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Vol. IV. 










And to be purchased, either directly or through any Bookseller, from 
EIRE axd SPOTTISWOODE, East Habdiho Street, Fleet Steeet, E.G. ; or 
JOHN MENZIES & Co., 12, Haeoveb Steeet, Edlbbubgh, and 

90, Wbst Nile Steeet, Glasgow ; or 
HODGES, FIGGIS, & Co., Limited, 104, Geajton Steeet, Dublin. 




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vii to lxviii 


I to 744 

General Index 

745 to 782 

i 95498. 

a 3 



The manuscripts calendared in this, the fourth, volume 
of Spanish State Papers relating to England of the reign 
of Elizabeth are derived from the same sources as those 
summarised in the third volume ; namely, the correspon- 
dence and reports of Spanish ambassadors, agents, and other 
officers, existing in the Archives at Simancas and amongst 
the papers abstracted therefrom, and now preserved in 
the Archives Rationales in Paris, with the addition of 
a few documents from the British Museum and other 
national depositories, in cases where it was considered 
that they might fill a gap or usefully supplement the 
information contained in the main series. 

A system of somewhat closer condensation of many 
of the manuscripts having been adopted, more precise 
marginal references than in previous volumes have been 
given ; but as in nearly every case the original manuscript 
has been transcribed by. the editor himself, it is hoped that 
no point of importance with regard to England has been 
omitted. This process of greater condensation has been 
rendered necessary by the fact, that all direct diplomatic 
relations between England and Spain having ceased, the 
references to English affairs are often contained inci- 
dentally in documents mainly relating to other subjects. 
Care, however, has been taken, whilst eliminating as 
far as possible such matter as referred solely to foreign 
countries, to retain almost literally everything of im- 
portance likely to interest students of English history. 
With exception of a small number of papers concerning 
Scottish history contained inM. Teulet's selection from the 

a 4 


Paris Archives, printed in French by Bannantyne Club, 
and a few others concerning the Armada which have been 
produced in Spanish by Captain Fernandez Duro, practically 
the whole of the contents of this volume are now printed 
for the first time. 

So long as Bernardino de Mendoza remained Spanish 
ambassador in Paris his great knowledge of English 
affairs and persons, as well as his active hatred of the 
country from which he had been so ignominiously expelled 
by Elizabeth, caused all important correspondence and 
negotiations relating to England to pass through his 
hands ; and his papers in Paris furnish full material for a 
knowledge of events. But in the spring of 1591 his great 
diplomatic career ended in disappointment and defeat, and 
thereafter the English papers at and from Simancas grow 
scanty. The editor has utilised such documents as he 
could find, especially the correspondence and reports 
between Spain and the Irish and Scottish Catholics, and the 
minutes of the Spanish Privy Council when it deliberated 
on British affairs ; but a state of war existed between the 
two countries during the rest of Elizabeth's life ; Spanish 
spies were jealously expelled from England, and such com- 
munication as existed was carried on through the Spanish 
governors of Flanders. In these circumstances it will be 
understood that the invaluable and copious Spanish diplo- 
matic correspondence, which has done so much to illuminate 
English Tudor history, was practically suspended from 
1590 to 1603, and to illustrate that period it has been 
necessary to search for stray papers amidst the multitudi- 
nous departments and in the confused bundles which form 
the famous Archives in the mediaeval Castle of Simancas. 
Interesting and extremely valuable, therefore, as are the 
hitherto unknown manuscripts relating to the last years of 
Elizabeth's reign now published in this calendar, they lack 


the continuity, and completeness which ch^racteri^ £» 
correspondence up to the end of 1590. 

At the beginning of the year 1587, when the papers in 
the present volume commence, all the signs foretold the 
rapid approach of the great crisis towards which events 
had inevitably tended during the preceding half-century. 
The rise of Protestantism, which had alienated England 
from her ancient friendship with Spain and the House of 
Burgundy, had not for many years been accompanied by 
any change in the political community of interests which 
of necessity bound the two countries together. Spain had 
seen her commerce well nigh destroyed, her territories 
violated, her citizens robbed and murdered, and her 
ambassadors insulted, without daring to resent such 
treatment by declaring open war upon England, and so 
driving the latter country into the arms of France. Nor 

could England, notwithstanding the treatment of her 
Protestant subjects by Spain, afford to enter into any 
combination which should weaken her ancient ally, with the 
result of strengthening in Flanders the French influence, 
which was already traditionally paramount in Scotland. 
But the great religious upheaval of the Reformation 
and the spread of Protestantism was certain, sooner or 
later, to bring about a new grouping of political interests ; 
and over the permanency or otherwise of these fresh 
affinities the armed struggle which was to decide the fate 
of Europe was necessarily fought. 

The principal contributory cause which had precipitated 
the crisis was the proximate extinction of the male line 
of Valois, with the consequent heirship to the crown of 
France of the Huguenot Henry of Navarre. So long as 


France remained a Catholic country it was certain that 
England would form no enduring alliance with her to the 
detriment of Spain, for England would suffer irreparably, 
both in Scotland and Flanders, by the concessions which 
would certainly have to be made to France in return for 
such an alliance. But the probability of France severing 
her connection with the Papacy by the accession of the 
Huguenot entirely changed the prospect. The reform 
party in England, led by Leicester and Walsingham, had 
on the strength of this probability forced the Queen into 
a more open national hostility to Spain than under the 
cautious guidance of Lord Burghley she had hitherto 
assumed ; and her ostentatious protection of the revolted 
Netherlands was the first outcome of the changed aspect 
of affairs. With the Netherlands under her protection, 
and a Protestant king of France owing his crown largely 
to her aid, Elizabeth knew that she would have nothing 
to fear, and a great Protestant confederacy which united 
the Lutherans of Germany and Holland, the Huguenots of 
France, and the Calvinists of Scotland under the leadership 
of Protestant England would have been strong enough to 
dictate terms to the Papacy itself, and to render innocuous 
the might of Spain. 

This was the looming possibility which threatened 
complete ruin to the laboriously constructed system of 
Spanish dominion, and drove sluggish Philip, after thirty 
years' hesitation, to fight to the death. He fought in a 
variety of ways, and made use of many instruments. The 
ambition of the Guises in France for themselves, and in 
England for their kinswoman Mary Stuart, was carefully 
and cautiously encouraged by the Spanish King for his 
own objects, leading him to the subornation of numberless 
plots which, at the end of 1586, had brought the Queen 
of Scots within sight of the block. The consummate 


cunning with which Philip and his agents had lured the 
Guises into his toils by means of alternate smiles and 
frowns ; how Henry III. had been paralysed by fears of 
Guisan encroachment from helping England in her hour 
of need ; how the Scottish Catholics had been beguiled into 
a position which ensured the impotence of James VI.; 
and how, finally, Mary Stuart had been so dealt with 
as to induce her to disinherit her son, and bequeath 
her rights to the English crown to Philip of Spain, has 
been detailed in the third volume of this Calendar. 
Gradually all the lines which were intended to pull down 
the edifice of the Reformation, and perpetuate Spain's 
arrogant claim to overawe the world, had been gathered 
into the hands of the toiling old recluse in his far-away 
granite palace in the Castilian mountains. Each interest 
had been silently and separately dealt with, and tricked 
into the position which suited Philip's ends ; for he would 
take no risks if he could help it, and aspired to imitate 
the action of natural forces in the slow and insensible 
accumulation of power which at the supreme moment 
might be used by the master hand to crush all opposition. 
When at length the stealthy plotting had reached 
fruition; when Elizabeth saw herself isolated, with 
Henry III. and James VI. powerless; when the Pope 
and the Cardinals understood how the church and the 
painfully collected treasures of St. Angelo were to be the 
humble servants of Spain's political interests ; when the 
Guises found that they and their kin were to be excluded 
from all share of the English prize ; and even the English 
Catholics of the more moderate and patriotic sort awoke 
in dismay to the knowledge that their religion and their 
hatred of the Scots were being used as a stalking horse 
to forward a foreign conspiracy against the independence 
of their country ; then each separate interest struggled, in 


its own fashion, to free itself from the toils in which the 
diplomacy of Philip had involved it. The first two 
hundred and fifty pages of this volume are largely taken 
up by documents relating to these struggles to dispel the 
impending danger, and to Philip's efforts to maintain his 
plans and combinations intact, in the face of the un- 
expected delay entailed by his vast preparations for 
conquering England, 

Father Allen and his seminary, as well as the English 
Jesuit organization under Pather Robert Persons, had 
entirely gone over to the side of Spain ; but the English 
Carthusians and Catholic secular priests, led by Dr. Owen 
Lewis, bishop of Cassano, and the Carthusian bishop of 
Dunblane, had coalesced with the Guise party and the 
Scottish Catholics at the Vatican, with the object of 
persuading the Pope and the Cardinals that England 
might be brought into the Catholic fold under James VI., 
or perhaps even as some suggested by the conversion of 
Elizabeth, without a Spanish domination of the country 
which would alter the balance of power in Europe. It 
was the duty of Olivares, the Spanish ambassador in 
Home, to frustrate the efforts of this party, and to keep 
the Pope up to the mark in fulfilling the pledges into 
which he had been so artfully entrapped by Olivares and 
the Spanish Cardinals. The process by which this was 
effected is vividly exhibited in the letters from Olivares 
to the King, on pages 1, 3, 9, 19, 38, and 43, and by 
Allen and Melino's * (Persons ?) addresses to Olivares 
on page 41. 

Whilst this intrigue for and against the patriotic English 
and Scottish Catholic view was progressing in Rome and 

* Although I have not been able to prove it conclusively, there is but 
small doubt in my mind that Melino was one of Persons' numerous 
assumed names. Its use, however, was only continued for a very short 

rSTBO& VC TlON. xiii 

Paris, Elizabeth and Lord 3otShley B party of Conservatives 
and moderate Catholics in England had also taken fright at 
the approaching peril, and wore endeavouring to revert to 
their traditional policy, from which the Queen, greatly 
to her annoyance, had been forced by Leicester and the 
• c Puritans." This was an extremely difficult and delicate 
task, for the hands of the Leicester party had been greatly 
strengthened by the Babington plot and Mary's connection 
therewith ; Parliament and the public were in a fever of 
indignation, clamouring for the imprisoned Queen's head, 
and any open attempt on the part of Burghley and the 
Conservatives to appease the Catholics by sparing her life 
would still further have weakened the influence of the 
Lord Treasurer. It was therefore determined that Mary 
Stuart must be sacrificed to satisfy the demands of the 
now dominant extreme Protestant party in England ; and 
the object of the Queen and Burghley was to consum- 
mate this sacrifice, whilst at the same time cautiously 
attempting to come to some modus vivendi with Philip, 
and preventing Henry III. of France and James VI. of 
Scotland from avenging the death of the Queen of Scots 
by joining Spain against England. The methods by which 
this complicated political manoeuvre was attempted are 
most curiously illustrated in the letters now before us. 
First the almost hopeless effort to propitiate Philip was 
made by the release of Raleigh's prisoner Sarmiento de 
Gamboa, who was sent with all sorts of amiable messages 
to Spain (page 1) ; although the unfortunate emissary was 
captured and held to ransom by the Huguenots on his 
way through France, to the delight of Leicester and to the 
annoyance of Burghley. The greatest of pains, too, were 
taken to convince Philip, indirectly through Burghley's 
friend, Sir Edward Stafford, the English ambassador in 
France — who was in the pay of Spain — that the Lord 


Treasurer and his party were opposed both to the sacrifice 
of Mary Stuart and to the English national protection of 
the revolted Netherlands (page 7). Henry HI., — whose 
powerless condition is strongly reflected in his inability to 
rescue Sarmiento from the clutches of Henry of Navarre 
(page 5). — was cleverly disarmed by the sending of Sir 
Henry Wotton to him with irrefutable evidence that 
Mary Stuart had entirely embraced Spanish interests, 
and had made Philip her heir. Chateauneuf , the French 
ambassador in England, was a servant of the Guises, and him 
Elizabeth could safely flout,* whilst Henry's special envoy, 
Belltevre, made it plain by his half-hearted pleading, that 
the French King would not, even if his cousin of Navarre 
had allowed him, lift a finger to avenge the death of Mary 
Stuart by helping to put a Spanish monarch on the 
throne of England. James of Scotland might be treated 
with less diplomacy than the king of France. The 
Master of Gray, his chief adviser, had sold himself to 
Elizabeth ; and the traitor Archibald Douglas represented 
Scotland at the English Court. The Guisan agents and 
the Scottish Catholic nobles — servants of Philip almost to 
a man — tried to arouse James 9 indignation at the mortal 
peril of his mother in the bands of Elizabeth. But to 
James his mother was no more than a name, so far as 
filial duty was concerned. He knew that she had 
disinherited him, and that her restoration by Spanish 

* As a further means of discrediting him and the Guises in the eyes of 
Henry III., a most elaborate pretence of implicating him in the so-called 
plot, of Moody, Destrappes, and young Stafford, to kill the Queen was made. 
The development of this intrigue may be followed closely by reading 
the references to it in pages 13, 17, 39, 59, et seq. As soon as it became 
necessary for Elizabeth to counteract the proposed reconciliation of Henry III 
and the Guises, and the dominance of Morton and the Catholics in the 
councils of James VI., she made a characteristic amende to Chateauneuf 
and confessed that she had been wrong in suspecting him (page 82). 




pikes would mean his own deposition or death* The 
great inheritance of England, too, was artfully dangled 
before his eyes (page 29), and by the time the Master of 
Gray and Sir William Keith left London on their return 
to Scotland at the end of January 1587, Elizabeth was quite 
easy in her mind about James Stuart ; notwithstanding 
Sir Robert Melvil's spirited protest (page 16) against the 
treatment of the Queen of Scots. 

But whilst Burghley and his party were thus striving 
to appease Philip, and to conjure away the dangers into 
which the advanced policy of Leicester and the " Puritans " 
had drawn the Queen, the latter party were equally 
strenuous in their efforts to precipitate the great national 
conflict in which they eagerly anticipated a crowning 
victory for Protestantism, and the final overthrow of the 
inflated claims of Spain. The Queen, as usual, was 
fractious with them when it came to the point of spending 
national resources, and facing immeasurable responsibilities 
by openly declaring war against her life-long enemy ; and 
Leicester had to proceed with much duplicity and finesse. 
Philip's own great preparations were now too far advanced 
to be concealed, and it was evident that some special 
effort would have to be made by England to frustrate 
them. In order that this might be done without further 
provoking Philip, Leicester and his friends again brought 
forward Don Antonio, the Portuguese pretender, of whom 
much was said in the third volume of this Calendar ; and 
ostensibly for the furtherance of his claims, Drake's great 
naval preparations were made. How cleverly this fact 
was used, even by Burghley, Stafford, and the Howards, to 
hoodwink Philip, and yet to make him believe that they 
were opposed to Don Antonio's plans, may be seen in 
Mendoza's letter on page 8. Charles Arundell, who 
was the intermediary between the ambassador Stafford 


and Mendoza, came to the latter with a message saying 
that the Lord Admiral's Secretary had arrived in Paris, 
giving particulars of Don Antonio's proposed expedition, 
which, however, it was believed was not destined for 
Portugal, hut for the Indies. This apparent act of treachery 
against England, whilst gaining reward and gratitude from 
Philip, really deceived him, as will he seen, and only when 
it was too late for the information to be of any use was 
Cadiz even hinted at as the place to be attacked. The 
highly interesting document on page 20, purporting to be 
the plan of Drake and Hawkins, " entirely to ruin the 
Spaniards " by attacking the American settlements, is in 
all probability part of the mystification, and reached 
Mendoza through Stafford by the connivance of Burghley. 
On the morning of the 28th February 1587 Charles 
Arundell came to Mendoza in Paris with grave news that 
had just reached Sir Edward Stafford, ostensibly from 
Lord Burghley. Leicester, and his party, with the " terrible 
heretic " Davison, he said, had carried out the execution 
of the Queen of Scots in the absence of Burghley (which 
was not true), and without the orders of the Queen. A con- 
sideration of the letters (pages 26, 81, and 48) will prove 
conclusively that the news was transmitted in this form 
for the purpose of exonerating Burghley and the Queen, 
whilst casting upon Leicester and his party all tbe blame 
of Mary's death. It also furnishes incidentally strong 
presumptive evidence of the existence of the infamous 
plot to make Davison the scapegoat, to which the Queen 
and Burghley must have been parties.* A decent attempt 
at indignation was kept up in the French court at Mary's 
execution (page 34). Belli&vre threatened Stafford with his 
master's revenge, and said that Elizabeth must think that 

* For details of these transactions see Nicolas* " Life of Davison," and 
the biography of " The Great Lord Burghley " by the present writer. 


monarchs heads were " laced on " their shoulders (page 31), 
but the Nuncio told Mendoza that Henry III. was not 
sorry for what had happened; "owing to his rancour 
against the Guises " (page 32), and Philip himself, in his 
dread and hatred of Henry of Navarre and the Huguenots, 
never believed in the sincerity of Henry IIL's wish to 
save Mary, and thus serve Spanish and Guisan interests 
(Philip to Mendoza, pages 11, 25). This, however, did not 
prevent Philip from making as much capital as possible 
for himself out of the execution. Both Henry III. and 
James VI. (the latter through Archbishop Beton, in 
Paris) were to be condoled with, and their indignation 
stirred at the wrong done to them by Mary's death 
(page 57). At the same time Beton himself was bought 
over to the Spanish side ; and the long delayed subsidies 
demanded by the Earl of Huntly and the Scottish Catholics 
were definitely promised (page 58), in order that James 
might not lack support if he decided to avenge his 
mother's death ; and so to divert Elizabeth at a critical 

Philip expressed the greatest sorrow at the intelligence 
of Mary's death, and indeed it was a somewhat untoward 
event for him at the time, as it forced his hand in a matter 
of paramount importance which he desired to manage in 
his usual slow, stealthy way. An account was given in 
the third volume of this Calendar of the proceedings which 
led the Queen of Scots to bequeath to the King of Spain 
her rights to the crown of England. The proofs of this 
had now fallen into the hands of Elizabeth, who had taken 
care for her own ends to make the fact public, although 
she destroyed the actual will, and Philip was obliged now 
to vindicate more openly than he had done his claim to 
the English throne by descent as well as by bequest. 
Allen, Persons, and the English Catholic refugees in 

i 95498. b 


• •• 


Philip's pay had long been suggesting that their 
countrymen would welcome the King of Spain as their 
sovereign by right of his descent from Edward III. rather 
than submit to be ruled by a Scotsman ; and as early as 
February 1587, before he had news of Mary Stuart's 
death, Philip instructed Olivares (page 18) to approach 
Sixtus V. cautiously, and obtain from him a secret brief 
declaring him, Philip, to be the rightful heir to the crown 
of England failing Mary herself, as " I cannot undertake 
" a war in England for the purpose merely of placing upon 
" that throne a young heretic like the King of Scotland, 
" who, indeed, is by his heresy incapacitated to succeed," 
although the blow was to be softened to the Pope by the 
assurance that Philip had no intention of adding England 
to his own dominions, but would settle the crown on his 
daughter the Infanta Isabel. But both Olivares (page 29), 
and particularly Allen and Persons, (pages 41 and 53) 
knew that Sixtus and the French and neutral Cardinals 
were already suspicious that the Armada was intended for 
the aggrandisement of Spain rather than the glory of God, 
and they begged that Philip's claim should be kept in the 
background until the " enterprise " itself was successfully 
concluded. Cardinal Carrafa, the papal Secretary of State, 
a Neapolitan subject and creature of Philip, was very 
cautiously primed on the matter by Olivares (page 52), and 
Allen was instructed merely to hint to Sixtus the recogni- 
tion by the English Catholics of Philip's right to succeed. 
After the news of Mary's death reached Philip, however, he 
saw that he must show his hand at any cost in Rome, or 
the '• political " Cardinals and the Guises might suddenly, 
behind his back, arrange for the conversion of James VI. and 
his recognition by the Pope. Philip accordingly wrote at 
the end of March to Olivares (page 58) : " This new event 
makes more necessary than ever " the granting of the brief 



acknowledging Philip's claim. But until this brief was 

obtained it did not suit Philip's plans to have the matter 

discussed in France, where he naturally feared intrigues 

would at once be set on foot to frustrate him. Mendoza, 

moved by undue zeal for his master's service, had warned 

Guise's brother, the Duke of Mayenne, " that if this King 

" (Henry III.) tried to persuade him that it would be good 

" to assist the King of Scotland in his English claims on 

the promise of his conversion and marriage with a 

daughter of the House of Lorraine, how disadvantageous 

it would be to listen to such an idea, unless the King of 

Scotland was entirely converted, because it would give 

this King the opportunity of saying that the reason they 

(the Guises) had taken up arms, ostensibly to prevent 

a heretic from succeeding to the French Crown, was 

simply a personal one, since, moved by a similar ambition, 

they were ready enough to help another heretic to the 

English crown. I was thus able to keep him from 

" deviating from the devotion they profess to your 

" Majesty, and from opposing your Majesty's right to the 

" English crown " (page 49). This and similar hints about 

Philip's claims to the Nuncio and others in Paris were 

rebuked by Philip (pages 60 and 107) . " It will be best that 

" you should not speak of the matter at present or suggest 

" any such intention, in order not to awaken the evil action 

" that would be exerted in all parts from Prance if they 

" thought I was going to claim the succession. The only 

u thing that should be done is for Nazareth (the Nuncio) 

" prompted by his zeal for religion to write to Rome, pointing 

11 out the evils that certainly would result if a heretic 

" succeeded to the throne ; and saying that as the King 

" of Scotland is a heretic it would be well to deprive bim. 

" The Nuncio might convey this to the Pope, but should 

" go no further." And somewhat later, the Pope being 







still distrustful of Philip's aims, and unamenable to the 
persuasions of the "Spanish" Cardinals, Philip again 
warns Mendoza (page 83) : " You must only speak of my 
" right to well-disposed native Englishmen, that they may 
" he informed of the truth and convey it to others of 
" their nationality, that it may thus spread and gain 
ground amongst them. It will be unadvisable to treat 
of the matter with Frenchmen and others, who will only 
" take it in hand to undermine it." 

That Philip's prescience was keener than that of his 
agents is evident; for on the 20th May Mendoza con- 
veyed to his master intelligence of that which the latter 
had foreseen as the probable result of the ventilation of his 
claims. The appointment of the Catholic Archbishop of 
Glasgow, Beton, as James 9 ambassador in Paris, and the 
restoration of their dignities to the bishops of Dunblane 
and Boss, had raised hopes of James' conversion, as was 
intended, and Mendoza indignantly informs Philip that 
the Queen-mother was egging on the Guises to help 
James to the English crown, since he was showing a 
desire to turn Catholic, which, she said, would be much 
better for the Guises than fighting heretics in France 
(page 86). Better unquestionably it would have been for 
France, for it^would have preserved peace on her own soil 
and set her free to help England, if necessary, against 
conquest by Spain ; but all Philip's plans were based upon 
setting the Guises and the Huguenots against each other 
and thus paralysing both from interfering with hi™ in 
England, and the Guises were warned clearly that if 
they expected Spanish aid to their ambition in France, 
they must leave the Spaniards unhampered in England 
(pages 91, 100, 108). At the same time Robert Bruce 
was sent back to the Scottish Catholic nobles with money 
Mid encouraging promises from Philip and his nephew, 


the Duke of Parma* in order that Scottish aid 
might he prevented from reaching Elizabeth in her hour 
of peril. 

Spanish spies in England continued to report to 
Mendoza the elaborate preparations being made by Drake 
for the expedition ostensibly in the service of Don 
Antonio (pages 61, 64, 67, &c), but the real destination 
of the fleet was cleverly concealed up to the last. " With 
" the exception of Drake himself, not a soul on the fleet 
" knows what the object of it is, but various surmises are 
" afloat ; one to the effect that they are going to prevent 
" the junction of his Majesty's fleet in Spain and to destroy 
" a portion of it, as it will have to be fitted out in various 
" ports. Others say the design is to intercept the Indian 
" flotillas, and this seems most probable. Drake was 
" strictly ordered not to stay at Plymouth longer than 
" necessary, but to sail at once. It is not thought that 
" they carry troops adequate to attempt any enterprise 
" on land, or at most only to sack some unprotected place. 
" Don Antonio did not accompany them, although it was 
" said previously that he would do so " (page 66). This 
was written ten days after Drake had left the Thames for 
Plymouth (17th March, O.S.), and on the 2nd April, O.S. 
Mendoza positively informed the King on the strength 
of a personal report brought to him, that Drake's design 
was to "encounter your Majesty's flotillas" (page 67). 
The first hint given that Cadiz was to be the destination, 
was given a week later by Charles Arundell to Mendoza 
(page 69)/' " The friend assures me that Drake has orders 
" to stay as short a time as possible at Plymouth, but that 
" no living soul but the Queen and the Treasurer knew 
" what the design was to be. The Queen would not have 
€C even the Lord Admiral informed, as she considers him a 
" frank spoken man ; but judging from general indications 





* and the haste in sending Drake off, it would seem as if 
the intention was to try to prevent the junction of your 
Majesty's fleet, which had to be equipped at various ports, 
and if they succeed in breaking up a portion of it, then 
to proceed on the Indian route and encounter the flotillas. 
To this end they have let out a few words to Drake about 
" Cadiz being a good port to burn shipping in if a good 
" fleet were taken thither." This advice was already too 
late, as it probably was intended to be by Stafford. 

Drake arrived at Plymouth from the Thames on the 
23rd March (O.S.), and the instructions given to him to 
hurry his departure were doubtless those of the Leicester 
party, strengthened by his own fears, that at the last 
moment the Queen and Burghley would attempt to limit 
or hamper his object. Leicester had gone to Buxton by 
this time, and Drake knew that in his absence Burghley 
and Raleigh would be all powerful. Drake needed, 
therefore, no prompting to hurry his departure from 
Plymouth. His first instructions were "to prevent or 
" withstand any enterprise as might be attempted against 
her Highness 9 dominions, and especially by preventing 
the concentration of the King of Spain's squadrons " ; 
and in pursuance of this object he was to be allowed to 
" distress the ships as much as possible both in the 
" havens themselves and on the high seas." Drake's 
misgivings were fully justified. He knew that Borough 
had been appointed his second in command as a drag upon 
him, and as a check in his employment of the Queen's 
ships that formed part of his squadron ; he was also aware 
that Burghley was in negotiation with the Duke of 
Parma for the meeting of an Anglo-Spanish peace 
conference, and a few hours after he left Plymouth (2nd 
April, O.S.) orders were sent after him to the effect that 
he was to *• forbear to enter forcibly any of the said 

• •• 


" King's ports or havens or to offer any violence to any 
" of his towns or shipping within harbour or to do any 
u act of hostility on land." Drake took very good care 
that these timid orders never reached him, and went on 
his own way, notwithstanding Borough's warning. On 
the very day that Mendoza wrote from Paris conveying 
Stafford's belated hint at the real destination of the fleet, 
the great admiral sailed unmolested into Cadiz harbour, 
and made the Armada impossible for that year at least. 
" The damage committed there," wrote Philip to Mendoza, 
H was not great, but the daring of the attempt was 
" so." Drake's proceedings there, and subsequently on 
land at Faro, important as he reported them to have 
been in damaging the Spanish armaments and reducing 
Philip's prestige (pages 93 and 111), were a source of 
some embarrassment for the policy of the Queen and 
Burghley, who were busy formulating arrangements with 
Andrd de Loo for the proposed peace conference, and 
ostentatiously spreading the intelligence, especially in 
France, that a settlement of the difficulties with Spain 
was on the point of being arrived at, whilst Spanish agents 
were plied with suggestions that an alliance existed 
between England and Prance ; the object being, of course, 
to distract Philip and to draw Henry HI. closer to 
England, whilst counteracting the efforts being made by 
Catherine de Medici to persuade the princes of the 
League to a reconciliation with the King (pages 94-95). 
So Drake was re-called, and a great show of indignation 
made at his action, and at his capture of the great galleon, 
San Felipe*; whilst the Duke of Parma slowly and 
tentatively listened to the overtures for the meeting of 
the peace commissioners, still in doubt, as he was, as to 

* See Burghley's reply to De Loo's remonstrance (11th July, 1587), 
Foreign Office Records, Flanders, 32. 


Philip's real intentions, and more than half resentful of 
the want of confidence shown to him by the King. 

It is curious to note how the vast national interests at 
stake in this supreme crisis of European history were 
complicated, and in some instances largely influenced, by 
secondary personal considerations. Philip himself was a 
coldblooded statesman above all things, and regarded men, 
however great, as simple pawns in the game he played for 
the predominance of his system and his country. The con- 
stant and natural efforts of his instruments — some of them 
men of much higher gifts than himself — to forward their 
personal ends, caused him, as will be seen in this corre- 
spondence, endless embarassment and frequently involved 
him in failure. In the case of Parma, a man of vast 
ability, a sovereign prince and a close relative of Philip, 
the discontent caused by the King's cool distrust was 
increased by the entire disregard of the rights of Parma's 
children to succeed to the throne of Portugal, which ^ 

Philip had seized. There is no doubt that this feeling, 
together with the jealousy of a divided command, led 
Parma to look coldly, almost from the first, upon the 
plans for the Armada. He was a great commander, apd 
saw the weak points in the scheme adopted by Philip, and 
he was determined, so far as he was concerned, to incur 
no blame for the failure which he foresaw, by exceeding 
the letter of the King's instructions. Similarly the pride 
of Guise was deeply wounded by his being kept in the 
dark with regard to Philip's arrangements through Mendoza J 

and Bruce with the Scottish Catholics (page 109), and v 

more than once threatened to break away and frustrate 
all the Spanish King's plans by championing the cause of 
James VI. in England. We have seen also how personal 
influences in England caused changes of policy almost h 

from day to day, and how the deep distrust of Sixtus V. i * 



and the unbought Cardinal* 1J1 fiome constantly thwarted 
Olivares in his attempt to b^nd everybody and everything 
to his master's ends. The weakness and impracticability 
of Henry III., the genius and ambition of Henry of 
Navarre, the fierce bigotry of Allen and Persons, and the 
sanguine eagerness of Don Antonio, the Portuguese 
pretender, were all distracting elements in an already 
complicated situation. It is not, therefore, surprising 
that the preparations for the great Armada to conquer 
England proceeded slowly under Philip's dreary monopo- 
lous system in the face of the innumerable checks and 
side issues which had to be dealt with. The letters for 
1587 in the present volume reflect these infinite complica- 
tions upon almost every page, and more characteristically 
than in any other place display Philip's rigid unsympathetic 
methods of meeting such difficulties, ignoring as he did 
the human side of the men with whom he had to deal, 
and depending entirely upon sanctimonious appeals to the 
devotion they owed to the great cause, which most of 
them knew, as well as he did, was simply a convenient 
cloak to cover his vast political objects. 

Side by side, again, with these larger personal influences, 
moving kings, princes, and great commanders, there was 
a still smaller set of motives swaying less important men, 
which nevertheless, as we see by the light of these papers, 
were not without effect upon great events. But for the 
rivalry of Leicester and the depredations of Drake, it is 
extremely likely that Burghley would have been able still 
to avoid war with Spain, as he had done for thirty years ; 
but for the treachery and greed of the Portuguese who 
surrounded Don Antonio — of which there are abundant 
proofs in these letters — it is possible that his plans upon 
Portugal might not all have been forestalled and frustrated 
as they were. The over zeal of Mendoza in identifying 


himself closely with the League not only earned the 
reprobation of his master, but tended powerfully to drive 
Henry III. into the arms of the Huguenots, and to bring 
about the murder of Guise : whilst the haughty insolence 
of Olivares to the Pope, finally alienated the sympathies 
of Sixtus from the Armada, leading him to withhold most 
of his promised support, and positively to rejoice in the 
defeat of the attempt to turn England into a Catholic 
country on the model of Spain. 

One rather curious instance of these personal ambitions 
endeavouring — although in this case unsuccessfully — to 
turn public affairs to their own advantage will be found 
in this volume (page 101 et seq). In the spring of 1587, 
an English youth, who gave his name as Arthur Dudley, 
was apprehended in Guipuzcoa, and sent to Madrid as a 
suspected person. He was taken to Sir Francis Englefield, 
Philip's English secretary, and told an extraordinary story, 
which he afterwards reduced to writing. He was, he said, 
the son of Elizabeth and Leicester, and had been brought 
up by one Southern, a dependent of the Queen's friend, 
Mrs. Ashley ; and being a Catholic he craved for Philip's 
support to obtain the crown of England for himself. The 
youth's story was an incoherent and improbable one, and, 
although he evidently knew much about the personnel of 
the English court, he was quite in the dark with regard to 
Philip's own claim to the crown, and spoke as if the King 
of Scotland was the only person to be feared. Even he, 
James, he thought might easily be put out of the way, and 
with the effrontery or ignorance of extreme youth appeared 
to consider it the most natural thing in the world, that 
Philip should allow an unknown lad on his own statement to 
reap the benefit of his years of plotting and vast expenditure. 
It is evident that Englefield was not convinced of the truth 
of Dudley's story, but thought that the young man might 




be a tool of Elizabeth or her ministers to sound Philip's 
intentions. There is no evidence that he was anything- of 
the sort, but in any case it was obviously to Philip's 
interest to hold him tight now that he had got him, and 
we can imagine the King's grim smile when in answer to 
Englefield's recommendation that Arthur Dudley should 
be placed in a monastery for safe keeping, he wrote : " It 
certainly will be safest to make sure of his (Dudley's) 
person until we know more about it" (page 112). 
Prom this point the papers here printed are silent with 
regard to Dudley's fate, and I have come across no 
other mention of him ; unless he be identical with the 
44 Mr. Dudley" whom Father Persons mentions in his 
letter from Valladolid to Dr. Barret in 1590 (Hatfield 
State Papers, Part 4), as being one of several missionary 
seminarists who are proceeding from Spain to England. 

No portion of the papers published in this volume are 
of more interest than those in which Olivares details with 
a cynical frankness, which throws a flood of light on 
Philip's real feelings towards the Papacy, the extraordinary 
manner in which Sixtus was cajoled into acquiescence in 
the Spanish political aims in England. 

The caution with which the Pope was approached 
indirectly with hints of Philip's claim to the crown on the 
death of Mary Stuart has already been described ; but as 
the time approached for action it became necessary to 
bring Sixtus to close quarters. In a conference between 
the Pope and Olivares on the 24th February 1586, the 
former had unsuspectingly been entrapped into a promise 
" to agree with whatever his Majesty thinks best in the 
" matter (i.e. f of a successor to Mary Stuart in case of 
f< her death), and he will do what may be necessary." 
This was the lever which was subsequently used to force 
Sixtus unwillingly to accept Philip's views. In June, 


1587 (page 112) the King instructs Olivares, when the 
time seemed opportune, to request the Pope to confirm 
the exclusion of James VI. from the English throne, and 
to repeat his promise to agree to the successor to be 
chosen by Philip. The latter was full of misgivings of 
the churchmen, and dreaded the influence of "French" 
Cardinals, who would persuade James VI. to profess 
Catholicism ; but he knew that he could only bring the 
Pope to his views by proceeding warily, step by step, 
until Sixtus had been drawn into a position from which 
he could not recede. Olivares represents the Pontiff 
unmercifully as a greedy, garrulous, old man; and in 
truth, so far as can be gathered from the correspondence, 
the Pope's apprehensions were largely centred upon the 
money subsidy which he had promised. His anxiety to 
prevent Philip from obtaining a ducat, except on the 
conditions he had laid down of the prior success of the 
Armada, appears to have led him away from the scent of 
Philip's political plans, of which the Catholic Church was 
intended to be the tool. He found himself very soon in a 
position of powerlessness to avoid giving Philip a free 
hand, by reason of the growing intimacy between the king 
of Prance and the Huguenots, and the failure of Catherine 
de Medici to induce the Guises to lay down their arms. 

