter for their vessels, while they carried on theu' intercourse at 
Blackness, distant from Caer-riden two miles eastward on the shore of the 
Forth ip). 

The wall of Antonine appears to have been strengthened and defended, as 
we have seen, by nineteen forts, judiciously placed within two miles of each 
other, exclusive of the stations at Caer-riden and Kirkpatrick (q). At Dun- 
glas they doubtless had a fort, as well as a harbour for their ships in the 
Clyde (r). But as their shipping must have been embarrassed, and their 
prcBtentm-a enfeebled by the shoal at Dumbuck, the principal harbour, as well 
as the commodious mart of the Ptomans, must have been at Dunbarton, the 
Theodosia of the lower empire (s). Such, then, were the Roman stations in 
Valtntia. 

During those times the Romans possessed many posts in Vespasiana, 
which we are now to survey. The remarkable peninsula of Fife was first in- 
vaded bythem, under Agricola, in 83 A.D., when its inhabitants, the Horestii, were 

{I) The antiquaries were deluded into that conceit merely by the likeness of the prefix Lin in both 
the names, as they did not advert to the distance and the location. 

(m) Smith's Bede, p. 50 ; Sibbald's Hist. Linlithgow, p. 20 ; Stat. Accoimt, v. i., p. 238 ; Id., v. xx., 
p. 399; Eoy, p. 13C. 

(«) Id. 

(o) Sibbald's Hist. Linlithgow, p. 19. Gordon shows how many Roman antiquities have been found 
at Caer-riden. Itin. Septent., p. 61, pi. li. Since the ages of Sibbald and Gordon other remains have 
been found where many once existed. In 1741, says the minister of Caer-riden, there were found here 
by excavation axes, pots, and vases, which, as they were evidently Roman, were sent to the Advocates' 
Library at Edinburgh. Stat. Account, v. i., p. 100. 

(p) Roy, p. 164. {q) lb., p. 157-64, pi. xxxv. (r) Id. 

(5) Roy places Theodosia at Dunbarton on his Mappa Romana ; and Richard meant to place it 
at the same commodious position, yet carried it to the issue of Loch-Lomond. Neither Gordon 
nor Horsley found any remains at Dunbarton, yet Dr. Irvine, as we are assured by Sir R. Sib- 
bald, found, about the year 1686, the remains of a Roman fort at Dunbarton, the Alchiid of the 
Britons. 



168 A N A C C U N T [Book l.—The Roman Period. 

subdued. Even at that early epoch, the Roman navy which surveyed the whole 
Forth, may have found a harbour at Bruntisland, where nature had placed a com- 
modious port. On the easten base of Dunairn hill, a mile from the port, the Ro- 
mans probably placed a camp in early times {t). On the western summit of this 
height the Horestii had a fort, which was thus strong from its position, and 
was made more defensible by art {^l). This Roman camp remained very dis- 
tinct to the days of Sibbald, who often mentions it, and speaks of the prcetorium 
as a square of a hundred paces diameter, and as called by the country people 
the Tournament, where many Roman medals have been found (x). On the left 
of this naval station near Carnock, on the south the Romans had in those 
times a camp, the remains whereof may still be traced, though cultivation has 
done much to obliterate them. The existence of this camp will always be 
attested by the name of its site {y). At Loch-Ore, ten miles from the frith, there 
was a Roman camp, ^vhich antiquaries suppose, with great reason, to have been 
the same camp where the gallant Horestii attacked the ninth legion of Agri- 
cola (2). This camp, which, we have seen, was pitched among the strongest forts 

(<) It is popularly called Ayricola's camp, but this tradition is not older probably than the writings 
of Sir E. Sibbald. 

(a) The area on the summit was surrounded by a rampart of stones, and lower down in the 
face of the hill another wall encompassed the whole. Sibbald's Roman Camps, p. 5-15 ; Stat. 
Account, V. ii., p. 429. On the north there was another fort on the summit of Bonie Iiill. In this 
vicinity, on the north-west, there are several sepulchral tumuli wherein have been found urns 
containing ashes, and stone chests comprehending human bones. Sibbald's Eom. Camps, p. 9, 11, 18. 
The minister of Bruntisland also mentions several baiTOws on the heights of Orrock and Babie, half a 
njile northwai'd from Dunairn hill, wherein human bones have been discovered by excavation. Stat. 
Account, V. ii., p. 429. 

(x) Sibbald's Roman Forts, p. 11-15. He also says that Roman coins and sculptured stones have 
■faeen discovered at Orrock. lb., 9. A coin of Antoninus Pius has been found near Bruntisland. 
Trans. Antiq. Soc. Edinbui'gh, p. 70. 

(«) It is called Camps, and two adjoLuing hamlets are named East Camp and West Camp. Ainslie's 
map ; Stat. Account, v. xi., p. 497. In the vicinity of this camp the Horestii appear to have had a 
fortress on Cacneil hiU, as, indeed, the British prefix Caer, a fort, seems to intimate. Id. There are 
several sepulchral tumuli on Carneil hill which have disclosed human remains, and which attest that 
some conflict had happened here. Id. Copper coins have also been found here. Id. On Craigluscar 
liill, north a mile and a half, the British people had another fort. Id. ; lb., v. xiii., p. 453. From 
the Roman camp at Carnock, north-west three miles, the Horestii had another fortress on Saline hill, 
.and below one of a similar form. lb., v. x., p. 312. 

(z) Of the existence of a Roman camp at Loch-Ore, on the north-west side, there cannot be 
A doubt. The proprietor of Loch-Ore, having cut drains under the camp, found several Roman 
antiquities. On Binartie hill, which stretches from east to west three miles, the Horestii had a 
great strength, which was fortified by double ramparts and ditches. Sibbald's Rom. Antiq., p, 37. 
He confounds this with the Roman camp. Id. From Binartie a mile and a half commences the 



Cii. lY.—The Actions of L. Urbk-us.l OpNOETH-BEITAIN. 109 

of the Horestii appears to have been afterwards converted into a permanent 
station, as its remains show it to have been secured by three ramparts, with 
their accompanying fosses (a). The Eomans had a small post upon the May 
water at Ardargie, at the defile of the Ochil hUls, which served as a central 
communication between their stations on the Forth and Stratliearn, the great 
scene of the Roman operations. They had also a post at Hallyards, in the parish 
of TuUiebole (6). If we might give implicit credit to Sir R. Sibbald, we ought to 
suppose with him that the Romans had a road through every vale, and a 
camp on every height within his native shire (c). That they had traversed 
and subdued this great peninsula between the Forth and Tay, where they long 
remained, is certain {d). The coins of such a succession of Emperors, which 
have been every where found in this interesting ground, attest the fact vvith 
full conviction (e). 

Not only in Fife, which formed a considerable part of Vesj^asiana, but 
every where beyond the wall of Antonine, the brave descendants of the Cale- 
donian people, who had dared to act offensively against Agricola, were re- 
strained under LoUius Urbicus, by the same means which had subdued and 
civiUzed the Caledonian clans within Valentia. Itineraries, with their ac- 
companying posts, were carried throughout the ample I'ange of the Vespasiana ; 
a road, as we know from remains, and as we have seen from examination, 
penetrated the greatest part of its long extent, from the M'aU to the Varar ; and 
fortresses, we shall immediately find, were erected near the commanding passes 
from the Highlands to the low country. By a judicious arrangement the 
Roman ofiicers seem to have carried into efiect two gi'eat objects : 1st, In order 
to command the low country which lies between the long range of the 
Grampian hills and the eastern sea, they established corresponding posts at 
convenient distances ; 2ndly, With design to protect the low-lands along the 
coast of the eastern sea from the incursions of the unsubdued Caledonians of 
the interior Highlands, they settled, in every opening j^ass of the Grampian 

range of Cleish liills, upon four different summits, on each whereof the Horestii had a fastness which 
had been constructed with great labour. They have been mistaken for Eoman works, which are quite 
different in their location and construction. In the low grounds northward from this hill, there were 
discovered in 1791, a number of sepulchral urns containing ashes, human bones, with charcoal ; these 
were doubtless Roman, as they were not covered with tumuli, and were of better workmanship than 
those of the Britons. Stat. Account, v. iii., p. 561. 

(a) Gordon's Itin., p. 36 ; Stat. Acco., v. vii., p. 315. (J) Stat. Account, v. sviii., p. 470. 

(c) See his Eom. Enquiries ; his Eoman Forts and Colonies ; and his Hist, of Fife, throughout. 

(d) Id. See the Statis. Accounts of Fife. 

(c) Sibbald's Eom. Antiq., p. 51 ; Hist. Fife, p. 31 ; Acco. of the Antiq. Soc. of Edin., p. 41, 42, 
74, and part ii., p. 63, 70. 

Vol. I. Z 



170 An account [Book I.— The Boman Period. 

hills, a suitable fortress. All those judicious arrangements of hostile policy 
may still be traced by the obvious remains both of the stations and forts, 
and a liberal curiosity may be gratified by a brief review of those military dis- 
positions for enforcing the obedience of the gallant people who then inhabited 
a difficult country. 

That Camelon, which was situated about five furlongs without the gate 
where the Roman road issued from the wall, was a Roman town, is agreed by 
all the antiquaries {f). Its vestiges were apparent to the inquisitive eyes of 
Gordon and of Horsley ((/), though its object seems not to be so apparent, if it 
were not designed for the useful purposes of treaty and of traffic, the Kiahta 
of those times (h). Only one Roman road, as we have seen, conducted the 
Roman armies from the wall to the Varar, though vicinal ways connected 
their outposts with their stations. From Camelon, northward ten miles, there 
is reason to believe that the Romans had a station at Stirling (^). Along the 
same road, at the distance of twelve miles north-north-west from Camelon, 
was the Alauna of Ptolomy and of Richard, which was situated on the kindred 
Allan, about a mile above the confluence of this river with the cognate Foi'th. 
The Alauna commanded the lower parts of Strath-allan, with the whole country 
on both the banks of the Forth and her associate Teith, for a considerable 
distance ; having communications with Camelon behind, Lindum befoi'e, and 
with subsidiary posts on those rivers above. The next station, along Strath- 
allan and the course of the northern road, was Ardoch, at the distance of about 
nine miles northwest from the Alauna, on the east side of Knaig water. Here 
was the celebrated scene of many Roman operations, from the great epoch of 
the Caledonian conflict with Agricola till the final abdication of the Roman 

(/) There is <i plan of this town in Eoy's Milit. Antiq., pi. xxix. 

(y) Itin. Septan., p. 23 ; and Brit. Eom., p. 172. Yet Horsley mistakingly placed Camelon 
immediately within the wall. See his map of the course of this fence from frith to frith. 

Qi) Sir K. Sibbald informs us that, "within a century of years hence [1707], an anchor wag 
" digged out of the ground near Camelon ; and the surface of the ground between it and the water 
" of Carron. shews that the sea in ancient times flowed up to it, so it seemeth to have been a post. 
" There are yet traced the vestiges of regular streets, and there are vaults under them, and a military 
" way passeth from it south to Carnwath, and Eoman coins have been found in it." Eom. Antiq., p. 
34 ; and Eoy intimates that an anchor had been found, and that some traces of the Eoman post are 
still visible. Eom. Antiq., 153. 

(t) Sir E. Sibbald says, " upon a rock below the castle [of Stii-ling] this inscription was graven 
'•• which was sent to me thus : EsT EXCV. AGIT. LEG. 11., and seemeth to have been the chief 
" quarter of the second legion ; this being the main pass to the north countries, was guarded by it. 
Eom. Antiq., p. 35. It was obviously the ford on the Forth at this passage which the Eoman post j 
was here placed to protect. I 



Ch. TV.— The Actions o/L. Urbicus.'] OfNORTH-BEITAIN. 171 

power. The several works which have been successively constructed at Ar- 
doch by different commanders, with various views, are proofs of its advantageous 
position (k). Strath-allan, wherein it is placed, is the natural passage from the 
Forth northward into the heart of Perthshire and into the interior of Cale- 
donia. And this station, with its collateral outposts, commanded the whole 
extent of this interesting district between the frith and Strathearn. 

Next to Ardoch in this chain of camps, at Strageth, about the distance of 
six miles north-east on the south side of the river Earn, was the Hierna of 
Richard. This station was advantageously placed on an eminence, and com- 
manded the middle part of Strathearn, lying between the Ochil hills on the 
south and the river Almond on the north (I). On the moor of Gask, upon the 
communication between the stations of Hierna and Orrea, there are, as we have 
already seen, two Roman posts which were probably designed to protect the 

(Ic) At Ardoch tlaere are tlie distinct remains of three Roman camps of very different sizes, whioli 
appear to have been oonstnicted at different periods. The hirgest was formed by Agiicola in his 
famous campaign of the year 84, and was of course the first. The second in size is on the west side of 
the former, and was undoubtedly formed by a subsequent commander, who included withui his entrench- 
ments a part of Agricola's camp. The third and smallest camp was constructed on the south side of 
the largest one, a part of which it comprehends. This last camp is surrounded by a much stronger 
entrenchment than the other two. See the dimensions of those several camps described in Eoy's Jlilit. 
Antiq., p. 62 and pi. x. Besides these three contiguous camps, there is also on the south side of the 
last of them, opposite to the bridge over Knaig water, a very strong fort surrounded by five or six 
fosses and ramparts. Its area is about 500 feet long and 430 broad, being nearly of a square form. 
See a plan of this impregnable fort in Eoy's Military Antiq., pi. xxs. ; see Gordon's Itin., p. 41, pi. vi.; 
and Horsley's Brit. Eom., p. 44 and pi. xliv. Gordon and Horsley only mention this fort, and they 
seem to have overlooked the three camps on the noith of it, which, with other small military posts in 
the contiguous grounds, are equally important. For some other particulars of an interesting nature, 
see Sir E. Sibbald's Rom. Antiq., p. 37 ; his Eoman Colonies beyond the Forth, p. 10 ; and the Stat. 
Account, v. viii., p. 495. 

(/) On an eminence at Strageth, upon the south bank of the river Earn, there was till recent 
times a pretty large Eoman camp, the ramparts whereof have been completely levelled by the plough. 
When Maitland examined it about the year 1749, there was enough of the rampart remaining to shew 
that the camp had been of large dimensions, containing more than thirty Scots acres, according to the 
opinion of the fanner who rented the ground. Mait. Hist, of Scot., v. i., p. 196. The remains of 
this camp were also noticed by Roy, Miht. Antiq., p. 128. On the east side of this camp there was a 
Eoman fort of less size, but of greater strength, surrounded by three rows of ditches and ramparts, 
which enclosed a rectangular area of about four hundred and fifty feet long and four hundred feet 
broad. See a plan of this fort in Roy's Milit. Antiq., pi. xxxii. ; and Gordon's Itin., p. 42, pi. vii. 
Gordon seems not to have been aware that there had been a large camp on this site, of which 
the fort, described and represented by him and by Eoy, was merely an adjunct in the same 
manner as the fort of Ardoch forms only an inconsiderable part of the Roman fortifications at that 
famous station. 

Z2 



.rArw 



17-2 A N A C C U N T [Book I.— The Roman Period. 

Roman road from the incursions of tlie tribes on either side of this communi- 
cation. But Orrea, lying east-north-east about fourteen and a half miles from 
Hierna, as it was the most central station, was also the most important (vu). 
Situated as we have observed at the confluence of the Almond with the Tay, Orrea 
commanded the eastern part of Strathearn, the banks of the Tay and the 
country between this river and the Sidlaw hills (n). The Roman Orrea, like 
the modern Perth, was the central position whence the Roman road departed 
and to which it returned through the interior highlands, as we learn from the 
ninth and tenth Itinera of Richard. 

Thus much with regard to the principal stations which commanded the 
central country between the Forth and Tay. It is now proper to advert, se- 
condly, to that policy of the Romans by which they guarded the passes through 
the Grampian range within the extent of Perthshire to the districts below. 

The first Roman streng-th on the south-west is the camp that was strongly 
placed on a tongue of land which is formed by the junction of the rivers 
Strath-gartney and Strath-ii'e, the two sources of the river Teith (o). The re- 
mains of this camp may still be seen near Bochastle, about fifteen miles west- 
south-west from the station of Ai-doch. The judicious position of the camp at 
Bochastle is very apparent, as it guarded at once two important passes into 
the west country, the one leading up the valley of Strath-ire into Breadalbane, 
and thence into Argyle; the other leading along the north side of Loch-Ven- 
nacher, Loch-Achray, and Loch-Katrine, through Strath-gartney into Dunbar- 
tonshire. Northward from Bochastle, the next passage from the Western High- 
lands through the Grampian range into Perthshire directs its course along the 
north side of Loch-Earn into Strathearn. This defile was guarded by the double 
camp at Dalginross, the Victoria of Richard, near the confluence of the Ruchel 

(in) See a plan of Orrea in Boy's Military Antiq., pi. sii. 

(») On the east bank of the Tay above Orrea there was a large Eoman camp at Grassjrwalls, through 
which ran the Eoman road. lb., p. 65, pi. xii. As this camp was unnecessary as a permanent 
station, it was probably thrown up to facilitate the march of some Roman army towards the north, 
though not the army of Agricola, who never crossed the Tay assuredly, as General Eoy and others mis- 
takingly suppose. 

(o) This camp is distinctly laid down on Stobie's map of Perthshire as a rectangular oblong, with an 
entry in the centre of each of its sides. It is somewhat longer than the Eoman fort which is opposite 
to the bridge of Ardoch, and nearly double the size of the largest camp at Gask. On the top of the 
Dun of Bochastle, a little more than half a mile west from the Eoman camp, there is a British fortress 
of an oval form ; and about two miles east from it, on the farm of Achenlaich, there is a still larger 
British fortification of a cii'cular form upon an eminence. See Stobie's map of Perthshire ; and the 
Stat. Account of Callander, v. xi., p. GOT. 



oil. lY.—The A ctions of L. Urbiais.] OfNOETH-BEITAIN. 173 

with the Earn (p). This station is more than thirteen miles north-east from the 
camp at Bochastle, and ahout eight miles north-east from the station at Ar- 
doch ((j). The camps at Victoria not only guarded the passage along Loch-Earn, 
but also commanded the western districts of Strathearn. From Victoria, about 
ten and a half miles north-east, and from Hierna, about six and a half mUes 
north, there was a Roman camp at East-Findoch on the south side of the river 
Almond. This important station guarded the only practicable passage through 
the mountains northward in the extent of thirty miles, from east to west (r). 
Strathearn, which anciently had a greater extent than is now allowed it, ap- 
pears to have been the peculiar object of the E,oman care. On the eastern 
side of this great Strath, between it and the Forth, there are the remains of 
Roman posts which were obviously placed here to overlook the passes of the 
OchU hills, some of them as early, perhaps, as the winter of a.b. 83-4, while 
Agricola lay in Fife. At Ardargie, where there seems to have been a conflict, 
there was placed a Roman camp, with the apparent purpose of guarding the 

(p) See this camp in Eoy's Milit. Antiq., p. 63, pi. xi., wMcli he erroneously calls the camp of the 
ninth legion. The plans of the camps of Dalginross, in Gordon's Itin., pi. v., and in Horaley's Brit. 
Eom., p. 44, are not quite correct. Horsley mistakingly calls the camps at Dalginross, the Inner- 
peffery camp ; but it is the station of Hierna, and not Victoria, which is near Innerpeffery. The 
station of Victoria was probably connected with the post at Ardoch, and perhaps with that at Strageth, 
by means of a vicinal way ; for there is still to be traced the remains of such a way, leading from the 
gates of Victoria, a short distance in a southerly direction, pointing to the pass that leads to Ardoch. 
See Horsley's Plan, p. 44, and Eoy, pi. xi. A few miles north-east from the station at Dalginross, 
there are the remains of two Eoman posts of observation ; one of them is situated so as to have a view 
of the station at Dalginross, and the other commands a more distant view of the station at Ardoch. 
Stat. Account, v. viii., p. 67.5. 

(17) See Stobie's map of Perthshire. 

(>■) This camp is placed on a high ground, which is defended by waters on two sides, and by a 
moss with a steep bank on the other two sides. It is about one hundred and eighty paces long 
and eighty broad ; and it is suiTounded by a strong earthen wall, a part whereof still remains, and is 
near twelve feet thick. The trenches are still entire, and are in some places six feet deep. A vicinal 
way diverged from the great Eoman road at its passage of the river Earn near the station of 
Hiema, and led across the country to this station at East Findoch. Near this remarkable camp 
there are many ruins, barrows, and cairns, some of which were found, when opened, to have been 
the graves of those warriors who had defended their country against its invaders. About a mile 
and a quarter northward from the Eoman camp at Findoch, on the summit of Dunmore hill, 
there is a strong British fort, which had the complete command of the passage through those almost 
impervious hills ; and about the same distance east-north-east from the same camp there are the 
remains of two other British forts on the hill above Lethendy. Stobie's map of Perthshire, and 
the Stat. Account of Monzie, v. xv., p. 256-7. It thus appears that both the Caledonian Britons and 
the invading Eomans had guarded this important pass from Strathearn through the hills towards the 
north. 



174 An ACCOUNT [Book l.—T he lioman Period. 

passage through those hills by the valley of May water (s) ; and the Roman 
policy placed another post at Gleneagles, which secured the passage of the same 
hills through Glendevon. From the station at East Findoch the Romans 
appear to have penetrated by the important pass which it commanded into 
the central highlands, and at the distance of about sixteen miles in a direct hne 
north-west they judiciously fixed a post at Fortingal, with the obvious design 
to guard the narrow but useful passage from the middle highlands westward 
through Glenlyon to Argyle (<). From the camp of Findoch, about fifteen 
miles north-east, and from Orrea eight and a half miles north, the Romans 
placed a station at Inchtuthel upon an eminence on the north bank of the 
Tay (»). This advantageous position had been the j^revious site of a British 

(s) The remains of tliis camp are still extant, and have always been called by the tradition of the 
country, the Roman Camp. It is situated upon an eminence on the east side of May water, and is of 
a square figure, each side of which is about ninety yards long. On one side it is defended by a deep 
hollow, through which a brook runs, and on the other three sides by trenches which are ten yards 
wide at the top, fourteen feet deep on the side nest the camp, and ten feet deep on the outside. Stat. 
Account of Scotland, v. iii., p. 309 : and Stobie's Map of Perthshire. About a mile north-east from 
this Eoman post, there is the remain of a British hill-fort of a circular form on the summit of an 
eminence called the Castle-law. 

(t) This camp is situated on the north side of the river Lyon, at the eastern entrance of Glen-Lyon. 
The ai'ea contains about eighty acres. In many places the rampart is broken down and the ditch filled 
up for the purpose of cultivation ; the prsetorium still remains complete. In digging for antiquities in 
it there were found three urns and a copper vessel, with a beak, handle, and three feet. Stat. Account 
of Scot., V. ii., p. 456 ; Roy's Milit. Antiq., v. ii., pi. six. ; Stobie's Map of Perthshire; Pennant's 
Tour, V, ii., p. 25. As Pennant calls it a Castellum, I suspect he has considered the Prcetorhivi as the 
only work. Eoman coins have been found in different places of the adjacent country. Stat. Account 
of Scot., V. ii., p. 456. In digging the foundation of a tower near Taymouth, about three miles east of 
this camp, there were found fourteen silver denarii, but none of them of a later date than the age of 
Marcus Aurelius. Pennant, v. ii., p. 25. 

(m) The site of this station is a height on the north side of the river Tay, in the parish of 
Caputh, the top of which forms a flat of about one hundred and sixty acres, raised about sixty feet 
above the surrounding plain, and of an equal height and regularly steep on every side. On this 
elevated plain there is the remain of a Roman camp of a square form, about five hundred yards 
each way. At some distance from this camp on the east side there is a redoubt on the edge of 
the height. On the western extremity of this height, which runs into a point, there is a strong 
entrenched post fortified by five ramparts and as many fosses running across the point. At some 
distance eastward, between this entrenched post and the camp, a rampart runs across the height 
from side to side. This level summit was fortified by the British people, and they had a town 
here before the Romans took possession of it. The dry stone rampart which sm-rounded the 
margin of the height and foi-med the defence of the British strength remains in several places 
perfectly distinct. Pennant's Tour, v. ii., p. 67 ; Roy's Milit. Antiq., v. i., p. 75, and pi. sviii 
Munimenta Antiqua, v. i., p. 42-3 ; Stat. Account of Scot., v. ix., p. 504-5. Inchtuthel, the pre- 



Ch. VI.— The Actions of L. UrhicuK.-] OpNOETH-BEITAIN. 175 

forti'ess. This station, in conjunction with another Roman work about four 
miles eastward upon the Haugh of Hallhole on the western side of the river 
Isla, completely commanded the whole of Stormont and every road which 
could lead the Caledonians down from Athol and Glen-Shee into the better 
countries below [x). The several stations which, as we learn from the tenth 
Iter of Richard, were placed at Varis, at Tuessis, at Tamea, on the waters of 
the Dee above and in Glen-Shee on the Isla, were all obviously intended to 
overawe the Caledonian people of the mtjuntainous districts which lie on the 
upper streams of the Spey and the Dee. Thus much, then, with regard to the 
Roman ]30sts which were thus intended to command the passes of the Grampian 
mountains through the whole extent of Perthshire, and to secure the country 
below from the Forth to the Tay. 

The low countries of Angus and Mearns were secured, as we shall imme- 
diately find, by Roman posts of a different location. i'rom Inchtuthel about 
seven miles east at Coupar- Angus, on the east side of the Isla, and on the 
course of the Roman road, there was a Roman camp of a square form, con- 
taining within its ramparts four and twenty acres {y). This camp commanded 
the passage down Strathmore, between the Sidlaw hills on the south-east and 
the Isla on the north-west. In conjunction with the camp on the Haugh of 
Hallhole on the west of the Isla, the camp of Coupar guarded the passages 
leading down Strathardle and Glen-Shee. From Coupar about eighteen miles 

sent name of this place is derived from the Scoto-Irish Inishtuathal, signifying the North island. 
This appellation was doubtless given by the Scoto-Irish people in more modern times to the 
islet on the north side of the river Tay, at the base of the height on which those ancient works are 
situated. 

(./;) From this camp a large wall of earth, called the Cleaving dilce, twenty-four feet thick, with 
a ditch on each side sixty feet distant from the wall, runs out in a straight line west-north-west 
nearly two miles and a half, and it is said to have joined the ancient course of the Tay. See Stobie's 
map of Perthshire, and the Stat. Account of Caputh, v. is., p. 506. If this last circumstance be 
true, this rampart and those trenches must have formed a very large defensible enclosure in the 
foi-m of a delta six or seven miles in circumference, having the river Isla on the east and south- 
east, the Tay on the south and west, and the Cleaving dike connecting both these rivers on 
the north. 

{y) Stat. Account, v. xvii., p. 10. The camp at Coupar- Angus is represented by Maitland, 
Hist, of Scot., p. 199, "as appearing to have been an equilateral quadrangle of four hundred yards, 
" fortified with two strong ramparts and large ditches, which are still to be seen on the eastern and 
'' southern sides." Little more than a mile south from Coupar-xingus there are on Camp-moor the 
remains of another Roman camp, of which Boy gives a description and a plan. Milit. Antiq., p. 67 
and pi, xiv. 



176 A N A C C U N T [Book I.— The Roman Period. 

nortli-east stood the Roman Camp of Battledikes, as remains evince (2). Tliis 
great camp was obviously placed here to guard the passages from the highlands 
through Glen Esk, and Glen-Prosen, and at the same time to command the 
whole interior of the Lowlands beneath the base of the Grampian mountains. 
From the camp at Battledikes about eleven and a half miles north-east there 
"was a Roman camp, the remains of which may still be traced near the mansion- 
house of Keithock, and is now known by the name of Wardikes (a). This camp 
was established near the foot of the hills, whereon had been previously placed 
the Caledonian fortresses, which are known by the British name of Caterthun. 
This camp was here fixed as a guard on the passage from the highlands through 
the Glens of North-Esk and of the West-water, and it commanded a consider- 
able sweep of the low country lying between the mountains and the coast. In 
the interior of Forfarshire there was a Roman camp wliich is now called 
Hardfaulds, situated ten miles north from the frith of Tay, fourteen miles 
south-south-west from the camp of Wardikes at Keithock, and eight miles 
south-south-east from the camp of Battledikes ; with which last, it was con- 
nected by a vicinal road that still remains (h). The camp at Harefaulds was 
judiciously placed for commanding a large extent of Angus southward to the 
Tay, eastward to the sea, and northward it joined its overpowering influence 
with that of Battledikes. The country below the Sidlaw hiUs on the north side 

(?) The mean length of this camp is 2970 feet, and the mean breadth 1850. Boy's Milit. Antiq., p. 
66 and pi. xiii.; and see a description and a plan of this camp, with the vicinal road leading from it 
to the camp of Harefaulds, by the Eev. Dr. Jamieson. Biblioth. Topog. Brit., No. ssxvi. 

(a) The Roman camp near Keithock, which was formerly named War-dikes, and is now called 
Black-dikes, lying on the road to Gannachy bridge, two miles and two-thirds north from 
Bi'echin, has been elaborately described to me by the intelligent Colonel Imrie. He states it "to 
" be a rectangular parallelogram whose sides are 395 yards by 292 yards, comprehending 25 
" English acres. Upon the north-west and south-west sides the vallum can be fully traced, 
" except the spot that is marked as ploughed. Upon the north-east side a new boundary fence 
" between two adjoining proprietors runs in the direction of the old wall, and has nearly destroyed 
<' every vestige of it. The south-east side has been for many years a part of cultivated fields, yet 
" the old dike is perfectly remembered, and a person residing near the spot says that he assisted 
" in ploughing it up ; but as two of its sides are determined and the entire angle is found by 
" measurement to be a right angle, the camp has been ascertained to be of the figure and dimensions 
" above-mentioned." There is an imperfect sketch of this camp in Roy's Milit. Antiq., pi. xiv. 
In the Statistical Account, v. xxi., p. 123, this rectangular jiarallelogram of twenty-five acres is called 
a Danish camp 1 

(h) See a description and a plan of this camp and vicinal road by the Rev. Dr. Jamieson. 
Biblioth Topog. Brit., No. xxxvi. ; and see Roy's JElit. Antiq,, p. 67 and pi. xix. The site of this 
camp is eight miles south-south-east from the camp of Battle-dikes, and about ten miles north from 
the Tay. 



C\i.lV.— The Actions of L.Urbwiis.] OfNOETH-BRITAIN. 177 

of the Estuary of Tay, was guarded by a Roman camp near Invergowrie, which 
had a communication on the north-east with the camp of Harefaulds (e). The 
Mearns was equally well protected as Angus. North-east from Wardikes 
about twelve miles there was placed a Roman station at Fordun, which was of 
greater extent than its remains seem to evince (d). It was coramodiously placed 
on the rise of the valley that is known by the ajjpropriate name of the How 
of the Mearns, which it protected with the country southward to North-Esk, 
and eastward to the sea. From Fordun north-east eleven miles, and from the 
passage of the Dee at Mary-culter south six miles, was placed the great 
camp called Raedikes upon the estate of Ury (e). This station which has been 
idly attributed to Agricola, but may pretty certainly be assigned to L. Urbicus, 
commanded the narrow country between the north-east end of the Grampian 
hills and the sea., as well as the angle of land lying between the sea and the 
Dee. From Fordun, about four and a half miles west-north-west, there was a 
Roman post at Clattering-bridge which is now known by the name of the Green 

(f ) The remains of this camp are about two miles west from Dundee, and half a mile north from 
Livergowrie, on the Tay. Maitland says, it is about two hundred yards square, fortified with a high 
rampart and a spacious ditch. Hist, of Scotland, v. i., p. 215 ; and see also the Stat. Account of 
Liff and Benvie, v. xiii., p. 115. The site of this camp still bears the name of Ca?er-Mellie ; no 
doubt, from the British Cader, a fortress, a stronghold. This camp must also have answered the 
purpose of keeping up a communication with the Roman shipping in the Tay. 

(d) Near to the mansion-house of Fordun, and about a mile south-south-east of the church of 
Fordun, there was an extensive Eoman camp, the ramparts and ditches of which remained pretty 
complete till about fifty years ago. Since that time a great part of them have been levelled, and the 
ground brought into cultivation. Parts, however, of two of them still remain ; these vestiges run at 
right angles to one another, and seem to have composed the west and north sides of the camp. The 
Luther-water, which is here only a rivulet, ran formerly through the west side of this camp, and on 
the east side of it there are several springs. This strength is called by the people of the country the 
West Camp. At a little distance eastward, there is a very complete Roman fort, which is supposed to 
have been the Prcetorium of the West Camp. It is of an oblong rectangular form, surrounded by a 
ditch and rampart. The ditch is eighteen feet wide, and is even now six feet deep, but it was 
formerly deeper, as the old people who reside near it assert. The area within is, from east to west, 
about 83 yards long, and about 38 yards broad, and contains about 3154 square yards. Very near 
the south-west corner is the gate of the width of 22 feet. About half a mile north of this camp, 
upon Drumsleid hill, there are the remains of a large British fortification, which is sometimes called 
the Scotish camp, by the people of the country. These notices are stated from very minute descrip- 
tions and mensurations, by the Rev. James Leslie of Fordun, and the Rev. Mr. Hutton of Edzel. which 
were made in 1799. 

(e) See an Account and a Plan of this Roman camp, from an actual sui-vey by George Brown, land- 
surveyor, in the Bibl. Topograph. Brit., No. 36 ; Gough's Camden, v. iii., p. 416., pi. ssviii. ; Roy's 
Milit. Antiq., pi. 1. And see a Plan of this remarkable ground in the Transactions of the Antiq. Soc. 
of Scotland, v. i., p. 565. 

Vol. L A a 



178 A N A C C U K T [Book I.— The Roman Period. 

castle. It was advantageously placed here for the obvious purpose of guarding 
the well-known passage through the Grampian mountains by the Cairn-o'mount, 
into the valley of the Mearns (/). At a distance of four miles south-south- 
west from the Green castle, and " about three quarters of a mile besouth of 
" Fettercairn," Maitland mistakingly supposed that there bad been " a beauti- 
" ful Roman fort " {(j). But he merely mistook a British strength for a lloman 
post, as a minute survey in 1798 clearly evinced {h). 

The whole coast of Caledonia from the Deva to the Varar, comprehending 
the territories of the Taisali and the Vacomagi, were secured by the com- 
manding station at Glenmailen (a) with its subsidiary posts, by the intermedi- 
ate station of Tuessis on the Spey (6), and by the impregnable fort at Ptoro- 
ton (Jib). Such then is the review which it was proposed to make of the hostile 
arrangements that the Romans established for commanding the passes of the 
mountains, and securing the tranquility of the low countries ; and they show 
distinctly how well they knew both the outline and interior of Caledonia, andJ 

(f) I caused tliis remarkable post to be surveyed in May, 1798. It stands on a precipitous bank oni 
the north-east of tlae Clatteiing-burn ; the area of the fort within the ramparts measures 157 feet 91 
inches at the north-east end, and at the south-west 82 feet 6 inches; the length is 262 feet 6 inches.1 
The ditch is 37 feet 6 inches broad at the bottom. The rampart, which is wholly of earth, is inl 
height from the bottom of the ditch 51 feet 9 inches. 

((/) Hist. Scot., V. i., p. 200. 

(//) At my request this fort at Balbegno was accurately examined in May, 1798, by James Strachan,! 
who, inspecting it with unprejudiced eyes, found it to be a vitrified fort of British construction,! 
He says, " It is situated about seven hundred yards west of Balmain, and near a mile south-west froml 
" Fettercairn. It is of an oval fonn, and is surrounded by two ramparts. The outer rampart 1 
"is built with dry stones, without any lime or mortar, and without the least mark of any tool,] 
" and under the foundation are found ashes of bui-nt wood. The space betwixt the outer andj 
" inner rampart measures 93 feet 9 inches. The inner wall is 30 feet thick, and has all undergonei 
" the operation of vitrification. The area within this is 140 feet long, 67 feet 6 inches broad at thej 
" east end, and 52 feet 6 inches broad at the west end. The elevation on the north side is abomtl 
" 40 feet, and full 60 feet on the south side, where it is aU wet mossy ground." He calls it thej 
Green Cairn at Balbegno. Such is the description of James Strachan, the scientific gardener of! 
my late worthy friend. Lord Adam Gordon, to whose zealous kindness I owe much information. 
It is mentioned in the Stat. Account of Fettercau-n, vol. v., p. 334. The minister says, " It is on the I 
" estate of Balbegno, and that tradition calls it Finella's Castle, and the people believe it to harel 
" been her residence. After the murder of King Kenneth his attendants set fire to the building, and! 
" reduced it to ashes." Such is the legend ! 

(a) See before, and a plan of the camp, and grounds about Glenmailen, in Eoy, pi. li. 

(i) Sie before, p. 129, and the description of the station of Tuessis. 

(Ji) See a survey of Ptoroton, or the Burgh-head of Moray, in Eoy, pi. xxsiii. and xxxiv ; and i 
a description of it from a more recent survey, before, p. 130. 



Plan &• Sue 770I/ M^;^^t 



■.^n^y c^^^^ (2z^-^ ^y(:myi^z,a.,U,. .^^ 



to Ihcc p /7^. 




Caldft'a/l Scnip^ 



Ch. lY.—The Actions of L. Urhicis.'] OfNOETH-BEITAIN. 179 

with what skill they employed that knowledge for eflfecting their military ob- 
jects (c). Whether those roads and stations were all constructed in the same 
age and by the same hands may well admit of an historical doubt. 

It has been the common error of modern antiquaries to attribute every Roman 
remain in North-Britain to Agricola. It is not possible, indeed, either from 
classic information or from recent discoveries, to distinguish the several works 
of Agricola from those of Urbicus or of Severus, though the chronology of 
every road and station may be pretty certainly fixed by circumstantial proofs. 
There is no evidence that Agricola left any garrisons on the north of the 

(c) Besides the Iters and the roads that traversed the province of Vespasiana and the stations 
which we have seen were established by the Eoman policy for the command and protection of 
that province, we also find from the discovery of coins, arms, and other remains, that the Eomans, 
while they were in possession of this province, not only explored the shores of the Varar a con- 
siderable distance beyond Ptoroton, but also penetrated the inmost recesses of Caledonia. At 
Inshoch, which is situated on the south coast of the Varar or Moray-Frith, about fifteen miles 
west-south-west from Ptoroton, and three miles east from Nairn, there were found in a moss 
several remains of Eoman arms, two heads of the Eoman Hasta, two heads of the Eoman horse- 
man's spear, as described by Josephus, lib. iii., c. 3 ; and a round piece of thin metal, hollow on the 
under side, all of ancient Eoman brass. These were presented to the Society of Antiquaries of 
Scotland, by the Eeverend John Grant, in January, 1783. Account of this Society, Part, ii., p. 70, 
135. Eoman coins have been found at several places along the south coast of the same Frith, 
particularly at Nairn, which is about eighteen miles west-south-west from Ptoroton. Near to 
Ardersier, which is situated on the southern shore of the Varar, twenty-four miles west>south- 
west from Ptoroton, there were dug up more than twenty-five years ago a very curious Eoman 
sword and the head of a spear. Eoy's Milit. Antiq., v. i., p. 88. On the east side of the river 
Ness, five or six hundred yards below its efflux from Loch-Ness, there are the remains of a militaiy 
station, which exhibits in its mode of fortification the evidence of its Eoman construction. It 
is of a square form, fifty-three paces long, and fifty paces broad. It is situated on a peninsula, 
having two of its sides protected by the river Ness and by a loch through which it runs ; the 
other two, sides are defended by a rampart and ditch fourteen feet wide. It is judiciously placed 
so as to command the only ford of the river Ness, which equally bounded the country of the 
Vacomagi and the Eoman province of Vespasiana. This passage is to the present day called Bona, 
Bona, or Boness. See Survey of Moray, p. 53 ; Eoy's Eoman map of North-Britain, in Milit. 
Antiq., pi. i. ; and Ainslie's map of Scotland. The similarity of the name and the correspondence 
of the position render it probable that this was the site of the Banatia of Ptolomy and Eichard, 
a town of the Vacomagi, which Eichard places in his map upon the south-east side of the chain 
of waters that intersect the country from Fort-William to Inverness, of which the Ness river and 
lake form large portions. The Eoman name of Bonatia was no doubt foi-med by giving a Latin 
termination to the British Bon-nes, which denotes its situation at the lower end of Loch-Ness. 
The advantageous site of this Eoman post recommended it in an after age for the position of a 
more modern fortification, which was doubtless constructed for the similar purpose of guarding 
the same passage. This work is said to be also of a square form, twenty-four paces on each side. 



180 An account. [Book I.— The Roman Period. 

friths ; it is certain that Urbicus left Antoniniis's wall guarded by the legions, 
and the province of Vespasiana covered with stations ; and it is equally certain, 
from the informations of Dio and Herodian, that Severus garrisoned, within the 
country of the Caledonians, forts which remained to his son at the epoch of his 
demise. So much mistake has hitherto existed among antiquarians as to the 
proper age and appropriate author of those several roads and stations, that 
every attempt to fix their chronology becomes of great importance to the pro- 
gress of truth. 

The Itinerary of llichard, which, as we have seen, was drawn up before the 
middle of the second century, must be the principal document for the ascer- 
tainment of certainty : and every station which is called for, by its useful 
notices, must necessarily have existed during the administration of Urbicus, 
while the Roman territories in Caledonia were carried to their greatest extent, 
and the Roman glory to its highest pitch. The stations Alauna on the Allan ; 
of Lindum, at Ardoch ; of Victoria, at Dalginross ; of Hierna, at Sti'ageth ; 
of Orrea, on the Tay ; of Devana, on the Dee ; of Ituna, on the Ithau ; of 
Tuessis, on the Spey ; of Ptoroton, on the Varar ; are all recognised by the 
ninth Iter of Richard ; and existed, consequently, during the able administra- 
tion of Urbicus (c/) : and as Agricola never attempted to penetrate to the north- 
ward of the Tay, it is equally certain that this great officer does not merit the 
praise of conceiving the policy, or of erecting those commanding stations beyond 
the Friths (e). These observations equally apply to Inchtuthel, which is called 
for by the tenth Iter of Richard, if it formed the station in medio. 

and built of ratlaer modem masonry. Survey of Moray, p. 53. At Fort-Augustus, wliieh stands 
at the soutli-west end of Loch-Ness, was discovered, in April, 1767, by some labourers in digging 
a trench, an earthen urn of a blue colom-, with three hundred pieces of coin, which were of a mixed 
metal. They appeared to the officer who gave this account to be all of the Emperor Dioclesian. 
Scots Mag., 1767, p. 326. In the highland country of Badenoch, in the interior of Caledonia, 
there is the appeai-ance of a Eoman camp upon a moor between the bridge of Spey and Pitmain ; 
near this a Eoman tripod was found, which was concealed in a rock, and an urn full of burnt 
ashes was dug up in clearing some ground adjacent. Stat. Acco. of Kingussie, v. iii., p. 43. In 
the highlands of Perthshire, between the rivers Tay and Tummel, a Eoman medal of Trajan 
was found in the parish of Logierait. lb., vol. v., p. 85 ; and see the map of Scotland for the 
situation of those different places. 

(d) Most of those stations are also mentioned by Ptolomy, who compiled his geography before the 
middle of the second century. 

(e) We have alread}- seen that the camps of Grassy-walls, Battledikes, Wardikes at Keithock, 
Harefaulds, Eaedikes of Ury, and that near Invergowrie, which have been ascribed to Agricola 
by Eoy and others, were not in existence at the time of making the ninth Iter in the second 
century. 



Ch. IV.— The Action.'^ of L. Urhwus.j OfNOETH-BEITAIN. 181 

As the great northern road of the Eomans, which we have lately traced from 
the wall of Antonine, through the province of Vespasiana to the post at Keithock 
in Forfarshire, must have necessarily been formed during the existence of 
that province, every station which was placed upon this road must have been 
co-existent with the road and the province ; it is thus more than probable that 
the stations of Wardikes at Keithock, of Battledikes, of Coupar- Angus, of Grassy- 
waUs, tlie small post at Gask, the small post called Kemps-castle, were all 
constructed by the masterly policy of Urbicus. The station of East-Findoch 
also owed its origin to the same officer, as it was usefully connected with the 
post at Hierna by means of a commodious vicinal way, which diverged from 
the Roman road at its passage over the Earn. The judgment which placed the 
station at Findoch, for commanding the only practicable passage from the 
central highlands into Strathearn, equally evinces that it owed its origin to the 
genius of Urbicus. From the post of Findoch a detachment of Roman troops 
might have easily penetrated into the central highlands upon the Tay ; and hav- 
ing surveyed this interior country with their judicious eyes, they would see the 
utility of establishing a post at Fortingal, which would at once guard the pas- 
sage eastward from Argyle through Glen-Lyon, and the passage southward 
from the wild countries of Rannoch and of Athol. These views could have 
only been perceived while the Roman garrisons guarded Vespasiana. A similar 
policy formed the camp at Bochastle during the same age. This station an- 
swered the double purpose of guarding the only two passes which led from the 
west Highlands into Monteith and Strathallan, and even into the low country 
on the Forth. In the establishment of both these posts at Fortingal and Bo- 
chastle, we see the predominating policy of guarding the passes which led into 
the interior of Vespasiana {/). 

It was the wise dictates of the same policy that established the well-known 
camp at Harefaulds, connected as it was by a vicinal way with the station at 
Battledikes, on the great Roman road northward ; and commanding as it did 
the centre of Angus, we may equally presume that it was constructed by the 
masterly hand of Urbicus. The similarity of the structure, and the size of the 
camp, which is called the Rae-dikes at Ury, to the camp of the Rae-dikes at 
Glenmailin, wliich we now know is the Ituna of Richard's ninth Iter ; and its 

(./■) The reasoning ia the text is confirmed by the discovery of coins: "In digging the foundation of 
" a tower, about three miles east of the camp at Fortingal, there were found fourteen denarii, but none 
" of them of a later date than those of Marcus Aurelius." Pennant's Tour, v. ii., p. 25. The Stat. 
Acco. of Fortingal, v. ii., p. 456, speaks less distinctly of Roman coins having been found in different 
places of the adjacent country. 



18? A N A C C U N T [Book I.— The Roman Period. 

likeness to the camps at Battle-dikes, at Grassy-walls, and at Ardoch, may 
induce the inquisitive reader to conclude that the camp at Ury was, in the same 
manner, formed by the policy of Urbicus {g). At Fordun, in the Mearns, there 
are the remains of a station, as we have seen, which was placed here by the 
necessity of a post for commanding the country ; and we may infer, from the 
judiciousness of its position in the centre of the Mearns, that the original sta- 
tion was fixed at Fordun during the existence of Vespasiana, and the command 
of Ubricus. It was probably the dictates of the same necessity, during the same 
period, which established the strong outpost at Clattering-bridge, near the foot 
of the Caim-o-mount, for checking the incursions of the mountaineers above 
into the lowlands of the Mearns below. 

Of the camp at Invergowrie, it is more easy to determine its policy, which 
was intended to protect the northern bank of the Tay, than to fix its chrono- 
logy, that probability places under the able command of Urbicus. The post of 
Axdargie, which stood on an eminence above the river May, was obviously 
designed to command the pass from Fife into Strathearn, through the Ochil- 
hills, by the valley of the May- water ; as it thus formed one of the massy links 
of the chain of stations which were placed by the policy of Urbicus for guard- 
ing the defiles into Strathearn, we may pretty certainly presume that the post of 
Ajrdargie was also established with so many other Roman positions while the 
Koman power was at its height in Britain, while Vespasiana continued t& 
occupy and command so large a portion of Caledonia. When the extent 
and nature of Vespasiana, with the positions of those several stations, are con- 
sidered, the necessity which demanded their establishment, and the utility 
that localized each of them, Avill become apparent to the most inattentive eye. 
When the Romans evacuated Vespasiana, the stations which formed its strength 
and its security would be naturally relinquished. When Severus, however, 
carried an army mto that region forty years afterwards, we may easily suppose 
that he reoccupied and refortified such of those posts as promoted liis vengeful 
designs. 

The able transactions of Lollius Urbicus were at length to close with the 
"beneficent policy which had given him the command of Britain. On the 
7th of March, 161, died Antoninus Pius, who was immediately succeeded in 
the empire by Marcus Aurelius (h). About that time, probably, Lollius 

(g) See Eoy's plates, and liia accounts of those camps. Colonel Shand, in his letter to me concerning 
-the Norman-dikes at Peter-Culter, says " the profile and all the other dimensions of the ditch and 
"ramparts appear to be exactly as they are at Glenmailen, at Raedikes of Urij, at Battle-dikes, 9,\, 
■" Grassy-walls, and at other places in Strathmore." 

Qi) Tillemont's Hist., torn, ii., p. 323. 



Ch. lY.—Tke Actions of L. Urhicus.'] OfNOETH-BEITAIN. 183 

Urbicus ceased to be the Proprsetor of Britain. The tranquiUty of the tribes, 
which afforded no events for history to notice, is the best proof of his talents, 
both for peace and war, and of the wise measures that the Romans adopted for 
eflPecting their ambitious purposes. 

The demise of one emperor, the succession of another, and the absence of 
a governor who knew how to conciliate and to rule ; all those events gave rise 
to some disturbance among the tribes. But Calphurnius Agricola being sent 
to Britain as the successor of LoUius Urbicus, had the ability or the address to 
enforce submission and to restore quiet {i). During the twelve years which 
succeeded the year 165 no occurrences arose for the notice of history. Amidst 
this tranquiUty, which shows distinctly the power of the governors and the 
weakness of the governed, the Romans evacuated the whole country on the 
north of the wall, except perhaps Camelon on the east, and Theodosia on the 
west. The united force of the Caledonian tribes could not perhaps have 
removed the Roman troops from the Burgh-head, or from the numerous forts 
which enforced their obedience. The Romans relinquished the country, which 
experience had taught them to regard neither as useful nor agreeable. The 
advice of Augustus to set bounds to the empire, the reflections of Trajan as to 
the inutility of distant territories (k), and the pressures of Aurelian, who was 
preparing for a war with the Germans, were the combined motives which 
directed the evacuation of the country beyond the wall in the memorable year 
170, A.D. {I). 



(i) Horsley's Eom., p. 52 ; Tillemont's Hist., torn, ii., p. 346. 

(k) In giving a general description of tlie Roman empire under Trajan, Appian observes in his Pref., 
p. 6, " that the emperor possessed more than one half of Britain, neglecting the rest as useless, and 
" deriving no profit from what he possessed." 

(I) Richard, p. 52 ; Tillemont's Hist. Des Emp., torn, ii., p. 361. 



184 A N AC C U N T [Book I.— The Roman Period. 



CHAP. V. 

Of the Campaign of Severus. 

WHEN the Eomans abdicated the government of the greater part of North- 
Britain by evacuating the posts on the north of the wall of Antonine, the tribes 
who ranged along the eastern coast from the Forth to the Varar resumed their 
independence. Yet such is the effect of subjugation, that the Caledonian clans 
long remained tranquU. During the misrule of Commodus, some of those tribes 
are said to have passed the wall in a.d. 183, and to have pillaged the country 
within that strong boundary of the empire. But Ulpius Marcellus being sent 
against them easily restored tranquility, though he was ill requited by his 
unfeehng master. It was more difficult to prevent the mutiny of the Roman 
army under the unpopular command of Perennis. It was harder still to check 
the emulations of ambition that led to those contests for the empire between 
Severus, Niger, and Albinus, which, after a bloody struggle, left Severus sole 
master of the Boman world. Britain adhered to Albinus ; yet, amidst so much 
civil contention on the neighbouring continent, this island remained for some 
years in a state of quiet. 

Whether it were the defeat and death of Albinus at the battle of Lyons, in 
197 A.D., or the division of Britain which had hitherto formed one province, mto 
two govei-nments, or the distraction of the rulers amidst so much contention 
for power ; it is certain that the Caledonians invaded the Roman territory 
at the conclusion of the second century. Virius Lupus, the governor, brought 
them to wish for peace ; and while Severus was still occupied in the east 
with domestic insurrection or foreign war, his Lieutenant in Britain entered 
into a treaty with the Mseatse and Caledonians during the year 200 («). But 

(a) Barbeyrac Sup. Acco. Corps Diplom., part ii., p. 33, who quotes a fragment of Dion Cassius. 
Antiquaries have differed in their opinions whether the Mseatse dwelt within or without the wall 
of Antonine ; but it is to be observed, 1st, that if they had lived within the wall, the Mseatse 
would have been Eoman citizens ; 2ndly, if they had been Eoman citizens, the emperor's lieu- 
tenant would not have entered into a treaty with them ; 3rdly, if the Maeatae had been Eoman pro- 
vincials living ivithin the wall, the Caledonians would not have assisted them against the Eomans ; and 
the Maeatce were therefore a Caledonian tribe who lived without the wall in the low country, 
in contradistinction to the proper Caledonians who dwelt at a greater distance in the northern coverts 
of the heights. 



C'h^.-p.Y.— The Campaign of Severus.'] OfNOETH-BEITAIN. 185 

this treaty, which seems to have been dictated by the necessities of both parties, 
endured only till hostilities could be renewed with more hope of success. Of 
this event and the renewal of warfare in 207, Severus rejoiced to hear ; be- 
cause he wished to carry his family from Rome and to employ his troops. 
The emperor with his usual promptitude, hastened to Britain in the year 208. 
The hostile tribes hearing of his arrival sent deputies to sue for peace ; but 
Severus, who was fond of war and looked for military glory, would not listen 
to their proposals, and he prepared for vigorous hostilities against the objects 
of his vengeance. 

The classic authors who have treated of the campaign of Severus, mistak- 
ingly suppose that the victorious ruler of the Roman world came into Britain 
without any previous knowledge of its domestic affairs or its geographical state. 
They wrote like annalists who knew nothing of the connection of the British 
story, either of what had certainly passed before or what was likely to follow 
after the emperor's exertions. They did not know that the coast of Britain 
had been explored by the Roman fleet under Agricola ; that he had traversed 
the territories of the Ottadini, Gadeni, Selgovge, Novantes, and Damnii, who, 
as they resided within the Friths, submitted wholly to his power ; neither did 
the classic writers advert to the fact that Lollius Urbicus had built the wall of 
Antonine seventy years before, and had carried roads and established stations 
from the wall to the Varar, both which remained during thirty years the 
envied memorials of his skill and the certain monuments of the Roman au- 
thority. They probably intended to raise the fame of Severus by supposing 
him ignorant of what undoubtedly he must have known both as a soldier and 
a statesman (6). 

(b) Dio and Herodian, who have -written expressly of the campaign of Severus, speak con- 
stantly of one wall, without recollecting that two walls had in fact been built. It has been even 
doubted iu modem times whether Severus did erect a wall, though Spartian had positively said 
that he did perfoiTa such a work, which was consistent with his genius and worthy of his power. 
That he built a wall is certain ; that he built it nearly on the sits of Adrian's prior wall on the north 
is equally certain, as we know from ancient authorities, positive remains, and expressive tradition. 
See the map in Warburton's Valium Romanum ; and in Horsley's Brit. Eomana ; Tillemont's Hist, 
torn, iii., p. 462-G4, who, in discussing this question, quotes affirmatively Eutropius, Orosius, Cassio- 
dorus, and the Chronicle of Eusebius. The Britons of the middle ages called the wall Gual-Sever 
and Mxxr-Sever, as we learn from Camden, and from H. Llwyd Commentariohim, edit. 1731, p. 612. 
From the informations of Dio and Herodian, it appears more than probable — 1st, that one wall only, 
the wall of Antonine, existed at the epoch of Severus's invasion, as the northern limit of the empire ; 
2ndly, that the wall of Adrian, as it was no longer necessary nor useful, had been long neglected ; 
and as it had been fomied from the matter which had been thrown from its ditch, it had become 
Vol. I. B b 



186 AnACCOUNT [Book I.— The Roman Period. 

In the beginning of tlae year 209, Severus, after all those preparations, marched 
from the scene of his labours into the Caledonian regions. In the civilized country 
which lay between the walls and which was already opened by roads and secured 
by stations, he must have met with every facility that his judgment could dhect 
and his power command. He had his choice of two ways for the easy march 
of his troops, the western and the eastern ; the western was the most commo- 
dious, but, considering the greatness of the army which Severus led into the 
Caledonian territories, we may easily suppose that he would divide his army 
into two columns ; which would take their separate routes, each by one of those 
roads, for the convenience of subsistence and with the policy of overawing the 
intermediate tribes. Along both those principal roads there were commodious 
posts which greatly facilitated the march of the Roman troops through a settled 
country of more than eighty miles (c). 

Being thus arrived at the wall of Antonine, Severus marched from this Prce- 
tentura into the country of the Mseatse, and even penetrated into the territories 
of the Caledonians without meeting with much resistance. The classic au- 
thors magnify the difficulties of his march without recollecting that Agricola 
had penetrated into the same country before him ; that LoUius Urbicus had 
formed roads and constructed stations which pointed out his objects and pro- 
moted his operations. The emperor is said, however, to have felled woods, 
drained marshes, made ways, built bridges — unnecessary works seemingly, 
which fatigued his troops, inured to hard labour as they were, and ruined his 
army, hai'dy as it must have been. Dion assures us that Severus lost fifty 
thousand men during this laborious campaign. If he marched such an army 
into the i-ecesses of Caledonia without a fleet to furnish them with supplies, 

completely ruinous by neglect and time ; 3rdly, Severus knew its ruinous state from inspection, and 
foreseeing that a similar strength would protect Hs retreat in case of accidents, he determined to build 
a stronger wall on the same site in the autumn of 208, before he marched into the north ; 4thly, both 
Dio and Herodian inform us that the unworthy son of Severus relinquished to the Caledonians the forts 
which Severus had built in their country ; 5thly, it is certain that Severus knew — he had built forte 
among the Caledonian tribes — that the wall of Antonine was in every respect more commodious as the 
limit of the empire in that quarter than a wall from the Tyne to the Solway. From those facts 
and circumstances we may therefore infer that Severus as an ofiSoer and a statesman would have acted 
against his own conviction, and inconsistently with common sense, if he had erected such a wall as the 
Mur-Sever after his return from, a campaign, which gave him a right to assume the title of BrilanniGUS. 
See those reasonings completely supported by an inscription and a chronicle which are quoted by 
Horsley in his Brit. Eomana, p. 63, and which attest that the wall of Severus was built before h» 
entered Caledonia. 

(c) Eoy's Milit. Antiq., ch. ii. 



Ch. Y—.TheCampai/jn of Severiis.2 Of N ORTH-BEIT AIN. 187 

he might have lost a greater number without feeling the stroke of an enemy. 
Yet such was his obstinacy of perseverance, that he penetrated so far into the 
north as to be enabled to take notice of the length of the days and the short- 
ness of the nights, which were both so diiferent from those of Rome (d). 
Unable to resist his arms, the tribes sought for peace from his clemency. 
They surrendered some of their arms, and relinquished to him part of their 
country (e). After this success, which was thought at Rome to merit the title 
of Im^yerator, he returned within the Roman territories. But he did not long 
survive this honour or that success. Whether the Caledonian tribes had yet 
learned to consider a treaty as sacred, or had advanced far enough in civiliza- 
tion to know how to derive an advantage from the distraction of courts is 
uncertain, but they had scarcely made their peace with Severus when they 
renewed hostilities. Irritated by the odious attempt of his son Caracalla on 
his life, impatient from declining health at an advanced age, he issued orders 
to renew the war, and to spare neither age nor sex. But Cai-acalla, who 
was entrusted with conducting the hostilities, rather busied himself in gaining 
over the army to act against his brother and his father, than in executing the 
vengeful orders of the dying emperor. Severus expired at York, on the 4th 

(d) This observation of Dion is strengthened by an intimation of Eicliard, who has placed the Arce 
Finiimi Imperii Ro7nani on the promontoiy separating the Cromarty and Moray Friths, the former 
the Loxa, and the latter the Varar of that learned Monk. Tet Eoy has mistaMngly placed the 
Arce Fiiiiiim Imperii Romani on the more northern point of Tarbet-ness. Ainslie has copied the 
misconception of Roy, and the late survey of Murray has adopted the mistakes of both with regard to 
the true site of the ArcB Finium Imperii Romani. There are remains on the more southern 
promontory which fortify the position of Richard. The Stat. Account of Cromarty, v. xii., p. 259, 
says that " about three miles south of this place there is a very distinct appearance of a camp 
" in the figure of an oblong square, supposed to have been a Danish camp. At one corner of it 
"there is the appearance of a number of graves, which make it probable that many must have 
" fallen in some attack upon it." These gi-aves may denote the site of the Roman cemetery. Mr, 
Robert Smith, the intelligent minister, adds that " about a mile from the encampment there is a very 
" large collection of round stones, and hard by it a smaller one. Some of the stones are of a great 
" size, which must have cost great labour in gathering it." There have also been some stone coffins 
found near these cairns, from which circumstance we may suppose these are sepulchral tumuli. The 
cairns on Tarbetness, which misled those who placed the Arm Finium Imperii Romani on that promon- 
tory were found, when examined by my intelligent friend, the Eev. William Leslie of Lan-bride, to be 
merely the beacons which the fishermen of the adjacent coast had erected for directing their devious 
course through a troublous sea. 

(c) Barbeyi-ac Supl. Corp. Dipl., Part ii., p. 35. There has been found at the well-known Roman 
station at Cramond, on the Forth, a silver medal of Severus, having on the face the head of the 
emperor, with the legend Seveeus Pius Aug., on the reverse Fuotjatoe Pacis. Horsley's Brit. Rom., 
p. 62 ; and Wood's Hist, of Cramond, p. 5. This important medal is a strong confirmation of the 
general representations of history on that memorable occasion. 

Bb2 



188 AnACCOUNT [Bookl.— The Eoman Period. 

of February 211, in the sixty-sixth year of his age, and in the third year of his 
administration in Britain (/). 

Severus has been less fortunate than Agricola in his biogi'apher. The 
emperor's transactions in Britain are less distinctly known than even those of 
Urbicus, either from the intimations of history, or from the inscriptions of 
monuments ; and it is very difficult to ascertain the dates of events that are 
themselves indistinctly known. The great work of Severus was the wall which 
he constructed from the Tyne to the Solway, before, as we have seen, rather 
than after, he entered Caledonia. He repaired the roads and refortified the 
stations which his predecessors had left him, rather than formed new ones, 
which would have required consideration to contrive and time to execute. In 
general, it may be observed that those roads and camps which cannot be clearly 
assigned to Urbicus and Agricola may be attributed to Severus. It is certain, 
however, that Roman remains which have been recently discovered in 
Caledonia confirm classic authorities with regard to this memorable campaign 
of the emperor Severus (g). 

(/) Tillemont's Hist., torn, iii., p. 82. The last intimation shows, in opposition to Horsley, thas 
Severus arrived in Britain during the year 208, and not in 206, as in Brit. Eom., p. 56-7, and hit 
Chron. Tables, sub. an. 206. 

(^) A Roman causeway has been discovered running in a direction from south-east to north- 
west along the bottom of Flanders-Moss, which covers an extent of several miles on the north 
side of the river Forth, about nine miles west from the station of Alauna on the great Eoman 
road northward. In the same moss there were found several years ago a number of logs of wood 
squared, and lying across each other in the form of a raft, and the marks of the axe were visible on 
them. In the banks of Goody-water, which runs along the north-east side of this moss, several 
oak trees of a very large size appear projecting about twenty feet below the surface ; and where 
this water joins the Forth, one of these, trees, the trunk of which is near sis feet diameter, appears 
at the same depth below the surface projecting nearly twenty feet. Stat. Account, v. xx., p. 91. In 
the moss of Logan, which lies in the parish of Kippen, on the south side of the river Forth, 
opposite to Flanders-Moss, a road has been discovered about twelve feet wide, and formed by trees 
or logs of wood laid across each other. lb., v. xviii., p. 322. In the moss of Kincardine, which 
occupies an extent of several miles on the north side of the river Forth, about midway between 
Flanders-Moss and the station of Alauna on the great Roman road northward, there has been 
discovered a Roman way twelve feet broad, and regularly formed by trees or logs of wood laid 
across each other. Id. Recent improvements have discovered that the clay surface upon which 
this moss is incumbent is everjrwhere thickly covered with trees, chiefly oak and birch, and many 
of them of a gi-eat size. The}' are found lying in all directions beside their roots, which still con- 
tinue firm in the ground in their natural position, and they exhibit evident marks of having been cut 
with an axe or some similar instrument. lb., v. xxi., p. 154. And see Stobie's map of Perthshire 
for the situation of those mosses. Modem science has even discovered that the vast mosses in 
this vicinity owe their gradual formation to the direction of Severus for cutting down the woods 



Ch. v.— The Campaign of Severus.'] OpNOETH-BEITAIN. 189 

Whether the son of Severus ever fought with the heroes of Ossian on the 
river Carron admits of a similar doubt. It is demonstrable, however, that the 
language of the Caledonian bard was not spoken within the Caledonian re- 
gions for three centuries after the campaign of Severus had closed with fruit- 
less efforts, though with arrogated honours. But heroic poetry requires not 
authentic history to support its elegant narratives, nor to justify its ingenious 
fictions. The language of Ossian became the vernacular dialect of North- 
Britain at a subsequent period, and the bard may have praised the valour or 
deplored the misfortunes of his countrymen in Gaelic verses, which, as they 
delighted a rude people, were transmitted by tradition to their children, and 
the young repeated in pleasing episodes what were thus delivered to them by 
the old as the oral communications of their remote ancestors. 



in order that lie might see the devoted objects of his warfare. Encyclopedia Brit., v. xii., p. 387-9 ; 
add to those intimations of Eoman footsteps and Eoman arts, that in May, 1768, there was dug 
up from the bottom of Kincardine moss a large round vessel of thin brass, twenty-five inches in 
diameter, and sixteen inches in height, the mouth sixteen inches and a half in diameter, which is 
supposed to have been a Eoman camp kettle. It was found Ipng upon a stratum of clay beneath 
the moss, which is generally from seven to twelve feet deep. It was presented to the Antiquarian 
Society of Scotland, by John Eamsay, the laird of Auchertyre, in April, 1782. Account of the 
Antiq. Soc. of Scot., p. 94. 



190 A N A C U N T [Book l.~The lioman Period. 



CHAP. VI. 



Of the Treaty ivldch Caracalla made loith the Caledonians; of the Picts; 
of the Scots; of the Abdication of the Roman Government. 



THE demise of Severus, on the 4th of February 211, had scarcely delivered 
the empire to the government of his two sons, Caracalla and Geta, when the 
eldest concluded a peace with the Caledonians. Caracalla relinquished by this 
treaty the territories which they had recently surrendered to his father, and 
abandoned the forts which he had ambitiously erected in their fastnesses (a). 
The very terras of the pacification suppose that the wall of Antonine, as it had 
long been the northern limit of the empire in Britain, was to continue to be 
the boundary of separation between the Roman provincials and the Caledonian 
ti'ibes. The medals which have been found near the northern limit [h), and 
the stations which were garrisoned far beyond the southern walls, establish 
that important fact in opposition to petty difficulties (c). The rival emperors 
hastened to Rome, the great scene of their ambition, taking hostages from 
the Caledonian tribes for their faithful adherence to the late treaty, which 
ensured, indeed, uninterrupted peace for many years [d). 

Such was the wise policy of the treaty with Caracalla, which resulted from 
an attention to the interest of both parties, and such was the threatening aspect 
of the northern wall, that the Caledonian tribes remained quiet for almost a 

(a) Barbeyrac's Corps DipL, Part ii., p. 33, wlio quotes Xipliilin for the fact. Herodian also gives 
the same account of this remarkable treaty in b. iii., ch. 14. 

(i) The coins of Antoninus Caracalla, and of the emperor Dioclesian, who ceased to reign in 304, 
have been discovered at Cramond, where so many relics have been found. .They prove that this com- 
modious port on the Forth had continued a Eoman harbour till the Eoman departure from Britain. 
See Wood's Hist. Cramond Par., p. 4, 5 ; and Gordon's Itin. Sept., p. 118. 

(c) Horsley's Brit. Eom., 65 ; Whit. Manch., 8vo. edit., v. ii., p. 262-65. 

(.') Herodian, lib. iii., ch. 14; Barbeyrac Sup. Corps Dipl., Part ii., p. 33. 



Ch. YL.— Events from 211 A.D. to HG.] OfNOETH-BEITAIN. 191 

century, if we may judge from the continued silence of the classic authors and 
from the effects resulting from those salutary measures. As they had not 
much communication with the Roman provinces of the south, the Caledonian 
people seem not to have interested themselves in the affairs of the Romanized 
Britons within the Roman limits. As they had no knowledge of the ambi- 
tious scenes which were successively acted on the theatre of Rome, the 
Caledonian clans appear to have been little affected by the elevation of Caesars 
or the fall of tyrants, by tlie usurpation of Carausius, by the assassination of the 
usurper, or by the recovery of Britain as a province of the empire. After the 
resignation of the imperial power by Diocletian and Maximian in 305, Britain 
became an inconsiderable portion of the western empire under the mild 
government of the virtuous Constance. 

Meantime the five tribes of provincial Britons who lived within the north- 
ern wall were too inconsiderable to be much interested in the revolutions of 
the Roman world, but they were not perhaps too poor to be the objects of 
envy to less opulent clans, who sometimes plundered what they wanted industry 
to acquire and civilization to enjoy. To this cause it was probably owing, that 
Constance found it necessary to come into Britain during the year 306, to 
repel the Caledonians and other Picts (m). This is the first time that the Picts 
appear in history. The Caledonian people had often been mentioned before 
by classic authors under other names. The Caledonians were on this occasion 
called Picts, owing to their peculiar seclusion from the Roman provincials on 
the south of the walls, and they were often mentioned during the dechne of the 
Roman empire, by orators, historians, and poets, by that significant appella- 

(pi) Caledones aliique Picti are tlio significant expressions of Eumenius tlie orator, wlio in a 
panegyric during the year 297, and again in 308, was tlie first who mentioned the Picti as a people. 
As the learned professor of Autun knew the meaning of his own language, we are bound to regard the 
Caledotiians and Picts as the same people at the end of the third century. Towards the conclusion of 
the fourth century Ammianus Marcellinus also spoke of the Caledonians and Picts as the same people. 
'■Eo tempore," says he, lib. xxvii., ch. vii., "Picti in duas gentos divisi, Dicalcdones et Veoturiones." 
On this occasion poetry has also added her agreeable blandishments to the narratives of veracious 
history in showing that the classic authors supposed, perhaps mistakingly, the custom among the 
Caledonians of painting themselves to be the reason which induced those writers to speak of the 
Caledonian tribes by the appropriate name of Picti. And Claudian, about the year 400, Do bella 
Gtettico, alluded to them in the following lines : 

" fen-oque notatos 

" Perlegit exanimos Picto moriente figuras ; " 
and in his panegyric on Theodosius's victories, the poet again speaks thus of the Picts : 

" Ille leves Mauros, nee falso nomine Pictos 

" Edomuit ." 



192 AnACCOUNT [Book I.— The Roman Period. 

tion. The name of Picts has continued to the present day the theme of 
antiquarian disputes and the designation of national history. That the Picts 
were Caledonians, we thus have seen in the mention of classic authors during 
three centuries ; that the Caledonians were the Nortli-Britons who fought 
Agricola at the foot of the Grampian, we know from the nature of the events, 
and the attestation of Tacitus ; that the Northern Britons of the first century 
were the descendants of the Celtic Aborigines, who were the same people as 
the southern Britons during the earliest times, has been satisfactorily proved 
as a moral certainty. 

The inroads of the Caledonians and other Picts were soon repelled by the 
Roman legionaries under Constantius, who did not long survive his easy but 
decisive success, for he died at York on the 25th of July, 306 (n). The 
subsequent silence of history with regard to the future conduct of the Cale- 
donians and other Picts, is the best evidence of the efficiency of his campaign. 
Almost forty years elapsed befoi-e the Caledonians and other Picts again in- 
fested the territories of the provincial Britons, though civil wars had meanwhile 
raged ; though the metropolis of the empire had been carried to Constantinople ; 
though foreign and domestic hostilities had ensued upon the death of the 
great Constantine. In 343 Constance is said, on dubious authority indeed, to 
have come into Britain, and by a short campaign to have repelled a feeble inroad 
of the Picts (o). A silence of seventeen years again informs us, with instructive 
evidence, that the provincials remained unmolested, and that the Picts were 
long quiet. 

While Constance, the emperor, was fully occupied with the Persians in the 
east, and Julian, the Ca)sar, was equally employed with the Germans on the 
frontiers of Gaul, the peace was bi'oken in Britain by the inroads of the Scots 
and the Picts. The frontiers were wasted, the provincials were harassed, and 
they dreaded future mischiefs from a recollection of the past. Occuj^ied with 
the immediate defence of the Rhine and meditating ambitious projects, Julian 
sent Lupiciuus, a capable ofiicer, with suflicient troops to repel the savage in- 
cursions of the Scots and Picts [p). But his attention appears to have been 
too much occupied with the commencement of the civil war between Constance 
and Julian to allow him to effectuate the obj ect of his mission at that troublous 
moment. 

(n) Tillemont Hist, des Emp., torn, vi., p. 91. 

(o) Tillemont's Hist, des Emp., torn, iv., p. 336 ; and Horsley's Brit. Eom., p. 72, who mistakingly 
supposes tliat the Scots acted on that occasion in concert with the Picts. 
{p) Ammian. Marcel., lib, xs., eh. iv ; Tillemont Hist., v. iv., p. 447. 



Ch. VI.— Events from2nA.D. to UG.] Of N OETH-BEIT AIN. 103 

The year 360 is the epoch of the first appearance of the Scottish people in 
the pages of the Roman annals. Ammianus, who mentions them, at present 
joins the Scots with the Picts as if they had formed one army, though they 
had no connection whatever by lineage, or in neighbourhood, or in interests. 
The historian himself, indeed, speaks of the Scots, in the year 367, as an 
erratic people who spread much waste by their predatory excursions {q). 
These descriptions do not apjily with any truth to a tribe who resided in 
Britain ; and, indeed, the contemjjorary authors of that age speak of the Scots 
as a transmarine people who invaded the Roman provincials from the sea, 
and who came from Ireland, which was their native isle (r). The Scots were 
unknown as a people during the first and second centuries, if we may regard 
as satisfactory evidence the uniform silence of the classic authors of Rome and 
Greece during those learned ages. The Scoticce gentes, the Scottish people, Avere 
first mentioned by Porphyry, who flourished at the end of the third century ; 
yet were not the Scots mentioned by Eumenius, the orator, though he was the 
first to notice the Picts of North-Britain, and to distinguish the Hiberni of 
Ireland. 

(7) Scotti, per di versa vagantes, multa populabantur. Lib. xsvii., chap. vii. 
()■) In tlae successive panegyrics of Claudian, we may see tlie historical intimations of the 
coui-tly poet : 

" Scottom que vago mucrone Secutus 

'' Fregit Hyperboreas remis audacibus undas. 

a ^^ __ __^ 

" Scotorum cumulos flevit glacialis lerne. 



totam cum Scottus lernen 



" Movit, et infesto spumavit remige Tethys. 
If the contest of Claudian be considered, it is impossible not to perceive that he regarded Ireland 
as the country of the Scots at the commencement of the fifth age. A century and a half after- 
wards Gildas also mentioned Ireland as the proper country of the Scots, a sentiment which Bede 
delighted to repeat. Add to those proofs what appeared to Camden to be historical demonstra- 
tions of the following jsoints : 1st, That ancient Scotland was an island; 2dljf, That ancient Scot- 
land and Britain were different countries ; 3dly, That ancient Scotland and Ireland were not differ- 
ent conntries. Camdeni Epistolae, 1G91, p. 70, and App. N. ii. Now, these points being time, it 
follows that the Scots of Ammianus Marcellinus and of Claudian were not then settled in Britain, 
but came from Ireland when they invaded the Eoman tenitories during the period from the year 
360 to 4-16. Those proofs seem not to have been attended to by Gibbon, when he so absolutely 
decided, that as early as the reign of Constantine, the northern region was divided between the 
two great tribes of the Scots and Picts. Hist, of the Decline and Fall, 8vo edit. 4th vol., 291-95. 
Orosius, who lived during the 5th century, says expressly : " Hibernia insula inter Britanniam et 
Hispaniam sita ; — et a Scotorum gentibus colitur." Ed. 1536, p. 20-1. These intimations of a 
contemporary author seem to be decisive. 

Vol. I. C 2 



194 An ACCOUNT [Book l.—T/ie Roman Period. 

The accession of Valentinian to the empire in 3G4 a.d., is the epoch of a fresh 
attack on the Roman provincials in Britain by the Picts, who wei-e in that 
age divided into two tribes, by the name of Dicaledones and Vecturiones ; 
of the Attacots, a warhke clan who occupied the shores of Dunbarton and 
Cowal ; and of the Scots, who, as we have just seen, were an erratic tribe from 
the shores of Ireland, and who wasted the coasts of South-Britain by their 
successive incursions (s). The attack of 364 a.d., seems to have been more 
general and destructive than any former incursion by the same people. After 
the appointment and the recall of Severus and of Jovien as commanders of 
the Roman troops in the British island, Theodosius, who had gained the greatest 
reputation as an officer, was sent to Britain in 367, to restore tranquillity to 
a very disturbed people. He is said to have found the Picts and Scots in the 
act of plundering Augusta, the London of modern times. But this improba- 
bility was reserved for the ignorance or the inattention of modern writers to 
assert (<)• The prudence and valour of Theodosius, however, restored in 
the two campaigns of 368 and 369, the tranquility of Britain, by suppressing 
domestic insurrection and by repelling foreign invasion ; by his prudence he 
restored the cities, strengthened the fortifications, and repaired the wall of An- 
tonine ; and by his policy he added to the four provinces which already 
existed in Britain, the country lying between the southern and northern 
wall as a fifth province, by the name of Valentia, which Valentinian thus de- 
nominated in honour of Valens, whom he had early associated with him in the 
empire (w). Poetry and panegyric equally bestowed their blandishments on 
the successful enterprises of Theodosius ; but the result of his measures has 
conferred in every subsequent age more honourable fame ; the thirty years 

(.«) Am. Marcellinus. lib. xxvii. cb. vii. The Attacotti, as we know from Eichard, inhabited the 
whole country lying between Loch Lomond on the east and Loch Fyne on the west, during the 
second century. Dwelling thus along the northern shore of the Clyde, they had only to cross the 
Frith in order to attack the Roman provincials who inhabited Renfrew and Ayr. 

(t) Ammianus Marcellinus, who gives a particular account of the expedition of Theodosius, lib. 
sxvii., chap, vii., says nothing of that improbability. Gibbon, who gives some countenance to 
what was too absurd for positive assertion, states minutely the causes which had diffused through 
this island a spirit of discontent and revolt. The oppi'ession of the good and the impunity of the 
wicked equally contributed, says he, to subvert the weak and distracted government of Britain. 
Hist, of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Emp., 4th vol., 8vo edit., p. 296-7. Thus, domestic 
revolt and foreign invasion both concurred to ruin the provincials, and to call for the protection of 
such an officer as Theodosiiis, whose talents wore equally fitted for the legislation of peace as for 
the struggles of war. 

(?() Ammian. Marcellinus, lib. xxvii., ch. vii. 



Ch. YL— Events Jrom 211 A.D. to 44G.] r N E T H - B E I T A I N. 195 

quiet of Britain which ensued bears the most indubitable testimony to the 
vigour of his arms and the efficacy of his wisdom. 

Yet, amidst an age when the Roman empire was attacked without by the 
surrounding tribes, and enfeebled within by domestic parties, the Scots from 
Ireland and the Picts from Caledonia renewed their depredations on the British 
provmcials during the year 398. Stilicho, who supported a falling empire 
l)y the strength of his talents, sent such effectual aid as enabled the governors 
to repel the invaders, to repair the northern wall, and to restore general quiet {x). 
The grateful poetry of Claudian has preserved the great actions of Stilicho, 
which the historical coldness of Zosimus had consigned to obli\non. 

The decline of the Roman empire brought with it every sort of disorder, in 
addition to its weakness. The revolt of the troops in Britain transferred, in 
407, the government to Gratian ; and after his death, to Constantine, who car- 
ried the army that had conferred on him the purple to Gaul in order to 
maintain, however unsuccessfully, their own choice. The disgrace and death 
of Stilicho, in 408, auginented all those evils. While the empire was oppressed 
by the invasions of barbarians from every nation and of every name, the 
British provincials, who continued to be harrassed by the Scots from the west, 
and by the Picts from the north, assumed a sort of independence, which was 
founded in the necessity of self-defence. Honorius, feeling his inability to de- 
fend this distant province amid so many attacks, directed the British cities to 
rule and defend themselves [ij). 

But their inexperience soon occasioned them to feel theu' own weak- 
ness ; and m 422 A.D., though the walls were then garrisoned by Ro- 
man troops, the provincials again applied for additional protection against 
the desultory attacks of predatory j^eople, who could be more easily re- 
pelled than tranquillized. A legion is said to have been sent, who chas- 
tised the invaders, and, for the last time, repaired the fortifications 
that had long overawed the Pictish tribes (z). From this epoch the pro- 

(»•) The verses of Claudian have been alreadj' quoted. From them we may learn Tvith a little 
extension of his sense, that Stilicho had assisted the British provincials who were attacked by the 
Scots that had armed all Ireland against them. Of the Scots, Tillemont remarks, " that they still, 
" without doubt, dwelt in Ireland. Of the Picts, that critical historian observes that they were 
" the ancient inhabitants of North-Britain ; but, as they had been repressed by Stilicho, they were 
" no longer formidable to the British provincials." The Saxons, also, who in that age began to infest 
the shores of Britain, as they had been lately chastised by Theodosius, were repelled by Stilicho. 
Tillemont Hist, des Emp. 4 torn., p. 503. 

((/) Zosimus, lib. vi. ch. v. ; Barbeyrac Supl. Corps Dipl., Part ii., p. 72. 

{z) Barbeyrac Supl. Corps Dipl., Part ii., p. 77 ; and Pagi, sub an 422. 

c 2 



196 An ACCOUNT [Book I.— The Roman Period. 

vincials enjoyed twenty years repose. The year 446, when -^tius was consul 
for the third time, is the memorable epoch when the British provincials ac- 
knowledged themselves to be Roman citizens, by their supplication to that able 
supporter of a degenerate state for fresh assistance ; but he was unable to gratify 
their desire of help owing to the jjressures of the bai'barians upon Gaul. 
The provincials were again told, in a more desponding tone, that they must 
rely on their own efibrts for their future government and effectual defence. 
The abdication which Honorius seemed willing to make in a.d. 409, ^tius 
thus more completely effected in a.d. 446 (a). 

(rt) Some couhaiiety of opinions has arisen between ignorance and refinement, with, regard to the 
true epoch of the cessation of the Koman government in the British island. The recall of the 
Koman legions, at particular periods of the fifth century, is supposed by some to give a hmit to 
the continuance of the Eoman power. But the march of the legions from one province to an- 
other of a most extensive empire did not alter the nature of the government any more than the 
chano-e of quarters of a British regiment from one American province to another operates as a 
relinquishment of British jurisdiction over provinces which were thus meant only to be relieved or 
supported. The mere march of a legion, or a regiment, could produce no change in the jurisdic- 
tion, without the signification of the will of the government. The historian of the decline and fall ■ 
of the Eoman empire seems to be the fu-st who, from the intimation of Zosimus, and a passage 
of Procopius, settled the independence of the British cities as early as the year 409. Hist. 8vo. 
ed. vol. v., p. 364. But his facts may be admitted without acknowledging his inferences. Ho- 
norius by his letter directing the cities to defend and govern themselves, did no more in 409 
than George 11. did in 1756, when he urged his American provinces to exert their own powers 
in their own defence. The conduct of the Britons from 409 to 446, confinns this reasoning. 
The ''independent Britons raised 12,000 men for the service of the emperor Anthemius in Gaul." 
Hist, of the Decl. and Fall, 5th vol., p. 364. " The independent Britons implored and acknow- 
" ledo-ed the salutary aid of Stilicho.' lb. vol. vi., p. 91. These facts prove, with sufficient 
conviction, notwithstanding the blandishments of historical eloquence, that the independent Britons 
still thought themselves the dependent citizens of the Eoman empire, who were bound to give assist- 
ance, and were entitled to receive protection. Forty years afterwards the Eoman provincials 
applied to ^tius for similar help, without receiving the same aid, because other concerns were 
more urgent. The account of this transaction, which has been transmitted by GUdas, is so cir- 
cumstantial, that we cannot altogether disbelieve him without doing violence to our historical 
faith. If what GUdas asserts be true, that the Britons applied to J^tius, during his third consulate 
for military protection, this fact would prove that they still considered themselves, and were plainly 
regarded by others, as Eoman provincials. The curious notices of Gildas, who died in 570, is con- 
firmed — 1st, By the Notitia, which shows that Eoman troops remained in the gaiTisons of the 
northern fence till towards the middle of the fifth century ; Whit. Hist, of Manch., 8vo. edit., vol. ii., 
p. 261-69 ; 2dly, By the long continuance of Eoman stations within the province of Valentia ; 
Wood's Hist, of Cramond, p. 1-12 ; 3dly, By the finding in England of the coins of Arcadius, 
Honorius, and Valentinian, the third. Horsley's Brit. Eom.. p. 75. Eichard concurs with Gildas in 
these important notices, p. 55. 



Ch. VI.— Events from 211 A. D. to AiG.'] OfNOETH-BEITAIN. 197 

The time was at length arrived when the Roman empire, which was now 
pressed on all sides by irresistible hordes, was to shrmk back from the boun- 
daries that in her ages of ambition she had fixed at too great a distance for 
her own security or repose. As the Romans receded, then- numerous invaders 
advanced. New states were successively formed ; and Europe may be said 
to have assumed, during the fifth century, new appearances that are still to be 
discerned ; and to have adopted various institutions which continue to impart 
their influences to the present times, after the revolutions of many centuries. 



1S8 AsACCOUXT [Bock IL—The Pictish Period. 



BOOK II. 



THE PICTISH PEEIOL. 446 AJ). MS. 



CHAP. I. 

Oft}ie Picts; their Lineage; their Ciril Sisiory, and Larvguage ; with a Review 

oftlue Pictish Question. 

THE Pietish Period, extending from the abdication of the Romans in a.d. 446 
to the overthrow of the Pictish government in 843 A.D., will be found from 
its notices to comprehend interesting events. At the epoch of Agricola's in- 
vasion, the ample extent of North-Britain was inhabited, as we have seen, by one- 
and-twentv Gaelic clans, who were connected by such slight ties as scarcely to 
enjoy a social state. At the period of the Boman abdication there remained 
in Korth-Britain only one race of men, the genuine descendants of those 
Caledonian clans ; the sixteen tribes who ranged unsubdued beyond the wall 
of Antonine, under the appropriate denomination of the Picts ; the five southern 
tribes of kindred people who, as they remained under the Roman jurisdiction, 
seem to have been considerably civilized by the adoption of Roman arte ; but 
the Arigles had not yet arrived within the Ottadinian territories on the Tweed; 
and the Scots still continued in Ireland, their original country. The sixteen 
tribes of proper Picts acquired from their independence higher importance when 
they were no longer overawed by the Roman power, and they will be imme- 
diatelv found to have been the dominatingr nation throughout four centuries of 
the North-British annals. The five Romanized tribes of Valeritia, who had 
long enjoyed the instructive privilege of Roman citizenship, will soon app>ear to 
have assumed the character of an independent people, who established fur them- 
selves their own goverrmient. Two new races of men ere long arrived within 
the Caledonian regions, who not only saddened the enjoyments, but at length 
eclipsed the glories of the Caledonian Britons. The Arigles early settled on the 
Tweed and erewhile obliged the Ottadini to relinquish for ever, as we shall 
see, their beloved domains. At the end of half a century, the Scotg of Ireland 
colonized Argyle, and spreading themselves over the circumjacent districts 



Ch. l.—ne Picts.2 OfNOETH-BEITAIN. is» 

superseded the Pictisli government as we shall perceive, after the bloody- 
struggles of three hundred and forty years. It mast be the business of this 
Pictisli Period of the North-British annals to trace the singular histoiy of all 
those people ; the Caledonian Picts, the Romanized Britons, the Angles of Lo- 
thian, the Scots of Ai-gyle, throughout the various events of their obscure 
warfare, and the successive turns of their revolutionary changes. 

The lineage of the Pictish people has been disputed, though without any valid 
reason, as if there could be a doubt whether they were of a Celtic or of a 
Gothic origin. But their genealogy may be clearly traced through three con-"' 
secutive changes — from the Gauls to the Britons ; from the Britons to the 
Caledonians : and from the Caledonians to the Picts — thus changfinof their 
names but not their nature (a). During many an age before our common 
era, Gaul was the splendid scene wherein the Celts displayed, before the intelli- 
gent eyes of the Roman people, the peculiai'ities of their religion, the oiiginality 
of their customs, and the singularity of their manners. The Gaelic Celts 
who emigrated to Biitain brought with them into this island all those dis- 
tiuguishmg features, with their original language (6). One of the most striking 
points of comparison between Gaul and Britain, was the geogi'aphical divisions 
of the country and the civil institutions of the people. Graul appears to have 
been in every age cantoned among many clans, who were each independent of 
the whole. South-Britain was in the same manner divided among many tribes. 
North-Britain, at the memorable invasion of Agricola, was cantonized among 
one-and-twenty clans, who seldom united in any common measui-e, as they 
were involved in eternal warfare. In Gaul, in South and in North-Britain, we 

(a) Bede, who was contemporary witii the Pictish govemment, speaks doubtfully of the Picts 
as the second people who came into this island from Scythia — first to Ireland, and thence to 
North Britain. But though Bede states all this rather as what he had heard than as what he knew, 
his authority has deluded many wiiters who did not inquire whether what he had said modestly could 
possibly be true. Bede, 1. i., cap. 1. We now know from more accurate examination that the 
Picts were certainly Caledonians ; that the Caledonians were Britons ; and that the Britons were 
Gauls. It is the topography of North Britain during the second and first centuries, as it contains a 
thousand facts, which solves aU those doubts, and settles aU controverey about the lineage of the Picts. 
See before, b. i., ch. 1, 2. 

(6) J. Csesar and Tacitus are already quoted : Schoepflin ViiuUctae Celtica, p. 97-115 ; Burton's 
Antoninus, p. 170: Monde Primitif., t. 5; Prelim. Discourse; and the Dniver. Hist., v. xviii., with 
the map annexed ; Camden's Brit, of the first inhabitants. A comparison of the names of places in 
Oaul and in Britain would add the demonstration of facts to the decision of authorities. Buchanan 
actually made such a comparison. Man's ed., p. 52-4 ; and he undertook to demonstrate the same- 
ness of speech, and thence an affinity between the Gauls and the Britons from the names of their towns, 
rivers and countries. 



200 A N A C U N T [Book U.—The Pictish Period. 

may perceive a strong principle of division, the peculiar characteristic of the 
Celts, producing the direful effects of perpetual enmity during domestic peace, 
and constant weakness amidst foreign war. This common principle of the 
Celtic people which prevented the association of large communities, and ob- 
structed the establishment of a vigorous government, has continued to vex and 
enfeeble their descendants in Gaul and in Britain, even down to our own 
times. 

There was another piinciple which was peculiar to those Celtic people, and 
which has involved their aflPairs both within Gaul and throughout Britain in lasting 
darkness. They made it a constant rule never to commit anything to writing, 
\, according to a settled maxim, that it was more glorious to perform great actions 
than to write in good language (c). The observance of that nile, whether it 
proceeded from military ardovu' or from superstitious observances, has covei'ed 
the antiquities of their British descendants with undiminished mists. 

We have, however, seen distinctly during the first and second centuries 
North-Britain inhabited by one-and-twenty distinct tribes {d). The most 
powerful of those clans, the Caledonians, seem early to have given a genei'al 
denomination to the whole. In the succinct biography of Tacitus those tribes 
who opposed Agricola are either denominated Britanni or Horestii or 
Caledonii, whose country was analogically denominated by liim Caledonia. 
The origin of all those Roman names are to be found, as we have seen, in the 
language of the British people themselves ; and the celebi-ated appellation 
Caledonia was merely Romanized from the Celyddon of the Britons, that owed 
its origin to the woods which spread in ancient times over the interior and 
western parts of the country lying beyond the Forth and Clyde, and which 
were mentioned emphatically before the age of Tacitus by Pliny as the 
Caledonian forest (e). 

(c) Caesar's Com., 1. vi. ; Univer. Hist., v. sviii., p. 539. (rf) Before, book i., ch. ii. 

(e) Book i., ch. xvi. The distant source of all those distinctive appellations may be traced back 
to the appropriate quahties of the things signified. The most common and early distinctions 
of regions being the open plains and the woodlands or forests, those obvious quahties gave rise to the 
two leading appellations of Gal and of Celt : the first denoting the open country, and the second the 
covtrt. Of the same import with Gal and its derivatives are Gwal, Peithu, Gwynedd, Gtrent, and 
Sylhrf/, signifying open or clear rer/ions. With Celt may be classed Cebjddon, Gwi/ddel, and T.'^goed, 
importing the coverts. See Owen's Diet, in vo. Gal, Celt, Celyzon, Peithi, etc. As the interior and 
mountainous districts of North Britain were in early ages covered with an extensive forest, the British 
people who colonized that part of our island gave it the descriptive appellation of Cebjddon, signifying 
in their language the coverts. The inhabitants of the forest were, according to the idiom of their 
speech, called Cehtddoni. Crh/ddnniaiJ : ;ind the British terms Celyddon and Celyddoni were merely 



Ch. I.— The Picts.] OfNOETH-BEITAIN. 201 

As other ancient people both of Asia and of Britain had been marked by- 
very different appellations, while they appeared under various aspects to inqui- 
sitive geographers and to subsequent writers, the Caledonians were also known 
by very different names during successive periods of their annals. Under the 
reign of Severus, the Caledonian tribes were noticed by classic writers under 
the names of MceatcB and of Caledonians, as we learn from Dio and Herodian ; 
but they intimate at the same time that other tribes also lived in that age 
within the Caledonian territories [f). The Caledonian people were called by 
Ammianus Marcellinus, Di-Caledones and Vecturiones, with an eye to their 
appropriate site or to the face of the country, when they invaded the Roman 
province in 368 a.d. ((/). The Caledonians in the meanwhile acquired, 
towards the conclusion of the third century, from an obvious cause, the com- 
prehensive appellation of Picti, which, before the end of the fourth century, 
superseded every other name. It was undoubtedly the orator Eumenius_ 
who, in his panegyric on Constantius during the year 297, first called the 
people of Caledonia Picti ; and who certainly speaks of the Caledonians and 
other Picts as the same people. The classic writers of that age seem, indeed, 

latinized by tlie Romans Caledonia and Caledonii. As tlie division of the country was mucli the 
largest to which the term Cehjddon was properly applicable, this name, in its latinized foiTa of 
Caledonia, was usually extended by the Latin writers to the whole peninsula of North Britain which 
lay northward of the Forth. 

(/) Dio, book Ixxvi. ; Herodian, book iii. The Picts were unknown to Dio and Herodian, 
who lived in the third century. As the Mseatae lived immediately beyond the wall of Antonine, 
and were known to the Eoman officers from their frequent invasions of the Romanized Britons 
within Valentia, we may easily suppose that they obtained their Roman-British name from that 
striking circumstance ; and they were thus called Meiadi, which signified in the British speech 
the people who take the field or go out to war. See Owen's Diet, in vo. Meiad, signifying in 
the British those going out to war, those talcing the field ; and so Meia signifies to take the field or to 
go out to war. 

{fj) As the De of the British speech signified merely a separation or a parting, so the De-Caledones 
meant only the separated Caledonians who lived without the Eoman provinces in the western and 
northern part of Caledonia, and who were thus distinguished from the Vecturiones that dwelt along 
the eastern coast from the Forth to the Varar. As this open country obtained from the British pro- 
vincials the descriptive appellation of Peithw, so the inhabitants of it were consequently termed Peiiht, 
Peithwijr, Peithuyron, all which terms denoted the people of the open country. The only differ- 
ence between the British words Peithi and Peithwyron is that the former is a more general, and the 
latter a more special term, the same in import as the English and English?HeH. The British words 
Peithi and Peith-iryron would naturally be latinized by the Romans into Picti and Pecturones, or rather 
Vecturones ; for the (th) of the British are represented by the (ct) in the Latin in such words as have 
an analogy, and (p) in the British also changes to (f), for which the Eomans used (v), as Varar for 
Farar, and Varis for Faris. 

Vol. I. D d 




202 An ACCOUNT. [BookTI.— The Picttsh Period. 

to regard the Picti as merely another name for Caledones (h). This position is 
fairly acknowledged by an enquu-er who had examined the point, and found it 
clearly proved, hy classic authors, that the Picti and Caledones were the same 
people (i). 

(h) See tills point ably discussed in Innes's Critical Essay, v. i., p. 42-57. 

(i) Enquiry into the Ancient History of Scotland, 1789, v. i., part iii., ch. i. " Caledones 
" aliique Picti " are the significant expressions of Eumenius the orator, who knew the meaning 
of his own tenns. There is a third system maintained by the ingenious editor of the Scottish Songs, 
1794. Hist. Essay, p. 12. This system consists in supposing that a great part of North- 
Britain was, even before the invasion of Biitain by the Eomans, inhabited by a people called Ptcts, 
Pils, or Pechts, who are by some thought to have come from Scandinavia, and to have driven out 
the ancient inhabitants ; but let them come from where they would, he adds, they were still a 
Celtic colony, and spoke a dialect at least of the language of the original inhabitants. This was the 
system of Buchanan. For these assumptions, however, that a people called Picts, Piks, or Pechts 
inhabited any part of North Britain, even before the invasion of Britain by the Eomans 55 3-ears 
A.C., I have found in the course of my researches neither fact nor authority nor intimation ; 
neither did Ptolomy, nor Eichard, nor Camden, nor Selden, nor Innes, find any evidence for such 
a position as that the Picts were known by that name three centuries and a half before Eumenius 
pronounced in 297 a.d. his panegyric on Constantius. On the contrary, there is proof that 
the Picts, who were then first called by that name, were merely Caledonians. Eumenius, who first 
spoke of the Picts, again mentions them in 308 as Caledonians. He adds : "Nun dico Caledomnn 
'■ aliorumque Pictorum." Ammianus Marcellinus, who died about the year 390, speaks still more 
distinctly on this head, 1. ssvii., § viii. : " Illud tameu sufficiet dici, quod eo tempore Picti in duas 
" gentes divisi Di-caledones et Vecturiones." And Innes, who wrote critically on this subject, 
concludes in v. i., p. 48 : " from all this it seems clearly to follow that the people who began 
"first in the end of the third and the beginning of the fourth century to be called Picts by the 
" Eoman writers were not new inhabitants in the island, but the same ancient inhabitants of those 
"northern provinces so well known in the former ages by the name of Caledonians." The 
history of the fable which traces the origin of the Picts to a Scandinavian rather than a Celtic 
source is very short. Tacitus talked about the origins of the Caledonians and Germans like 
a man who was not very skilful in such investigations, and who preferi-ed declamation to inquiiy. 
Cassiodorus, the secretary of a Gothic court, who undertook to write a history of the Goths, was 
the first theorist that endeavoured, with preposterous industry, to derive every people from Scan- 
dinavia, which at all times was still more cold and barren and less populous than it is at present. 
His example was followed by the puerile writers of the middle ages. The learning and industry 
of the last two centuries have failed egregiously in establishing the position of Cassiodorus, un- 
less, indeed, we admit confidence for investigation, assertion for facts, and dogmatism for reasoning. 
The original colonists were demonstrably Gaelic Britons. Their descendants must be allowed to 
remain in the country of their fathers, unless it can be proved by evidence, which inquiry has 
not yet found, that they were dispossessed by invading adventurers of a different race ; and 
history, geography, and philology, all conem- to attest, in opposition to conjecture, that the pro- 
bability of the before mentioned deduction is carried up to certainty by the fact. There is a succinct 
history of the Picts, by Henry Maule, which was printed at Edinburgh in 1706, and which con- 
curs in all those puints with the foregoing intimations without the same proofs. Camden, 



t> 



Ch.l.— The Fids.'] OfNOETH-BEITAIN. 203 

The change, then, did not so much happen m the nature of the ancient tribes 
as in the form of their name ; and it is moreover apparent from the silence 
of history that no people of a different lineage had yet settled within the Cale- 
donian regions (k). As the Greeks had been in successive ages called Pelas- 
gians, Hellenes, and Achaians ; as the Latins had acquired various appellations 
with their several fortunes ; as the Goths had been denominated, from several 
changes in their situation, Getes, Gaudse, Daces, Tyragetes ; as the Saxons, 
who were unknown to Tacitus by this celebrated name, had been in the same 
manner called by the very dissimilar names of Cimbri, Chauci, Saevi ; so the 
northern Britons were denominated, from their significant language, by foreign 
writers, the Caledonians, and the Ma3at8e, the Di-caledones, and Vectui'iones ; 
and finally the Picts, a name which has puzzled all the antiquaries. These 
distinguished descendants of the Caledonians acquired their appropriate name 
during the Ptoman period from their relative situation and local qualities, as 
compared with the Romanized Britons, who lived in the province of Valentia 
within the Roman wall. The Picts dwelt without the province, and roamed free 
from the Roman authority, and separated from the Romanized tribes within, 
who often felt their vigorous incursions, and frequently required the protection 
of the Roman government. In the British speech the Picts were, from those 
distinctive qualities, called Peithi, which was naturally latinized by Roman 
writers into Picti, when they came, during the third century, to be the objects 
of Roman observation, by assimilating the British term to their own familiar 
word Picti, which was descriptive of the custom of painting the body that the 
Romans saw among the Northern Britons^ (2)7 ' ' 

however, was the first great authority who gave it as his opinion that the Picts were the genuine 
descendants of the ancient Britons ; and Selden, after discussing what former writers had said 
on the origin of the Picts, advises the reader " rather to adhere to the learned Camden, who 
" makes the Picts very genuine Britons, distinguished only by an accidental name." Polyolbion, p. 
128. Camden and Selden both mean Caniiro-Britons. 

(Jc) Every research, by whomsoever conducted, has egregiously failed in bringing any evidence to 
prove that a Gothic people settled in North-Britain before the arrival of the Anglo-Saxons, dui-ing the 
fifth century of our common era. The topography of North-Britain demonstrates that a Gothic 
people did not settle in North-Britain before the settlement of the Sasons. See before, b. i., ch. i. ii. 
Learning and diligence cannot establish falsehood in opposition to tnith. 