Sixtus could not afford to countenance a king tainted 
with heresy, and in his impotent rage (page 114) was 
easily influenced by the clever diplomacy of Olivares. 
" With regard to the question of the successor," said 
Olivares to the Pope, "his Majesty assumes that his 
" Holiness will already have been informed of the well 
" known fact that when the Queen of Scotland was taken 
" a will was found, in which she left his Majesty (Philip) 
" heir to the crown, this being the reason of her death, and 
" of the approval of it by the King of Prance. Although 





" this will has been concealed by the Queen of England 
" his Majesty has an autograph letter from the Queen of 
" Scotland to Don Bernardino de Mendoza ... in 
" which she announces her intention of making this 
" disposition, in case her son should not be converted to 
" Catholicism at the time of her death, as she feared. 
Both documents originated in the Queen's having 
understood the right to the crown possessed by his 
Majesty in virtue of his descent from the House of 
Lancaster, both by the line of Castile and that of 
" Portugal,* his claim being a more valid one than that 
" of any other claimant • . . beside the double dis- 
" qualification of heresy and bastardy under which they 
41 all suffer " (page 117). Olivares then proceeds to beg 
the Pope to advise his master as to the course he ought 
to pursue. He assures the Pope that Philip does not 
desire to keep England for himself, but still a Catholic 
monarch nmst be found, or all their efforts would be use- 
less, and so, with much sanctimonious profession, Sixtus 
is besought to aid the Spanish King in his conscientious 
perplexity. After much pressing Olivares obtained the 
appointment of Cardinals Rusticucci and Santa Severing 
both neutrals, to aid Cardinal Caraffa, the Secretary of 
State, Cardinal De$a and Olivares himself to draw up the 
agreement between Spain and the Papacy. The three 
ladt personages were Spanish agents, and the capitulation 
was so wwded that on the 30th July Olivares could 
write jubilantly to Philip sending Tiirn the Pope's 

conditional warrant for a million ducats, and saying : 

" One of the clauses was with regard to the new King 
u (of England), and they tried to stipulate that he 


" should be chosen by common accord ; but it was in the 

" end left to your Majesty, and the clause was so worded 

" that your Majesty might appoint the Prince or the 

" Infanta. There is no doubt on this point, and the 

" Cardinal is of the same opinion, although there was an 

" apparent desire to lead up to the Pope's recommending « 

" one of his nephews or the Infanta. I let it pass, as the «7 

" general wording embraces the whole thing 

" The matter of the investiture was so wrapped up that he 

41 passed over it without cavil or difficulty. . . . His 

*' suspicions were not aroused by the said clause, which ^ 

" may be brought to induce him, the Pope, to give the 

" investiture to your Majesty, on condition of your at once 

" substituting another in your place, and this would be 

" important. 1 ' But, however unsuspicious Sixtus may 

have been on this occasion, being more interested for the 

moment in the financial than the political side of the 

question, before many days had passed the " French " 

Cardinals had worked him into a fury of anger and 

distrust. Against his will he had been almost bullied by 

Olivares into making Allen a Cardinal, greatly to the annoy- j 

ance of the majority of the Sacred College ; but he learnt * 

at the same time that Philip was arranging for the bestowal ) 

of the English bishoprics upon ecclesiastics of his own 

choice. For nearly a century the monarchs of Spain had ; 

been at issue with the Papacy in the matter of the supremacy 

of the crown over the Spanish Church, and bit by bit the 

hold of the Pontiff over ecclesiastical patronage in Spain ^ 

had been wrested from him. But now that Sixtus learnt 

of Philip's attempt to extend even to England his power 

over the bishops, he fulminated against the Catholic King' 

threats of divine vengeance, unless he repented of ' * his great 

sin." " The Vicar of Christ," he said, " must be obeyed ■ 

without reply in questions touching salvation " (page 133). ^ 


It may have suited Philip for his own ends to profess abject 
lip-service to the " Vicar of Christ/' but considering that 
Olivares with impunity jeers at Sixtus to his master as a 
violent-tempered, gossiping, old curmudgeon, who smashes 
crockery at table, and thinks more of ducats than devotion, 
it may be doubted whether the King of Spain was very 
deeply touched by the Pope's anger. Through the whole 
correspondence it is evident that Philip's only anxiety was 
to lull the suspicions of Sixtus to the extent of obtaining 
his money-subsidy, and prevent him from openly siding 
with the " French " faction until Spanish influence had 
become dominant in England. 

In the meanwhile, during the autumn of 1587, the 
alarm in England was growing. Drake, the sailors, and 
the advanced Protestant party were urging the Queen 
to allow the English fleet to take the offensive, whilst 
Burghley and the Conservatives were doing their best 
to avoid a national war with Spain, for the attitude of 
James VI. towards the Catholics, and the shiftiness of 
Henry III., gave them pause. The capture of the Sluys, 
too, by Parma (pages 126, 135, &c.) was a blow to the 
Protestant cause which deepened Elizabeth's anger and 
apprehension, for it gave to Philip an alternative harbour 
to Dunkirk, from which an invading army might sail, 
and, notwithstanding "Puritan" opposition, the peace 
negotiations were earnestly pushed forward in London 
(pages 140-1, 149, &c.) It is, however, easy to see that 
the hope of Elizabeth and the Conservatives was partly 
founded on the idea that Parma might, after all, play 
false to his uncle, King Philip ; and, for the sake of the 
sovereignty of Flanders for himself, consent to a peace 
with England, which should render Spain powerless 
(pages 140, 175, &c.). We have already glanced at some 
of the reasons which rendered this idea plausible, and 




apparently Philip was not entirely without fear in this 
respect. In a most important letter dated, 4th September, 
from him to Parma, in which the final plan of the Armada 
is conveyed to the latter, the King, in an emotional style 
quite unusual with him, exhorts Farnese to zeal. " The 
most important of all things is that you should be so 
completely ready that the moment the Marquis (of 
Santa Cruz) arrives at Margate, you may be able to do 
your share without delay. You will see the danger of 
any such delay ; the Armada being there and you 
behindhand : as until your passage is effected he will 
have no harbour for shelter, whereas, when you have 
" crossed over he will have the safe and spacious river 
" Thames. Otherwise he will be at the mercy of the 
" weather; and if, which God forbid! any misfortune 
" should happen to him, you will understand what a state 
it will put us into. All will be assured, please God, by 
your good understanding, but you must not forget that 
" the forces collected, and the vast money responsibility 
incurred, make it extremely difficult for such an 
expedition again to be got together if they escape us 
" this time ; whilst the obstacles and divisions which may 
" arise (and certainly will do so) next summer, force us 
" to undertake the enterprise this year or fail altogether, 
which I hope will not occur, but that great success may 
attend us by God's grace, since you are to be the 
instrument, and I have so bountifully supplied you with 
money. On other occasions I have written to you how 
all our prestige is at stake, and how much my own 
tranquillity depends upon the success of the under- 
taking ; and I once more enjoin you earnestly to justify 
me for the trust I place in you. Pray send me word that 
41 there shall be no shortcoming in these respects, as until 
" toe get such advice I shall be very anxious " (page 137). 





In England, we are told, the people at large were 
desirous of peace, but although the Commissioners were 
appointed to go to Flanders early in September, the efforts 
of Leicester in Holland and Walsingham at court, detained 
them in England until the middle of ^February 1588, 
during which five months the chances of the English fleet 
taking the offensive or the Peace Commission commencing 
its work fluctuated constantly as the influence of the 
Leicester or Burghley party swayed the Queen. The belief 
in the sincerity of Philip and Parma in undertaking the 
peace negotiations had now almost entirely disappeared 
in England ; for a change in the influences surrounding 
James VI. had divulged the treacherous plot which had 
been concocted between Spain and the Scottish Catholics. 
Simultaneously, therefore, with the departure of the 
English Peace Commissioners for Flanders, strenuous 
efforts — of which full particulars will be found in these 
papers — were made to place England in a state of defence, 
and it was now obvious that the object of both parties 
was to delay the declaration of war for their own purposes. 

It was known in England that the long delay in the 
sailing of the Armada, and the vast expense necessary to 
keep so great an armament afoot in Spain and Flanders, 
had strained Philip's resources to the utmost, and it was 
thought that further delay would add to his embarass- 
ment, whilst allowing the English to marshal their means 
of defence. On the other hand, Philip desired to be able 
to choose his own time for action ; for his rigid system of 
centralisation caused the mobilisation and victualling of 
his forces to proceed with difficulty and slowness, and 
much still had to be done ; besides which the Marquis of 
Santa Cruz had succeeded in convincing him of the 
danger of attempting his great stroke in midwinter. So 
far, therefore, as Philip and the English were concerned, 

i 95498. G 


both sides thought they were tricking the other by the 
negotiations, and the only persons who anticipated or 
hoped for peace, were a few English Conservatives and 
moderate Catholics, and the Catholic Flemings by whom 
Parma was surrounded. Parma's own attitude at this 
juncture, and afterwards, has always been one of the 
riddles of history, which these papers to some extent solve 
for the first time. That he was sulky and discontented 
with Philip is evident, for he and his had been very badly 
used, and there is no doubt that he was fully aware of 
the English desire to settle the long quarrel by acknow- 
ledging him as semi-independent Catholic sovereign of the 
Netherlands — a position which he might with justice 
think that he had deserved. 

But Philip was a hard taskmaster, and had a short way 
with persons whom he suspected, and whatever Parma's 
hopes may have been, it behoved him to be wary. It will 
have been seen by Philip's letter to him of September 4th, 
already quoted, that he was instructed to have his army 
ready at the ports, and to await the arrival of the Armada 
in September or October 1587. From various causes the 
Armada was delayed, and when it was evident that 
months more would pass before it could come, Parma, 
believing Philip's own words, that such a delay meant 
failure (page 137), lost all hope of a successful issue. 
Philip had laid down precise instructions for his action, 
and yet in December he wrote to Parma in the supposition 
that he might have acted independently, and have invaded 
England without waiting for the Armada. This letter 
seems to have filled Parma with indignation and dismay. 
He evidently thought it was a trap to ruin him, and 
began anew to doubt his uncle's sincerity, for he had long 
chafed at and resented the half confidence with which he 
was treated. In powerful words he sets forth the im- 





possibility of his doing what the King suggests, surrounded 
as he was with difficulty and debt, his army dying by plague 
and dwindling by desertion, and the Protestants in England 
and on the Continent alert and now fully armed. The 
Armada, he knew, was forestalled and doomed to failure, 
except with an unheard of combination of favourable 
circumstances, and he did not hesitate to tell the King 
what he thought (pages 200-1), and urged him to allow 
him to make peace in earnest (pages 236-8), rather than 
risk the utter ruin of defeat. 

It was evident to Parma, as to all the world, that no 
peace could be made with England that did not embrace 
some settlement of the question of Holland and Flanders, 
and he knew that the aim of the moderate party in 
England and Holland, as well as of the Catholic Flemings, 
was to secure for him the sovereignty of the Belgic 
provinces. It is, therefore, not surprising that he should 
look askance at his uncle's implied doubt as to his zeal, 
conveyed in the suggestion above referred to, and when 
he learnt that Philip was determined to persist in an 
attempt which was almost bound to fail, he, Parma, 
resolved to make himself safe by adhering to the strict 
letter of his instructions, without going a hair's breadth 
beyond them, whilst at the same time avoiding for 
himself an unduly conspicuous identification with Spanish 

Not only do his own vigorous letters in this volume 
bear out this view, but it is fully confirmed by the bitter 
accusations and violence of the Spanish officers against him 
after the failure of the Armada. He was able to justify 
his action fully to Philip, who made the best of it, but it 
is clear from these letters that he was determined to be 
on the safe side, whatever happened, and was able, thanks 
to his masterly management, to effect his object. 

c 2 


The death of the Marquis of Santa Cruz, early in 
February 1588, onee more threw the preparations for the 
Armada in arrear. The old Admiral, whose original vast 
plans were too costly for Philip to adopt, was from the 
first opposed to the arrangement by which the command 
was to be divided between him and Parma, and the expedi- 
tion was to have two bases instead of one. Men and ships 
had to be brought to Lisbon |from ports in Spain, Italy, 
and Portugul, and a great army concentrated [in Flanders. 
The preparation and transport of the enormous quantity of 
stores needed were difficult and costly under Philip's 
system, and the old Admiral was in despair at the in- 
competence of his subordinates, and at the King's imprac- 
ticable insistence upon sending the fleet on its difficult 
errand, half -manned, insufficiently provisioned, and badly 
armed, in the depth of winter. The King's undeserved 
reproaches and sneers at length broke the heart of Santa 
Cruz, and with his death the last hope for the success of 
the Armada vanished. Money was Philip's main difficulty. 
We have seen the straits to which Parma was reduced in 
Flanders (pages 201, 211, 238, etc.), but the need for funds 
in Spain was even more pressing. As time went on and the 
Armada still tarried in port, the Pope grew more doubtful 
and disinclined to part with his money, for the " French " 
cardinals, the Carthusians, and the secular priests, were 
for ever warning him against the political ambition of 
Philip and his tools, the Jesuits. Olivares pushed him as 
far as was safe, and exhausted every means to obtain an 
advance of the papal subsidy, but without effect. The 
methods he employed may be seen by his many letters to 
the King in this volume ; but it is evident that Sixtus was 
now thoroughly alive to Philip's aims in England, deeply 
resentful of the King's claims over the English bishoprics, 
and inclined to listen to Dr. Owen Lewis, Bishop of 


Cassano, and the French and Scots in their plans to avoid 
a political domination of England by Spain. How much 
this was the case at the time (the winter of 1587-8) will 
be seen not only by Olivares' letters, but by the importance 
attached by the Spaniards to the attempt to strengthen 
Philip's claim to the English crown by means of the 
testimony of Mary Stuart's servants present at her death ; 
and particularly by a letter written by Mary to be sent to 
the Pope announcing her bequest of her rights to Philip. 
Misses Curie and Kennedy, with Gorion, the Queen's 
apothecary, and other servants, came to Mendoza in Paris 
in October 1587 {with Mary Stuart's last letter (printed in 
Volume 3 of the calendar), and minute verbal testamentary 
messages and presents (page 152). These directions were 
religiously fulfilled by Philip, and liberal pensions given 
to the servants, particularly Miss Curie, her brother, and 
Gorion, who could, and in due time did, give sworn 
testimony of Mary's having made Philip her heir. But 
what was considered of more importance still was the 
letter for the Pope, which Mary had entrusted to her 
physician (Bourgoing ?) for delivery. Bourgoing does not j 

appear to have been very zealous about it, and instead of 
going to Borne handed the letter to the Archbishop of 
Glasgow in Paris. The Archbishop had been completely 
gained by Mendoza to Spanish interests, and was easily 
dealt with. The intrigues by which Mendoza contrived 
to have this letter kept secret from the Nuncio, and the 
French and Scotch party, are curiously detailed in the 
correspondence; the object being to have it sent to a 
" Spanish " cardinal in Borne (Mondovi), who would deal 
with it as Olivares directed, and then, if possible, to obtain 
for Philip possession of the original letter, after it had 
been opportunely shown to the Pope. Whfen the letter 
finally arrived in Borne in March 1588, Siztus had got quite 




out of hand (pages 233, 239, 253), and the effect upon 
liim anticipated from the delivery of Mary Stuart's letter 
was not produced. So far from being acquiescent now 
it is clear that lie was opposed to the Spanish plans, and 
went to the length of having Philip's name written in 
cipher in the translation of Mary's letter. Olivares 
characteristically advises Philip, indeed, at this point to 
ignore the Pope's authority in the matter of his English 
claims. " Frankly," he says, "it would appear to me 
" advisable to depend principally upon descent and 
" conquest " (page 253). 

The death of the Marquis of Santa Cruz ren- 
dered vacant the chief command of the Armada, and 
placed Philip in a new difficulty. The Spanish officers 
were jealous of each other, haughty, and impatient of 
control, and the few seamen of experience in the fleet 
were resentful of the traditional superiority claimed by 
soldiers f who, mindful of the still recent days when 
the only fighting ships were, war-galleys, looked upon 
mariners as drudges, whose sole duty it was to carry the 
soldiers into action. Under the circumstances, therefore, 
it was impossible to appoint a seaman like Martinez de 
Recalde pr Martin de Bertondona to the supreme com- 
mand of an expedition including the flower of the Spanish 
nobility and army ; whilst no soldier or landsman could 
hope) to secure the obedience of the sailors, unless he was 
of the highest rank and reputation. The only such man 
available was the Duke of Medina Sidonia, whose lordship 
extended over much of the Andalucian coast, and whose 
splendour of birth and fortune made him stand higher 
than any other noble in Spain. When his appointment 
to the supreme command was conveyed to him (February 
1588, page 207) he despairingly protested his own in- 
sufficiency, and resolutely refused the honour. He 


should, he said, certainly fail, " I do not understand it ; 
I know nothing about it ; I have no health for the sea and 
no money to spend/ 1 But Philip would take no denial 
(page 209), for the Duke's ignorance and ineptitude were 
for him a recommendation, because they would allow the 
recluse at the Escorial really to command the fleet 
himself, ftnd to organise victory from his cell. It was 

this mania for working everything from a remote centre, 
in those days of slow travelling, that doomed the whole 
of Philip's plans to ultimate failure. 

All through the spring the hollow negotiations for 
peace were proceeding near Ostend, whilst Parma was 
standing with his plague-stricken army and his flat- 
bottom boats, waiting for the coming of the great 
Armada, which his military experience convinced him 
must fail (pages 237-8). In his letter to the King of 
20th March, he plainly states the almost insuperable 
difficulties of the undertaking, and lays down as a positive 
condition, that large sums of money must be sent to him, 
and, above all, that the 6,000 Spanish veterans he had 
always stipulated for, must be added by the Armada 
to his own mixed force before he would move. This 
point he reiterated on every occasion, and from it he 
would never budge. The Armada must give him 6,000 
Spanish veterans to land on English soil, and must protect 
his passage across the Channel ; and although Philip, in his 
usual way, seemed to acquiesce in his nephew's insistence, 
it is evident from the important series of instructions 
given to Medina Sidona for his guidance (page 245), that 
he did so with a mental reservation — a want of frankness 
which produced subsequently a plentiful crop of troubles. 
Ic If," he says, " the Armada shall not heme had to fight> 
u you will let my nephew have the 6,000 Spaniards you 
u are to give him, but if you have had to engage the 





enemy, the giving of the men to the Duke will have 
to depend upon the amount of loss you may have 
" sustained in gaining the hoped for victory." The 
instructions to Medina Sidonia, and the secret orders 
to be handed to Parma only in the event of his 
establishing a footing in England (page 251), are worthy 
of very careful study, as they throw a fuller light than 
has ever yet existed upon Philip's real designs towards 
England, and are also very characteristic of his methods 
and views. His invariable habit of coupling the success 
of his plans with the Deity, as if he, Philip, was, in a 
sense, a junior partner with Providence, is indulged in to 
the full. " In the first place, as all victories are the gifts 
of God Almighty, and the cause we champion is so 
exclusively His, we may fairly look for His aid and 
" favour." All blasphemy and evil carriage on the 
Armada were therefore strictly forbidden ; and good 
conduct was to be enforced under heavy penalties ; " in 
order that the punishment for toleration of such sin 
may not fall upon all of us. You are going to fight for 
" the cause of Our Lord, and for the glory of His name, 
" and consequently He must be worshipped by all, so 
" that His favour may be deserved. This favour is being 
" so fervently besought in all parts, that you may go full 
" of encouragement that, by the mercy of God, His 
u forces will be added to your own." With this preamble 
the Duke was instructed to sail, if possible, straight for 
the rendezvous off Margate, where he was to join hands 
with Parma, and, except in the case of tempest making 
a refuge necessary, he was not to enter port until he 
arrived there. Even if he learnt that Drake had sailed 
for Spain he was not to allow himself to be diverted from 
the voyage : " But if he (Drake) follows or approaches 
" you, you may then attack him; and the same in- 




" structions will serve if y on xneet Drake at the mouth 
" of the Channel with his fleet, because if their forces 
" are thus divided it would be well to conquer them 
" piecemeal, so as to prevent the junction of all of them. 
" If you do not come across the enemy before you arrive 
" off Gape Margate, and find there only the Lord 
" Admiral with his fleet, or even if you find the united 
fleets of the Lord Admiral and Drake, yours should 
be superior to both of them in quality, and you may, 
" in God's name and cause, give battle to them, trying 
to gain the wind and every other advantage, in the 
hope that our Lord may give you the victory.' ' 
For years Philip's spies and the sailors who had 
suffered from Drake's attacks had reported the handiness 
of the English ships and the superiority of their artillery 
practice; and although Philip and his officers had not 
profited by the lessons in the construction and arming of 
their vessels, yet at this late hour, when the Spanish ships 
remained slow and unweatherly, and were overcrowded 
with swaggering soldiers, who still swore by their pikes 
and harquebusses, and looked upon ships' cannons as a 
base arm, the King says : — " Above all it must be borne 
" in mind that the enemy's object will be to fight at long 
" distance, in consequence of his advantage in artillery, 
" and the large number of artificial fires [with which he 
" will be furnished. The aim of our men, on the contrary, 
must be to bring him to close quarters and grapple 
with him, and you will be very careful to have this 
carried out. For your information a statement is sent 
" to you describing the way in which the enemy employs 
" his artillery, in order to deliver his fire low and sink 
" his opponent's ships ; and you will take such precautions 
41 as you consider necessary in this respect." This shows 
a perfect foreknowledge of the English tactics, and it 



gives the measure of the incompetence of Philip and 

his advisers to carry out such an expedition as the 

Armada. They knew the English were superior in two 

vital respects, yet so conservative were they that they 

made no attempt to rival or excel their enemy in these 

respects, but simply endeavoured to overcome him by 

old tactics, and with vessels and arms which his enterprise 

had made obsolete. It was expecting too much of 

Providence to rely upon sanctimonious appeals and, to 

anticipate certain victory, as Philip did, after having 

himself neglected the very first condition which would 

contribute to success. 

The only point upon which he appears to. have been 

doubtful was the cordial co-operation of Parma and 

Medina Sidonia, and; he solemnly exhorted both of them 

to loyal joint-action, which was mainly rendered difficult 

by his grudging half -confidence in his illustrious nephew 

(page 248). By the secret instruction to Parma — one of 

the most important documents in this volume — it will be 
seen that the latter was not to be informed of the King's 

real intentions towards England, unless he actually landed 
there; and consequently Parma never learnt, what we 
know now, was the minimum of concession upon which 
Philip would have made peace with England. If, after 
landing, Parma found he could not subdue the country, 
and peace negotiations became desirable, Philip only 
imposed three conditions which in case of need might be 
reduced to two or perhaps to one. 1st. That the free 
use and exercise of " our holy Catholic faith " should be 
permitted in England to all Catholics, native and foreign, 
and exiled English Catholics be permitted to return home. 
2nd. That the Netherlands fortresses in English occupa- 
tion should be restored to Spain ; and 3rd. That a large 
indemnity should be paid by England. The third claim 



was to be presented merely as a matter of form, and the 
second was opened to discussion, but as a last resource, 
in the event of the Armada being only partially successful, 
Philip would have accepted as a settlement the toleration 
of Catholicism in England; and perhaps the restoration 
to him of Flushing. 

By the end of April the Armada in Lisbon was pro- 
nounced to be ready to sail, and interesting details of the 
strength, provisioning, armament, &c. of the great fleet, 
and of Parma's army will be found on pages 269, 274, 
280-286, 290, &c. ; and side by side with these particulars, 
the details of the English preparations as sent by Spanish 
spies, may also be read with interest. The minute orders 
issued by Medina Sidonia to the fleet prior to sailing are 
most curious, and reflect the King's influence in every 
paragraph. No point, however trivial, seems to have 
been overlooked ; but though the orders are sanctimonious 
and. prim enough to suit a convent school, (page 290) only 
a few days afterwards, when the Armada had barely left 
the Tagus, it was clear that far more important matters 
had been neglected or mismanaged. The Duke already 
speaks doubtfully about being able to give Parma his 6,000 
men, and opines that it would be better to beat the enemy 
at sea first " and the rest will be safe and easy," which 
meant that Medina Sidonia wished to obtain the credit for 
the victory himself, and to leave Parma as little as possible. 
Then came the significant admissions tbat "the last 
" muster does not satisfy me, as there are always oppor- 
" tunities for evasion in port " : the victuals were " shipped 
very stale," and " are spoiling and rotting fast " (page 302). 
Knocking about on the Portuguese coast and in the Bay 
of Biscay in a gale until the 19th June— nearly three 
weeks — still further reduced the provisions, and before 
the Duke entered Corunna on the latter date he confessed 
to the ir™ g (page 303) that the stores were bad and short 


and the hulks slow. " The victuals are so rotten and stink- 
" ing that many have been thrown overboard to save themen 
" from pestilence." In great trouble and anxiety, orders 
were sent to seize all food that could be found on shore, and 
whilst the battered and crippled fleet was slowly repaired 
and concentrated again, the Duke qpite lost heart. " Many 
men are falling sick/ 9 he wrote, "aided by short commons 
" and bad food, and I am afraid that this trouble may 
" spread and become past remedy " (page 315). Every 
day he grew less confident about giving Parma his 6,000 
men, greatly to Parma's indignation, (page 316) and 
finally on the 24th June, Medina Sidonia writes almost 
tearfully to the King, recommending him to abandon 
the expedition altogether (page 318). Philip had, 
however, now gone too far for this. After thirty years 
of hesitancy, he had staked everything upon making 
England a Catholic country, for with the danger of a 
Huguenot king in France, the whole future of Spain 
depended upon this, and he dared not draw back. He 
could only, therefore, sternly command the timid Duke to 
fulfil his task without delay (page 326). The reports of 
the councils of admirals called by the Duke at Corunna 
(pages 321 and 348) show that he had now lost all prestige 
with those under him, and that the condition of things on 
board the fleet was even worse than he had dared to tell 
the King. But there was no help for it, and the Armada 
sailed from Corunna on the 23rd July (N.S.) with nearly 
its full strength (page 339), after all the men, soldiers and 
sailors, had been confessed and absolved by the friars, on 
an island in Corunna harbour; great precautions being 
taken to prevent desertion. " The friars tell me that they 
" have already confessed and absolved 8,000 of them. 
" This is such an inestimable treasure that I esteem it 
" more highly than the most precious jewel I carry on the 
" fleet " (page 338). 


From this point the story of the Armada is told daily 
by those on board, from Medina Sidonia to the common 
sailors, as it has never been told in English before. 
Medina Sidonia's successive letters to Parma, and his 
reports to the King mark the rapid decline of confidence 
of all hands. After the first fight off Plymouth, the 
Duke's cool doubts about being able to give reinforcements 
to Parma degenerated into beseeching appeals for Parma 
to come out and reinforce him. The minute descriptions 
contained in the papers printed in this volume depict from 
all the points of view, the utter demoralisation that 
existed. On the 30th July (O.S.) Medina Sidonia wrote 
to the King that he dared not proceed beyond the Isle of 
Wight until he got into touch with Parma ; and only two 
days afterwards he assured the latter that "it is my 
" intention, with God's help, to continue my voyage 
" without allowing anything to divert me until I receive 
" from your Excellency instructions as to what I am to 
" do, and where I am to wait for you to join me " 
(page 358). Pilots, ammunition, water, protection, 
instructions, were all plaintively begged for by Medina 
Sidonia. Parma was furiously indignant, and both to the 
King and the Duke he reiterated, again and again, that the 
Armada had come to protect his passage across, and clear 
the sea of enemies. He, with his flat-bottomed river- 
boats " that will not stand a freshet, much less a tempest/' 
could not, and would not, stir until the Armada performed 
its part ; and he and his army, reinforced by 6,000 veteran 
Spaniards, might cross in safety to the mouth of the 
Thames, from the relations of those on board the fleet, 
supplemented by the reports of the Spanish spies in 
England, especially those of the Genoese Messia, the whole 
history of the disastrous expedition may be gathered. In 
a certain number of narratives in private collections, such 
as that of Captain Cuellar, published by Captain Fernandez 


Duro, some of the personal experiences may be related more 
vividly than is the case with the accounts in this volume, 
but picturesque incidents are plentiful, even in these 
papers; especially in Medina Sidonia's own letters and 
diary (page 394) ; the relation of the Chief Purser, Coco 
Calderon, (page 439) and the account of Juan de Nova of 
his adventures in Ireland (page 506) ; whilst the full 
particulars here published relating to the loss of the flag- 
galleass San Lorenzo, off Calais, and the adventures of the 
flag-ship Santa Ana, and the galleass Zuiiiga, on the French 
coast, have hitherto been entirely unknown. 

Philip was anxiously waiting and praying for the news 
of the expedition upon which he had staked so much ; 
and the first intelligence that reached him came from 
Mendoza in Paris, who reported that the Armada had 
gained a great victory over Drake on the 2nd August 
(N.S.). Mendoza was a bigot, whose conduct in England, 
and his share in the plots against Elizabeth, had marked 
him out for the special hatred of the Protestants, and this 
first false news of victory has for three centuries been 
attributed to his invention, and brought endless ridicule 
upon him. It will be seen by his despatch (page 369), 
that the false news was transmitted to him from his agent 
at Rouen, and he must, therefore, be held blameless in 
this respect. When, however, he sent the news hurriedly 
of the arrival of the Armada at Calais, and of the battle of 
Gravelines, the day after its escape from the fire ships, 
and attempted to buoy up the King still with the idea that 
the expedition was after all a success (pages 376-8, 379, 
381, 386, 388, 408, &c), the King, who had eagerly thanked 
Kim for his former communication (pages 384, 385), 
scrawled on the margin of his letters cautions to the effect 
that " this will turn out like the first news he sent/ 9 and 
other impatient expressions (pages 389 and 453) ; for Philip 
deceived himself no longer, and knew that his laborious 


efforts had failed, although the full extent of the 
catastrophe only reached him gradually. He was not 
unduly jubilant when he received the false news of his 
victory (page 385), and when the knowledge of his defeat 
reached him, he indulged in no reproaches or complaints 
against his officers. Mendoza, who especially disliked 
Parma, did not hide his opinion, that treachery had been 
at work, and the officers on the Armada and the spies were 
full of hints of Parma's falseness, of Medina Sidonia's 
cowardice and ineptitude, and of the frauds of the com- 
missaries, but the King made no sign, and blamed no one. 
Parma's own letters of exculpation (pages 370, 406, and 
502) appear to offer a complete answer to his traducers, 
inasmuch as he adhered to the letter of his instructions ; 
but it is evident all through that he had no belief in the 
success of the expedition, and peace would have suited his 
personal interests better than war. 

Although Philip ceaselessly urged Mendoza to send him 
more information from England, the reports of his spies 
were extremely full and interesting. The characteristic 
letters of the Portuguese traitor, Antonio de Vega, continued 
to report, although he was now suspected both by 
Walsingham and Don Antonio, such information of 
English armaments, and of the pretender's movements 
as he could gather, and his reports respecting the Armada, 
on pages 382 and 389, are full of interest, as also are 
those of the Genoese spy, Marco Antonio Messia, on 
pages 418 (where a very curious account will be found of 
the rejoicings in London), 422, 436, 450, 454, 479, &c* 

* He gives, on page 480, a very unfavourable view of the state of the 
English defences when the Armada appeared. The Council, he says, 
endeavoured to arouse the irritation of the people by giving out that the 
" Spaniards were bringing a shipload of halters in the Armada to hang 
" all Englishmen, and another shipload of scourges to whip women, with 
" 8,000 or 4,000 wet nurses to suckle the infants. It is said that all 
11 children between the ages of 7 and 12 would be branded in the face, so 
" that they might always be known. 9 ' 


This man makes many interesting references to the 
Spanish prisoners in Bridewell, and appears to have been 
in many respects a worthy person. He was another 
instance, like De Guaras and Fogaza, mentioned in 
previous volumes of this calendar, of the ungrateful way 
in which Philip treated his instruments ; and his wretched 
story of debt and danger in the service of Spain, until his 
death as a doubly-false English spy in Madrid, is set forth 
quite dramatically in his letters. 

There was hardly a man near the unfortunate pretender 
Don Antonio in England but played him false ; and in 
many cases his adherents were sold both to England and 
Spain to spy upon both. It may be doubted whether the 
vain, boastful Antonio de Vega was so important a person 
as he tried to make out; for his frequent harebrained 
schemes to kill Don Antonio, and to effect diplomatic 
arrangements, and the like, never came to anything ; but 
Escobar, the pretender's agent in France, Ferreira da 
Gama, one of his closest friends, and Manoel de Andrada 
— to whom reference will be made later — were able to 
render important services to Spain, and to frustrate all 
their master's efforts to regain his crown. We have 
seen that the preparations for Drake's dash upon Cadiz in 
1587 were made under cover of Don Antonio's name, and 
the same course was followed in the earlier naval arma- 
ments to resist the Armada ; but the peace negotiations with 
Parma filled the pretender with alarm, and he attempted to 
escape from England (March 1588, pages 240-1), but was 
politely stopped in the Downs and brought back, the Queen 
reproaching him quite coquettishly for wishing to leave 
her ; for he was still a useful stalking-horse, and might, 
he himself feared, become a valuable asset to exchange 
in negotiations with Philip. Before the remains of the 
Armada had returned to Spain the English sailors, par- 


ticularly, were burning to do what they had been urging 
upon the Queen for a year, namely, to strike a crushing 
blow at Philip in his own dominions. The Queen was 
still timid and uncertain; as yet unconvinced, as was 
nearly everybody but Winter and Drake, of the complete- 
ness of the Spanish defeat ; and if the sailors were to be 
allowed to have their way, it must be behind the mask of 
Don Antonio. The latter was not scrupulous as to where 
he got help : these papers represent him clamouring for 
support to the French Huguenots, the Flemish Protestants, 
the Grand Turk, and the Sultan of Morocco ; and no 
movement, no project even, was conceived by him that 
was not promptly reported to Mendoza and Philip by the 
false Portuguese. Elizabeth herself ostensibly held aloof 
(page 453), but subscribed largely to the joint stock company 
which was formed to undertake the expedition* (pages 482, 
484, and 511). Amongst other Portuguese adherents, 
Andrada — otherwise David — was summoned by Don 
Antonio to England to take part in the attempt, and in 
accord with Mendoza, though not without misgiving, for he 
knew his master had cause to suspect him, he went to Ply- 
mouth as a spy, but cleverly avoided embarking in Drake's 
fleet. From him (page 522) and De Vega minute, and 
apparently trustworthy, particulars were sent to Mendoza of 
the fleet and army to be taken by Drake and Norris to restore 
Don Antonio to his throne ; and Philip and his nephew, the 
Archduke Albert in Lisbon, were fully prepared to with- 
stand the expedition. The attack upon Corunna was unpre- 
meditated, and consequently was a surprise ; but more harm 
was done there fco the expedition than to Spain ; and in the 
extremely interesting, and hitherto unknown account of 
the abortive voyage, given by Don Antonio himself on his 

* The detailed history of this abortive expedition is contained in " The 
Year After the Armada," by the present writer. 

i 95498. d 


return (pages 547 and 553-5) it will be seen that he con- 
firms the reports of all other actors in it, that the 
indiscipline, delay, and drunkenness at Corunna, united 
to the unwisdom of Norris' land attack upon Lisbon with- 
out siege artillery, caused the disaster. 