(Z) Peithi signifies in the British speech, those that are out or exposed, the people oj the open countr;/, 
the people of the waste or desert, also those who scout, ivho lay waste. Owen's Diet. In such 
Boman and British words as have an analogy, the (th) of the British are expressed by the (ct) of 
the Roman, as we have observed ; thus the Welsh Velfhin, a weaver's slay, is the Latin Fecten ; and 
the Effai^A of the Welsh is the Effec^us of the Latin. It may be moreover observed : 1 . The name 

Dd2 



204 An ACCOUNT [Book U.—Thc Pictish Period. 

During the second century Caledonia was inhabited by sixteen tribes, as we 
have seen, the genuine descendants of the aboriginal colonists. The eventful 
effluxion of three ages may have produced undoubtedly some changes, both 
in the position and the power of tribes, who were restless from their habits and 
inimical from their manners. As a Celtic people, they inherited from their 
remote ancestors, a strong principle of disunion. At the disastrous epoch of 
Agricola's invasion, they associated, indeed, together under Galgac, their Pen- 
dragon, as the British word implies. During successive eras of hostile irruptions, 

of Picti first appeare d in S oman writers, when tlie Romans had long relinquished their province of 
Vespasiana, the appropriate countiy of the Plots. 2. The Peithi and Peith-iwjr are the usual 
terms for the Pictish people in the oldest Welsh poets. 3. On the confines of Wales, those 
Britons who threw off their allegiance to their native princes and set up a regulus of their own, 
or adhered to the Saxons, were called Peithi or Picti. Thus a Welsh poet of the seventh century, 
celebrating "mic (myg) Dinbich," "the renown of Denbigh," says, '•' addowjm gaer )'sydd ar 
" gliis Phicfifi ; " a fair town stands on the confines of the Picti. 4. In fact, the Welsh, to dis- 

/l tinguish the northern from the southern Picts, called the Caledonian Picts by the appellation of 

f Gwyddi/l Pichti or Gwyddyl Fichti, the (p) of the British being frequently changed to (f). 

I The Picts, like other ancient people, have received in the progi-ess of their affaiis and during 
their change of circumstances, other names. The ancient Welsh applj- the tenii Brython and 
Brythonig to the Picts. Owen's Diet., in vo. Brython. And the ancient Welsh, by applying the 
terms Brython and Brythonig to the Picts, show that they considered them as Britons ; from this 
application of Brython to the Picts, we may infer that the earliest of the classic writers, in calling 
the Picts by the name of Britons merely adopted the British appellation. We may here discover, 
perhaps, the real origin of the term Britons, as applied to the most ancient colonists of our island, 
and not from the name of the country, as often is supposed. The Irish at a much later period 
applied to the Picts the name of Cruithneach, which O'Brien mistakingly supposes to be a 
comiption of Brithneach, from Brit, variegated, painted. But the fact is, that the old Irish 
name for the country of the Picts is Cruithin-Tuath, and of the Pictish people Cruithnich, according 
to O'Brien and Shaw ; now, Cruithin-Tuath literally means A^oriA-Britain, as the Irish adjunct 
Tuath signifies north, and Cruithnich or Cruithneach denotes the Britons or British people, being 
/ regularly formed from Cruithia, in the same manner as Erinach, Irishmen, is formed from Erin, 

w7 Ireland, and Albanach, Scotsmen, from Allan, the British name of Scotland. The L-ish terms, 
Cruithin and Cruithnich were bon-owed from the British Brijthin and Brythiiiyg. the Irish sub- 
stituting, according to their idiom, the initial C for the B of the British. In many words of the 
same meaning in these two kindred dialects, where the British has P or B, the L-ish has C, as the 
following examples show : — 



British. 




Ibish. 




English. 


Pen, 


— 


Cean, 


— 


a head. 


Pren, 


— 


Cran, 


— 


a tree. 


Pryn, 


— 


Crean, 


— 


a buying, purchasing 


Pluv, 


— 


Clximvh, 


— 


down feathers. 


Pasg, 


— 


Caisg, 


— 


Easter. 


Bras, 


— 


Craos, 


— 


fat, gluttony. 



Ch. I.— The Pkts.'] Of NOETH- BEIT AI N. 205 

they were probably influenced by similar motives to renew their associations, 
and to choose a pendragon whose authority was dictated by the occasion, and 
whose power was supported by the necessity. The Pictish ruler, at the epoch 
of the Eoman abdication, was Drust, the son of Erp, who had long directed the 
Pictish expeditions against the Koman provincials, and who, from his frequent 
entei'prizes, acquired, in the poetic language of the Irish annalists, the character- 
istic name of Drust of the hundi'ed battles. 

To the energetic principle of necessary union, we may trace up the obsciu'e 
origin of their princes, whose jurisdiction must have been extremely limited, and 
whose oflice in that age was scarcely transmissible. Bede, amidst some fable, 
has transmitted a curious notice with regard to the succession of the Pictish 
kings, which intimates that when any doubt arose the succession went rather to 
the female than to the male line (m). The fact, however, is, that the uncle was 
generally preferred to the son because he was usually more fit for the govern- 
ment of such a people in such an age. The irregularity of their successions 
attests the instability of their power. The authentic chronicles of the Picts at 
once confirm the fact, and show the names and series of the Pictish kings, with ' 
the extent of the reigns of each, from the epoch of the Roman abdication to 
the sad era of the Pictish overthrow (/i) ; and I have thrown all those notices 
into the comprehensive form of 



(m) Hist., lib. i., cap. i. 

(n) Innes merits lasting commendation for being the first to discover, and to publish in his 
Critical Essaij, the Chronica de Oeiqine Antiquoeum Pictoeum, from a MS. in the Colber- 
tine library, which MS. had once belonged to Lord Burghley, and had in that period been seen 
by Camden. App., N. ii. The authenticity of this Chronicon has not been questioned even by 
scepticism. It may be supported indeed by collateral circumstances. Bede, Nennius, Hoveden, 
Simeon of Durham, and other English writers recite facts which confinn the authenticity of the 
Chronicon, and also support the succession of the kings. Innes, vol. i., p. 111-122, 137-9. 
For, as the facts coincide with the Chronicle, the coincidence demonstrates the truth. In giving 
the following Chronological Catalogue of the Pictish kings, I have adhered as near as might 
be to the series of the sovereigns, the spelling of the names, and the extent of their reigns, which 
appear in the Chronicle. There is nothing more authentic or satisfactory in the early annals of 
any country. 



206 



x\.x ACCOUNT [Book II.— The Pictish Period. 

A CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE OP THE PICTISH KINGS. 



Tlieir 




Their 


Their 


Their 


Series. 


Their Names and Filiation. 


Accessions. 


Reigns. 


Deaths. 


1 


Deust, the son of Erp. 






in 451 A.D. 


2 


Taloec, tlie son of Aiiel. 


in 451 A.D. 


Dui-5 4 yrs. 


455 


3 


Necton Mokbet, the son of Erp. 


455 


25 


480 


4 


Deest Guethinmoch. 


480 


30 


510 


5 


Galanatj Etelich. 


510 


12 


522 


6 


Dadeest. 


522 


1 


523 


7 


Deest, the son of Girom. 


523 


1 


524 




Deest, the son of Wdrest, with the former. 


524 


5 


529 




Deest, the son of Girom, alone. 


529 


5 


534 


8 


Gaetnach, the son of Girom. 


534 


7 


541 


9 


-GEALTEiUJt, the son of Girom. 


541 


1 


542 


10 


Talorg, the son of Muircholaich. 


542 


11 


553 


11 


Deest, the son of Munait. 


653 


1 


554 


12 


Galam, with Aleph. 


554 


1 


555 




Galam, wltli Bridei. 


555 


1 


556 


13 


■ Beidei, the son of Mailcon. 


556 


30 


586 


14 


Gaetnaich, the son of Domelch. 


586 


11 


597 


15 


Nectu, the nephew of Verb. 


597 


20 


617 


16 


CiNEOCH, the son of Luthrin. 


617 


19 


636 


17 


Gaenaed, the son of Wid. 


636 


4 


640 


18 


Bridei, the son of Wid. 


640 


5 


645 


19 


■''^ Taloee, their brother. 


645 


12 


657 


20 


Talloecan, the son of Enfret. 


657 


4 


661 


21 


Gaetnait, the son of Donnel. 


661 


61 


667 


22 


Dhest, his brother. 


667 


7 


674 


23 


Beidei, the son of Bili. 


674 


21 


695 ■ 


24 


Taean, the son of Entifldich. 


695 


4 


699 


25 


Beidei. the son of Dereli. 


699 


11 


710 


26 


Nechton, the son of Dereli. 
Deest, and Elpin. 
Ungus, the son of Urguis. 


710 


15 


725 


27 


725 
730 


5 


730 


28 


31 


761 


29 


Bridei, the son of Urguis. ^J^t-**^-**'-? 
CiOTOD, the son of Wredech. ^' 


761 


2 


763 


30 


763 


12 


775 


31 


Elpin, the son of Bredei. 


775 


3i 


779 


32 


Deest, the son of Talorgan. ='--'-r-. 


779 


5" 


784 


^- 33 


Taloegan, the son of Ungus, , . c-Z'/u.^ <" 


784 


2i 


786 


34 


Canaul, the son of Tarla. ^ 


786 


5 


791 


35 


Costantin, the son of Urguis. 


791 


30 


821 


36 


Ungus (Hungus), the son of Urguis. 


821 


12 


833 • 


37 


Deest, the son of Constantine, and Talorgan, ) 
the son of Wthoil. j 


833 


3 


836 


38 


Uden, the son of Ungus. 


836 


3 


839 


39 


Wrad, the son of Bargoit. 


839 


3 


842 


40 


Beed. 


842 


1 


843 {o) 



(o) This Chronological Table is amply supported in Innes's Critical Essay, v. i., from p. Ill to 117. 
In the Chronicon of Dunblain there is a genealogical series of the Pictish kings. Innes's MS. Collec- 
tions ; and see the Enquiry, 1789, v. i., p. 295, for a series of the Pictish Mngs. 



Ch. l.—Tlie Fkts.] OfNOETH-BEITAIN. 207 

The names of those kings are undoubtedly Cambro-British, yet is it not 
easy to regain their true appellations, which have been perverted by ignorance (2:)). 
But it is vain to assign qualities to those kings any farther than events ascer- 
tain facts, which will be hereafter stated in their narrative order. The historians 
who adorn them with virtues or disfigure them with vices, wit hout d ocuments 
to justify imputations, only show their own propensities, and delude the reader. 

(^j) The names of the Pictish kings have not any meaning in the Teutonic, and they are 
therefore Celtic. They are not Irish, and consequently they are British, as the following notes 
will show. In No 21, we may see in the British form Dyvmval, which, in the Irish or Scoto- 
Irish pronounciation, would be Donnel. In No 30, Cineod is merely the Keneth of the Irish. 
(1.) Drust or Brest is probably the British name Trwst, which signifies Din. (2.) Talore, Talorg, 
Talorgen, Talorgan. Talai-w in the British signified harsh-fronted ; Talerg, dark-fronted ; Talorgan, 
splendid-fronted. Anail signified ojjenness. (3, 26.) Neohton was probablj' the Nwython of the 
British, signifying a person full of energy ; there have been men among the British who were 
called Nivython. (6.) Dadrest was perhaps the Godrwst of the British, signifying the beginning 
of tumult, the ff in composition or connection was dropped. (7.) Giron was probably the Gricn of 
the British, which is often used as an epithet that conveys the idea of stooping. (8.) Gartnach, 
Gartnaich, Gartnait. Gwi'chnwyd meant one of an ardent temper ; Gwrchnaid signified an ardent 
leap : Gwrthnaid meant an opposing leap. (9.) Galltrain in the British signified any one who 
prowled about. (13.) Bridei, Brid. Bradw in the British meant treacherous ; Brad, treachery. 
Mailcom or Maehjuii was a common British name, which implied the origin of good. (16.) Cineoch 
or Cynog in the British meant a forward person. (17). Givrnerth in the British signified masculine 
strength. (21). The Dyvmval of the British, which is pronounced by the Scottish and Irish Donnel, 
meant what was of the weaned couch. (22.) Drest is perhaps the British Trwst, who is spoken of 
in the old wiitings as a warrior that had the terrific name of Trust ail Taran, that is, the tumult, 
the son of thunder. (23.) Brudw, which is pronounced Bridw or Bradw, means in the British 
treacherous. Belt, his father, is a common name in the same tongue, signifying Bellicosiis, warlike. 
(27.) Elpin is the British Elfin, which means the same as the English Elf. There were among the 
British Eeguli of Stratholuyd two named Elpin. (28.) Wrguist or Urguist is perhaps the Gorchest 
of the British, the g being dropped in construction signifying the great achievement. Gwyr, in com- 
position Wyr, is the same in British as Fear, in the Irish, a man ; so Wirgust in the British is the 
same as Fergus in the Irish. (31). Wroid is probably the British Gwriad, which is a common 
name. (34.) Canaul is perhaps the C3Tiwyl of the British, a proper name of men, signifying con- 
spicupus. Torliv signifies oath breaking in the British ; Tivrlla means a heap. (35.) Costantin, 
Constantin. The name of Constantin appears among the British Eeguli of Strathcluyd, as we see in 
Langhom's Catalogue. (37.) Wthoil is the same as the common name Ithel, signifying in the 
British, knit-brow. (38). Uven seems to be the well-known name of Owain, signifj-ing apt to serve 
or to minister ; and appearing under this form in the Welsh MS. Chronicle of the Saxons in the 
British Museum. One of the British Eeguli of Strathcluyd was named Uen, or Hoen. (39.) Wrad is 
no doubt the Givriad of the British, the G being dropt in connection ; and there was a chief who was 
so called in the battle of Cattraeth. Bargoit or Bargod is also a name mentioned in the Triads. (40.) 
Brid or Brad signifies in the British, treachery ; hence, Bradvg, treacherous, the appropriate appella- 
tion of several ancient personages. 



208 AnACCOUNT [Book II.— The Pictish Period 

Those Pictish kings successively governed uncivilized clans during the rudest 
ages. In the third century the Picts were sufficiently barbarous, if we may 
believe the uniform representations of classic authors. As the Greeks had im- 
proved themselves from the vicinity of the orientals, and the Romans had 
derived refinement from an imitation of the Greeks, the Picts, we may easily 
sujjpose, gained some improvement from their intercourse, whether civil or 
hostile, with the Romanized Britons or the Roman armies. The introduction 
of Christianity among the Picts in subsequent times, by inculcating new lessons, 
impressed more gentle maxims ; and by teaching dissimilar habits, established 
among a rude people more humane practices ; yet, while Europe was over-run 
by barbarism, ib is not to be reasonably expected that North-Britain would 
escape the contagion of illiterate ages, and much less would acquire the 
accomplishments of knowledge or the softness of civilization. 

The appropriate country of the Picts, like more celebrated regions, appears 
to have acquii'ed different names in successive periods. The mountainous part 
of it was denominated by the first colonists in their native speech, Alhan, the 
superior height. This appropriate name, which was originally applied to the hilly 
region that forms the west of Perth and the north-west of Argyle, was in after 
times extended to the whole country. In the first century the British term 
Celyddon, which literally signifies the coverts, was applied by the Roman 
authors to the whole country on the north of the friths, though the same name 
was confined by the Roman geographers to the interior highlands lying 
northward of Albau. Both of these well-known appellations were afterwards 
applied more laxly to North-Britain, The Pictish Chronicle, from the Pictish 
people, calls their country by the analogous word Pictavia (q). The annals of 
Ulster generally speak of this country by the name of Fortruin, with a slight 
deviation from Fothir, the name of the Pictish capital {r). Saxo, the Danish 

((/) Innes's Crit. Essay, App. No. iii. ; Enquiry, 1789, v. i., App. No. xi. In the tract De Situ 
Albanice of Giraldus Cambrensis, ib. No. i. ; and see Langlaom's Antiquitates Alhionenses, who adopts 
the same name of Pictavia. 

(r) Chron., No. iii.^in Innes's Appendix. This name is merely the British Faethir [Faeth-thir] 
in Irish, Fothir signifying rich land, and this is the characteristic of the plains about Fortevoit. 
To the previous name of Fothir the Scoto-Irish put the adjunct tabhait, hence the names of 
Fothir, Fothir-tabhait, which is now abbreviated Fortevoit. Chron. No. iii. in Innes's App. ; 
Diplom. Scotiae. This ancient capital of the Pictish kings was occasionally the residence of the 
Scottish sovereigns as late as the reign of Malcolm IV., who dated one of his charters from Fether- 
, i tevoit. Anders. Dipl., pi. xxv. Forteviot is situated in Strathearn, about half a mile south from 
yf the river Earn, on the east side of May-water. It is apparent that Fortruin, in the annals of 
Ulster, has no connection with Forthrif on the Forth, as Fortruin applies merely to the seat of the 



Ch.L— The Picts.'] OpNORTH-BRITAIN. 200 

historian speaks of the conquests of Regnai- in Scotia, Petia, and the Hebudes 
(*■). The context plainly points to Petia as the name of Pictland. Now, the 
Pelia of Saxo approaches the nearest to the British term Peith or Peithw, 
which the British people applied to the open country lying along the east coast 
on the northward of the Forth, 

The history of the Picts is only accompanied by such glimpses of the moon 
as show it to be little more than a tissue of domestic strife and foreign war ; of 
violent successions in the series of their kings, and some changes of religion. 
Drast, the son of Erp, who is chronicled as the fortunate leader of a hundred 
battles, had the honour to contribute his efforts to produce the abdication of the 
Ptoman government, if we may credit Gildas's declamations and the Irish 
annalists (t). More than a century elapsed, and a dozen successions ensued, 
without any interesting event to recount. The Saxons, who invaded the 
Ottadinian district on the Tweed, are said to have made a treaty with the 
Picts. The Scoto-Irish colonists settled on their western territories in 503 a.d. 
Ida, who founded the Northumbrian monarchy in 547 A.D., appears to have 
been diverted by other objects from making the Picts feel the vigour of his 
genius. In a.d. 556, succeeded to the unsteady government of the Picts 
Bridei, whose fame reached even to the east (u). In the subsequent year he 
defeated the Scoto-Irish, and slew Gauran their king, if we may credit the 
Ulster annals. But the great glory of the reign of Bridei was his conversion to 
Christianity by the worthy Columba in 565 (x). From this epoch the Picts 
may be considered as Christians, a circumstance which seems not to have much 
changed their principles or much altered their customs. 

A petty warfare of many ages succeeded the demise of Bridei in a.d. 586, owing 
to the defect of the government and the accustomed habits of a I'ude people. 
Bridei was contemporary with the Northumbrian Oswy, who made him feel the 
weight of his character, if not acknowledge the superiority of his power (y). 



Pietish government in Stratheam. Yet has Mr. D. Macplierson fallen witli others into this error, for 
he says that Fortren in the Ulster Annals seems an error for Fortrev. Illustrations of Scot. Hist, in 
vo. Fortren. 

{s) Lib. is. (t) See, however, Bede, 1. i., cap. sii. 

(«) The accession of Bridei is recorded by the contemporary Count Marcellin in his Chronicon, Ed. 
Sirmondus, p. 78 ; Ind. V. P. C. Basil V. C. svi. which date corresponds with a.d. .350. See the 
foregoing Chronological enumeration of the Pictish Mngs. 

(.r) Bede. 1. iii., cap. -t. 

{if) See the doubtful intimations of Bede upon this point, 1. ii., cap. v. 
Vol. I. E e 



210 AnACCOUNT [Book II.— The Pktlsh Period. 

There was a domestic conflict at Lindores in 621, under Cineoch, the son 
of Luthrin (:;). In G63 ensued the unimportant battle of Ludho-feirn among 
the Picts (a). Drest, who reigned from 667 a.d. to 674, was expelled from 
his kingdom {h). Far different was the battle of Dun-Nechtan in 685, when 
the Pictish Bridei, the son of Bili, defeated and slew the Northumbrian 
Egfrid (c). The Saxon king appears to have attacked the Picts without pro- 
vocation and against advice. In pursuit of this object, whether of possession 
or of plunder, he proceeded from Lothian, the Bernicia of that age, across the 
Fortli into Strathearn. He thus plunged into the defiles of Pictavia. The torch 
lighted his march to the Tay. He burnt on his flaming route Tula-Aman 
and Dun-Ola, before the Picts could meet him in conflict. His imprudence 
pushed him on to his fate ; and he crossed the Tay into Angus while the Picts 
were collecting around h.im. Yet he pressed forward to Dun-Nechtan, the 
hill-fort of Nechtan, the Dunnichen of the present times {d) ; and near the 
neighbouring lake, which was long known by the analogous name of Nechtan 's 
mere. Egfrid and his army fell before the valorous Bridei and his ex- 
asperated Picts (e). This event, as it enfeebled the Northumbrian power, proved 
as fatal to the Saxon policy as it was felicitous to the Pictish indejaendence [f). 
Yet the Northumbiians under Berht, their powerful leader, tried their strength 
against the Picts in 699, when they were defeated by Bridei, the son of Dereli, 
who had just assumed the Pictish sceptre {g). The Saxons, under Beorthfryth, 
avenged those repulses by defeating the Picts in Mananfield, and killing Bredei 
their king in 710 a.d. {h). 

(z) An. Ulster. (a) Id. 

(/)) The Ulster annals place this event in 671 ; but these annals are sometimes one or two or three 
years behind the true dates. 

(c) Bede's Hist., 1. iv. xxvi., p. 248, 12 ; Saxon Chron. Gibson, p. 45. 

(f?) In a charter of William the Lion to the monks of Arbroath, this jilace is actually called Dun- 
Nechtan. At this seat there was anciently a Pictish hill-fort, which was named from one of the 
Pictish kings, Din-Nectan, signifying in the Pictish speech the fortress of Nectan, the Duin-Nectan of 
the Irish annalists. The remains of this ancient fort may still be seen on the southern side of the hill 
of Dunnichen. Stat. Account, v. i., p. 419. 

(e) For the site of this important field, see book ii., ch. iii. 

(/) Bede, 1. vr., cap. 26 ; Sax. Chron., 45. Trumwine, the bishop of the Picts, retired on that 
occasion from Abercorn, " in vicinia freti quod Augloi-um terras Piotorumque distei-minat," snys Bede. 
This shows distinctly the contiguous limits of the two people in that early age. 

(fj) Bede, 1. v., cap. 24 ; Sax. Chron., 49. 

(A) Ulster Annals ; the Saxon Chron. under the year 710 states this battle to have been fought 
between Hoefe and Caere on the Northumbrian Tyne. Sax. Chron., 50 ; and Gibson's Map, for the site 
of this eventful conflict. 



Ch. I.— The Picfs.^ Of NORTH-BRITAIN. 211 

Between those conterminous people ensued more pacific scenes. The learned 
Ceolfrid instructed Nechtan, the Pictlsh sovereign, concerning the epoch of 
Easter and the nature of the tonsure in 715 (/). Ciniod gave an asylum 
-within his kingdom, in 774, to Alcred the Northumbrian king, when he was 
expelled by the anarchy which at length became predominant in Northum- 
berland (k). 

Meantime, after various contests for power, which Avere attended with great 
violences, a civil war began among the Picts about the year 724 (/). In 727 
A.D. was fought the battle of Moncrib, in Strathearn, which ended as favour- 
ably for Ungus as it proved fatal to the friends of Elpin. A more bloody 
battle was soon after fought at Duncrei, when Elpin was again obliged to flee 
from the fury of Ungus, In 728 followed the battle of Moncur, in the Carse 
of Gowrle, between Nechtan and Ungus, wherein Nechtan was defeated and 
many of his friends were slain. In the same bloody year was fought between 
Drust and Ungus the battle of Drumderg, an extensive ridge on the western 
side of the river Isla, where Drust, the associate with Elpin in the Pictish go- 
vernment, was slain. This domestic warfare still continued with greater blood- 
shed. In 730, Brudes, the son of Ungus, defeated Talorgan, the son of v;/ 
Congus (on). In 730, the fugitive Elpin sunk before the superiority of Ungus, ';" 
and met his fate at Pit-Elpie, within the parish of LifP, which is at no great 
distance from the scene of Elpin's flight in 727. The Scottish fablers have 
confounded the death of the Pictish Elpin at Pit-Elpie in 730 with the fall 

(i) Bede, 1. v., cap. sxi. ; yet we must infer from tlie context tlaat the Pictish Nechtan did not 
understand the language of the Saxon Ceolfrid. 

(i) R. Hoveden ; S. of Durham ; Ciuiod is mentioned in the Welsh MS. Chron. of the Saxons in 
the Brit. Museum, by the name of Cemoyd, the king of the Picts, as having died in a.d. 774. Bu 
varw Cemoyd brenin y Phictiaid. 

(I) From the Annals of Ulster, we learn that in 712 Ciniod, the son of Derili, and brother of 
Nechtan, the reigning king, and also the son of Mathgenan, were assassinated. In the same year 
Talorg, the son of Drostan, was imprisoned by his brother Nechtan. In 718, Drostan, the father, was 
assassinated. In 724 the son of Drust was imprisoned. In 725, Nechtan, who reigned from 710 to 
725, was dethroned by Drust. From this time Drust and Elpin reigned conjointly till they both fell 
before the superior power of Ungus in 728 and 730 a.d. 

(hi) Fi-om the Annals of Ulster it appears that in 733, Talorgan, the son of Congus, was overcome 
in a family feud by his brother, and being delivered into the hands of the Picts, was by them drowned. 
About the same time Talorgan the son of Drostan was taken prisoner near the castle of Olio, and 
|) afterwards fled to Ireland from the power of Ungus. The same Annals state that in 738 Talorgan, 
the son of Drostan, the chief of Athol, was drowned by Ungus, a mode of punishment which seems to 
have been common among the Picts. 

Ee2 



212 An ACCOUNT {Bookll— The Pictish Period. 

of the Scottish Alpin at Laicht-Alpm in 83G a.d. (n). Ungus, who is 
honoured by the Irish annahsts with the title of Great, and who appears by the 
same annals not to have been very scrupulous in piu'suit of his greatness, now 
reigned triumphant over all his opponents. He carried savage hostilities into 
the rugged country of the Scoto-Irish in 736. It appears, however, that soon 
after Muredach the Scottish king invaded the Pictish territories in his turn, 
when he was defeated by Talorgan, the brother of Ungus, in a bloody conflict, 
wherein many chieftains were slain (o). Ungus again worsted the Scoto-Irish 
in 740 ; and he seems to have repulsed the Northumbrians during the same 
year, when he was attacked by Eadbert (q). In 750 he overpowered the 
Britons of the Cumbrian Kingdom, in the well-fought battle of Cath-0 ; in 
which his brother Talorgan, however, was slain (Z*). After so many conflicts 
the great Ungus died in 761 a.d. by a quiet expiration (r). He appeal's from 
his history to have been the ablest and the most powerful of all the Pictish 
kings. Among the Picts, who were seldom, at rest, another battle was fought 
in 767 A.D. between their ruler Ciniod and Aodh-fi.n, the Scottish king. Ciniod 
only survived his doubtful victory till 775. Canaul, the son of Tai'la, was in 
791 vanquished by Constantin, who succeeded him in the unstable throne of 
the Picts (s). 

While the Pictish people were thus afllicted with civil war, they were exposed 
to the destructive incursions of their enterprising neighbours on the north-east. 
The anarchical governments of Norway, Sweden, and Denmark, during the 
middle ages, produced the pirate kings of the northern seas. The Vikingr, if 
we except the fictitious kings of the Greeks, . are unexampled in the annals of 
the world. The Goths, the Vandals, the Huns, ai-e recorded as the scourges 
of the human race by land. The pirate kings were long the scourge!-; of the 

(«) See cli. iii. of tliis book. (o) Annals of Ulster. 

^ (p) Smith's Bede, 222 ; and Savile's Olii'onologia. 

(5) Ulster Annals. The Welsh Chronicles mention this battle in 750, by the name of Maesydaoc, 
Magedawc, Metgadawo. Chron. of the princes in the Welsh Archseolog., v. ii., p. 391 ; Chron. of the 
Saxons and Oaradoc, lb. 472-3. 

(r) Smith's Bede, p. 224, which speaks without qualification of his tyranny and his crimes. The 
short chronicle ^vhich is annexed to Bede's Ecclesiastical History, states : " a. d. 761, Oengus 
" Pictorum rex obiit, qui regni sui principium usque ad finem facinore cniento tyrannus perdusit 
" carnifex." Id. 

(«) For all those conflicts see the Ulster Annals, as they have been published by Johnston and by 
the author of the Enquiry, 1789. It is to be remembered, however, that the dates in the extracts 
from these annals in the British Museum, are generally one year behind the date, which is stated by 
Usher from the original Annals of Ulster, and also behind the Annals of Tigernach. 



7/ 



Ch.l.—The Picts.'] Of NOETH-BEITAIN. 213 

shipmen who sailed from every nation on the European seas. Till the eighth 
century, however, the Vikingr confined their odious piracies to the Baltic. 
They now pursued their destructive courses on every sea and on every shore 
in Europe. They first appeared distinctly on the east coast of England dur- 
ing 787 A.D. (a). They were felt on the Caledonian shores some years after- 
wards. They made the Hebrides deplore their barbarities throughout the ninth 
century, while they burnt the religious houses which the pious hands of the 
Columbans had built. In_839 the Vikingr landed among the Picts. Uen, 
their king, hastened to defend his people. A bloody conflict ensued ; and the 
gallant Uen fell in defending his country against those ferocious invaders. , , , 
With him also fell his only brother Bran, and many of the Pictish chiefs (6). / / 
Distracted by domestic strife and enfeebled thus by wasteful invasion, the Picts 
were little able to resist the arms or to defeat the policy of Kenneth, the son 
of Alpin, when he acquh'ed their distracted government in 843 a.d. If it were 
asked why the name of Scotland was not applied to the Caledonian regions for 
several years after that memorable epoch, the answer mnst be that the Picts 
remained in possession of them as the predominating people (c). 

The Picts, who had the honour to be celebrated by classic authors and re- 
membered for ages after their fall, have been so much misrepresented or 
neglected by modern writers, that it must gratify a reasonable curiosity to 
inquire a httle more minutely about their language and religion, concerning 
their customs and antiquities (d). 

(a) The energetic wiiter of the late History of the Saxons, vol. ii., gives the best account of the 
Vikingr which I have any where met with. The historians of the three northern kingdoms, as 
they want chronology, want every thing which is valuable in history. Till the ninth and tenth 
centuries those historians contain nothing but gross fictions, ridiculous stories, and absurd pre- 
tensions. From Andreas we learn that Vijhingur signifies Latro, from Vijf), vir militaris ; or 
from Viijij navis ; and from the Lexicon, vocum antiquarum Arij Polyhistoris, that Scelcongr sig- 
nifies Rex vlassis in mare, nunc admiral. And see Ihre, in vo. Iconung, rex, sio-keonung signifies Dux 
piratarum. 

(b) For those dates see the Ulster annals, and the Pictish chronicle. 

(c) Camdeni Epistolse, p. 3G2. 

((/) It is unnecessary to argue the question with Innes, whether the Picts, after their conquest, 
were destroyed or preserved. He observes that Kenneth, the son of Alpin, after he had ac- 
quired their government in 843 a.d., was called rex Pictorum, and not rex Pittavice. The Saxon 
Chronicle, p. 83, and Ethelward, fol. 485, speak of Halfdene, the Dane, as wasting the country 
lying between the Picts and Stratholydc Britons in 875 a.d. Asser, a still earher author, men- 
tions the Picts on the same occasion. The continuator of Nennius and the Ulster annals speak 
of the Picts. That the proper Picts still existed in the tenth century we may infer from the in- 
timations of Ethelred, fol. 483, and from Ingulf us, p. 37, ed. 1684. Before the twelfth century 



214 AnACCOUNT [Book IL.—The Pktish Period. 

In traciuo- the origin of a language it is only necessary to ascertain the de- 
scent of the people. When it is once settled that the Picts were merely the 
Cambro-Britons who appeared at various periods under a new and lasting 
name, the inquiry with regard to the Pictish language must soon terminate 
in the conclusion that the speech of the Britons and the Picts was the same. 
As the language is the true genealogy of nations, so the genuine history of 
nations is the most certain means of tracing the analogy of languages (e). But 
this inquiry is not to be now made. The history and the lineage of the Picts 
have been very fully investigated ; and we have clearly seen that the north- 
ern parts of our island were settled, as well as the southern, by the same Bri- 
tish tribes who imposed their significant names on the promontories, hai'bours, 
and hills, and on the rivers, rivulets, and waters, whose appi'opriate appellations 

the Picts seem to liave been so completely merged with the Scots, their conquerors, as no longer 
to be distinguishable as a people. Their ancient name was now transferred to the Galloway Scots. 
Eadulph, the Archbishop of Canterbmy, in a letter to Pope Calixtus, in 1124, applied the name 
of Picts to the men of Galloway. Richard Prior of Hexham, a contemporary with David I., 
speaks of the Picts as composing a part of the Scottish army at the battle of the Standard in 
1138 A. D. ; " Picti que vulgo Galiceyemes dicuntur," says he. X Script. Col. 316, n. 34. 
Huntington soon after considered the Picts as a lost people. The proper Picts were the descend- 
ants of the Cambro-Britons of old ; but the G alive i/enses were the descendants of the Scoto-Irish 
settlers of the ninth osntury. It is indeed true that the proper Picts who had long lived beyond 
the Friths were called the Cruithnich by the Scoto-Irish, and so were the Galloway-Ii-ish called 
the Cruithnich before their migration. The Strathclyde-Britons, who were confounded with the 
Galloway men, were of the same lineage as the proper Picts ; yet, as they remained within the 
Roman limits, they were not denominated Picts. The name of the Picts has, however, been applied 
popularly to various objects. The wall of Severus is known in the tradition of the country as 
the P/c/s-wall. The vast fosse which runs athwart the country from Galashiels to Liddesdale, is 
called traditionally the Pi'cis- work-ditch, as well as the Catrail. An ancient way in the Mearns, 
is called by the country people the Picts-roa.d. Several round forts in Liddesdale are still called 
the Picts-woika. Stat. Acco. v. xvi., p. 84. A hill, where there is the remain of a British fort, in 
Garwald parish, is called the P2cis-hill. Armstrong's Map of the Lothians. In Buchan there 
are a number of hiding holes, which ai-e called the Picts-honses. Several circular buildings of stone 
in Caithness and in Oi-kney, are called the Ptc-fe-houses ; and the frith, which separates Caithness and 
Orkney, was of old called " fretum Pictioum," though now the Pentland Firth. Gordon's Scotia 
Antiqua, in Blaeu's Atlas. In a charter of Alexander II. to the monks of Kinloss of the lands of 
Burgle, the "riiiice Pictorimi," or water-course of the Picts, is called for as a boundary. 

(e) " I am not very willing," saith one of the wisest of men, " that any language should be totally 
" extinguished. The similitude and derivation of languages afford the most indubitable proof of the 
" traduction of nations and the genealogy of mankind. They add often physical certainty to historical 
" evidence, and often suppl}- the only evidence of ancient migrations, and of the revolutions of ages 
" which left no written monuments behind them." Johnson's letter to Drummond, in Boswell's life 
of Johnson, v. i., 488. The President des Brosses, and indeed our own Camden, concur with Johnson 
in his judicious observations. 



oil. l.—T/,e Pivts.'] OfNOETH-BEITAIN. 215 

are all significant in the British language, as we may learn from the Welsh 
dictionaries. We have perceived that the Picts of the third century were 
merely the descendants of the Britons during the first, though the Picts ap- 
peared to Roman eyes under new aspects, and to the Roman understanding 
in more formidable shapes {/). We have already seen that the names of the 
Pictish kings are significant neither in the Teutonic nor Irish, but only in the 
British speech ; and we shall find that Aber-ncthy, the metropolis of the 
Pictish kingdom, also derived from the Bi'itish language its appropriate appel- 
lation, which it retained till the recent period of the Pictish government [g). 

The most ancient repertory of the Pictish language is the topography of 
North-Britain {h). In it may even now be traced the copious and discrimin- 
ating speech of that ancient people. Several of the towns in North-Britain 
have derived their desci'iptive names from the Pictish speech, such as Eccles, 
Lanark and Strivelin, Peebles and Perth, Forfar and Aberdeen. Some of 
the parishes also enjoy the honour of Pictish names, such as Llan-bride and 

(/) See before, Book i., cli. vi. 

(g) See Book i., cli. i., and the topograpliical dictionary in vo. Aher. The late Dr. John 
M'Pherson, who was praised by James M'Pherson " as a master of the Celtic in all its branches," 
wiote an express dissertation, the fifth, on " the Pictish language." In this he attempts, with 
a feeble voice indeed, to confute Innes as well as Camden, who were of opinion "that the Picts 
" spoke the British language." In this hopeless task of writing down the truth, he objects to the 
British word Aber, which they had considered as Pictish. He cannot admit this, because the word 
(Aber) is found in some parts of North-Britain to which the Pictish empire never extended, as 
in Loch-ftie;-. He did not know that every part of North-Britain was once inhabited by British 
tribes, who left the word Aber behind them during a thousand years before the Scots came into 
that country from Ireland. He intimates, indeed, that the Ii-ish may have had the word Aber 
from some of their progenitors ; yet he durst not claim it as an Erse word : and he did not 
know the fact, about which he had never inquired, that the word Aber is neither in the Irish dic- 
tionaries, nor to be found in the Maps of Ireland. By the Pictish tongue he meant, as he says, 
the language of the old Caledonians, who, according to tliis master of every dialect if the Celtic, 
spoke Erw .' It did not escape the acute penetration of Whitaker that neither Dr. John nor Sir. 
James M'Pherson understood one word of the British. "It is impossible to prove," says Dr. 
John M'Pherson, " from any faithful record, that Kenneth M'xilpin introduced a new language 
" among his new subjects after he had united the Pictish kingdom with that of the Scots." 
Yes, the cliartularies prove that the Scoto-L-ish people did change the British speech for their 
own. The chartularies show the Scoto-Irish in the very act of converting the British A ber into 
their own /(ictr. It has been demonstrated in Book i., ch. ii., that the names of places in North- 
Britain during the second century were British. The Tupofjraphiced Dictionary wiU equally evince 
that the names of places in the same country became Scoto-Irish after the conquest of the Plots by 
Kenneth M'Alpin. 

(A) See before, Book i., ch. i. and ii., where the most ancient names of places in the first and second 
centuries are shewn to be British, that is, Pictish. 



216 An ACCOUNT [Bodkll.—T/ie Pktkh Feriod. 

Llaii-moi'o'an, from the British Llan, a church ; Lift', from the British Lift', a 
flood ; Pennycuick, Ochiltre, Ayr, and others. Many other names of places 
may be traced up to the same ancient source, such as Arran, a height; Core, 
a creek; HeiKjh, a height; Pen, a head; Ram, a promontory; Trwijn or Troon, 
a point of land ; Pill, a strength ; Tre, a vill ; Cader, a fortress, as Cater-thun; 

j^ Carse, and Kerse, a swampy ground ; Granbain, the Grampian range ; Noeth, 

^' aliiii ; and almost all the'nvers and waters (i). 

Next to the notices of topography with regard to the Pictish language, we 
come to the authority of Bede. Amidst his penury of topographical intimations 
the learned monk does recollect one Pictish word [h). In the like manner 
Nennius informs us that the Scoto-Irish called the same head of the wall Cen- 
ail, which is known at this day by the familiar name of Ken-neil ; now, the 
■pen of the British being equivalent to the cen of the Irish, this coincidence of 
the kindred languages confirms the opinion of Bede, and adds certainty to 
truth. 

The Pictish language may also be found in the vernacvilar language of North- 
Britain even at this day (Z). The inhabitants of Edinburgh use the language 

(«■) See the comparative topography in Book i., cli. i. 

(i) Bede, speaking of the wall of Antonine, the obvious vestiges of which remained in his time, 
remarks; "Incipit autem duorum ferme milium spatio a monasterio Aherc\xrmg s.A occidentem, in 
" loco qui sermone Pictorum PeanfaJiel ; lingua autem anglorum Penneltun appellatur." Bede, 
edition Smith, p. 50. We thus perceive that in the age of Bede and dm'ing the Pictish period the 
end of the ivall was named by the Picts Pen-fad or Pen-valiel, the (f) and (v) being convertible — a fact 
this which proves additionally that the Picts and Britons spoke the same language, for Pen-wal and 
Pen-ij-wdl mean the same thing under different constructions, as Pen-u-al is Wall-end, and Pcn-y-ival 
is the end of the wall. Now, one dialect might more commonly use the one form than the other, and 
Bede only showed by writing Pen-fael instead of Pen-y-tccd, which is still prevalent among the northern 
Britons, the habit of giving doable sounds to the single vowels which are used in the Welsh. The 
Penel-tun of the Saxons, as recorded by Bede, is merely the Penical of the Britons contracted by 
the Saxon pronunciation into Penel with the affix tun, signifjring the toiun or hamlet at Penwal. 
The intimations of Bede attest what all historians seem to acknowledge, that the languages of the 
Picts and the Saxons were quite different, Enquu-y, 1789, v. i., p. 365, and that the Pictish PenwcJiel 
preceded the Saxon Penel-tun. We are told, however, by the same enquirer, v. i. p. 46, that 
Pcena in the Suio-Gothic of Ihre signifies extendere, to extend ; but if we change the terms of a 
proposition, and alter the orthography of words, it were easy, no doubt, to convert the Pen of the 
British and the Cen of the Scoto-Irish into the Pivna of the Suio-Gotliic. In time etymology, when 
applied to the names of places, the construction, the spelling, the sense, and the sound ought all to 
concur together. 

(I) There is a vast body of the common speech both of England and of Scotland borrowed from the 
noble language of the ancient Britons. See the vocabulary, British, Scoto-Irish, and Scottish, in the 
introduction to the topographical dictionary. Take the following specimens : 
Aries, earnest-money, from the British Aries. 



C\x.l.—ThePicts.] Of NOETH-BRITAIN. 217 

of the Picts, as often as they speak of some of the North-British towns or of 
many local objects around them. 

The municipal law of North-Britain has even borrowed several of its sio'nifi- 
cant terms from the Pictish speech. The subjoined specimens may suffice for 
the present : 

Clep and call of the Scottish law, from the British Clep and Clepian. Gaines 
of the Scottish law, from the British, Galan, Galaues. Kelchin of the 

Bugaho, from the British Bug, a hobgoblin ; and Bo, a bugbear, an interjection of terror. Owen's 

Diet, and Lliuyd's Arch., 214. 
Bung, a bnng-hole. Lhuyd, 214 ; Owen. 

Batie, a boar, from Baedd, British ; Bahet, Cornish. Davies and Pryce. 
Brisket, the breast of a slain beast, from the British Bi'i/sced. Richards. 
To deck, from the British Cleca. Owen. 
Cowl, from the British Cuvyl. Owen. 

Cach, dung, from the British Cach. Owen and Lhuyd, p. 198. 
Cummer, a godmother, also Ciimmerwife, from the British Commaer. Lhuyd, p. 183 ; and Bor- 

lase, p. 422. 
Cmvk or Chalk, from the British Calch. Owen. 
Claver, and clish-ma-claver, from the British Clehar. 
Clap, from the British Clep. 
Darn, to mend or piece. Owen. 
Duh, from the British Dwh. Owen. 
Dad, a father, from the British Twl. 

Earnest, the pledge-money of an agreement, from the British Em and Ernes. 
Gridle or Girdle, from the British Griedell, or L-ish Greidal. 
Glos, a slumber, British Gloes, Corn. Glos. Owen and Pryce. 
Gits, a sow ; Corn. Giiis ; Arm. Giies. Piyce and Lhuyd, p. 183, 204. 
Hether, from the British Eiddiar (Eithiar). Owen. The aspirate H being prefixed by the Saxons, 

changed the word to Hether. 
Hem, a border seam, from the British Hem. Owen. 
Hut, Hoot, an interj. from Hwt, British. Owen. 
Knoc, a rap, from the British Cnoc. 

Knoll, pronounced Know, from the British Cnol. Owen. 
Knell, the stroke of a bell, from the British Cmd. Owen. 

Kebar, a rafter, from the British Ceher. Lhuyd, p. 214 ; Owen and Pryce's Arch, in vo. Keber. 
To Kemp, from the British Camp, Campiau. Owen. 
Mammy, from the British Mam, a mother. Davies and Eichard. 
Marl, from the British Marl. Id. 

Fez, pease, from the British Pys ; Cornish Fez. Eichard and Pryce. 
Fork, a field or enclosure, from the British Fare ; Cornish, Park. 
Paw, the foot, from the British, Cornish, and Armorlc Paiv and Pawen. Pryce and Lhuyd, 

p. 208. 
Rnth, plenty, from Rhwth, British ; Eiith, Cornish. Davies and Pryce. 
iSaim, lard, from the British Saim. Elchards. 

Withy, a twig, from the British Wydd (Wyth) ; Comish Withen. Eichard and Pryce. 
Vol. I. F f 



2U\ A N A C C U N T [Book II.— T^e Pictish rcriod. 

Scottish law, from the British Cylch. Merched or Mercheta Miilierum, _ 
of the Scottish law, from the British Me)'ched. Ocker of the Scottish law, 
from the British Ocyr {m). 
The Welsh archaeology has at length furnished the curious inquirers after 
a lano-uao-e, which has been supposed by the English chroniclers of the middle 
ao-es to be lost, with some admirable poems in the Pictish language. The 
Caledonian Myrddin or Merlinus Caledonius, who was born on the north of 
the Clyde, and flourished about 560 A.D.,has left an elegant specimen of Pictish 
poetry in his Avcdlenau, wherein he speaks of Caledonia as liis native soil ()i). 
The Gododin of Aneurin, who wrote his elegant poem about 540 A.D., may 
also be justly deemed a specimen of Pictish poetry, as it was composed in the 
kindred language of the Romanized Britons of the Ottadinian country (o). In 
fact, the Picts being merely the descendants of the British settlers of North- 
Britain, and the British names of waters, both in Noi-th and South-Britain, 
being significant in the Welsh dictionaries, the Pictish language must be sought 
for in the Cambro-British word-books as its genuine depositories. 

The language of the Britons and Picts has been considered by judicious 
writers as masculine, copious, and poetical. Indeed, from not seeing it in its 
primitive orthography, it seems to be harsh in its sounds to the ears of stran- 
gers ; yet when it is put into verse and is read with its genuine pronunciation, 
it is like the Greek and the Hebrew, melodious and strong (p). 

(;») Owen's and Davies's Diet. ; and Skene, De verborum significationc. 
(h) Welsh Arch., v. i., p. 150 ; Lliiiyd's Arch., p. 2G3 : 

Ni neuav ; ni chyscaf ; ergrynaf fy nragon, 

Fy arglwydd Gwenddolau, am browy f rodorion ! 

Gwedi porthi heint, a hoed, amgylch Cebjddon, 

Bwyf was gwynfydig gan Wledig Gorchorddion ! 

I sigh not ; I do not sleep ; I am agitated for my chief. 

My Lord Gwenddolau, and my genial countrymen ! 

After bearing of affliction, and mourning about Caledonia, 

I pray to be a blessed servant with the Supreme of supernal circles ! 
(o) See the Welsh Arch., v. i., p. 1. 

{p) Ancient Univer. Hist., v. vi., p. 31. The topogi-aphy of North-Britain alone exhibits abun- 
dant proofs of those several characteristics of the British and Pictish languages, while it shews 
the barrenness of the Gothic speech, and the want of taste for descriptive appellations of the Saxon 
people. The Celtic names of promontories, mountains, valleys, lakes, rivers, and other natural 
objects display a vast variety of descriptive and metaphorical terms, which must give great 
delight to all those who are capable of understanding them. The strength of the Gaelic speech 
arises from the brevity and force with which it conveys to the mind the meaning of the speakera 



Ch. 1.— The PicU.] Of NORTH-BRITAIN. _>19 

As the Celts were the original settlers of western Europe, they transmitted 
to their posterity an energetic passion for imposing their own significant names 
on all the prominent objects of nature. In exercising this peculiar prerogative 
of fii'st discoverers, they displayed those appropriate qualities of their language 
which have been remarked, its strength and discrimination, its copiousness 
of epithet, and its frequency of metaphor (g). 

and writers. Its copiousness is seen in the great variety of its appropriate appellations. The Gaelic 
language has no fewer than fifty thousand terms for hills of various kinds, from the Beiii for the 
highest mountain, down to the Tom for the smallest hillock, while the Gothic has scarcely half a dozen 
for the same objects. See Shaw's Gaelic Dictionary, Hick's Thesaui'us, and other Gothic word-books 
for the facts. 

((j) See Lhuyd's Adversaria which are annexed to Baxter's Glossary; and the following topographi- 
cal dictionary, which displays a thousand examples of the strength and discrimination of the British 
and Pictish languages. It were endless to enumerate the great variety of descriptive appellations 
which the Celtic people have given to the mountains, rivers, and other natural objects in North-Britain. 
They may be seen as well in the Comparative Topography, book i., ch. i., as in the Topographical 
Dictionary. The Gaelic settlers in North-Britain seem to have had a singular disposition to suppose 
the heights of their mountainous countiy to resemble different parts of the human body in vaiious 
attitudes, and to apply metaphorical names to those heights in allusion to those fancied resemblances. 
The British Trm/ti and the Scoto-Irish Sron, which signify the nose, are often applied to promontories 
, and to projections of hiUs ; the British Pen and the Scoto-Irish Cen, the head ; the British Bron, the 
/'/ breast; the Gaejic /)/•(«'»*, the back; Ton, the backside; Lurg, the leg or shank; Andan, the 
forehead ; the British and Scoto-Irish Ton, a bell// ; and many other similar expressions, were all 
metaphorically applied by the Gaelic settlers as the names of hills. Many of the appellations of 
rivers, lakes, and waters in North-Britain also evince the liveliness, taste, and discrimination of the 
Gaelic colonists of Great-Britain in imposing their lasting names on the various waters of that country, 
such as Avon, Uisge, Ease, Dur, Tain, Guy, Wy or Uy, Aw, Awdur, Ey, Dobhar, Sruth, Ad, An, 
Ean, Oiche, Bir; and for smaller streams the Celtic appellations are Carrng, Nant, Gover, Aid, 
Sruthan, Loin, Gil, and others. We may perceive in the map of Wales the same descriptive and 
metaphorical names of hills, rivers, and other such objects. See the Adversaria of Lhuyd before 
quoted. On the contrary, the only Saxon appellative for a river which appears in the topography 
of North-Britain is the Fleet or Fleet, and which occurs but twice in the Fleet in Galloway 
and the Fleet in Sutherlandshu-e. The only Sooto-Saxon name for a rivulet is Byrn or Burn, 
which has passed into common speech. Here, then, are additional proofs of the copiousness of the 
Celtic and of the barrenness of the Gothic. Take an example of the discriminating faculty of 
the Celtic language. Many streams were called Dvglas, from the dark blue appearance of the 
water. There is in the vicinity of some of these the epithet Finglas, appropriately applied 
to some streams having a liglit blue colour. See the Map of Dunbartonshire. In the topography 
of North-Britain there are a thousand names which evince the nice discriminations of the Celtic 
colonists. The Eden and Ithan denote in the British a gliding stream; the A liven and Alan 
in the British and Scoto-Irish signify a bright or clear stream ; Uisge-du signifies a black or dark- 
coloured stream ; High or Ila denotes a floody stream ; the Carrons derived their names from their 
distinguishing quality of Curvatures, and the Levens from their appropriate smoothness of surface 
or flow. 