The man whose influence had first been exerted in favour 
of Don Antonio in the English court was the Queen's 
physician, Dr. Buy Lopez, through whom much of the 
pretender's correspondence passed. Like the other Portu- 
guese friends of Don Antonio, however, Lopez was quite 
ready to betray his prince ; and after the failure of the 
expedition to Lisbon, apologised to Elizabeth for urging 
the cause of so troublesome a suitor. Even before this, 
Lopez's had been mentioned by De Vega to Mendoza 
as being willing to poison Don Antonio for a considera- 
tion; but in any case there is no doubt that after 
1589, if not previously, Lopez was a prot6g6 of the Cecil 
party, who were opposed to an adventurous foreign policy, 
and sought an opportunity of an agreement with Spain. 
Several references have already been made in this intro- 
duction to a certain Manoel de Andrada, a confidant of 
Don Antonio, who was a good linguist, and was useful 
in the pretender's communications with the revolted 
Flemings. This man, as we have seen, was one of 
Mendoza' s most active and zealous spies in England ; and 
early in 1590 he wrote some letters to Mendoza, informing 
him of Don Antonio's intention of crossing the Channel to 
seek the aid of Henry IV. against their common foe Philip, 
and detailing a plot which he, Andrada, had arranged 
for Antonio's capture. These letters were intercepted 
and Andrada was imprisoned (page 572). Through the 
influence of Lopez, enlisted by his brother-in-law, one 
Anes, who also offered his services as a spy and to kill 
Don Antonio if necessary, Andrada was released ; and as 


he tells the story (page 474), was brought into contact 
with Lopez, when the latter made an important suggestion 
to him. He had, he said, already shown his attachment 
to the Spanish cause by offering to kill Don Antonio, and 
by saving from the gallows many of the prisoners from 
the Armada, and " I might now tell Don Bernardino de 
" Mendoza that if he (Dr. Lopez) received his Majesty's 
" orders to negotiate an arrangement, this was the time. 
" He was sure, he said, that the Queen would concede any 
" terms that were demanded of her, as she was in great 
" alarm. It was not necessary to write about this, but 
" that I should go to Calais and write to him from there, 
cc to the effect that, bearing in mind the clemency the 
" Queen had extended to me, I was discussing with Don 

Bernardino de Mendoza subjects which would redound 

greatly to the advantage of her country ; and that if a 
" passport were sent enabling me to go backwards and 
" forwards freely (which he promised should be sent at 
" once), I could come and stay secretly in his house, 
*• where Secretary Walsingham would come and speak 
" with me. He, Lopez, had no doubt that the Queen 
" would come to terms with his Majesty, and would force 
" Don Antonio to do likewise, on conditions that his 
" Majesty might think just. She would also cause the i 

c< Netherlands to agree, and he, Dr. Lopez, on his part, 
u would endeavour that everything should be done to his 
€C Majesty's satisfaction. No one was to know, however, 
" that he had discussed this matter with me. He would 
u continue to let me know the decisions of the Queen's 
" Council; and when things were sufficiently advanced 
u towards a conclusion to his Majesty's satisfaction, per- 
" sonages might be sent to make the formal contracts. 
" He hopes that everything may thus be settled speedily 
" and advantageously for his Majesty. . . . If an 

d 2 


" arrangement be not arrived at, he promises that Don 
" Antonio shall be sent away from England or detained 
there, as his Majesty may desire, and ... if the 
present suggested arrangement fell through, he would 
" continue to protect his Majesty's interests in England." 
It is certain that Lopez would not have taken such a 
course as this — or even that the Queen would have 
released Andrada to begin with — without the connivance 
of Lord Burghley, who, we have seen all through these 
papers, lost no opportunity of approaching Spain. 
Mendoza, however, and probably his master, who was now 
in the thick of his struggle in France, evidently did not 
believe in the possibility of the arrangement suggested, 
and it was agreed that, although Andrada should go to 
Spain and report to Philip, it was only that he might 
afterwards be able, under cover of the negotiations for an 
agreement, to go backwards and forwards and render 
account of what was going on in England (page 576) ; and 
Mendoza adds a request to Philip that he will fitly reward 
him, Andrada, for the services he has rendered so zealously, 
and at so much personal risk. This may account for 
the possession by Andrada of Philip's token-ring, of which 
so much was subsequently made. In any case, Andrada 
thenceforward became one of Burghley's agents with Dr. 
Lopez, and for the next three years went backwards and 
forwards as suggested, partly as a double spy ; and, so far 
as Burghley and his party were concerned, in the interests 
cf peace. That concurrently with this, the suggestion so 
often made to poison Don Antonio may have continued, 
is, of course, possible, although unlikely, for the pretender 
was powerless thenceforward ; but the letters just quoted 
give a sufficient innocent reason for Lopez's admitted cor- 
respondence with the Spaniards, and explain Andrada's 
connection with it. In the meanwhile an enemy to peace 


with Philip, more bitter and artful than any other in the 
world, arrived in England, and the subtle brain of Antonio 
Perez was at the service of hot-headed young Essex, to 
ruin, by fair means or by foul, the peace policy of the 
Cecils. Perez was a plausible rogue, and over the wine 
cup wormed out some hints of Lopez's negotiations. 
Some of the Portuguese agents and spies were taken with 
compromising papers in their possession, at Perez's sug- 
gestion. They were tortured and terrorised until Lopez's 
name was wrung out of them, and then the long suspended 
blow fell upon the Queen's physician. The Cecils, whose 
agent he was, fought hard for him ; for they probably 
knew quite well that he was innocent of crime with which 
Essex and Perez charged him, namely, an intention to kill 
the Queen. The Queen herself at first believed Sir Robert 
Cecil's assurance that the jealousy of Essex was at the 
bottom of the accusation, and she flew in a violent rage 
with her favourite. But Essex was powerful, and Perez 
had the cunning of a malignant devil, and the ' toils were 
spun round Lopez. All the agents were doubly sold 
traitors, and Lopez himself was paid by both sides. Under 
torture and fear compromising admissions were obtained, 
and it was asserted even that Lopez himself had confessed 
his guilt, though he solemnly avowed his innocence on the 
scaffold. Popular feeling was stirred, and the Cecils did 
as they had done before on other occasions, abandoned 
their agent rather than risk a complete rupture with Essex 
on an unpopular issue. It would be too much to say that 
the letter quoted in this Calendar proves Lopez's innocence, 
but it goes very far to explain the facts upon which his 
guilt was mainly presumed. 

Through the whole of the Armada period the 
conspiracy of Huntly and the other Scottish ncbles, 
referred to in the last volume of this Calendar, coptinued. 


For reasons assigned in Brace's correspondence, the plan 
for an armed Spanish diversion in Scotland fell through — 
as, indeed, it would have done in any case after the 
Armada failed to sail in the autumn of 1587 — and the 
consummate duplicity of James VI., encouraged the 
Catholic Spanish agents to address themselves to him 
direct, in order that he might control events to his own 
advantage. The whole of this obscure intrigue, in which 
James successfully hoodwinked the Catholics, and kept 
them quiet* at a critical juncture, can he followed here 
for the first time in the letters from Bruce to Mendoza 
(pages 144, 161, and 210), in those of Huntly to the Duke 
of Parma (pages 361 and 429), and in the references to 
the mission of Morton and Colonel Semple to Scotland. 
When the Catholic danger was over for James, and it 
became necessary to satisfy his English friends and his 
own subjects by making a pretence of punishing the 
treason to which he from the first had been privy, the 
arrest of Huntly and the sham proceedings against him 
were undertaken (pages 528, 548), only to end in the 
practical absolution of Huntly and his friends from a 
charge which his own letters in this volume prove to 
have been well founded, as the King knew. At a 
subsequent period (1591) a very curious account was sent 
to Spain, of events in Scotland at this time, including the 
narrative of a miraculous victory gained by Huntly over 
Argyll (page 588) ; and a further narrative, continuing the 
story to 1593 of the intrigues of the Scottish Catholics 
with Spain, will be found on page 603 et seq. This 
interesting document has especial reference to the mission 
of the priest John Cecil to Spain, for the purpose of 
negotiating for armed aid to capture James, and make 

• It will be seen that Morton's rising in the autumn of 1588 was 
premature, and not intended by the Spanish party. It was quite unim- 
portant under the circumstances. 



Scotland a Catholic country ; and the moving spirit of the 
plot in Spain itself appears to have been the indefatigable 
Father Persons in Valladolid (pages 606-8). The negotia- 
tion was continued in the following year, 1594, by the 
same envoy, in conjunction with Lord Balgarys and Hugh 
Barclay (pages 613-16), and in 1595 by Matthew Semple, 
whose statement (page 617) graphically illustrates the 
continued chicanery by which James managed to frustrate 
the whole of the Catholic plans. 

It is quite plain to see, however, that the aims of 
the Scottish Catholics and those of Philip were entirely 
divergent, and there was never any chance of effective aid 
reaching them from Spain. Their idea was to make 
Scotland a Catholic country and to convert James, in 
order that, with Spanish support, he might succeed to the 
throne of a Catholic England. We have seen how this 
dream of the Guises long ago had been dispelled by Philip, 
and how for years the conversion of the shifty James for his 
own ends had been scoffed at by Spanish agents and the 
English Jesuit party, notwithstanding all the charming 
of the Vatican. Now that James 9 duplicity was obvious, 
and his interested leaning towards the English Protestants 
grew more decided, it was less than ever likely that 
Philip would raise a finger or spend a ducat to aggrandise 
him. But still, as will be seen in these papers, almost to 
the death of Elizabeth it suited the Spaniards to encourage 
the Scotch Catholics and to keep them in hand, to be used 
as a diversion in case of need on the demise of the English 

A cause that appealed much more strongly to Philip 
and his successor was that of the Irish Catholics in arms 
against England, and the documents in this Calendar 
treating upon that subject are of exceptional value and 
interest, being in most cases for the first time transcribed, 


and completing the information and intercepted letters 
printed in the Irish Calendars, and those in Pacata 
Hibernia and the Carew Papers. In August 1593, the 
Archbishop of Tuam was sent to Spain by Tyrone to seek 
the aid of Philip to the rising in the north of Ireland. 
The Catholic heir of Desmond and the other fugitives 
from Munster after the collapse of the Desmond rebellion 
were living at Lisbon on Philip's bounty, and in fervent 
words, seconded the prayer of the Ulstermen (page 608), 
and the King received the Archbishop graciously. All 
Ireland could, he was assured, be raised. Tyrone and 
O'Donnell, who had sent him, said the Archbishop, could 
hold the north and west ; the GeraMines had only to land 
in Munster for the country to join them again, whilst 
Baltinglas and O'Connor would raise all Leinster outside 
the English pale. Minute details were given to Philip of 
the strength of the Irish Catholic chiefs. Here, he was 
told, was a country as Catholic as Spain itself, ready to 
acclaim him as King ; and where for a trifling expendi- 
ture he could be a permanent thorn in the side of the 
Queen of England, who at her weakest moment might 
be attacked at his own convenience. Here he had no 
heretic King to deal with, as in Scotland ; no Protestant 
population to divide parties, but a whole nation hating 
the English bitterly, and who, safe in their own fastnesses, 
were only panting for deliverance from the heretic Queen, 
whose insignificant forces they had already defied every- 
where outside the fortified towns and the foreign pale. 
But Philip was slow to decide. His hands were still full 
in Prance, and his treasury was exhausted ; if with small 
expenditure Elizabeth might be weakened, he would listen ; 
but, as usual, he was avid for more information — more 
details — before he could move. "What they demand, ,, 
he scribbled to his secretary, " is very much . . . You 


talk to him (i.e., the Archbishop), and get to the bottom 
of it all, and then we will see what is the very smallest 
" aid that will be needed. If it be so small that we can 
11 give it, we will help them " (page 610). Whilst the 
slow process of investigation by spies and others was 
proceeding, loving letters were sent to the Ulster chiefs 
in arms, in which Philip exhorted them to stand firm. 
For a time Tyrone carried all before him, in hope of the 
Spanish succour which arrived not. Swift "pataches" 
sailed backwards and forwards from Galicia to Ulster, 
carrying fervid appeals from the chiefs and taking back 
blessings and vague promises from Philip. But at last, in 
March 1596, Try one began to lose faith. He was master 
of the greater part of Ireland, and could make good terms 
with the English, who had already consented to a truce. 
So he sent his confessor with an ultimatum to Philip. 
Either help must be sent in plenty, especially artillery, or 
he will make peace, and Spanish influence in Ireland will 
be at an end (page 617). This, at last, was sufficient to 
arouse Philip, who despatched one of his ensigns, Alonso 
Cobos, to examine and report fully upon the military 
position, and especially to persuade Tyrone to stand firm. 
He arrived only just in time to prevent the peace from 
being concluded, and gives (page 619) an interesting 
account of his negotiations. He carried back with hiry to 
Spain letters from the chiefs, still pressing for prompt 
help and promising to hold out until it came. A month 
later (May 1596) other experienced Spanish officers were 
sent to advise Tyrone, and to report still more fully as to 
the military needs ; and their reports (pages 621 to 627) 
are also most interesting. On their journey back they 
were nearly captured by the English, but eventually 
escaped, and brought assurance of Irish success if help 
were sent at once. If not, said the chiefs, the visit of the 


captains will do more harm than good; and Count 
Portalegre, the Governor of Galicia, from whose territory 
the communication with Ireland was carried on, almost as 
urgently as the Irish chiefs, prayed that they might not he 
abandoned in their struggle. Portalegre himself was in 
mortal apprehension of the possible descent of an English 
fleet on the coast of Spain, to prevent the threatened 
junction of Spanish ships for the purpose of succouring 
the TJlstermen (June 1696), or to carry out the more 
ambitious suggestion of a descent from the Spanish base 
in Brittany upon England itself. Count Portalegre, who 
almost alone amongst Philip's officers appears to have at 
this time feared the advent of an English fleet, was 
justified in his apprehension, although Essex and Howard 
did not appear at the point he expected, for the day after 
Portalegre wrote that, "he was more anxious about it 
than ever he was in his life about anything/ ' Essex's 
fleet sailed from Plymouth to sack Cadiz, and, for the 
second time, to ruin Spain's navy. 

The enterprise of the Scottish and Irish Catholics, and 
the growing feeling amongst the English secular Catholic 
clergy and laity,* that on Elizabeth's death England 
might quietly become Catholic without a Spanish 
domination, did not: altogether please the Jesuit and 
extreme party, which had been thrown somewhat in the 
shade by the failure of the Armada. Philip, himself, was 
old, sick, poor, and disillusioned ; he had, probably, long 
ago lost hope of being able to conquer and hold England 
as a semi-dependency by force of arms ; and, moreover, 
the matter was of much less importance to him, now that 

* Many even of Philip's old English pensioners — the Pagets, Morgan, 
and many others — had abandoned the idea of a Spanish sovereign of England, 
and were working for a Catholic England under Arabella Stuart or 
James VL (See Morgan's examination, page 563.) 



Henry IV. had gone to Mass, and France was a Catholic 
country. But there was still a certain number of zealots, 
led by the indefatigable Persons, who were determined, if 
possible, once more to get into their hands the direction 
of English affairs. An exceedingly interesting series of 
papers, mostly in the handwriting of Father Persons, 
dated in the autumn of 1596, will be found on page 
628 et seq 9 in which the views of this section are per- 
suasively set forth. Philip was making desperate, and 
not very successful, efforts to rally a naval force under 
the Adelantado of Castile, of which the destination was 
believed to be either Great Britain or Ireland. It was 
impossible for Persons and his party openly to oppose the 
giving of aid to the Scottish and Irish Catholics, but they 
were anxious that it should only be granted as part of a 
plan for bringing England itself under the rule of 
Catholics of their own type. Their tone, howeyer, in one 
respect had changed vastly since 1586-7, when they 
represented the majority of the English nation as yearning 
for the coming of Philip as the sovereign by right of 
descent. They were only desirous now that Philip should 
contradict the " lies of the heretics, ,, by making known 
to the English (apparently by a book to be written by 
Englefield) that he had no intention or desire of adding 
England to his dominions; but that his daughter, the 
Infanta, might be selected by the English Catholics 
themselves for their Queen on the death of Elizabeth. 
Persons and his friends — including the widowed Duchess of 
Feria, Jane Dormer — represented that English people of 
high rank were looking to the future with apprehension, 
and that if a representative board of English refugees of 
position, such as Sir William Stanley, was appointed in 
Flanders with large powers, negotiations could easily be 
opened with their countrymen at home, which would 


ensure the peaceful acceptance of the Infanta on the 
Queen's death. 

Persons was at the time about to start for Rome, not 
without some fear on the part of his friends that treachery 
was intended towards him there ; (page 634) but he left in 
these documents ample proof that, though he did not fail to 
see that Philip was now an impossible King of England ; 
his, Persons*, own views and objects had not greatly 
changed. He was still for excommunicating the Queen, 
for harrying the English coasts and shipping by pirates 
recruited in England and Flanders, for sending to England 
ready-made bishops and cardinals, and for restoring to the 
church some of the confiscated property, which, even 
Philip, Mary, and Pole had not dared to return forty years 

Persons left behind him, at Madrid, a younger and less 
bigoted English priest, Father Oreswell, who saw clearly 
enough that the time had gone by for Persons' methods 
to be successful with his countrymen, and urged upon 
Philip's ministers a policy of conciliation and mildness ; 
and an appearance, at all events at first, of religious 
toleration in England (page 635). 

Philip knew better than Persons and his friends 
that he was in no position to attack England with another 
Armada; whilst the persistence of the Irish chiefs and 
their constant emissaries to Spain had persuaded him 
that, with but comparatively small support given to 
Tyrone and O'Donnell, he might be able to establish a 
firm footing in Ireland, after which his further policy 
towards England might be decided from that point of 
vantage. The indispensable Captain Cobos was accordingly 
again sent in September 1596 with letters to all the 
principal chiefs in arms, and instructions to assemble the 
latter, and assure them, in Philip's name, that effective 


Spanish aid should be sent to them. Cobos landed afc 
Killybegs harbour at the end of September 1596, and the 
meeting of chiefs took place in the monastery of 
Donegal on the 6th October. " They thank God and your 
" Majesty for this, and promised to die, if needful, in His 
" service. Each took me aside separately to assure me 
" that he and his folk would be the first to join the force 
" when it arrived. I took O'Neil and O'Donnell apart, 
" and said that at last the hour they had longed for had 
" arrived, and before the winter set in the succour they 
" had so often requested would be there. I urged them 
" to set about what raids they could, to show their zeal ; 
" and also to make the necessary arrangements secretly 
11 for the reception of our force. They thanked his 
11 Majesty, and said they were always ready and waiting 
" like the faithful vassals they were. . . . They had 
" been playing fast and loose with the enemy for a long 
" time, awaiting his Majesty's aid ; and a fortnight ago 
" the English came with 1,600 footmen and 600 horse 
11 into their lands to force them to make peace, but they 
" had met them, and Norris left off fighting and tried to 
" make terms, but all they would consent to was a truce 
" for a month and a day. All this was only to await your 
" Majesty's succour, whilst they prevented the Queen 
" from sending more forces " (page 638). 

Cobos learnt, however, when he was at Killybegs that 
O'Neil had sent to Norris Philip's letter, which Cobos had 
brought on his previous visit in the spring, and had 
attempted to make capital out of it. O'Neil was voluble in 
his excuses and explanations, and wrote a fervent letter to 
Philip himself on the subject (pages 638 and 642) ; but 
Cobos evidently half-distrusted this correspondence with 
the " heretics," and " warned them (O'Neil and O'Donnell) 


to keep their promises bettor for the future."* When 
Gobos returned to Spain he carried with him a perfect 
sheaf of letters, petitions, and claims from the Irish chiefs, 
each of whom, apparently, wanted his own ends served, 
especially Oormack O'Neil and Hugh Boy O'Davitt. He 
also carried a curious appeal from some Spanish soldiers 
who had remained in Ireland since the wreck of the 
Armada (page 641). 

O'Neil naturally expected prompt and effective aid to 
reach him within the month, but to his intense indignation 
nothing came until March 1597, when two small ships 
with some money and gunpowder put into Killybegs. 
O'Neil had been loudly proclaiming all the winter his 
loyalty to Elizabeth, for he had almost lost faith in slow 
Philip's fine promises, and the " Irishry " were already 
saying "that they loved the worst Englishman better 
than the best Spaniard." When the insignificant help 
came to him in March, he told the Spanish officers who 
brought it that " they were but a deceitful nation and 
" had cosened the Irish. After all his promises the king 
" of Spain had sent them nothing but a little powder." 
He would, he said, depend upon the King's help no 
longer. Neither O'Neil nor the English guessed at the 
utter state of demoralisation in which Philip's service was 
at the time. We can now look behind the scenes by 
reading Lopez de Soto's letters here summarised (page 
646), and we see the complete confusion that existed. 
Spies reported in England the great naval preparations 
being made under the Adelantado of Castile, but after five 
months of intermittent spasmodic activity in the ports, 

* Reference to the Irish Calendar will show that O'NeiTs explanation 
about the letter was true. He had sent the letter by Captain Warren to 
Dublin on a distinct pledge that it should be returned, but the Council 
refused to return it, and this was a constant source of grievance to the 


Soto could only write at the beginning of July, to the 
Council of War : " Everything is hi confusion ; uniforms 
" for the men are lacking, and the cavalry is unfit for 
" service. There is no money to provide anything, no 
" meat, no wine, no siege artillery, hardly any guns for 
" the ships themselves 3 ' (page 646), and the Adelantado, 
himself, in his rough outspoken way at the same time, 
July 1597, told one of Philip's ministers that " there was 
<c no fleet or any possibility of going out and facing the 
" enemy " (page 647). Matters were nearing a crisis with 
O'Neil. He had kept the English in negotiations, on and 
off, the whole winter, and the chiefs in May had sent 
Thomas Lalley to Spain with fresh appeals and petitions 
(page 644), as fruitless as the previous ones. If only 
O'Neil could delay decisive action until the arrival of a 
new Lord Deputy, he thought that a favourable arrange- 
ment with the English might be made, but Lord de Burgh 
was determined to strike a crushing blow at the " base 
beast/ 9 as he called him, without delay. 

A plan of operations was settled with Sir Conyers 
Clifford, and De Burgh routed and pursued O'Neil in 
June, and in the middle of July forced the passage of the 
Blackwater. Fresh despairing appeals went forth to the 
King of Spain; but Philip was nearing his grave, and 
broken-hearted : all he desired was peace, and, at least, 
toleration for Catholicism, before he died. He was coming 
to terms at last with Henry IV. ; *uid his nephew, the 
Archduke Albert, who was to be married to his favourite 
daughter Isabel, and jointly with her inherit the Nether- 
lands, was even urging the King to allow him to make 
peace with Elizabeth (page 649). Essex with an English 
fleet, moreover, in the autumn of 1597 was on the coast of 
Spain, and the Adelantado's ships dared not move from 
Ferrol ; so, again, the hopes of the Irish chiefs of Spanish 


support were doomed to disappointment. Philip, on his 
deathbed (August 1598), received news of the victory gained 
by O'Neil and O'Donnell over the English at Portmore, 
and the subsequent acceptance of the viceroyalty of 
Ireland by Essex ; and once more the Irish chiefs became 
clamorous for the long promised aid . Under the foolish 
and corrupt rule of Essex the rebel cause again became 
hopeful. Minister and Connaught were overrun by 
O'Neil ; and Essex himself, thinking only of his personal 
ambition and party rancour, treacherously entered into 
negotiations with O'Neil* (page 656). This surely was 
the opportunity when a strong Spanish force would have 
turned the scale ; but young Philip III. was in greater 
poverty even than his father had been, and once more 
reports and inquiries had to be made before help could be 
sent. At the beginning of 1600, therefore, the Spanish 
archbishop-elect of Dublin with an experienced soldier, Don 
Martin de la Oerda, were sent to negotiate with O'Neil, 
taking presents of gold chains, portraits, arms and 
ammunition. " As the oft promised aid from Spain was 
" hourly expected," wrote the archbishop to the King, 
u when we arrived with empty hands only again to repeat 
" the old promises, they were overcome with sorrow and 
" dismay, especially as they had news of the enemy in force 
" both by land and sea." The archbishop did his best to 
re-assure the chiefs, who promised to hold out for five 
months longer at most, and sent back by Captain de la 
Oerda the glowing report of the loyalty and devotion of 
the Irish. O'Neil and O'Donell again wrote to the 
King praying for aid (page 656), and protesting their 
loyalty. Sixty Irish chiefs had met the Spanish emissaries 
at Donegal, and received the King's presents with great 

• For further evidence of this, see the Life of " Sir Walter Raleigh, " by the 
present writer. 









ceremony, " saying they would wear no other chains or 
" yoke than those of your Majesty " (page 663). After much 
deliberation by the King's Council in Madrid, it was at 
length decided to send at once a supply of money and food 
to the rebels, whilst a powerful fleet was to be fitted out to 
carry an army of 6,000 men with arms and supplies to 
Ireland, and fix upon the country the sovereignty of Spain, 
which O'Neil represented could be had for the taking. 
Money and time were short, but Philip III. was young 
and devout, and in an interesting holograph note (page 
667), shows himself to be a true son of his father, and the 
preparations were continued with some attempt at activity. 
But in the meanwhile the English Jesuits, and even 
the Scottish Catholics (pages 652, 667, 677), were jealously 
intriguing to obtain for their respective parties Philip's 
support and countenance on the death of Elizabeth, which 
could not be very long delayed. Father Persons was in 
Rome, but there he prompted the Spanish ambassador, 
the Duke of Sessa, to address to the King and his council 
a report containing the views and desires of English 
Catholics, to secure the succession of the English crown to 
the Infanta Isabel, whilst Fitzherbert, the King's English 
secretary, forwarded the intrigue in Madrid (page 650). 
Whilst the council in Madrid was laboriously and 
copiously discussing what might be done in England on 
the death of the Queen, and at the same time by their 
inflated pretensions of superiority for Spain rendering 
abortive the peace negotiations with England (page 659), 
the succour for Ireland was at last slowly assuming shape 
in the Galician ports. With infinite effort several small 
supplies of money, arms, and a few experienced officers 
had been sent to Ireland ; but it took over a year before 
the main re-inforcement was ready. At the beginning of 
September 1601 the Spanish fleet of 33 vessels, under 

i 95498. 6 


Diego Brochero, with 4,500 Spanish soldiers commanded 
by Don Juan del Aguila, sailed from Lisbon ; but when 
they were already near the Irish coast the Admiral 
Brochero mth eight of his ships were caught in a tempest, 
and driven back to Spain with a large number of the 
soldiers. Short of men and stores, del Aguila himself 
took refuge in Kinsale, and there fortified himself against 
the English, sending back to Spain urgent prayers for 
support and re-inf orcement. The story of the defeat of 
O'Neil and O'Donnell, the death of the latter in Spain, 
the capitulation of Kinsale, and the abandonment of the 
O'Sullivans and the O'Driscolls, is told in pathetic fashion 
by the letters in this Calendar, which henceforward must 
be read side by side with the papers in the Oarew 
Calendars and in Pacata Hibernia. 

Hoping against hope, the Irish refugee chiefs and 
priests in Spain still fervently prayed for help for the 
Catholic cause in Ireland. How impossible it was 
to give it to them is now seen for the first time, 
by the reports of the councils to King Philip. In 
secret conference the hollowness of Spain's great 
pretensions was sorrowfully admitted by the King's 
minsters, and a pathetic attempt made to keep up 
appearances, in order, if possible, still to have an hand 
in English affairs on the death of the Queen. But it was 
-a falling off indeed in the 15 years since the haughty 
bluster of the Armada. In November 1602 Father 
Creswell, on behalf of the English Catholics, again 
presented a formal request to Philip III. that he would at 
once take measures to intervene in England on the death 
of the Queen. The council sadly admitted to the King 
that a regular armed intervention of importance would be 
quite impossible, but early in 1603 exhaustively discussed 
and considered the whole question. The Infanta and her 
husband had no desire to undertake what they knew was 


the impossible task of ruling England according to 
Spanish ideas. Philip's penury made it idle to dream of 
imposing a sovereign on the country ; and at last Count 
de Olivares boldly stripped the matter of all pretence, and 
advised that the goodwill of the English people should 
be gained by supporting any native candidate for the 
succession who might be chosen by the English Catholics. 
The arrangement was to be carried on from Flanders, 
whither a large sum of money was to be sent, and where a 
considerable force was to be raised to aid, if necessary, the 
new Catholic sovereign of England. Father Creswell was 
in close communication with the Catholics in England, 
and it is certain that this was the foundation of the plan 
entertained by so many important political personages 
in England to raise Arabella Stuart to the throne. All 
the evidence points to the fact that Sir Robert Cecil was 
from the first cognisant of these negotiations, whilst he 
was in secret communication with James VI. for the 
purpose of frustrating them when the moment arrived. 
There was, however, no great fear, for promptitude was 
of all things essential, and promptitude, either of payment 
or action, could never be expected of Spanish councils. 
In vain Cress well clamoured desperately for the fulfilment 
of the promises made to the heads of the plot in England 
(pages 739-741), that distinct assurance should be given 
that they should not be left in the lurch if they proclaimed 
Arabella, and that sufficient armed force should at once be 
mustered in Flanders to support them if necessary. But 
whilst he was clamouring, and the fatuous Spanish 
council was making fine speeches, the blow fell, and 
Elizabeth died. Robert Cecil was ready if no one else 
was, and before the final reply was received from Spain, 
James was King of England with the acclamation of a 
people pleased that the succession should pass anyhow 
without war. 


This was the impotent conclusion of fifty years of 
Spanish effort to obtain a dominant influence in England 
by means of religion. Through the whole of the papers 
contained in tbe four volumes of this Calendar the 
intrigue runs unbroken. Diplomacy, cajolery, threats, 
subornation of murder, incitement of rebellion and open 
war had each been tried in turn, but in every case tried 
too late. The blighting centralizing system of Charles V. 
and of Philip II., with its wooden immobility and its 
sluggish want of sympathy with its instruments, had been 
no match for the alert, vigorous methods and intensely 
human passions which moved the great English queen 
and the men of action and council who surrounded her. 
Spain had been beaten to a large extent by her own 
shortcomings, which made the task of such energetic 
opponents comparatively easy. But the very qualities 
which proved useless to her when pitted against the great 
Elizabethans ; the haughty, deliberate, presumption which 
had been pierced, buffeted, and derided by men who took 
nothing for granted ; by the Queen herself, by Drake and 
the sailors, by the Puritan party, which always prevented 
Spain from being taken by her own valuation : these 
qualities, with less real power behind them now than ever, 
brought timid, shifty James to his knees, and sent him 
truckling and cringing to the boasted power of Spain, 
which Englishmen of the worthier age of Elizabeth had 
proved to be a phantom. 

Martin A. S. Hume. 





2 Jan. 1. Count de Olivares to the King. 


Estado, 949. The English prior in Venice perseveres in his solicitations to Allen, 
saying that it would be well to endeavour to convert the Queen of 
England to the faith by fair means. I have told Allen not to 
break the thread, but to avoid pledging himself to anything until 
we can learn whether your Majesty desires to make use of the man, 
whom Allen praises as a very appropriate instrument for deceiving 
the Queen, whilst being himself deceived. — Rome, 2nd January 

8 Jan. 2. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King. 

*^i£m!»! 8 ' * leam from Irua that tte Huguenots have captured Pedro de 

Sarmiento* in the Landes near Bordeaux. I assured him that the 
way by Nantes, although longer, would be the safer, but he resolved 
to go by Bordeaux with an experienced courier from here who 
knew the road. As this will prevent him from speedily giving your 
Majesty an account of the Queen of England's instructions by word 
of mouth, I will set down the substance in writing, as he repeated 
them to me. The Queen told him that she greatly desired peace 
with your Majesty, and wished him to tell you so. The Treasurer 
repeated this to him, and as Sarmiento is a sensible man, he asked 
him in what way peace was desired, to which the Treasurer replied, 
that if old scores were forgotten, and your Majesty would be a good 
friend again, the Queen would withdraw the English from Holland 
and Zeeland. Sarmiento asked for this in writing, which the 
Treasurer said could not be given in the Queen's name, but he 
asked him to convey it to your Majesty verbally, and if he, Sarmiento, 
did not wish to follow up the negotiation, an ample passport should 
be given to him, so that any other person your Majesty might wish 

* Pedro Sarmiento de Gumbo*, the founder and governor of the Spanish settlement in 
Patagonia, had been captured by one of Raleigh's ships on his voyage to Spain. He 
had been kept in England for some time, and had been approached by some of Elizabeth's 
Councillors with suggestion! for a peaceful settlement between the two countries. After 
an interview with the Queen, he was sent to Spain with instructions to submit informally 
to Philip certain proposals for peace. See Volume III. of this Calendar. 

95498. Wt. 20921. A 



to send about it could come to England freely. Sarmiento carries 
this passport with liim. 

He had several conversations with Walter Raleigh, the Queen's 
favourite, and signified to him how wise it would be for him to 
offer his services to your Majesty, as the Queen's favour to him 
could not last long. He said if he (Raleigh) would really look after 
your Majesty's interests in that country, apart from the direct 
reward he would receive, your Majesty's support, when occasion 
arose, might prevent him from falling. Raleigh* accepted the 
advice, and asked Sarmiento to inform your Majesty of his willing- 
ness, if your Majesty would accept his services, to oppose Don 
Antonio's attempts, and to prevent the sailing of expeditions from 
England. He would, moreover, send a large ship of his own, heavily 
armed, to Lisbon, and sell it for your Majesty's service for the sum 
of 5,000 crowns. In order that he might learn whether your 
Majesty would accept his services, he gave Sarmiento a countersign, 
and wrote to a nephew of his who is here (ie., in Paris) learning 
the language, telling him that the moment I gave him any letter 
from Sarmiento' he was to start with it for England. I let him (the 
nephew) know that Sarmiento had been taken by Huguenots, and 
he replied that he would instantly go to England and tell the Queen 
and Raleigh, who, he was sure, would write to the Prince of Beam 
asking that he should be set at liberty. I greatly approved of this, 
as it will be the easiest and cheapest way of getting Sarmiento out 
of prison, and he is a person who can render great service to your 
Majesty in the Indies, which country he knows well.f — Paris, 
8th January 1587. 

10 Jan. 3. Charles Arundell to Secretary Idiaquez. 

^^ltStST' Your natural humanity, joined to the special kindness you have 
French. ' so frankly extended to me, make me wonder how God can have 
designed to bless me with such a friendship in these fickle times, 
when honour is commonly neglected by persons otherwise estimable. 
I know, however, from past experience how greatly you are my 
well wisher, and it would be superfluous for me to ask you for other 
new proofs of your favour, as it would equally be to profess my 
obligation to his Catholic Majesty, in whose service I will never fail, 
as it is of all things in the world that to which I am most attached, 
body and soul. I doubt not that Don Bernardino's letters will have 
reported as much of me, since all the important news he receives 
from England come through me, and none else.J He has promised 
to tell you this, and you will thus learn, as well as from the letters 

* Against Raleigh's name in this letter the King has written, " 1 thought this was the 
" man who someone told me was dead, hut it cannot be true, as the news does not come 
« in the letter." 

t In a letter of same date from Mendoza to Idiaquez, the former says that the 
Huguenots are sayinff they will only let Sarmiento go in exchange for the son of M. de la 
Noue. Greatly regrets Sarmiento's misfortune, as he seemed a zealous, honest gentleman. 
He insisted upon going hy that road against advice. 

X Charles Arundell appears to have been the intermediary between Mendoza and 
Sir Edward Stafford, the English Ambassador in France, who, as is proved in the last 
and present volumes of this Calendar, was secretly in the pay of Spain. 



I have written to EngleGeld, how valuable my services are, and how 
necessary it is that I should be able to continue them, as I would 
unless failure of means through non-payment to me of the King's 
allowance should force me to leave this place.* As I am the sole 
source of any trustworthy information furnished in the King's 
interest, I must frankly avow that my state cannot endure either 
the reduction already made in my allowance, the delay in the 
payment of it in future, nor the deduction made here by way of tax. 
I only complain of it to say that in your bands alone lies the 
remedy for these shortcomings. If no remedy be found, affairs will 
very shortly change for the worse in such a way that it will be 
impassible for me to conduct them as they have hitherto been 
conducted. I would go to Spain at once only that I fear to 
importune his Majesty too much, and feel that I should be unable to 
perform any adequate service there. I can assure you that the 
honours and favours which his Majesty has bestowed upon me have 
been so conspicuous that they have been the means of bringing 
many persons of quality to correspond with me ; but, on the other 
hand, they hate greatly increased my expenses, and have, indeed, 
plunged me into an infinity of disasters. I beg you will maturely 
consider what my position must be, unsupported by the pension 
promised to me. My will is good, as you know ; pray consider it 
so, and allow me to employ it effectually. Signed Charles Arundell. 
— Paris, 10th January 1587. 

12 Jan. 4. Advices from England. 

™i 5 66 .27*' The Scottish ambassadors! with a great company of Scots will 
arrive to-night. It is not known where they will be lodged. 

It is said that the earl of Leicester will not return to Flanders, but 
that lord Grey, who was Governor of Ireland, will go in his place.J 
This, however, is not yet certain. 

M. de Believre is leaving for France. 

There is not much talk now of hastily arming ships, but Drake is 
slowly repairing some of his vessels. 

17 Jan. 5. Count de Ouvares to the King. 

o, 949. gjngg i last wrote to your Majesty about England I have 
discovered that the archbishop of Glasgow, the Pagets, and the 
rest of their party which is trying to help the queen of Scotland 
separately from Allen (vfiih. objects which I explained , to your 
Majesty in the statement I sent on 26th October by the archbishop 
of Cambrai), have endeavoured to place the Queen's interests in the 

* It will be seen by reference to page 690 of Volume 3 of this Calendar that nine 
months' pension, at 80 crowns a month, were owing to him at this time. 

t The Master of Grey and Sir Robert Melvil. 

X Lord Grey of Wilton. He was one of the judges of Mary Stuart, and in the 
following February also took an active part in the trial of secretary Davison. On the 
11th June 1587 he earaestly entreated Elizabeth not to send hira to Flanders.— Hatfield 
papers, vol. 8. 

A 2 



hands of cardinal Mondovi.* I asked the latter confidentially about 
it, and he toJd me frankly what was going on, expressing his 
willingness to address the Pope on matters of State, which they all 
avoid doing. I encouraged him, and told him that in the course of 
the negotiations he might find opportunities of serving your Majesty. 
I thought best thus to keep this door open, in order that I might 
learn what was being done, and direct matters in your Majesty's 
interest with all necessary caution. It was therefore agreed that 
the Cardinal should accept the commission and act as I should 
desire, giving me advice of all that passed. 

I began to undeceive him with regard to the ideas they have put 
into his head about the King (of Scotland), and the hopes that he 
(the King) will change his course. My views of the matter will 
have been confirmed by the news the Cardinal has since received, 
that the King was trying to arrange that the son of his favourite, 
the duke of Lennox, should stand next in succession to the Crown, 
and marry a daughter of the heretic head of the house of Hamilton ; 
the succession being secured to this daughter by means of murder 
and forced renunciations. 

This is an atrocious thing, and it is, besides, quite monstrous that 
a man of the King's age should be so far from the idea that he 
will have children of his own as to arrange for the succession of 

They (i.e., the archbishop of Glasgow, the Pagets, etc.) are asking 
the Cardinal to beg the Pope to send the Scotch Carthusian friar, 
who was bishop of Dunblane,t and is now here, with a brief from 
his Holiness to the king of Scotland, exhorting him to adhere to the 
Catholic faith ; and the bishop is to be instructed to bring back 
news of the disposition in which he finds the King. The Cardinal 
intended to petilion the Pope to this effect, hoping that his Holiness 
would accede to the request, as the bishop offered to pay his own 
expenses. I told the Cardinal that this was not a task to be 
entrusted to a person upon whom so little dependence could be 
placed, an<l recommended that he should manage to have it given 
to the Jesuit, Edmund Hayhoe, who is known to him, and is a 
person of weight, even if they still desired to send the friar as well. 
The Jesuit concurs in the opinion that the King (of Scotland) will 
never be a Catholic or a good King, and adfheres to those who 
made the proposals contained in my letter to your Majesty of 
10th August. I can, therefore, through MelinoJ, arrange for him 
to write what may be considered convenient. 

* This was the parly of Guise, and the Scots who were unwilling that Spanish influence 
should become paramount in England and Scotland. Their plan was to convert James VI., 
forcibly or otherwise, to Catholicism without making him a tool of Spain. It will be 
seen in the correspondence that Allen and the Jesuit party (and subsequently the 
archbishop of Glasgow) were brought to the Spanish view by various means. Most 
of the English Catholic refugees being in the pay of Philip, and averse to a Scottish king, 
also espoused the Spanish cause, whilst the Guises, the Scottish refugees, and the Pagets 
were opposed to it. Cardinal Mondovi had charge of Scottish affairs at the Vatican. 
He affected to be on the Spanish side, but his sympathies were really with the Scots. 

t Chisholm, the titular bishop of Dunblane, who was a Carthusian monk. 

J Father Melino was the agent of the Guises at the Vatican, but had been gained by 
the Spaniards. 



The news of the movement of troops in Sicily, etc. is giving rise 
to continued suspicion here of the "enterprise." The Pope has 
not mentioned the matter further to me, nor I to him. He has 
already 500,000 crowns towards the million, but he tells Juan Agustin 
Pinelo* that he does not wish to touch that sura for the contribution. 
Pinelo can find the money, for he is clever at it. He does not care 
how. — Rome, 17th January 1587. 

18 Jan. 6. Sampson's Advices from England. 

K. 156«. ast*' r ^ wo raon ^ s since some letters were brought from Portugal for 
Don Antonio by a man of 35 or 40 years of age named Lucas 
Suarez. He came disguised as a beggar, and as such, he says, he 
came to my door to ask for alms, which I ordered to be given to him, 
and spoke to him myself. 

Three other Portuguese have also brought letters from Portugal. 
One of them, called Augustin Ferreira, was a servant of Duarte 
de Castro. The others are named Manuel Luis and Joao Pereja 
Pastrana, from the neighbourhood of Lisbon. These three came by 
way of Toulouse. The duke de Joyeuse welcomed them, and made 
them come hither (i.e., to Paris) with his hounehold, when he gave 
them 50 crowns to carry them over to England. 

24 Jan. 7. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King. 

*£\£ftr [Extbact.] 

I had to see the King about a Dunkirk ship that had been seized 
at Havre de Grace and I took the opportunity of informing him of 
the arrest of Pedro de Sarmiento, begging him to write and have 
him set at liberty. He said he would write and ask his mother to 
use her influence with the Prince of Beam about it. I pressed that 
this should be done with all the weight that his authority could 
give it; whereupon he said he wished to God I could make those of 
the " religion " (i.e., the Huguenots) give him up. These words 
really moved me to pity to see the state in which the King confessed 
himself to be, for they meant that the Prince of Beam and the 
Huguenots had taken Sarmiento as their own prisoner, and would 
not give him up except in exchange for M. de Teligny the son of 
M. de La Noue. They say they found on him (Sarmiento) a great 
quantity of papers and descriptions on parchment of English ports, 
which are in truth, the marine charts of the Straits of Magellan, and 
plans of the cities which he had settled there by orders of your 
Majesty. The papers they mention axe the instructions he carried 
to that effect, which he showed me when he was here, the English 
pirates haying taken them from him and Master Raleigh restored 
them. — Paris, 24th January 1587. 

24 Jan. 8. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King. 

P K il, i^6 1 32 e8 ' With le S ard to England, I have to report that the officers of this 

" Bang (i.e., of France) state that the ambassadors sent by the king of 

Scotland to see the queen of England about his mother, had told 

the Queen that if she made any change in ber treatment of the 

* Giovanni Agostino Pinelli, the Pope's banker. 



queen of Scotland, he would open the back door of her kingdom to 
the person who was for ever pressing him to do so, and would place 
so many foreigners in England as should make her repent having 
forfeited his friendship*. The news, however, is not true ; because 
the last letters from England, dated 14th instant, report the arrival 
of the ambassadors only the previous day, and that Believre was 
leaving, so that no audience had been granted to the ambassadors 
up to that time. M. de Believre is expected here to-morrow, and 
one of the gentlemen who accompanied him, and has already arrived 
in Paris, says that the queen of England had, in consideration of 
the request of this King, granted the life of the queen of Scotland ; 
but without pledging herself not to proceed to extremities with her 
if she continues plotting as she has hitherto done. It was under- 
stood that she was to be brought to the Tower of London, and no 
person was allowed to speak* to her, except through two gratings, 
like a nun ; and at so great a distance from her that it was necessary 
to speak very loudly, so that every word should be heard by others. 
She is treated with the same severity in all things. She was allowed 
to choose two women to cook her food, to ensure her against being 
poisoned. I send these particulars to your Majesty, because there 
is positive confirmation of their truth, and I can depend upon them. 
The certainty is that the Queen (of Scotland) is in a castle called 
Framingen (Fotheringay) in the county of Northampton, that they 
have taken down the mourning hangings from her rooms, which are 
now hung with tapestry again, but they have not restored her 
canopy. My informant up to the 14th instant did not know what 
arrangements in future would be made for her custody and house- 
hold, nor whether she would be kept at the same castle. The 
seizures of English property in Rouen by the king of France 
continue, and part of the merchandise has been ordered to be sold 
to recoup the robberies which have been committed by Englishmen 
against the French. — Paris, 24th January 1587. 

24 Jan. 9. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King. 

k! 8 1566. as!*' With regard to the queen of Scotland I can only say for certain 
that Charles Arundell tells me the English ambassador showed him 
a letter from the Lord Treasurer saying that M. de Believre had not 
shown signs of being so clever a man as was expected in this 
negotiation; and that unless some friend there had enlightened 
him (by which Cecil evidently indicates himself) he would have 
given even less satisfaction to the Queen. He was advised to ask 
for a private audience without the presence of the resident 
ambassador and he did so ; being closeted with the Queen, who was 
only accompanied by four persons, and consequently what passed at 
the interview was not known but that he (Cecil ?) assured him 
(Stafford?) that the queen of Scotland's life would be spared, 
although she would be kept sc close that she would not be able to 

* Whatever may have been the tone of the Matter of Grey's public utterances to 
Elisabeth, it is known that privately he expressed no objection to the execution of Mary. 
Camden says that he frequently used the expression " Mortua non mordet " — The dead 
bite not. 


carry on her plots as hitherto. This is T Vnttt j ^^ ^/^^^ na9Ure<i 
your Majesty was desired by the queen of England, aa well as bv 
the king of France and his mother, namely, that the queen of 
Scotland should be kept in close confinement. 

Cecil also says that although he had constantly shown himself 
openly against the queen of Scotland, the earl of Leicester and 
secretary WalsiDgham, his enemies, had tried to set the Queen 
against him by saying that he was more devoted to the queen of 
Scotland than anyone. But she had seen certain papers in his 
coffers which had told greatly against Leicester, and the Queen had 
told the latter and Walsingham that they were a pair of knaves, and 
she saw plainly now that, owiDg to her not having taken the advice 
of certain good and loyal subjects of hers, she was in peril of losing 
her throne and her life by having burdened herself with a war which 
she was unable to sustain or carry on. She said if she had done her 
duty as a Queen she should have had them both hanged. 

Cecil also informs this ambassador* (who is a creature of his and 
deeply in his confidence) that the Prince of Beam had written to 
the Queen, saying that the duchess of Guise was aware of certain 
of his (or her) private affairs which could not possibly have reached 
her except through this ambassador (Stafford); and Leicester and 
Walsingham had taken the opportunity of attacking him (Cecil) 
again, but that he had undeceived the Queen about it. He says 
this is a fine way for Beam to repay him for all the favours he has 
done him. Charles Arundell tells me that Stafford flew into a 
terrible rage at this, and swore he would never be satisfied until he 
had been revenged on Beam and the other too, no matter by what 
means ; and that now was the time for your Majesty to make use 
of him (Stafford) if you wished any service done. He pressed 
Arundell to ascertain from your Majesty in what way he might serve 
you, and you should see by his acts how willing he was to do so. 
This was with reference to my request on many occasions to 
Arundell that he would press the ambassador to enter frankly into 
relations with me. His answer was, that he himself was quite 
willing to trust me, but the Queen was so much set against me that 
it would be most unadvisable. I caused Arundell to tell him that 
your Majesty had been informed of his resolution ; and that, in 
consequence of it, you had had a cipher sent to Arundell, by means 
of which he might advise your Majesty direct of what Arundell said. 
By this device the ambassador has been led to communicate to 
Arundell everything he learns, under the conviction that not a word 
reaches my ears. This ambassador is much pressed for money, and 
even if he bad not made such an offer as this, his poverty is reason 
enough to expect from him any service, if he saw it was to be 
remunerated. To this must be added also that he is a creature of 
Cecil's, who, as your Majesty perceives, preserves in his breast an 
attachment to the cause of the queen of Scotland, and is not sorry 
that your Majesty should learn that he is not of the same opinion as 
his mistress in taking the Netherlands under her protection. I beg 
your Majesty to instruct me how I am to tell Arundell to reply to 
* Sir Edward Stafford. 



the ambassador. If we are to continue negotiations with him, he is 
so poor that a good present must be given to him. The ambassador 
has told Arundell to write to your Majesty assuring you on his word 
of honour that no naval force is at present being equipped in 
England, and that not a ship will ba fitted out there of which he 
will not send full and timely advice. 

Just as I was about to sign this, Charles Arundell has come in to 
tell me that the ambassador sent for him in a great hurry last night 
(as I had caused Arundell to say he was wilting to Spain), to inform 
him that a secretary of Lord Admiral Howard, his brother-in-law, 
had just arrived here from England to treat of a business of which 
your Majesty must be apprised instantly. Don Antonio recently 
had shown to the Queen fresh letters from Portugal, assuring him 
that if he appeared on the coast with a fleet, eight thousand men 
would immediately join his standard ; and Leicester and Walsingham 
with Lord Howard had persuaded the Queen that she should on no 
account miss such an opportunity of troubling your Majesty, as 
otherwise she would not be safe in her own country. She had 
therefore been induced by them to advance to Don Antonio three 
years of his pension of 2,000J. a year, as well as 18,000 sun crowns, 
four of her own ships, five of the largest merchantmen in England, 
two smaller ones, and thirty armed flyboats and canal boats from 
Holland and Zeeland, which Leicester had arranged that the rebels 
there should provide. They are to come fully armed and victualled, 
and they would be ready in ten days to put into any English port 
the Queen might order. This secretary comes hither to give to the 
ambassador a verbal account of it, and to ascertain from him 
whether the French Huguenots can arm three or four great ships to 
join this fleet and accompany Don Antonio to Portugal. It was to 
be kept extremely secret, and the ambassador replied that, if the 
Queen wanted Huguenot ships, the secret would come out immedi- 
ately, as they would be sure to talk about it ; which he thought was 
the best way to prevent them from asking for ships here. The 
secretary said that if such were the case his orders were not to 
proceed further on that point. 

The ambassador told Arundell to advise your Majesty of this 
instantly, which he said would serve as a sample and hansel of his 
goodwill ; and within a fortnight or three weeks he would report 
whether the despatch of the fleet was being persisted in, together 
with the exact number of ships, men, stores and all other details of 
the project. He said that, although the professed destination was 
Portugal, it appeared to him that such a force was totally inadequate 
to deal with that country, so that he thought if the business was 
carried into effect, it would be rather for the islands or the Indies. 

As it is so very important that your Majesty should have prompt 
advice of such armaments, although the ambassador appears 
ready enough to give intelligence on that, or any other point ;n 
your Majesty's interest, it will nevertheless be advisable to send 
him 2,000 crowns with which to buy a jewel. The money can be 
given to him as an earnest, and with the promise that his services 
shall be adequately rewarded. 




Zeal for your Majesty also impels me to a*y that it will f^ 
to consider whether, in the case of the E^bahwoman tmki^ J?f J 
step (which, as your Majesty will recollect, I foretold), akeahoold 
not be assailed on the Scotch side. The taking of Brille by the 
duke of Parma in the way I suggested should also be kept in view 
as that captain who made the oner is so willing and sincere in the 
matter.* It is certain that until the Englishwoman is made to play 
a game in which her own pieces are at stake she will always find 
opportunities of retarding a direct invasion of her country with a 
powerful armada by your Majesty. The news of this is so current 
that not a letter comes from Spain that is not full of the great 
preparations that are being made for the armada. This makes the 
Englishwoman careful not to denude her own coast of ships, 
desirable as she may consider it to trouble your Majesty. Most of 
the vessels of this fleet of Don Antonio's are accordingly from the 
Netherlands. — Paris, 24th January 1587. 

24 Jan. 10. Bernardino de Mendoza to Secretary Idiaquez. 

Pa ?i566. 86? 8 ' Encloses a petition for a worthy English gentleman named 

Dr. Nicholas Wendon, whom he is particularly desirous of serving, 
knowing him to be truly zealous in the service of God and his 
Majesty. He was formerly provost of St. Gery, in Cambrai, and 
the duke of Parma, at the intercession of the writer and of Juan 
Bautista De Tassis, granted him an allowance of 20 crowns a month 
This was more than a year ago, but be has not received anything on 
account of the pension yet, owing to the many pressing demands in 
Flanders. Dr. Wendon therefore humbly begs his Majesty to grant 
him such an allowance payable here. He is clergyman of advanced 
age, great personal worth and virtue, a great jurist, and is afflicted 
with deafness. Begs Idiaquez to favour the petitioner and put him 
on the same fooling as the other English gentlemen receiving 
allowances. — Paris, 24th January 1*587. 

The original petition of Dr. Wendon, referred to in the above 
letter, is in the Paris Archives, K 1 566. 55. 

27 Jan. 

Kstado 949. 

11. Count de Olivares to the King. 


We have received news here of the great danger which threatens 
the queen of Scotland. In my interview with his Holiness he 
expressed an opinion that the king of France would exert his 
influence with the queen of England to save her life. I replied that 
it was most important that this should be done, and unless the King 
(of France) secretly worked in an opposite direction, I had no doubt 
that she would escape (death). I said if she was sacrificed he (the 
Pope) might be quite certain that it would be by the knowledge 
and consent of the king of France, as it was most unlikely thai, 
depending as she did entirely upon him to save her from his Holiness 
and your Majesty, the Queen of England would venture to offend 
him in so important a matter. He admitted this. 

* Captain Vibrant Birnstra's offer to betray Brille. 



With regard to the question of peace, I told him {i.e., the Pope) 
that although I did Dot withdraw what I had said in undertaking 
the " enterprise " on your Majesty's behalf, yet it was always under- 
stood that your Majesty acted under the supposition that France 
should not be in a position to interfere. His reply showed that he 
remained firm in his disapproval of peace being made.* 

Allen and Melino have written to me. They are well informed 
of affairs there (in England ?) and moreover are spurred on by 
necessity, which is a hard driver. They therefore find in everything 
that happens a fresh reason for saying that the appropriate moment 
has arrived, both for the main business and for the elevation of 
Allen, and they look upon every hour's delay as a great evil. And 
it is quite true that failing the queen of Scots, or if she remains in 
her present condition, which comes to the same thing, it is the more 
necessary for them (the English Catholics) to have some great 
personage upon whom they may fix their eyes and hopes, and who 
may console them and prevent them from giving way to despair. — 
Rome, 27th January 1587. 

28 Jan. 12. The King to Bernardino de Mendoza. 

K?1448? 97T' ^y ^ e l^ter from the duke of Parma, and your own, I am 
informed of your opinions with regard to Robert Bruce's affair.t 
Your remarks thereupon are very apposite. I always considered 
the matter of importance, and every day makes it appear more so, 
provided, however, that it is taken in hand at the proper time and 
not undertaken out of season. It is therefore advisable that the 
three personages should be kept in hand and encouraged to expect 
the aid they require;! but as the necessary forces are not now 
readily at hand, and for other reasons which you yourself will 
foreshadow, they must not be rash but must hold firm until they 
are advised that the time has arrived. They must be pledged to 
take up arms, and fulfil their promise as soon as the word is given 
to them. You will direct your efforts to this end. The only thing 
that may make it necessary to vary this course is the pension which 
you say the queen of England has offered them, threatening to have 
them expelled the country if they refused to accept it. This may 
make it impossible for them to delay their rising, and I have 
referred the point to the duke of Parma, so that after he has 
discussed the matter with you he may decide whether it will be 
well, if they are pressed thus, to allow them to feign to be in 
agreement with the English until the hour has arrived for 
successful action. Their conscience and honour will be intact, 
because it will always be licit for them to separate from their 
company, and their action will be looked upon with approval by 
all right-thinking persons. In order to gain time you may write 
at once to the duke of Parma, giving him your opinion ; but of 

* That is to say an arrangement between Henry III. and the Huguenots. 

t See correspondence in Vol. III. of this Calendar. 

X Namely the earls of Huntly and Morton and Lord Claude Hamilton, who had 
requested Philip's armed assistance to raise a Catholic revolution in Scotland. Philip's 
intention was only to use them as a diversion when his invasion of England was to be 



course it is understood that if the three personages can be kept 
ii^their present position Without drawing closer to the English, 
even feignedly, it will be best, and the other alternative is only 
mentioned in the case of their being forced to a declaration before 
the aid is ready for them, and to prevent them from losing heart 
and giving way altogether if such an event should occur. You who 
are so well versed in the matter will consider it, and let me know 
what is done. 

I also note the three services offered by George Vibrant (Birnstra), 
and two of them, at all events, are of the highest importance, 
particularly that about (the surrender of) Brille, if the place can be 
held afterwards, in which the principal difficulty lies. The only 
thing that could be done was to send the man and his proposals to 
the duke of Parma, and he will doubtless act for the best. I have 
written, telling him that I approve of the suggestion, and that he is 
to carry it forward. 

Tou did well also in advising the Duke of the good disposition of 
the Irishman, Colonel Stanley, now in Holland, in order that it may 
be seen whether anything can be done through his means. As for 
Antony Pointz, who you say has arrived in Paris from here, and 
was going to Flanders, passing through England, you must look out 
that he does not deceive us. Advise the- Duke, as we do from here, 
to keep a sharp eye upon him, and proceed with great caution in all 
that concerns him, as a very bad opinion was held of him here by 
all the most trustworthy English catholics. So that care must be 
taken that he play us no trick, even if no good be got from him. — 
Madrid, 28th January 1587. 

28 Jan. 13. The King to Bernardino de Mendoza. 

K1448 99. 8 * * am grieved, as you may imagine, at the trouble in which the 

queen of Scotland was ; and her valour and deep Christian feeling 
only increase my sorrow. I trust God will have helped her, as he 
always does help His own people in times of such affliction. If they 
have not made away with her, but still keep her in prison, it will 
perhaps be advisable to try to prevent them from going any 
further, by whispering somehow to the English ambassadors in 
France, that, failing ner, I have the best right to succeed to the 
crown of England. If you think the fear of this will make the 
Englishwoman less ready to strike, you may try it, but otherwise it 
had better be kept quiet. 

As you say, it is probable that Belifevre's instructions on the 
mission to England were not confined to his intercession for the 
queen of Scotland, and it is of great importance that we should 
know what they agreed upon. You will, therefore, make great 
efforts to get at this, and if you succeed report to me the fullest 
particulars. It cannot fail to have reached either the Scots 
ambassador or Muzio,* or some others from whom you may learn 
it. If they (the English and French) have entered into an 
alliance try to discover the conditions of mutual aid, and all other 
particulars. When we first heard of Drake's going to Holland, we 

* This wis the cipher name of the duke of Guise. 



thought it could be with no other intention than that which you 
now mention, of seeking some ships to augment their *aval strength. 
Although hulks are not considered fitting ships for the Indian 
voyage, the other designs nearer home attributed to them,* will 
hardly be attempted Still I shall he glad to learn how this matter 
of the Dutch ships ends ; and also about the rebel deputies who, 
you say, have gone to England with the earl of Leicester. Above 
all, I wish to know whether Drake was granted the license he 
requested, what ships are being fitted out, their strength, and what 
is their alleged destination. To discover this you will employ such 
sources of information as are left to you, as it is evident by the 
recent news you send that you still have some profitable ones. Do 
your test to keep them, and gain others. It is most important that 
I should have the earliest possible information. 

Pedro Sarmiento has not arrived. He was stopped on the road 
and taken to Mont de Marsan, where he now is, in the hands of men 
belonging to the prince of Beam. If he arrives here, which by 
indirect means we are trying to arrange, we will hear what message 
he brings from there (i.e., England), although we know how little 
we can trust them (the English). If any means occurs to you to 
get Sarmiento released, please try it. 

The two letters in Portuguese you send have been noted. In 
order not to imperil Antonio de Vega in England, you did well in 
preventing Montesinos from coming hither, f We have understood 
the matter just as well through you, whilst avoiding the dauger. 
You may correspond confidentially with Vega, and if he is in any 
doubt about my grace and pardon reaching him through Portugal, 
you may assure him of it, and of reward commensurate with his 
service. Don Juan de Idiaquez will answer about Montesino. — 
Madrid, 28th January, 1587. 

28 Jan. 14. Secretary Idiaquez to Bernardino de Mendoza. 

1^1448. 101/ The two letters from Antonio de Vega were received. The longer 
of the two, which came under cover to Geronimo Lopez Sapayo, 
contains the following words in effect : — " My uncle}: is accompanied 
" by very few people, and, if it be wished, the bearer can be spoken 
" to about something which he will explain. He may be implicitly 
" trusted." The uncle is Don Antonio, and the bearer Montesinos, 
and it appears to be suggested that this anxiety should be put 
an end to once for all. This may be done without scruple, 
as Don Antonio is a rebel, and as such, and for the crimes he has 
committed, he has been condemned to death, first by ecclesiastical 
judges, by virtue of a brief from the Pope, and subsequently by civil 
judges in due form of law, after the matter had been well discussed 

* The invasion of Portugal in the interests of Don Antonio. The real design, of 
course, was the surprise and attack upon Cadiz. 

f Antonio de Vega was a Portuguese spy in Spanish pay attached to the Portuguese 
Pretender, Don Antonio. He had sent one of the brothers Montesinos to Spain 
with proposals to murder Don Antonio. Montesinos had been stopped in Paris by 
Mendosa, but Vega's letter* had been forwarded to Philip. See Vol. III., page 378. 
It will be seen by the following letter from the King's secretary, Idiaquez, that Philip 
accepted Vega's offer to have Don Antonio put out of the way in England. 

% Vega always referred to Don Antonio as his uncle. 



and decided by theologians, as you are aware. You will, therefore, 
thank Montesinos for the other information, and afterwards, as if on 
your own account, introduce this topic ; which you may say you 
know Antonio de Vega has suggested to us here, and has intimated 
that it may be discussed with him (Montesinos). If you find him 
the man for it, you will tell him to get it done lat once, and will 
suggest that if he can do it by giving him a mouthful of something 
it would be less dangerous to the people concerned than if it were 
done by steel. If he undertakes the task you may promise him, 
after it is done, a sum sufficient to tempt him, not exceeding 
25,000 ducats, or even up to 30,000. You know how important it 
is, and I need not urge you to advise me of all that is done. I will 
conclude this letter by saying that we all have souls ; and a very 
saintly and learned man has said that we do worthily by acting a& 
we are ordered. This is the reason why I write this, and why you 
must carry it out Antonio de Vega's other points will be dealt 
with elsewhere. In the meanwhile you will encourage him, and 
forward the principal one. — Madrid, 28th January 1587. 

Note. — In a letter from the King to Mendoza of the same date as 
the above, on French affairs, he rejoices at the news conveyed in 
Mendoza's letters of 8th and 24th January, that hopes were 
entertained that the queen of Scotland's life was safe. He is in 
great anxiety about her. 

7 Feb. 15. Beknardino de Mendoza to the King. 

K. 1566. 43/ In my last I reported the arrival of Belifcvre from England. In 

order to gain time he requested the resident French ambassador to 
send after him the Queen's letters to this King. He sent them by 
a French gentleman named Trapes, who, with a companion, was 
arrested at Dover, and the despatches taken from him.* The Queen 
at once sent a courier to her ambassador here, with a letter written 
in her own hand. This courier arrived on the 27th ultimo, and the 
substance of the letter* was to order him, the ambassador, as a good 
subject and servant, instantly to request audience of the King, and 
inform him that she had ordered the arrest of the gentleman from 
the French ambassador, and the opening of his despatches, and to 
beg the King not to take it in evil part until he received fresh 
advices from her, giving him reasons for her action, which he (the 
King) would acknowledge were a sufficient justification. When the 
ambassador received this letter, and information that the English 
ports were closed, he sent to Secretary Villeroy, the King being 
absent, and told him the reason why he desired audience. Villeroy 

* The arrest of Destrappes arose as follows : William Stafford, the brother of the 
English ambassador in France, sent to Chateauneuf, the French ambassador in London , 
and told him that a prisoner for debt named Moody had a communication of importance 
to make to the ambassador in the interest of the life of the queen of Scots. Chateauneuf 
sent Destrappes, one of his secretaries, to Newgate to hear what Moody had to say, and 
on his arrival there the emissary was met with a proposal by the prisoner, in the presence 
of Stafford, for the assassination of Elizabeth. The offer was at once rejected by 
* Destrappes, and Stafford was forbidden to enter the embassy. Stafford then tried to 

blackmail the ambassador without success, and subsequently accused him of complicity 
in a plot to murder the Queen. An attempt to get Destrappes out of the country failed 
as stated in this letter. 



was much put out about the despatches having been opened, and 
warned him that the King would be very angry. In the hope that 
some news might be received from the French ambassador, Stafford's 
audience was put off, and he could do nothing. On the 4th instant 
Waad (who was the man the Queen sent to your Majesty) arrived 
here as an envoy from the Queen, to inform the King of the reasons 
for the arrests. A brother of the English ambassador here and a 
son of the Queen's mistress of the robes (neither of whom, however, 
have spoken to him for years owing to his bad conduct) pretended 
to be a Catholic, and frequented the house of the French ambassador 
with whom he was on close terms of intimacy. It appears that he 
signified to the ambassador his intention of killing the Queen on 
religious grounds, and in order that the queen of Scotland might 
ascend the throne. He proposed to place barrels of gunpowder 
inside his mother's apartment, which is underneath the Queen's 
bedroom, and she could thus be blown up. The ambassador discussed 
the matter with him, and pointed out the objections to its execution, 
particularly that he could not do it without killing his mother, as 
she and the Queen both slept in the same room. To this Stafford 
replied that, as he did not approve of this plan, he would kill her 
(the Queen) by stabbing. He told this to Trapes, who is in prison, 
and also to one Moody, an Englishman, who was an intimate in the 
French ambassador's house, and informed them that he had discussed 
the matter with the ambassador. A few days afterwards Stafford 
himself divulged to the Queen what had taken place, and he, with 
Trapes and Moody, were arrested. Their confessions were taken 
and were found to agree, and the Lord Treasurer, with the earl of 
Leicester and Lord Hunsdon, were sent to speak to the French 
ambassador. The latter frankly admitted that Stafford had told 
him his project, and the Queen sent Waad to complain to the King 
of the ambassador in consequence. She writes by him also to the 
ambassador (Stafford) saying that, although she does not doubt his 
loyalty and innocence in the matter, yet, as the delinquent is his 
brother, she thinks better that the communication respecting it 
should be undertaken by another eivoy, who would give him a full 
account of it, and be accompanied by him in his audiences. He will 
not get an interview with the King until after the carnival. 

I understand that the Queen says that the packet sent by the 
ambassador was not opened ; but that Waad brings it intact that 
the King may have it opened in his presence, and after taking 
those addressed to him, hand to Waad the letters directed to 
private persons here, which the Queen knows are contained in the 

Waad says that the talk in England is that, although I was there 
for six years, the Queen could never bring home any plot to me, but 
only suspicions, whilst the French ambassador was discovered in the 
first one in which he was concerned. He, the French ambassador, 
has sent his secretary, without a letter, to give the King a verbal 
account of events. I am told that on Villeroy's excusing to the King 
the conduct of the ambassador, who is his brother-in-law, he replied 
that he had not behaved well, because, not only had he made a 



confidant of such a man (as Stafford), but had actually admitted 
that he had been informed of the design. 

As soon as Parliament learnt of the matter the members went to 
the Queen, and said that whilst the queen of Scotland lived she 
would never be free from such conspiracies, and, consequently, 
she ought to order her execution They protested that if she did 
not do so, they would revoke the votes for supplies they had 

The queen of Scotland is still at Fotheriqgay, and no one is 
allowed to speak to her except in the presence of Paulet, who has 
returned to his charge, and another man who is with him. They 
have allowed her servants to return to her, except her secretaries. 

Believre asked the Queen to show him the original will, closed, 
that the queen of Scotland had written in her own hand, declaring 
your Majesty her heir, in case her son should remain a Protestant. 
She replied that she considered the queen of Scotland to be such a 
bad female that she was sure she had managed somehow to get it 
conveyed to your Majesty ; which was only an answer intended to 
prevent your Majesty's claim from being strengthened by the 
production of such a document I am told from a trustwortly 
source that when the queen of England had the will in her hand, 
Cecil told her that, all things considered, it was not advisable to 
preserve the paper, but that she, herself, should burn it, which she 

I send your Majesty enclosed a copy of the speech which Believre 
delivered to the queen of England in defence of the queen of 
Scotland. Many people consider it to be less weighty than the 
subject demanded, and not to deserve publication. It is valuable, 
as showing in the preamble their real feelings towards your 
Majesty, saying that they look upon the enemies of the queen of 
England as their common enemies.* 

Letters from England of 28th ultimo report that Drake continued 
his preparations, on the pretext that Don Antonio was going in the 

Since closing the above, I have learnt from a good source that 
the ships being fitted in London for Drake and others cannot be 
ready to sail to the west country within a month, and that they 
are very short of sailors. Altogether, with Drake and the merchants, 
they are arming 30 ships. To these they expect to add the 30 from 
the Netherlands, so that Don Antonio is to have 60 vessels altogether. 
—Paris, 7th February 1587. 

10 Feb. 16. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King. 

P l^ 8 l566 5 . hi 45! , ^P 01 ^ the surrender of Deventer to the Spaniards by Colonel 

Stanley. There is no positive confirmation of this, but knowing 
Stanley personally as he does, he is sure that the warning which he, 
Mendoza, advised the Duke of Parma to address to himt {see 

* A luminary of the speech will he found on page 690, Vol. III. of this Calendar. 
Another short summary is printed by Mignet, in " Marie Stuart." 

t The King has written against this '• fie ought to have put what it was. I do not 



Letter 532, Vol. III.) would be effectual ; and consequently he has 
no doubt of the truth of the surrender. 

11 Feb. 17. The King to Count de Olivares. 

Estado, 949. [EXTRACT.] 

You will cautiously approach his Holiness, and in such terms as 
you think fit endeavour to obtain from him a secret brief declaring 
that, failing the queen of Scotland, the right to the English crown 
falls to me. My claim, as you are aware, rests upon my descent 
from tbe House of Lancaster, and upon the will made by the queen 
of Scotland, and mentioned in a letter from her, of which the copy 
is enclosed herewith. You will impress upon his Holiness that I 
cannot undertake a war in England for the purpose merely of 
placing upon that throne a young heretic like the king of Scotland 
who, indeed, is by his heresy incapacitated to succeed. His Holiness 
must, however, be assured that I have no intention of adding 
England to my own dominions, but to settle the crown upon my 
daughter, the Infanta. — Madrid, 11th February 1587. 

12 Feb. 18. Document headed: — "Advices from London, 12th February 
Paris Archiref, 1587, translated from English to Spanish." 

The deputies from the States arrived here on the 28th January 
to beg for a decision. They have become more urgent now that 
the surrender of Deventer and the fortress of Zutphen is known. 
They are talking here of Lord North's being sent thither instead of 
Leicester, and on the 10th instant a proclamation was made that 
any soldiers or officers who had come back from Flanders were to 
return thither in four days, on pain of death for disobedience. The 
deputies have asked for an immediate decision, as they heard the 
Queen was trying to come to terms with his Majesty, and they 
would wait no longer. In order to give herself more time and 
keep them in hand, whilst she arranged with his Majesty, the 
Queen sent Lord Buckhurst to Holland and Zeeland to assure them 
that she had no such desire ; and to treat with them and certain of 
the towns on some conditions which are in doubt, which conditions 
had already been conceded to the deputies here. The object of 
Buckhurst's mission is simply to procrastinate and delay. The 
deputies are accompanied by a man whom the earl of Leicester 
sent to the king of Denmark to learn whether he was trying to 
bring about an agreement between the States and his Majesty. 

The Scots ambassadors left here three days ago, and on their 
taking leave they told the Queen, as their master's decision, that as 
the queen of Scotland was bis mother, he would endeavour to exact, 
satisfaction from any person who assailed her honour or her safety ; 
and with that object would appeal for help to all Christian 
monarchs. The Queen was ill pleased with this message, and in 
conversation with one of the ambassadors named Master Melvin,* 
she told him that if she had a councillor who gave her such advice 
as he (Melvin) gave the king oi Scotland, she would have his head 

* Sir Robert Mehril. Thtre is no doubt thit - any honest attempt on the part of the 
ambassadors to saye Mary's life came from Melvil, who apparently was not connected 
with the Master of Grey*s double dealing, or the treachery of Archibald Douglas. 



off; to which he replied that if he were her councillor he would 
rather lo*e his head than fail to give her such advice. This arose 
out of the Queen's having been told that Melvin bad advised the 
king of Scotland to break, with her, and had assured him that he 
would have the support of all princes in so just a cause as his. The 
Queen has sent a gentleufan of hers to the king of Scotland. 