Ff 2 



// 



220 A N A C C U N T. [Book II.— The Pictish Period. 

As the Celtic tongue abounded with indigenous elements, the Celts borrowed 
little from foreign languages, whatever they may have lent from their own 
abundance to succeeding people. The Celtic, indeed, did not stand in need of 
foreign aid, as the ingenuity of the Celtic people, from the copious roots of 
their own tongue, formed and multiplied terms as occasion demanded and 
invention dictated. The Celts enjoyed from their earliest progenitors an in- 
vincible attachment to their own language, which naturally produced a strong 
antipathy to innovations in then- ancient tongue, or adoptions from the speech 
of those whom their hatred viewed as invaders or oppressors. Though the 
Romans were for centuries mixed with the Britons of the south and the 
Caledonians of the north, and taught them some of their arts, yet the British 
and Pictish people did not adopt any of the Roman language, except the 
names of art or of persons. Such words in the British and Pictish language, 
as seem to the eye of cursory observation to exhibit some analogy in their form 
and meaning, owe such appearances to their formation from roots which sprung 
originally from a common source. It cannot then be said with truth or 
propriety that the Celts borrowed from the Latins, or the Latins from the 
Celts. Not a Latin expression is to be found in the ingenious poetry of the 
ancient Britons during the sixth, seventh, and eighth centuries, while the 
vulgar languages of Europe had not yet been formed (?'). The speech of the 
Romanized Britons remained after the retreat of the Romans the same as the 
language of the extraprovincial Britons of Caledonia. The tongue of the Cale- 
donian Myrddin is exactly the same with the speech of the southern poets 
who wrote in the same age among the Romanized Britons. The Britons 
even applied terms from their own copious language to the Roman walls, to 
the Roman roads, camps, stations, and other Roman works in this country, 
instead of adopting Roman terms for Roman labours. Neither the lapse of 
time nor the change of circumstances have at all diminished the strong attach- 
ment of the Celtic people to their own language, or their aversion from the 
uatrusion of hostile tongues. These passions form a striking feature in the 
character of their undoubted descendants in the present age. It was one of 
the fundamental maxims of the Celtic Bards to preserve their own language. 
Actuated by this principle, the ancient Britons in Wales and the Scoto-Irish 
in North-Britain tenaciously maintained their own speech, and obstinately resist 
the adoption of the English language, whatever may be its improvements or 
its use (s). 

(r) See the Welsli Ai-chseology, v. i., throughout. 

(s) Major takes notice of this aversion of the Scoto-Irish in his time. Hist., 4tQ edit., p. 34. 



Ch. I.— The PkU.-] OpNOETH-BEITAIN. 221 

In the subsequent progress of the Gothic tribes over Europe, wherever they 
occupied countries which had been previously occupied by the Celts, the Gothic 
intruders not only adopted the names of the rivers, mountains, and other places 
that the more lively genius of the Celts had imposed from a more energetic 
and descriptive speech, but the Gothic colonists borrowed many terms from 
the more opulent language of their Celtic predecessors. The Goths who m 
late times intruded upon the Celtic people of Germany borrowed much of 
their language, and adopted many of the Celtic names of places in that ample 
region ; hence we find in the excellent glossaries of the German lano-uaoe 
by Wachter, and by Schilter, a numerous body of Celtic words which they 
faii-ly state as derivations from a Celtic origin {t). The candid statements of 
both might be confirmed from the German topography, if the names of rivers 
and of places were traced up to their Celtic sources. The Saxons who settled 
in Britain were prompted by their poverty of speech to follow the example 
of their Gothic fathers. They adopted the Celtic names of rivers, many of the 
names of hills, as well as other places, and they appropriated a number of 
terms from the more copious and expressive speech of the Britons, both of 

The numerous roots and the great variety of the Celtic tongue may be seen in Bullet's Mem. Sur la 
Langue Celtique, torn. ii. iii., in Geb. Monde Pzim., torn, v., and in Owen's Welsli Dictionary. The 
British dialect of the Celtic contains a copious, energetic and expressive language, which was 
early fonned from its native riches, without the help of foreign adoptions. See also the Gaelic 
vocabularies of M'Donald and M-'Farlan, and Shaw's Dictionary, for the copiousness of the Scoto- 
Irish dialect of the Celtic. On the other hand the comparative barrenness of the Gothic language 
may be seen clearly in the Monosijllaha Islandica, in Andreas's Islandic Dictionary, in the Vocahu- 
lariuiH Dacoruiii, 1.510, and in Hick's Thesaurus. The barrenness of the Anglo-Saxon language 
may be seen in the fewness of its synonyma ; it has only four or five appellatives for a hill,, as 
Berg, Hleaw, or Law, Dun, and Tor, and of these four the two last are borrowed from the Celtic, 
for the Dun and Tor only appear in the Anglo-Saxon and in the Gemian, but not in the other 
dialects of the Gothic ; and indeed Wachter, with his usual candoui', states the Dun and Thor to 
be Celtic words. In the whole of the Islandic, Norwegian, Danish, and Swedish dialects of the 
Gothic there are only about nine or ten appellations for a hill, as Berg, Fell, Backe, Klett, 
Holl, Hoi, Lid, Lie, Bla, while one dialect of the Celtic alone has more than fifty different 
appellatives for the same objects. The poetical nature of the Celtic language may be inferred, 
not only from its aptness for poetry, as we may see in the Welsh Archaeology, but still more from 
the lively metaphorical and descriptive epithets which the Celtic people appUed to the various 
objects of nature wherever they colonized. 

{t) The most ancient specimens of the German and French tongues are the oaths of Louis le 
Ge:-manique and his brother Charles le Chauve, which they took in 842 A.D., and which consist 
of a rude mixture of Latin, Celtic, and Tudesque. Bullet's Mem., torn, i., p. 23 ; and Geb. Monde 
Prim., tom. v., p. 103. At that epoch, when the Picts ceased to be an independent people, both the 
Britons and Picts spoke a highly cultivated language, and possessed many specimens of the finest 
poetry from a long succession of elegant poets. See the Welsh Archaeology, v. i. 



222 A N A C C U N T [Book II.— The Pktish Period. 

the south and the north. Many of the Celtic words which had been thus 
adopted from necessity or convenience have maintained their places in the 
Eno-Iish lanc-uage, through successive ages, from their usefulness. These 
adopted words form a considerable proportion of the English language, even at 
the present day {u). The greater number of those adopted words is so little 
altered in their form and meaning, as to give little exercise to the ingenuity of 
the etymologist in tracing them to their true originals. But our lexicographers, 
from their unskilfulness in the language of the Britons and unacquaintance 
■with the history of the Goths, have stated many of the adopted words from 
the original language of our island as of unknown origin, and they have traced 
many words to a Saxon source without knowing that the Saxons had them- 
selves borrowed their adoptions from the British Aborigines. 

It was owing to that barrenness of speech and dullness of apprehension that 
we see so little description or variety in the names of places in the countries 
which were settled by the Gothic colonists {x). The Anglo-Saxons who in 
more recent times acquired settlements in North-Britain adopted, in the same 
manner, the Celtic names of waters, of heights, and of other great objects of 

(m) See Whitaker's Mancliest., v. ii., p. 238-40 ; and see tlie introduction to the following topo- 
graphical dictionary for "a specimen of a vocabulary, British, Scoto-Ii-ish, and Scotish." The 
intelligent writer of the late Welsh Dictionary has carefully investigated the origin of the several 
■words which begin the letter B in the English language, and according to his result there may be 
referred to the Saxon, ....... 1101 

Of these, 165 words were obviously borrowed by the Saxons from the British, 165 



hence 936 

Words certainly derived from the British, including the above 165, ... 905 

Uncertain Words, ......... 126 

Words from the French, ........ 541 

from the Latin, -....-.-. 461 

from the Greek, - - - - - - - -'- 164 

from the Italian, .-..-... 60 

from the Dutch, -.-..-.. 135 

3328 



In several of the other letters of the English Dictionary this ratio of adoption will be more in 
favour of the British speech, as the words in this language beginning with b are few in number, 
compared with several other letters of the Cambro-British Dictionary ; and considering the connection 
of the French, the Latin, the Greek, and the Italian with the Celtic, we may see the great prepon- 
derance of the Celtic in the English language. 

(a;) See satisfactory proofs of this in Jonas's " Specimen Islandiae Historicum, et magna ex parte 
" Chorographicum." Amstel., 1643. See annexed to Gibson's Sax. Chron.. his " EegulK Generalis 
■"ad investigandas origine Nominum Locomm." And see also the following topographical dictionary 
in the Saxon names of places. 



CL. I.— The Pkts.'] OfNOETH-BEITAIN. 223 

nature. They adopted a greater number of the Celtic names of places in North 
than in South- Britain, because their settlements were made in the north at a 
later period and in a different manner. The Anglo-Saxons also borrowed 
many words both from the British and Scoto-Irish, which have maintained 
their jalace, and give strength and copiousness and ornament to the Scoto- 
Saxon of the present times. In allusion to the want of fertility in the Anglo- 
Saxon speech, Verstegan has recorded a saw which Somner was studious to 
copy: 

"In Ford, in Ham, in Leij, and Tun, 
" The most of Englisli sirnames run {y)." 

To the language of a people, which is of all their antiquities the most inter- 
esting, the next object of curiosity is their religion, as it shows a progress of 
sentiment, and may evince an analogy of lineage. The rehgion of the Gauls 
and the Britons, as we have seen, was the same. The religion of the Britons 
and the Picts was the same, as we know they were the same people from the 
identity of their speech, the sameness of their topography, and the identity of 
their monuments. The tenets and the form of the Pictish religion were Druid 
till the sixth century, as we know from a thousand relics of stone that are still 
the wonder of inquisitive eyes within the district of the Pictish country (s). 
The modes of sepulture among the Picts were the same as those of the Cale- 
donians, as the sepulchral rites of the Caledonians were the same as those of the 
Britons (ss). Their hill-forts, their weapons of war, their ornaments, and their 
modes of life were the same as those of the Caledonian Britons, of whom the 
Picts were the immediate descendants (a). 

Whatever portion of the Pictish history we discuss, whether their origin, 
annals, or their language or religion, their manners or customs, it is repeatedly 
asked whether the Picts were a Celtic or a Gothic people. In order to close an 
inquuy which embarrasses by the frequency of its recurrence the history of this 
people, it is proposed to review briefly the Pictish question as it has been dis- 
cussed by inquisitive men at different periods under various aspects. 

If facts had been ascertained or regarded, it is impossible that such an inquiry 
could have been ever made. That Britain was gi-adually colonized from the 
nearest coast of Gaul is an historical fact which seems to be agreed upon by 

{y) Versteg. Restitution of Decayed Intelligence. But .both Somner and Verstegan should have 
considered the sirnames as derived secondarily from the Saxon topography, wherein the defect origin- 
ally arose. 

(■:) See before, those curious objects investigated in book i., ch. ii. {zi) Id. 

(a) See all those objects of rational curiosity fully treated of, where we speak of the Caledonian 
tribes, in book i., ch. ii. 



SZi An account [Book II.— The Pictish Period. 

scholars from J. Caesar, and Tacitus, Buchanan, and Camden, to Stilling-fleet and 
Schoepflin (6). Tliat the several districts of the same island should be peopled 
by the same tribes is a probability which may be carried up to certainty by the 
satisfactory evidence of the perpetual resemblance of the same language, religion, 
and manners. Yet paradox supposes it to be more likely that the northern 
parts of our island were planted by migrants from beyond the ocean than from 
beyond the Tweed during ages when the art of ship-building was unknown. 
For maintaining that certainty, proofs which come near to demonstration have 
been submitted to the reader, that every part of this island was settled originally 
by the same Gaelic tribes. It is a truism, then, that our whole island was 
planted by the same British people ; and against this truism and that demon- 
stration Tacitus cannot be allowed to make his conjectiires, nor Bede to inform 
viS, from the report of others, that the second people who settled in this island 
came from Scythia. Subsequent writers, who raised a superstructure of senti- 
ments on the opinion of Tacitus and the hearsay of Bede, appear thus to build 
on a very slight foundation (c). 

The British tribes cannot be dispossessed unless by the introduction of a new 
people, whose arrival and conquests must be evidenced by stronger proofs 
than paradoxical theories. The British people, in fact, remained undispossessed 
of their ancient land during the fii-st and second centuries. The pristine 
topography of North-Britain, as it is exhibited by Ptolemy and Richard, ascer- 
tains that decisive truth. In them we see a thousand traces of a Celtic people ; 
but of a Gothic people it is impossible to perceive a single trace. While 
topography speaks thus to the conviction of every reader, history is silent 
concerning Gothic migrations in those times into the British islands, or even 
into western Europe {d). 

The Caledonians were the inhabitants of North-Britain during the first cen- 
tury, as we learn from Tacitus. It was the Caledonians who fought Agricola at 
the foot of the Grampian. It was the Caledonians who finally repulsed the 
Boman legions. If the inhabitants of North-Britain during the first century 
were British tribes of a Celtic lineage, the Caledonians must necessarily have 
been Celtic Britons ; and the context of Tacitus attests that the Britons of 
North and South-Britain were in that age the same people. 

{h) See Gibbon's Hist., 8vo. edit., v. iv., p. 291, who says the present age is satisfied with the 
rational opinion that the British islands were gradually peopled from the adjacent continent of 
Gaul. 

(f) It was the deliberate opinion of Tacitus, or rather of Agricola, says Gibbon, that the Gauls, the 
Britons, and the Caledonians were a kindred people. Ibid., p. 292. 

(d) See before, book i., ch. i. 



Ch. I.— The Ficts.j OpNOETH-BEITAIN. 22 



20 



The Caledonians were immediately succeeded by the Picts, or rather the 
Picts were the old Caledonians under a new name. The classic authors who 
lived during the third centuiy, when the Caledonians first ajapeared under the 
ajipellation of Picts, are so positive that they were the same people, that even 
polemics have acknowledged this significant truth. The stoutest supporters 
of the Gothic system concerning the Pictish lineage, are forced to confess that 
the Caledonians and Picts were the same people (e). The acknowledgement 
which has just been made of the sameness of the Picts and Caledonians is 
fatal to the Gothic system; for, as it has been settled by a thousand facts as a 
moral certainty, that the North-British tribes were a Celtic people during the 
second and first centuries, the Caledonians of those times must necessarily 
have been British Celts. A system which pretends to outface a thousand facts, 
involves in it a mrllion of absurdities; the fundamental truth tliat the Picts and 
Caledonians, the Britons and Gauls, were the same Celtic people, is strongly 
supported by moral certainties ; while the Gothic system is made to stand on 
unauthorized assertion and unavailable inference. 

The Scottish chroniclers, Fordun and Wyntoun, Boece and Major, copying 
the obscure intimation of Bede, trace the Picts, by successive migrations, " from 
" Scithy to Ireland, and from Ireland to Brytayn." We may easily suppose 
that in their conceits the Picts were a Scythic people. Against such history 
and such an inference Buchanan at length made a stand. Tliis acute writer 

(e) " That the Caledonians and Picts were one and the same people is now nniversally allowed. 
" Buchanan, Camden, Lloyd, Innes, Whitaker, the M'Phersons, O'Conner, D'Anville, Stilling- 
" fleet, though differing widely on other points, all join here." Enquiry, 1789. The first chapter 
of part iii. of this book has this significant title, " The Caledonians and Plots the same." 
The motive for this alacrity in bringing so many scholars to acknowledge the sameness of the 
Picts and Caledonians appears to be this : During the three centuries which elapsed after the 
invasion of North-Britain by Agricola, the Greek and Roman authors would have so firmly opposed 
the notion of a Gothic conquest over Caledonia, that it became necessary to go back into darker 
ages as much more commodious for fabulous assumption. The fact required that the original 
colonization of North-Britain by the Cambro-Britons should be acknowledged. The classic 
authorities demanded that the sameness of the Picts and Caledonians should also be acknowledged ; 
and nothing remained in this stronfj dilemma of a desperate case but to assert, without proof and 
against probability, that the Caledonians were a Gothic colony who conquered North-Britain in some 
unknown age, two or three centuries, perhaps, before our common era. He who goes back to those 
distant times for proofs of a Gothic conquest of North-Britain must show what the most erudite 
scholars have not yet shown, when the Gothic people came into western Europe, except the con- 
quering Goths be brought indeed from the Danube, through the Hellespont, into the ocean. But of 
sucli expeditions in such an age history is silent, and of such conquests there does not remain in 
North Britain the smallest trace, while there exist a thousand proofs that such Gothic conquests were 
never made. 

Vol. I. G g 



22G A N AC C U N T [Book II.— The Pictish Period. 

now insisted that the Picts of the third century were the descendants of the 
Caledonians in the first who spoke the Celtic tongue. After proving from 
an accurate comparison of the names of places in Gaul and in Britain that 
the Gauls and Britons were the same people, he erred with the vulgar in 
supposing that either the Picts or Caledonians were migrants from abroad, 
rather than descendants of the fix'st settlers from South-Britain. By thus ad- 
mitting what was untrue in argument and false in fact, he was obliged to derive 
the Picts and Caledonians from the Gothini, a Gaulic people in Germany {f), 
Buchanan was obviously misled by his enmity to Humphrey Lluyd the Welsh 
antiquary, to derive the Caledonians from any people rather than the Cambro- 
Britons. 

In this track of inquiry Buchanan was soon followed by Camden, the Sti-abo 
of England, who originally oflered his Britannia to the antiquarian world in 
1586 [g). After stating the opinions of others, this modest and judicious 
writer gave his own judgment " that the Picts were very Britons, indeed, by 
" the demeanor, name, and speech of the Picts." He argues the question, 
like Buchanan, from classic authors ; like him, he shows the conformity of the 
names of places ; and he concludes a learned disquisition, without di'eading the 
charge of absurdity, " that the Pictish and the British language differed not ; 
" and of consequence the nations were not divers " (A). With tliis judgment 
of Camden, concurred Selden, who advised others to follow his example {i). 
Speed, when he came to exhibit a prospect of Scotland, gave it as his opinion 
" that the Picts anciently inhabiting a part of that kingdom, were the inhorn 
" Britons, whose names began first to be distmguished under Dioclesian" {k). 

(/) See BucLanan's Hist., lib. xi., § 18 to 27. This able man assures us that before the 
arrival of the Saxons none of the British nations, when conversing with each other, used an inter- 
preter ; that there are no traces of a foreign tongue in the peculiar country of the Picts ; that tlie 
names of districts and of towns which they once inhabited are still significant in the ancient 
language. It is curious to remark that these notions of Buchanan are confii-med by the fact. In 
this work, book i., ch. i., may be seen, from an elaborate comparison of the names of places, that 
Noi-th-Britain must have been settled by the same Gaulic people who colonized South-Britain. In 
book i., ch. ii., it is evinced by similar comparisons that the names of tribes and of places were 
still Celtic in the second and third centuries, without a single trace of any Q-othic tongue, and 
hence the instructive inference that a Gothic people had not yet arrived within the Caledonian 
regions. 

(fj) The first edition of the Bbitannta is an 8vo volume of 560 pages. Of these he dedicated 
four pages to the Picti, nine to the Scoti, and eight to Scotia. 

(h) lb., § 8, Picti. (i) In his notes on the Polyolhion of Drayton. 

(A-) Prospects, B. iii., ch. i. The geographer du Chesne concurs with Camden, Selden, and 
Speed, adding new authorities and additional facts. Histoire d'Angleterre, d'Escosse, et d'Irlande, 
Liv. iii. 



Chap. I.— The Picts.'] OfNOETH-BEITAIN. i'27 

When Usher was collecting materials, however, for his ecclesiastical anti- 
quities, he thought fit to follow the intimations of Bede rather than the judg- 
ment of Camden, by supposing that the Picts were Cimbric-Germans, and not 
inborn Britons {I). Yet with Usher did not concur Lloyd, the learned Bishop 
of St. Asaph, who was an original thinker rather than the collector of the 
opinions of others. According to this eminent scholar, the Picts were anciently 
called Caledones, and were not of a different language from the Britons, nor 
were called by any other name that we read of, till about three hundred years 
after Christ (m). This explicit judgment of Lloyd did not, however, prevent 
Stillingfleet, when he came out to defend this learned prelate against Sir George 
M'Kenzie, from attempting a confutation of Lloyd 'on this Pictish question {n). 
The notions of Stillingfleet are chiefly derived from Tacitus, who had not in- 
fluenced Buchanan, nor Camden, nor Selden, nor Speed, nor Du Chesne, to 
think absurdly on so obvious a point. In 1706 was published the History 
of the Picts, which had been Avritten a century before by Henry Maul, who 
concurred with Camden, and argued, from the North-British topography, that 
their lineage was British. The Pictish history was followed in 1707 by 
Lhuyd's Archaiologia. This learned writer now delivered it as his judgment 
*' that the Picts were Britons without question, as appeared from the names 
" of the mountains and rivers in the Loivlands of Scotland, where they in- 
" habited." After reviewing such contradictory opinions, it is curious to 
remark that those scholars who formed their judgments from reading books, 
without attending to circumstances, considered the Picts as a Gothic people ; 
while those scholars who weighed circumstances, examined topography, and 
adverted to language, regarded the Picts as inhorn Britons, whose tongue was 
Cambro-British. It will be found from the most elaborate researches that facts 
must necessarily prevail against opinions. 

At length Innes appeared \A'ith his Critical Essay in 1729, which he had 
elaborated during twenty years. Like Lloyd, Innes is an original thinker 
who forms his own opinions. He now reviewed with an elaborate pen the 

(/) Eccles. Primord., ch. xv. (jh) Hist. Acco. of Church Gov., 1684, ch. i., § 3. 

(ii) Origines Brit., 204-6. When Gibson repubhshed the Britannia in 1695, he referred in 
a note to Usher's Primordia for the origin of the Picts, and added, that " Stillingfleet proves 
"them to have their original from Scandinavia." It is quite wonderful that Gibson should have 
opposed the loose collection of Usher, and the learned impertinences of Stillingfleet to the solid 
sense of Camden, which will remain for ever. When Gibson had the rashness to attempt a con- 
futation of Camden he seems not to have known that Camden had been supported by the concuiTence 
of Selden, of Burton in his Antoninus, and of Sir William Temple in his Introduction to the history 
of England. 

Gg2 



228 A N A C C U N T [Book II.— The PictM Period. 

several sentiments of those who had before him discussed the Pictish question. 
He reconciles the conjecture of Tacitus (a) ; he explains the hearsay of Bede ; 
he concurs with Lloyd ; he confutes Stillingfleet (b) ; and he at length de- 
clares it to be more natural as Avell as more probable, that the Caledonian 
Britons, or Picts, were of the same origin as the Britons of the South, who 
came certainly from the nearest coast of Gaul, and who gradually advanced 
northward, carrying with them the same customs and the same language 
which they had themselves derived from the Gaulish Celts (c). The Critical 
Essay of Inues made a great impression on the antiquarian prejudices of those 
times, though he was encountered by opponents {d). But every research 
which has yet been made, evinces that Innes was accurate in his authorities, 
founded in his facts, and right in his conclusions. 

The next in succession, though not in merit, who discussed the Pictish 
question, was Sir John Clerk, who died in 1755 (e). The Critical Essay was 
too recent for the perusal of such an antiquary, and the opinions of Buchanan 
and Camden had been too little considered in his judgment to merit refuta- 
tion ; nor can he allow to Davies and Lhuyd that the speech which they 
had cultivated was once the Lingua Britannica, or the universal language of 
Great Britain. But he who speculates on languages which must have existed 
before the waters in the same country had received their names, only plunges into 
the dark, unhottomed, infinite abyss whence none can find his uncouth way through 
the palpable obscure {/). Yet our antiquary appears to have never inquired 

(a) Gibbon concurs with Innes in tlie sound construction wbicli he gives to Tacitus's sentiments 
as to the question, who were the first inhabitants of Britain. In fact Tacitus, after idly supposing 
that different tribes may have had a different origin, at length gives his deliberate judgment : " On a 
" general sui-vey, however, it appears probable that the Gauls originally took possession of the neigh- 
" homing coast. The sacred rites and superstitions of those people are discernible among the Britons. 
" The languages of the two nations (the Gauls and Britons) do not greatly differ." Yet Sir John 
Clerk insisted that Tacitus had said the languages of the Gauls and Germans did not widely differ. 
He must have hastily written from faint recollection. 

(6) Ledwich, the Irish antiquary, observes that Stillingfleet had never been confuted. Ledwich 
perhaps never saw Innes's work. 

(c) Crit. Essay, v. i., p. 41 to 166. 

(a) The Eev. T)x: Free tried to confute Innes"s judgment concerning the Pictish question in some 
dissertations, which are now forgotten. 

(e) He compiled, for the private hearing of a literary society, in 1742, his "Inquiry into the 
" ancient languages of Great Britain," which was published in the Reliquia Galeance, p. 362, and 
which was opposed even by its publisher, who saw its manifold defects. 

(/) We have seen before, in b. i., ch. i., that the names of the waters within North-Britain are 
significant in the Cambro-British speech, as explained by Davies and Lhuyd. 



Ch.L— T he Pk-ts.] Op NOETH-BEITAIX. 229 

who were the first inhabitants of Europe, or when the Goths came originally 
into Western Europe ; but he is sure, in opposition to authorities and facts, 
that the German nations were the first who peopled the greatest part of this 
island ; he is clear that the Saxon speech was heard throughout the land be- 
fore J. Caesar had defiled its shores with his ambitious feet ; he is certain that 
" the Saxon language was what the Picts spoke," and he knew that " the true 
ancient Scoto-Saxon language continues in the Orkneys to this day (g). The 
true friends of so worthy a man must lament that his Inquiry should have 
been exposed to the eye of criticism, because it must lessen his fame as an anti- 
quary, and disparage his character as a scholar. 

We are now advanced in reviemng the Pictish question to the present reign. 
Guthrie published his History of Scotland in 1767. He professes to write 
without regard to former systems of Scottish antiquities ; he considers ancient 
languages as more instructive, because they are founded upon facts, than the 
wild dreams of Irish or of northern antiquities ; he thinks that the speech of 
the Celts was perhaps the mother language of the dead tongues in every part of 
Europe ; and, after some obliquities, he comes at length to conclude that 
the Picts, who were the unsubdued part of the Belgic-Britons, in the end 
merged the very name of Caledonians (/i). It is apparent from Guthrie's 
arguments that he relied more on Welsh philology than on the more instructive 
inferences of local facts. 

We now enter on the Polemic scene wherein the Macphersons and Whitaker 
played conspicuous parts. In 1768, appeared Critical Dissertations on the an- 
cient Caledonians, their posterity, the Picts, and the Biitish, and Irish Scots (i). 
In proving what cannot indeed be denied, that the Picts were the posterity 

{g) Galeanse, p. 362-3. It is demonstrably certain that tlie fii-st stratum of names on the map 
of North-Britain is Oambro-British ; that the second stratum which, within Pictinia, was superinduced 
upon the foi-mer was the Gaelic ; that the topographic language of the Orkneys, Norse as it is, is 
as different from the Anglo-Saxon as any two languages can be that have a common origin. See 
before b. i., chap. i. ii. ; b. ii., ch. iii. The inferences which necessarily result from the demon- 
strations which those Books supply are very obvious to all who can reason without regard to 
previous opinions ; that the Oambro-Britons were the first colonists who imposed those names on 
places ; that the Gaelic-Scots were the second settlers in the loivlaiida who imposed their peculiar 
names ; but that there was no room left for the intrusion of Gothic appellations. The Teutonic 
names of places in the lowlands are Anglo-Saxon and English, which were imposed during recent 
times, and of course do not apply to the Pictish question. It is singular to remark that the name of 
Pen-y-cuik, whence Sir John Clerk dated his Inquiry, can only be rationally explained from the 
British speech, and not from the Gothic or Gaelic. 

(/() See his Introduction throughout. 

(j) By John Macpherson, D.D., the minister of Sleat, 



230 AnACCOUNT [Book II The Pictish Period. 

of the Caledonians, he confutes some positions of Stillingfleet, and concurs with 
the opinion of Camden (k). After refuting the learned Polemic, our Dissertator 
is so weak as to deny the existence of the Pictish monarchy. He reads the Pictish 
Chronicle in Innes, he sees the Pictish kings in Bede, acting in their proper 
characters, both ecclesiastical and civil ; yet, cannot he perceive the Pictish 
monarchy, whatever Innes may prove by the most satisfactory evidence. The 
blindness of prejudice carries our Dissertator even beyond this incredulity ; he 
admits the existence of the Picts as a people, yet denies the entity of their 
speech as a language (I) ; and his ardour of Scoticism hurries him headlong 
from the paths of truth which lay directly before him, into the obliquities of 
error that have consigned his Critical Dissertations to long-enduring oblivion. 
These Dissertations were immediately followed throughout their whole course 
of inquiry by the Introduction to the History of Great Britain and Ireland (m). 
His precursor had already done so much to annihilate the Picts, that it did not 
require much effort in our historical introducter, who affects " to look upon 
" antiquity through the medium of the ancients," to adjudge the Picts to death 
and hell by doom, severe (n). The arrogance which attempted to blot from 
our history the genuine descendants of the first colonists of North-Britain, was 

(^) Stillingfleet had been so unguarded as to argue that the Caledonians, having been wasted by 
•war, left an opening for the Gothic Picts to come in upon them from Denmark during the 
third century. Our Dissertator opposes such groundless suppositions by the improbability of such a 
migration, and the silence of ancient writers. The total absence of Gothic names of persons and 
of places during that age in the North-British topography is decisive proof that no such emigration 
took place. 

(/) He contends, he says, for the identity of the Pictish and Scottish tongues, as the Picts and Scots 
were genuine descendants of the old Caledonians. It is, however, apparent that those tongues were 
not identical, but were distinct dialects of the Celtic. The Scots were not genuine descendants of the 
Caledonians, and did not speak the Caledonian language. The topography of North-Britain attests 
ihe distinctness of the two people, and the difference of their tongues. 

(?«) By the well-known James Macpherson, who supplied the Preface and other helps to the 
Critical Dissertations. It was the great object of those two writers to revive the fabulous conceits 
of the ancient priority of the Scots in North-Britain, which critical controversy had driven into obscure 
darkness. 

(«) The Picts are not so much as mentioned in Macpherson's ample Index, nor in his copious title 
page, which specifies the Britons, the Irish, and the Anglo-Saxons. The painful reader, after turning 
■over a hundred and twenty-nine pages, will find the Picts cursorily mentioned as having once existed 
in the historic pages of Ammianus Marcellinus. But whether they spoke the Gaelic language or the 
British he could not tell. I have been assured that James Macpherson tried throughout his life, 
though without success, to discover the etymon of the name of Spey, the outrageous river on whose 
banks he was born. Now this appropriate appellation is merely the Cambro-British Espeye, which 
denotes the equalities of this overflowing stream.- 



Chap. I.— r/;e P/rf.?.] OfNOETH-BEITAIN. 231 

soon severely chastised. Every branch of the British root found a potent prop 
in Whitaker. The Genuine History of the Britons appeared in 1772, which 
undoubtedly is what it professed to be, "A Candid Eefutation of Mr. Macpher- 
" son's Introduction." It may be said of this powerful assertor of the British 
history, that "his words are smoother than oU, and yet be they very swords." 
Macpherson fled from the ivords of Whitaker. The refutation of this ardent 
Polemic evinces, in opposition to the mis-statements of Macpherson, that the 
Picts were Caledonians, and that the Caledonians were Britons. 

This conflict had scarcely ceased when there appeared "An Enquiry into 
"the History of Scotland preceding 1056 (o)." By a meretricious display of 
authorities, etymologies, and topography, he professes to show the opinions of 
those erudite writers, Camden, Selden, and Lloyd to be false, ignorant and 
childish (p). In order to fasten this censure upon such scholars, he dedicates 
a whole chapter to prove that " the Northern Britons, Caledonians, and Picts 
" were one and the same people {q)." A superficial reader would necessarily 
suppose from this proof that our Inquu-er coincided in opinion with those 
learned men who are said to talk falsely, ignorantly, and childishly ; for they 
maintained that the Northei'n Britons were the same people as the Southern 
Britons ; that the Caledonians were the descendants of the British colonists 
from South Britain; that the Picts were merely the offspring of the Caledonians, 
under a new name and a different aspect. He has, however, a thousand dis- 
tinctions to shield himself from the charge of contradiction. The Northern 
Britons were not, in his opinion, Cambro-Britons (r). The Caledonians and 
Picts were, indeed, the same people ; but they were Goths from Scandia 
who expelled the Cambro-Britons about two centuries before Christ (s). But 
the research and learning of two centuries have not brought yet any proof of 
the migration of a Gothic colony into North-Britain till the fifth age, when the 
Angles arrived upon the Tweed. Every attempt to prove this improbability has 

(o) By John Pinkeiton iu 1789. {])) Enquiry, v. i., p. 163. {q) lb., part iii., ch. i. 

(?■) The demonstrations in the first chapter of the first book of this work confute this conceit. 

is) Enquiry, v. i., p. 132, 146-160. The author saw that StUlingfleet's position of a Gothic 
migration into North-Britain duiing the third century could not be maintained against the classic 
writers, and he chose a darker age for his unauthorised assertion. Let any fair inquirer after truth 
ran backward through the history of Europe from the epoch of Christ two hundi-ed years, and down- 
ward from the same epoch two centuries, and he will satisfy himself of the impossibility of such a 
migration during such times. The Gothic people who finally overthrew the Eoman empu'e did not 
begin to move till 250 a.d. The topogi-aphy of Scotland during the two first centuiies of om- 
common era, as it contains not a particle of Gothecism, evinces Lucidentally that such a migration of 
Goths could not have taken place. 



232 An ACCOUNT [Book ll.~T lie Pictish Period. 

egregiously failed, because falsehood cannot be proved, Stillingfleet had learn- 
ing, and our Inquirer exerted his diligence ; but they failed in establishing their 
Gothic migrations, because such migrations never happened. Suffice it to say, 
adds our Inquirer, " that every writer who mentions the origin of the Picts 
"till 1707, when Lhuyd's Archseologia appeared, derive them from Scandinavia, 
"excepting Camden alone, who was himself far from learned {t)." The writers 
who are thus opposed by our Inquirer to Camden, who is mistakingly supposed 
to have stood alone in maintaining the Cambro-British origin of the Picts, are 
Nennius the Saxon Chronicler, Geoffi-ey of Monmouth, Giraldus Cambrensis, 
O'Flaherty, Usher, Stillingfleet, and Sheringham (m). Our Inquirer was im- 
mediately opposed by Ritson, who maintained, with equal learning and labour, 
the Celtieism of the Picts, yet acknowledged that it would require a volume 
to expose the errors, to exhibit the contradictions, and to confute the system of 
the Enquiry, ] 789 (x). 

The next writer who pretended to answer the Pictish question was Sibbald, 
who published in 1802 "A Chronicle of Scottish Poetry." He adopts, as he 
tells the reader, "the principal arguments of Sir John Clerk and Mr. Pinkerton 

(J) lb., 198-9. Our author liad done iiveU to have also excepted Buchanan in 1582, Selden in 
1613, du Ohesne in 1614, Speed in his Prospects, Maul in his History of the Picts, Burton in his 
Antoninus, Sir W. Temple in 1695, Bishop Lloyd in 1684, Bishop Kennet in his Complete History of 
England, 1706, and last, though not the least, Bochart, who all concurred with "the far from learned 
Camden ! " 

(») lb., 193-9. To this motley list our author might have added that curious chronicler Eobert 
of Gloucester, who gives a very interesting account, which is obviously copied from Bede, " how 
"the Pycars out of the lond of Scitie atta laste came to Yrlonde's north ende, and then into the 
" lond of Scotland." It is quite allowable for the chroniclers of the middle ages to romance in this 
manner. But who would quote such chroniclers, or even Bede, upon such a point which demands 
research and reflection ! Yet our inquirer afterwards does admit that Camden is supported 
by Lloyd, tines, Guthrie, Hume, Whitaker, Gibbon, and to these he might have added 
Henry the historian. Enquiry, v. i., p. 200. By such assertions, however, and contradictions ; 
by such sins against truth and confessions of error, are childish writers and elderly readers im- 
posed on. Our inquirer, 1789, might have found a coadjutor in the late Eev. Dr. Walker, the 
professor of Natural History in the University of Edinburgh, who tried to support the doctrines of 
Stillingfleet by a series of assertions which are not very consistent with facts. See his letter to 
Dr. Lyttleton, the Bishop of Carlisle, dated the 28th of April, 1767. Archasolog., v. i., p. 231. 
He has one passage which merits recollection : " One of the best Scots antiquaries with whom 
" I lately conversed. Lord Auehinleck, one of our judges, was plainly of your lordship's senti- 
" ments (Bishop Lyttleton) in questioning if such people (as the Picts) ever existed, I mean 
" distinct from the British and Caledonians." We have already seen that Bishop Lyttleton and Lord 
Auehinleck thus concurred with Camden, Selden, and other great antiquaries and historians on the 
Pictish question. 

(x) See the Historical Essay on Scotish Song, 1794. 



Ch.L— The Picts.'] OfXOETH-BEITAIN. 233 

" to prove the German origin of the Caledonians." As their several systems 
have been already surveyed, the Gothic lucubrations of this shallow Chronicler 
need not be awakened from their quiet slumbers (x). 

In the progress of inquiry, the next writer who speculates on the origin and 
language of the Picts, is the recent biographer of the Scottish poets. He thinks 
it extremely probable that Scotland was originally peopled by a colony of 
Cumri ; but how this Celtic race was superseded by invading Goths who never 
invaded them, is the very question which the erudition of Europe cannot 
answer. He thinks, however, " it may be conjectured that the Cumri were 
" subjected by some new settlers " from some Gothic shore ; and he presumes 
that the new settlers who settled, according to conjecture, might have per- 
petuated the names which their predecessors had applied to mountains, rivers, 
and other external objects ; yet, he hazards no opinion as to the cause why 
there should be found no traces of such settlers in the North-British topography 
dvu'ing the first, second, and thud centuries. He is positive, however, that if 
the Picts were Goths, they must have spoken Gothic ; and if they were Celts, 
they must have used the Celtic speech. This writer may be said, in the lan- 
guage of Shakspeare, " to win us with honest trifles ; to betray us in deep 
" consequence." 

The latest investigator of the Pictish question is the erudite Edward King, 
the curious author of the Munimenta Antiqua. After investigating the stone 
monuments and the hill-forts, the ancient castles and the barbarous manners 
of North-Britain, he gives it as his judgment " that the Picts were descended 
" from the aboriginal Britons (^)." This profound antiquaiy concurs with the 
late Doctor Henry in saying that " we hear nothing of any invasion of the 
" Caledonians by any such distinct people as the Picts ; " and he, therefore, 
concludes, as Innes had inferred before him, " that this denomination was 
" merely a neio name which was given to the old settlers (z)." 

The Caledonian descendants of the Celtic aborigines of North-Britain must 
therefore be allowed to possess their native land till it can be clearly shown 
when, and upon what occasion, they were dispossessed by Gothic intruders. 
This has not yet been done either by the labours of learning, or the diligence 
of research, either by the dexterities of sophistry or the perversity of design. 
Possession in common life is never changed whatever may be the claim, 

(x) His system is confuted iu the Prolegomena, and Glossary to the Poetical Works of Sir David 
Lyndsay. 

(y) Munimenta Antiqua, 1804, p. 181-5. 

(z) lb., 179. Such, then, is the final answer to the Pictish question, which has been so much inves- 
tigated by learned men, and so perplexed by paradoxical writers. 
Vol. I. H h 



234 An ACCOUNT [Bookll.— The Pictish Period. 

without establishing a better right, not by presumptuous surmise, but by satis- 
factory proofs. 

The one-aud-twenty British tribes who occupied North-Britain during the 
first century remained for ages in their ancient settlements. Five of those tribes 
were subdued by the Roman arms, and were civilized by the Roman arts. 
After the Roman abdication, those five tribes continued in their appropriate 
covmtry on the south of the friths, distinguished by no other circiunstance 
than their civilization, from the sixteen tribes who equally remained unsubdued 
on the north of the same friths, and who obtained the name of Picts. The de- 
scendants of those Romanized Britons enjoyed their ancient possessions on the 
south of the friths, by the various names of Cumbrenses and Wallenses, which 
denote their lineal descent from the Cambro-Britons, whose language they spoke. 
If they were five of the pristine tribes of Caledonian Britons, however they may 
have been civihzed by subduction, it follows as a consequence that the sixteen 
tribes of Caledonians who remained unsubdued under the name of Picts, were 
as much the descendants of the Cambro-Britons as their southern neighbours 
of Strathclyde, who were noticed till recent times as genuine Welsh (a). 

(a) The only difference between tlie Britons who lived on the north of the friths and the Britons 
who dwelt in Strathclyde consisted merely in this, that the last were subdued and civilized Britons, 
while the first had remained unsubdued and uncivilized, and consequently they both equally spoke the 
Cambro-British speech, since they were all derived from a Canibro-British origin. As the writers 
who strenuously insist that the Picts and Caledonians were Goths, yet acknowledge that the Britons 
of Valentia were Celts, who spoke the Cambro-British language, it follows that such writers are 
chargeable with inconsistency in maintaining such contradictory opinions upon such obvious questions. 
The Inquirer, 1789, says " that when the Picts seized on the south of Scotland, the Britons of Valentia 
"seem to have retired to the western parts." V. i., p. 82. "When the DaMads in 503 settled 
" in Argyle, they became next neighbom's to those Britons, and they seem to have naturally fonned 
" alliance from proximity of speech, both speaking the Celtic, though in different dialects." Id. 
The Picts rather wished to have the Strathclyde Britons in their amity. It would have been 
folly in the Picts to have attacked the Strathclyde Welsh. Id. And see p. 98-9 for the Welsh 
of Strathclijde. " Aneurin, the author of the Gododin," says our Inquirer, ib., 98, "was of the north, 
" and perhaps from Welsh manuscripts we might learn whether of Strathclyde or Cumbria. Merlin 
"the Wild," he adds, "was of Strathclyde, as is clear from his life by Geoffry, compared with 
Adamnan and Jocehn." Id. The poems both of Aneurin and of Merlin have been lately published 
in the Welsh Archaeology, and show to every eye that the language of both is Cambro-British. The 
context of several pages of Merlin evinces that his country was Caledonia, the land of the Picts. Our 
Inquirer also shows that Gildas, the British Gildas, was bora at Alcluyd or Dunbriton, and that his 
father Caunus was king of that country, who was also the father of Aneurin. Ib. 63. Bede, 
he says, p. 62, mentions Alcluith as remaining in his time (731 a. d.) in the hands of the 
Britons. Such is the power ot truth that it generally prevails in the end over the inconsistencies 
of prejudice. This clue leads inquiry through the mizmaze of opinions and authors to knowledge and 
certainty. 



Oh. n.—The Strathclmjd Britons.'] OfNOETH-BKITAIN. 2 35 



CHAP. n. ^ 

Of the Romanized Britons of the Cumbnan Kingdom in Nortli-Britain. 

AT the period of the Eoman power in the British island, that extensive 
country, from the r-amjjart of Severus to the wall of Antonine, was inhabited by 
the five British tribes of Valentia, the Ottadini, the Gadeni, the Selgovse, the 
Novantes, and the Damnii, who, as they were Roman citizens, were entitled 
to Roman privileges (a). During the decline of the imperial power, the Roman- 
ized Britons within the province of Valentia were often attacked by the Scots 
from the west, and by the Picts from the north ; but wei-e as often defended by 
the Roman armies, till the final abdication of ^he Roman government (6). 

The Romanized provincials were by that event acknowledged to be an in- 
dependent people. As they had been often urged to govern themselves, they 
naturally assumed such forms as the occasion dictated, and established such 
authorities as necessity required. The appointment of a pendragon, when dan- 
ger approached, was a policy which was very familiar to all the descendants of 
the British tribes. The practice of an enterprizing age, perhaps, pointed to the 
fitness of such an officer, whether he were intended for the energies of attack 
or the resolutions of defence. In every district of Britain, at the memorable 
epoch of the Roman abdication, we behold princes playing their parts in the 
busy scene. In the country of Valentia, which had been attacked, and was to 
be defended, we equally see kings acting in their appropriate characters at the 
head of their afiairs, protecting the land during the struggle of war, and 
ruling their people amid the enjoyments of peace (c). Yet their authority 

(a) I do not concur witli Innes, Crit. Essay, v. 1, p. 29-32, that the Maeatae, who were subdued 
by Severus, inhPvbited the country of the five tribes, on the south of the wall of Antonine. They ob- 
viously lived on the north of the same wall ; were confederated with the Caledonians, a kindred 
people ; and, as an independent tribe, the Maeatae entered into treaties with Severus and Caracalla, as 
we have ah'eady seen. 

(J) lb. 22-24 ; and see the preceding book, ch. 6. 

(c) Innes's Crit. Essay, vol. i., p. 32-6. Whitaker's Manchester, vol. ii., p. 92. Langhorn 
has, indeed, given us, in his Chronicon Regum Anglorum, a series of the kings of Cumbria and 
Ai'clude ; whether they can all be supported by sufBcient evidence may well be doubted. Some of 

Hh2 



2;)C A N A C C U N T [Book II.— The Pictish Period. 

appears to have been extremely limited. The chiefs of the various clans which 
occupied the several districts exercised such unbounded power as to end often 
in their own ruin. The jurisdiction of the prince and the pretensions of the 
nobles often clashed ; and during an age of commotion, when the safety of 
all required the strength of union and the concert of co-operation, the people 
were distracted by domestic contests; the chiefs raised the dagger of resentment 
against each other, and the land was exposed by continual anarchy sometimes 
to invasion and at length to conquest. 

At the epoch of their independence, the Romanized descendants of the five 
tribes were attacked by the Picts with a view to plunder more than to sub- 
jection ((/). The northern Caledonians continued to act on that occasion from 
the constant habits of two centuries. When they envied tlie steed of the strangei's 
they no doubt gratified their propensities ; but from the state of their civiliza- 
tion, of their manners, and of their agriculture, they could neither raise nor 
maintain considerable armies. Their incursions were made by few men, who 
could soon do much mischief without many means. Their warfare consisted 
of sudden invasions, and of hasty i-etreats when danger aj^proached and hosti- 
lity pursued. They crossed the two friths in their canoes or their currachs, 
and infested either side of Valentia ; they may have even passed the northern 
fence when it was no longer defended by men who had arms in their hands 
and resolution in their hearts ; but we have no historical notices which would 
show that the Pictish invaders either formed settlements within the wall, or 
claimed rightful possession of that ancient dominion. The notion which at- 
tributes such pretensions to the Picts is unfounded in its principle, and 
is modern in its application. The descendants of the five Caledonian 
tribes who had been subdued by the arms and civilized by the arts of the 
Romans, had the best right, from possession and descent, to the whole 
country which lay between the two walls. This ample range of debatable 
ground the Picts are said to have taken possession of as their oivn, after the 
final retreat of the Roman forces (e). But what of his own can an individual 

those princes, however, as his first Caun, his second Hoel, his foui-th Marcen, his seventh 
Eyderych, and his twelfth Oonstantine, we shall hereafter find in the obscure narratives of con- 
temporary writers. 

{d) Gildas offends by declamation, rather than informs by a connected narrative of facts and circum- 
stances, with regard to the events which happened on the obscure iri-uptions of the Picts and Scots, 
during the eventful years 440 and 448, a.d. 

(e) Innes's Grit. Essajr, vol. i., p. 32 : North-Britain was, by the retreat of the Romans, left 
under '• the dominion of the Scots and Picts," says the late royal historioj^rapher. Hist, of Soot., 
V. i., p. 3. This assertion is faulty in two respects : (1) It is demonstrably certain that the Scots 



Ch. n.—The Strathcluyd Britons.'] OpNOETH-BEITAIN. 237 

enjoy till he exist ? How can a nation consisting of many individuals be 
entitled to rights till its formation as a community ? The Picts of that age 
ought to be considered as a congeries of clans who, as they were connected by 
very slight ties, may have enjoyed many separate pretensions, rather than a 
people who, having been formed into a body politic or nation, were entitled to 
public rights. 

Meantime, neither history nor records nor tradition intimates that the 
civilized descendants of the two British tribes, the Ottadini and Gadeni, asso- 
ciated themselves into a community at the era of their independence, or formed 
the country, extending from the Tweed to the Forth, and from the east coast to 
the midland mountains, into a dominion. The silence of all those instructors 
seems to speak, what events will show, that they were early invaded by a people 
from the sea, by the Anglo-Saxons, who came to settle rather than to plunder. 
When the day of trial arrived the Ottadini and Gadeni acted like the descen- 
dants of the Britons : they defended themselves when they were attacked by 
ferocious invaders with more bravery than skill, and with more skill than 
concert. The battle of Catraeth decided the fate of the country, which the 
disunion and ebriety of the Ottadini and Gadeni could not defend against the 
union and fortune of the Saxon intruders [f). 

The Romanized posterity of the Selgovse, the Novantes, the Daninii, with 
the fugitive children of the Gadeni and Ottadini, associated themselves for 
their common defence as misfortune drew near ; and they erected their paternal 
territories into an appropriate community, which was sometimes called Regnum 
Camhrense or Cumhrense, and oftener the kingdom of Strathcluyd, according 
to the usual inaccuracy of the middle ages. This Cumbrian kingdom of the 
Romanized Britons extended from the Irthing, the Eden, and the Solway on 
the south, to the Upper Forth and Loch-Lomond on the north, and from the 
Irish sea and the frith of Clyde, which washed its western shores, it ranged 
eastward to the lunits of the Merse and Lothian. It included withm those 
ample bounds Liddesdale, Teviotdale, Dumfries-shire, all Galloway, Ayrshire, 
Renfrewshire, Strathclyde, the middle and Avest parts of Stirlingshire, and 



did not tlaen inhabit Nortli-Britain ; see the proof of this position in the subsequent chapter : (2.) 
The Picts, who were not at the epoch formed into a community, never enjoyed the dominion of the 
Eoman province of Valentia : for proofs of this position, see book ii., ch. 4. 

(y) Aneurin laments in pathetic strains, throughuut his Gododin, the free use which his 
British countrymen had made of the bewitching mead, before they entered into the conflict of 
Catraeth. 



238 AnACCOUNT [Book 11.— The Pictish Period. 

the greater part of Dumbartonshire [g). The metropohs of this kingdom was 
Alcluyd, which they still retained when the pen dropped from the venerable 
hand of Bede in 734 A.D., and which is situated on the north bank of the 
Clyde at the influx of the Leven. The descriptive name of Alcluyd, which 
signifies in the British language, the roclcy height on the Cluyd, was applied to 
this bifurcated rock, on the commodious summit whereof those associated 
Britons had a very strong hill-fort, which they called Caer- Alcluyd, and which 
formed a secure residence for their reguli (6). To this fortress the Scoto-Irish 
subsequently applied the name of DtinhYiton, signifying the fortress of the 
Britons, and this appropriate appellation has in modern times by an easy 
transition been converted into Dunbarton. 

Such was the outline of the Cumbrensian kingdom of the five British tribes 
during the more early period of its insecure existence. But the constant en- 
croachments of the Saxons laid open its ancient boundaries on the south-east. 
The oj^en country of Teviotdale, which formed the eastern extremity of the 
Cumbrian kingdom, though it was protected by a natural barrier of mountains 
on the south, yet on the east its facility of access invited the inroads of the 
Saxon invaders, who already possessed Northumberland and the Merse. The 
rugged country upon the west and south-west formed a powerful boundary 
to the associated Britons. To this natural defence they do not seem to have 
altogether trusted. Antiquarian research has discovered the remains of an arti- 

{g) The tradition of the people, as stated on oath in the Tnquisitio BavuJis, 1116 a.d., gave those 
limits to the Cumbrian kingdom. Cumbria is therein said to lie " inter Angliam et Scotiam." Now, 
England was then bounded on the north-west by the Solway, the Esk, and the Kershope ; and the 
Scotia of that age was confined to the north of the Friths. The fact is, that in the age of David I. 
the whole bishopric of Glasgow, which then comprehended all those countries, was called Cnmbria ; 
as wa learn from the chartulary of Kelso, No. 1, and from several charters and bulls in the chartulary 
of Glasgow. On the river Annan, in Dumfries-shire, there is an extensive hill, which was called in 
Font's Map, Di-uym-Brettan, in the Scoto-Irish tongue, and is named in Ainslie's map of Scotland, 
Drum-Brettan, the ridge of the Britons. 

(/i) All, Allt, and Alt, in the L'ish, as well as in the British, signify a rocky cliff or rocky height. 
The prefix Caer means in the British a fortress, a fortified town. Davies, Owen, O'Brien. "I know not 
why," saith Foujas de St. Fond, " Mr. Pennant should say, in speaking of the rock on which 
Dumbarton castle stands, that its height is stupendous : I found that it did not exceed two hundi'ed and 
fifty feet." Travels, v. i., p. 228. When Harding visited this rock in 1434, the tide regularly flowed 
around it. In his Chronicle, fol. ccsxxi., he says, 

" That mai been hold out long, when ye begyn, 

" Save Dumbretain, the sea aboute dooth ryn, 

" Eche dale and night, twice, withouten doubte, 

" Whiche maie bee woone, by famishyng aboute." 



Ch. n.—The Stralhchnjd Britons.'] Or NOETH -BRITAIN. 239 

ficial safeguard, which is known in the country by the several names of the Cat- 
rail, and of the Pictsworhditch. The Catrail is the British name of ancient times, 
and signifies in the British language what distinctly intimates the purpose for 
which it was made, the dividing fence or the partition of defence (i). The 
name of the Pictsivorkditch was applied to this remarkable fence in more modern 
times by the same people who called Severus's wall the Pictswall, and other 
objects by the same well-known name. The Catrail, consisting of a fosse and 
a double rampart, runs through the shhes of Selkirk and Roxburgh, from 
Galashiels on the north to the Peel-fell at the eastern extremity of Liddesdale 
on the south. 

The PictsworJcditch first appears on the north at a farm called Mosalee, a 
mile westward from Galashiels, near the obvious remains of a Bi'itish fort. From 
Mosalee, it runs southward by the west side of Boghall, and at the end of two 
miles arrives at the Rink-hill, on the summit of which there are the remains, 
as the name implies, of a British hill-fort, that is of an elliptical form, and is 
defended by two ditches and two ramparts of earth and stone (k). From the 
Rink-hill, the Pictsworkditch proceeds in a south-west direction across the 
Tweed near the influx of the Howdenpot-burn, and continues its course to 
a British fort on the west side of this stream (I). From this fort the Picts- 
workditch passes Cribshill, and is again discovered several miles westward, 
passing along the south-east declivity of Minchmoor, whence it passes Henhill- 
hope, where it is distinctly seen in its obvious course for a quarter of a mile. 
It afterwards clearly appears as it ascends the Swinebraehill above Yarrow- 
kirk, and passing the Yarrow river near Redhawse, it is again observable 
several miles southward near Delorain-burn, on the south side of Ettrick river. 
From this position it has been traced across Coplaw, and thence southward by 
the base of Stanhopelaw, where its singular remains are pretty distinct. For 

(?) In the British speech. Cad signifies a strwing to keep or to defend — an engagement, a battle ; 
and Rhail in the same tongue means ivhat divides, or parts off, a division. Owen's Diet. In British 
composition the (d) changes to (t). 

{k) Ainslie, in his map of Selkirkshire, has given this part of the Picksworkditch a wrong 
direction, and the British fort on Eink-hill an improper position, placing it more than half a mile 
too far eastward ; and he mistakingly calls the Catrail a Roman road, and the British fort a Eoman 
camp. 

{L) This fort is of the same form, but of smaller dimensions than the British strength on the 
Eink-hill. It should be represented just above the letter (p) in Howdenpot-burn, in Ainslie's map of 
Selkirkshh-e, saith the Eev. Dr. Douglas at Galashiels. It is to this very intelligent and obliging 
minister that the public are indebted for these accurate statements vrith regard to the Catrail, which 
he kindly communicated to me after the most minute inspection. 



240 AnACCOUNT [Book II.— The Pictish Period. 

some distance southward of Stanhopelaw it cannot now be traced, owing to 
the swampiness of the country ; but the Pictswoikditch again appears on Hen- 
woody common, whence it proceeds in a south-west direction across Borth- 
wick water past a farmstead called Broadlee, where the remains of it become 
very distinct for the course of a mile and a half till it reaches Slatehillmoss. 
From this position it proceeds foi'ward in a south-east direction aci'oss Teviot 
river, through the farm of North-house to Dockcleugh-hill, where its remains 
are very distinct. From Dockcleugh-hill it continues a south-east course in a 
slanting form across Allan- water to a place named Dod, passing two hill-forts 
on the left (m). From Dod, where its remains are distinct, the Pictswork- 
ditch proceeds eastward past another British fort called Whitehillbrae, and it 
there ascends the Carriage-hill, on which its remains are very perfect. From 
Carriage-hill it proceeds across a rivulet called Langside-burn ; and here, 
says Gordon the tourist, " it becomes the land-mark betwixt the Duke of 
" Buccleuch's estate and Sir Gilbert Elliot of Stobs." From Langside-burn 
its remains appear very distinct as they pass along the northern base of the 
Maiden Paps to the Leapsteel, and thence j^assing Pi,obertslin it traverses a 
tract of boggy ground called Cockspart ; crossing the hills into the upper parts 
of Liddesdale, the remains of it again appear on Dawstane-burn, and thence 
passing the Abbey it goes on to Dawstane-rig. From this position faint vestiges 
of it were traced nearly to the Peel-fell, which is one of the chain of mountains 
that forms a natural barrier between Northumberland on the south and Teviot- 
dale and Liddesdale on the north {n). 

(j») These Britisli strengtlis are placed as usual on the tops of heights, which are surrounded by 
fosses and ramparts, and appear in elliptical forms. One of these is called Dockcleugh-castle ; the 
other stands on an eminence which is called Burgh-hill, and is situated on the east side of Allan- 
water. 

(n) After bringing the Oatrail to the Peelfell, Gordon says, " but a more distinct track of 
" it afterwards appeared to me in another journey near Langham (Langholm) ; whence it runs 
" towards Canoby on the river Esk." Itin. Septent., p. 103. This cannot be connected with the 
end of the Catrail, that he left at Peelfell, which is more than eighteeen miles north-east from 
Langholm and Canoby, having the whole extent of Liddesdale between them. A Roman vicinal 
road, indeed, led past Canoby and Langholm, up Eskdale to Castle-Over. Gordon, perhaps from 
a superficial view of this way, has supposed it to be the continuation of the Catrail, though it must 
be confessed they are very much unlike. As the Catrail at Peelfell reached a strong barrier of 
mountains, it was probably ' discontinued at this natural tennination. If it ever extended further, 
it probably ran along the heights which separate Liddesdale and Northumberland, to the top of 
Kershope, and from thence southward to the Eoman wall. The accurate Dr. Douglas says 
" when at Gillsland, in 1789, I thought I could perceive traces of the Catrail leaving the Roman 
-"wall about five or six miles to the west of this place at a station upon the wall." This useful 



Ch. IL—T/ie Sfrathcluyd Britons.'} OfNOETH-BEITAIN. 241 

The whole course of the Catrail, which has been thus traced from the vici- 
nity of Galashiels to Peel-fell, is U2")wards of forty-five miles (o). The most 
entire parts of the Catrail show that it was originally a broad and deep fosse, 
having on each side a rampart, which was formed of the natural soil that was 
thrown from the ditch intermixed with some stones. Its dimensions vaiy in 
different places. This variation may be partly owing to its remains being more 
or less perfect. In those parts where it is pretty entire on the north of the 
Rink-hill, on Dockcleugh-hill, on Carriage-hiU. at Leapsteel, and at the Abbey, 
the fosse is twenty-six and twenty-five feet broad ; in one place, which was 
measured by Dr. Douglas, the fosse was twenty-seven and a half feet broad. 
But in those parts where the rampart has been most demolished the fosse 
only measures twenty-two and a half feet, twenty, and eighteen, and in one 
place only sixteen feet wide (p). In some of the most entire parts Gordon 
found the ramparts from six to seven,, and even nine or ten feet high, and from 
eight to ten and twelve feet thick. The accidents of time and the improve- 
ments of tillage have, however, destroyed much of them, and lessened the 
height of those which remain, the singular objects of rational curiosity (q). 

In its original state the Catrail must have formed a connected chain of de- 
fence along its extended course, being only interrupted in some parts by 
the channels of rivers or by impassable swamps, which formed themselves a 
sufficient fence. Along its ample extent there are several forts of the British 
people which were built either on the contiguous hills or on the neighbour- 
ing heights. But there are not upon the Catrail, as some antiquaries imagine, 



notice lie stated to me in his letter dated the 7th January 1796. This could not be the Maidenwat) 
which Dr. Douglas thus saw, for the Maidenway leaves the wall a considerable distance eastward of 
GUlsland, and proceeds northward along the eastern extremity of Cumberland to the top of Kershope, 
which separates Liddesdale and Cumberland. It is called by the historians of Ciimberland, a Roman 
road. Cough's Camden, v. iii., p. 177, says it is eight yards broad and is paved with stones. It can- 
not of course be connected with the Catrail. 

(o) Gordon indeed limits its extent to two-and-twenty miles ; but this limitation was merely 
conjecture. Mensurations on the maps of the shires of Selkirk and Roxburgh, evince its real length 
to have been more than five-and-forty miles exclusive of its windings. 

{p ) In several parts which were measured by Dr. Douglas, the fosse was twenty and twenty-two 
and a half feet wide. Gordon says it was only eighteen feet broad on Swinebraehill and only sixteen 
feet broad near Stanhopelaw. As the ramparts sloped on the inside, it is obvious that in proportion 
as they were demolished, the width of the fosse within would be diminished. 

{([) Dr. Douglas found that in many parts the ramparts do not now much exceed three feet high. 
Some old farmers in Ettrick forest informed him that the remains of the Catrail have been much 
diminished in their remembrance, and that the traces of it are becoming less visible every day. 
Vol. I. I i 



242 A N A C C U N T. [Book U.—The Pictish Period. 

a regular series of redoubts such as gave sti'ength and ornament to the 
Roman walls (6). 

Gordon, who has the merit of having first brought this curious remain into 
notice, absurdly supposes it to have been a liines or boundary which the Ca- 
ledonians established after their peace with the emperor Severus (c). He ought 
to have recollected that this work is in the country of the Romanized Britons 
of Valentia, and lies far from the land of the Majatse and Caledonians. Mait- 
laud, with equal absurdity, has converted the Catrail into a Roman road. If 
he had only examined it he would have seen that it is as different from a 
Roman road as a crooked is from a straight line, or as a concave work is from 
a convex. The able and disquisitive Whitaker was the first who applied the 
Catrail to its real purpose by referring it to its proper period (d). There can 
hai'dly be a doubt whether the Catrail was once a dividing fence between the 
Romanized Britons of the Cumbrian kingdom and their Saxon invaders on 
the east. It cannot indeed be fitly referred to any other historical period of 
the country which is dignified by the site of this interesting antiquity. The 
Britons and the Saxons were the only hostile people whose countries were 
separated by this warlike fence, which seems to have been exactly calculated to 
overawe the encroaching spirit of the Saxon people (e). 

(b) Much of the description and many of the particulars which have now been stated with regard 
to the Catrail, are given from the mensurations and observations of the very intelligent Doctor 
Douglas. Gordon's Jtin. Septen., p. 102-3 ; Stat. Acco., v. viii., p. 554 ; v. xi., p, 545 ; r. xvii., p. 
92. ; Stobie's Map of Eoxburghshire and Ainslie's Map of Selkirkshire have supplied their several 
aids. The correct information of Dr. Douglas with the county maps, have helped to correct some of 
the inaccuracies and to illustrate some of the obscurities of Gordon's account of the Catrail. Pennant 
has given from Gordon an abridged and loose sketch of the course of the Catrail. Tour in Soot., v. ii., 
p. 264. 

(c) Itin. Septen., 103-4. 

(d) Hist. Manch., v. ii., p. 93., 4to edit. The Catrail however does not run from Canoby, on the 
Esk. It is not a breast-work, nor is it lined all the way on the west with forts like the Roman walls. 
It does not continue itself by an additional chain of castles along the Gala-water. The Catrail is 
certainly a work of great extent and of immense labour ; but it shows more perseverance than skill. 
Though it appears to have been constructed for a similar purpose with the Roman walls, yet in point 
of strength, regularity, and completeness, it is far inferior to those noble examples of ancient art. Ill 
extent only the Catrail exceeds the waU of Antonine. 

(e) The Catrail cannot be referred to a more early period, for it rans through the middle of the 
country which had previously been possessed by the Gadeni, and could not of course have been con- 
structed as a boundaiy by them. Nor can it be referred to a more recent period, as there could be no 
reason for forming such a warlike fence after the Saxons had intruded upon the whole country which 
the Catrail divides. There is a similar work near the Eldon-hUls, which has been already described ' 
as pointing to the Tweed, and which is an additional evidence of the struggles of the Britons in that 
period against their powerful invaders. See book i., ch. iv. 



Ch. Il.—Tke Strathclmjd Britons.] f N R T H - B R I T A I N . 243 

Of this curioiis remain no traces have been ascertained beyond Mosalee on 
the north. It is however probable that it may have proceeded as, indeed, 
some antiquaries have supposed, in a north-east direction across the Gala-water 
into Upper Lauderdale, and thence athwart the country to the eastern sea. The 
separate remains of such a work proceeding eastward to the sea have been dis- 
covered by different persons at several times. The very accurate Kinghorn, 
who surveyed for me the Roman remains in Lauderdale during November 
1803, informed me that he had traced a high earthen rampart and large 
fosse running off from a British fort on a height near Channel Kirk on the 
west in a north-east direction, across the highest source of Leader-water for 
the extent of a mile, and thence eastward through the Lammermoor-hills ; and 
the inhabitants on its tract assured this ingenious surveyor that the remains of 
this singular work may be traced at intervals throughout Lammermoor to the 
neighbourhood of Dunbar. Upwards of fifty years ago the intelligent John 
Spottiswoode, the old laird of Spottiswoode, traced a similar rampart and 
fosse from a British strength called the Haerfaulds, on a hill two miles north- 
west of Spottiswoode, throughout the countiy to the vicinity of Berwick-on- 
Tweed. In that age it was in various places very discernible, and was known to 
the people by the name of Herrit's-dike {/). In the ascertained track of this 
ancient fence thei'e are several British strengths situated as usual on their 
several heights (g). Whether those several ramparts which traversed Berwick- 
shire be the same as the Catrail is not quite certain ; but there cannot be any 
reasonable doubt whether they were all made by the same British hands for 
the same purpose of defence during the same obscure age of hostile intrusion. 

The most early reguli of the Cumbrian kingdom after the Roman abdica- 
tion of whom any notice remains, is Cawn or Caw, that is mentioned by liis 
son Gildas, who, if we may credit the Welsh genealogists, is but another name 

(/) I owe tlie communication of his father's survey of this curious remain to the kindness of my 
late worthy friend John Spottiswoode of Sackville Street. The minister of Greenlaw said in 1795, 
that the remains of an earthen mound, with a ditch, called Herrit's-dike, ran across his parish, pass- 
ing about a mile northward of Greenlaw. It could formerly have been traced fourteen miles eastward, 
and tradition attests that it proceeded in the same direction as far as Berwick. Stat. Acco., v. 
siv., p. 512. 

(g) At a hamlet called Chesiers, the sure intimation of an ancient strength, there are the remains 
of a British fort in the west of Fogo parish, ib. v. xx., p. 276 ; wherein this is mistakingly supposed 
to be a Roman camp. See Armstrong's Map of Berwickshire. Near Dogdenmoss, where Herrit' s-dike 
appeared remarkably distinct, there was another British fort called Black-castle-rinys ; and in that 
vicinity there is another British fort. Id. Old John Spottiswoode says, in his manuscript account of 
that rampart, " he had heard when a boy that a silver chain was found at it opposite to Greenlaw, 
" and was given to the Earl of Marchmont.'' 

Ii2 



244 An ACCOUNT [Bookll— 7' he Pictish Period. 

for Aneurin the Cambrian Poet. Caw was driven from his kingdom with his 
numerous issue at the close of the fifth century by the envy of the Picts. Caw 
found an asyhim and lands among his countrymen in Wales, where his name is 
still revered as the fruitful progenitor of many monks (h). 

At the commencement of the sixth century Caw was succeeded in his 
authority over the Cumbrian kingdom, and in his misfortunes by his son Huail, 
the Hoel or Coyle of the chronicles. Huail began to exercise his feeble powers 
at the same time with the Arthur of history, who was called by the distresses 
of his country to the supreme command over jealous chiefs. Huail had the 
unhappiness to attract the notice or to provoke the enmity of that powerful 
pendragon. The hostihty of Arthur obliged Huail to flee from Strathcluyd 
into Anglesey, where he was put to death amidst the tears of his relations (i). 
Henry of Huntingdon, in relating the conflicts of those times, remarks that 
among the Britons the cessation of foreign war was merely the signal for 
domestic hostihties. Ai'thur thus established his power over Strathcluyd, 
and even fixed one of the seats of his authority at Alcluyd, which thenceforth 
was called Castrum Arthuri (k). If we may believe the Welsh chronicles, he 
even pursued the neighbouring Picts beyond Lochlomond, as they had pressed 
upon the Britons of Strathcluyd. The authority and influence of that 
uncommon character extended from a.d. 508, when he was chosen Pendragon 
to 542, when he received his death's wound in the fatal battle of Camlan (I). 
The valorous Arthur of history, or the redoubtable Arthur of romance, has 
supplied the topography of North-Britain with such significant names as seem 
to imply either that the influence of the real Arthur was felt, or the 
remembrance of the fictitious Arthur was preserved, for many ages after the 
Pendragon had fallen, by the insidious stroke of treachery from the kindred 
hand of Modred (in). 

(A) Langliom's Chron. Appen. ; Lhuyd's Com. ed. Williams, p. 42 ; and tte Welsh. Triads. 

(t) Usher states the death of Howel, in Anglesey, anno 508. Primord, 677-8, 1123 ; Lang- 
horn's Chron., p. 29. In the Welsh Triads, as quoted by Owen in his Dictionary, in vo. Penteyrnedd, 
it is said, " Arthur ynbenteyrnedd yn Mhenryn Rhionydd yn y gogledd, Cyndeyrn Garthwys ja 
'• beuesgyb, a Gvsrthmwl wledig yn benhynaiv." Arthur, a supreme of princes, at the promontory of 
Ehionyth in the north, and Cyndeyrn Garthwys [Kentigern] archbishop, and Gwrthmwl wledig chief 
of elders. 

(k) Parliamentary Eecord, Temp. Dav. ii. 

(/) Ush. Prim., p. 1123-1137 ; ^re Camb. apud William's Comment. 

(m) It is amusing to remark how many notices the North-British topography furnishes, with 
regard to Arthur, whose fame seems to brighten as inquiry dispels the doubts of scepticism, and 
archaeology establishes the certainties of truth. In Clydesdale, within the parish of Crawford, there 

> 



Ch. U.— The Stratkclui/d Britons.] Op NORTH-BRITAIN. 245 

The splendour of Arthur's fame seems to have obscured the name of his 
successor in Sti-athcluyd, He was followed by Marken the Meirchjawn of 

is Arthur's fountain ; in 1239 there was a grant of David de Lindsay to the monks of Newbotle, 
of the lands of Brotheralwyn in that district, which were bounded on the west part, " a fonte 
" Arthuri usque ad summitate mentis." Chart. Newbotle, No 148. The Welsh poets assign a 
palace to Arthur among the Northern Britons at Pennjn-Ryoneth. In Lhuyd's Cornish vocabu- 
lary, p. 238, Penrt/n-rioneth is called, the seat of the Prince of Cumbria ; and see also Richard's 
Welsh Dictionary. The British Penri/n supposes a promontory, with some circumstance which 
reduplicates its height ; and this intimation points to Alcluijd, the well-known metropolis of the 
Romanized Britons in Strathclyde ; now, a parliamentary record of the reign of David ii. in 
1367, giving a curious detail of the king's rents and profits in Dunbartonshire, states the " redditum 
" assize Castri Arthuri," MSS. Reg. House ; Paper-OfSce. The Castle of Dimbarton, therefore, 
was the Castrum Arthuri, long before the age of David ii. See the site of Dunbarton, in Ainslie'a 
Map of Renfrewshire. The Point of Cardross was the J?/(yn-Ryoneth ; the castle of Dunbarton 
was the Pen-rhyn-ryoneth. According to the British Triads, Kentigern, the well-known founder 
of the church of Glasgow, had his episcopal seat at Pen-rhyn-Ryoneth. The romantic castle of 
Stirling was equally supposed, during the middle ages, to have been the festive scene of the round- 
table of Ai'thur. "Rex Arthurus," says William of Worcester in his Itinerary, p. 311, " Cus- 
" todiebat le round-table in castro de Styrlyng, aliter, (S'nou)rfo)i-west-castell." The name of Snow- 
don castle is nothing more than the Snud-dun of the Scoto-Irish people, signifying the fort or 
fortified hill on the river, as we may learn from O'Brien and Shaw ; and the Snud-dun has been 
converted to Snow-dun by the Scoto-Saxon people, from a retrospection to the Snow-don of 
Wales, which is itself a mere translation from the Welsh. In NeUston parish in Renfrewshire, 
there still remain Arthur-\.QS, Low Arthur-\e&, and West Arthur-leo. Arthur s-oyea on the Car- 
ron was known by that name as early if not earlier than the reign of Alexander HI. In 1293 
William Gurlay granted to the monks of Newbotle " fiiTaationem unius stagni ad opus molendini 
" sui del Stanhus quod juxta furnum Arthuri infra baronium de Dunypas est." Chart. Newbotle, 
No. 239. The name of Arthur' s-Seat at Edinburgh is said by a late inquirer, "to be only a 
" name of yesterday." Yet that remarkable height had that distinguished name before the 
pubUcation of Camden's Britannia in 1585, as we may see in p. 478 ; and before the publication of 
Major in 1521, as appears in fo. 28 ; and even before the end of the 15th century, as Kennedy in 
his flyting with Dunbar, mentions " Arthur Sate or ony hicher hill." Ramsay's Evergreen, v. ii., 
p. 65. This is not the only hill which bears the celebrated name of Arthur. Not far from the top 
of Loch-Long, which separates Argyle and Dunbarton, there is a conical hill that is called Ar- 
thur's Seat. Guide to Loch Lomond, pi. iii. A rock on the north side of the hill of Dunbar- 
row in Dunnichen parish Forfarshire, has long borne in the tradition of the country the distin- 
guished name of Arthur's Seat. Stat. Aeco., v. i., p. 419. In the parish of Coupar-Angus in 
Perthshire there i.s a standing stone called the Stone of Arthur; near it is a gentleman's seat called 
Arthur-stone, and not far from it is a fai'm named Arthur's fold. But it is at Meigle in the 
same vicinity, that the celebrity of Arthur and the evil-fame of his queen Venora are most dis- 
tinctl}' remembered. Pennant's Tour, v. ii., p. 177-8 ; and Stat. Acco., v. i., p. 506 ; and above all 
see Bellenden's Boece, fo. Ixviii., for the origin of the popular fictions at Meigle about Ai-thur 
I and Venora. The Scottish chroniclers, Barbour and Wyntown, were perfectly acquainted with 
I the Arthur of romance. We may easily infer from the local facts that his story must have been 



246 An ACCOUNT [BookU.— The Pictish Period. 

the British chronicles. Marken is chiefly remembered for his enmity to Ken- 
tigeru, the founder of the Episcopate of Glasgow ; and for his premature death, 
as the appropriate punishment for raising his sacrilegious foot against that holy 
man (n). 

After the death of Mai'ken, a contest among the chiefs for superiority left 
Rydderech the bountiful in the government of Strathcluyd. One of his 
first acts was to recall Kentigern to the seat of his usefulness (o). Such were 
the events which occupied five-and-thirty years, from the death of Arthur to 
the battle of Arderyth in 577. The British Triads reprobate this skirmish 
as the nugatory battle of Britain. Whatever cause may have moved the wrath 
of the kings, whether a bird's nest or a disputed boundary, Rydderech, the 
munificent king of Strathcluyd, defeated on the height of Arderyth, Aidan 
of Kintire, who is stigmatized by Merlin, the Caledonian poet, as Aeddan 
Fradawg, the jDerfidious Aidan {p). Merlin was a witness of the conflict ; 

equally known to Thomas of Ercildun a century sooner. In 1293 tLe Monks of Newbotle 
knew liow to make a mill-dam with the materials which they found on the banks of the CaiTon. 
Su" Michael Bruce of Stanltus thought it necessary in 1743 to pull down Arthur s Oon, one of the 
most curious remains of antiquity, for the stones which it furnished for building a mill-dam. The 
enraged antiquaries consigned Sir Michael to eternal ridicule. See the Antiquary Eepertory, v. iii., 
p. 74-5. Sir David Lindsay in his Complaynt of the Pajnni/o, makes her take leave of Stirling 
Castle thus : 

" Adew fair Snawdoun, with thy towris hie, 

" Thy chapell royall, park, and tdbyll round." 
And in his Dreme, he mentions his having diverted James V. when young with " antique storeis 
" and deidis martiall," 

" Of Hector, Arthur, and gentile Julius, 

'• Of Alexander, and worthy Pompeius." 
This shows that the stories of Arthur were then ranked among those of the most celebrated heroes of 
antiquity. 

(h) Langhorn's App. ; Lhuyd's Comment. Ed. Williams, p. 42 ; Jocelin's Life of Kentigern, ch. 
xxii. Jocelin, who died in 1199, relates thatMorken died at a royal village which was then known by 
the Saxon name of " TAor/j-morken." 
(o) lb., ch. XXX. 

(p) Welsh ArchaeoL, v. i., p. 151. It is of more importance to settle the site of the conflict of 
Arderyth, to give it a local position as well as a poetic name. It was not on the Solway as the 
editor of Lhuyd's Commentariolum supposes, p. 142, but on the Clyde, as probability attests. 
From a consideration of all the circumstances, it seems more than probable that Airdrie in the 
parish of New Monkland, Lanarkshire, which was in the territory of Eydderech, and is at no great 
distance from the Clyde, is the true site of the battle of Arderyth. In the Airdari^A of the Irish, 
signifying the height of the course or flight, the (th) are quiescent ; but in the British language, the 
(th) are both written and spoken. Merlin the Caledonian poet is very lavish in praise of the Apple- 
trees of Lanerch, while he reprobates the battle of Arderyth. See his Avallenau in the Welsh 
Archaeology, v. i., p. 151. 



Ch. II. — The Strathcluyd Britons.\ OpNOETH-BEITAIN. 247 

and he had the envied honour of wearing on that decisive day the golden 
torques. Gwenddolau, the patron of Merhn, fell in the treacherous field. 
He merited a more disgracefid fate. Gwenddolau, according to the habits of 
the people and the perturbations of the age, had called in Aidan as an auxi- 
liary against the munificent king of Alcluyd. Rydderech enjoyed the com- 
fort of Columba's advice, the favour of Adamnan's recollection, as well as the 
panegyric of the Caledonian Merlin, and the celebration of the British 
Taliesin (j). In the curious passage from Adamnan we see a singular picture 
of the manners of the times, when a king could ask a saint about his fate, as 
he felt his throne to be unstable ; and the biographer could attest the fulfilment 
of the prophecy. Columba died in 597; Eydderech in GOl; and Adam- 
nan in 704 A.D. (r). 

Meantime, Aidan the Scoto-Irish king, confederated with Malgon the 
Cumbrian prince against the Saxons. In 584, with their joint arms, they 
defeated the Saxon powers in the battle of Fethanlea, or Stanemore, a stony 
district on the eastern borders of Westmoreland, which was then inhabited by 
the Britons (s). Aidan again coming to the aid of the Britons, defeated the 
intruding Saxons in the battle of Leithredh {t). He was defeated by them, 
however, at the battle of Kirkinn, during the year 598 {u) ; and he was 
totally overthrown by the Northumbrians in 603 A.D., on the fatal field of 
Dawstane, within the country of the Britons {x). 

The fears of Rydderch, the late munificent king of the Cumbrian Britons, 
appears to have been only for himself. He seems to have left no sons to in- 
herit his unstable power. There is reason to believe that the chiefs contended 

(g) Eydderech, the son of Totaill (Tudwall) sent to St. Columba; •' wishing to know if lie 
" should be slain by his enemies or not." The Saint made answer, "He shall never be deli- 
" vered into the hands of his enemies, but shall die in his own house upon his pLUow." Adam- 
nan, the writer of Columba's life, adds emphatically, " according to the Saint's vaticination, Eo- 
" derc died an easy death in his own house." Vita Columb. L. i., cap. sv. 

(r) The British Triads in giving an account of the three generous ones of Britain, mention Ehy- 
derech the son of Twdwal as one of them. For his genealogy see Lhuyd's Comment., Edit. 
WiUiams, p. 142. Eydderech died the same year with Kentigern, 601, " in villa regia que Pcrtmet 
" nuncupatur ; " as we learn from Jocelin's life of Kentigern. The Pertmet of Jocelin is now Partick, 
a village on the Clyde below Glasgow. 

(s) Sax. Chron., p. 22 ; Usher's Prim., p. 570 ; wherein he quotes the Saxon annals, Ethelwerd 
and Florence. 

(0 Adamn., Life of Columba, lib. i., cap. viii., ix. ; Tigemach ; Ulst. An. ; Usher's Prim., p. 709- 
1037 ; Ogygia, 475 ; Innes's MS. Eccles. Hist., p. 245. 

(m) Ogygia, p. 475 ; Adamnan's Life of Columba, lib. i., cap. ix. Sasoa Chron., p. 23. 

(a;) Sax. Chron., p. 24 ; Bede, lib. i., cap. 34. 



248 AnACCOUNT [Bookll.— The Pictish Period. 

for superiority after his death during half a century, according to the princi- 
ples of the people and the practice of the age. Owen, or Hoen, at length 
acquired the dangerous pre-eminence. It fell to his lot to execute the destiny 
of the Irish soothsayers on Donald-breac. The restless career of the king of 
Kintu'e was closed in 642 A.D. at the battle of Sraith-carmaic, by the appointed 
sword of the gallant Owen (y). The merit of defending Strathcluyd against 
its insidious invader does not seem to have transmitted Owen's power to his 
posterity. A race of obscure reguli succeeded, whose bounty, like the gene- 
rosity of Rydderech, engaged neither poet nor chronicler to transmit their 
deeds to more inquisitive times (2). 

As the Strathclujdensian Britons were often attacked by the Picts from the 
North, by the Scoto-Irish from the westward, and by the Saxons from the 
south, they had many battles to fight («). They appear to have been exposed, 
in addition to those conterminous enemies, to invasions by the tribes of Ireland. 
In 681 A.D. they repulsed an invasion of the Cruithne of Ulster at Machlin in 
Ayrshire, where Csethasao, the son of Maoileduin, the kmg of the Cruithne, 
was slain (&). 

(y) Adamnan Vit. Columb., lib. iii., cap. v. ; Colgan's Triad, p. 583 : Annals of Ulster ; Uslier's 
Primord, p. 712 ; and OTlaherty's Ogygia, p. 478. 

(^) In 6.57 a.d. is said to have died Guiret, the king of Alcluyd. An. Ulst. This is perhaps 
the Oeretic of Langhorn's catalogue of Cumbrian tings. Chron., p. 328. In 693 is said to have 
died the Domnal M'Apin, of one editor of the Ulster annals, and the Daniel M'Avin of another, 
the king of Alcluyd. This king is probably Deovama, the son of Owen or Huen, who slew 
Donald-breac and is mentioned blunderingly by Langhom. Chron., p. 328. In 721 a.d. is 
said to have died Bile M'Elpin, the king of Alcluyd. This notice shows that Elpin was a British 
name. In 815 a.d. is said to have died Conan M'Euorah the king of the Britons. Conan is also a 
British name. After Domnal, Langhom includes in his catalogue of Cumbrian kings Constantin, 
whose son was slain by the Scottish Grig ; Herbert the brother of Constantin ; Eugene, who was con- 
temporary with Athelstane, and Dunwall who was expelled by Edmund in 945 a.d. Chron. Eeg. 
Angl., p. 328. 

(a) The annals of Ulster mention many conflicts of the Britons without much connection or 
perfect accuracy in the dates of the events. In 631 a.d. was fought the battle of Cathloen between 
the king of the Cumbrian Britons and Anfrith. In the subsequent year happened the conflict of 
Indris. In 710 was fought the battle of Loughcoleth, between the Scoto-Irish and the Strathcluyd 
Britons, who were defeated. In 716 happened another conflict between the same combatants at the 
Eock of Mionure, where the Britons were again worsted. In 779 A.D. Alcluyd is said to have been 
burnt. 

(h) Annals of Ulster. Yet they were again invaded by the same ambitious tribe. In a.d. 702-3, 
the Cumbrian Britons fought the battle of Culinfield with those enterprizing invaders from the Ulster 
shore. 



Ch. 11.— The Strathchnjd Britons.'] OfNOETH-BRITAIN. 249 

They continued, however, in possession of their appropriate country at the 
decease of Bede in 734 a.d. They sustained a conflict with the Picts in 
744 (c) ; and they fought the battle of Catho with that oppressive people in 
749, when they slew Talorgan, the brother of Ungus the Pictish king (cZ). 
In 750, the Northumbrian Eadbert seems to have traversed Nithsdale and seized 
Kyle (e). By a joint attack of the Saxons under Eadbert, and of the Picts 
under Ungus, the metropolis of the opjiressed Britons, though not the castle 
of Alcluyd, was taken in 756 a.d. (/) ; yet the descendants of the Roman- 
ized Britons were not conquered. The series indeed of the Cumbrian reguli 
was often broken by civil broils or by foreign conflicts. The chiefs never failed 
to resume their power when the storm of war had passed over them ; and 
the Cumbrian people remained within their ancient territories under the appro- 
priate name of Walenses, though they were pressed on every side long after 
the Pictish government had fallen for ever {g). They were unable, however, 
to prevent considerable encroachments on their paternal domains. The Nor- 
thumbrians broke in upon them on the south ; and the Cruithne from Ulster, 
at length formed a lasting settlement on the south-western shore of the Cum- 
brian kingdom, as we shall perceive in our progress. From the events of 
their history, it is apparent that the character of the Strathcluydensian Britons 
had been greatly softened by the Roman conquest. They were obviously in- 
ferior to the descendants of the Un-romanized Britons, the Picts of the North ; 
they were less vigorous than the Scoto-Irish who had never felt the Roman 
arras ; and they were still more inferior to the Anglo-Saxons, who had risen on 
the fall of the Roman power. 

(c) Hoveden, p. 402. 

{(J) Ulster Annals. This is tlie same battle wliioli tlie Welsh MS Chron. of the Saxons states in 
750 A.D. by the several names of Maes-Tdaoc, Maes-Edaroc, or Magedaoo. Welsh Archaeology, v. ii., 
p. 391. 

(e) The chronicle which is annexed to Bede states, "a.d. 750, Eadbertus Cijil, cum aliia 
"regionibus suo regno addidit." Smith's Bede, p. 224, 

(/) Simeon Dunelm, p. 106 ; Usher's Prim., p. 819-20. 

(jf) Innes's Grit. Ess., v. i., p. 32-41 ; Whit. Manchester, v. ii., p. 92-5 ; and there are obscure 
traces of the foregoing events in the Inquisitio Davidis of the year 1116. Chart, of Glasgow. 
The charters of Malcolm IV. and his successor William to the bishopric of Glasgow, enforcing 
the payment of tithes, are addressed, " Francis, et Anglis, Walensihus et Galweiensibus." Chart. 
Glasgow. 



Vol. I. K k 



250 AnACCOUNT [Book U.—Thc Pictish Period. 



CHAP. III. 



Of the Saxons in Lothian. 



A NEW people of Gothic origin arrived, from wliatever shore, within the 
Ottadinian territories, at the troublous epoch of the Roman abdication. This 
novel race are the earliest colonists who settled themselves among the ancient 
people within the Caledonian country. But they established their settlements 
so firmly ; they introduced their maxims, their usages, theii^ language, so last- 
ingly ; and, in the end, settled their government and promulgated their laws 
so generally within our island, that curiosity must be gratified by tracing their 
origin, and instruction must be gained by pursuing their progress. 

The fathers of the Goths, as they passed the Hellespont and settled near the 
mouths of the Danube in the most early ages, formed one of the original na- 
tions of Europe. On this event history is silent, but philology is instructive. 
The Gothic language is certainly derived from a common origm with the most 
ancient tongues of the European world, and hence may be traced its manifest 
connections with the Greek, with the Latin, and with the Celtic (c). 

Long after the European regions had been filled with inhabitants, the Goths 
remained in their original settlements {cc). During the fifth century before 
our common era, the Gothic people inhabited the eastern shores of the Euxine 
on the south of the Danube. The were found in that position by Dariua 
when he crossed the Hellespont and the Danube in pursuit of the European 
Scythians {d). During the conquests of Alexander, the Gothic people still 



(c) Geb. Monde Primitif. torn, ix., p. xli.-li ; Mem. Litteraires, 750, p. 62. Scliilter's Thesaurus 
Antiquitatum Teutonicarum ; Wachter's Glossarium Germanicum. These vastly learned authors 
demonstrate without intending it, that the Celtic and Gothic languages had a common origin ; and it 
is therefore absurd to talk of the Gaelic, a Celtic language, being mixed with Gothic words. 

{cc) Well's Hist. Geog., v. i., the Map prefixed to p. 109 ; Baj'er's Dissert, in Mem. Litterau-es 1750, 
p. 211-259 ; Geb. Monde Prim. torn, ix., p. 49. 

((/) Herodotus Melpomene ; Plin. lib. iv., ch. ix. ; Count de Buat's Hist. Ancienne des People de 
I'Emope, tom. i., ch. i. — 8 ; and the Map in Rennel's Herodotus. 



Ch. 111.— The Saxons in Lothian.'] OpNOETH-BRITAIN. 251 

remained upon the Euxine (e) ; and their undoubted descendants continued, 
as a well known people, at the late commencement of our common epoch, when 
Ovid was banished to Tomi by the jealousy of Augustus. During the effluxion 
of five centuries, there does not appear an event which could have contributed 
to force the inhabitants on the Euxine and the Danube, in considerable bodies, 
to remove westward in search of new settlements on the Ehine and the 
Ocean. 

When or on what occasion, or by what route the Goths with their asso- 
ciates moved westward from their ancient settlements, are questions which 
have not yet been answered by the united antiquaries of the European regions. 
During the first ages the original colonists of Europe were conducted by the 
Danube and the Rhine from the Euxine to the Ocean. In subsequent times, 
the Gothic migrants may have found a different route by the Boristhenes and 
the Vistula, during much more recent times from the Euxine to the Baltic {/). 
The stone monuments which still remain on the shores of this northern Me- 
diterranean are obviously the works of a prior people, though the Scandian 
scholars suppose them to be the durable remains of the gigantic children of the 
mythological Woden. 

From philology we know, rather than from history, that the Angles, the 
Jutes, and the Saxons, were Gothic tribes, who were indistinctly seen on the 
southern shores of the Baltic soon after the Christian era (g). There elapsed 
three centuries and a half of internal associations and of maritime enterprizes 
before the Saxon tribes became intimately known to the Roman world. Their 
incursions on the Roman boundaries were at length felt; and in 368 a.d. 
Theodosius repeatedly defeated the Saxon fleets, with such superiority of 
genius and efficacy of advantage, that the Gothic navies did not soon infest 
the British seas. Yet the Saxon adventurers were not altogether suppressed ; 
and they contributed by their various irruptions to enforce the abdication of 
the Roman authority in the British island. 

(e) Arrian, book i., cli. iii. ; book iv., ch. i. ; Q. Curtius, book ii. 

(/) See the two Maps which are prefixed to Eennel's Geogi-aphical S3'stem of Herodotus. 

(g) The fact is inferable from the notices of Gibbon, the intimation of Tacitus, and the inform- 
ations of Ptolomy ; but it is from Hick's Thesaurus, Somner, and Lye's Saxon Dictionaries, Lire's 
Glossariimi-Suiogothicum. and the Icelandic word-books, that we must learn how many differences and 
shades of discrimination there are between the several dialects of the Gothic tongue. A comparison 
of Wachter's German Glossary with Ihre's Suio-Gothic Glossary, would show clearly that in the 
German tongue there is much Celtic, but in the Swedish none. Somner and Lye contain some 
Celtic words ; but the topography of Orkney and Shetland, two countries which were settled by 
emigrants from Scandia, exhibit none of the Celtic words that have been introduced into the Anglo- 
Saxon, such as the Dun and the Tun. See Mem. Litteraires, 1750, p. 102-4, for the origin of the 
Saxons. 

Kk2 



252 AnACCOUNT [Book JI.—The Pictish Period. 

The memorable epoch of the first entrance by a Gothic people into Britain 
is A.D. 449. The Angles at that troublous period arrived. They were fol- 
lowed soon after by a body of their confederates, who debarked on the Forth, 
within the Ottadinian country. This land, like every other district of South 
and North-Britain, was then divided among many chiefs, who httle merited the 
praise of Urien, the gallant prince of Reged, " that he was the prompt defen- 
der of his neighbourhood {li)." At that sad epoch disunion was the evil star 
of Britain. Conducted by it, the superior vigour of the Saxons universally 
prevailed, though the more enervated Britons opposed them with persevering 
bravery. The country of the Ottadini was rather over-run than subdued ; 
and the invaders are said to have even formed settlements among them along 
the Forth almost as far as the northern wall (i). The Saxons are supposed to 
have soon made a peace with the Picts {h). As neither history nor tradition 
speaks of any conflict between them on that occasion, we may infer that the 
invader's did not direct either their attacks or their views to the northward of 
the Forth. The bloody struggles of the south during a century occupied 
perhaps all the energies of the Saxon invaders. 

The year 547 is the epoch of the invasion of Ida, one of the most 
vigorous children of the fictitious Woden {I). To his talents and successes 
the Northumbrian monarchy owes its foundation at the same interesting 
date. Talorg then ruled among the Picts. Gauran governed the Scoto-Irish ; 
and both those reguli were protected ■ against the enmity and envy of Ida 
by the intervening barrier of the Forth and Clyde. Bydderech was then 
supreme in Strathcluyd. Walluain at the same time acted as the gallant 
chief of the Novantes on the Solway ; and Urien, the cherisker of Bards, 
the protector of Aeron, reigned meanwhile in the hearts of the Cum- 
brians {m). Ida brought with him no scald that could compare with 
Aneurin, or Taliesln, with Merlin, or Llywarch, who deplored in sublime 
strains the misfortunes of their country from the invasions of stran- 
gers (n). Such poets as the British, Europe could not in that age indeed 

(h) Owen's Llywarch Hen. 

(i) Nennius, cli. xxxvi. ; Gildas, cli. xsiii. The struggles of the Britons in defence of their country 
against their invaders, may be seen more distinctly from a ^-iew of the Catrail and other fences of 
that nature than in the obscure hints of such delusive wi-iters. 

(k) Bede, lib. i., ch. xv. 

(/) Saville's Chronologia ap. Scriptores post Bedam ; Flor. Wigorn., p. 218, sub A" 547. 

(m) Urien was celebrated by Taliesin in several admirable odes ; Welsh Archasol. v. i. 

(«) See the Gododin of Aneurin, a chieftain of the Ottadini ; Welsh Arch^oL v. i. 



Cb. III.— The Saxons in Lothian.'] OfNOETH- BRITAIN. 253 

supply, whether we consider their invention or energy, the flow of their ver- 
sification or the copiousness of their lang'uage (o). 

At Flamhorougli, Ida landed in 547 without opposition. As he seems to 
have acted from a previous design he soon pointed his flaming sword to the 
north. The gallant efforts of Dutigern, the chief of the Ottadini,.did not 
prevent the invading foe from carrying victory with him to the Forth. It was 
probably on this invasion that the battle of Cattraeth was fought, wherein 
Aneurin shared the misfortunes, and by his poetry has perpetuated the re- 
membrance (p). 

But Ida was recalled into the south by an attack on Deira which, though 
it was the seat of his authority, he had left insecure. It was Urien, " the shield 
" of his country," who had hastened from Cumbria on the west to succour 
his neighbourhood in Deira on the east (q). Yet the conduct and valour 
of Ida extended the Saxon conquests, notwithstanding the gallantry and the 
vigour of Urien {)'). The victorious career of Ida was stopped in 559 by the 
vengeful sword of the valorous Owen, when the Northumbrian monarchy had 
been extended along the coast from the Humber to the Forth. 

The successes and the fame of Ida seem to have induced the Britons in 
the west of Valentia to draw their slight ties of connection closer together. 
Their associations contributed perhaps to their safety, while Aella, the suc- 
cessor of Ida, turned his hostile eyes to the south. They now remained a while 
quiet. But the activity and vigour of Ethelfrid decided their fate. He 
defeated the Scoto-Irish Aidan at Dawstaue (s) in 603. The conqueror signal- 
ized his recent triumph on the borders of the neighbouring Selgovse. The 
bravest efibi-ts of their gallant chiefs could not suspend their destiny ; and the 
western Britous acknowledged the superior union and energy of the Saxon 
people (t). 

Ethelfrid himself fell a sacrifice to civil discord in 617; when Edwin, the 
most potent of the Northumbrian kings, immediately assumed his sceptre and 
soon exercised his sword. History has recorded the extent of Edwin's conquests, 

(o) The energetic effusions of the British Poets in that age turn almost wholly on the misfortunes 
of their countr}', which involved their own. See Welsh Archa3ology, v. i. 

(/)) The remembrance of this conflict is also preserved, perhaps, in that remarkable remain which 
is known by the name of the Catrail, and is often mentioned by the name of Pictswork-ditch. See 
before book ii., ch. ii. 

{q) Whit. Manch., v. ii., p. 75. (»•) &. 75-6. 

(s) Usher's Primord. 1154. For the site of Dawstane in Liddesdale, seethe Map of Roxburgh- 
shire. 

(<) Bede, lib. i., ch. 34 ; Mahnsbury, fo. 64 ; Whit. Manch., v. ii., p. 94. 



254 AnACCOUNT [Book 11.— The Pktish Period. 

and tradition has spoken of the terror of his fame. Not only the Britons and 
EngHsh, the Scots and the Picts, but even the most distant islanders are said, 
by the voice of panegyric, to have feared his arms and to have adored his 
power (a). The metropolis of North-Britain owes its castle to his policy and 
its appellation to his name. Edwins-burgh never had the honour of being a 
Roman station, though a Roman road certainly passed on either side of its 
remarkable site. Neither before the rise of the Roman authority nor after its 
extinction does that city appear to have been a British Din or fort ; and 
probability attests what circumstances confirm, that this commodious rock was 
formed by a Saxon prince into a hurgh or fortification, during the Anglo- 
(Saxon conflicts for a doubtful frontier (6). 

The rashness of its founder, which exposed him to the sword of Penda, in- 
volved his family in distress and his kingdom in anarchy. Yet the northern 
frontier on the Forth seems to have remained where Edwin had placed it 
during the reigns of Oswald, who succeeded Edwin in 634, and of Oswi, 
who followed Oswald in 64.3, and who, having chastised the Scots and over- 
run the Picts, left his rights and his warfare to Egfrid in 671 A.D. (c). At 
this epoch the Northumbrian kings appear to have pushed their conqviests and 
established their power from sea to sea ; and the city of Carlisle was com- 
pletely theirs till it was given by Egfrid to Cuthbert in 685 a.d. {d). 

The inconsiderate valour of Egfrid was crowned with unmerited success in 
several enterprises. He is supposed to have vanquished the Picts in 679 (e). 
He is said to have sent an expedition under Berht against the unoffending 
Irish in 684, the effects of which are still remembered with indignation by 
the Irish antiquaries {f) ; and in 685 he marched against the Picts in oppo- 
sition to the remonstrances of his eoldermen and the foreboding of his 
bishops ig). The torch enlightened his route. He probably passed the Forth 

(a) Bede, 1. ii., cli. v. vi. ix. ; Malmsbury, j). 18. 

(J) A full discussion of tlie origin of Edinburgli with its name will be given in the local histoiy, 
wherein it will appear, after considering all circumstance, that Edinburgh is merely the burgh of 
Edwin. 

(c) Bede, 1. ii., cap. v., 1. iii., cap. xsiv. 

(cZ) Bede's Life of Cuthbert, ch. xxvii. ; and Smith's Bede, p. 782. 

(e) Eddius, vit. Wilfrid, cap. svii. 

(/) Bede, 1. iv., cap. xxvi ; Flor. Wigorn, p. 254; Ogygia, p. 40, 230; Ogygia Vindicated, 
h. xiii. 

((/) Bede, 1. iv., cap. sxvi. ; Sax. Chron. p. 45 ; Flor. Wig. 255 ; Sim. Dunelm., p. 5. They 
all agree that Egfrid marched against the Picts; it was the continuator of Nennius alone who 
said that Bredei the king of the Picts slew Egfrid the Northumbrian king. Usher's Prim. 1167. 



Ch. UL—The Saxons in Lothian.] OfNORTH-BEITAIN. 255 

below Abercorn ; and he now j^lunged into the defiles of Pictavia. In his rage 
he burnt Tula-Aman and Dun-OIla (h). He was now led by his imprudence 
to pass the dangerous Tay into Angus. In the meantime Bredei, the Pictish 
king, had summoned his warriors to oppose the approach of the adventurous foe. 
The Picts hastened from every mountain and from every marsh to surround 
their destructive enemy. At length the two kings met in the tug of ivar at 
Nechtan's-mere, near Dun-Nechtan, the Dun-nichen of the present day (/). 
And on the 20th of May 685 a.d. the Saxon army was defeated and the 
Northumbrian king was slain by the valorous hand of Bredei, who did not 
long survive his triumph. Few of Egfrid's army returned, says Malmsbury, 
to relate his sad disaster ; the piety of Adamnan opened a grave for the restless 
Egfrid in lona, the sacred cemetery of the Scots, the Picts, and the Saxons. 
So complete was his overthrow that his government shrunk up to the south of 

(Ji) Ulster Annals. In North-Britain there are only two Amon waters ; the Amon in Lothian, which 
was then within the Saxon territories, and the Anion in Perthshire in the very heart of the Pictish 
country. It was here that Tula-Amon stood, of which there is neither remain nor remembrance 
except in the Ulster Annals. Dun-Olla was also in the land of the Picts, as Talorgan the son of Drastan, 
was made prisoner in 733 near the fortress of Ola ; though, as we also learn from the Ulster Annals, 
there was a Dun-Olla on the west coast of Lorn. 