On the 3rd instant orders were given for the sailing from here of 
10 of the Queen's ships and two pinnace*, to cruise in the Channel, 
and for the equipping of 20 more vessels, which is being done in all 
haste. They are to be ready during this month. The 10 ships 
before mentioned have not left yet. 

Feb. 14. 19. Sampson's Advices from England. 
Paris Archires, Leiton writes to Don Antonio's people un<ler date of 14th, that 
1566, 58 ' the country opposite Calais was up in arms and the beacons had 
been lit in consequence of certain hulks having been sighted in 
formation. The earl of Pembroke, governor of the province, 
mustered 20,000 men, but it turned out a false alarm. This 
shows the fright the English are in. Orders have been proclaimed 
by heralds, for all colonels, captains, and soldiers to return to 
Flanders under pain of death for disobedience, and fresh levies aro 
being raised. They say that Leicester is going back with lord 
Grey and two other personages. 

No answer has been given to the deputies from the Netherlands, 
but they are expecting it daily. 

Don Antonio is very short of money and overburdened with debt. 
Rqgier, the King's valet de chambre, has returned from England, 
very much displeased with the queen of England and her 

Feb. 26. Don Antonio's agent has pronented a letter to the duke de Joyeuse 
asking him to keep him in the good graces of the king of France. 
A great fleet is fitting out (in England) which is to be commanded 
by the Lord Admiral. They do not mention the destination or 
when it will sail, but as they know that his Majesty's armada is 
intended for England, they say that the English are determined to 
go out and fight it at sea. 

No decision has yet been taken about Don Antonio, as they wish 
to settle with the deputies from the States first. Don Antonio in 
deeply in debt and is seeking money. The English are putting him 
off with word*. The English ambassador tells Don Antonio's agent 
here (i.e., in Paris) that the Queen is dissatisfied with M. de Chateau- 
neuf and is asking this King to recall him ; to which his Majesty 
will not listen. When the Queen was a>ked in the name of this 
King to liberate the lawyer de Trapes, whom they arrested wheu 
they seized the King's despatches, she sail she would not do so 
except in exchange for Thomas Morgan who is in the Bastile here, 
and even then she would be doing a great favour to the King, in 
exchanging a Frenchman who had conspired against her life, for one 
of her rebel subjects whom the King was bound to surrender in any 

The Queen wa3 raving about the seizures in France, saying that 
although she was a woman and her profession was to try to preserve 

i 95199. B 



peace with neighbouring princes, yet if they attacked her they 
would find that in war she could be better than a man. Don 
Antonio was starving, and although they say that the fleet is to 
take him to Portugal, it is nothing of the sort ; and if Don Antonio 
could escape from England he would do so. He has 150 persons in 
his house, all in great need. 

Money is very short in England and the Queen's needs are 
pressing. If the States do not help her she will be pinched. Drake 
is not in such high favour as he was, and they will not trust him 
with another fleet, as the last one he took to the Indies did no great 
things. It is understood that they will not give him any other 
command, except over seafaring men. An arrangement between the 
Queen and your Majesty was being strongly advocated, so that she 
and her subjects may not have to give up everything ycur Majesty 
may demand in retribution for the losses brought by them upon 
your subjects. Don Antonio hears all this and is much grieved, 
being constantly unwell The English Ambassador and Waad told 
Don Antonio's man here that the Queen had agreed with 18 English 
merchants, to whom she had granted license to make war upon your 
Majesty and your subjects in any way they pleased. These ships, 
in company with some belonging to tfce Queen, would shortly sail 
for the Straits of Gibraltar and there await the arrival of the 
galjeons from Italy with the munitions for the fleet. The Queen 
had summoned Parliament about these seizures in France, and all 
had offered their lives and property in aid of their rights. 

The Queen tells Don Antonio that she had not been able to decide 
about his affair, owing to the events that have happened to the 
queen of Scotland. Sue puts him off from week to week. Don 
Antonio had not received his Christmas quarter's payment, until he 
could see how the Queen was going to treat him. The quarter's 
allowance is only 2,000 crowns and he owes 15,000 in England. 

Feb. 28. Custodio Leiton writes that the Queen counted upon her subjects 
arming 200 ships, not against France, for there was no thought of 
war against that country, but to defend England against Castile if 
she be assailed as they feared. There are 52,000 parishes in 
England and each one offers to maintain a man in the war ; and 
in each place (sic) a ship of 200 tons ready for sea and fully 
victualled. They are preparing as best they may all things needful 
for their defence. 

Feb. 18. 20. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King. 

P K!^566 h 49?' 0n the &*y 1 last wro* 6 *° y our M ?jesty about England, the 7th 

instant, I learnt that this King bad dispatched 18 couriers to every 
port in the realm, with orders to arrest all English ships. It was 
proposed in council that Waad, the English envoy, should not be 
heard as was sent by the Queen to complain of the French 
ambassador ; and your Majesty had refused to receive him when he 
went to Spain, to explain my expulsion from England. Advice of 
this should at once have been sent to your Majesty, but as things 
change so rapidly here, I thought well to wait. I also wished to see 
whether the seizure of the English ships simply meant their 




detention or confiscation; and the d^S following orders were 
despatched that they were only to bo ~***i*ed. Aa for Waad 
audience was granted him at once with *«J© ordinary ambassador 
and after listening to his complaints and sowing j^ evidence against 
the French ambassador, the King replied that he couJd not believe 
the allegations, as they were so entirely in opposition to the 
ambassador's letters, and that, clever as the English were generally, 
they did not show much cleverness in this matter. This is the only 
answer given hitherto, as the King is awaiting 1 the return from 
England of two of his valets-de-chambre whom he has sent to his 
ambassador. Waad, in the Queen's name, demands the withdrawal 
of Chateauneuf * and it is understood that the King is determined 
not to accede to this request. Villeroy says that if the Queen wishes 
to break off negotiations with them they will withdraw their 
embassy altogether, Chateauneuf being a brother-in-law of Villeroy. 
All the ministers have urged the King that his reputation is at 
stake, and that he must retain Chateauneuf there and not withdraw 
him at the request of the Englishwoman. 

It is asserted here that Chateauneuf is under arrest in his own 
house, and I hear that Stafford explains this by saying that as the 
king of France fearing that some attack might be made upon the 
ambassador by the people, after the matter was cleared up, he 
(Chateauneuf) sent to ask Hatton, the captain of the Queen's Guard , 
to send some halberdiers to guard him. Hatton replied that the 
subjects of the Queen were so obedient that, the step would be 
unnecessary ; but to avoid any inconvenience the ambassador and 
his household had better keep indoors for a few days. The English 
ambassador here says this was not a command but only a piece of 

The Queen had decided to send to this King by Waad the packet 
seized from the French ambassador ; but she altered her mind and 
had it opened, the letters for the King ; being returned to Chateauneuf 
intact, and the rest of the contents being examined. When this was 
known here they had the packets from the English ambassador 
treated in the same way in Calais and Dieppe, all his private letters 
being taken. The passage is thus closed until they see whether the 
queen of England will allow free passage to those sent thither by 
this King. This is the present position, but considering the 
gentleness with which they are proceeding on both sides> there is 
not much appearance of the matter becoming serious. 

Believre assures this King that the queen of England is very 
anxious to make friends with your Majesty, and she was very 
suspicious of Scotland ; having beard that the King had sent a man 
to your Majesty. News comes also from the French Kind's agent in 
the Netherlands that persons are secretly treating with trie Duke of 
Parma for an agreement with the queen of England. 

I hear that Drake's and other preparations are going on at the 
usual pace, and no order had yet been given on the 8rd instant for 
the raising of the seamen and troops who were to go with them. 
Leicester was pressing the Queen to despatch the 30 English ships 

* In the King's hand—" This must be the ambassador." It waa ao of course. 

B 2 



and 30 Netherlanders witli Don Antonio to occupy the islands, and 
other parts of your Majesty's dominion*, as otherwise, he says, your 
Majesty would come to England with the armada you were fitting 
out. Deputies from the rebel States were expected in England to 
treat of this matter. 

I send herewith a new statement given to the Queen by Drake 
and Hawkins for the instruction of the ships which she might send 
to assail your Majesty's territories. 

The Scots ambassadors had audience of the Queen but there was 
not so much defiance as was asserted here. The Queen has not yet 
dismissed them. 

Lord Buckhurst had been sent by the Queen to Holle-nd and eho 
publicly told him when he left to bring back to her a true and 
sincere account of the condition of things in that province, without 
contemporising with, or considering, any thing but her interests. In 
addition to this it was believed that Lord Buckhurst was sent to 
keep the rebels in hand with hopes, and prevent them from pressing 
the Queen, as they have done, to assume the sovereignty of the 
Netherlands. He is also to see whether tho 30 vessels promised by 
tho provinces to accompany the English expedition were so well 
armed and found as Leicester asserts. I have just received news 
that deputies have arrived in England from Holland to say that if 
the Queen do not fulfil her undertaking to maintain an army there, 
they will come to terms with your Majesty. The Scots ambassadors 
had left, ill pleased with the Queen. 18th February, 1587. 

Feb. 7 21. Document headed " Translation of a statement furnished to 

Paris Archives, " the Queen of England by Francis Drake and John Hawkins 

K. 1566. 10. « q^ f undertaking a voyage entirely to ruin the Spaniards." 

All the ships of Spain may be taken every year by 12 ships of 
war. Every year there come from various places to Durses Bohore 
harbour, which the English call Baltimore, ships to the number of 50 
sail to fish. The capture of these would be worth a great deal, as 
they would be full of good fish, salt meat, Cordovan leather and 
tallow ; so that a hundred ton ship will be worth 2,00(M. English. 

At the beginning of September, or any time from then to February, 
.go to Cabo Blanco on the coast of Africa, north of Cabo Verde, where 
you will meet a large number of Spaniards, and you can catch them 
'as best you may, thus furnishing yourself with victuals. From there 
you will go to the Western is!es, coasting around them and 
dismantling all their (i.e, the Spaniards') ships, and taking away 
their sails. To do this you must have six good small brigantines 
with sails and sweeps. You will pass the ports of Cartagena, 
Nombre de Dios, the Honduras or Bay of Mexico, and arrive at the 
island of St. John de Lua (Ulloa) opposite Vera Cruz in February, 
when all the Mexican ships (ire on the beach, aud you can take them 
easily ; or else you may sight Cape St. Antonio to tho west of Cuba 
jtowards Yucatan, as their ships always sight that Cape on their way 
to Havana from March to May, as do all those from Cartagena, 
Nombre de Dios, and the Honduras. You may leave the Indies 
from June to the middle of August, and go to Newfoundland where 



you may get victuals, and capture a great number of Spaniards 
Biscayners and others. 

From there go to the great Bay, where you may take very many 
Biscayners who fish there. By calculating the times and places 8et 
forih above, you may capture so many ships and Spaniards that 
they will not recover the loss for years if you take care to deprive 
them of their sails. 

It is very dangerous to go to the West Indies by Cabo Blanco, 
Cabo Vera Cruz, and tbe Isles of Cabo Verde before September, 
owing to the hurricanes and heavy sea. 

It is necessary also to pass the Qulf of Florida at the very latest 
in July, as the hurricanes are heavy there in August. 

If you come by way of Spain and Cabaye (sic) in Ireland, you will 
find after Michaelmas many ships from France there loaded with 
wine, and with a great deal of money on board, as they will have 
sold their linens. These ships return from Cabaye (Galway ?) loaded 
with hides and tallow, which are forbidden goods. 

For a voyage to the West Indies the following things are 
necessary, — 

1st. — You must begin your voyage so as to be at the Canaries at 
the beginning of September, before the bad weather sets in. 

Then you go to Cabo Blanco where you may store your ships 
with wine, oil, bread, and fish, bought from Spaniards and 

Then to Cabo Verde, where you will find plenty of French ships, 
some of which perhaps may accompany you. 

Thence to the Cape de Verde islands where you will get fresh 
water, goats, dried meat and rice ; and it will be worth while also 
to take as many negroes from there as possible, to barter in the 

Thence you may sail to Trinidad, 10 degrees north latitude, 
where you will again get fresh water and provisions. 

From there you go to Margarita where you may provide yourself 
with a quantity of pearls and silver, and then go to the waters of 
Burdoro, where you can visit those who are at the entrance of 
Valentina Nova, 23 miles on the other side of the mountains. This 
is a very rich town and may be assailed with 200 soldiers. You 
may keep your ships there and return with your brigantines to 
Cratus, 20 miles from Burdoro, where you will find two towns, one 
on the seashore, and another two leagues inland. They are very rich 
and you may sack them both with 200 men. 

You will take your ships from Cratus to the waters of Burdoro 
and thence to Curisau (Curasao) where there are usually a quantity 
of ships ; but there are very many warlike Indians in this island. 
You can take the place by force, however, with 150 men. 

From thence you go to Ruba, where you may take fresh water 
and provisions, as there is a great abundance of beans, casena 
(cassava ?) and hides. You may master the island with 80 men. 

Then you go to Corrus (Coro), which is a very rich town 20 leagues 
from the waters of Burdoro towards Cartagena. The towm may be 
sacked with 200 men. 



Tour next place will be Cabo de la Vela where the Spaniards fish 
for pearls in October, November, December and June (January ?). 

From there you go to Rio de la Hacha where you will find the 
treasurers, who would be good prisoners ; you must do everything 
here by force of arms. 

Then to Santa Marta which must be dealt with like Rio de la 
Hacha. This town is very rich in gold, and there are very few 
Spaniards, so it may be sacked by 40 men. 

Tou will then with your own boats go up the River Grande, and 
six leagues from the mouth there is a treasure-house full of riches 
which may be sacked by 40 harquebussiers. 

Thence to Cartagena where there are 200 Spanish houses. The 
town is walled towards the water, and has a great quantity of 
artillery on the same side, of which I (i.e., Drake) brought a part It 
is one of the richest towns of the West Indies, and you must depend 
more upon cunning than strength to take it. 

Thence to Felove, a very rich town, which may be easily sacked 
with 100 men. 

Thence to Nombre de Dios where with 500 landed you may sack 
the town at your pleasure. But the best way is not to let them see 
your ships, bi so arrange as .to arrive an hLr before dawn at the 
place where they have their artillery, and you may capture 
Spaniards and negroes, who, if properly examined, will confess 
where the riches of the town are, and will guide you to their river 

You may then go in them to Parana (Panama) in the southern sea, 
where, if you land 800 men and leave your ships well armed, you 
can sack Pearl island, where you will doubtless find incalculable 

Thence you may go to the River Chagres, 18 leagues from Nombre 
de Dies, towards Yucatan, and about 10 leagues up the river you 
will find a dep6t for the Korea whence they bring their merchandise 
overland to Nombre de Dios. There is a guard of 50 Spanish 
soldiers here. 

Thence to the Honduras, and afterwards to Tressia, where there 
are 50 soldiers and 100 households. 

From thence to Porto Caballo where there are two large ships, but 
you may sack and capture them with 200 men, and the house up the 
river as well. 

(Here follows a description of the various islands and towns in the 
West Indies, their defences, population, resources, etc.) 

In order to rob the Portuguese flotillas coming from Calicut, you 
can sail in September, October, or November, and go to an island 
called St. Helena, which is an African island in the ocean at latitude 
6 S., 400 leagues from the mainland. The Pbrtuguese stay here on 
their return voyage, and as they are tired with their long voyage 
they may easily be robbed. 

Note by John Hawkins and Francis Drake. 

At the end of June with an easterly wind you may run across 
from Bahama to Cabo San Antonio. If the westerly wind is blowing 
you can go by St. Juan de Porto Rico to a port called St Germans 



at the west end of the island, where you can wait till July or 
August, and then sail home ; but you must be careful to coast 
along tbe south coast of the island until you are inside Saint 

You may sea the Port of Jamaica from there without going out of 
your course, and may run thence to San Antonio, Cuba, Havana, 
and so to Spain. This is the only course for a fortunate and 
prosperous voyage. 

If your Majesty will give me permission to do this I will put my 
life in peril from the enemy, and will pledge myself in all my 
property and that of my friends to your Majesty, as a gage that I 
will conduct the expedition to a very fortunate issue, with the aid 
above-mentioned ; and I therefore humbly pray that my zeal for 
the welfare of my country may be accepted in good part I beg 
that your Majesty may be pleased to order me to make preparations 
for this voyage now that the fine weather is approaching and the 
state of affairs demand it. — Unsigned. 

18 Feb. 22. Bernabdino de Mendoza to the King. 
*?imKT [Extracts.] 

Confirms the surrender of Deventer. Congratulates himself upon 
his knowledge cf Colonel Stanleys character, and the advice he 
(Mendoza) gave as to his being approached on the subject 

When Walter Raleigh, the Queen's favourite, heard of the arrest of 
Pedro Sarmiento de Oamboa, he was so anxious for his release that 
he sent two of his gentlemen here with letters from the Queen to 
Beam. The letters are very pressing, and say that although it may 
appear as if this were a matter which interests Walter Raleigh only, 
it really concerns her, and she is anxious that Sarmiento should 
instantly proceed to Spain. She prays Beam to have him set at 
liberty. Raleigh told these two gentlemen to come to me, and 
assure me how earnestly he was endeavouring to get Sarmiento 
released. As they (Raleigh's envoys) arrived here during the time 
of this dispute between the French and English, the ambassador has 
detained them here for some days, and consequently they found 
themselves short of money. They brought me a letter from a 
Portuguese merchant in London called Bernardo Luis,* saying that 
he had told Raleigh that I would let them have a letter of credit 
for 100 crowns if they wanted funds for their journey, as Walter 
Raleigh, not being friendly with the English ambassador here, he did 
not wish them to appeal to him. I told the gentlemen that the 
merchant had acted very foolishly in saying such a thing, and I 
should t>e equally fool'sh if I gave them money on an order from 
him, or supplied funds to people who brought letters from the queen 
of England whilst she was at war with your Majesty ; but, I said, if 
Raleigh himself, or any person belonging to him, asked me for 
anything from my own purse, I would givo it to him out of 
consideration for his courtesy about Sarmiento. They replied that 
what they asked of me was to lend them 100 crowns in Raleigh's 

name for the expenses for their voyage, and the moment their letters 

— — — — 

* This was the brother of Mcntcsiros, nho had offered to kiU Don Antonio. 



arrived in England an order for repayment of the sum to me here 
would be sent. They offered me an undertaking to this effect, which 
I took, and gave them the money, as I thought it wise in every 
respect to reciprocate Raleigh's action, and acknowledge his courtesy 
in trying to get Sarmiento released. 

The Scots ambassador has handed to me the letter I now enclose 
from the king of Scotland, and has asked me to supplicate your 
Majesty, so far as justice will allow, to despatch the Scotsman for 
whom the King intercedes and whose name is Gilbert Lomb, who 
the ambassador assures me is a Catholic, and has been a member of 
his own household.* — Paris, 18th February 1587. 

18 Feb. 23. Bernardino de Mekdoza to the King, 
YwSKr [Extract.] 

I write in the general letter about Ealeigh's efforts to get 
Sarmiento released ; and am assured now that he is very cold about 
these naval preparations, and is secretly trying to dissuade the Queen 
from them. He is much more desirous of sending to Spain his 
own two ships for sale, than to u*e them for robbery* To confirm 
him in his goo'J tendency I came to the help of his two gentlemen who 
asked for some money under the circumstances related in the other 
letter. This will give him hopes that your Majesty will accept his 
services, and will cause him to continue to oppose Don Antonio, who 
is upheld by the earl of Leicester, f 

I enclose copy of the duke of Parma's reply to me about Scotland. 
He also tells me that I am to say to M. de Trielle and Hugh Frion.J 
that your Majesty will pardon and employ them. As soon as the 
road is opened to England I will send Hugh Frion thither and 
the other man to Holland to see what ships are being equipped. — 
Paris, 18th February 1587. 

18 Feb. 24. Bernardino de Mekdoza to Secretary Idiaqtjez. 

K. 1566. aY.*' ^ e continues in constant ill health. 

From the news contained in my letter to the King, about the way 
in which the king of France is behaving towards the Englishwoman, 
it might be thought that they would fall out in real earnest, but I 
can assure you n«. thing is further from their thoughts. 

Pray let me have my credits without delay as these Englishmen 
are needy, and are constantly pestering me for their money ; and I 
cannot go on for months without my own salary. Do not forget to 
send me the money for my English supplementary accounts. 

I forgot to tell his Majesty that they are saying here that the 
queen of England is trying to come to terms with his Majesty 
through the grand duke of Florence and others. 

* The Kiug has written in the margin against this " I do not know whether this the 
•' man we were talking about to-day. If not, tell me who he is." See Vol. III. of this 
Calendar, page 690. 

t The real reason for Raleigh's persistent opposition to the Portuguese plana, and 
attacks upon Spain generally, should probably be sought in his deadly hatred of Essex, 
who was the principal promoter of them. 

X Two Flemings who had offered to spy upon their countrymen aud the English for 
Philip fend to betray Cambrai. See Vol. III., page 642. 



This King (of France) lias done nothing but dance and masquerade 
during this carnival without cessation. The last night he danced till 
b-oad daylight, and after he had heard mass, went to bed until night. 
He then went to his Capuchin Monastery* where he is, refusing to 
speak or see anyone. His carnival madness was, it would seem, the 
greater, in order that he might be able to accentuate his asceticism 
a'terwards.— Paris, 18th February 1587. 

27 Feb. 25. Bkrnaudino de Mendoza to the King. 

Paris Archives, rEXTRACT.l 

K. 1566. 55. 

The steward of the French ambassador in England has brought 
letters from there dated 18th instant. He reports that the Queen 
refuses to receive the ambassador, although he had requested 
audience to deliver the message taken by the King's valets. This 
King, therefore, refuses audience to the English ambassador, and 
Wand, who is here and has pressed for an interview. 

This steward affirms that Drake continues his naval preparations,, 
and as the ports are closely guarded, the steward alone was allowed 
to leave with a special passport. 

The (jueen was sending the earl of Cumberland and Hatton,f the 
captain of her guard, as an embassy to the king of Scotland. — Paris, 
27th February 1587. 

28 Feb. 26. The King to Bernardino de Mendoza. 

^K^iub. los.' The n © w correspondent whom you have obtained} to keep you 

informed on English affairs is very appropriate. You may thank the 
intermediary§ from me and urge him to continue in liis good service. 
Give the other one the 2,000 crowns, or the jewel you suggest of 
similar value, although it may be more secret and he may prefer 
that it should be given in money, through the same intermediary. 

If the correspondent does not know that the news passe* through 
your hands, you can arrange with the intermediary what is to be 
said to him as to the course he has adopted for sending it You will 
manage it as you thiuk best, and say you doubt not that the reward 
will be commensurate with the service. This will encourage them to 
do their best. 

The news of the English armaments you received through this 
source will by this time have been supplemented by information as 
to their continuance. I am hourly hoping for this intelligence. 
Pray be careful to send me all you can learn about this. 

As it cannot be believed that Belie v re's visit to England was only 
for the purpose given out, you will try by the ab:>ve means, and 
others, to discover what was done, if anything, with all the particulars 
you can obtain. I have not forgotten the Scotch affair, or about 
Brille, of which you remind me, but as I have already written to you 
on those points, I need say no more. 

♦ This favourite retreat of Henry III. stood adjoining tne garden of the Tuilleries, near 
the site of the pretent Rue Castiglione. Another monastery of reformed Bernardins was 

adjacent to it 

t The envoy she really sent Robert Cary, eon of her cou«in, Lord Huusdon. 

1 Sir Edward Stafford. 
§ Charles Arundell. 



The steps you took through Raleigh's nephew to obtain Pedro 
Sarmiento's release were very wise. Raleigh's action in this matter 
will be an indication of what may be expected of him in future, and 
as you have opened the road with the nephew, do not neglect when 
he returns to accept the offer his uncle made to Pedro de Sarmiento, 
with regard to preventing armaments in England and counteracting 
the designs of Don Antonio. Assure him that his aid will be very 
highly esteemed and adequately rewarded. — Madrid, 28th February 

28 Feb. 27. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King. 

Pfcria Archives, [EXTRACT.] 

UT 1 A ft A *»7 

The English ambassador received a dispatch last night, dated 
London 22nd ; and as no English boat would take the courier from 
Dover or Bye, they being liable to seizure as soon as they arrived in 
France, he had to wait until he could get a French fishing smack. 
He says that on the 22nd the. Queen was to give audience to 
Chateauneuf and the King's valets de chambre who had gone from 
their master with letters. 

Don Antonio was at Court with the Queen, and the ships which 
he was to take out were being equipped, the common talk being that 
it would be a fleet of 12,000 men. The English ambassador is 
begging most earnestly for a speedy audience. If I can learn what 
passes therein I will report to your Majesty. — Paris, 28th February 

28 Feb. 28. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King. 

Paris Archives, 

K. 116*. 56. The English ambassador sent the confidant (i.e., Charles Arundel) 
to me this morning to say that as it was so important that your 
Majesty should be informed instantly of the news he had received 
last night from England, that he sent to tell me of it, and openly to 
confess me his anxiety to serve your Majesty. He offered himself 
entirely through me, in the assurance that your Majesty would not 
order him to do anything against the interest of his mistress the 
Queen, who however, he could plainly see, had not long to live now 
that she had allowed the execution of the queen of Scotland. It 
happened in this way. The Lord Treasurer being absent through 
illness, the earl of Leicester, Lord Hunsdon, Lord Admiral Howard 
and Walsingham, had represented to the Queen that the Parliament 
would resolutely refuse to vote any money to maintain the war in 
Holland, or to fit out a naval force to help Don Antonio, unless she 
executed the queen of Scotland. Under this pressure she consented 
to sign a warrant, as they called it, that the Parliament might see, 
but which was not to be executed, unless it were proved that the 
Queen of Scotland conspired again against her life. As Secretary 
Walsingham was ill this warrant was taken to the Queen for her 
signature by Davison, and after she had signed it she ordered him 
not to give it to anyone unless she gave him personally her authority 
to do so. Davison, who is a terrible heretic and an enemy of the 
queen of Scotland, like the rest of the above-mentioned, delivered 



the warrant to them.* They took a London executioner and sent 
him with the warrant to the justice of the county where the queen 
of Scotland was. The moment the justice received it, on the 18th, 
he entered the queen of Scotland's chamber with Paulet and Lord 
Grey, who had charge of her, and there they had her head cut off 
with a hatchet in the presence of the four persons only. The 
Queen orders her ambassador to inform this King of it, and assure 
him, as she will more fully by a special envoy, that the deed was 
done against her will, and although she had signed the warrant she 
had no intention of having it carried out. She cannot avoid 
blaming herself for having trusted anyone but herself in such a 
matter. The ambassador is begging earnestly for an audience and 
is keeping the matter secret until he tells the King. In order that 
no time may be lost in informing your Majesty, I send this special 
courier in the name of merchants, by way of Bordeaux, whence he 
will go post to Iran ; and as God has so willed that these accursed 
people, for His ends, should fall into "reprobrivm sensum," and 
against all reason commit such an act as this, it is evidently His 
design to deliver those two kingdoms into your Majesty's hands. 
I thanked the ambassador in general terms for his offer, saying 
that I would give an account thereof to your Majesty. As I have 
formerly said, it will be most advisable to accept it, and pledge him 
to give us notice of any machinations here and in England against 
us. He reports that the fitting out of ships continues but in no 
greater number than he previously advised, although the rumour 
is current here that there would be 60 English, besides the 
Hollanders, but that the crews, etc. were not raised and no time 
fixed for the departure. The ambassador says he will have full 
information on the point when a gentleman of his has arrived 
whom he had sent to England to gain intelligence, as Cecil only 
writes now to Ray that the execution of the queen of Scotland has 
been against his will, as he, the ambassador knew ; and that the 
King, her son, was in great danger of suffering a similar fate. The 
execution was known in London on the 20th when the executioner 
returned, and great bonfires had been lit for joy all over the country- 
side. They did not even give her time to commend her soul to 


The Scottish gentleman (i.&, Robert Bruce) who went to your 

Majesty and whom you sent to Muzio (i.e., the Duke of Guise), and 

afterwards to the duke of Parma, has returned to Paris and found 

letters awaiting him from Scotland, in which the Scots lords tell him to 

* Davison's explanation of this transaction and the defence at bis trial will be found 
in Sir Harris Nicolas' " Life of William Davison." There can be but little doubt that 
Davison was deliberately tricked into the position of a scapegoat in order to relieve the 
Queen of the odium of having executed Mary. The above letter is interesting as show- 
ing that Stafford had even thus early received instructions to make public the Queen's 
version of the affair. A curious memorandum in the Hatfield Papers, Vol. III., p. 928, 
dated 17th February, sets forth, in Burleigh's handwriting, «• The state of the cause as it 
might to be conceived and reported concerning the execution done upon the Queen of 
Scots " ; which agrees in the main with Stafford's representation to Mendosa. 

t This was not the case. A very full contemporary account of the execution will be 
found in Jebb's book called '< De vita et rebus gcstis serenisaimso principis Maria) 
Scotorum regined," Paris 15S9. 



ascertain, in any case, whether your Majesty will help them or not, 
and that he is to go back for certain with an answer next April, as 
they say it is impossible for them to wait or hold aloof any longer 
than that. 

This King (of France) has written offering h : s warm friendship 
to the king of Scotland, out of fear that he may come to terms 
with your Majesty, seeing the position he is in towards the English- 
woman. This fear will be greatly increased when he (the king of 
France) learns of the death of the queen of Scotland. I told Bruce 
what the duke of Parma had written for communication, that in 
great affairs like this decisions could not be adopted in a moment, 
especially respecting such distant places. I humbly beg your 
Majesty to instruct me what I am to say to him and how I am to 
treat the English ambassador. — Paris, 28th February 1887. 

Feb. 29. Duke of Parma to Bernardino de Mendoza. 

Paris Archives, rEXTRACT.l 

Whilst I was considering what answer I should send you about 
Scotland, the gentleman (i.e., Bruce) arrived here and was able to 
give me such minute information, altogether so different from that 
furnished previously, in writing, as fully satisfied me, and I decided 
to tell him that I entirely approved of his Majesty aiding them as 
they desired in so just and righteous a cause. I said I would write 
to him to that effect, and he (Bruce) might convey my message to 
the gentlemen concerned, in order that they might stand firm and 
gather courage t > execute so godly a resolution as theirs whilst my 
report might reach Spain and the necessary measures were taken to 
afford them effectual support in so arduous and important an 
enterprise. Bruce displayed satisfaction at this, and departed to go 
to the duke of Guise, in order to discuss with him the next 
steps to be adopted in the promotion of the project I inform you 
of this as he will address himself to you in future, and I wish 
you also to advise his Majesty. I gave the reply I did as it will 
afford time to write to his Majesty and receive the order he considers 
best for his service. 

2 March. 30. Count de Omvares to the King. 

Estado, 950. ^ g soon ^ neW8 qqu^^ f the men being landed from the armada 
the utmost efforts shall be used to make the million available by the 
duke of Parma with all speed. Juan Agustin (Pinelo) will do his 
best, ps he has promised, but he will not pledge himself for the 
Pope. Until the men are landed it will be impossible to get any- 
thing out of his Holiness. As it is known where the duke of Parma 
is, and that the whole of the nobility is going in the armada, 
everybody believes that the real object is to make peace, and nothing 
will shake the Pope's belief in this respect. The small trust that can 
be placed in him may be judged by the little trust he places in us. 
Your Majesty will also have sent orders with regard to the time for 
the loan. The Pope will not be very liberal in this respect either. 
I can assure your Majesty that few persons in Rome believe that 
anything will really be got for the enterprise here, and when it is 




made public that a contribution of a million is to be sent, although 
there are so many good reasons for it, it will be looked upon as 

TTia Holiness consented to grant the jubilee, and I hope he will 
order it in the first consistory so that the more solemnity will attend 
is as it will be at the beginning of Lent. I had not mentioned it 
to him before, as I had no orders to do so until news came that the 
enterprise had been commenced. It was necessary for your Majesty 
to instruct me that no details are to be entered into in the jubilee, 
because in accordance with your Majesty'3 letter of 26th August I 
had caused Allen to draw up a statement of the justifications for the 
enterprise. It will, however, be useful for the Legate's bull, unless 
your Majesty orders to the contrary. 

Not a word shall be said about the succession and investiture (i.e., 
of the crown of England) until your Majesty orders. As soon as 
the articles aie ratified in the consistory people will be convinced 
that your Majesty has no intention of retaining the crown for your- 
self, and the inconvenience which would arise from the prevalence 
of a contrary impression will be avoided. It might perhaps be 
better to defer any further action in this respect until your Majesty 
decides to announce to whom the Infanta is to be married. In 
accordance with your Majesty's orders enough money shall be given 
to Allen for his journey to Flanders, as speedly as possible ; and if 
possible his Holiness shall be persuaded not to give him the 
character of Legate until he arrives there, so that ho may go the 
quicker, in which case the Canterbury appointment may also be 
left in a like manner. — Rome, 2nd March 1587. 

4 Maivh. 31. Letter written from England to a Councillor of the King of 
Paris Archives, Scotland. 

K 1566. 65. 

French. I am sorry to hear that execution of the mother of your King will 
produce such results as you affirm will ensue upon the publication 
of the news in Scotland, and that the peace and friendship of the 
King and Scots for England should be changed thereby, as here the 
groat desire has been to cement the friendship. We hope that on 
mature consideration, and with your wise Council, the King will gee 
that the past cannot now be undone, and that any action on his part 
would be to his own prejudice. 

If he wishes to make war upon England he must c msider these 
things : — 

1st. Will the war appear just in the sight of all persons. 

2nd. His means of sustaining it. 

3rd. The probable result of it, and particularly as touching the 
succession here. 

It will be said here that he is warring against the decision of a 
Court of Justice, and consequently against diviuc justice itself. 

If he depends upon his own resources, he must see that Scotland 
is not strong enough to cope with England ; whilst France is now 
more united to England than to Scotland. 

The delay and difficulty of employing foreign forces, moreover, 
are very great, and give rise to serious and unexpected complications. 



It is clear then that such a war could only end in disaster ; and the 
King's moderation and wisdom, which have gained for him the 
admiration of all, will, I hope, bring him to deal with the matter 
prudently. The old enmities between the countries would be 
aroused by a war, and the English would then never accept a 
Scotsman for their King. 

The queen of Scotland was legally sentenced by the three estates 
of the realm, and if the King impugns their judgment he will 
understand how they will be set against him. 

What remedy, moreover, can he expect to gain from foreign 
princes ? Any help he got would certainly not be rendered out of 
Love for him ; and neither France nor Spain will help him except 
for their own ends, which will not add to his popularity in England 
It is, moreover, the traditional policy of France to prevent the union 
of all the island {i.e., Great Britain) under one sovereign; and 
France is in no condition to undertake a foreign war. 

The king of Spain's age and ill health would probably lead him 
to listen to overtures of peace rather than enter into such a war ; 
but, if he consents to aid, his ambition and claims will make him a 
dangerous ally. His right to the succession of the English crown 
is maintained by many persons, with a great show of authority, 
and his usurpation of Portugal is a sample of his ambition. 

All this proves the danger of the king of Scotland's appealing to 
Spain for help ; but if he do so, it will only be given in exchange 
for his abandoning the protestant faith, which God forbid, as it 
would mean his utter ruin both in Scotland and England. 

If he seeks revenge it must be against all the estates of the 
realm in England, who have agreed upon the offence, and he will 
see how mucn better both his dignity and interests will be served 
by treating the matter with wise moderation, rather than adopt 
such a position towards a nation over which he hopes to reign. 
You may see how desirous I am to preserve the friendship of the 
two countries, by my writing so long a harangue as this. I had no 
intention of doing so. I had collected the arguments set forth, and 
others which I conceived to be for the good of both countries, in 
order that they might be transmitted to you by Mr. Douglas ; but 
as I found him anything but forward in the matter, I have decided 
to put them in writing and send them to you direct. — Greenwich, 
4th March 1587. 