(«■) Fruitless inquiries have hitherto been made for the true site of this important battle. The 
Saxon Chronicle records this defeat to have happened " be northen sae," juxta mare horeali, explains 
Gibson, Chron. p. 45, benorth the Scottish sea or Forth says the context. Simeon of Dui-ham 
restricts the field of battle to Nechtan's-mere, (i.e.,) Stagnimi Nevhtani, p. 5. Tigernach talks of 
this conflict as " Cath Duin-Nechtan." Og3'gia Vindicated, p. 198. The Ulster Annals speak of 
this disastrous field as " bellum Duin-Nechtan," and Johnstone has absurdly translated this pas- 
sage the battle of Drum-^echtaTi. All circumstances thus point to the parish of Dunnichen, which 
was of old called Dun-Nechtan, and which we learn from William's Charter to Arbroath, was the 
scene of this great event. i)t?i-Nechtan signifies in the British speech, the fort of Nechtan, which 
is obviously the ZJuzre-Nechtan of the Irish annalists ; the Du7i of the Irish language, whereof Duin 
is an inflection, signifying equally a, fortress. The remains of this ancient strength may still be seen 
npon an eminence on the south side of the hill of Dunnichen, which is to this day called Cashill 
or Castle-hill. Stat. Account, v. i., p. 419. In the neighbourhood of Dunnichen there are several 
sepulchral tumuli, some of which on being opened were found to contain human bones in rough 
stone coffins. Id. The nearest hill to Dunnichen is called Dun-Sari'ou), the hill of the barrow, which 
denotes the sad effects of an ancient conflict. The Nechtan s-mere of Simeon was a small lake near 
the church of Dunnichen on the east, which was drained for its marie or its fuel about forty years 
ago. lb. 420 ; and Ainslie's Map of Forfarshire. The chui-ch and village of " Dunnichen are 
situated on the side of a hill, the ridge whereof is 700 feet above the level of the sea in the middle of 
Angus, about ten miles north from the frith of Tay, and twelve miles xvest from the German ocean. 
Ainslie's Map of Forfar. William the Lion's charter to the monks of Aberbrothock, calls this parish 
by the name of Dun-Nechtan. This fact is decisive with regard to the Dun-Nechtan where this impor- 
tant battle was fought. Chart, of Arbroath. 



256 An ACCOUNT [Bookll.— The Pktish Period. 

the Tweed. The Scots were freed from the terror of his name. The Strath- 
ckiyd Britons resumed their ancient I'ights ; and the hmits of the Northumbrian 
kincfdom never regained their former extent; nor did the power of the Northum- 
brian rulers ever acquire its recent ascendancy ; though the Angles remained 
within their appropriate territory without distinctly acknowledging perhaps any 
particular sovereign (JS). 

The leai-ned Alfrid immediately succeeded the vanquished Egfrid ; and he 
was followed by the infant Osred in 705 A.D. (I). The Saxons meantime 
tried in 699 to revenge then- late defeat on the Picts, but though they were 
conducted by the experienced Bei'ht, they were again repulsed by Bredei the 
son of Dereli (m). The Picts appear to have been induced by a recollection of 
their victories, or a sense of their valour, to advance into the Northumbrian 
territories during the year 710, as far as the wall of Severus ; but the Saxon 
leader, Beortfryth, marched out with the Northumbrians against the invaders, 
and defeated them upon the Tyne, between Haefe and Caere, in a sharp con- 
flict, wherein Bredei the Pictish king was slain (n). Osred was succeeded 
in the distracted government of the Northumbrians a.d. 716, by Kenred ; and 
the new king was followed at the end of two wretched years by Osric, who 
established the bishopric of Candida Casa in 723, and appointed Pechtwine 
for its fii'st prelate (o). Ceolwulf succeeded Osric in his dangerous charge during 
the year 729 ; and Ceolwulf was followed in 738, by Eadbert, whose vigour 
protracted his government twenty years. After that overthrow of the Picts in 
710 A.D. the Saxon inhabitants of Lothian remained a long while unmolested, 
and the Pictish frontier continued many years quiet; though Eadbert is said to 
have warred with the Picts in 740 a.d. vmder the able rule of Ungus {p). 

On the westeini side of Valentia the encroaching Saxons displayed their power 
near the shore of the Solway and on the banks of the Clyde. They carried 
their arms into Kyle and Cunningham, where they fixed their settlements in the 



(k) Sax. Chron., p. 45 ; Bede, 1. iv., cli. xsvi. At that epoch, Bede marks very distinctly the 
boundary between the Picts and English, by the Forth, and states explicitly that Abercom on the 
firth was within the English country. 

(Z) Savin's Chronologia. 

(ill) Sax. Chron., 49 ; Bede, lib. v., ch. xxiv. 

(n) Sax. Chron., 50 ; Huntingdon, fol. 193 ; and for the place where the battle was fought, see the 
map which is prefixed to Gibson's Sax. Chronicle. The Annals of Ulster state this battle to have 
been fought in Campo Manan. 

(o) Savill's Chronologia. Usher's Prim., 1170. 

(/)) Smith's Bede, p. 224 ; Savill's Chronologia. 



Ch. lll—r/ie Saxons in Lothian.] OfNOETH-BRITAIN. 2.J7 

year 750 under the active Eadbert (</) ; and in conjunction with the Picts, 
the Northumbrians, under the same able leader, sacked Alcluyd, the ancient 
seat of the Cumbrian government in 756 (r). His sceptre was successively held 
by Osulf, Ethelwald, and by other feeble monarchs, but as Ethelred was 
slain by the dagger of insurrection in 794, an anarchy ensued, which dis- 
tracted the affairs and enfeebled the power of Northumberland during three- 
and-thirty years (s). Northumberland was thenceforth governed by earls, 
who tried to rule a distracted people under the sovereign authority of the 
English kings. Of the Northumbrian weakness, North-Britain enjoyed the 
benefit. During this calm the Cruithne of Ulster, who had made frequent 
incursions on the frith of Clyde, formed at length a lasting settlement on the 
coast of Galloway (t). From the distraction of their southern neighbours the 
Picts enjoyed the tranquility which their gallantry merited ; the Strathcluyd 
Britons derived quiet, from the insignificance which their frequent defeats had 
induced ; the Scoto-Irish possessed the security which their mountains and 
their friths ensured them during many years of restless, but obscure enjoy- 
ment ; and the Saxons throughout Lothian, the Bernicia of that period, 
remained in the meanwhile without the perturbation of civil 'or of foreign 
war. Yet if we were to believe the English chroniclers, Edgar, the powerful 
king of England, over- ran those countries in 828 A.D., and enforced the sub- 
mission of those several nations (u). The Anglo-Saxons during the Pictish 
period left everywhere within the southern districts of North-Britain indubit- 
able traces of their conquests, of their settlements, and of their language, in 
the Gothic names of some places on the Solway, and many between the Forth 
and Tweed. 

In that country which extends from the Tweed along the Frith to the 
Avon, perhaps to the wall of Antonine, and which is bounded generally on 
the west by the dividing heights, the Anglo-Saxons settled in some districts 
of it as early as 450, and continued their devious residence within its narrow 
limits to the present times, though the rule of their native princes was un- 
doubtedly lost in 685, and never was completely regained. Yet the Picts, 
as they had never enjoyed this fine country along the southern side of the 

(q) Smith's Bede, p. 224 ; Camden, edit. 1694, p. 630. 

(r) Simeon of Durham, p. 100 ; Usher's Primord, p. 819, 820. 

(s) Savin's Ohronologia ; Usher's Primord, 667, 1172. 

(<) Camden, in Scotia; Usher's Pi-imord, p. 666-7, 1172. 

(«) Saxon Chron., p. 72 ; Florence Wigorn., p. 289. The acuteness of Turner perceived that those 
pretended conquests were too extensive and too inconsistent with the general tenor of history to have 
ever happened. Hist, of the Anglo-Saxons, v. i., p. 365-6. 
Vol. I. L 1 



258 An account [Book II.— The Pictish Period. 

Forth, neither possessed nor claimed it after the fall of the Saxon power. For 
the sovereio'uty of this country two nations long contended ; for its identity and 
its name divers antiquaries have disputed with fiercer warfare. Had the dis- 
putants explained their own terms there could have been neither contest nor 
doubt about the location of the district which is called, with the inaccuracy of 
the middle ages, Laudonia, Laodonia, Lodonia, Lauthian, Louthian, Lothian, 
Lawdian, Lothene (x). 

The origin and meaning of this name have puzzled all the antiquaries. Nei- 
ther in the British nor in the Roman times had this district such a name as 
Lothene, Lothian, Lodonia, or Laudonia ; and we may, from this circumstance, 
infer that the appellation, in whatever form, was imposed by the Gothic people 
who took possession of this country on the abdication of the Roman power. 
Buchanan indeed informs us that Lothian was so named from Lothiis, a king of 
the Picts. He did not inquire, it seems, whether such a king of the Picts had 
ever any existence (y). A late historian translates the difficult expression Lothene 

(x) For the identity and position of Lothian it is in vain to enquire of Chroniclers, who are 
sometimes ignorant and inattentive, and often partial and factious, when its position may be as- 
certained from records. In one of the Scottish Edgar's charters to the monks of St. Cuthbert he 
granted Coldingham, "et omnes iUas terras quas habent in Lodoneo." Anderson's Independence, 
App. No. 20. In other charters Edgar the king of Scots, who died in 1107, granted divers 
churches, houses, and lands in the same country. lb., No. 1, 3, 4, 5. In a charter of Eobert, 
the bishop of St. Andrews, dated in 1124, the church of Coldingham was regi-anted to the prior 
of St. Cuthbert of Durham, "alie alique ecclesie que fuerint in Lothonie." Smith's Bade, App. 
No. 20. In a charter of Arnold, the bishop of St. Andrews, 1160-61, Gospatrio, the Earl 
of Merch, is called Comite de Laodonia. By the contract of marriage between Alexander 11. 
and Joanna, the daughter of John, dated the 18th of June, 1221, Eymer's Foed., v. i., p. 252, 
Jedworth and its pertinents, Lessudden and its pertinents, are settled on the queen, with Kyngar 
and Oarel "in Scotia." Among other witnesses there are William Cumin, Com. de Buchan, 
Jvsticiarius Scotia, and Walter Olifard, Justiciarius Laodonei. This record demonstrates that 
Scotia and Laodonia were then distinct, as they had always been, and long continued. In the 
year 1091, says the Saxon Chronicle, Gib. Ed., 197, Malcolm came out of Scotland into Lothene 
in England. From this example of considering Lothene as in England, the English writers carried 
up the limits of England even to Stirling. Tyrrel's Gen. Hist., v. iii., p. 63. In the curious tract 
De Situ Albanice, which Innes published from the Colbertine Library, Crit. Essay, App. No. 1, 
and which is supposed to have been drawn up by Giraldus Cambrensis, it is expressly said, 1118, 
that the Forth, " aqua Scottorum, regna Scotorum et Anglorum dividit." There is a proverb in 
Eenfrewshire, " Out of Scotland into Largs." The Clyde being the Southern boundary, in early 
ages, whoever crossed the Frith and landed on the opposite shore, went out of Scotland into Largs, 
as Malcolm came out of Scotland into Lothcns. For the origin and meaning of those distinctions 
we must constantly refer to the events which occurred in the long period from a.d. 446 to 843, 
whereof much is said in the present book. 

{y) Arbuth., Ed. fo. 5. In fact the Pictish Chronicle shows that there was never a King Lothus or 
Loth among the Picts. 



Cliap. III. — The Saxons in Lothian.'] OpNOETH-BEITAIN. 259 

into the unmeaning words, " Army Province (z)," which have not any appro- 
priate appUcation. But, in the Teutonic language of the German jurists, 
Lot-ting, Lothing, Lodding, signified a special jurisdiction on the Marches ; a 
signification that certamly apphes very appositely to the nature of a district on 
a dubious frontier (o). The country extending from the confluence of the 
Tweed to the Forth, and along its shore to the Avon, was called by the in- 
accurate writers of the middle ages Lodoneium, or Lothien (h). It was deno- 
minated by Nennius or his interpolator, Provincia Lodonesie (c). In those re- 
mote times, then, did this district begin to be known as a distinct territory, 
which continued for ages to be governed under a peculiar authority, whence it 
derived its appropriate appellation of Lothian. 



(z) Henry's Hist, of Great Britain, v. ii., p. 208. 

(a) See Halteeus's Gloss. Germanicum Medii Aevi in Articulo. In tlie same manner thingstotv in 
tlie Anglo-Saxon signifies judicii exercendi locus : so the tri-tliings erant tertia pars provincia. To 
these appeals were made in such cases as could not be determined in the Wapentakes. Thoresby's 
Leeds, p. 8.5. In Orkney the Senate or general Head Court was called in the ancient language of the 
country Lawting. 

(h) Camden's Brit. Ed., 1607, p. 685. 

(c) Nennius Ed., 1758, ch. Ixii. Yet is it never mentioned by Bede under this appropriate name. 
He distinguishes the whole range of country from the Humber to the Avon under two names, Deira 
and Bernicia, the latter comprehending the Ottadinian country, as the same districts had been dis- 
tinguished under the same names before by Aneurin and Nennius. See Smith's Bede, App. No. 2, 
with the map annexed. The writer of the Chronicle No. 3 in Innes's Appendix from the Colbertine 
Library, speaking of the frequent invasions of the country lying between the Forth and Tweed, calls 
it Saxonia, as if he had been unacquainted with the name of Lothian. The Chronicler was followed 
in calling this district Saxonia during a later age by Higden. Polychron, p. 210. Simeon of 
Durham describes Lothene very distinctly under the year 1020 ; the Saxon Chronicler mentions the 
same Lothene in 1091 ; and Florence of Worcester afterwards speaks of the same country as Provincia 
Loidis. Upon the whole it is apparent that this district was scarcely known by the name of Lothene, 
or Lothian, during the ninth century, but was recognized in the subsequent age by this singular name 
of very obscure origin. 



L12 



200 A N A C C U N T [Book II.— 27/c Pkii."!, Period. 



CHAP. IV. 
Of the Orkney and Shetland Ides. 

THOSE islands which lie at no great distance on the north and north-east 
of Britain became distinctly known to the learned world during the first cen- 
tury (a). They were at least discovered, if they were not subdued, by the 
Ronum fleet which circumnavigated the British island in Agricola's memor- 
able campaign of 84 A.D. ; and even Thulfe was in that voyage descried, which 
had hitherto been hid under eternal snows (6). The name of Orcades formed a 
classic term during classical times. The islands and their appellation became 
familiar to the Romans from their communications with the Celtic inhabitants 
of Britain before the Scandinavian rovers appeared in the British seas (c). 
By the British people those islands were called Ore. One of the three principal 
isles of Britain which are mentioned by the Welsh triads is Ore ; and Ore is 
the Orcades or Orkneys, in Davis and Pachards' Welsh Dictionaries. Orch 
in the British signifies what is outward, extreme, or hordering. This term Ore 
was strikingly applicable to the situation of those isles during the British 
period (d). Ymjs, Enys, and Inis, are the well-known words in the British, 
Cornish, and Gaelic languages for an island, hence those islands came in 

(«) Plin}', 1. iv., cap. 16 ; Mela, 1. iii., cap. G. 

(b) Tacituss Life of Agiicola, § x. Tacitus conceals, under eloquent expressions, his real 
ignorance of tlie previous knowledge of Thule. The learned have employed much erudition 
and some research to ascertain the Thule of the ancients. P3'theas of Marsailles, who lived in the 
age of Aristotle, appears to have appUed that famous name to Iceland, with which he seems to 
have been acquainted. The existence of Iceland came, however, to be unknown before the days 
of Ptolomy : and the Egyptian geographer transferred the name of Thule to the Shetland Isles, 
without knowing that the same appellation had been previously applied to the more northern 
Iceland. Even D'Anville, by not attending to those intimations, has fallen into mistakes on this 
subject. Gossellin's Geograph. des Grecs, p. 128 ; Gossellin's Recherchcs sur la Gc'mjraphie des 
Anciens, torn, ii., p. 3, 35, 70. 

(c) The name of Orcades is supposed by Claudian, who was a better poet than philologist, to be 
derived from the Greek. 

(d) Owen's Dictionary. 



Ch. lY.—Orlncij and Shetland.'] Of N E T H-B E I T A I N. 261 

subsequent times to be variously denominated Orcades, Orcadia, Orchadia, 
Orchades, Orkenies, Orkneys (e). 

There is reason to believe that the Orkney isles were planted during 
early ages by the posterity of the same people who settled Western 
Europe. The stone monuments which still remain, plainly establish that 
obscure truth (/) ; yet, owing probably to some physical cause, the original 
people seem to have disappeared in some period of a prior date to our com- 
mon era (g). During the intelligent age of Solinus those islands were 
supposed to be uninhabited, and to be " only the haunt of seals and ores, and 
" sea mews, clang (h)." 

It was from that circumstance, perhaps, that the Orkneys derived their 
modern name, Ork, or Oerck, signifying in the Danish, if we may believe 
Wolf, a Desert or uninhabited place, and Oee, or Oe, or E)/, an Isle; and 
hence the Ork-eys came to signify the vminhabited isles [i). Such is the name 



(e) The largest of tlie Orkney isles was called Ore, as we may learn from the MS. Celtic Eemains, 
V. ii., p. 234. By the Gaelic people of the neighbouring coast, the Orcades are said to have been 
called Inis-Oic, or Inis-Torc. Macpherson's Fingal, p. G ; Smith's Sean Dana, p. 160. 

(/) Pennant's Arctic Zoology, p. 34. " The flint heads of Arrows," says he, " flint axes, 
" swords made of the bone of a whale, must be referred to the earliest inhabitants at a period in 
" which these kingdoms were on a level with the natives of the new discovered south-sea-islands." 
Dniidical circles of stones, he adds, the temples of primeval religion in our island, are not uncommon. 
See Wallace's Description of the Orkneys, ch. iii. ; and King's Munimenta Antiqua, p. 198; and 
see b. ii., ch. i., y 2. The cm-ious fact that Druid remains and stone monuments exist, and that 
celts and flint-arrow-heads have been found in the Orkney islands, while none of these have ever 
been discovered in the Shetland islands, evinces that the same Celtic people who colonized South 
and North Britain also penetrated into the Orkney, but not into the Shetland islands ; and this fact 
also shews that those several antiquities owe their origin to the Celts who early colonized the 
Orkney isles alone, and not to the Scandinavians who equally colonized both the Orkney and the 
Shetland Islaiids. 

((/) A tradition came down to the fifteenth century that two nations which were denominated Peti 
or Pajje', inhabited the Orkneys during ages before the recent arrival of the Scandinavians. Wallace's 
Account of the Orkney Isles, 1700, p. 121. Scarcely any of the names of places in Shetland and 
Orkney are Celtic, they are all Teutonic in the Scandinavian form. From these facts we may infer 
that the original settlers had long disappeared before the epoch of the new colonization by the Scandi- 
navian rovers. Scandinavia itself was in the same manner originally settled by the Celts, who were 
the giants of Eudbeck. 

(h) Solinus, cap. 34 ; Eichard, 1. i., cap. viii. 

(0 TVolfs Danish Dictionary. In Ichthyology, indeed, Ore or Orca signify a monstrous sea-fish, 
and the Latin Orca means a sort of great fish. So the name of Orkney may be possibly derived from 
Ore, with the Scandinavian ey, an isle, annexed to it. 



262 A N AC C U N T [Book II.— The Pictish Period. 

which was probably imposed by the Scandinavian adventurers of the middle 
ages. From the same people the neighbom'ing islands derived undoubtedly 
the various names of Zetland, Hetland, Skettland, Shetland, as they were 
viewed by various persons from diflerent points {h). They were called Zett-land 
by the rovers, who considered those islands as dispersed or separated lands. 
They were denominated Hetland by the navigators who fixed their attention 
to the heights which were seen far from the sea {(). 

Durins: the effluxion of two centuries those desert isles became the harbours 
of the ferocious seamen of Northern Europe. In a.d. 366, the great Theodo- 
sius pursued the Saxon fleet into the usual haunts of those enterprising pirates; 
and, he is said in the language of panegyric, to have stained the Orkneys 
with the bloody streams of Saxons slain (m). 

The Orkneys were settled by the Scandinavians before the age of Columba, 
who found one of their chiefs at the residence of Bredei the Pictish king, and 
who sent his missionaries to illuminate the darkness of those benighted islands (n). 
We may easily suppose that the Orcadian isles were thinly inhabited and little 
cultivated, during a period rather of naval enterprises than of domestic in- 
dustry. The adventurers, from the hope of plunder, frequently invaded the 
coasts of Pictavia; but they were vigorously repulsed by Bredei the Pictish 
king, who is said to have pursued them into their usual retreats amidst their 



{k) Sibbald's Description of Shetland, p. 1 ; Specimen Mandtce Chorographkum, p. 2 ; "Hetlandia, 
"Hietland, Vernaoule, male Schetland." 

(/) Waohter's Germ. Gloss, in vo. Zetten, Spargere, Dispergere ; hence Zett-land. Hset, sig- 
nifying in the Icelandic Altitudo. Andreas's Dictionary ; Hicks's Thesaurus. Hat in the old 
German signified altus, excehus. Wachter. Hence Hcvt-land, the high or lofty land. The 
mountains and headlands of Shetland naturally suggested this etymological notion to a 
naval people ; at the southern end of the main island there are Fitfiell-head, signifying the white 
mountain, and the Sumberg-head, from the Scandinavian herg, a hill ; and at the north end 
there is a high mountain named Eonas-hill, with a continued chain of hills rimning between the 
two. 

{m) In celebrating the victory of Theodosius, Claudian remarks, among other topics of poetic 
praise, 

" Maduenint Saxone fusio 

" Orcades ; inoaluit Pictorum Sanguine Thule, 
" Scotorum Cumulus flevit glacialis lerne." 

(n) Adamnan's Life of Columba, lib. ii., cap. xl. xlii. ; Innes's MS. Eccles. Hist., § 52. Bredei, the 
son of Mailcon, reigned from a.d. 556 to 586. 



Ch. lY.— Orkney and Shetland.'] OpNORTH-BRITAIN. 2G3 

islets and slioals (o). During the additional lapse of two centuries they un- 
doubtedly received many congenial colonists, who were driven into exile by 
the frequent perturbations of their common country. The Scandinavian settlers 
of the Orkneys probably yielded little subjection to any sovereign, and paid 
stUl less obedience to any government, while the sea-kings reigned over 
the German ocean and domineered over the Hebude isles during many a 
wretched age (p), 

(o) Tigemacli ; and the Ulster Annals under the year 681. Bridei, the son of Beli, reigned from 
674 to 695 A.D. 

(jd) Torfaeus Orcades, ch. ii. 



264 AnACCOUNT [Book U.—The Pktish Period. 



CHAP. V. 

Of the Western Isles or Hebrides. 

THE stone monuments, which still exhibit in those Isles specimens of the 
labour and genius of the first ages, attest the Hebrides to have been planted 
by the same Celtic people who settled South and North-Britain (a). The 
same Druid temples, the same cairns, the same cromlechs, evince that the 
same people erected the same monuments in the same age. The maritime 
people who engaged in predatory expeditions to those islands during subse- 
quent times, had neither leisure for such peaceful labours nor inclination 
for such lasting memorials. 

The western isles were known to the Roman geographers during the first 
century by the name of the Haebudes (6). This appellation, the etymology 
of which has defied conjecture, has been converted in modern times into 
Hebrides by the blunder of transcription or the error of typography. Those 
isles were seen rather than explored by the Roman fleet which circumnavi- 
gated the British island in A.D. 84 by the command of Agricola ; and they 
afterwards had the honour to be described by Ptolomy from the local informa- 
tions of the Roman oflScers. 

During the period of the Roman government in Britain the Hebudes were 
governed, like Caledonia, by many petty cheftains, who were connected only 
by the slight ties of a common religion and language, and of similar customs 
and habits ; but they owed no subjection to a supei'ior, and scarcely acknow- 
ledged the connection arising from the same language, the same religion, and 
the same usages, which pointed to a common origin without allowing a com- 
mon government. Yet the descendants of the original colonists could have 

(«) See before, book ii., ch. i. ; Martin's Western Isles, p. 8, 9-220 ; Pennant's Tour to tlie 
Hebrides, p. 180-357 ; Munimenta Antiqua, p. 145, 147, 245 ; Mona Antiqua, p. 84-94 ; Borlase's 
Cornwall, 205-231; Gongh's Camden, v. iii., p. 174-190; Arcbaeol., v. vli., p. 107 ; lb., v. vi., 
p. 113-14. 

(i) Mela, lib. iii., cap. vi., calls them Haemodal ; Pliny, lib. iv„ c. xvi. ; Ptolomy edit. Bertius, 
p. 34. 



Chap. Y.—Th& Hebrides.'] OfNOETH-BEITAIN. 265 

been only few at the epoch of the abdication of the Roman government, 
owing to the barrenness of the soil, the infelicity of the climate, and the want of 
commerce (c) ; and they became the prey during several ages of every pre- 
datory tribe who navigated those seas either in quest of plunder or in search 
of settlements. 

In giving an account of the second colonization of the Hebrides, which was 
made from opposite shores by different lineages of men, it is necessary for 
the purpose of distinctness to consider those isles mider their natural divisions, 
in two separate ranges, the interior and exterior Hebrides. Without such 
distinctions archaeology tries in vain to illustrate their obscurities. 

1. The interior range of the Hebrides stretches along the western shore of 
North-Britain, from Islay on the south to Skye on the north ; comprehend- 
ing the intermediate islands of Mull, Jura, Colonsay, Lismore, Tiree, Coll, 
Egg, Muck, Canay, Rasay, with a number of adjacent islets, and with this 
division may be classed the islands of Bute, Arran, and the Cumbrays within 
the Frith of Clyde. 

2. The exterior range of the Hebrides, which lies much farther out in the 
western ocean, consists of the Lewis, Harris, North-Uist, South-Uist, Barray, 
Watersay, and of a number of adjacent islets, forming a continued chain from 
north to south of one hundred and forty miles. 

During the sixth, the seventh, and the eighth centuries, the interior Hebrides 
were settled by Gaelic colonists, many of whom migrated directly from Ireland, 
and still more from the Irish settlements in Argyle. loia, one of the islets of 
this range, was given to Columba by his relation Conal, the Scottish king, as 
a secure retreat whence he could send out his missionaries to propagate the 
Christian faith. The zealous Columbans soon established in those islands 
many cells ; and in the progress of proselytism they extended their missions 
and diSused their instruction throughout the wide extent of the Hebrides (d), 

(c) The small number of the names of places in the Hebrides which can be traced to the 
British language, shows the paucity of the first people at the arrival of the second colonists. 
There is, however, so much sameness in the British and Gaelic languages, that several names of 
places which now appear in the Scoto-Irish form, may have been originally applied bj' the first 
British colonists. 

(d) In every one of the Hebride isles, the churches and chapels were much more numerous 
in former times than they have been since the Eefonnation. In some of the parishes of the 
present day there were formerly more than twelve or fifteen churches or chapels for public 
worship. In Harris, the walls of twelve churches are standing, and there are the ruins and names 
of some others. Stat. Acco. v. s., p. 376. In the parish of Tiree and Coll, there are the re- 
mains of fifteen chapels, at some of which there are stUl crosses and cemeteries. lb. p. 401. 

Vol. I. M m 



266 A N A C C U N T [Book U.—Tke Pictish Period. 

At the end of the eighth and dui'Lag the ninth century the Hebrides were 
frequently invaded by the Norwegian pirates, who sometimes sought for settle- 
ment, but oftener prowled for prey. The same Scandinavian race who settled 
in the Orkney islands and on the coast of Caithness extended their settlements 
in the ninth century to the exterior Hebrides, where they found but few of the 
first colonists to resist their intrusion. A subsequent body of their country- 
men followed their tracks, and succeeded in forming settlements on the coast 
of Sutherland and around the shores of the interior Hebrides where they tried 
to give stability to their settlements and to overawe the Gaelic inhabitants by 
building Burgs or forts of stone (e). The topography and the antiquities of 

Blaeu's Maps, No. 42 to 48, confirm the same position. All the old churches in the Hebrides, 
except some of those in Lewis and Harris, which forai the northern part of the exterior Hebrides, 
were dedicated to the same pati'on saints as those of Argyle and other parts of Scotland where 
the Scoto-Irish settled. Among these may be noticed St. Columba, Brigid, Ciaran, Adamnan, 
Patrick, Bar, Brandan, Ohattan, Martin, Caoinach, or Kenneth, &c. ; even in Lewis and Harris, 
some of the churches were dedicated to the Scoto-L-ish saints, as Columba, Brigid, Ciaran, Donan, or 
Adamnan. Martin's W. Isles, p. 27 ; Stat. Acco., v. x., p. 377. The other chuiches in those islands 
were chiefly dedicated to the saints in the kalender of the church of Eome. Id. The churches 
throughout the Hebrides, except those of Lewis, and some in Harris, were named in the G-aelic 
manner from the Celtic Cil, siguifying a cell, a chapel, or church ; which Cil was prefixed to the 
name of the patron saint. For the numerous names of the ancient churches and chapels in the 
Hebrides, see the Maps in Blaeu's Atlas, 1662, from 42 to 48 ; Langland's Map of Argyleshire ; and 
the Topographical Dictionary, under Kil. 

(e) The ruins of many of those forts still remain around the coasts of the Hebrides. They 
were called by the Scandinavian people Burgs ; by the Scoto-Irish people they are named 
Duns; and Dun in the Gaelic is synonymous to the Scandinavian Burg. There is a remarkable 
difference between the few Scandinavian names on the shores of the interior Hebrides and those 
in the exterior Hebrides and the Orkney islands which deserves attention, as it throws a strong 
light on the diversity of their settlements. The most numerous class of names in these islands 
are, as in all other countries, compounded of those words which, in the language of the colonists, 
signify a dwelling-place, a habitation, or settlement. The Scandinavian Buster, and Busta, which 
signify a dwelling-place ; Ster, a station, or place ; and Seatur, a seat or settlement ; appear in a 
great number of the names within the Orkney and Shetland islands, and in several names on 
the coast of Caithness ; and we also find the same terms in the Scandinavian names within the ex- 
terior Hebrides, though they have been somewhat disguised by a Gaelic pronounciation. But 
not one of those common terms is to be found in the Scandinavian names on the shores of the 
interior Hebrides, nor in those on the coast of Sutherland. In the interior Hebrides, and m Su- 
therland, most of the Scandinavian names terminate in bol, which in that language signifies a 
habitation, or dwelling-place ; as in Ski-io/, Bm-bol, Skel-JoZ, Tor-6o^, Kirka-SoZ, Aina-bol, and 
Eri-ioZ, in Sutherland ; Kirka-ioZ, Cross-6o/, Hyle-bol, Barra-io?, in Tiree-island ; Gris-io/, in 
CoU-island ; Hara-Jo/, Ella-io/, Eyre-ioZ, Lyie-bol, in Islay. These facts evince that the scat- 
tered settlements of the northmen on the coasts of Sutherland and the interior Hebrides were 



Ch. Y.—The Hebrides.] OpNOETH-BRITAIN. ■2r,7 

the Hebrides, when judiciously investigated, greatly help the scanty notices of 
history in tracing those obscure events during such barbarous times. The 
gi-eat body of the names of places in the Hebrides are Gaelic, many of them 
are Scandinavian, and a number of them are pleonastic compounds of both those 
languages. In the interior range of the Hebrides the names of places are 
nearly all Gaelic, there being only a few Scandinavian names around the coasts 
of these islands. This fact shows that this division of the Hebrides was colo- 
nized wholly by the Irish and the Scoto-Irish before the Scandinavian rovers 
broke in upon them during the ninth century ; and it also shows that the 
Scandinavian people only made a few settlements upon the shores of the interior 
range. In the exterior Hebrides the greatest number of the names of places 
are Scandinavian, a large proportion of them are Gaelic, and many of them 
are pleonasms, which were formed by prefixing Gaelic epithets to the Scandi- 
navian appellations. In this division of the Hebride isles the Scandinavian names 
are not confined to the coasts, but are spread over the interior of each island, 
and are even applied to mountains and to waters. These facts demonstrate that 
the Scandinavian settlers preceded the Scoto-Ii'ish in those distant islands, and 
found few of the first colonists who could hand down their traditions or trans- 
mit their topography, as the Scandinavian settlers new-named almost all the 
hills, the waters, and other great features of nature {/). 

made by different settlers wlio spoke a somewhat different dialect of the Scandinavian tongue 
from their countrymen, who had previously settled in the Orkney and Shetland Islands, and on 
the coast of Caithness, and within the exterior Hebrides. Thus does topography give her instruc- 
tive intimations to history for illustrating the obscurities of colonization, and settling the doubts 
of etymology. 

(,/') For those instructive truths as to the names of places, see the several Maps of the Hebrides 
in Blaeu's Atlas Scotiae, Ainslie's Map of Scotland, M'Kenzie's Charts of the Lewis and of the 
West Coast, with Langland's Map of Argyleshire ; and above all, see the Topogi-aphical Dictionary, 
wherein the names of places will be found more correct and more copious than they are in any 
of those Maps. For this correctness the public owe a favour, and I an obligation, to several of 
the intelligent ministers in the Hebride Isles, who communicated to me much useful suggestion, 
and many valuable emendations. 



Mm 2 



268 AnACCOUNT [Book ll.—The Pictish Period. 



CHAP. VI. 



Of the Scots. 



THE obscurity in which the origin of the Scottish people has always been 
involved gave rise to the most absurd theories, and produced among polemics 
the most obstinate disputes ; their theories originated, like other systems, from 
inattention to facts ; their disputes arose, like other conflicts of greater moment, 
from national competition ; and these contests were continued, like other literary 
altercations, by controversial obstinacy. 

Whether the Scots were natives in Britain or were emigrants from Ireland 
are questions which were long contested by the antiquarian zealots of two 
spirited nations. That the Scots were emigrants from Ireland is now cei'tain, 
however prejudice may have tried to obscure the truth ; and the distant oiigin 
of the Scots within the sacred isle is at present the only inquiry on this 
head which can engage a rational curiosity. Such is the difiiculty of this dis- 
quisition, arising chiefly from the contradictoriness of previous opinions, that 
perhaps the truth can best be obtained by carrying our searches backward 
from subsequent certainty to previous uncertainty. 

Before the year 400, the Scots had become so pre-eminent in Ireland that 
they gave their own name to the whole country, if we may credit Orosius, who 
flourished as an intelligent writer at the interesting commencement of the fifth 
century (a). Claudian, his poetical contemporary, fully concurs with him when 
he says in more elegant language : 

" Totum cum Scotus Hibernem — movit ; 
" Scotorum cumulos flevit glacialis lerne." 

" When the Scots all Ireland — mov'd ; 

" O'er lieaps of Scots, -whom icy Ireland wept." 



(a) See the edition of Alfred and Barrington. Igbeniia, which we call Scotland, saj'S he, b. i., 
ch. i., is surrounded on every side by the ocean. 



Ch. TL.—The Scut.<.'] OfNOETH-BRITAIN. 269 

It is a fact, then, that the Scots were the ruling people of Ireland at the con- 
clusion of the fourth century ; and we have seen the Scots invade Romanized 
Britain in 360 a.d., when they were repelled by Theodosius, as we learn 
from Ammianus Marcellinus (6). Curious erudition indeed has employed its 
research to investigate when the Scots were first mentioned in the intelligent 
pages of classic authors. Camden has the merit of having discovei-ed that 
Porphyry, who flourished under Dioclesian at the close of the thhd century, 
first mentioned the ScoticcB gentes, the Scottish nations of the Britannic world (c). 
Eumenius, who first mentioned the Picts, and who was the contemporary of Por- 
phyry, mentions the Hibenii and the Ilibermeaaes without noticing the ScoticcB 
gentes. But Porphyry was a scholar and a geographer, while Eumenius was 
mei'ely a scholar and an orator. It is obvious, then, that the Scots first began 
to appear to intelligent eyes towards the conclusion of the third century. 
When Ptolomy was inquiring about the nations of the earth during the second 
century, he heard nothing of the Scots (d). All former writers who speak of 
the two British islands, J. Ceesar, Diodorus Siculus, Strabo, Mela, Tacitus, 
Pliny, Solinus, mention nothing of the Scots, though they severally speak of 
the Irish tribes ; and we may therefore consider it as a moral certainty that 
the Scottish people had not acquired their appropriate name during the first 
and second centuries. 

It is now time to inquire of what lineage and of what country were the 
objects of this disquisition. The lineage of every people is most accurately 
traced in their language. The Scoto-Irish even now speak Gaelic; their pro- 

(i) I do not coucui' witli tliose writers who speak of permanent settleraents of Irish-Scots in 
Scotland during Eoman times. They certainly invaded the Eoman province on the west, but 
they were continually repulsed by the decided superiority of the Eoman arms. It was this cir- 
cumstance which induced those writers to speak of Scottish settlements in North-Britain, and 
Scottish migrants to Ireland, in those early ages. From all my enquiries, it appears to me that no 
permanent colonization of North-Britain by the Scoto-Irish people began till the recent period of the 
sixth century. 

{c) Holland, p. 125 ; Gough's Camden, v. i., p. 98. Humphry Lhuyd, the Welsh antiquary, having 
intimated that the Scots were first mentioned under Constantine, was attacked by Buchanan with 
every asperity of reproach ; but Buchanan did not himself pretend to show when the Scots were first 
known to the learned world. On this occasion Camden was induced to travel out of the common 
track of classic reading for the fact. Usher concurs with Camden. Prim. p. 728. Bollandus and 
Tillemont agree in saying that the Scots were not known as the Irish till the beginning of the fourth 
century. Tillemont's Mem. Eccles., torn, xvi., p. 453. 

(d) See Bertius's edition of Ptolomy ; nor is there a word in his Map of Ireland which looks like 
Scoti. See Geographia Antiqua et Nova. Tab. ii., Insularum Britannicarum Fades Antiqua; nor 
does the copious index to this (jeograj>hia mention a syllable of the Scoticce gentes. Eichard's Map of 
Hibernia does mention the Scotti, long after they had been recognized by geographers. 



270 A N A C C U N T [Book II.— The Pi'ctish Period. 

genitors in Ireland always spoke Gaelic, the same Gaelic which we see in 
the Irish word-books of every age ; and the Scoticce gentes were therefore a 
Gaelic people. The Scots never spoke Teutonic, and they were not there- 
fore a Gothic people who spoke the Teutonic and not the Gaelic (e). The 
country of the Scots, as they were themselves Gaelic, must necessarily have 
been Gaelic. 

This intimation points to Ireland, the western land, where the Scoticw gentes 
or Scots were first found by those intelligent writers who take the most early 
notice of them in the fourth and third centuries ; in those eventful times when 
the Scots moved all Ireland to enterprise, and when Irene wept the slaughter 
of her sons. From the foregoing proofs, it is a moi-al certainty of great import- 
ance in Irish history, that Ireland, at the epoch of the introduction of Christi- 
anity into that island, was inhabited by the Scots, a Gaelic people, who spoke 
the same Gaelic language which we may see in the Gaelic scrii?tures. We are, 
indeed, informed by contemporary writers, that the Roman missionaries who 
produced that great change were sent to the Scots in Ireland (/). 

It is also a moral certainty, as we have seen, that Ireland was originally 
settled by Gaelic tribes from the neighbouring coasts of Britain during the first 
ages {g). Of Ireland I will say, after every endeavour to illustrate her anti- 

(e) It is not wonderful, because it is so common, to hear men, learned and intelligent, speak 
nonsense witliout knowing that they speak nonsensically. How many writers are there who in- 
form us that the Soots were Scythians from Scandinavia or Germany, though the same writers knew 
that the Scots spoke Gaelic, and not Gothic. What is this but to reason absurdly, by applying 
contradictory qualities to the same persons! 

(/) Usher's Prim., p. 802 and 1043; Lloyd's Church Government, p. 7, 50-2, with the authori- 
ties which they quote. Prosper, indeed, when speaking on this subject, calls Ireland the barbarous 
island, in contradistinction to the Romanized isle of Britain. Id. Add to those proofs the 
following testimonies, that Ireland was known to the intelligent world dui'ing the middle ages as 
the native land of the Scots. Pope Honorius I., who died in 683 A.D., in writing to the Irish 
Church on the proper observance of Easter, addressed his epistle, "ad Scotorum gentem." Bede, 
lib. ii., ch. xix. And John IV., his successor, addressed a similar letter to the Irish bishops, 
presbyters, and abbots, by the appropriate name of Scoti. Id. ; Flor. Wig. ; Wilk. Concilia, v. i., 
p. 36. And Lawrence, the Archbishop of Canterbury, addressed an epistle about the year 614, 
" ad Scotos Hibernias incolas." Usher's Vetemm Epistolarum Hibernicanim SyUoge, p. 18-22. 
Asser, in his Life of Alfred, says, "891 a.d. Tres Scoti ad .3lllfredum ab Hibernia Veniunt." 
Add to all those authorities the decision of the erudite Scheopflin, in his Conniientationes Ilistoricce, 
cap. iii. : De Scoto-Hibernia. Bede considers Ireland as the land of the Scots ; but he settles them 
in Cantyre before the epoch of Christ. Lib. i. cap. i. Adamnan, who died in 703 a.d., mentions, in 
his Life of Columba, that the sacred object of his early biography sailed from Scotia to Britain, and 
to Hyona, and from thence went back to Scotia. 

(jj) See book i., ch. i. 



Ch. YL.—ne Scot^q Of NORTH-BKIT AIN. 271 

quities has failed, what Diodorus Siculus said of Britain, that she anciently 
remained free from foreign force, and untouched either by Bacchus or Hercules, 
or any other heroes. Long after Britain had passed under the yokes of the 
Romans and the Saxons, Ireland continued unconquered by any foi'eign power, 
unmixed with any alien people, uncontaminated by any new manners, and un- 
perplexed by any heterogeneous speech. As Greece and Rome and Scythia 
have their heroical histories and mythological personages, Ireland may well have 
her milesian tales, which have their antiquity to amuse and their sense to in- 
struct, rather than the Gothic system of late times, that is founded in self-con- 
ceit and is disgraced by nonsense. 

Yet the Scots, who are not mentioned in classic authors before the days of 
Claudian and of Porphyry, seem to have given their obscure name to the peo- 
ple, and acquired the chief sway in Ireland, before the conclusion of the third 
century. As there is no proof, whatever chroniclers may say and theorists may 
dreara, that the Scots came from abroad, the Scoticce gentes must have acquired 
within. their original island, a local habitation and a name. As the inhabitants 
of Ireland ai'e indiscriminately called by classic writers Hyberni and Scoti after 
the fourth century, we may infer that the Hyberni and Scoti were the 
same peojile under different designations ; and Camden intimates, after many 
conjectures, that the Scots were merely the descendants of those Britons who 
of old inhabited Ireland, as Diodorus Siculus informed the world when Ire- 
land became first noticed as a British isle (/i). As the Scots were indigenous 
in Ireland, so was probably their name ; and from their own language they 
acquired the appellation of Sceite, Avhich signifies, in the Irish, dispersed and 
scattered ; and they thus appear to have obtained this characteristic name from 
their passion for enterprize during ages of perturbation (i). The Scots were 
originally noticed by the Roman government as a maritime people who in- 
fested, by their frequent incursions, the western shores of R.omanized Britain ; 
and the country of the Scots was therefore different from Britain. Ancient 
Scotland was undoubtedly an island, whatever theorists may have thought ; 
and ancient Scotland was certainly not a distinct island from Ireland, whatever 
chroniclers may have said (Jc). 

(/() Holland's Camden, p. 124. 

(t) O'Brien's Diet. Ammianus Marcellinus in speaking lib. xsvii. of this people, intimates 
their qualities when he says, " Scoti per diversi vagantes ; " and see the Genuine History of the 
Britons throughout; this erudite writer proves (1) that the Scots came neither from Scythia, 
nor Spain, and (2) that they derived their appropriate name from their acquired quality of 
roving. 

(k) The following document, which was drawn up by the accurate pen of Camden, and may be seen 



272 ■ A N A C C U N T [Book 11.— The Pktish Period. 

The nearest coasts of Britain supplied the sister isle with colonists in succes- 
sive ages and on various occasions. In the progress of settlement and in the 
improvement of society the various settlers, when association became necessary, 
formed themselves into a community by the different names of Sceite, Scots, 
and Scoti ; and hence the island of the western ocean became known to the 
intelligent world, at the end of the third century, as the native country of the 

among his epistles, ed. 1691, p. 360, furnishes historical demonstrations of the three conclusive points 
in the text : 

" Primum punctum ; Antiquam Scotiam fuisse insulam : 

" 1. Scotia proxima Britannise insula. S. Isidorus, lib. xii. cap. vi. 

" 2. Scotia quae terris nihil debet. Hegesippus, lib. v. cap. xv. 

" 3. Scotia fertilis sanctorum insula. Surius 13 Nov. & 8 Mali. Item Molanus 8 Mail. 

" 4. De Scotorum insula venientes. Beda in Martyrologio 13 Nov. 

'• 5. Tota insula Scotiae mirabatur. Theodoricus apud Surium 1 Julii. tom. vii. 

" Secundum punctum ; Antiquam Scotiam a Britannia fuisse discretam : 
" 1. Scoticse gentis de Britannorum vicina. Hieronymus in 3 procem. in Hieremiam. 
" 2. De Scotia venlt in Britanniam. Beda in Appendice ad Historiam. 
" 3. Scotensis exercitus frequenter transnavigans' in Britanniam. Vita S. Patricii in Collegio 

Duaceno MS. 
" 4. Britannia Oceani insula, cui adjacet Scotia. Hucbaldus apud Surium. 12 Nov. 
" 5. Alter pene orbis Britannia cum adjacente Scotia. Theodoricus apud Surium tom. vii. 

Julii i. 

Tertium punctum ; Antiquam Scotiam non diversam ab Ibernia ; 
" 1. Scotia eadem & Ibernia. S. Isidorus lib. xii. cap. vi. 
" 2. Ibernia a Scotoram gentibus habitatur. S. Orosius hb. i. p. 20. 
" 3. Britannise adjacet Scotia seu Ibernia. Hucbaldus apud Surium 12 Nov. 
" 4. Ibernia propria est Scotorum patria. Vita S. Columb^ in Legendario Anglicano. 
" 5. Ibernia propria Scotorum est patria. Beda in Hist. Ecclesiast. lib. i. cap. i. 
" 6. Scotoram qui Ibemiam insulam Britanniae proximam incolunt. Beda loco cit. lib. ii. 

cap. iv. 
" 7. Scotorum oumulos flevit glacialis Iberna. ~\ 
"8. totam cum Scotus Ibernam V Claudianus, 

'• Movit, & infesto spumavit remige Tethis.J 
" 9. De Ibernia Scotorum insula venientes. Beda 13 Novemb. 
" 10. Scotia, quae & Ibernia dicitur. Surius ad eundem diem. 

" 11. Scotia, quae tunc erat Ibernia. Bozius de Anno 434 in signis Ecclesiae lib. viii. cap. i. 
" 12. Scotus de Ibernia insula natus, Marianus ad annum 657. de S. Kiliano. 
" 13. Ibemiam Scotorum gens incolit. Jonas in Vita S. Oolumbani. 
" 14. Iberniam Scotorum insulam. Aimoinus lib. iv. cap. 100. & Eginardus in gestis Caroli 

magni. 
" 15. Euntes in Scotiam intrent purgatorium S. Partricii. Caosarius lib. xii, cap. xxxviii. 
" 16. Ibernia partita in Sootos (Septentrionales & Australes) Beda, lib. iii. cap. iv. 



Ch.Yl.—TIie Scots.] OfNOETH-BEITAIN. 273 

Scots, and in after ages by the name of Scotland (Z). The same appellation 
was transferred from Ireland to Scotland when both had lost their original 
designations amid the successive changes of unstable times. 

Amidst the turbulence of rude ages, the Irish were seldom at rest. They 
were either occupied in maiitime excursions against the Romanized shores of 
the British island, or they were agitated by domestic feuds. The northern 
division of Ireland, which was called by the Irish Ulladh, and by the English 
Ulsfer, was particularly subject to such perturbations, owing to the pretensions 
of two powerful tribes. The race of the Irish, who were long known and 
feared by the name of Cruithne, were the most powerful clan of the north- 
western district of Ireland. The frequent disputes of those rival tribes at leno-th 
called for the interposition of the Irish sovereign at the middle of the third 
century. Cormac then reigned supreme king of Ireland. In this war, Cairbre- 
Biada, the cousin and general of Cormac, conquered a territory of thirty 
miles extent in the north-east corner of Ireland, which at that disasti'ous 
epoch was enjoyed by the Cruithne (a). This territory was now seized by 
Cairbre-Ptiada and his followers in the right of conquest and by the favour 
of Cormac, when it was denominated from the conquerer DrtZ-Riada, the 
portion of Riada. Over Dalriada Carbi-e and his posterity continued to rule 
for ages, under the constant protection of their relations, the sovereigns of 
Ireland (6). This conquest of Dalriada, at the middle of the second century 
by Cairbre, sowed the seeds of many disputes, which grew up into bloody 

(/) See Wtitaker's Genuine Hist, of tlie Britons, p. 283-88; Innes's Crit. Ess., vol. i., p. 167- 
203 ; vol. ii., p. 401-545. The Milesian origin of the ancient Irish is now scarcely believed 
by Milesian fablers. The direct colonization of Ireland from the east is hardly credited by scholars 
■who know that emigrations were made in early ages by land and not by sea. The Gothic origin 
of the old Irish is asserted by those who never inquired whether the Irish had ever spoken the 
Gothic tongue, or whether the names of places in the map of Ireland be significant in the Gothic 
language. In the midst of the conjectures of ignorance and the scepticism of learning, it is curious 
to remark that the great .3l31fred appears to have been the first who wrote the word Scotland, and 
applied the Anglo-Saxon term as the name of Ireland : " On thaem ilcan wendel sse on fiyre westende 
"is Scotland;" in this same Meditewanean to the westward is Scotland, Alfred's translation of 
Orosius, p. 14, and the translation by Daines Barrington, p. 3. Thus two Celtic communities were 
destined by a singular fortune to derive a lasting name from an Anglo-Saxon Prince in the Teutonic 
language 1 

(ci) Cairbre-Eiada was one of the sons of Conary II., who ruled as chief king in Ireland from 212 
to 220 A.D., and who was descended, according to the Irish genealogies, from the great Conary that 
fell by the stroke of assassination in (10 a.d. Usher's Prim., p. 610-11 ; Camden in Scotia; O'Connor's 
Dissertation, p. 192-3, 202 ; Ogygia Vindicated, p. 164-5. 

(i) O'Flaherty's Ogygia ; Ogygia Vindicated, p. 163, 164-5 ; O'Connor's Dissertation, p. 
196-7. 

Vol. I. N n 



274 An ACCOUNT [Bookll.— The Pictish Period. 

conflicts between the Cruithne of Ulladh and the Dalriadse of Ireland, as well 
as then- descendants, the Dalriadse of North-Britain. 

In the prevalence of contest and the progress of population, a colony was 
conducted from Dalriada to North-Britain at the recent commencement of the 
sixth century, by Loarn, Fergus, and Angus, the three sons of Erc, the 
descendant of Cairhre-Rlada. These colonists not only brought with them their 
language and religion, their manners and customs, but their subordination and 
allegiance to the country whence they had voluntarily proceeded (c). At that 
remarkable epoch in the Scottish history, Lugad the son of Laogar reigned 
supreme over Ireland. 