Note. — The above letter in the original is extremely diffuse and 
obscure. It is published nearly at length in French by the 
Bannantyne Club in their collection of letters in the Paris Archives 
relative to the history of Scotland. The editor, M. Teulet, thus 
comments upon it : — " Cette lettre renferme une serie de raisonne- 
" ments que me semblent d'une grande liability politique et que les 
" ^venements ont justifies. II est facile de suivre et de comprendre 
" ces raisonnements dans leur ensemble ; mais il n'en est pas de 
" meme dans les details. Ecrite on traduite par un stranger qui 
" savait mal le francais, la lettre presente souvent des expressions, 
" des phrases, et meme quelques paragraphes, qui sont presque 
" inint&igibles." 


March 6. 32. Bernardino de Mendoza. to the Kino. 

P K^566! II 67. 8, ^ the English ambassador could not obtain audience, and feared 

the news (of the queen of Scotland's death) might reach the King 
through another channel, he therefore went to Beli&vre with a 
letter from his mistrets, asking him to convey to the Bang that at 
the persuasion of her people she had signed the warrant for the 
execution of the queen of Scotland in virtue of the sentence which 
had been pronounced, without any intention of having it carried out, 
but her councillors, without her consent, had executed the sentence. 
In order to set forth this fully she would at once send a person of 
rank to the King. Believre was much perturbed, and said the King 
would rightly resent such an act and he (Belifevre) would so advise 
him. He said surely his (Stafford's) mistress must think that monarchs' 
heads were laced on, to have done such a knavish thing as to dare 
to lay hands on the queen of Scotland. There is a good deal of 
talk about these words, as Beli&vre has much influence with the 
King, and is usually a man of very slow and moderate speech. 

"When Secretary Brulart heard of it, he said he would never enter 
the Council again if the King did not fittingly avenge the murder 
of one who had been his sister-in-law and a queen of France 
Notwithstanding all this talk, and the great sorrow of the nobility, 
there are no signs that the King means to do anything, only the 
immediate dispatch of a courier with the news to his mother ; and 
it is not yet known whether he will go into mourning or not, or 
how he will proceed with the Englishwoman. The heretics have 
rejoiced as much as the Parisians have sorrowed ; and a preacher at 
St. Eustache who discoursed upon it was greeted with so much 
sorrow and lamentation from his hearers that he was obliged to 
descend from the pulpit without finishing his sermon. 

The English ambassador and Waad, who is with him, are in great 
alarm that these demonstrations may lead the people to make an 
attack upon them. 

The queen of England received the king's valets de chambre, but 
she would not allow them to be accompanied by Chateauneuf. 

It is rumoured here that Don Antonio has secretly left England 
and gone to Barbary. Sampson* has been unable to discover what 
truth there is in this, but as the last news reported that Don 
Antonio was at the Court with the Queen on the 22nd ultimo, it is 
probably unfounded. — Paris, 6th March 1587. 

6 Mar. 33. Bernardino de Mendoza to the Kino. 

^Tisee. el.*' •* JB ti* e English ports are still closed, I have nothing to say about 

' England beyond what I say in the general letter. I was with 

Nazaretht yesterday, who told me he had been informed that the 

* This was the cipher ntme of Antonio de Escobar, Don Antonio's agent in France, 
ti ho was secretly in the pay of the Spanish King. TLe news about Don Antonio's 
going to Barbary was untrue, bat afterwards his second son, Don Cristobal, was sent 
thither as hostage for a projected loan from the Sheriff, which however was never 


t This was the papal Nuncio in France, Fabio Mirto Frangipani, archbishop of 
Nazareth, a Neapolitan Spanish subject, and a creature of Philip. Set Vol. III. of this 
Calendar, page 618. 



King was not sorry for what had happened to the qiieen of 
Scotland, owing to hi3 rancour against the Guises, and his wish to 
be revenged upon them. This made him secretly favour the 
Bourbons who were the sworn enemies of the queen of Scotland. 

In conversation with Nazareth about the queen of Scotland, I 
said that although her son, by birth, was her heir, he was 
incapacitated by his heresy from succeeding, and your Majesty took 
his place so far as regards the crown of England, you being the 
next heir failing him. I told him it was well he should be 
informed of the matter so that he might convey it, a* if on h : s own 
account, to Cardinal de Bourbon* and the duke of Suise ; as it was 
just as important to them that the principle of heresy incapacitating 
should be acknowledged, so far as the crown of France was 
concerned, as all their cause rests upon the point. 

Nazareth approved of the idea, and I refreshed his memory about 
the descent by virtue of which your Majesty claims the English 
crown. I avoided mentioning to him the following point, however, 
until I get your Majesty's instructions. It is, that although your 
Majesty may have acquired a legal right to the two crowns of 
England and Ireland by the death of the queen of Scotland, her s »n 
being incapacitated from succeeding her according to natural right, 
it will be necessary, before your Majesty can enjoy your possession, 
that your claim should bo declared by a competent judge, who will 
pronounce the incapacity of the king of Scotland to succeed, he 
being the son of a catholic mother. My precedent for this opinion 
is that before a creditor can proceed on an overdue obligation, 
his right being unquestionable, he must obtain a judgment. I think 
this point is of importance, and it was suggested to me by my 
leading years ago that it was not provided for in the bull of Pope 
Pius V. against the queen of England.t I have not been able to 
get a copy of the bull aa mine was burnt with the rest cf my papers 
in England, but if your Majesty's theologian3 and jurisconsults 
think there is anything in it, you might have his Holiness approached 
cautiously, to induce him to make such a declaration as that desired, 
excluding the king of Scotland for heresy, by which act your 
Majesty becomes le^al heir, and cm enter into possession of your 
rights, without anything to that effect being said in the bull. It 
must be managed with great secrecy, so that the king of France 
shall not hear of it, as he would, of course, strenuously oppose it. 
It will be unnecessary for a regular process t > be raised against the 

* Cardinal de Bourbon was the ancle of Henry of Navarre, so that in the event of 
the latter being incapacitated from succeeding to the crown of France for hereby, the 
Cardinal, as the next cutltolic successor, became heir to the crown of France. On the 
murder of Henry III., the Cardinal was adopted as King by the Guises and Philip ; 
and until his death was treated as such by them. 

t This complaint had been made in 1570 by the English Catholics after the failure 
of the rising of the northern nobles. Sander* in his Anglican Schism snys : — 
" Keliquis Catholicis propterea quod adbuc per Papam non erat publico contra Reginam 
" lata ex-communicatioms sententia nee ab ejus ipsi absoluti viderentur obedientia se 
" non adjungentibus." As a matter of fact the Bull of Pius V., like those of Paul I IT. 
and Paul IV., disinheriting Henry VI II. *s issue by Anne Boleyn, assumed the heresy, 
hut did not pronounce authoritatively upon it. There is little doubt that Mendoia 
obtained his idea from Father Sanders* book quoted above. 



king of Scotland, as he has not publicly professed heresy after being 
a Catholic, but has only generally been acknowledged as a heretic, 
and has never submitted to the Holy See. His Holiness can easily 
make this declaration, with the speed rendered necessary by your 
Majesty's design on England, and the importance of keeping the 
king of France in ignorance. If the latter heard of it, he would 
certainly induce the king of Scotland to intimate to the Pope that 
he would be converted and marry a Catholic. I can see no objection 
to your Majesty's helping the Catholic Scottish lords, as they may 
be instrumental in coaverting the rest of the people. H the King 
himself should become a Catholic, the marrying of hitn to a wife of 
your choosing, or the gaining over to your Majesty's side of most of 
his nobles, will prevent the force of Scotland being cast on the side 
of the English heretics. Even if the kings cf Scotland were not 
(as their chronicles show) all fated to die violent deaths, it may 
well be supposed that those who have brought about the death of 
his mother will compass his own, now that he is in the hands 
of the Scottish-English faction who are in league with Leicester and 
the rest of them. 

The Scottish gentleman (Bruce) has again shown me letters from 
the lords urging hiin to get a reply from your Majesty. They say 
the King himself would nave sent to ask for aid against the queen 
of England, but for the fear that he would be refused on the score 
of religion. 

The archbishop of Glasgow, the queen of Scotland s ambassador 
here, is naturally grieved at the fate of his mistress. I sent to see 
him, and he is so good a prelate and Christian that the moment he 
saw me he said that he had received from me the 8,000 crowns I 
had paid him for his mistress from your Majesty. In consequence 
of the bad money current when I paid him the first 4,000, and the 
absence of communication with the Queen owing to Babington's 
arrest, he had paid that instalment to the queen of Scotland's 
treasurer here to dispose of to the best advantage and give him (the 
Archbishop) gold, when he had an opportunity of sending to the 
Queen. He said I knew that no such opportunity had offered, and 
the 4,000 crowns of the second payment he had still intact, and 
would return to me, and also the first 4,000 he had handed to the 
treasurer, when possible ; the money being the property of your 
Majesty now that his mistress was dead, and his conscience not 
allowing him to touch a groat of it. I said I would give your 
Majesty an account of it ; and I now humbly suggest that you might 
favour him and me by making him a present of the first 4,000 
crowns, as it could only be got back through his hands and at such 
a pace as the treasurer might think fit, the French being hard to 
part from money when once it is in their possession. The Arch- 
bishop has lived here for 23 years, serving his mistress faithfully, 
and during the whole time has been in close communication with 
your Majesty's ministers. He was the only channel through which 
Tassis could correspond with Muzio (i.e., Guise) after he had left the 
King, and his (the Archbishop's) servants carried all the dispatches, 
and my letters continued to come by the same means. He is 

9549*. C 



65 years of age, and the good prelate is so poor and defenceless that 
I shall look upon a favour done to him as if it were done to me. 
His wages from his mistress now fail him, and the heretics have 
destroyed, his abbacy in Poitou, robbing him a few months ago of 
500 crowns which were being brought to him of the revenues of 
years back. All this is in addition to the service he constantly 
renders to your Majesty, and the advisability of keeping him in 
hand in regard to Scotch and English affairs, as his influence and 
dignity are very great in that country (Scotland;. The day upon 
which the kiug of Scotland shows any signs of a desire to become 
a convert to the Catholic faith, his Holiness will certainly be obliged 
to promote the Archbishop to a cardinalate, in order to guide the 
King and bring about a conversion of the rest of the country. This 
renders, it desirable for your Majesty to pledge such a man to your 
interests, as there is no other upon whom his Holiness could cast his 
eye. Your Majesty might even give him a good pension charged 
upon one of the Spanish bishoprics. Nazareth has already begun 
to bewail to me how great a loss it will be to both of us if he 
(Beaton) have to leave here. I beg your Majesty to send me 
instructions as to the two sums of 4,000 crowns which £ have 
mentioned above. — Paris, 6th March 1587. 

6 March 34. Bernardino de Mendoza to Secretary Idiaquez. 

Paris Archives, [EXTRACT.] 

K. 1566. 69. The Jesuit fathers who are labouring in Scotland have been 
blessed by God with grace to produce notable fruit for the good of 
religion. They have asked me to renew the petition I sent in 
former letters of mine that his Majesty should be pleased to give 
them alms for church ornaments and similar things, without which 
their progress cannot be continued. I beg you will mention this to 
the King when opportunity offers ; and I am quite sure you will be 
reminded of it also by some religious father. — Paris, 6th March, 

7 March. 35. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King. 

R n i566. 70. e ' '^ e delay of this courier has given me time to write to your 
Majesty what I have heard since writing my despatches yesterday. 
The King (of France) has publicly appeared in mourning for the 
queen of Scotland, as have the Queen and all the nobles at court. 
As the ladies in waiting were not in mourning the King told them 
to dress in black serge, as the inconvenience caused by the war 
would prevent him from giving them the customary mourning 
dresses which he furnished on the death of royal personages. It is 
also decided that the obsequies are to be held in the cathedral here 
(Paris) and the King will be present. I am told by a person who 
heard liini that the King in his own chamber said he had received 
letters from his ambassador with a detailed account of the beheading 
of the queen of Scotland. It was to the effect that BeaJ, the 
Secretary of the Privy Council, Walsingham's brother-in-law, carried 
down the warrant and the executioner from London, and in the 
presence of Paulet and Grey, at 9 o'clock on the night of the 17th 
ultimo, told the queen of Scotland that the queen of England had 




ordered her to be beheaded. She heard the intelligence quite 

unmoved and did not even change colour; replying that since that 

was so, she would be glad to have some persons near her to prepare 

her for death. Two of the devils they call Bishops then were 

presented to her and she asked them whether they were Catholics, 

to which they replied that they were Christian Bishops.* She said she 

was a Catholic as her forbears had been, and meant to die in the 

faith, so that they (the Bishops) could go, as they had no concern 

with her. She then withdrew and remained all night in prayer, 

with a crucifix in her hand, consoling her servants who were with 

her with the greatest bravery and firmness. She pointed out to 

them how signal a mercy Qcd was showing her in rescuing her from 

the power of so bad a woman as the queen of England. The King 

affirms that she communicated that night, having years before 

obtained license from the Pope to retain the Holy Sacrament by 

her, and a priest being with her. When I was in England I know she 

had a priest disguised as a layman by her side, for I know him 

personally, and if amongst the few servants they left another such 

remained, it will have been a great mercy to her from Qod. The 

next morning she asked for one of her best dresses, as since she had 

been in prison she usually dressed in hodden grey cloth. She put it 

on and left the apartment, ordering her chief steward to lead her by 

the hand ; und told him that as she had not been able to recompense 

him for his service?, he was to go to the King, her son, and carry her 

blessing to him.f With this they entered another room in which 

was a scaffold covered with black, and about 40 persons assembled. 

She protested that she died a Catholic and confessed that she had 

tried by every means in her power to gain her liberty, but had not 

sought the death of the Queen. Her sins deserved even a more 

cruel death than that she was about to suffer, but she was innocent 

of the particular crime named. The executioner approached her for 

the purpose of turning down her collar, but she told him to remain 

quiet and she would call him when she was ready. When she 

herself had loosened her collar she called a lady to her to bandage 

her eyes. She then knelt down and summoned the executioner, 

crying out aloud three times, so that all could hear, " In manus 

tua8 Domine, etc." Her head was then cut off, and shown by 

the executioner to two or three thousand men who were 

collected round the house. In London they were not satisfied with 

ringing all the bells for joy, and lighting bonfires everywhere ; for 

the King says his ambassador informs him that the people forced 

him to provide fuel, which they took out of his house for the J < 

purpose of building a very large fire opposite his door. This is a 

piece of insolent intolerance such as has never been practised on an 

ambassador, and especially on the ambassador of so great a King. 

* The Protestant ecclesiastic in attendance on Mary was Dr. Fletcher, dean of 
Peterborough, the Englishmen present at this interview in addition to Beat being the 
Earl of Slirewsbury and the Earl of Kent (Reginald Gray) Paulet and Drury. In addition 
to Jebb's contemporary account already mentioned, see also the English contemporary 
relation of the execution in Cotton Caligula IX. published in Ellis' letters, Vol. III., second 

t Sir Andrew Melvil. 

c 2 



It would have been bad enough to make him find means to celebrate 
Rome victory, but it is much worse to force him to rejoice over the 
death of a queen of France who entered the country on the faith of 
the queen of England's safe conduct, which has been violated against 
all right, human and divine, and the Queen kept a prisoner. I am 
hourly expecting reports from Englishmen as the news I quote 
above has come to the king of France. His ambassador also writes 
that on the 22nd the queen of England summoned to the palace the 
two valets-de-chambre who had been sent by this King, and they 
expected they were to have audience ; but when they arrived they 
were referred to the Council, on the ground that they were not 
persons of sufficient quality for the Queen to receive, but that if 
the King sent a person of rank she would listen to him. 

The King speaks publicly of all these things but gives no 
indication as to what measures he will take to resent them. — Paris, 
7th March 1587. 

9 March. 38. Sampson's Advice from England. 

P K rf i 566*7 L 8 ' ^ e Q ueen h 8 ^ given leave for the ordinary posts to leave for 
France and come from there, but the seizures and detentions ou both 
sides would be dealt with at leisure, so that a satisfactory arrange- 
ment might be arrived at. The French ambassador was still in his 
house and had not seen the Queen. Parliament opened on the 4th 
instant, and Hatton made the speech for the Queen, setting forth 
the grievances against her, alleged by your Majesty as reasons for 
making war upon her, for which you were preparing a great armada. 
1st.— As to the taking of Holland and Zeeland, the Queen could not 
do otherwise than aid and protect them, as they belonged to her 
religion. 2nd. — The sending of ships to Peru and the Indies was 
mainly for the purpose of the recovery of English property, which 
had been seized in Spain without cause. 3rd. — The help she 
extended to Don Antonio was granted him, because the kingdom of 
Portugal belonged to him, and had been usurped by the king of Spain. 
For these reasons she asked Parliament to vote supplies to enable 
her to defend the realm. 

Don Antonio had been at Court since the 1st March until the 
9th, and was earnestly pressing the Queen for a decision. She was 
caressing and making much of him at Court because she feared he 
wanted to leave the country. 

The deputies from Holland were discontented at being unable to 
get any decision irom the Queen. 

Merchants are equipping 12 ships which will be manned entirely 
by Londoners. Don Antonio's people say these ships will be ready 
at the end of March and are victualled for a year. The Commander 
chosen by the merchants is not known yet. 

14 March. 37. Memorial presented to his Holiness setting forth the advisa- 
Estado, 949. bility of making Dr. Allen a Cardinal. — 14th March, 1587. 

The reason? why it is important for the service of God and 
religion that the elevation of Dr. Allen should not be delayed. In 
the first place the imprisonment of the queen of Scotland, the leader 




of the cause who was recognised by all Catholics, and directed the 
negotiations for the conversion of England, which has had the effect 
of encouraging the heretics and casting down the Catholics, and has 
snapped the thread of the internal negotiations which were carried 
on by the Queen. Many have therefore lost heart and even the 
faithful are divided, as there is no one fit person whom they can all 
acknowledge as their leader. 

If the enterprise can be undertaken speedily it will be necessary 
that some preparations be made beforehand, whicli will be suspicious 
if undertaken by other hands, and will have no force or authority if 
he be simply a private individual If, on the other hand, it be 
needful to defer the enterprise, his prompt elevation will be even 
more necessary, as it will be a balm to the wound, and will confirm 
the afflicted flock in the faith, when they have proof that his 
Holiness sympathises with them and is thinking of a remedy for 
their distress. 

Promptness is also necessary in order that his authority may be 
firmly established and hi* elevation known to all, great and small, 
by the time the expedition anives. 

It is also desirable that he shall have attended one of the sittings 
of the sacred college, and have made the acquaintance of the members 
and know something of the ceremonial. 

Personally Dr. Allen possesses all the qualities which can be 
desired. He is unbiassed, learned, of good manners, judicious, deeply 
versed in all English affairs, and the negotiations for the submission 
of the country to the church, all of the instruments of which have 
been his pupils. So many amongst them have suffered martyrdom 
that it may be said that the purple of the cardinalate was dyed in 
the blood of the martyrs he has instituted. 

His Majesty assures his Holiness, on his responsibility, that the 
prompt elevation of Dr. Allen is necessary in the interest of the 
affairs of England, and that, if it be delayed, important evils may- 
result, whether the enterprise be undertaken at once, or deferred. 
He also assures him that personally Dr. Allen is extremely fit for 
the posit : on, and for these reasons he begs his Holiness to trust to 
his recommendation, as he (the King) is so deeply interested in the 
success of the undertaking, and is well versed in English affairs, 
owing to his own reign and residence there, and to the fact that he 
has necessarily had to keep in constant touch with them. The 
enterprise has been discussed often before, but God has mysteriously 
been pleased to ordain that it should be undertaken in the time of 
his Holiness. 

His Holiness very justly says that he will allow no consideration 
of time to stand in the way of so great a cause as the cry of the 
flock of Catholics for a leader, who shall, as far as possible, supply 
the Queen's (of Scotland) place, whilst raising up from out of the 
queen of England's subjects a powerful and open enemy to her, and 
at the same time greatly and fitly rewarding a man who deserves so 
well of the Holy See. 

His Holiness need have no anxiety with regard to his maintenance, 
as the abbacy which his Majesty gives him is sufficient ior the 



wants of a poor Cardinal, and it is not advisable at first that there 
should be much ostentation. When the time arrives for greater 
splendour to be desirable, his Majesty will provide accordingly ; his 
Holiness having no responsibility but to promote him. His Holiness 
and his Majesty will thus share between them the merit, which God 
will acknowledge, for it is His service alone which moves them to 
elevate this man. 

The reply of the Pope, written by Cardinal Carrafa in Italian, is 
appended to the above memorandum, and runs as follows : — 

His Holiness replies that as soon as his Majesty is ready for the 
enterprise, his Holiness will be ready to create Dr. Allen a Cardinal. 
He does not consider it desirable to do so unless the enterprise is 
carried out simultaneously, in consequence of the declaration which 
would have to be made if he were created a Cardinal out of season 
and in contravention of the constitution.* 

(Signed) Antonius Cardinalis Carrafa, 

By order of his Holiness. 

15 March. 38. Charles Arundell to Secretary Idiaquez. 

K.\bB(i. IT'' Following my previous course I have omitted no effort to 
French, effectually serve the interests of his Catholic Majesty in these parts, 
as you will have been fully informed by Senor Mendoza. It will 
be impertinent and tedious for me to reiterate my services, of which 
you have ample knowledge, but I cannot refrain solacing my poor 
spirit by writing you a few words about myself, so that when you 
see the smoke afar off you may the more easily guess at the heat of 
the fire which is hidden deep at the ' bottom of my seared heart. 
Pray weigh me not by my power, utterly broken now, as you know, 
but rather look to my affection to you, which is, perhaps, not second 
to that of any person of my quality. I know from Mr. Englefield 
and Senor Mendoza how careful you are for my welfare. Notwith- 
standing the state of our miserable country, I am not utterly 
despairing that some marvel be not reserved for my master the 
King, in whom the hope of all our patriots rests, to bring us the 
happiness to which we look forward, both on his own account, and 
because of the will of the late queen of Scotland ; besides which 
the most favourable opportunity possible now presents itself for his 
obtaining his inheritance, and for fully avenging all the wrong and 
injury committed against him by the most monstrous and barbarous 
creature of her sex that ever bore crown or sceptre. If I tried to 
say how Catholics in England and abroad are doomed, so to speak, 
to a perpetual longing worse than death itself for the day to come, 
I should far exceed the limits of a letter. — Paris, 15th March 1587. 

16 March. 39. Count de Oltvares to the King. 

°' * When Juan Agustin Pinelo, the Pope's banker, tells me that his 
Holiness says (as he does to everyone) that he is going to give your 
Majesty a million, I try to discover, in case it be possible to get the 

* This was the understanding subscribed by Sixlus that Cardinals should only be made 
at the Ember-tide of December. When upon further pressure from Philip the Pope 
elevated Allen, he replied to the objecting Cardinals that " necessity knew no law." 


J 587. 

contribution for the Flanders business, what arrangements could be 
made to anticipate the payment. He made great difficulties about 
paying it in various different places instead of only one. I have 
given the papers about the succession to Cardinal Deja, upon whose 
secrecy I can depend. I have not moved in the matter hitherto, but 
I \rill make a commencement to-morrow. I tremble, however, at 
the Pope's lack of secresy. Your Majesty's order that the matter 
should be kept secret I presume applies to myself, and shall be 
obeyed ; but, as I have frequently written, it is impossible to impose 
secresy upon his Holiness, besides which I much doubt that he will 
give the brief without consultation. These whom he will consult 
are sure to raise difficulties out of envy of your Majesty's greatness. 
I do not propose, however, to begin by asking the Pope for anything, 
because (amongst other reasons) nothing can be got from him until 
he feels certain that the enterprise is really to be carried through. 
I shall first give him an account in your Majesty's name of the right 
which it is ascertained your Majesty has (to the English crown), 
and promise him great moderation in asserting it with his con- 
currence ; and shall then express a hope that his Holiness will 
extend his help and favour to the claim. I shall afterwards be 
governed by his attitude. 

With regard to Allen's hat I gave the Pope the statement of 
reasons enclosed, but neither my efforts nor those of Caraffa have 
persuaded him to grant it at once. When we pressed him with the 
argument that, even if the enterprise were not affected the elevation 
of Allen was necessary in order to sustain the English Catholics, be 
replied that this was a good reason why he should have promoted 
him last Christmas, without seeing that he thus threw the blame 
upon himself. The news has arrived here that your Majesty had re- 
ceived about the last plot against the queen of England, which they 
wanted to lay at the door of the French ambassador in England.* 
This gave an opportunity for the French ambassador here to say 
that it was a good juncture for your Majesty and the king of France 
to unite in the enterprise against the queen of England. I thought 
well to hint to the Pope that some stratagem might be hidden 
under this, with the object of discovering whether any negotiations 
were being carried on relative to such an enterprise between his 
Holiness and your Majesty, and in such case to try to frustrate it, 
and to give the king of France and the queen of England a pretext 
for arming, to your Majesty's prejudice. As I had not time .to 
speak to the Pope personally about it, I conveyed it to him through 
Kusticucci,t from whom I have not received any reply. I will 
continue to work in this direction, because if the suspicion turns 
out true my action will justify itself, and if not it will make the 
Pope shy of the French. 

♦ Moody and W. Stafford's proposals to Destrappes and Chateaaneuf . By the time this 
letter was written the two Frenchmen were absolved and it was acknowledged by the 
Queen that the plot had mainly been an attempt of William Stafford to blackmail 

t Cardinal Ruaticucci, one of the Papal Secretaries of State. He was not generally 
favourable to the Spanish interests as was his colleague Cardinal Caraffa. 


1 587. 

I have diverted Cardinal Mondovi from the sending of thai 
Scottish bishop,* and have persuaded him to close his ears to the 
praises the Scotsmen are singing of their King. He has agreed to 
make use of that Jesuit, Edmund Hayhoe, who is the kind of person 
we want, as the Pope is the man who will seize upon any branch. 

Father Robert (Persons) here, thinking from what has passed 
that Allen's elevation is still distant, is worrying me to death to get 
the Pope to make him archbishop of Canterbury, which he says 
will in a great measure make up for the want of the cardinalate. 
He greatly exalts the dignity of the office and urges the desirability 
of the hat going with it. I have not countenanced this as it would 
divert the Pope from the matter of the cardinalate. 

I venture to remind your Majesty of the condition imposed by 
the Pope in case Italian troops are to be sent on the enterprise, f 

I await your Majesty's instructions as to the time when Allen is 
to begin to write something, as to his going and the pretext for it, 
the announcement of the enterprise in the consistory, and the course 
to be pursued by the nuncio in France. I will only remark again 
that your Majesty must give up all hope of secresy from the 
moment the Pope signs the warrants for the money, however much 
he may swear to say nothing. The worst of it is he cannot help it. 
Other Popes might drop hints but he simply lets it all out, whether 
he wants to or not. Ajs it is impossible to deny what he says, 
seeing its probability and the quality of his person, I have to adopt 
the course of saying that I am writing all he says to your Majesty, 
without further discussion. His reputation as a man of his word 
is so small that people think it is nothing but talk. — Rome, 16th 
March 1587. 

17 March. 40. Advices from Scotland. 

Paris .Archives 

K. 1566. 74.' As the despatches were being closed the following advices from 
Scotland came to hand, dated 17th Maich. The ship that brought 
them arrived on the 21st. 

When the execution of the Queen was known in Scotland the earl 
of Morton had crossed tbe English border on the west, with a 
number of troops, and had burnt many towns and villages, taking 
much plunder. He had been joined by gentlemen of the piovince, 
and especially those of the name of Uraham, who have much 
influence there. Some of them have accompanied the Earl into 

The King says he is not sorry for what the earl of Morton has 
done, but only that anyone but himself should have been first to 
break the peace with England. He has given orders for the whole 
country to be ready with the men they are obliged to provide, and 
await instructions which may be sent to them at any moment. If 
any ambassador from England crosses the border, he is to be 
instantly hanged. AJ1 the nobility are ready to serve the King in 

* Cbisholm the Carthusian monk, Bishop of Dunblane. 

t The condition inserted in the agreement to aid the armada, to the effect that if 
Italian troops were utilised by Philip in the expedition, the Pope might contribute them 
in place of monej. 



the war, except the earl of Angus, who has not yet danlnnui 

19 AfAr <>>i. 41. William Allen to the Kino. 

•g^ fffc^l^* 949. 

I^*eiii. Exhorts him to undertake the enterprise against England, his 

unhappy country. The catholics are all clamouring for him, and 
he urges him to crown his glorious efforts in the holy cause of 
Christ by punishing this woman, hated of God and man, and 
] estoring the country to its ancient glory and liberty. He vindicates 
Philip's claim to the crown after the queen of Scotland, as a 
descendant of the house of Lancaster; and pronounces a fervent 
blessing on the enterprise, for which he foretells complete success. 
(Signed, your faithful servant and subject William Allen.) — 
Rome, 19th March 1587. 

18 IMfiurch. 42. Document headed " Considerations why it is desirable to cany 

^ 49 - " through the Enterprise of England before discussing the 

" Succession to the Throne of that country, claimed by his 
« Majesty." 

Delivered by Melino to Count de Olivares, 18th March 1587. 

The evils and obstacles that might result from it : — 

It must be presupposed that this matter cannot be communicated 
to his Holiness without its reaching the ears of other persons, by 
some channel or another, either through the natural want of secrecy 
in this Court, the facility with which his Holiness usually com- 
municates his affairs, the talk of officials or ministers, who are much 
given to divulge such matters, and finally because his Holiness will 
probably not venture to decide the matter privately, and without 
taking counsel, the case being so important. 

By whatever means the matter became public, great prejudice 
would thereby be caused, not only to the enterprise, but to his 
Majesty's claim to the succession, for the following reasons : 

The Pope himself, or various Cardinals, might perhaps conceive 
suspicions of his Majesty's proceedings regarding this enterprise ; and 
the result of such vain thoughts and discourse might be that the 
Pcpe would help less liberally in favour and money, on the assertion 
that his Majesty was forwarding the enterprise mainly out of regard 
to his individual advantage. For the same reason the other 
Christian Catholic princes might be move! to jealousy, for reasons 
of State, of the greatness of Spain, particularly the king of France, 
who with very good grounds would, with his friends, try to frustrate 
the affair. The Italian princes would do the same, especially the 
seigniory of Venice, who, we are informed by Monsignor Bergamo, 
the new nuncio in France, are already comewhat jealous. The 
princes of the house of Guise and Lorraine also will be much 
displeased, although they might easily be induced to join in the 
enterprise if the suspicions of France be not aroused. 

The same will happen with the Scots, who will be of the greatest 
importance in the enterprise, and they may be easily brought over 
to our side if this claim of his Majesty is kept secret. Cardinal 
Farnese and the other friends of the prince of Parma's children, who 



are likewise descended from the house of Portugal, might also be 
disturbed if this question were discussed at the present time, 
although we have never heard from them that they would make 
any claim. 

It is obvious that the queen of Scotland also might have her 
suspicions aroused, and doubt if due consideration were being paid 
to her person and cause. There would certainly be no lack of 
politicians of the party of the French and Scots to persuade her 
that such was the case, and the same may be said of the English 
Catholics both at home and abroad, as they have no leader to direct 

The very fact of this Spanish claim being made would greatly 
aggravate heresy in England, as his Majesty s participation in this 
enterprise would thereby become odious to all other princes, heretics 
and Catholics alike, with the idea that Spain wishes to dominate all 
Europe, and so the cause of the heretics would be more favourably 
regarded, on the ground that the enterprise was undertaken for 
reasons of state, and not for the sake of religion. This would draw 
them close to the Scots, and the English Catholics themselves would 
take the oath under such circumstances, which would be a grave 
prejudice. France also would be drawn to them and influence would 
be brought to bear upon the Pope and other princes ; besides which 
the Scotch and French party in Paris and elsewhere, who have 
hitherto secretly opposed the proceedings of Messieurs Allen and 
Melino, would find good reason in these circumstances to arouse the 
suspicions of the Queen of Scotland, the English Catholics, and other 
princes, by saying that all the aid that Mr. Allen has received, and 
is receiving, from his Majesty, either for himself or the seminary, has 
been given simply with this object. This would arouse great 
prejudice against him, and his dignity is not yet sufficient to allow 
him to defy such calumny successfully. Many other difficulties and 
obstacles would spring therefrom, which would probably spoil the 
whole design, or at least would render it immensely more difficult 

The advantages which would result from the King's succession 
not being mentioned until the enterprise be carried through : — 

First. — Inasmuch as the whole world is now of opinion that his 
Majesty is to undertake the enterprise in order to restore the Catholic 
faith, to avenge the open and intolerable injuries against himself, and 
especially against God's church, and the multitude of martyrs, all 
good Catholics in Christendom would favour it with their prayers, 
blessings, writings, and other aids ; so that those who, for state or 
other reasons, or jealousy of the power of Spain, were averse to it, will 
not venture to oppose it. His Majesty's friends will be better able to 
work in favour 01 the enterprise, as, for instance, the Pope with the 
king of France, who may not be pleased with the affair, and get him 
to remain quiet, with the princes of the house of Lorraine, and other 
French Catholics ; whilst Allen's negotiations with the English 
Catholics and neutrals will be also more effectual, as he can assure 
them by letters, books, &c. that the only object entertained here is 
to reform religion and punish those who have deserved punishment. 
This will greatly encourage them in England. When the enterprise 




shall Lave been effected, and the whole realm and the adjacent 
islands are in the hands of his Majesty, and the fortresses and strong 
places powerless to oppose him, then will be the proper time to deal 
with the question, because if the Queen of Scotland be dead, as she 
probably will be, as the heretics, having her in their hands, and in 
the belief that the enterprise is in her interest, will kill her, there 
will ba no other Catholic prince alive whose claims will clash with 
those of his Majesty ; whereas if she be alive and married to his 
Majesty's liking, the question of his Majesty's succession can be 
taken in hand with her authority and the claims of the House of 
Lancaster asserted. 

The man who might be the cardinal of England, and the leader 
and head of them all, could easily bring the others to decide what 
might be desirable, through Parliament, if the new Bishops, who are 
principal members thereof, were by his side as well as the lay nobles 
(most of the present ones being heretics would probably be destroyed 
in the war, and those created in their places by his Majesty would be 

His Majesty would have much greater reason for his claim then, 
as the descendant of the house of Lancaster, seeing the disqualifica- 
tion of the other 'claimants, the bull of Pius V., and the will of the 
queen of Scotland. He would have the advantage of a just cause, 
of having restored religion, and finally the votes of the estates of 
the realm, confirmed by his Holiness, who, it may be supposed, 
would not then interpose difficulties, which he might do now in 
order not to displease other princes. Finally, everything consists in 
the enterprise being effected now that so good an opportunity exists, 
and that the forces of England and Ireland should be in his Majesty's 
power, whilst some great and important Englishman should be there 
to manage the people, and satisfy other princes, this being the most 
important point of all for the success of the affair, which has already 
been prejudiced by the delay that has taken place. 

Note. — Melino, although a servant of the Guises, had been won 
over to the Spanish side by Allen and Olivares, but it will be seen 
by the above document that he still had a leaning to the policy of 
his nominal master, Guise, who would have preferred to see his 
cousin James Catholic king of England. 