The Irish colonists departed from Dalriada, which was thus occupied by the 
descendants of Cairbre-Riada, and was governed by Olchu, the brother of 
Erc [d) ; and the Irish colonists settled in the ancient countiy of the British 
Epidii, near the Epidian promontory of Richard and Ptolomy, which was 
denominated by the Dalriadinian colonists, Ceantir, or head-land (e). The ejaoch 
of their settlement is 503 a.d. {/) ; and the new settlers continued to the age 
of Bede to be commonly called from their original district, the Dalriadini, 
though they will be herein denominated the Scoto-Irish, with a retrospect to 
their origin and a regard to their colonization, 

(c) Usher's Prim., p. 947, 1029 ; Tigemaola ; Ulster Annals ; OTlaherty's Ogygia, p. 470 ; Innes's 
Orit. Essa}', p. 693. O'Conner intimates that the sons of Erc were favoured in their emigra- 
tion by the Hy-Nial, or the supreme power which was then exercised by Lugad the son of Laogar, 
the grandson of Niel the great, and the sovereign of Ireland from 483 to 508 a.d. Ogygia Vindi- 
cated, p. 92, in the note. This connection between the Dalriadic race and the royal family of 
teland was again doubl}' cemented by the maniages of Erca, the daughter of Loarn, in succession 
with the two grandsons of Niel, who is called the great by the appropriate eloquence of the Lish 
annalists. 

(d) Ei'c, who was the son of Eocha-Munramhar, and a lineal descendant of Cairbre-Eiada, 
died in 474 a.d., and in conformity to the Irish law of Tanaistry, his only brother Olchu 
succeeded him in the government of the Dalriadae in Ireland. The posterity of Olchu continued to 
rule this tribe in subordination to the supreme kings of Ireland after the sons of Erc had estabhshed 
their settlements in Argyle. Usher's Primord. ; The Book of Leacan ; Kennedy's Dissert, on the 
Stuarts, p. 145. 

(e) In the Q-aelic Cean, of which Ciii is an inflection, signifies a head, and Tir, land, so Cean-tir, 
is hterally head-land ; yet this significant appellation of the Irish colonists is said to be Gothic. 
Enquiry Hist. Scot., 1789. The analagous term in the Gothic is Hwfde-lande. The Enquirer 
might with equal truth have said that the Gothic Hcefde-lande and the English headland are Celtic 
words. 

(/) Tigernach ; Usher's Prim., 947, 1122; Innes's Critical Essay, v. ii., p. 689, 694; Kennedy's 
Dissert, on the Stuarts, p. 146, 169. O'Connor confirms the fact, by saying wildly that Ai-gyle, Alban, 
and the Hebrides were conquered by the sons of Erc in 503 a.d. Dissert, p. 198-9. 



Ch. Nl.—The Scots.\ OpNOETH-BEITAIN. 275 

It lias been reasonably asked, whether the sons of £rc made their settlements 
by foi-ce or favour. This inquiry sup^^oses that tradition is silent upon the 
point, and that history is also uninstructive (g) ; and the unsatisfactoriness of 
the one, and the silence of the other, lead us to suppose that the Dalriadini 
settled without offence, and remained in their new settlements for years 
without opposition. Cean-tir, as the name implies in the speech of the Scoto- 
Irish colonists, is a head-land, which, forming a very narrow peninsula, runs 
far into the Deucaledonian sea towards the nearest coast of Ireland, and is 
separated by lofty mountains from the Caledonian continent. It was in that 
age very thinly inhabited by the Cambro-Britons ; and these descendants of 
the Epidii were little connected with the central clans ; and were still less con- 
sidered by the Pictish government, which perhaps was not yet sufficiently 
refined to be very jealous of its rights, or to be promptly resentful of its 
r • wrongs. Drest-Garthinmoth then reigned over the Picts, and certainly re- 
sided at a great distance, beyond Drum-Alban. To those intimations we may 
subjoin, that Loarn, Fergus, and Angus bi'ought few followers with them ; 

(and though they were doubtless joined by subsequent colonists, they were for 
I some time occupied with the necessary but uninteresting labours of settle- 
ment within their appropriate districts. Ceantir was the portion of Fergus, 
Loarn possessed Loarn, to which he gave his name, and Angus is supposed to 
have colonized Islay (h). They obviously established their several settlements 
according to the anarchical cust»rhs of their original country. Each of those 
princes with their followers formed a distinct tribe, which was nearly inde- 
pendent of each other, with a nominal subordination to the eldest, at least when 
obedience could be compelled by power. The history of those Scoto-Irish 
colonists will evince that, by acting on this notion of anarchy during a rude 
age, their descendants were frequently involved in the contests of disputed 
successions, and often in the miseries of civil war. 

In the records of time there scarcely occurs a period of history which is so 
perplexed and obscure as the annals of the Scoto-Irish kings and their tribes, 

(ij) The Gaelic poem, or duan, as translated by OTlalierty, makes tlie sons of Ere subdue 
Alban with a strong hand. Ogygia Vindicated, p. 144. O'Connor, as we have seen, concurs in 
the notion of conquest. Dissert., p. 188-9. The poetical notion of conquest cannot possibly be 
true ; and probability and fact only justify the more reasonable position of quiet colonisation. 
Bede adds the confirmation of his judgment to the simple notion of quiet settlement. Bede, lib. i. 
cap. i. 

(/t) Dr. Smith's Hist. Dissert, in Stat. Account, v. s., p. 521 ; Islay was certainly enjoyed by Muredach 
I the son of Angus after his decease. 

Nn2 



27G AnACCOUNT [Book H.—The PictUh Period. 

from tlieir settlement in 503 a.d., to their ascendancy in 843 a.d. The 
original cause of this ohscurity is the want of contemporaneous writhig. An 
ample field was thus left open for the conflicts of national emulation. Ignorance 
and ingenuity, sophistry and system, all contributed by their various efforts 
to make what was dark still more obscure. The series and genealogy of the 
kings have been involved in peculiar perplexity by the contests of the Irish 
and Scottish antiquaries for pre-eminence in antiquity as well as in fame ; 
and Cimmerian darkness overspreads the annals of a people who were too 
restless for the repose of study, and too rude for the elaboration of writing. 
In the sister islands there happily remam, however, various documents of sub- 
sequent compilation, which throw many flashes of light on the obscure trans- 
actions of the Scoto-Irish tribes, and which serve equally to enable us to unravel 
the entangled genealogies of the Scoto-Irish kings. In Ireland there exist the 
annals of Tigernach and of Ulster, with the useful observations thereon of 
O'Flaherty and O'Connor. There existed also in various depositories, several 
brief chronicles and historical documents, which Innes first brought to light, 
in a happy hom- for the North-British history ({). A Gaelic poem, or genea- 
logical account of the Scoto-Irish kings, also sheds some rays of light on this 
gloomy subject (Jc). Some other chronicles are fortunately preserved from the 
destruction of design and the waste of accident, which were also compiled 
before ignorance and folly, and refinement and system, began to falsify the 
Scottish annals. From an attentive consideration of all those, and from an 
accurate examination of other documents, I have compiled a genealogical and 
chronological Table of the Scoto-Irish kings during that dark period of their 
distracted annals (I). I trust it will be found to be more satisfactory than any 

(j) See Innes's Critical Essay, p. 600-613 ; and his invaluable Appendix " of Ancient Pieces." 

(Ic) This cui-ious Duan was published in the Enquiry, 1789. 

(/) The authorities from which both the Chronological Table and the following history of 
the Scottish kings have been collected, are, (1.) Chronica Rtyum Scotorum, from Fergus the son 
of Ere till King William, a MS. in the Colbertine Library, which is printed in Innes's Critical 
Essay, App. No. iv. (2.) Chronica Retjum Scotorum, from Fergus the son of Ere, till King Alex- 
ander in., which was taken from the Eegister of the Priory of St. Andrew's, and is printed in 
Innes's Crit. Essay, App. No. v. (3.) Chronicon Rythiiiycum, at the end of the Scoti-Chronicon, 
a MS. in the Scots College of Paris, and is printed in Innes's Crit. Essay, App. No. vi. (4.) The 
Duan Albanich, an historical and genealogical poem composed in the time of Malcolm IH. 
which is printed in the Enquiry into the Hist, of Scotland, 1789, v. ii. App. No. ii., with a 
literal translation by Mi-. Wilson, and a free translation by Mr. O'Connor. The literal translation, 
though it contains a few mistakes, being made in a hurry and without consulting books, is by far 
the most useful. The free translation is indeed extremely free, is much abridged, and in several parts 



Ch. Yl.—T lie Scots.-] OfNOETH-BEITAIN. 277 

genealogical series that has yet been submitted to the inquisitive world ; and 
I now lay it before the reader with the hope of clearing the dark, and settling 
the doubtful, as to the early sovereigns of a country which has been aptly called 
the cradle of the Scottish monarchy (m). This Table evinces, that the length 
of the whole period, from the epoch of Fergus and of the settlement in 503 a.d., 
to the accession of Kenneth over the Picts in 843, is 340 years ; that the sum 
total of the several reigns, which the Table assigns to the various kings, amounts 
also to 340 years, and the coincidence of these two sums of 340 years demon- 
strates that the whole chronology of the kings is perfectly accurate. 



is mistaMngly rendered. O'Flaherty has given a free trauslation of tlie first twelve disticlis as 
far down as Ferchar I. Ogygia Vindicated, p. 143, 145. This is also in several parts faulty, but 
he says his copy was an imperfect one. (5). The Extracts from the Annals of Ulster in the British 
Museum, which were published by Johnston in 1786 ; Antiq. Celt. Normannicse, p. 56 ; and in 
the Enquiry into the Hist, of Scotland, 1789, v. ii. App. No. 1. Many of the dates in these 
extracts are one year behind the dates in the Annals of Tigeniach, and also behind the dates quoted 
by Usher from the original Annals of Ulster. (6). Adamnan's Life of St. Columba. (7). Usher's 
Britannicarum Ecclesiarum Antiquitates, 1639. (8). O'Flaherty's Ogygia. (9). Ogygia Vindicated, by 
OTlaherty, with O'Connor's Dissertation and Notes, 1775. (10.) Innes's Critical Essay on the Ancient 
Inhabitants of North-Britain, 1729. (H.) The Enquiry into the History of Scotland, 1789, with 
the collateral aid of many other books. I have also derived great help from the MS. Collections of 
Innes, which he had employed fifty years to amass for his Ecclesiastical History of Scotland, and 
which I owe to the obliging communication of his late grand-nephew, Alexander Innes of the Scots 
College at Paris. 

(wi) The errors and confusion which have been introduced into the series and the historj- of the 
Scottish kings have chiefly originated from the following causes : 1st, The sovereignity was not 
transmitted by the strict line of hereditary descent. There were, as we shall see, three great families, 
who, as they spi'ung from the royal stock, occasionally grew up into the royal stem ; two of these 
were descended from Fergus I. by his grandsons, Comgal and Gauran, the third was descended from 
Loam, the brother of Fergus. This circumstance naturally produced frequent contests and civil wars 
for the sovereignty, which from those causes was sometimes split, and the representatives of Fergus 
and Loam, reigned independently over their separate territories at the same time. The confusion 
which all this had produced can only be cleared up by tracing as far as possible the history of these 
different f;imilies, and developing the civil contests which existed among them. 2d, Much perplexity 
has been produced by the mistakes and omissions of the Gaelic bard who composed the Albanic Duan, 
particularly in the latter part of the series, where he has erroneously introduced several supposititious 
kings from the Pictish Catalogue. These mistakes having been adopted by those writers whose 
object was rather to support a system than to unravel the history of the Scottish monarchs, have in- 
creased rather than diminished the confusion 



278 



An account 



[Book II. — The Pictish Period. 



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Ch. Yl.—The Scots.J p N E T H - B E I T A I N . 279 

If we may credit the Irish chroniclers, the three sons of Ere enjoyed each an 
independent government, according to the anarchical maxims of the Irish polity, 
within his own district, in subordination, however, to the sovereign of Ire- 
land (ii). Neither of the brothers at the epoch of their emigration were young, 
if we may believe the same chroniclers, who assure us that the children of Ere 
had received the honour of St. Patrick's benediction before his death in 
493 A.D. The early decease of each of the three bi-others after their settle- 
ment, seems to be a stiU stronger proof of their having declined far into the 
vale of years before they engaged in the difficult work of founding a new 
dynasty of kings, and settling a new race of people, within a rugged country of 
lakes and defiles. Angus soon died, leaving a son Muredach, who enjoyed his 
authority within the narrow limits of Islay ; and Loarn, the eldest brother, also 
deceased, leaving his brother Fergus the sole monarch of the Dalriadinian 
Scots (o), Fergus did not long sur\dve his brothers, as he died in 50G a.d., 
leaving his pretensions, whatever they were, and his power, however limited, to 
his son Domangai't (p). The Gaelic poem applies to Fergus the epithet ard, 
which may mean great in character, or first in sovereignty. 

{n) OTlalierty's Ogygia, p. 470-2; O'Connor's Dissert., 199; and the Albanic Historical poem, 
or Duan. But the ancient chronicles in Innes's Appendix, No. 4, 5, 6, uuifonnly speak of Fergus as 
the sole monarch of the Dalriadinian territories, which he only enjoyed during the short period of 
three years. 

(o) Loarn, who is called Loarnus Magnus by OTlaherty, had several children, of whom the most 
celebrated was Erca, who was married successively to two cousin-germans, the grandsons of Niel, the 
gi-eat king of Ireland. She first married Muredach, the son of Eogan, by whom she had three sons ; 
Murecheard, who reigned king of Ireland from 513 to 534 a.d., Feredach, and Moen. She married 
for her second husband, Fergus, the son of Conal, by whom she had four sons ; Sednse, who was 
progenitor of several of the supreme kings of Ireland, Fedlim (the father of St. Columba), Lugad, 
and Brendan. Ogygia, p. 470-1, and Ogygia Vindicated, p. 159. It seems more than probable that 
the race of Loam, who in after times succeeded occasionally to the Dalriadinian throne, sprung from 
the first marriage of Erca, as we see that Muredach, Eogan, and Ferchar, were family names in that 
royal series. Murecheard, the son of Erca, and king of Ireland as above mentioned, was sumamed 
Mac-Erca from his mother. Ogygia Vindicated, p. 159. From Murecheard descended no fewer than 
sixteen monarchs of Ireland. lb. Pref., p. 4. 

(/?) The three Chronicles in Innes's App. No. 4, 5, 6, and Innes's Chronica Accurata, together 
with the Enquirer 1789, all concur in stating that Fergus reigned three years, from 503 a.d. 
The Gaelic poem extends his reign to twenty-seven years, and O'Flaherty carries up its extent to 
sixteen; and see Usher's Prim. Chron. Index, under 503 A.D., p. 1122-3. Fergus is the appro- 
priate name which the ancient Chronicles in Innes's App. and the Gaelic poem give to the great 
founder of the Scottish monarchy, according to the Scotti-sh Chroniclers. The proper L-ish name is 
Feargus, which is derived from the fearg of the Irish language, signifying a champion, or warrior. 
O'Brien's Diet. This has been latinized Fcrgusius. Several chiefs of great note among the old Irish 
bore this distinguished appellation. The second husband of Erca was Fergus, as we have seen. 



280 A N A C C U N T Book TL.—The Pictish Period. 

The new reign of five years is said by the Gaelic poem to have been 
crowded with troubles, which however are not recounted. Yet Domangart 
died quietly in 511 A.D., leaving two sons, Congal and Gabhran, who 
snccessively possessed his petty dominions, and indisputably enjoyed his incon- 
siderable power {q). The root of Fergus now branched out into two great 
stems, which are distinguished in the Irish Chronicles by the appropriate ap- 
pellations of Cineal-CoxngsX, and CMieaZ-Gauran ; the race of Comgal, and the 
race of Gauran. Their contests for pre-eminence produced bloody conflicts, 
which ended in frequent revolutions of power that the pen of history must 
narrate and ex^Dlain. 

A peaceful reign of four-and-twenty years gave Comgal, the grandson of 
Fergus, leisure to extend his settlements and to consolidate his authority. Yet 
has he left no events for history to record. The Gaelic poem recites, indeed, 
that his long reign passed away ivithout wars (r). 

Comgal was succeeded by his brother Gabhran or Gauran, in 535, without 
a contest. This reign of two-and-twenty years is said by the Gaelic poem to 
have passed away ivithout reproach. Engaging, ho-wever, on whatever motive, 
in hostilities with the Picts, Gauran was overpowered by their king, Bridei, the 

A Fergus reigned King of Ireland with Donald, a.d. 565. Ware's Antiq. Hib., p. 19 ; Ogygia, p. 
430. A Fergus was king of Temora at tlie end of the seventh century. Ware, p. 21. O'Flaberty 
calls Fergus the son of Ere, " Fergus-;no;' Mac-Mise." Ogygia, p. 472. He was surnamed Mac-Mise 
from his mother, whose name was Mise. So Mui-echeard the king of Ireland was called Mac-Erca 
from his mother. The epithet mor which O'Flaherty applies to Fergus, denotes simply, great in body, 
while the epithet ard which the Gaelic bard afBxes to his name, means great in mind, mighty. Fergus 
was probably, as O'Flaherty asserts, the youngest of the three sons of Ere, who conducted the Irish 
colonists to Kintyre. Og3'gia Vind., p. 140. 

((/) For the length of the reign of Domangart, see Innes's App. No. 4, 5, 6 ; and O'Flaherty, and 
Junes, and the Enquirer, 1789, concur in fixing it to five years. The Duan, or Gaelic poem, alone re- 
strains it to four. Domangard, which is properly Domhangard, is called Domangart in the Chron. 
No. 4 ; Davenghart, in the Chron. 5 ; Donegart, in the Chron. Eythm ; Dongard, in Fordun ; 
Domangardus, in O'Flaherty ; and Dongardus, in Buchanan. 

(?•) The Chronicle in the Eegister of St. Andrews, and the Chron. Eyth. in Innes's App. 
No. 5 and 6, lengthen the reign of Comgal to twenty-four years, an extent which is adopted by 
O'Flaherty and Innes. The Chron. No. 4, in Innes's App., enlarges the period to thii-ty-two 
years. The Annals of Ulster when properly understood, confirm the Chronicles before men- 
tioned, in fixing the commencement of his reign in 511 a.d., and its conclusion in 535 a.d. 
Comgal, or more properly Comhgall, or Comgail, in the Irish speech, denotes one of the same 
tribe, consangiiinitij. O'Brien's Diet. This name is variously spelt Congal and Comgal, in the 
Chron. No. 4, and No. 5, Chomghall, in the Gaelic poem, Comgallus, by O'Flaherty, and Con- 
gallus by Buchanan. A Congal reigned supreme king of Ireland from 703 to 710 a.d. Ware's 
Antiq., p. 2 1 . 



Cb. YI.—T/ie Scots.} F N E T H - B E I T A I N. 281 

son of Mailcon (a-) ; and his government was thus left open in 557 a.d. to 
Conal, the son of Comgal, the grandson of Domangart, the great-grandson of 
Fergus. 

Conal, the protector of Columba, was not, however, fortunate either in his 
family or his government. An unlucky administration of fourteen years was 
unhappily closed by civil war in 571. Aidan, the son of Gauran, claimed the 
crown ; and this pretension was settled on the bloody field of Loro in Kin tyre, 
where Duncha, the son of Conal, lost his life and his succession, as we learn 
from the Ulster Annals (i). Such was the event of this contest for sovereignty, 
between the race of Comgal and the race of Gauran, who were both descended 
from their forefather Fergus. The tribe of Gauran remained in possession of 
Kintyre ; the tribe of Comgal enjoyed the less desirable district of Argyll ; and 
these two tribes are sometimes distmguished in the Irish Annals, as the sept of 
Kintyre, and the sept of Argyll. 

An active reign of five-and-thirty years furnished many occasions for dis- 
playing the enterpi'ize, the successes, and the misfortunes of Aidan. He was 
inaugurated by Columba in 574 on the holy lona {u). He overpowered his 

(s) The Ancient Chron. No. 4, and the Chron. in the Register of St. Andrews, No. 5, in Innes's 
App., assign to the reign of Gauran two-and-twenty years, an elongation which Innes has adopted in 
his Chronica Accurata. The Chron. Eyth. restrains this reign to twenty years, and the Duan to two, 
a mistake that O'Flaherty follows, without perceiving that the bard, like other poets, often sacrifices 
the sense to the sound. The Enquirer, 1789, restrains the government of Gauran to sixteen years, 
merely upon a mistaken calculation from a supposititious date in the Annals of Ulster. The genuine 
date in these Annals is 557, which is the true epoch of the demise of Gauran. Gauran is variously 
spelt Gabran, in the Genealogy, No. 4 ; Goveran, in Chron. No. 4 ; in Innes, Gowren ; in Chron. 
Eythm. Gauranus ; in O'Flaherty, the Gonranus and Conranus, of Buchanan and Boece, are mere 
mistakes for Gauranus. The proper Ii'ish name, as we see it in the Gaelic poem, is Gabhran, which 
is pronounced Gauran. 

(t) O'Flaherty states this battle to have happened at Deal/jan, in Kintyre. Ogygia, p. 473. 
The Ancient Chron., No. 4, the Chron. in the Register of St. Andrews, No. 5, and the Chron. 
Ryth. in Innes's App., give fourteen years as the length of Conal's reign, an extent that Innes 
adopts in his Chronica Accurata. The Duan, with poetic licence, extends this reign to fifteen 
years, a mistaken elongation that is followed by O'Flaherty, and copied by the Enquirer, 1789, 
in compliment to the Celtic Song which best suited his adopted system. Conal is latinized 
Conallus, in Fordun. Conal is the name of many great princes of Ireland. O'Brien gives an account 
of many of this name. From one of these, Tir-Conail, the /and of Conal derived its name. Diet, in 
vo. Conal, who is said to have given the isle of Hy to St. Columba, and who was the third cousin of 
the saint ; Conal being the great-grandson of Fergus, and St. Columba the great-grandson of Loam, 
the two great leaders of the Scoto-Irish colony. Tigernach, in Ogygia, p. 473; Ulster Annals; Usher's 
Primordia, p. 703, 1143. 

(») Adamnan, 1. iii., cap. v. ; Ush. Prim., p. GIO, 709, 1145 ; Ogygia, p. 474. 
Vol. I. o 



282 A N A C C U N T [Book ll.~The Pictish Period. 

antagonist at the battle of Loro. in 575. He fous'ht the frivolous battle of 
Arderyth, with Kydderch the bountiful king of Strathcluyd, in 577 (x) ; and, 
comino- to the aid of the Cumbrian-Britons, Aidan defeated the Saxons at 
Fethanlea on Stanmore, in 584 (y). In fighting again in support of the 
Britons, he defeated the Saxons in 590, at the battle of Leithredh, when his 
two sons, Arthur and Eocha-fin, were however slain, with rather more than 
three hundred menCs) From this specification of the loss, it is obvious, 
though Bede speaks of the vast army of Aidan, that the armies of those times 
were far from numerous, and that their conflicts were rather tumultuous than 
i-egular. In 598, Aidan appears to have been worsted by the Saxons in the 
battle of Kirkinn, where his son Domangart was slain (a). Aidan was totally 
defeated by the Northumbrians under ^Ethilfrid, at the battle of Dawstane, in 
603 (6). The Dalriadini were now so completely overcome, that they did not 
venture for ages so far into the hostile country of the south. Meantime 

(x) H. Lhuyd's Commentariolum, ed. 1731, p. 142-4. 

(y) Saxon CLiron., p. 22 ; Usher's Prim., p. 570, 1147, which quotes the English Chronicles. 
Aidan is even said to have carried his victorious arms into the Isle of Man about the same period. 
The Annals of Ulster, under 581-2, state, "Bellum ilanan, in quo victor erat Aodhan Mac- 
Gauran." Enquiry Hist. Scot., 1789, v. ii., App. i. In Johnston's edition of the Extracts from 
these Annals, he converts Manan into Man. Antiq. Celto-Nomi., p. 57 ; and O'FIaherty says, 
" Anno circiter 584 Aidanus rex in Mannia insula victor." Ogygia, p. 474. There does not, how- 
ever, appear any thing but the mere similarity of the name to warrant the application of the 
Manan to the Island of Man. On the contrary, it is highly probable that the battle of Manan 
which is mentioned by the Annals of Ulster, was the same that the Saxon Annals record to have 
happened at Stanmore. The dates of both agree, making the usual allowance for the hackward- 
ness of the Annals of Ulster in a number of their notices. The Saxon Stane-more refers to the 
well-known moor of that name on the eastern confines of Westmoreland, which, as the name 
implies, abounds with stone. Now the Britons, who on this occasion were confederated with 
the Scoto-Iiish, would naturally call the same place by the analogous name of Maenan, which in their 
language, denotes stoney, or a place of stone. So this battle may have been stated in the Irish Annals 
by the British name of Maenan, while the Saxon annalists used the appropriate name of their own 
language, Stanemore. 

(z) Adamnan, 1. i., cap. 9; Tigernach ; Annals of Ulster; Ush. Prim., p. 709, 1037, 1148; 
O'Flaherty's Ogygia, p. 475 ; lunes's MS. Eccles. Hist., p. 245. This conflict is called by Adamnan 
Bellum Miatormi, and Fordun confounds it with the battle of Wodensburg. 

(a) Adamnan, lib. i., cap. 9 ; and The Book of Cluan, in Ogygia, p. 475. 

(6) Bede, lib. i., cap. 34 ; Sax. Chi-on., p. 24. This battle is herein said to have happened at 
Daejstane. The real site of this decisive field appears to be Dawstane, a small farm in the parish of 
Castleton, Roxburghshire, on a rivulet of the same name which falls into the Liddle, about two miles 
from the march of Northumberland, near the only pass which leads on that side into an impervious 
frontier. See Stobie's Map of Eoxburghshire ; and see also for the site of this battle, the map in 
Smith's Bede. 



Ch. \l.—T/,e Scots.^ OpNORTH-BEITAIN. 283 

Aidan attended by Columba, appeared at the celebrated council of Drum-keat 
in Ulster, during 590 A.D., where he claimed the principality of Dalriada, the 
land of his fathers, and obtained by his influence a relinquishment of the 
homage which seems to have lieen yielded by the reguli of Kintyre to the 
kings of the parental island (c). Aodh or Hugh, the son of Ainmerach, was 
then sovereign of Ireland (cZ). During a long reign of active enterprize, Aidan 
appears I'ather to have raised his fame than extended his territories. In his 
several conflicts with the Saxons, he wasted his strength upon a powerful 
enemy, who was almost beyond the reach of his arm. He acquired in the 
metaphorical language of a courtly poet, the appropriate appellation of " righ-na 
" niol-rann," or king of the noble jjortion. After all his ambitious conflicts, 
Aidan, the greatest of the Dalriadinian monarchs, died quietly in Kintyre at the 
age of eighty, during the year 605, and was buried in Kil-cheran (e). 

Eocha'-bui, the son of Aidan, quietly assumed the sceptre of his father, 
according to the vaticination of Columba, which foretold, saith Adamnan, not 
only the succession of the son of Aidan, but the misfortunes of his posterity {/). 
Eocha', the yellow haired, reigned sixteen years ; but his reign seems to have 
gone down under a cloud of foreign, perhaps of civil war. In 620 he appears 
to liave been engaged in warfare with the Cruithne of Ulster. Kenneth-cear, 
as tanist or heir apparent to the kingdom, conducted his army against those 

(c) Adamnan, 1. i., cap. x., p. 49 ; 0'Fla.lierty, p. 475 ; Kennedy's Chron. Hist, of the Stuarts, 
p. 169. 

(d) Usher's Prim., p. 947. 

(«) Usher's Prim., 1156, and the Chron. Table of the Scottish kings. The ruins of the church 
of Kil-cheran, or the chapel of Ciaran the saint, which contains the dust of Aidan, may still be 
seen in the midst of Campbeltown, the present resort of peaceful fishers. Aidan seized the Dal- 
riadinian sceptre, in 571 a. d., reigned thirty-four years, and died in 605. The Ancient Chron. 
No. 4, the Chron. in the Register of St. Andrews, and the Chron. Ehyth. No. 6, in Innes's 
App., state the length of the reign of Aidan to be 34 3'ears, an extent which Innes adopts. The 
Gaelic poem makes the length of this reign twenty-four years, O'Flaherty thirty-two, and the 
Enquirer, 1789, without any evidence, thirty years. The Annals of Ulster state the year of 
Aidan's demise in 605, which is supported by the Chron. No. 4, 5, and 6, in Innes's Ajsp. Fordun 
adopts this date. Innes considers this as a fixed epoch, on which all parties agree. Crit. Essay, 
V. il., p. 69.3. Tet Usher states that Eocha-bui succeeded his father Aidan in 606. Primord., 
p. 710 ; and O'Flaherty follows him in this inaccuracy. Ogygia, p. 474. The name of Aidan 
is latinized Aidanvs by Fordun, O'Flaherty, and Buchanan. It is Edaiu, Edan, Edhan, in 
the Chronicles. The proper Ksh name is Aodhan. In the Sax. Chron. this entei-prizing king of the 
Scoto-Iiish is called .Silj-San ; the Saxon (5) being pronounced like the English (y), and the (6) like 
the English (th). 

(/) Vita Columbse, lib. i., cap. ix. 

Oo2 



284 AnACOOUNT [Book ll.—The Pictish Period. 

warlike people into the successful field of Ardcoran, wherein was slain Fiachna, 
the son of the UJtonian monarch {g). In this conflict the Scoto-Irish prevailed. 
Donald-breac, the son of Eocha'-bui, led the race of Gauran into the successful 
battle of Kenn during the same year. But Eocha' did not long survive his 
victories, as he died soon after, and was succeeded by his son Kenneth- cear, 
the tanist, and of course the leader of his troops [h). 

Kenneth, the awkward, the son of Eocha'-bui, succeeded his father in 
621 A.D., being already the heir apparent, Kenneth ruled happily, saith the 
Gaelic bard, during three months (t). He prosecuted the war of his prede- 
cessor, and was vanquished and slain in the unfortunate conflict of Fedhaevin, 
in fighting against the Cruithne of Ireland {k). 

Kenneth-cear was followed in 621 by Ferchar the son of Eogan, who was 
the first of the race of Loarn that acquired the unstable monarchy of the Scoto- 



(S) Tigernach, Annals of Ulster, and O'Flaherty's Ogygia, p. 476. 

(h) Eocha'-bui denotes the yellow haired Eocha. Aidan had another son, who was named 
'Eocha -Jin, or white haired Eocha. Such were the nice discriminations of the Celtic people in 
applying epithets to persons as well as to places. This name has been variously spelt in the several 
chronicles, Eochoid-buidhe, Eochod-flavus, Heoghed-bude, Eog-hedbod ; he was called Hecged- 
bud by Wyntoun ; Echac-buide, Ocha-buid, in the genealogies in Fordun ; Eugenius IV. by Fordun 
and Buchanan. The Gaelic bard calls him Eachach-buidhe. Eocha' in the Iiish is the proper name 
of a man. O'Brien's Diet. 

(i) All the authorities agree that Kenneth-cear became king in 621 a. d., and reigned only 
three months. They do not, however, concur- in his filiation. The Chi-onicles, No. 4 and 5, 
in Innes's App., call him the son of Conal. O'Flaherty, from the Irish authorities, states him to 
have been the son of Eocha'-bui. Ogygia, p. 477 ; and he is supported by probability, for 
Kenneth commanded the army of Eocha' and enjoyed his sceptre. Kenneth-cear in the Irish is 
Ooinadh-cear. By the Gaelic bard he is called Conchad-cear ; by O'Flaherty, Conadh-cerr ; by 
Innes, Connadh-cearr ; by the Chronicles, the same prince is called Kinat-kerr, and Kinat-siiiister ; 
by Boece, Kenneth-ker ; in the Latin of O'Flaherty, Conadius-ker ; in the Latin of Buchanan, 
Kenn-ethus. Coinadh, or as differently spelt, Cainnach, by Macdonald's Vocabulary ; Caoinnach, 
by Macfarlane's Vocabulary ; is a proper name among the Scoto-Irish to this day. It denotes in the 
Irish, iiiild tempered, peaceable, being formed from the adjective Caoin. The same name is spelt by 
the English, Kenneth or Keneth. The Enquiry, 1789, v. ii., p. 162, tries to prove that Kenneth is a 
Pictish or Gothic name, Cinaed or Kineth, was king of Ii-eland from 724 to 727 A. d. Ware's Antiq., 
p. 21 ; Ogygia, p. 432. The proper meaning of the epithet Cearr is the most doubtful of any of the 
sobriquets which have been appHed by the Chronicles to the Scoto-Irish kings. It may signify left- 
handed or awkward, as the Chron. No. 4 in Innes translates it. It may signify red; but the common 
word denoting red, as applied to persons, is ruadh, or as it is Englished, roy. Ciar would signify dark- 
brown ; but left-handed or awkward seems to be the most likely meaning. Macfarlane's Vocab. in 
vo. Cearr. 

{k) Tigernach ; and the Annals of Ulster ; O'Flaherty's Ogygia, p. 477. 



Ch. Yl.— The Scots.'] OpNOETH-BBITAIN. 285 

Irish in North-Britain. He seized the sceptre, which he saw Imd fallen from 
a vanquished hand ; and he was inaugurated by Conan, the bishop of Sodor, 
if we may believe the learned Usher [I). Columba, who had inaugunited 
Aidan was now dead. Ferchar certainly reigned sixteen years ; but such was 
his vigour or success during troublous times, that he left no events for history 
to recount. He died in 637 a.d. (m). 

Donal-breac, the son of Eocha'-bui, of the Fergusian race of Gauran, suc- 
ceeded Ferchar on his demise, in 637. Donal, who was called breac, or 
freckled from being often exposed to the sun, had already gathered laiu^els 
in the field of Kenn whilst his father reigned. The Gaelic Bard is studious to 
decorate the enterprizing Donal with the epithet Bla', which, as it signifies in 
his language, renoum or fame, he appears to have merited (a). He was in- 
duced by his vehemence of spirit, contrary to the vaticinal warnings of Co- 
lumba, to carry a mixed body of various people into the sacred island against 
Domnal II., who then reigned supreme king of Ireland. Domnal was the son 
of Aodh I., the grandson of Ainmerach, and the great-grandson of Sednse, one 
of the sons of Erca, by her second marriage ; and was, of course, the relation 
of Columba, and the kinsman of Donald-breac. The cause of this unpropitious 

(/) Primord. 711, 1158. 

(in) The Clirouicles in Innes's Appendix and the Gaelic poem agree in extending the reign 
of Ferchar to sixteen years, and this extent is adopted by Innes and the Enquirer, 1789 ; so that 
the length of this reign seems to be a point agreed. Not so the filiation of Ferchar. The Chrons. 
No. 4 and 5 in Innes's Appendix, call Ferchar the son of Ewen, with which concurs Usher as 
above. The Gaelic poem, however, speaks of Ferchar as the son of Kenneth-kear, and this 
filiation is adopted by O'Flaherty. Ogygia, p. 477. Yet is there reason to suspect that the 
bard has again sacrificed the fact as stated by the Chronicles, to the fiction as adopted by 
O'Flaherty. Eogan and Ferchar are family names in the race of Loam, but not in the race of 
Fergus, so that it is more than probable that Ferchar and his father Eogan were of the royal 
race of Loarn. Ferchar, or more fitly Fearchur, is a proper name among the Irish and Scoto-Irish. 
It is Fearchair in the Gaelic poem. The word signifies a champion, manhood, courage. O'Brien's 
Diet. The English and Scottish Farquhar is the same name. In the Chronicles this king is 
variously called Ferchar, Fearchair, Ferquarth ; and the name is latinized Farquardus by Buchanan 
and O'Flaherty. 

(a) Donal- J/'eac, or freckled, or pock-pitted Donal, is variously called Dovenald- Varius, Downal-brec, 
Dovenald-brec, Donald ; and by the Gaelic Poem, Domnail-bhric. Domhnal, which is pronounced 
Donal, was the proper name of several princes among the old Irish, hence the MacDonals, O'Donels. 
O'Brien's Dictionary. The name of Donal, which is latinized Domnallus, and Donaldus, occurs fre- 
quently in the Catalogue of the Irish kings. Of the supreme liin^^s of Ireland from 5G5 to 763, three 
were named Donal. Ware's Antiq., p. 18-23. Yet, says the Inquiry, 1789, the name of Domnail, or 
Donald, is Gothic, as indeed he adds, systematically, most Irish names of kings are — ^that is, before 
the Goths arrived in Ireland 1 



286 A N A C U N T [Book II.— The Pictish Period. 

war may be traced to the following source. Congal-CIaon, the son of Scanlan, 
the king of the Cruithne in Ulster, having slain Suibne-mean, the king of 
Ireland, was attacked by Domnal II., who succeeded Suibne, and was defeated 
in the battle of Duncethern a.d. 629. Congal was thus obliged to seek for 
shelter in Kintyre ; and having induced the inconsiderate Donal-breac to en- 
gao-e in his odious quarrel, they carried into Ireland a mixed army of Scoto- 
Irish, of Picts, of Britons, and of Saxons, who were led by Donal-breac and 
his brothers. Cealach, the son of Maelcomh, the nephew of the reigning king, 
and as tanist, the leader of his army, attacked Domnal-breac on the plain of 
Moyrath in 637, and completely defeated him after a long and bloody conflict. 
Coniyal met his merited fate ; and Domnal-breac was obliged to secui-e his retreat 
and the safety of his army in Kintyre (6). Such was the rashness of Domnal- 
breac ! He invaded the hallowed land of his fathers in support of the mur- 
derer of its lawful sovereign ; and he attacked, as we have seen, his own and 
Columba's kinsmen. Domnal-breac derived no wisdom from his late misfor- 
tune. In the subsequent year he engaged in a difterent war ; and he was 
again defeated, during the year 638, in the battle of Glenmoreson, within the 
country of the Picts (c). The Irish legends, indeed, pretend to demonstrate, 
that the prophecies which foretold the misfortunes of Donal the freckled, 
were all fulfilled in his fate {d). He was warned not to molest the land of his 
fathers, and the family of Columba ; yet, with the intemperance of his nature, 
he led an army of foreigners into the sacred island ; and, as he was carried by 
his destiny into the Clyde, he was slain at Sraith-Cairmaic by the obscure sword of 
Hoau, one of the reguli of Strathcluyd, during the year 642 (e). His destiny seems 
to have even confounded his chronology, which, as it is extremely embarrassed, 
will require some trouble to settle it. He certainly began to reign in 637 (_/), 
as the series of his predecessors evince ; and he undoubtedly was slain in 642, 

(i) Ulster Annals; Ogygia, p. 478; Ware's Antiq., p. 20; Uslier's Prim. p. 712. Domnal 11. 
reigned from 628 to 642 a.d. 

((■) There is an extensive valley in Inverness-shire, called Glenmoreson. If this be the same, 
Domnal-breac must have been engaged with the northern Picts. Ogygia, p. 478 ; Ulster Annals ; 
Usher's Prim., p. 712. It must be again obsei"ved that the extracts from the annals of Ulster in the 
British Museum, which were published by Johnston in 1786, and in the Enquiry into the Hist, of 
Scotland, 1789, have the dates of many notices a year behind the annals of Tigernach, and also behind 
the dates quoted by Usher from the original Annals of Ulster. 

(d) Adamnan, lib. iii. cap. v. ; Acta Sanctorum St. Bent. Saec. v. p. 361-7. 

(e) Annals of Ulster; Usher's Prim., p. 712 ; Langhom's Cat. of the Cumbrian kings; Ogygia, p. 
478; Enquiry, 1789, v. ii., p. 117-119. 

(/) See the Chronological Table. 



Ch. Nl.—The Scots.l OfNORTH-BEITAIN. 287 

A.D., as we have seen above {g). The destiny of Donal seems also to have 
pursued his issue ; his son Cathusaidh was slain by the same Hoan in 649, 
and his great-grandson, Cathasuidh, died in 688, as we learn from the Ulster 
annals. The destiny of Donald appears from sad events to have introduced 
competition into the succession of his race. Conal II., the grandson of Conal I., 
who was also of the Fergusian race of Congal, succeeded his unfortunate pre- 
decessor in the government of the tribes of Kintyre and Argyll. But Dungal, 
of the ambitious race of Loarn, ruled at the same time over the tribe of 
Loarn and disputed the pre-eminence with Conal. Dungal, however, appears 
not to have long maintained the contest ; and Conal seems without further 
molestation to have closed his career of ten years in 652 a.d. The Gaelic 
Bard calls this prince Conal na creach, or Conal of the spoils ; and we may 
from this circumstance infer, what is sufficiently probable in itself, that he had 
wasted the district of his competitor and driven away in triumph the cattle 
of Loam (h). 

[g) Tlie Enquirer, 1789, tries to cut the linot which he cannot untie. He deducts from the 
preceding reign of Ferchar eight years, in order to carry back the commencement of Donal's reign 
to the year 630 ; and he makes the length of his reign twelve years, for which there is not one 
authority. Enquiry, v. ii., p. 117. The beginning of the reign of Donal must be fixed, by the 
preceding chronology, to the year 637. The chronicles in Innes's Appendix, No. 4, 5, 6, extend 
his reign to fourteen years. The Gaelic poem once more concurs with the chronicles ; and this 
length of reign is adopted by Innes into his Chronica Accurata. Yet the influential authority of 
Tigernach ; the satisfactory concui-rence of the Ulster annals ; the weighty voice of Usher ; and 
the useful notice of O'FIaherty, all concur to fix the epoch of his death in 642 a. d. Primordia, 
p. 712 ; Ogygia, p. 478 ; Annals of Ulster. In this point, the Enquiry, 1789, p. 119, also 
concurs. I have found it necessary to adopt this epoch, because the subsequent chronology can- 
not be otherwise adjusted, or be made to agree with events ; and, of consequence, I am obliged to 
disagree for once with the chronicles in Innes's Appendix, by restricting the reign of Donald to 
five years, which is most consistent with the series of events and the progress of his fate. Yet is 
there reason to believe, that Donal-breac may have assumed a sort of sovereignty over his own 
patrimonial territory of Kintyre for several years before the death of Ferchar. Donal-breac 
having begun his career as an enterprizing commander, before Ferchar acquired the Scottish sceptre, 
we may suppose that Donal would view the accession of a prince of the race of Loarn to the sove- 
reignty, which his own father had so lately held, with a considerable degree of jealousy ; and his 
restless disposition may have excited him to assume an independent rule in his patrimonial districts of 
Kintyre, even as early as 628, being nine years before the demise of Ferchar, when he became the sole 
monarch of the Scoto-Irish, and reigned five years longer. These intimations at once account for the 
length of his reign, as stated in the ancient chronicles, as well as the Duan, and render both consistent 
■with chronology. 

{h) After the demise of Donal-breac, the Gaelic poet introduces into the series of the Scoto- 
Irish kings, Conal, and Dungal, to whom he gives a joint reign of ten years ; and after them. 



288 AnACCOUNT [Book IL.—The Pictish Period. 

Donal-duin succeeded his father Conal in 652 A.r). Doual, the brown, 
reigned thirteen years ; but such was the insignificance of his character and 
the unimportance of his government that lie left no events for the narration of 
history (i). 

Maolduin, the brother of Donal-duin, succeeded him in 665 a.d. Maol- 
duin was a prince of the Fergusian race of Comgal. The Gaelic poet is studi- 
ous both to enlarge and legalize his reign by applying to his government, 
with a bardie retrospect to the past and prescience of the future, the eiDithet 
godh'ghtheach, signifying laicfully in his language ; but the Bard with all 
his knowledge, has recorded none of the events of the laivfid reign of Maol- 
duin (k). Yet the Ulster annals and Tigernach recount the murder of 
Domangart the son of Donal-breac in 672 A.D. [I) ; and the same annals 
also recite the assassination of Conal the son of Maolduin in 675 a.d. These 
odious deeds mark the savage manners of lawless times. It is apparent, how- 
ever, that they were accomplished by the fell dagger of family feuds. Between 
the Fergusian races of Comgal and Gauran there existed a continual compe- 
tition for pre-eminence, and Maolduin, the reigning king, who was of the 
Comgal race, may have contributed to the death of Domangart the son of 
Donal-breac, who was of the race of Gauran. Revenge prompted the family 
of Domangart to retaliate on Conal the son of Maolduin [m). By these terri- 

Donal-duin, to whom he assigns a reign of thirteen years ; yet none of those three reguli are 
mentioned by the chronicles in Innes's Appendix. The Enquiry, 1789, p. 119, follows the Gaelic 
poem as to the length of Conal's reign. O'Flaherty, without any authority, extends his reign to 
eighteen years. But the subsequent series of the kings does not admit of a longer reign to Conal than 
ten years. 

(i) None of the ancient chronicles in Innes's Appendix recognize Donal-duin, except the 
chronicle in the register of St. Andrews, No. 5, which speaks of him as the father of Maldwin, 
the succeeding king. The Gaelic Poem, O'Flaherty, and the Enquirer, 1789, give Donal-duin 
a reign of thirteen years, from A.D. 652. It is conjectured that the chroniclers may have, mis- 
takingly, passed from Donal-breac to Donal-duin, without perceiving that they rejected three kings, who 
are demanded equally by the series of the sovereigns and the genealogy of the families. See the 
Chronological and Genealogical Table. 

(i) The chronology fixes the accession of Maolduin to the year 665. The Chronicles, No. 5, 
and 6, in Innes's Appendix, give him a reign of sixteen years. The Gaelic Poem, OTlaherty, and the 
Enquirer, 1789, unreasonably extend his reign to seventeen years. The Gaelic Bard calls this king 
" Maolduin, mhic Conaill na gcreacli," Maolduin, the son of Conal of the spoils. He thus makes 
Maolduin the son of Conal II., who succeeded Donal-breac in 642 a.d. ; and O'Flaherty supports his 
authority, 

(/) Annals of Ulster ; Ogygia, p. 479. 

(m) The name of this king in Innes's Chronicles is Malduin. W3mtoun calls him Maldowny. 



Ch. \l.~The ScoU.'] OfNOETH-BEITAIN. 289 

ble actions the two Fergusian families weakened each other, and gave an 
ascendancy to the rival race of Loarn which they did not fail to assume. 

Ferchar-/acZa, who derived the epithet tall, from his personal qualities, seized 
the sceptre of Maolduin upon his death amidst those bloody scenes. Ferchar 
was certainly of the family of Loarn, as the name seems to intimate, but he 
was probably the grandson, rather than the son of Feixhar, who died in 637 
A.D. The period of foui'-and-forty years which elapsed from the demise 
of the one and the accession of the other, seems to carry that probability up 
to fact (jJi). The dirk of the rival races continued ready at the call of compe- 
tition to execute any purpose of ambition or motive of revenge. Donal, the 
son of Conal, and grandson of Maolduin, who were of the Fergusian race, was 
assassinated in 695 a.d. (n). Yet such was the vigour or the fortune of 
Ferchar, that he continued to govern an irascible people amid family competi- 
tion during one-and-twenty years; and he died in 702, when his bloody sceptre 
passed into the rival house. 

To Ferchar succeeded Eocha'-rineval, the son of Domangart, who, as we 
have seen, was assassinated in 652. It is universally agreed that Eocha', 
who was remarkable for his Roman nose, was of the house of Fergus, as he was 
the grandson of Donal-breac (o). His reign was certainly short, and it probably 
was unfortunate. His encroaching spirit prompted him to invade the neigh- 
bouring territories of the Britons of Strathcluyd, but he was vigorously re- 

Boece and Buchanan translate tlie name into Malduinus. The Gaelic Poem gives liim in the Irish 
form the name of Maolduin, which literally signifies bald and broirn. This was a proper name among 
the old Irish. The father of Fergal, the king of L'eland from 710 to 722 a.d., was Maoladuin. 
Ware's Antiq., p. 21. The deaths of Malduin, the king of Ossory, and Maolduin MacCinfaola, the 
chief of Eathboh, are mentioned in the Ulster annals under 816 a.d. 

()«) All the authorities concur in stating that Ferchar succeeded Maolduin, and reigned one-and- 
twenty years. But there is some doubt among them in respect to his filiation. The chronicles 
in Innes's Appendix studiously omit this important point. O'Flaherty, on the authority of the 
Book of Leoan, states that Ferchar-fada was of the race of Loarn, in the eighth descent. Ogygia, 
p. 479 ; and Ogygia Vindicated, p. 109-141. Innes in his MS. Ecclesiastical Hist, says, though he 
tells not on what authority, that Ferchar-fada was the son of Ferchar the first. The series of the 
kings and the dates of events evince that he was the grandson of the first Ferchar. See the Chrono- 
logical Table. 

(»t) Ulster Annals ; Enquiry, 1789, v. ii., p. 311. 

(o) Enquiry, 1789, v. ii., p. 120 ; the chronicles in Innes's Appendix, No. 4 and 5, give three years 
to the reign of Eocha', and the Chronicle of Melros supports them on this head. The Chron. 
Rythm. expands its length to thirteen years. The Gaelic Poem restrains this reign to two years, and 
the Enquirer, 1789, assumes this restriction, while O'Flaherty gives it an elongation of seven years 
upon no better evidence than supposititious dates. 
Vol. I. Pp 



ll 



290 AnACCOUNT [Book 11.— The Pk-tish Period. 

pulsed ill a bloody conflict on the banks of the Leven (p) ; and he had the 
additional misfortune in the subsequent year to have his feeble sceptre seized 
by a prince of the rival race of Loarn. 

Ainbhcealach, the son of Ferchar-fada, succeeded Eocha' in 705 a.d. 
The Gaelic Bard speaks of the new king as Ainbhcealach-7naiY/j. mhic Fearchair, 
Ainbhcealach, the good, the son of Ferchar. He reigned, since he was too good 
for a savage people and a wretched age, only one year, as aU the authorities 
agree and as probability attests (q). He was dethroned by his brother Selvach, 
and he was thus obliged in 706 a.d., to seek that shelter from the hospitality 
of Ireland which he appears to have received. The ferocity of Selvach carried 
the torch through Dunolla his father's castle and his brother's residence. At 
the end of twelve years Ainbhcealach returned from Ireland with some assist- 
"ance, but he perished during the year 719 in a gallant struggle for his 
tarnished sceptre in the battle of Finglein, a small valley among the moun- 
tains of Loarn (r). 

Upon the expulsion of Ainbhceallach in 706 a.d., Selvach began to sway 
the sceptre which he had wrested from his brother's hand. He was not, how- 
ever, able to extend his sovereignity over the whole of the Scoto-Irish territories. 
A powerful antagonist of the rival race of Fergus rose up at this epoch, to 
resist the usurped power of Selvach, and to assert the right of his own sept. 
Duncha-beg, who was descended from Fergus by the line of Comgal, assumed 
the government of Kintyre and Argyll, and confined the rule of Selvach to his 
family district of Loarn. We thus perceive two reguli of rival lineages go- 
verning with equal authority two distinct divisions of the Dalriadinian king- 
dom (.9), Selvach and Duncha the little, appear to have been princes of 

(/>) O'Flalierty states, in Anno 704, " Strages Dalriedinonim in valle Levinii." Ogygia, p. 479. 
This must be the valley on the river Leven in Dunbartonshire. 

(q) Enquuy, 1789, v. ii., p. 120 ; and see the Chronological Table. This singular name has been 
variously transfomied bj' the different chroniclers : Arinchellar, Armkellach, Armchallach, Amri- 
kelleeh ; by Buchanan he is called Amberkelletus ; by Tigemach, Anbkellach ; by the Ulster Annals, 
Ainsceallach ; by the Gaelic Poem, Ainbcheallach. Ainbhceallach appears plainly to have been a 
compound name. Ceallach was an appropriate appellation among the great men of the old Irish. 
O'Brien's Diet. Ceallach signifies war, strife. Id. Cellach appears in the series of the Irish kings 
from 042 to 648 a.d. Usher's Prim., p. 947 ; 'Ware's Antiq., p. 20. What the prefix AiiM signifies 
it is not easy to ascertain. Ainhhi means ferocious, so Ainbhi-Ceallach might mean the ferocious 
Ceallach. Aine-Ceallach in Irish would denote the aijile Ceallach. Ain-ceallach in the same lan- 
guage means the honourable, praise-worthy, or the pleasant Ceallach, which agrees with the qualities 
assigned to this king by the Gaelic Bard. 