24 March. 43. Count de Olivabes to Bernardino de Mendoza. 

K«t»do, 949. ^ every turn there are Cardinals here so blind as to imagine 

that it is possible to convert the king of Scotland, and as Cardinal 
Mondovi* had taken this into his head he wished to send thither a 
Carthusian friar who was formerly bishop of Dunblane, of whom 
you probably know something. He seems to be a man of good life, 
but I consider him but little fitted for the task. I pointed out to 
the Cardinal how much more difficult it is than he thinks, and the 
many evils that may possibly result, and he seemed to agree with me. 
I have, however, since seen indications that he perseveres in the idea 

* Cardinal Mondovi had charge of Scottish affairs at the Vatican, and, although he 
affected agreement with the Spaniards, really held the Scottish view of the English 
* succession, as, indeed, the Tope himself was inclined to do. 



and it may be that the Bishop will still be sent. If he should go 
through that city (Paris) he will be sure to stay at the house of the 
bishop of Glasgow, and it would be advisable for you to be on the 
look out, to advise me of what you may manage to discover, so that 
I may thoroughly see through the Cardinal's proceedings. Try also 
to get the bishop of Glasgow to smile on our King's side, and to 
persuade him that by this means alone can all be brought right, and 
the Catholic religion established in those realms. — Rome, 24th March 

25 March. 44. Nicholas Wendon to the Kino. 

P K! 9 i566 b tT* . Sets forth thafc he was archdeacon of Suffolk and a doctor of the 

High Court of Chancery in England, and became an exile from this 
country on account of his being a Catholic. He became provost of 
St. Gery at Cambrai, but five years afterwards he was expelled by 
the rebels and his benefice confiscated because of his loyalty to the 
King (Philip). Through the efforts of Mendoza and Tassis the 
duke of Parma granted him a living allowance, but it has never been 
paid. Prays the King to allow the pension to be paid to him here 
in Paris (where he has lived for the last six years) in the same way 
that the pensions of other English gentlemen are paid. He is in 
great and urgent need. — Paris, 25th March 1587- 

(Signed) Nicholas Wendon, 

Provost of St. Gery, Cambray. 

26 March. 45. Bernardino de Mendoza to the Kino. 
p £^ r Arch j vc *> [Extracts.] 

K. 156e. 78c. L J 

The guards of this place (Paris) seeing the English ambassador, 
diguised, crossing the bridge of Notre Dame at midnight on the 20th, 
stopped him, and he was obliged to disclose his identity and whence 
he was coming. He said he had been visiting at the house of a 
gentleman, but tbis was discovered to be untrue, and the King was 
informed of it the same night. He expressed regret that the 
ambassador should have been detained on the bridge, instead of 
being allowed to pass ; but they say that the King knew very well 
where he was coming from. . . . 

The K ing has sent Rougier, his valet de chambre, who came from 
England, to the prince of I3earn, for the purpose of giving him an 
account of the cruelty with which the queen of Scotland was 
beheaded, and the indignities committed against his ambassador in 
England. It may well be concluded that there will be something 
else in the letters besides this. — 26th March 1587. 

26 March. 4Q # Bernardino de Mendoza to the King. 

VrntiVT 9 [Extracts.] 

The archbishop of Nazareth died on the 16th of fever ; a very 
heavy loss for religion and your Majesty's service. I have written 
to the Count de Olivares (ambassador in Rome) the importance of 
the new Nuncio being equally able to influence this King (i.e., of 
France) or it will be difficult to keep him firm in the defence 
of Catholicism and the extirpation of the heretics. . . . 



M. de Believre made no new alliance with England, nor did he 
draw any closer the relations already existing, but I hear from a 
good source, confirmed by the n.^w confidant, that his lukewarmness, 
particularly about the queen of Scotland, and the wishes he 
expressed from the King that the qu*en of England would use her 
good offices to bring about peace (i.e., with the Huguenots), em- 
boldened her to lay hands on the queen of Scotland. People here, 
generally, are so indignant about it that they say that if the 
King neglects to avenge so tyrannous an act, tbey will be glad to 
go and serve your Majesty in the event of your undertaking the 
enterprise. Not only the preachers here, but the people at large 
display a great hatred of the queen of England, and a multitude of 
verses have been published against her.* The King and Queen 
were in a little pew, disguised, at the obsequies of the queen of 
Scotland, but did not show themselves publicly, as they say it is not 
customary for the king of France to be present at obsequies. The 
bishop of Bourges, a great lawyer, preached the sermon, and he 
proved from the tenour of the sentence pronounced by Parliament 
that the Queen had been executed directly in consequence of her 
Catholic faith. He also affirmed that she had received the Holy 
Sacrament the same night, by virtue of the dispensation she had 
from his Holiness to have it always with her. He did not say she 
had a priest by her side, to avoid the danger such a man might run, 
as he and the rest of the servants were still in the power of the 
queen of England. I understood she did have a priest with her in 
the guise of a valet de chambre. He also praised the house of Guise 
as the defenders of the Catholic faith, and said they were the religious 
Scipios of France. I have published your Majesty's rights to the 
crown of England through your adherents here, whom I have 
assured it will be to their advantage, as it will restrain the queen 
of England and prevent her from rushing to extremes. It will, 
doubtless, do so, for in the harangue which Believre presented to 
her in writing he uses it as his strongest argument — Paris, 
26th March 1587. 

26 Mar. 47. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King. 

BL*i 566. si?' Kobert Bruce has come to me to say that he was going to see Muzia 

(the duke of Guise) to ask him, at all events, to write something 
to Scotland as occasion now offered ; and I have told him to write 
to the Scottish lords in the sense contained in your Majesty's 
dispatch of 28th January, in order to keep them in hand and 
prevent them taking premature action, or losing courage. I told 
him also to inform Muzio, so that he might write to the same effect 
The execution of the queen of Scotland makes it more necessary 
than ever that they should be encouraged to bring the country to 
submission to the faith. Robert Bruce assures me that the three 
lordsf were so determined about this, that before he left they 
discussed it with him many times, and said that if the queen of 
Scotland died, and her son refused to be converted, they would be 

* Several scurrilous examples are in these packets, 
t Huntljr, Hamilton, and Morton. 



the first to upset him, as their intention was, if possible, to bring 
both King and country to the faith, which they thought was only 
possible with the aid of your Majesty. As they felt sure of 
obtaining this, sooner or later, they would do their best to hold out 
until the time came. On Bruce mentioning to me that there was a 
great lack of grain in Scotland I took the opportunity of saying, 
that even if affairs in Flanders allowed your Majesty to send the 
desired contingent of men at once (which, however, could not be got 
together in a day) this dearth of grain in Scotland would render 
further delay necessary. In addition to this I said it was desirable 
to see what position the king of Scotland would assume towards 
England consequent on his mother's death. Bruce was convinced 
by these arguments and will convey them to Muzio. 

Bruce's last letters report that the lords of the English faction 
have publicly advocated a breach with England if the Queen laid 
hands on the King's mother ; but they were secretly dealing with 
the ministers of the towns of Edinburgh, Dundee, and St. John's,* 
which are the most important places in the country, to get them to 
refuse to assist the King if he breaks with the queen of Eugland, 
and they had done so. This had much grieved the King, and the 
Catholic lords, when they heard of it, had assured him that they 
would support him, and the earl of Morton alone had offered him 
10,000 men to take him as far as London ; but they told him he 
must give them liberty of conscience and the free exercise of the 
Catholic 'religion. This the King had secretly promised them in 
case of his breaking with England, or of the Catholics being strong 
strong enough to overcome the English faction in Scotland. They 
were delighted with the latter point. I thought best not to open 
out to them about dissembling with the queen of England, as there 
is no necessity for this unless they are forced by circumstances. I 
have therefore written to the duke of Parma that this point is at 
present impracticable, as the death of the queen of Scotland will of 
course make the queen of England doubly suspicious of these 
Catholics. They desire that when your Majesty resolves to help 
them, they should be informed thereof by the duke of Guise or 
myself, as it was better they thought for Bruce to stay here for the 
purpose of going and telling them when the time had arrived for 
them to make ready, f 

The new confidant wishes to have an interview with me, and as 
soon as a certain person leaves his house I will give him the 
2,000 crowns which your Majesty has been pleased to grant him. J 
I have also thanked the third party. § 

Raleigh would not let his nephew go about the release of Pedro 
Sarmiento, in order to avoid arousing the suspicions of the Queen 
to a greater extent than his enemies have already done for allowing 
him to leave England at all. I told him as well as I could what 
should be whispered to his uncle, but I am afraid he will not be 


* Perth. 

f In the King's hand. " Did he tell them more than was said ? " 

{ The new confidant was the English ambassador, Sir Edward Stafford, and the 

certain person " was Waad, the special envoy. 

§ Charles Arundell. 




able to come back hither very soon, in consequence of these 

I gave a passport for the captain of Brillef to go with another 
captain to see the duke of Parma, so that no more time should be 
lost than has already been through the closing of the English ports. 
They had to stay in England much longer than was expected. 
They say the enterprise (i.e., the betrayal of Brille) becomes easier 
every day in consequence of the growing discontent of the people 
with the English 

The King (of France) has written orders to his ambassador in 
Rome to ask the Pope in his name to use his influence (i.e., that of 
his Holiness) to induce your Majesty to join with him (the Pope) 
and the other Christian princes for the English enterprise. I have 
informed the count de Olivares of this, but seeing bis (the king of 
France's) lukewarmness in extirpating heresy in this country, it may 
be concluded that the object is to lull Catholics here and gain time, 
whilst preventing your Majesty from attempting anything in 
England in the meanwhile. He has also sent M. de Frejus, the 
brother of Cardinal Rambouillet to Rome, and this is to be one of 
the principal points of his mission. 

I hear from a good source that Secretary Villeroy is making 
great efforts to ascertain when Waad, the queen of England's envoy, 
is to depart, the object being to frighten him, as the King is much 
displeased with his conduct. — Paris, 26th March 1587. 

28 March. 48. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King. 

^K^i^eeTs^ 8 ' r ^ ie va l e * de chambre sent by their King to the queen of England 

has returned, and says that the ambassador was free. The Queen 
would not receive him (the valet) until after the execution of the 
queen of Scotland. The queen of England signified to him her 
great desire to be friendly with France, and the valet is publishing 
this here. As ships now do not venture to go from one country to 
the other without a special passport assuring them against arrest we 
get letters very rarely. 

An Italian merchant, well known to me as a trustworthy man, 
who left London on the 11th, tells me that the merchantships they 
are equipping reach the number of 15 ; the largest being of about 
200 tons burden, and most of the rest 120 to 150 tons. They will 
carry about 800 seamen and no soldiers, and are victualled for four 
months. The merchant saw eight out of the 15 ships drop down 
the river to Gravesend, ready to sail, and they were to be joined by 
the others which were being got ready with furious haste. With 
fine weather they will all be ready to sail by the middle of next 

The merchants pressed the Queen lo let them have three or four 
of her ships to go with them, but no decision had been arrived at on 

* In the King's hand. "It will he necessary to take steps here to get Pedro 
" Sarmiento released. I can see that the affair is in a had way there." 

t Captain Vibrant Birnstra, who had offered to betray the place. In the Lansdowne 
MSS., 66 and 69, will be found petitions from the man to Elizabeth, setting forth his great 
services to the Protestant cause and claiming rewards. 



that point, although Tx>rd Admiral Howard had gone personally to 
Rochester to hasten the sailing of eight of the Queen's ships, of 
which the greater number were to guard the channel against the 
captures being made there by the armed vessels from Dunkirk. No 
Commander had yet heen appointed to this fleet, but Drake was in 
such bad odour with seamen generally, owing to his treatment of 
them after his last voyage, that it was not thought that he would 
go with this expedition, which the merchants say is bound for the 
coast of Brazil. 

Don Antonio was very dissatisfied, and Dr. Lopez, who is a great 
friend of my informant's, told him on the day he left, the 11th, that 
Don Antonio was in despair of the Queen's giving him help to 
undertake any enterprise himself, and was almost starving. I hear 
the same from other quarters, and Sampson's advices confirm the 
truth of it. I cannot hear of any armed ships being ready in 
Holland to join this English expedition. 

The queen of England had Secretary Davison arrested for having 
issued the warrant for the execution of the queen of Scotland, and 
Parliament was pressing her to release him, having presented a 
petition signed by all the members, saying they would not vote any 
of the supplies requested until he was liberated. In view of this 
the Queen ordered that Davison, although still under arrest, should 
have more freedom than before. Cecil, the lord-treasurer, said 
publicly that he was opposed to the execution, and on this and all 
other points feeling was running very high in the Council, Cecil and 
Leicester being open opponents. The Queen had ordered the hasty 
levy of men for Ireland, in the fear that your Majesty may send 
thither Colonel Stanley, who surrendered Deventer, and is very 
popular in Ireland. 

After the execution of the queen of Scotland the queen of England 
sent a gentleman named Enollys to inform the king of Scotland of 
what had happened. When the King heard that he was at Berwick, 
requesting a passport, he sent him word to return, as he would not 
see him. — Paris, 26th March 1587. 

26 March. 49. Bernardino de Mendoza to Secretary Idiaquez. 

^J^^gg 8 ' Complains bitterly that the landlord of the house he occupies is 
turning him out, and after having arranged to take three other 
houses in succession, the landlords, when they learnt that he was to 
be the tenant, refused in each case to let their houses to a Spanish 
ambassador for fear the King might think they belonged to the 
League. Has complained to the King (of France), and begged to be 
allowed to obtain a lodging somewhere on payment, but nothing is 
done. He has received peremptory notice to leave his house in a 
week, and will s«on be roofless unless something be done. It is a 
matter which touches the dignity of the King (of Spain). 

Encloses another petition from Dr. Nicholas Wendon in case a 
former one was lost. He is a great jurisconsult, and of the greatest 
service in matter relating to limits and abbacies. Any other lawyer 
the writer employed would have to be paid much more than the 
pension prayed for by Dr. Wendon, who has sacrificed everything — 




home, a honourable and high position in hia own oountrjr_a// f or 
the Catholic religion, and is quite penniless. Prays Idiaquez 
earnestly to move the King to grant Wendon's petition. Encloses 
verses on Queen Elizabeth. — Paris, 26th March 1587. 

26 March. 50. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King. 

jBL^secL so?*' (* n a * on 8 fl^count of a secret interview between the writer and 

the duke de Mayenne on behalf of his brother, the duke de Guise, 
to discuss the steps to be adopted and arguments used to prevent 
the King and Queen-mother from coming to terms with the 
Huguenot*, the following passages appear) : — 

" He had an extremely good answer for the King on the last 
" point, of England. He would endeavour to lull them to sleep 
" about it, by saying that the conversion of the country was 
" naturally desired for common humanity's sake, and he and his 
" brother were especially moved thereto by a desire to avenge the 
" cruelty exercised upon their near kinswoman, the queen of 
" Scotland." The affair is thus presented as a private one con- 
cerning the blood relatives of the queen of Scotland, whilst the 
Catholic cause and the extirpation of heresy here (in France), to 
which tbey (the Guises) were pledged, was presented as a sacred duty 
to God, which of course would come before the satisfaction of a 
private vengeance. They could not hope to prosper in the latter if 
they postponed the former for it, and consequently they must forget 
their private wrong until the greater one was redressed, in which, 
moreover, their personal interests also were great, because the security 
of the persons, families, and property depended upon there being no 
heretics in this country. They haa a proof of this in what the 
Englishwoman had done to their cousin, and they must expect the 
same fate if a heretic succeeded to the crown of France. 

I also warned him (Mnyenne) that, if this King tried to persuade 
him that it would be good to assist the king of Scotland in his 
English claims, on the promise of his conversion and marriage with a 
daughter of the house of Lorraine, how disadvantageous it would 
be to listen to such an idea unless the kin^ of Scotland was entirely 
converted, because it would give this King an opportunity of saying 
that the reason they had taken up arms, ostensibly to prevent a 
heretic from succeeding to the French Crown, was simply a personal 
one, since they, moved by a similar ambition, were ready enough to 
help another heretic to the crown of England. I was thus able to 
keep him from deviating from the devotion they profess to your 
Majesty, and from opposing your Majesty's right to the English 
crown. My new confidant assures iue that the queen of England 
has already disbursed the 100,000 crowns through the person whose 
name I mentioned in the general letter, from whom the intelligence 
comes. He also confirms the equipping of the merchantmen I speak 
of in the English letter.- Paris, 20th March 1587. 

March 26. 51. Bernardino de Mendoza to Secretary Idiaquez. 

**^it£ h 84*' 1 8ee b yy° ur letter of 28th January what you say about tie 
X. is**- • Portuguese (i.6., Antonio do Vega). When things are not seriously 

to be taken up I do not care to trouble about them, but I will 

S 954 98. D 



repeat to you what Montesinos told me, namely, that Antonio de 
Vega wished to gain over Dr. Lopez to purge the friend (as he is in 
the habit of doing every fortnight) with Indian-acacia (canafistola), 
but he had not ventured to speak plainly to him about it, but only 
by hints. I chatted with him (Montesinos) about the matter, in 
order to sound him as to whether any of them there (in England) 
would have the courage to do it, either by this means or any other ; 
but I could get nothing solid to go upon. He mentioned that when 
His Majesty wished to have all of Don Antonio's servants poisoned, 
it could be done by sending some stuff to his brother, who would 
put it into the beer when they were bringing it up for dinner. As 
they all partook of the beer they would all be got rid of. I asked 
him whether the friend (i.e. % Don Antonio) would have any of it. 
He replied no, as his drink was kept separate and it would be 
difficult to administer anything to him In it. You may be sure that 
from the moment I heard that they began to bargain about payment, 
and knew that no scruples of conscience stood in the way, I lost no 
time in setting about getting the business done. Two Englishmen 
are busy in the matter now, and they say that as Don Antonio 
frequently visits a countess who lives near the village where he is 
they will find some opportunity of giving him a mouthful. I am 
also expecting another Englishman, who is a man of resolution and 
has been summoned for me by Charles Arundell. I will ask him 
whether he is willing to join two other men in upsetting Don 
Antonio on one of his visits to Court, either in a coach or by boat, 
and then escape to London or its neighbourhood, where I will find 
safe hiding-places for them. 

A cousin of the captain from Brille, who is a favourite of Cecil's, 
wrote me a letter of credence for the captain, who said that if he 
were sure of getting recompense, either for himself or his heirs, he 
would undertake to do it. The countersign which was to indicate 
that the captain had conveyed the message, and that a reward would 
be given when the deed was done, was to be simply my signature. 
I replied that I had heard his cousin and would give him the reply 
verbally. You may judge by this that I am not so scrupulous in 
the matter as to need further spurring; but in order to avoid 
shouting before any good is done, I have not written to you about 
it, as the people who treat of the matter always want money to 
begin with, and it is easy for them afterwards to make excuses. — 
Paris, 26th March 1587. 

27 March, 52. Count de Olivares to the Kino. 

Estftdo 949 

On the 24th instant arrived here the news of the death of the 
queen of Scotland, and on the same day I saw Carrafa with the 
object of trying to get better terms with regard to the cash and 
advance-subsidy, and to forward Allen's promotion. I tried to 
persuade him to go to the Pope, and say from me that I condoled 
with him on the event, about which in your Majesty's name I had 
nothing to say, but in my own capacity, as a zealous follower of his 
Holiness, I wished to remind him of four points (not only two, as 
they would have liked), without trying to force them upon him 



were sincere it would not cure the evil in the case of nations which 
had gone so far astray ; and I warned him, in case the Pope should 
mention it, but not otherwise, that your Majesty was not in favour 
of it, as you were fully alive to the universal injury that had been 
caused to the church and your own interests by the false conversion of 
the present queen of England, who had succeeded and been crowned 
as a Catholic, and that your Majesty had consequently never 
countenanced, cr consented to undertake this enterprise, until you 
had been assured in effect by the Pope that he would deprive the 
king of Scotland, and invest the Crown of England in the person to 
be nominated by your Majesty. I said this was quite reasonable, 
because as your Majesty was spending so much you wished affairs 
to be so settled that, so far as human effort could prevent it, religion 
should not again be ruined there ; this being your principal motive, 
and also that you should not be troubled again with such evil 
neighbours. I then went on to say that I was not sui*e now 
whether your Majesty would be satisfied with this, and reminded 
him of what he had said to me some time ago with respect to the 
queen of Scotland's will, and the remarks he had made respecting 
your Majesty's right. I affirmed that it was absolutely clear and 
undoubted, and urged it verbally as strongly as possible, refusing, 
however, to show him the copy of the queen of Scotland's letter to 
Don Bernardino (de Mendoza), in order that he might not see that 
I had been forewarned about the matter. I proceeded by saying 
that, notwithstanding all this, your Majesty's piety and religious 
zeal were so great, that much might be expected of them if you 
were allowed to exercise them. There were many reasons which 
jnight be employed to influence you, such as the advisability, in the 
interests of religion, that the King (of England) should be resident 
there, and I said this was the line th9 Pope had better take if he 
had anything in view ; and not the other, which would be more 
worthy of a profane and impious man than a Pope. 

During the conversation that accompanied all this, Carrafa was 
quite agreed as 'to the exclusion of the king of Scotland, and that 
the Pope could not refuse it, by the terms of the document of 24th 
February (158G) which we consulted, it being in his possession. He 
remained in the hope (which was sufficient) that your Majesty 
would be perouadable to allow a separate King there (in England), 
but he was not so sanguine that your Majesty need hesitate to stand 
out before you concede what he has hitherto signified would satisfy 
them on this point, and something further that I have thought 
would be advisable. In speaking of your Majesty's zeal for religion, 
upon which I placed particular stress, he added some arguments 
showing the extreme difficulty your Majesty would have in keeping 
the country to the faith by any other means than that which they 
desire (i.e., the maintenance of James or some other Catholic resident 
King), to which I replied that, although I did not admit as much, 
yet they were appropriate for inducing the Pope to adopt this course 
of persuading your Majesty, and to abandon the other (i.e., of the 
conversion of James). 

Carrafa asked me to show him what documents I had proving 
your Majesty's claims, as he wished to be enlightened on the subject, 

J~ -■ _ 



which had only recently leen brought forward. I said that not 
more than a year ago the light had come from the country itself by 
way of Portugal, which took his fancy much, and he was very 
agreeable to everything. We agreed that he should not say any- 
thing to the Pope about these new negotiations, for fear of his want 
of secrecy; and if his Holiness himself began it, he should be 
advised not to stir up the question until your Majesty had first 
broached it. He was to be kept firmly to this, and time would show 
what would be the best course to take subsequently. 

I am satisfied so far, seeing the state of feeling* here and the 
character of the Pope, that I have avoided discussing the question 
of the succession with him, in accordance with your Majesty's orders, 
and also that I have warned Carrafa to the effect I have related. 
When I am obliged to take action in your Majesty's name without 
your orders, or to refrain from following instructions, I am always 
so careful that, as your Majesty knows my zeal in your service, 
and that my motive is good, you will approve of my action, 
however it may turn out. My only fear is that out of your 
excessive kindness your Majesty may sometimes fail to reprehend 
me ; not in respect of the success that may be attained, because that 
is in the hands of God, but in respect of my wrong or mistaken 
courses As my aim is only to serve your Majesty successfully, all 
due admonition tending thereby would be esteemed by me as the 
greatest favour. 

Whenever I may be addressed on this question of the succession I 
propose to say, that I have no instructions from your Majesty yet 
to write about the matter. 

Allen and Melino have conferred with me as to how they are to 
behave, as, in the doubt with regard to what they should reply and 
write about the death (of the queen of Scots), they had refrained 
from replying to the letters they had received. It was decided that 
they were to say to anyone here who might speak to them about the 
matter, that it was no concern of theirs, that their great object was 
the conversion of the country, and they did not trouble themselves 
about anything beyond that If God bestows that mercy upon them 
they will praise Him for it. They are not to go any further than 
this. The English Catholics, who in their despair at the death of 
the queen of Scots, may write to them on the subject, should, it is 
thought, be told to rest all their hopes upon your Majesty, from 
whom alone can the conversion of the country be expected. 

What Don Bernardino de Mendoza wrote to your Majesty, about 
the Venetian ambassador in France being the man who was 
representing to the Pope the advisability of a reconciliation with 
Vendome,* fully confirms the suspicion I conveyed to your Majesty 
that these Venetians were the most anxious of any of the Pope's 
councillors to urge him to prefer these false conveniences of state to 
all other considerations, and this, with the other reasons I gave, made 
me doubtful of the Pope in the matter of the succession. 

Allen and Melino still insist on the need for arranging things in 
Scotland so that the Queen (of England) shall be kept uneasy, or at 

* Henry of NaYarre, who was duke cf Vendome on his father 1 * side. 



all events that the Scots shall be prevented from joining her when 
the enterprise is effected. Tbey represent that Claud Hamilton, the 
Earl of Huntly, and Morton are still disposed to bind themselves, for 
a small sum of money, as they offered to do last year, through the 
rector of the English College here, to deliver the King into your 
Majesty '8 bands in Spain. I have not spoken of the idea that it 
would be advisable to rive the crown to Claud Hamilton, who is the 
legitimate heir to it, failing the King and two heretic brothers of 
Hamilton's. Although I have not spoken clearly to them about it, 
I Vinderstand that the two others I mention, who are very great 
personages, and all other Catholics in the country, would very 
willingly accept him as King. This would be an advantage as it 
would do away with all fear on that side, and, indeed, help would 
most likely be forthcoming in their own interests. The same blow 
that deprived the king of Scotland of his crown would assure the 
deprivation also of the Crown of England, as its possessor might be 
disturbed at any moment on the side of Scotland, and the realm 
given to a more fitting person. This design would be most easily 
carried out at the present time, things being in such an unsettled 
condition, and the encouragement which would be felt by Claud 
Hamilton and his friends, when they saw that your Majesty was not 
seeking Scotland for yourself, would lead to the impression that you 
would not have claimed England unless you had a just right to it. 
The only thing against this is that probably the duke of Gu*se 
would be offended at it, as he will no doubt have heard something of 
it when it was mooted last year. 

Carrafa has told me that a nephew of Cardinal de la Torre, a 
Venetian, who has just come back from taking the hat to 
Lignamont, says that no doubt exists in France that your Majesty 
will undertake the English enterprise this year, and they are equally 
sure that France cannot stand in the way of its success, seeing the 
recent disturbances in Paris and Lyons. — Rome, 27th March 1587. 

30 March. 53. William Allen to the King. 

^Latin! 49 ^ e death °* the queen of Scots makes them redouble their 
entreaties that he will take pity upon them and help them, 
punishing the impious shedders of the innocent blood of a crowned 
Queen and violators of the rights of nations. 

Urges him to assert his just claims as next heir in blood, heretics 
being disqualified to succeed, and denounces the Queen (of England) 
in violent language as an impious traitress and usurper. Begs the 
King to come to the aid of the afflicted Christians and free the 
Church of Christ.— Rome, 30th March 1587. 

30 March. 54. Count de Olivares to the Kino. 

E«tado, 949. ^r^h reference to the message which Cardinal Carrafa had 
agreed to convey to the Pope from me, his Holiness will not consent 
to celebrate the exequies for the queen of Scotland, being in doubt 
as to whether she died a good Catholic, as she recommended her son 
to the queen of England. He also refuses to grant a jubilee until 
the enterprise is ready. He will only promise to effect the elevation 




of Allen in due time. I cannot understand what course the Pope 
will adopt respecting the succession, and it will be for your Majesty 
to decide whether the enterprise is to proceed with such a point 
unsettled. — Borne, 30th March 1587. 

Estado, 949. 55 # Document headed " Instructions given to Dr. Allen as to 

the Answers he is to give to his Holiness' Questions." 

He is to banish his Holiness' suspicions, which he has con- 
ceived from evil reports, that the queen of Scotland did not die a 
very good Catholic ; he having been told that she recommended her 
son very warmly to maintain his friendship and dependence upon 
the queen of England. The statement is entirely false, and there 
are many reasons for presuming that she died, not a Catholic alone, 
but a holy martyr. 

2. He is to take a good opportunity to convey to the Pope the 
common report, on good foundation, to the effect that the efforts 
made by the king of France to save the life of the queen of 
Scotland, were merely feigned, or else very lukewarm, and the 
queen of England had an understanding with the king of France, 

3. That the queen of Scotland quite recognised the obstinacy of 
her Bon in his heresy, and entertained but small hope of his 
conversion ; and it is more doubtful now than ever, notwithstanding 
all that may be said to the contrary. 

4. If his Holiness, sneaking of the enterprise, should say that 
help may be expected from the king of France, or that the latter 
would, at all events, not obstruct it, Allen will tell him that his 
Holiness should on no account put any trust in Frenchmen, seeing 
the evident agreement that exists between them and the queqn of 
England, of which so many indications are seen, especially the 
recent death of the queen of Scotland ; and also by reason of the 
French emulation with his Holiness, and the suspicion which will 
be engendered in the English Catholics, besides the natural and 
ancient enmity between the two countries. 

5. If his Holiness touches on the question of the succession, Allen 
will say that Catholics have very frequently raised this point, in 
case of the death of the queen of Scotland, they having become 
quite convinced of the hopelessness of the conversion of her son, but 
they have avoided all disputes about it, trusting in God's providence 
and the paternal care of his Holiness. The goodwill your Majesty 
has always shown them by risking so much for the conversion of 
their country also aids them in the belief that care will be taken, 
after the enterprise is effected, to adopt the best course for prevent* 
ing the country from again falling into the hands of the heretics, 
this being the principal object of the Catholics. 

6. If it be necessary to enter into particulars, the general opinion 
of Catholics for some time past has b en that the succession of right 
belongs to his Majesty through the Portuguese line, as well as 
through that of Castile, although they have not heard that his 
Majesty has expressed any such idea himself. The Catholics, 
however, have always held that opinion in view, in case of the death 
of the queen of Scotland, but have considered it the wisest course to 



say nothing about it ; because although, on the one hand it might 
have the effect of encouraging his Majesty to undertake the enter- 
prise with greater warmth, on the other hand it would arouse the 
opposition of his rivals, who might unite for the purpose of aiding 
the heretics and frustrating it. The heretics have their eyes fixed 
on the king of Scotland, the earl of Huntingdon, and the king of 
Denmark, who are so powerful that, if they are forewarned, they 
may seize the Crown, in which case they would be much more difficult 
to oust than the Queen. 

7. It is for every reason most desirable that this point should not 
be debated until, with God's help, the enterprise shall have been 
effected ; and there is no doubt in th-ir minds (i.e., the English 
Catholics) that his Holiness and his Majesty will then easily come 
to an understanding. 

8. If his Holiness mentions Scotland, Allen must tell him that it will 
be expedient for the good of Christianity, as the King is a heretic, 
that some decision should lie arrived at between his Holiness and 
Lis Majesty for the reformation of that realm, either at the same 
time as the English enterprise is effected or afterwards. 

9. If he asks about the abbacy of St. Lawrence of Capua, Allen 
will say that he has sent powers to take possession of it ; and that 
he fully recognises how much the Pope has influenced his Majesty 
to grant him this favour* — Rome, March 1587. 

March 31. 56. The King to Bernardino de Mendoza. 

P K^448!uT' You dirl well to speak to the king (of France) about Pedro 
" Sarmiento s imprisonment. I hope the steps you took for the two 
Englishmen to go nnd speak to the prince of Beam about it have 
been successful. I approve of your having helped them with the 
100 crowns you gave them. L'Ongte (the French ambassador in 
Madrid) has said here that they would let him (Sarmiento) go for 
2,000 crowns, but until we get news from you we do not believe 

It will be well to try and preserve the man who sent the two 
Englishmen if possible, and confirm him in the intention he expresses 
to impede the English armaments. t But, as for his sending for 
sale at L ; sbon the two ships he mentions, that is out of the question ; 
in the first place, to avoid his being looked upon with suspicion in 
his own country, in consequence of his being well treated whilst all 
his countrymen are persecuted ; and secondly, to guard ourselvet 
against the coming of the ships under this pretext being a feint or 
trick upon us — which is far from being improbable — but you need 
only mention the first reason to him, and so stop their being sent. 

It was easy to see that the mutual seizures of French and 
English sh'ps would go no further thnn show. Perhaps even the 
charges they brought against Chateauneuf were largely invented for 
the purpose of enabling them to do what they have done to the queen 
of Scotland. 

— __ ( , ■ — — — - — — — — — 

* This abbacy had just been granted by Philip to Allen, 
t Sir Walter Raleigh. 




It is most important for you to discover the truth and particulars 
with regard to the English fleet, v hich you say is to sail with 
12,000 men, the time it is expected to sail, and its destination. If 
you cannot discover th's, find out the sort of men that are going, 
thfir numbers and nationality, whether there are any foreigners or 
11 re all Englishmen, whether the men from Holland will be s^nt in 
the fleet, the length of time for which the latter is victualled, and 
a'l other particu'ars, especially the time of sailing, bend by express 
anything of importance, — San Lorenzo, 31st March 1587. 

Jklaroli 31. 57. Thj Kino to Bernardino de Mendoza. 

jc. i-*-i8. im. I have been deeply hurt by the death of the queen of Scotland, 

of which I learn by yours of 28th February. It is very fine for the 
queen of England now to want to give out that it was done without 
her wish, the contrary being so clearly the cast. It will be well to 
convey to the Scots ambassador my sorrow at the event, and that I 
would send to condole with his King, and again offer him my friend* 
ship and the goodwill I always bore to his mother, only that I wish 
to avoid arousing suspicions which might harm him with bis enemies. 
In order not to bring this trouble to him, I have availed myself of 
his (the ambassador's) mediation, and request him to write to the 
King telling him how pained I have been at the event and saying 
that, although I hope that Ood will not fail to punish such an 
outrage, yet as they who committed it are capable of trying to bring 
other evils upon the King, as to the extent of their ability they have 
hitherto done, I wish him to know that in case of need he will 
receive from me all the aid he may require. You can then, as if of 
your own action, lead the ambassador to press upon them (the Scots) 
how much stronger and more effectual a support I should be than 
the king of France, using such arguments as will occur to you. 
You will arouse his suspicions of England and point cut how stnall 
is the hope that they (the Scots) can extricate themselves by means 
of the French. Above all do not neglect the most important point 
of all in the interests of our Lord ; namely, that if the king will 
become a Catholic he will not only have God's help, but he shall also 
receive from me all the aid and support he may desire. 

You will open the matter thu*, and afterwards proceed in the 
same course, reporting everything to me. 

When you think sufficient time has elapsed for the news to have 
become known here, without the means by which it reached you 
being suspected, you will, in my name, condole with the king of 
France ; and say I have been so deeply grieved because the queen 
of Scotland was so fervent a Catholic and a close connection of his, 
as well as because of the great and unexampled injustice of thus 
proceeding towards a sovereign princess not subject to anyone but 
God. You will stop at this and go no further from which he (the 
king of France) may draw any inference. Let me knowwhathe 
says, and everything you can learn. It occurs to me that it will be 
well to inform the Scots ambassador of what is done ; gain him over, 
and become very confidential with him. 



You will also take fitting steps to condole with Muzio (the duke 
of Guise). 

As this event may change the aspect of Scotch affairs, and the 
three Catholic earls may be unable to maintain their dissimulation, 
I have decided to accede to their request for the money, and will 
give them the 150,000 crowns three or four months after they have 
taken up arms and liberated their King; this being what they 
requested of me, on the understanding that they would be able to 
effect their intentions and obtain the necessary funds from their 
estates if I would undertake to reimburse them subsequently to the 
extent named. You may inform Robert Bruce of this in my name, 
in case they should be able to carry out their plan without the 
6,000 foreign foot soldiers, which cannot at present be provided for 
them. As the money will have to be taken from the sums provided 
for Flanders, it will be well to consult the duke of Parma as to the 
best time for the earls to rise, unless they should be forced to 
anticipate it, on which point and all others Bruce must be well 
posted. Muzio, also, through whom the affair was proposed to us 
last year, should be informed. If you understand that Bruce should 
go and speak to his King, and will have an opportunity of conveying 
to him a message from you, you may, as if of your own motion, 
say the same to him as to the ambassador, that he may repeat it to 
the King. To the three earls he will say that if they desire to win 
and maintain the positions to which they aspire, they being Catholics, 
they should use every effort to convert the King, that being the 
course which you think will ensure them my support to such an 
extent that no one shall be able to overturn them. You will not 
lose sight of the offer they made to. give me a port in Scotland, in 
case we should want to attack England on that side. You will, 
with all secresy, inform yourself of its capabilities and accommo- 
dation, and report all to me. The man who gave you the news of 
the queen of Scotland's death managed it well,* and as he has 
now begun to open out with you, and you have my instructions to 
that effect, you will make much of him, and say what is fitting as 
regards his new offer. When this man who is expected from 
England comes, give me the fullest advices about armaments. — San 
Lorenzo, 31 March 1587. 