(r) Tigernach in Ogygia, p. 479 ; Ulster Annals ; Stat. Acco., v. s., p. 524. 

(«) Neither of the chronicles, No. 4, 5, and 6, in lunes's Appendix, introduces into the series 



Ch.Yl.— The Scots.] f N E T H - B E I T A I N. 291 

equal fei'ocity, of equal valour, and of equal enterprize. Their ambition and 
activity produced many conflicts, which ended in the misery of their tribes. 
In 7] 9 A.D., they both set out in their currachs to invade the territories of 
each other ; and they met off Ardanesse, on the coast of Argyle, when a naval 
battle commenced, which was long maintained with the fury of family con- 
flicts and the gallantry of rival kings. The superior fortune of Duncha, at 
length prevailed over the intrepid skill of Selvach, who was defeated, but not 
subdued (t). So nearly equal was the strength of the rival races of Fergus, 
and of Loarn, and so equally balanced were the powers of mischief in Duncha 
and Selvach, that they continued for some time to contend for pre-eminence ; 
since neither would admit a superior, and scarcely would allow an equal. 
Duncha at length yielded to nature, but not to Selvach, in 721 a.d. {u) ; 
when his sceptre and his sword were assumed by Eocha' III., the son of 
Eocha'-rlneval (x). The rivalry of the two kings continued. At Air-Gialla, 
in 727 A.D., an undecisive conflict was fought between Selvach and Eocha', 
which left their tempers inflamed and their tribes miserable (y). But the 
death of the able and unscrupulous Selvach in 729 a.d. seems to have 
ended for a time the competition of the two houses and the wretchedness of 
their clans (z). In the meantime the enterprize of Selvach attacked the more 
civilized Britons of Strathcluyd. He appears to have defeated them at Lough- 

of the Scottish kings either Selvach or Duncha-beg : they place Eogan, after Ainbhceallach. Neither 
does the Gaelic Bard place either Selvach or Duncha in the royal line. Yet O'Flaherty, on 
the authority of the Irish annals, places Selvach after Ainbhceallach, and Eocha' or Achaius 
after Selvach, but he does not mention the length of their reigns. The Enquirer, 1789, introduces, 
indeed, Selvach after Ainbhceallach, and assigns him -withoiit authority a reign of twenty years. 
He places Eocha' after Selvach, and also gives him without authority a reign of ten years. Enquiry, 
V. ii., p. 120-5. But the facts which are distinctly stated by Tigemaeh, and by the Ulster Annals, 
evince the separate sovereignity of Selvach and Duncha-beg, and demand that they should be placed 
in the series of the kings. 

(t) Tigemaeh, in Ogygia, p. 480 ;• Ulster Annals. 

(«/.) Tigernach, in Ogygia, p. 480 ; Ulster Annals. 

(a;) The Duncha-6e^ of the Ulster Annals is latinized by O'Flaherty into Duncadus-parvu*. 
Donncha is a very common name among the old L'ish. O'Brien. Donchad appears more than 
once in the series of the kings of Ireland. Ogygia, p. 429-33. Donchad occurs frequently 
in the Ulster Annals, and in Tigernach, as an Irish name ; it is a common name among the Scoto- 
Irish to the present day. Duncha-beg was of the Fergusian race of Gomgal, among whom this 
was a family name. Duncha, the grandson of Comgal, was killed, as we have seen, in the battle 
of Loro, A.D. 575-6. The Irish Dunchad is the English Duncan. The Enquirer, 1789, v. ii., 
p. 164, insists that the gracious Duncan of the Scottish history is a Gothic name, from Dun, a fort, 
and Kan, possum, valco ; and the author boasts of this systematic folly as far superior to any Iiish 
etymology. 

(y) Ulster Annals. (i) Id. 

Pp2 



292 AnACCOUNT [Book TL.—The Pictish Period' 

coletli, in 710 ; and at the rock of Mionuire, in 716 a.d. (a). But as their 
several countries wei-e imperviously separated by lochs, defiles, and mountains, 
little advantage seems to have been obtained beyond the gratification of hatred 
or perhaps the obtention of plunder. 

Eocha' III., the son of Eocha' II., who is remembered for his protuberant 
nose, became king of Kintyre and Argyll, as we have seen, on the death of 
Duncha the little. Eocha' was of the Fergusian race of Gauran {h). He had 
to execute the arduous task of maintaining a civil war against such an anta- 
gonist as Selvach. These domestic conflicts seem to have been closed after 
the battle of Air-Gialla, by a commodious compromise, which the safety of 
the tribes may have sought, and the interest of the families dictated. It is cer- 
tain, from the series of the kings, that the two houses of Fergus and Loarn 
furnished a sovereign for the Dalriadinian kingdom by a sort of alternate 
choice, though each several tribe and individual prince yielded but a slight 
obedience to the reigning king. The death of Selvach transferred the govern- 
ment of Loarn to Eocha' ; and from this transfer the whole Scoto-Irish 
kingdom became again vmited in the sceptre of Eocha'. Eocha HI. died in 
733 A.D., after a reign of nine yeai's over Kintyre and Argyll, and of four years 
over all the Dalriadinian tribes. 

He was immediately siicceeded by Muredach, the son of Ainbhceallach, who 
was of the race of Loarn (c). This peaceful succession among a people who 

(o) Ulster Annals. 

(h) This Eoclia' is excluded Trith Selvach, by the Gaelic Bard, from the royal line. OTlaherty, 
however, places him after Selvach. When Tigernach mentions the demise of Eochna' III. he 
speaks of him as the son of Eocha', " Achaius filius Achaij." Ogygia, p. 480. This specifi- 
cation shows the error of those late writers who consider Eocha' as the son of Duncha-beg, 
merely because he succeeded him in the government at a time when there was no regular rule 
of succession but a slight attention to the royal races. OTlaherty even more expressly than 
Tigernach, calls " Achaius III. Achaij II. filius." Ogygia, p. 480 ; and he repeats the same 
position in the Ogygia Vindicated, p. 101. In support of O'Flaherty's genealogy, it may be 
mentioned that Eocha' is a family name of the Gauran race, but not of the Oomgal family. See the 
Chronological Table. In this part of the series the Chronicles in Innes's Appendix, No. 4, 5, and 6, 
place Eogan, who is said by No. 4 to have been the son of Ferchar-fada, and by No. 5 to have been 
the son of Findan, which is obviously a mistake for Ferchar. This Eogan of the Chronicles appears 
plainly to have been the Eocha' of Tigernach, the Ulster Annals, and of O'Flaherty. The filiation of 
Eogan in the Chronicles is undoubtedly wrong, for Ferchar-fada appears to have had only two sons, 
Ainbhceallach and Selvach ; and Tigernach, in speaking of the contest between them, calls them the 
two sons of Ferchar-fada. The mistake of the chroniclers may have arisen by omitting Selvach, the 
younger son of Ferchar, and by applying his filiation to Eogan, the next in the series, who was the 
proper Eocha'. 

(c) Tigernach states the filiation of Muredach very distinctly to be from the house of Loarn. 
Ogygia, p. 480 ; and in this filiation he is confirmed by the Ulster Annals. 



Ch. YL— The Scots:] OfNOETH-BEITAIN. 293 

■were so irascible from nature and so inflamed by collision, seems to intimate 
some previous interposition of the tribes and some subsequent agreement 
among the kings. By the Gaelic Bard he is called Mureadhaigh Mhaith, 
Muredach the good, who now reigned sole monarch of the Dalriadinian terri- 
tories. Soon after his accession events occurred which involved the people 
in devastation and misery. Dungal the son of Selvach, who appeai-s to have 

I inherited the vices without the virtues of his father, was prompted by his 
baseness to invade the island of Culren Rigi, and to carry off" the Pictish 
Forai, the daughter of Brude and the niece of the great Ungus. This aggra- 
vated insult was soon avenged by severe retribution. Dungal meantime con- 
ducted an expedition into Ulster (d), whence he seems to have been repulsed, 
as he soon returned. It was not foreseen that while his fleet sailed westward 
from the shores of Loarn, a storm was gathering in the east that would drench 
the native tribe of Muredach in blood. In 7^6 a.d. Ungus, the enraged king 

I of the Plots, led his army from Strathearn through the passes of the mountains 
into Loarn which he wasted with fire and sword. He seized Duna and burnt 
Creic, two of the strengths of Loarn (e) ; and having taken prisoners the two 
sons of Selvach, Dungal and Feradach, he carried them in fetters to Forteviot 
his capital (/). The rage of Ungus seems to have been thus satisfied. The 
tribe of Loarn was overpowered but not subdued (g). Muredach collected his 
warriors, and followed the track of his foe. A sharp conflict ensued at Cnuic- 
Coirbre, where he was repulsed with great slaughter, and whence he was 
pursued by Talorgan, the brother of Ungus, who commanded the Picts on 
this bloody field (h). Muredach was probably slain in his flight, as he cer- 
tainly died in 736 A.D., after an afflictive reign of three years (t). But this 

(d) Tigemach, in Ogygia, p. 480. 

(e) Duna stood in Mid-lorn, some miles east from Dunolla, wkicli was tlie chief residence of the 
Loam d3masty. See the Map of Loam in Blaeu's Atlas, No. 35. 

(/) Tigernach, in Ogygia, p. 480 ; Ulster Annals. 

((/) This invasion and waste of Loam by Ungus is converted by the systematic wand of the Enquirer, 
1789, into the total destraction of the country, the king, and his race, v. ii., p. 125. This annihila- 
tion he perfomis contrary to his own authorities, to events, and to facts, in order to let into histoiy a 
new system which is to give a Pictish race of kings to the Dalriadinian territories, and finally to make 
the Picts conquer the Scots, instead of the conquest of the Picts by the Scots. For this system truth 
is sacrificed, facts are falsified, and history is perverted. 

(/i) Ulster Annals. 

(i) The Chronicles, No. 4, 5, 6, in Innes's App., and the Gaelic Poem, all place Muredach on 
the throne at this period, and give him a reign of three years. With the epoch of the accession 
of Mui-edach, OFlaherty concurs ; but not so the Enijuirer, 1789, who places this event in 



294 AnACCOUNT [BookTI.— The Fictish Period. 

unsuccessfi.ll war Avith the Picts did not end with his unimportant life. Hosti- 
lities continued against the tribe of Loarn till the princes of this race were so 
depressed, that the Fergusian family gained the ascendancy wliich had been lost 
by the destiny of Donal-breac. 

Eoghan or Ewan, the son of Muredach, seized the fallen sceptre of his 
father in 736 a.d. He had to sustain the destructive enmity of the Picts ; 
and he died in 739 after an insignificant reign of three years. If we were to 
credit recent inquiries, which too often substitute system for truth, we ought to 
relate that Eogan never reigned (a). But chronology demands the period of 
this reign for supplying the precision of its series as well as the length of its 
continuance : and truth requires the sacrifice of system, which would bury 
her consistency amidst the conceits of conjecture and the obscurities of error (b). 

736 A.D., tliougli lie quotes expressly Tigernacli, wHo clearly assigns the sceptre to Muredach 
in 733 A.D. Enquiry, v. ii., p. 12.5. The name of Muredach is variously transformed by 
the several chronicles into Murdauch, Murochat, Murthee, and translated by Fordun and Buchanan 
into Muirdacus, by Boece into Mordacus, by O'Flaherty into Muredachus. By the Ulster Annals the 
same name is called Muireach, the (d) being quiescent ; by the Gaelic Poem, Mureadhaigh ; Muiread- 
hach in Irish is the proper name of a man, it signifies a mariner. O'Brien. The name of Muirechard 
has the same meaning. Muredach, the grandson of Neil, the king of Ii'eland, was the first husband of 
Erca, the daughter of Loarn, as we have seen, by whom she had Muirechard, who was king of Ireland 
from 513 to 534 a.d. Ware's Antiq., p. 19. 

(«) Enquiry, 1789, v. ii., p. 125-7. Disdaining the veracious chronicles, yet copying the Gaelic 
poem, this writer excludes Eogan from the series of the kings between Muredach and Aodh-fin, by 
which rejection he is obliged to make a breach in the chronology, that the three years reign of Eogan 
completely supplies. This name has been variously transformed into Heogan, Ewen, Eugenius. Eogan 
was the name of several great men among the old Irish. Eogan-mor was king of Munster during the 
second century. O'Brien's Diet. Eogan appears to have been a family name among the race of 
Loarn, as the father of Ferchar I. was called Eogan. The son of Neil, the king of Ireland, and the 
father of Muredach, who married Erca, was named Eogan. 

(A) The Chronicles all concur in making Eogan succeed his father Muredach, and in giving 
him a reign of three years. The Gaelic poem introduces anarchy, at the demise of Muredach, 
into the true series of the Scottish kings, till it recognises Dungal, who preceded Alpin. The wildnesa 
of the Gaelic bard is not even countenanced by the L-ish annalists. On the other hand, the 
Chronicles No. 4, 5, and 6 in Innes's App., as well as two other unpublished Chronicles which 
were compiled from quite different documents, all agree in the consistency of the series of the 
Scottish kings, and in the length of their several reigns, from the demise of Mui'edach to the 
accession of Kenneth the son of Alpin. The Chronicles regularly state the filiation of every king, 
with the connection of his predecessors and successors ; and their statements perfectly agree 
with the requisite chronology and the authentic notices of that long period, without the necessity 
of adding, subtracting, or altering a single month. In such coincidences the truth is' always 
found, notwithstanding the perplexities of error arising from design or theory. Not one of the 
supposititious kings of the Gaelic bard — namely. Conal, Constantine, Aongus, and Eogan — appears 



Cli. Nl.—Thc Scots. F N E T H - B E I T A I N . 295 

Aodh-fin, the son of Eocha' III., and the grandson of Eocha'-rineval, succeeded 
Eogan in 739 A.D. The GaeHc bard calls this new king, who was descended 
from Fergus by the race of Gauran, Aodh na Ard-fhlaith, which has been 
loosely translated, "Hugh, the high king." The Gaelic Ard, as applied to 
places, means high ; but, as applied to persons, signifies mighty, great, noble. 
Hugh, the son of Eocha', appears to have merited the bardic epithet of great. 
From this circumstance, as it is corroborated by events, we may perceive 
thi-ough so many obscurities, that the feeble Eogan was hurled from his unstable 
throne by the vigorous rivalry of the great Hugh (c). The Dalriaduiian tribes 

in any of the genealogical chronicles of the Scottish kings, or even in any of the Iiish annals. Those 
fictitious personages were surreptitiously abstracted from the genuine series of the Pictish kings ; 
and from this obscure and scandalous parentage, and from the feigned and odious filiation of 
the bard, did O'Flaherty, and the Enquirer, 1789, adopt this spurious progeny of poetic fiction, 
instead of the real issue of chronicled veracity. Yet is it from this illegitimate source of bardic 
imposition that the Enquirer, 1789, has boiTowed his system of Pictish conquests over Loarn ; 
of Pictish kings for the Scoto-Irish, in the Dalriadinian districts ; and of the conquests of the 
Picts over the Scots, rather than the conquest of the Scots over the Picts. O'Connor, vrho did 
not dislike such flights of fiction in the regions of history, remarked that the derangements of the 
Gaelic poem are visible from 719 to 895 a.d., and gave it as his opinion, that this part of the 
poem must have been coriiipted and modernized. The Enquirer, 1789, declares even while he 
adopts the bardic fictions, '• that many of the errors in the Gaelic poem must be the mistakes of the 
"bard who composed it." Vol. ii., p. 328-9 ; and p. 109 ; where this writer delivers contradictory 
judgments of the Gaelic poem and the ancient Chronicles. He tries to disparage the Chronicles 
because they stood in the way of his system ; and he preferred the fictitious series in the poem, 
because it better suited his purpose of a Pictish dynasty. To effectuate his point he is obliged to 
interpolate the poetic series by adding four kings, three of whom he took from O'Flaherty and the 
Chronicles, and the fourth, Doncorcai, he borrowed from the Dalriadae of Ireland ; and in the same 
spirit of system he assigns to those kings arbitrary reigns of indefinite periods, without attention to 
dates or wan-ant of authorities. Thus with his Harlequin's sword does system hew down into a chaos 
of confusion annals and chronicles, dates and chronology, documents and authorities, events and facts, 
consistency and truth. See the Enquiry, 1789, v. ii., p. 12C-136. 

(c) The veracious Chronicles and the Gaelic poem all concur in stating that Aodh-fin succeeded 
Eogan in 739 a.d., and reigned thirty years ; and these coincidences are copied by O'Flaherty, Innes, 
and the Enquirer, 1789. Though the Chi-onicles equally agree in the filiation of Aodh-fin, which is 
confirmed by circumstances, by showing that Aodh-fin was the grandson of Eocha'-rineval, and a lineal 
descendant of the stock of Fergus, yet doth system interpose to make Aodh-fm a Pictish prince, the 
creature of the great Ungus, who, as we have seen, over-ran Loarn. System, in equal defiance of aU 
the authorities, of every fact, and of various events, makes Ungus annihiliate both the prince and 
people of Loarn (for Argyll and Kintyre he seems not to have Mtacked), and to place a Pictish prince 
in the vacant throne. Enquiry, 1789, v. ii., p. 129-30. Yet the Chronicles No. 4 and 5 in Innes's 
App. distinctly state Aodh-fin as the son of Eocha'-rineval. The genealogy at the end of Chron. No. 4 
in Innes's App. more correctly states Aodh-fin to have been the son of Eocha' HI., who was the son of 



296 An ACCOUNT [Book ll.—T/,e Pictish Period. 

had now at their head a sovereign, who was equal to the crisis of their affairs. 
In 740 A.D., Hugh the Great met the mighty Ungus, the king of the Picts, 
in a doubtful conflict. Such was the issue of this well-fought field, that those 
able sovereigns seem to have declined such hostile collisions during their sub- 
sequent disputes. Ungus, whose sword had borne victory on its edge, died 
in 761 A.D. ; and the tide of success appears to have now turned in favour of 
the Scots against the less fortunate Picts. In that age national power de- 
pended more on the personal character of the princes than the general energies 
of the people. During the reign of Ungus the Picts were transcendant. Dur- 
ing the administration of Aodh-fin the Scots gained the superiority. Yet, of 
that truth uncivilized tribes were unconscious ; and between these neighbour 
nations, ill-will and enmity continued long to produce their consequences of 
alternate attacks and subsequent repulses. The vigour of Aodh-fin at length 
carried warfare into the heart of the Pictish territories. Hostility found his 
destructive course, during those mutual conflicts, through the natural passages, 
from Braid-Alban into Glenurchay and Upper-Loarn. By reversing this hostile 
course Aodh-fin penetrated to Fortren, the Pictish capital in Strathearn, during 
767 A.D. Here, with all his conduct and all his valour, he fought with 
Ciniod the Pictish king a doubtful battle, which left him only the diflicult 
alternative of ruin or retreat (d). The Picts had gathered round their cajaital 
and king, and seizing the defiles of the mountains, had made it almost im- 
possible for Aodh-fin to advance with success or to retreat with safety. By 
great efforts of skill and bravery, he conducted, however, his warriors within 
the passes of Upper-Loarn, where the Picts declined to follow him. He did not 
long outlive this adventurous exploit. After a glorious reign of thirty years he 
died in 767 a.d., leaving his sceptre, but not his sword, to his son Fergus (e). 

Eocha'-rineval, wlio was the son of Domangart. Some of tlie Chronicles probably confounded the 
father with the grandfather of Aodh-fin. But whether he was the son or the grandson of Eocha'- 
rineval, he was alike the lineal descendant of Fergus through the race of Gauran, as the Genealogical 
Table clearly shows. 

{(l) For those conflicts, see the Ulster Annals in the several years 73G, 740, and 767. 

(e) The year 769 is stated by Innes in his MS. Eccles. History as the epoch of the demise 
of Aodh-fin. The Chronological Table evinces the same point. O'Flaherty, who had not the 
benefit of Innes's Chronicles, mistakes this epoch of the demise of Aodh-fin. Ogygia, p. 481. 
The Enquirer, 1789, who seems to have associated more with O'Flaherty than with Innes, places 
the accession of Aodh-fin in 743 a.d. ; but this is a date of fabrication, as there is for it not one 
authority. Aodh-fin is variously denominated by Chronicles Ed-albus and Eda-fin, Heth-fin and 
Het-fin. He is called by Fordun, Etha-find ; by Wyntoun, Hed-white ; and by Buchanan, 
Et-finus. O'Flaherty calls him Aod-fion, corruptly Ethfin. Aodh-fin denotes fair or u-hitehaired 



Cli. Yl.—The Scots']. OfNOETH-BEITAIN. 297 

Contemporary with Aodh-fin, there reigned over the Picts the great Ungus, 
who died in 761; Bredei, wdio died in 763; and Ciniod, who governed till 
775 A.D.; hut witli all the vigour and superiority of Aodh-fin, there still 
ruled, according to the Irish polity, which has been already noticed, a regulus in 
Argyll, and a prince in Lorn. In 746 A.D. died Dunlaing Mac-Dunchon, the 
chief of the tribe of Ardgaill, say the Ulster Annals. Dunlaing was plainly the 
son of the illustrious Duncha-beg, who died in 721. At the end of more than 
half a century, Fiangalach, the son of Dunlaing, was slain in a civil war be- 
tween the rival tribes of Ai'gyll and Loarn (/). These facts evince that this 
enfeebling polity continued to distract and ruin the Dalriadinian kingdom, till 
the final period of its wretched existence. 

Fergus, the son of Aodh-fin, who was of the Fergusian race of Gauran, 
succeeded his father in 769 a.d., and reigned three years {g). His character 
was unessential. The shortness and unimportance of his reign left no events 
for history to narrate, and no instruction for ethics to inculcate. 

Selvach II., the son of Eogan, who was of the ambitious race of Loarn, suc- 
ceeded Fergus in 772 a.d. The want of events during his inefficient govern- 
ment, cast obscurity and unimportance on his reign of four-and-twenty 
years {h). He ceased to govern in 796 A.D., when his sceptre was assumed by 
a prince of a different lineage and of gi'eater fame. 

Aodh. Aodli is a proper name both among tlie Irisli and tlie Scoto-Irish. O'Brien, Maedonald, 
Gaelic Vocab. In English this name is Hugh, which is nearly the pronunciation of the Irish appel- 
lation. The Ii-ish princes seem to have affected the name of Aodh. No fewer than five of the 
supreme kings of Ireland from 572 to 820 a.d. were called Aodh. This name is latinized Aeda, and 
Aldus. Usher Prim., p. 947 ; Ogygia, p. 4.31-3. It was improperly latinized by Ware Edanus. 
Antiq. Hibern., p. 20-22. 

(/) Annals of Ulster, sub An. 799. 

(j) See the Chron. Table. AU the chronicles agree in giving Fergus II. a reign of three years. 
Innes, in his MS. Eccles. Hist., states his death in 772 a.d. The Ulster Annals, indeed, state 
the death of Fergus Mac-Echach, the king of Dalriada, in 780. If the annalist meant Fergus 11., 
who was king of the Dalriadae in Argyll, he certainly mistook the true epoch of his demise. 
There is, in fact, no Eachach in the whole series of the Dalriadinian kings. Perhaps this Fergus 
Mac-Eachach of the Ulster Annals was one of the reguli of Dalriadae in Ireland. In 791 a.d. the 
same Annals record the death of Duncorcai, the King of Dalriadse. Now, the whole Scottish chronicles 
reject such a king ; yet this Duncorcai, who was obviously one of the reguli of the Irish Dalriadae, 
is thrust by the violence of system into the series of the Scottish kings. Enquiry, 1789, v. ii., 
p. 126-7. 

{h) See the Chron. Table. All the chronicles agree that he reigned four-and-twenty years 
from 772 a.d. Innes, in his MS. Eccles. Hist., places the demise of Selvach II. in 796 a.d. 
Yet system, for its own purpose of anarchy, supposes that this Selvach H. may be Selvach L 

Vol. I. Q q 



298 AnAOCOUNT [Book ll.~T/ie Pictish Period. 

Eocha'-annuine, the son of Aodh-fin, who was of the Gauran race of Fergus, 
succeeded Selvach II. in 79G a.d. The Chronicle in the Register of St. An- 
drews, gives him the soubriquet of annuine, and the Colbertine Chronicle the 
epithet venenosus (i). Thus annuine is probably a corruption of the Irish nitnh- 
neach, which, when applied to plants, signifies poisonous, but when applied to 
persons, means peevish or passionate {k). Eocha' IV. is the Achaius of the Latin 
annalists. As the clans were seldom at rest, he found probably, on his accession 
to the Dalriadinian throne, a civil war raging between the tribe of Argyll and 
the tribe of Loarn, which had perhaps proved fatal to his predecessor, Selvach. 
These rival and exasperated families indulged their spirit, and tried their 
strength in 799 A.D. Fiangalach, the son of Dunlaing, fell on the bloody 
field ; Conal, the son of Neill, and Congalach, the son of Aongus, triumphed 
over the tribe of Argyll (/). The feuds of the rival families could neither be 
pacified nor restrained. Aongus, the son of Dunlaing, also met the usual fate 
of savage strife in 812 a.d. («i). Eocha', the superior king, looked with in- 
difference perhaps on those enfeebling feuds, which he probably foresaw would 
end in the degradation of the two emulous tribes of Argyll and Loarn ; and 
his interposition is never mentioned, because it was never felt. Of Eocha, the 
Achaius of Fordun and Buchanan, fiction has feigned that he was ambitious 
of foreign alliances. He is said by fablers to have courted the connection of 
his great contemporary, Charlemagne, which was consolidated by a treaty of 
doubtful existence. This fable was related and received in the last century 
as a fact. In our own times it has been discussed and derided as a fiction, 
though the fact may have applied to the reguli of a neighbouring region (n), 

who died in 729 A.D., wlio Taa.y possibly have been misplaced by all the chronicles. Enquiry, 1789, 
T. ii., p. 133, where the genuine chronology is called a clnldish falsificatiun. The Chron. Elegiaciim. 
in the Chronicle of Melros, which is reprinted in the same Enquiry, p. 830, confirms the three 
chronicles in Innes as to Selvach II. Thus the whole chronicles, which were early compiled 
by different pens, are charged by system with " this pitiful forgery." The chronicles have assigned 
to Selvach the various names of Selvac, Sealvanc, Sealuhanc ; by Wyntoun he is called Sewald ; 
by Fordun, Selwathius ; by Buchanan, Solwathius ; by Tigernach, Selvachus. The proper Irish 
name is Sealbhach ; and Sealbhuigh in the Irish signifies a proprietor or owner. O'Brien's Diet. 
Sealbhach means abounding in cattle, or having many possessions, from Sealbh, signifying cattle, 
possession. Id. 'We must always recoUect that (bh) in the Iiish grammar is pronounced like the 
English (v). 

{i) Innes's Appendix, No. 4 and 5. (k) O'Brien's Diet. 

(/) Ulster Annals. (,«) Id. 

(n) The late Lord Hailes published in 1773 "Remarks on the History of Scotland," wherein 
he shows the supposed alliance of Achaius with Charlemagne to be a positive fiction. He was fol- 



Chap. Yl.—The Scots']. f N E T H - B B I T A I N. 099 

Fable also attributes to this alliance the origin of the well-known double tressure, 
which ornaments the Scottish arms. To Achaius is moreover attributed, by- 
heraldic fallacy, the institution of the most ancient order of the thistle (a). The 
obscurity of the age of Achaius, and the deficiency both of record and of 
annals, left a commodious field for fiction to occupy while in quest of adven- 
tures, which might be embellished with any attributes and transmitted in any 
fable. It was reserved for recent times to affiance criticism with history, which 
is enabled by the union, not only to record events and to inculcate morals, but 
to examine notices and appreciate characters. Achaius entei'ed into a real 
league, which was of more importance to him, to his children, and to his 
country. He married Urgusia, the daughter of Urguis, and the sister both of 
Costantin, who ruled over the Picts from 791 to 821 a.d., and of Ungus, who 
reigned from 821 to 830 (p). This natural alliance enabled Kenneth, the son 
of Alpin, the son of Achaius, to claim and acquire the Pictish sceptre as the 
grandson of Urgusia. Achaius died in 826 a.d., after a prosperous reign of 
thirty years, (q). 

lowed in the same year by the late Lord Elibank with counter remarks, wherein he says, " It would 
" be hard to strip the Scots of the ostentation of this alliance, because that silly declaimer, Hector 
"Boece, has made it the groundwork of fable." Neither of those writers seems to have known that 
the very learned Schoepflin had already decided this controversy against the pretensions of the Scottish 
Achaius in favour of some Irish reguli, and had incidentally freed the Scottish kings from the scandal 
of obeying the will of the munificent Charlemagne for money. Commentationes Historicse, 1751, p. 
392. As system, by following the foolish fictions of the Gaelic poem, had excluded from the true 
series of the Scottish kings this Achaius IV., the same spirit of innovation has assigned over this 
diplomatic fable to Achaius III., who died in 733, though Charlemagne died in 814 a.d. Such is the 
absurdity of system while in pursuit of something new, either for the purpose of theory or for the 
ends of anarchy! See the Enquiry, 1789, v. ii., p. 123. 

(0) Nisbet's Heraldry, v. ii., p. 114. The order of the Thistle was probably established by James 
V. in 1534, obscured by the reformers, and re-established by James VII. in 1687. Hktoire cles Ordres 
Ediyieux et Militaires ; Paris, 1719, torn. 8, p. 388. The double tressure of the Scottish armouries 
is probably of modern origin. See the Works of Armorie, 1597, p. 41. See, however, the title-page 
of Bellenden's Boece, 1541, which consists of the armorial bearings of Scotland most heraldically dis- 
played. Herein may be seen the double tressure, with the fleurs de lis, the collar of the order of the 
Thistle, with St. Andrew on his cross appendant. 

{p) Innes's MS. Eccles. Hist. ; and Grit. Essay, p. 141 ; and for this curious fact he quotes the 
Scottish historians, from Fordun and Boece to Lesley and Buchanan. Probability and events establish 
the fact with more conviction than the mere assertion of uncritical historians. 

iq) See the Chron. Table. All the chronicles concur in saying that Eooha'-annuine was the son of 
Aodh-fin ; that he succeeded Selvach II. in 796, and reigned thirty years. O'Flaherty has given 
Eocha' IV. his appropriate place in the series of the Scottish kings ; and from Irish authorities he shows 
him to have been the son of Aodh-fin. By giving Eocha' IV. this filiation, he confirms the Scottish 
chronicles, which he had never seen. Usher mistakingly states the demise of Eocho' IV., on the 
authority of Boece, in 819, instead of 826 a.d. Primord., p. 715, 1173. 

Qq2 



300 AnACCOUNT [Book II.— The Pictish Period. 

Dunoal, the son of Selvach II., who was of the race of Loam, succeeded 
Eocha IV. or Achaius. Dungal is the last of this powerful family who go- 
verned the Dalriadinian territories. The unimportance of his reign, arising from 
the insignificance of his chai-acter, has bequeathed no events to history, nor any 
instruction to government. He relinquished his sceptre to a different race in 
833 A.D., after a feeble reign of seven years (r). The Gaelic bard has spoken of 
this prince, as flaith Dungal den, King Dungal, the brown ; but Den is pro- 
bably a mistake for Donn, which would, indeed, signify in the Irish dun, or 
brown complexioned. If we might suppose what is more likely, that the bard 
applied to Dungal the epithet Din, this would convey the idea of pleasant or 
agreeable. 

Alpin, the son of Urgusia, and of Eocha'-aunuine lY., who was of the Fergusian 
race of Gauran, succeeded Dungal in 833 (s) ; yet has the filiation of Alpin 
been recently disputed against the clearest evidence by system, for the purpose 
of innovation. The undoubted descent of Alpin may be traced, however, from 
Fergus, the son of Ere, on the obvious information of the whole genealogical 
authorities. The annexed Table will exhibit to the eye, and impress upon the 
understanding of the reader, the true genealogy of the Scoto-Irish kings, as well 
those of the race of Fergus, which separated into the two families of Comgal 
and Gauran, as those of the race of Loarn, who came into the succession in the 
sixth descent. 



(;■) In tlie epoch of tlae accession of Dungal and the length of his reign, all the chronicles concur 
as well as the Gaelic poem ; and this concurrence is adopted by Innes, by O'Flaherty, who mis- 
places him after Muredach, and by the Enquirer, 1789, who mistakes his filiation, as if he could be 
the son of Selvach I. that died in 729 a.d. But system again interposes in order to promote its own 
objects. For this unlawful end it accuses the veracious chronicles of making this Dungal, the last of 
the Loam kings, the same as Dungal the son of Selvach I., who was put in chains in 739 [736 a.d.]. 
Enquiry, 1789, v. ii., p. 134. But the chronicles make no such interpolation as the charge against 
them supposes. They do not so much as mention Dungal the son of Selvach I., because this Dungal 
was never king. 

(«) All the ancient chronicles concur in stating that Alpin the son of Eocha'-annuine succeeded 
Dungal in 833 a.d. Innes's App. The filiation and descent of Alpin, which are so distinctly stated 
in the ancient chi-onicles, is expressly confirmed by O'Flaherty, who had not the lights of these chroni- 
cles, and di-ew up his genealogical series from the Irish authorities. Ogygia, p. 481 ; and Ogygia 
Vindicated, p. 117. Thus the genuine chronicles evince Alpin to have been the son of Eocha'-annuine 
IV., the son of Aodh-fin, the son of Eocha' III., the son of Eocha' -rineval, the son of Domangart, the 
son of Donald-breac, the son of Eocha'-bui, the son of Aidan, the son of Gauran, the son of Doman- 
gart, who was the son of Fergus. 



Ch. VI.— The Scots.^ 



Of NOETH-BEITAIN. 



301 



A GENEALOGICAL TABLE, showing the several descendants of Ere, the common progenitor of 
those princes who held the Scoto-Irish sceptre from a.d. 503 to 843 ; and exhibiting the three 
distinct races who niled over the Dah-iadinian territories during that long period. 



Erc, the sou of Eocha, died in 474 a.d. 



LoARN, the son of Ere, reigned 
contemporaneously with Fer- 
gus, and his progeny furnished 
the nine following kings to 
the Scoto-Irish. 



9. Feechae I., the Son of Eogan, 
and the si.\th in descent from 
Loarn, reigned from 621 to 637. 



12. D0NGAL began to reign with 
Conal II., anno 642. 

I 



15. Feechae-fada, the grandson 
of Ferchar I., reimed from 
anno 681 to 702. ^ 

I -' 



6 



17. AlNBHCEALACH, the son of 
Ferchar - fada, reigned from 
anno 705 to 706. 

I 



18. Selvach, the son of Ferchar- 
fada, reigned from anno 706 to 
729 1 



21. MuEEDACH, the son of Ain- 
bhcealach, reigned from 733 to 
736. 



22. EoGAN, the son of Muredaoh, 
reigned from 736 to 739. 



25. Selvach II., the son of Eogan, 
reigned from 772 to 796. 
I 



27. DuNGAL, the son of Selvach II. 
reigned from 826 to 833. 



Angus, the son of 
Erc. 



1. Feegus, the son of Erc, reigned from 
503 to 506 A.D. 

I 



2. DoMANGAET, the son of Fergus, reigned 
from 506 to 511. 
I 



3. CoMGAL, the son of Doman- 
gart, reigned from 511 to 535. 

I 



5. CoNAL, the son of Comgal, 
reigned from 557 to 571. 

11. Conal II., the grandson of 
Conal I., reigned from 642 to 
652. I 



13. DoNALD-DUiN, the son of Co- 
nal II. , reigned from 652 to 665. 



14. Maolduin, the son of Conal 
II., reigned from 665 to 681. 



19. DuNCHA-BEO, the son of Dom- 
nal, the grandson of Conal, and 
the great - grandson of Maol- 
duin,;reigned over Kintyre and 
Argyll, while Selvach reigned 
over Loam ; and died 720 a.d. 



4. GAnRAN, the son of Domangart, 
reigned from 535 to 557. 

* , 

6. AiDAN, the son of Gauran, 
reigned from 57 1 to 605. 

7. Eocha'-bui, the son of Aidan, 
reigned from 605 to 621. 



. Kenneth-cear, the son of 
Eocha'-bui, reigned 3 months, 
anno 621. | 



10. Donal-breac, the son of 
Eoeha'-bui, reigned from 637 
to 642. I 



16. Eocha'-rineval, the son of 
Domangart, and the grandson 
of Donal-breac, reigned from 
702 to 705. I 



20. Eocha' III., the son nf Eocha'- 
rineval, reigned from 720 to 733. 
I 

23. AoDH-FiN, the son of Eocha' 
III., reigned from 739 to 769. 



24. Fergus II., the son of Aodh- 
fin, reigned from 769 to 772. 



26. Eocha'-annuine, the son of 
Aodh-fin, reigned from 796 to 
826. I 



28. Alpin, the son of Eocha'- 
annuine, reigned from 833 to 
836. I 

I 

29. Kenneth, the son of Alpin, 
reigned over the Scots from 
836 to 843. 



302 AnAOCOUNT [Book II— The Pictish Period. 

Alpin probably derived his name, which has obscured history and misled 
inquiry, from his mother Urgusia, a Pictish princess {t). Over the Plots 
reio'ned contemporary with Alpln, Drest the son of Constantin, his cousin, 
and Talargan, who disputed Constautln's authority. Alpin would naturally 
support his relation, who appears to have prevailed over his antagonist. The 
sati-acity of Alpln seems to have perceived the weakness of his neighbours 
beyond the Clyde, and his ambition appears to have prompted a desire to reign 
over richer people and more extensive domains. In 836 A.D. he set sail from 
Klntyre, and landed on the coast of Kyle within the bay of Ayr. According to 
the odious practice of a savage age, he laid waste the country between the Ayr 
and Doon, before the people and their chiefs could meet him in conflict. Fol- 
lowing the course of those rivers he penetrated to the ridge which separates Kyle 
from Galloway, and here he me*t his appropriate fate, during a sharp struggle, 
from the obscure weapon of an enraged chief near the site of Laicht-castle, 
which derived its singular name from the stone of Alpin. His grave-stone was 
still known and recognized three centuries and a half after he had finished 
his career, and left his claims to his more fortunate successor (u). Yet is Alpin 

(t) In addition to the Soottisli clironicles and Irish authorities before mentioned, the filiation of 
Alpin is confirmed by the genealogy at the end of the Colbertine Chronicle, in Innes's App., p. 795 ; 
and by the genealogy which was repeated by the bard, at the Coronation of Alexander III., 
in 1249. Major, p. 151. The same filiation is confirmed by another genealogy, which was drawn 
up in the reign of David I., who died in 1153. Malcolm's Col., p. 3. The Chronicon of Dunblane, 
which is quoted in Innes's MS. Col., concurs with all these authorities. O'Flaherty intimates, 
indeed, that the genealogy of David I. up to Fergus the son of Ere, is still to be found in the 
well-known book of Leoan, in Trinity College, Dublin. Ogygia Vindicated, p. 141-147. The 
Scottish historians, from Fordun to Buchanan, agree in making Alpin the son of Eocha'-annuine, 
the son of Aodh-fln : and see the stemmas, or Genealogical Trees, No. iii. and iv. in Lesley's Hist., 
Eom. Edit. Add to all those invincible authorities the Chronicon Elegiaoum, in the Chronicle 
of Melrose, which concurs with them, in Gale, v. i., p. 595, and republished in the Enquiry, 1789, 
V. ii., p. 330. Yet the author of this Enquiry asserts that "the name of the father of Alpin, the 
father of Kenneth, is lost beyond all recovery." lb., p. 132. Here system again interposes to annihi- 
late, by a stroke of theory, the obvious genealogy of Alpin, in order to let in the novelty of a Pictish 
succession. For this perversion all authorities are hewn down by the magic of prejudice ; all history 
is by it perverted ; events are displaced, and facts perverted ; and, by this ovei-powering necromancy, 
the veracious chronicles are transformed into cltildish falsifications, and the real genealogies mio pitiful 
forgeries. lb., p. 133-35. 

(w) With regard to the time, place, and circumstance of the death of Alpin, the last of the 
Scoto-Irish kings, two accounts have been given : one of fact, and another of fiction. (1.) That 
Alpin died in 836 a.d., after a reign of three years, the ancient chronicles seem generally to agree. 
(2.) The Register of St. Andrews is the most ancient voucher for the death of Alpin in Gallo- 
way, after much devastation : '• Alpin fil. Heoghed-annuine 3 an : Hie occisus est in Gallewathia, 



Ch. YL.—The Scots.-] f N OE T H - B E I T A I N . 303 

supposed by Scottish history, to have fallen in asserting his title to the Pictish 



"postquam earn penitus destruxit et devastavit." Tirnes's App., p. 798. The Chronicon of Dunblane, 
which belonged to Professor Ker of Aberdeen, and which is recited by Innes, in his MS. Collections, 
says : " Alpin fil. Heoohed-annuine 3 an. regnavit rex ; et occisus est in Galivithia postquam earn 
penitus devastavit : Et tunc translatum est regnum Scotorum in regnum Piotorum." Wyntoun, who 
had plainly his eye on the Eegister of St. Andrews, says of Alpin : 

" He wan of ware all Galloway ; 
" There, was he slayne, and dede away : 
" Aught hundyr w3mter fourty and thre 
" Aftyr the blyst nativitie." 

Fordun, book iv., ch. ii., mentions the death of Alpin, but not the place where that event happened. 
Major also mentions the death of Alpin, but not the place of his interment. 4to ed., p. 18. We 
come now to the evidence of record. The foundation charter of the town of Ayr by William, in 1197, 
when describing the limits of its exclusive trade, calls for Lacht- Alpin, the stone or grave of Aipin, as 
one of the distinguishing boundaries. Lacht-Ah^va gave rise to the name of an estate, after the Scoto- 
Irish language, in which XeacAi-Alpin signifies the grave-stone of Alpin, was no longer understood in 
Ayrshire ; and hence the names in Bleau's map of Ayrshire, No. 19, of Laicht-oasile, Over-Laichf, 
and Nether-iai!c7i<, in the parish of Dalmellington. These most significant names were left out of the 
late map of the same shire by Armstrong ; but upon inquiry at the place, I find that those expressive 
appellations, which will never be forgotten, are now perfectly known. A letter, from an intelligent 
friend in Dalmellington, informs me : " There are still the remains of an old castle at a place called 
" Laicht, in this parish, about two miles north-north-west of this village : It was much demolished by 
"the proprietor in the year 1771, in order to enclose some ground: It stands on the brink of a very 
" deep glen, and was of great strength ; and the workmen had much difficulty in demolishing it : There 
" are two farms there that still bear the name of Over, and Nether, Laicht." The same intelligent 
friend remarks that there is in the parish a tradition of a battle having formerly been fought in that 
vicinity. The late Mr. Macmyne, the minister of Dalmellington, relates, in his Statistical Account, 
" that there are some cairns, or tumuli, in the parish, which indicate that a battle had been at some 
time there fought." Another very intelligent friend has assured me that there is, near the village of 
Dalmellington, a remarkable barrow of a very perfect fonn. Thus the Eegister of St. Andi-ews. the 
Charter of Ayr, which calls for the grave-stone of Alpin as a well-known boundary, the old castle 
of Laicht, the tradition of a conflict, the remaining tumuli, all concur to show the remarkable place 
where Aljjiu, the father of Kenneth, found repose from the turmoils of savage life, and left a 
grave-stone to perpetuate the remembrance of the fact. (2.) On the contrary, fiction, in the per- 
son of Boece, recounts a very different tale. Bellenden's Boece, fo. 89. The death of Alpin is 
said to have happened in a battle with the Picts near Dundee, where he was taken and beheaded. 
This story is retold by Buchanan, and by the other perverters of the Scottish history, down to 
Guthrie. The Statistical Account of Liff parish, wherein the battle is supposed to have been 
fought, near a place called Pit-alpif, and in former times Bas-alpin, gives its additional testimony. 
The £as-alpin, we are to understand, signifies, in the Irish language, the death of Alpin. Now 
the fact is, that Elpin reigned along with Drest over the Picts, from 725 to 730, when a civil 
war raged with great violence among that people. To this warfare Drest fell a victim in 728 ; and 



304 A N A C C U N T [Book Yi.—The Pktish Period. 

throne after the death of his cousin Uven, in right of his mother Urgusia (,r). 
But this supposition is inconsistent with events, and is rejected by chronology. 
The succession to Uven did not open to Alpin, as he fell in 839, three years 
before the demise of Uven in 839 a.d. 

Kenneth, the son of Alpin, succeeded his father in 836 a.d. The Gaelic 
bard characterizes this prince as Chionaoith Chruaidh, Kenneth, the hardy. 
His enterprize evinces that the vigour of his mind was properly supported by 
the hardihood of his body. His several invasions on the south of the Clyde, 
sliow what probability suggests, that he severely avenged the fate of his fa- 
ther (a). He seems to have depressed to their proper level the races of Argyll 
and Loarn, which were already weakened by civil war. Nor was he inattentive 
to the conflicts among the Picts beyond Drum-Alban. While oppressed by 
their feebleness, the natui-al efi;ects of their civil conflicts, the Pictish people 
were at this period harassed by the invasions of the Danish Vikingr (b) ; 
and the demise of Kenneth's relation, Uven, the Pictish king, after a disti'acted 
reign of three years, opened the prospect of his succession in 839 a.d. The 
view, however, of Kenneth, to the succession of his grandmother Urgusia, 
was obstructed by Wred, the son of Bargoit, who retained the Pictish sceptre 
during three disastrous years (c). But the enterprize and power and valour 
of Kenneth wrested that ancient sceptre from the feeble hand of Wred, the 
last of the Pictish kings, in 843 a.d., after Kenneth had reigned over the Scots 
seven active years (d). Yet has system supposed that the Picts rather sub- 
dued the Scots than were subdued by their Scoto-Irish rivals. For this theory 
tradition is contradicted, history is opposed, and truth is outraged. There are 
two moral certainties which forbid the adopting of this theory, or the believing 

after several bloody battles, in wbioh Elpin and his party were worsted, he at last fell before the supe- 
rior force of Ungus, in 730 a.d., at a place in the parish of Liff, in Forfarshire, which, from that 
circumstance, has been named Bas-elpin, and Pit-elpie. See the Hist, of the Picts, ch. i., p. 196. It 
is thus apparent that Boece, Bellenden, Buchanan, and other fablers, have confounded the Pictish 
Elpin, who fell in 730 a.d. at Bas-Elpiii, in Forfarshire, with the Scoto-Irish Alpin, who fell, more 
than a century afterwards, at Laicht-Alpin in Ayrshire. 
{x) Innes's Grit. Essay, p. 141. 

(a) The Colbertine Chron. in Innes's Grit. Essay, p. 783; Enquiry, 1789, v. ii., p. 160. 

(b) Ulster Annals. And see Book iii., ch. i. 

(c) The Pictish Chronicle, in Innes's Grit. Ess., p. 781-2, 801 ; Register of St. Andiews, in Innes, 
p. 798 ; Ghron. Eyth. in Innes, p. 812-13. 

(fZ) Chron. Table. The ancient chronicles concur in this length of reign ; and Innes has fol- 
lowed them, in his Chronica Accurata, The Gaelic Poem extends the reign of Kemieth over the 
Scots and Picts to thirty years. O'Flaherty restrains this elongation to twenty years ; to four 



Ch. Yl.— The Scots.-] f N R T H - B E I T A IN. 305 

of that system ; it is morally certain that the language which was spoken by 
the people on the north of the Clyde and Forth was Cambro-British, till the 
close of the Pictish period in 843 A.D. ; it is also morally certain that the 
prevailing language within the same countiy, throughout the Scottish jaeriod 
from 843 to 1097 A.D., was the Scoto-Irish, the speech of Kenneth and his 
people (e). 

Such is the genuine history of the Scoto-Irish kings of Kintyre, Argyll, and 
Loarn ! It is a sort of historical miniature of the annals of their Irish progeni- 
tors ; and the events which compose the history of both, are the necessary 
consequences of the polity that had governed the people of both from the 
most early period of the Scottish history. The sovereignty of the kingdom of 
Ireland was subdivided into a pentarchy, which left four provincial kings to dis- 
pute the monarchy of the fifth {/). This pentarchy existed, certainly, before 
the epoch of the Irish emigration to North-Britain. From such a form of go- 
vernment, during savage times, what could be the consequences but civil war, 
frequent assassinations, and perpetual anarchy (g) ! The Scoto-Irish colonists 
appear to have introduced within the Dalriadinian kingdom, a similar constitu- 
tion. The Jlaiths, or princes of three races, constantly contended with the 
general sovereign for superiority or exemption ; and the Dalriadinian history 
is little more than the instructive narrative of their contests and changes, of 
their bloody conflicts and their wretched confusions. In the succession, both 
of the kings and of the chieftains, the dlighe-tanaiste, or law of Tanistry, ap- 

over tlie Scots, and sixteen years over the Picts. The name of this powerfiol prince is Kinedus in the 
Chronicle No. 4 in Innes's Appendix, Cinacha in the Genealogy No. 4 in the same Appendix, Kinath 
in the Chron. No. 5, Kinadius in the Pictish Chronicle, Chionaoith in the Gaelic Poem, Kenethus in 
Fordun ; and Kennethus in Buchanan. This is obviously the same name as Kenneth-cear before-men- 
tinned, though system supposes thorn to be different. This name, under different forms, is both Pictish 
and Scottish ; yet system, in support of an absurd theory, maintains this appellation to be Gothic. 
Enquiry, 1789, v. ii., p. 163. 

(e) See Book iii.. ch. xi., for proofs of those moral certainties. The Scots I have found, while 
searching the chartularies, in the very act of changing the Pictish language within the Pictish 
dominion. When we see the Scots substitute their own Inver for the British Abcr. both the words 
signifying the same thing, it is a demonstration that the Cambro-British speech preceded the 
Scoto-Irish. 

(/) Leland's Hist. Prelim. Dis., p. 7. Cotr/e in Irish signifies the Jtfth part of any thing. Hence 
C'oiffe became the term for province, because L'eland was divided into five territories or provinces, 
so " Cuig coige na Heirion," the five provinces of Ireland. O'Brien, in Vo. Coige. The subsequent 
fact of there being five provinces till recent times evinces the previous policy of ancient ages, which we 
see confii-med in the very language of the old Irish people ; so also Coiye-adliach means a provincial. 
O'Brien, in Vo. 

(g) See Cox's Apparatus to the History of Leland. 
Vol. I. E r 



306 AnACCOUNT Book II.— [T/zc PictUh Period. 

pears to have been generally followed. The person in the family, whether a 
son or a brother, who seemed best qualified, either from abilities or experi- 
ence to exercise authority, was fixed upon by tlie tribe for the succession to 
the sovereign or the chief. It is apparent, however, from the history both of 
Ireland, and of Argyll, that during the life of the reigning king an heir pre- 
sumptive was chosen under the name of Taniste, who commanded the army dur- 
ing the monarch's life, and succeeded him after his demise, according to the 
established law (h). Much of the dignity of the monarch was supported by 
the voluntary contributions of the princes and chiefs, which were paid in 
cattle, in clothes, and utensils. The monarch was obliged to purchase the sup- 
port and service of the princes and chiefs by similar presents. For these 
they entertained the sovereign in his journeys, and served him in his wars, at 
least, during a stated period (0- In civil compacts, which were so feeble and 
admitted of so much cavil, we may perceive what the history of the two people 
evinces — the imbecility of the sovereign, and the weakness of the society ; the