31 March. 58. The Kino to Count de Olivares. 

°' I am anxiously awaiting a reply to my despatch of 11th February 

respecting the principal matter, and until I receive it I have nothing 
to reply to that you have recently written on the subject. I can 
only say that I am extremely grieved at the death of the queen 
of Scotland, which is much to be regretted, as she was so good a 
Catholic, and would have been so appropriate an instrument for 
converting those countries to our Holy Catholic faith. Since, 
however, God has ordained otherwise in His inscrutable judgment, 
He will provide in other ways for the success of His cause. So far 
as can be seen or understood, this new event makes more necessary 

* Sir Edward Stafford. 




than ever that which the above-mentioned despatch instructed you 
to ask of his Holiness. Tou may now tell him from me how much 
I have been pained, and that I am desirous of pushing the enterprise 
on as quickly as my circumstances* will allow. Tou will, in 
speaking of this, assume that the greater or less speed in the 
execution will depend upon having plenty of money, and so lead on, 
to his own contribution, assuring him of my goodwill. The object 
of this step is to anticipate any admonition from the Pope urging 
me to hurry the enterprise when he hears of the death of the queen 
of Scotland, and to show him that I have no need for persuasion in 
the matter, as I am already eager for it. You must convey this, 
howevtr, without appearing to force it or to belittle what the Pope 
has already promised, and we have accepted to be availed of when 
the opportunity is favourable. The former arrangement must 
rather be confirmed than cbmplained of, but the Pope must be made 
to understand that if be wishes to hurry matters, the best way would 
be for him to advance me the loan I have mentioned. 

Now that you know my intentions you can take the course you 
find most convenient, so long as you do not depart from the object, 
and you will act through Allen and Robert whenever you think it 
will be better to do so. — San Lorenzo, 31st March 1587. 

April 59. Sampson's Advices from England. 

K. 15(6. 16. ' Don Antonio is still in England, in the same need as before, and 
although he said he was going with Drake in his fleet, his servants 
saw no signs of his going when the report was written. 

The queen of England had sent one of her Councillors to 
Chateauneuf, the French ambassador, to say that the aflairs she had 
bad in hand, and her anger at the death of the queen of Scotland 
had prevented her from receiving him, but that when he wished for 
an audience she would be pleased to see him. The ambassador had 
replied that he bad sought an audience in order the further to justify 
himself, but as he had been so often refused and had sent an account 
of it to his master, he would not request audience again until he 
received instructions from the King. The Council here (i.e n in 
France) has approved of this answer. 

The Councillor who went to take the message to Chateauneuf 

gave him to understand that the Queen was so anxious to ma-infom 
er friendship with France that she might even liberate Trapes, the 
ambassador's gentlemen who was imprisoned in the Tower of London. 
When the letter was read to the King (of France), at this point 
he exclaimed " She will have to do so, for she has no right to lay 
" hands on my subjects. If Trapes has offended I will punish 
« him." 

Note. — The above report is accompanied by a letter asking the 
King to pay Saropsom more than the 28 crowns a .month he 
receives, as it is impossible for him to live in Paris for that sum. 

- ~—— — |— rr qui i _ _ ■ i - 

* The King by added a note to the draft in hit own hand, faying " It if here you use 
" the word « my.' It will be better for you to put * the/ to that it may not appear that it 
" if my affairs which delay the tat toef •." 



He is here against his will and his reports from London are 

11 April 60. The Kino to Bernardino de Mendoza. 

Paris Archives, [EXTRACT.] 

K. 1448. 114. what you >ay with regard to my rights to the Throne of England, 
in consequence of the death of the queen of Scotland, is correct and 
well set forth, but it will be best that you should not speak of the 
matter at present or suggest any such intention, in order not to 
awaken the evil action which would be exerted in all parts from 
France if they thought 1 was going to claim the succession, as they 
would do if you talked much about it. The only thing that should 
be done is fur the archbishop of Nazareth, prompted by his zeal 
for religion, to write to Rome pointing out the evils that certainly 
would result if a heretic succeeded to the throne, and saying that, 
as the king of Scotland is a heretic, it would *be well to deprive 
him. He might convey this to the Pope but should go no further. 
If jou can get him to do this it will be well, but abstain from all 
other action until further orders, which shall be sent to you in due 
time. Tn the meanwhile keep me well informed of all you hear 
said about it in France, England, and Scotland, and also how 
Muzio takes it You will be very careful how you Speak to him 
about it, and, indeed, to anyone, as your prudence will dictate to 

The 8,000 crowns which were not sent to the queen of Scotland 
and are now offered to be restored to me, may be disposed of as 
follows : — The 4,000 which were handed to her treasurer and have 
to be recovered from her estate I will grant to the archbishop of 
Glasgow, her ambassador, to whom you may say that I make him a 
present of the money. The 4,000 still in hand you will receive and 
apply 1,000 at present to the object3 required by those who are 
secretly preaching our holy faith in Scotland, the other 3,000 
being employed in paying the English pensions. As it is on many 
accounts important that you should havo at hand so good an 
instrument as the archbishop of Glasgow, you will use every effort 
to get him to remain in Paris, arranging through Muzio for the 
king of Scotland to order him to stay there, if not as ambassador, 
then as one of his late mother's servants who is well versed in past 
affairs. Or he himself might plead his own affairs for staying, or 
his desire to avoid the heresy so rife in his own country. You will 
avail yourself of his a : d whenever necessary, and if you think it 
will be bett'-r you may avoid telling him about the 4,000 crowns all 
at once, but give him the money by instalments as it is recovered 
from the late Queen's revenue. I leave it to you to do as you think 
best. — San Lorenzo, 4th April 1587. 

5 April. 61. Bernardino de Mendoza to the Kino. 

Wwe^r B y letters from En g land da ted 13th ultimo, I learn that the 
Queen, seeing but small hopes that the Hollanders would help with 
the 30 ships they promised, had ordered the number of English 
vessels to be increased beyond the 15 merchantmen which I 



reported were being prepared. She will add four ships of her own 

and some of the best merchantships she can get They have chosen 

the galleon " Butrigur*, a ship of 400 tons which I know well, as 

having fought in Brazil with some of your Majesty's vessels when I 

was in England, and came back much damaged. She carries 40 iron 

pieces and three or four of bronze. Another vessel is the " Royal 

Merchant " of 250 tons, armed with 26 or 30 iron, and some bronze, 

pieces. The " Primrose " of 200 tons, also armed with iron pieces ; and 

two other ships of 150 tons each, similarly armed These, with the 

other additions, will increase the number of vessels to 24. They 

have ordered 2,500 bullocks to be slaughtered and the meat salted t3 

provision the fleet, in which it was intended to send 2,500 men, this 

proportion of a bullock per man being the usual victualling on board 

of English ships for a voyage of over four months. 

These 24 ships were in the Thames above Gravesend, ready to sail, 
the guns all on board but no stores or men, the crews not having 
been raised yet. It will take at least 18 days to barrel the salt meat. 
It was understood that the four of her own ships which the Queen 
would contribute were the " Philip- Mary," of 700 tons, the " Elizabeth 
Fortune," 600 tors, the " Dreadnought," 400 tons, and the " Swiftsure," 
400 tons. These four ships are all armed with bronze pieces. The 
Queen had not, however, decided to send out this fleet pending the 
return of Lord Buckhurst from Holland, with a statement as to the 
position of the rebels. She also wishes to see what will come of 
these seizures in France and England. 

A person who left London on the 15th ultimo reports that no 
orders had been given for manuing or victualling the ships, but he 
had seen the four Queen's ships above-mentioned enter the Thames 
from Rochester ready for sea, with the " Triumph," the " White Bear " 
and the " Elizabeth Jonas/' which are the three largest ships the 
Queen ha«. They had been hauled out of their usual berths at 
Rochester into the Thames. 

The supplies had been granted by Parliament with the following 
additions. Laymen are to pay double the ordinary amount, and the 
ministers, whom they call ecclesiastics, are to pay 12 per cent, 
instead of 8, as usual. In addition to this they have voted a special 
grant called a "benevolence " in consideration of the war with your 
Majesty. All this money has to b3 paid within two years, and 
although no person in England is privileged or exempt, the ordinary 
vote in each Parliament does not exceed 140,000 or 150,000 crowns ; 
su that even if the present amount is doubled it will only reach 
300,000, and perhaps another 40,000 for the benevolence. 

Waad is still here, in the ambassador':* house, and although he has 
pzvssed several times fur his passport, the King does not decide to 
ive it to him. I understand that Walsingham sent to tell 
Chateauneuf that they had better be careful h<>w they treated Waad, 
because the same treatment should be meted out to him (Chateauneuf ). 
The latter replied that Waid was not of sufficient rank for him 
(Chateauneuf) to be made responsible for his treatment. The 
English ambassador here (in France) would be his security. 

* This should be the galleon Ughtred. 



I also understand thai the Queen says she will not release Trapes, 
the French gentleman she arrested, or Nao, the queen of Scotland's 
secretary, unless this King delivers Morgan to her. He is the servant 
of the queen of Scotland whom this Song has kept in the Bastile for 
the last two years. 

Letters from Scotland, dated 21st ultimo, confirm the earl of 
Morton's raid into England. The king of Scotland had summoned 
his Parliament and nobility, and had intimated to them his desire to 
be avenged on the queen of England for her cruelty to his mother. 
He did not wish, however, that the attempt to satisfy his vengeance 
without sufficient resources should bring fresh trouble upon him, and 
for this reason, the strength of both parties being known, it would 
be necessary for him to seek the help of other Princes. He asked 
the Parliament to advise him as to the best means to obtain this. 
They replied that it would be well for ambassadors to be sent to 
your Majesty and the kings of France and Denmark, from whom he 
might request aid with some hope of obtaining it. The King 
approved of the advice and directed that fitting persons should be 
chosen for the missions. Don Antonio's need was daily increasing — 
Paris, 5th April 1587. 

5 April. 62. Bernahdino de Mendoza to the Kino. 

Pari* Archives, [EXTRACTS.] 

K. 1566. 90. j jj ave j Uflt hoard from a good quarter that a Scots merchant, who 
says he is the king of Scotland's banker, is in Spain with 12 well 
fitted English boats freighted with merchandise from there (i.e., 
England), the mariners also being English. It would be well for 
your Majesty to send orders to the ports to have this merchant 
arrested. His name is Hunter* .... 

The queen of England's secretary writes to the new confidant, 
telling him to be careful what reports he sends from here ; as his 
recent intelligence with regard to the grief of the King and nobles 
here for the death of the queen of Scotland has prevented the 
Queen from carrying into effect certain important resolutions she 
had adopted very bene6cial to the kingdom. The man in his house 
(Waad) has also received a letter dated 13th ultimo, in the confi- 
dant's cipher, saying that the Queen had not decided anything 
about sending out the fleet, as the intelligence sent by .her 
ambassador here had cooled her. The ships to be contributed by 
the Hollanders to the expedition were not ready, as had been 
expected. My former advices as to the number of ships which 
would form the expedition are confirmed from this and other 
quarters. The confidant promises to send me instant advice when 
he learns whether the business is really going forward or 

* Hunter, who appears to hare been a Scottish merchant settled in Lisbon, was 
subsequently kept in prison for a long period there as a spy, and favourer of heretics. 
Beferances to his protracted trial will be found in this volume. That he was a spy is 
proved by a letter from him, giving an account of his imprisonment in Lisbon, and 
particulars of the armament proceeding there ; which letter, signed only with a horn, will 
be found in Cotton Vespasian, CVIIL, page 207. It is dated 10th February 1589, and is 
endorsed, apparently by Walsingham, " from Mr. Hunter of Lisbon." 



Count de Olivares writes that Cardinal Sanzio has asked him to 
speak to his Holiness about promoting Dr. Allen to the cardinalate 
so that Cardinal Sanzio may at the same time propose the name of 
the archbishop of Glasgow, who is so deserving and so desirable 
a person for the conversion of Scotland, which cause would be much 
aided by his elevation. I have written to the Count saying how 
intimate the Archbishop is with Muzio, and how strongly attached 
to your Majesty's service. So far as I can judge, I say, not only 
should no obstacles be thrown in the way of his elevation, but the 

Count should help to the best of his ability, although it may have 
to be done secretly. He will I am sure, be as favourable a Cardinal 

for your Majesty's interests as any, and will be a most useful 

minister in the affairs of Scotland and England. — Paris, 5th April 


7 April. 68. Advices from Rouen. 

P kTwS ST A *«* ****** «** yesterday from England who assures 

us that Captain Drake had left the Thames with 40 well-armed 
ships, five belonging to the Queen, of 800 or 900 tons each, and 
carrying 5,000 men. The merchant saw the fleet pass before Bye 
on the way to Falmouth, where they were to join 40 or 50 more 
ships, which were ready ; so that the number would reach 100 sail. 
The rumour was that this fleet was going to encounter the Indian 
flotillas. We are astonished at the great diligence and secresy with 
which this fleet has been equipped, for up to the present not a 
word of it had reached us here. To further satisfy myself, I spoke 
personally to the merchant yesterday, and he assures me he saw the 
ships pass and had been on board of them. If this be true it is 
ground for great anxiety, as much damage may be done to the 
Indian flotillas. 

9 April. 64. Bernardino de Mendoza to the Kino. 

Paris Archires, ri?~m« » ™* i 

k. i566.»7. [Extract.] 

The new confidant informs me that the English ambassador has 
seen Secretary Pinart to ascertain from him, as the queen of 
England's pensioner, the feeling of the King towards the Queen, in 
the matter of the queen of Scotland's death. Pinart replied that, 
although everyone advised him to break the alliance with his 
mistress, he did not believe the King would do so. He (Pinart) 
would exert himself in the matter in a way that should convince 
the Queen that what she had done for him had not been in vain* 
The friend of the new confidant also assures me that he told him in 
conversation over eight months ago, that he (the ambassador) had 
paid to Pinart, in one sum, from the Queen 3,0002., which is equal 
to 10,000 sun-crowns. The ambassador has also remarked that 
there is a certain redhat in Rome very friendly to the queen of 
England. I am trying to discover his name for your Majesty's 
information, but I can hardly believe it. 

I have written to count de Olivares saying that if the theologians 
raise no religious difficulty as to the archbishop of Glasgow[s 
acceptance of the mission sent to him by the king of Scotland, it 


1 587. 

will be much more advantageous for your Majesty's interests that 
affairs should be in his hands rather than in those of any other 
person, as he is so devoted to your interests.* — Paris, 9th April 

9 April. 65. Bernardino pe Mendozi to the King. 

^K^ift* 11 *"' Fisher news than those contained in my last have arrived from 

England. I am informed by an Italian solidier, wbo had been 
prisoner in Holland and was exiled from there, passing through 
England on his way hither, that when he left London on the 23rd 
ultimo both the Queen's ships and the merchantmen were still in 
the Thames. According to this the enclosed news sent from Rouen 
seems not to be altogether true. The Frenchman doss not say the 
day he left England and saw Drake's fleet pass ; and it is incredible 
that the number of ships and men he mentions could have been 
raised and despatched in the time, especially in the face of the 
information given by the new confidant as to the vessels they had 
decided to send, and the condition of the victualling, as advised in 
my last. Still I have thought well to enclose the Rouen news, in 
case the report should roach your Majesty by some other channel 
and you may thus know the origin of it. If any ships passed the 
Channel on their way to Plymouth, the Frenchman of course would 
exaggerate their number as usual, to magnify the power of the 
queen of England, and they would probably be destined tr> guard 
that end of the .Chonnel and strengthen the position in Ireland. If 
they went to join others in the port and sail in company, as they 
often do from there, and indicate an intention on the part of the 
Queen to send out the fleet, I shall learn all about it on the earliest 
-opportunity from the Fleming I have there (Plymouth) on the 
watch, and from other quarters, and will instantly advise your 
Majesty. As the Queen-mother has brought back with her the few 
soldiers the King had against the Huguenots the latter are now 
unchecked, and I greatly fear for my despatches of 27th February. 
If they have escaped I am afraid they will be delayed. This is why 
I write so often by Bordeaux. 

The French ambassador in England writes that the Queen has 
sent him word that, although personally she had good reasons for 
refusing to receive him, yet as he was a Minister of the king of 
France, she would do so when he pleased. He replied that when the 
Queen had impartial inquiry made she would find that he had only 
proceeded as an honourable gentleman should, and he had no 
intention of asking for audience until he was ordered to do so by 
his master, whom he would apprise of the message. I do not know 
what answer will be sent him, but I have just heard that 
M. de Believre and Secretary Pinart have gone to see the English 
ambassador, and I will try to learn their object for your Majesty's 
information. The English ambassador has not leen received by the 

* James VI. had seut to Beaton a renewal of his appointment as Scottish ambassador 
in France. The Archbishop had doubts as to the propriety of his representing a 
Protestant King and referred to the question to Borne. 



Letters from Scotland of 21st ultimo report that the King and 
Council have appointed the archbishop of Glasgow ambassador here 
for the purpose of asking this King for help. The King (of 
Scotland) said he was delighted that they had proposed the 
Archbishop for the post, as he considered him the fittest person, and 
his despatches might be sent off at once. He had also said that as 
the Archbishop was to be employed thus, he wished his arcbi- 
episcopal and patrimonial property to be restored to him. If this 
be done it will show that he (the King) is not so entirely subject to 
the ministers (i.e., clergy) nor so much opposed to the Catholics. A 
Frenchman resident in Scotland sometimes writes to the King, and 
I understand that he informs him that the king of Scotland had 
said he would be glad if the Christian King would help him with 
4,000 paid soldiers for five or six months. I am not sure of this, 
but now that the appointment I have mentioned has been made, no 
negotiations will be undertaken except through the Archbishop, and 
as the question of his acceptance of the embassy from a King who 
has not submitted to the Pope is one that must be decided by his 
Holiness, I have written to Count de Olivares about it. 

I enclose a little book in Spanish, written by the bishop of Ross, 
giving the English genealogies. He has had it published also in 
Latin, French, and English, and it shows that your Majesty is the 
legitimate heir to the Crown, since the king of Scotland is incapaci- 
tated by heresy. Margaret, the eldest daughter of King Henry VII., 
being left a widow by James IV., king of Scotland, she fell in love 
with and married Archibald Douglas, earl of Angus, who had a 
wife living at the time, and the daughter of the marriage was a 
bastard, and was so declared by the Scots parliament in her suit 
against the earl of Angus to establish her legitimacy. The result of 
the suit was that the earldom of Angus was adjudged to its present 
possessors, and her (Margaret Stuart, countess of Lennox) 
descendants are excluded from the succession to the English crown, 
and your Majesty thus becomes the legal heir, as descending in -a 
straight line from John of Gaunt, duke of Lancaster, by the right of 
his wife, whose eldest daughter Catharine married Henry III. of 
Castile, and the younger, called Philippa, married John I. of 

This King says that Don Antonio is starving in England, and the 
Queen has her eye upon him to prevent him from leaving the 
country. — Paris, 9th April 1587. 

9, 12, 11, 66. Document headed " Tbue Advices from England." 

• P v ^ n *^ e 27th March proclamation was made in London ordering 

k7i*6«. un' ^ e ^ ns * an ^ embarcation of the crews and troops of the 10 ships with 

Francis Drake. 

Of these 10 ships four belonged to the Queen, their burden being 
respectively 400, 300, and 120 tons; very well armed with bronze 
guns. The others are merchantmen, the largest 200 tons, but most 
of them 120 to 150 tons, with iron pieces. The Queen's flagship 

* The King has underscored this passage and written against it " error. 19 The 
passage, in effect, is incorrect. 

i 96498. £ 



took out 200 men, the others of hers a lesser number, whilst the 
merchantmen carried 60 to 100 men, according to their capacity. 
The total number of men taken was about 1,000. 

Drake went on board near Dover, and sailed with the ships to 
Plymouth, where the fleet was to rendezvous. Off the Isle of 
Wight he was joined by 12 merchant ships which had been sent by 
the Queen from the Thames, nnd they all proceeded together to 

They take victuals for over four months. 

More troops were to join them at Plymouth, raised in Devonshire 
and Cornwall. The soldiers and sailors together to be thus raised 
would number 2,500 or 3,000. 

Drake took orders for the ships which might be in the Western 
ports, or at sea with letters of marque, to accompany him. Those in 
port were expected to reach 17, and those at sea 23; so that 
altogether they hoped to enter Spanish waters with 60 sail and 
about 3,000 men, besides those who might be in the ships bearing 
letters of marque. 

The Queen had ordered 1 4 other ships to be made ready under 
Captain Winter to reinforce Drake, if necessary. 

With the exception of Drake himself, not a soul on the fleet 
knows what the object of it is, but various surmises are afloat; 
one to the effect that they are going to prevent the junction of his 
Majesty's fleet in Spain, destroying a" portion of it, as it will have to 
be fitted out in various ports. Others say the design is to intercept 
the Indian flotillas, and this seems the most probable. 

Drake was strictly ordered not to stay at Plymouth longer than 
necessary, but to sail at once. 

It is not thought that they carry troops adequate to attempt any 
enterprise on land, or at most only to sack some unprotected place. 
Don Antonio did not accompany them, although it was said 
previously that he would do so. # 

10 April 67. Sampson's Advices from London. 

kI^isIm? 102!' ^ on Antonio is still at Court and in despair of getting anything 
satisfactory. It is thought that the Queen keeps him there to 
prevent his escape. 

Alarm is felt here at the fleet which we are told from France the 
Pope and the king of Spain are preparing to attack England. 
Drake and his fleet have left the Thames, but we have no news of 
his having sailed from Plymouth. He takes sealed orders which 
are to be opened at sea, so that his purpose is unknown. He has 
instructions, however, that, until the Queen's orders are fulfilled 
none of the pirates are to leave him, but afterwards each j>ne may 
seek his fortune in his own way. 

The Parliament is opposed to the Queen's acceptance of the 
sovereignty of Flanders, but think she should help with money and 
men, as she did last year under the pretext of religion. 

* The King baa written at the foot of this statement a caution to the effect that care 
must be taken of it. It will be seen by this how completely the Spaniards were surprised 
by Drake's descent upon Cadiz. 




The earl of Leicester has gone to the baths at Bristol (Buxton ?) 
and it is said he will delay his departure for Holland until the 
return from there of Lord Buckhurst. 

Secretary Davison has been fined 20,000 crowns, and sent to 
prison during the Queen's pleasure, for having given the warrant for 
the execution of the queen of Scotland without the orders of the 

12 April. 68. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King. 
VwttS? [Extract.] 

The object of the visit of Belifevre and Secretary Pinart to the 
English ambassador, mentioned in my letter of the 9th, was to 
reply to him from the King about the requests he was urging for a 
passport to be given to Waad to enable him to return to England at 
once. The King said he would not give a passport unless the 
Queen released Trapes, his ambassador's gentleman, and gave him a 
passport to come hither. — Paris, 12th April 1587. 

12 April. 69. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King. 

K. 1566. 104/ As I was sending off my despatch by Bordeaux, a man arrived 

here, sent by my man in England, to give me a full verbal account 
of affairs there. Drake issued an order on the 27th (new style), for 
all the men who were to go in the 10 ships to embark instantly, 
which they did, and as letters would not pass this man was sent to me. 
Out of the 10 ships, four belonged to the Queen. The flagship was 
400 tons burden, and carried nearly 50 bronze pieces, and about 
200 men ; the vice-flagship was of 300 tons with the same armament 
and rather fewer men. The other two Queen's ships were of j 

120 tons and 36 guns each. The six merchant ships were of 
200 tons (the largest), and the rest 120 to 150 tons, all armed with 
iron guns, and with 60 to 100 men each. The whole fleet carried 
1,000 men and victuals for four months. They left Gravesend the • 

same day (27th March) for Plymouth, where they were to be joined 
by the armed ships which were in the river and on the coast, and j 

the English pirate ships belonging to the West country. The . ' 

intention was for Drake to take all these ships to encounter your . ' 

Majesty's flotillas. My man would try to find means to go to 
Plymouth and inspect the ships that might collect there, and learn 
other particulars. As, however, it was impossible for him to send me 
information swiftly on the point, owing to the great strictness in 
the English ports and the impossibility of getting an English ship 
to go to a French port for fear of arrest, he thought best to send 
this man over in a fishing boat which could put him ashore in 
France, and then return to England. He will again adopt this 
course if no better opportunity offers. The man tells me he could ,| 

not come quicker, owing to the great difficulty of leaving England, ji J 

and to his being stopped and examined at Calais, Boulogne, and jl J 

every town in Picardy. In order to lose no time in informing your *; ,1 

Majesty, I am sending this and the other letters I had written, by *;l 

special courier going with all speed. I am trying to get his passport i * 

at once, but I am afraid it will be delayed, as usual. 

E 2 





Whilst I was awaiting the passport there arrived here Luis 
Ferreira de Melo, of Terceira, who was captured by the English in 
the St. Thom£ flotilla, and has been imprisoned in England. He 
confirms the above news, and says he left London on Good Friday, 
and when he passed Gravesend, saw the men hurrying on board the 
10 ships. On Easter-day Drake and his wife went on board off 
Dover. He recognised them because the English boat that took him 
across to France passed through the midst of the fleet, and he 
stayed with the ships for two days, saying that he was going to 
Plymouth, for fear that they might prevent him from going to 
France. On the 1st of April he arrived at Boulogne, and the 
English fleet was not then to be seen. He assures me there were 
only 10 ships, and exactly confirms the particulars already given. 
The Frenchman who said he saw the fleet pass Rye may have told 
the truth on that point, but must have lied as to the number of 
ships. — Paris, 12th April 1587. 

13 April. 70. The Duke of Parma to Bernardino de Mendoza. 

K. 1566. 106.' As I said in my last, I had summoned the Scottish gentleman 
(Bruce), and begged you to send him to me speedily because, as 
you have so truly urged, it was most important to keep him well in 
view, for it would upset the Englishwoman to find herself attacked 
on that side, besides being a great thing to get a footing and a free 
port in the island, in view of eventualities. This, and the fate of 
the queen of Scotland, convinced me that it would be well not to 
delay any longer in giving them some hope and information as to 
what could be done for them. When the gentleman arrived here I 
made much of him, and said that he was already aware by the letters 
from his Majesty and your lordship, that the King was resolved to 
aid the righteous intention of the Scots Catholics, and I was expecting 
hourly to receive advice of His Majesty's intentions on the matter ; 
since the time had now arrived when action could be taken. I was 
glad, therefore, that he (Bruce) was with me, as he could give me 
information on certain points about which I was in doubt I had 
several conversations with him, and from one thing to another we 
at last got to the question of the difficulty that might arise of his 
Majesty's sending them the forces they wanted from Spain, if it 
bhould happen that he had to reinforce us here very heavily, or was 
pressed to guard his own coasts, and he might prefer to assist them 
from here. In such case, I asked, how could boats be got to take 
the men across, as they knew I had none, and could get none. He 
unhesitatingly said that there would be no difficulty about that, as 
there were plenty of boats in Scotland, and we arranged that as we 
are in need of grain here, and to conceal our design, he should freight 
(i.e., in Scotland) 30 vessels to go to Dantzic, to load wheat for 
various places. Orders might be given and arrangements made with 
the captains of the five or six ships that usually go with them as an 
escort, to bring thern to Dunkirk, where they would enter at the 
end of July or middle of August. Thirty more ships might also be 
got ready on various pretexts to leave (Scotland), and to arrive (at 
Dunkirk) at the same time, and in most of them we could ship the 




troops they desire, and leave a few to keep up the communication. 
He facilitates the matter so much, and is so confident about if, that 
I have decided to send to you the 10,000 crowns he requests for the 
freighting of the ships ; so that, after he has givtn you sureties, you 
can give him the money, and send him off as soon as possible to 
carry out the plan. But as the most important point of all this is 
that they should assure us the port of Petty Leith for the reception 
and shelter of the ships and men, you will have to press for this to 
be done, and that they (the Catholics) should go on consolidating 
their party, to be ready for the time when they are do to their part 
I am so enamoured of this project, and am so sure of its being 
advantageous to His Ma.esty's service that you may depend upon 
my neglecting nothing ; for I will strive with all my heart to carry 
it to success. 

It is most important that everything should be done secretly, 
fo that the Englishwoman should learn nothing of it, and be. 
unprepared. I am aware that you are as careful about secrecy 
as I >am, but I cannot help mentioning it as success depends 
upon it. 

19 April. 71. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King. 

^15^109! The English news I send in the general letter are faithfully 

conveyed to me by the new friend from letters dated the 7th instant. 
The intelligence sent by my Fleming about the number of ships and 
men is exactly confirmed. 

The friend assures me that Drake has orders to stay as short a 
time as possible at Plymouth, but that no living soul but the Queen 
and the Treasurer knew what the design was to be. The Queen 
would not have even the Lord Admiral informed, as she considers 
him a frank-spoken man ; but, judging from general indications and 
the haste in sending Drake off, it would seem as if the intention was 
to try to prevent the junction of your Majesty's fleet, which had to 
be equipped in various j»orts, and if they succeed in breaking up a 
portion of it, then to proceed on the Indian route and encounter the 
flotillas. To this end they had let out a few words to Drake about 
Cadiz being a good port to burn the shipping in, if a good fleet were 
taken thither.* 

The number of men Drake was taking (as no account can be made 
of those who go in the pirate ships) is not large enough to undertake 
any enterprise of importance on land, excepting to sack, and it is 
asserted that Don Antoiiio his not gone with them,- as it is not to be 
expected that the Queen would risk sending him with so few troops. 
As it is impossible to get prompt advice of Drake's departure from 
Plymouth conveyed to your Majesty, I send the news up to the 
present, to enable your Maiesty to order the Indian flotillas to be 
apprised and eveiy port to be on the alert down to the Straits and 
the islands of Azores and Canary. 

Parliament had risen and had voted to the Queen voluntarily an 
extraordinary grant to maintain t!ie war in Holland for three years. 

* This is the first hint given that Cadiz was to be Drake's destination. 


1 587. 

The rebels will therefore be better supplied, and the clever efforts of 
ihe duke of Parma to get tbe States to elect Count Hohenlohe for 
General, and to abandon the Queen and Leicester, will be impeded. 
This would have facilitated an agreement with your Majesty, but 
that is rendered more difficult now by the Queen's having increased 
the monthly subsidy she paid to the States from 12,000 crowns to 
17,000 crowns, and if that be insufficient to 20,000, which could well 
be met by the new grant. Leicester had orders to go to Holland, 
and at once to take the field with the army, but they said it would 
be very necessary to use the utmost diligence to discover the plans 
being hatched by the Spanish ambassador in France* ; as they had 
been informed by friends in France that your Majesty was equipping 
a fleet of (50 sail, but they knew better from Spain itself, where on 
the whole coast there were not 40 ships ready for sea, and he might 
therefore judge, now they had sent out Drake, whether they were 
afraid of Spain this year or not. 

The French ambassador (in England) was iu great fear that the 
going of the Archduke Mathias to England might be a sign of 
agreement with your Majesty as to hostages for the capitulation, 
which fear he had mentioned to Walsingham, and asked him whether 
it was true the Archduke was coming. He replied that he had 
heard of no such thing. In conversation with a friend afterwards 
the Secretary had assured him that he really knew nothing about it, 
or whether the Treasurer had negotiated anything of the sort by the 
Queen's orders. Horatio Pallavicini writes to him (Walsingham ?) 
saying that he saw the Archduke Mathias at Hamburg, who expressed 
himself as being very dissatisfied and inclined to the Queen's religion, 
but notwithstanding this he wrote to the ambassador telling him to 
be careful to report the feeling evinced in France as to the going of 
the Archduke, and said that although the (French) ambassador 
reported that the anger felt at the death of the queen of Scots made 
him fear a rupture between France and his mistress, she was under 
no apprehension of it, as she knew that in the present condition of 
France it was necessary for that country to keep friendly with 
England. If peace were not made in France the reiters would enter, 
but if an arrangement were arrived at the reiters would go to Flanders, 
the money having been already provided for raising them. The 
new friend is of opinion that however much this King may storm he 
will not break with the Englishwoman. 

As regards Scotland, although the news from France represented 
the King (of Scotland) as vowing vengeance against the queen of 
England, they (i.e., Stafford's correspondents) were persuaded that he 
would not be so ill advised as to throw away his good chance of the 
succession, or incur the enmity of those who had advocated his 
mother's execution, but the ambassador was directed to be on the 
alert to discover what plans the Scots were hatching here. 

The Queen had sent a man secretly to Scotland, who was known 
to have arrived safely, and he would find no lack of friends of the 
Queen there. 

t The writer is recapitulating the contents of letters written from England to Sir Edward 
Stafford, the English ambassador in France. 



The above is the entire contents of the dispatch sent from 
England to France, which was read to me by my informant, and 
although I was most anxious to send your Majesty the important 
news as soon as I could get it ciphered, flying through the air if 
possible, 1 have been unable yet to obtain a passport. 

I went to congratulate the Queen-mother on her return in good 
health, and in the course of conversation she mentioned the deatn of 
the queen of Scotland, which she said was an unheard-of thing, 
and she then broached the question as to who would succeed (to the 
English Crown). I Raid, as if by the way, that as the king of 
Scotland was excluded by his heresy, if he were not converted your 
Majesty was the next heir. She asked me from what line your 
Majesty's claim was derived. When I told her she did not answer a 
word; nor can I discover that she has mentioned the matter to 
anyone, although I have made great efforts to learn. I was moved 
to speak of it to her, because I thought it advantageous not to 
conceal your Majesty's right when the question is brought up, 
without going out of the way to seek for opportunities of urging 
it. The archbishop of Glasgow is one of those who have pressed me 
to mention the matter when occasion presents itself, and he is 
confirmed in his opinion by well-disposed Scottish Jesuit fathers 
here, who are strong in their belief that it would greatly encourage 
Catholics there (i.e., in Scotland) and spur on the King to submit to 
the Church. The English Catholics speak similarly, saying at the 
same time, that if the king of Scotland be not converted, they thank 
God for giving them so Catholic a King as your Majesty. It is 
publicly said here that there is not a person living who would 
oppose such a claim, and this caused me to speak of it as I have 
done. The French, who are not heretics, but merely "politicians," 
say openly that there is nothing they desire more than to see your 
Majesty's arirada attack England, that they might serve in it and 
avenge themselves on the Queen by helping you to become master 
of the country. 

The queen of Scotland's late ambassador tell 3 me that if the duke 
of Parma wishes his armed ships in Denmark to be received in a 
Scotch port in case of bad weather, or need for victuals, or to sell 
their prizes, he thinks he can arrange it with the king of Scotland. 
I have informed the Duke of this. He has not sent Bruce back 
yet.— Paris, 19th April 1587. 

19 April. 72. Bernakdino de Mendoza to the King. 

Paris Archives, 

K. 1566. 110. I have news of Cth and 7th instant from London saying that two 

other ships had left the Thames to join Drake at Plymouth. They 
both belong to the Queen, one being the " Golden lion," of 600 tons, 
carrying 50 guns, some being cannons and culverins. This will be 
the flagship, as she is a good, fleet vessel, and the other is the 
" Achates," which ship I know well, because her first voyage was 
to carry me across from England to Flanders in the year '84. She is 
of 120 tons and carries 30 or 35 guns. 



Eight more merchantmen had left the river also, and it was said 
that the flagship of the merchantmen would be the "Royal 
Merchant " or the galleon " Budrique " (Ughtred). 

Two other merchant ships had come from Lynn to join at Dover, 
so that, in all, 12 ships had* followed Drake, and they were so 
favoured by weather that they came up with him off the Isle of 
Wight and proceeded in company to Plymouth. 

Both the Queen's ships and the merchantmen were victualled in 
London with the 2,500 bullocks I said they had slaughtered, and as 
the Queen was anxious for the ships to sail for Plymouth, and there 
is difficulty in raising troops in London, she ordered them to go with 
their seamen only on board necessary for the navigation ; and 2,500 
or 3,000 soldiers and sailors will be raised in Devonshire and Cornwall 
for the fleet. 

Drake was to force ships which might be on the West coast beai ing 
letters of marque to accompany him. Drake said there would be 
17 of them in the ports — ships of 120 to 150 tons — and he would 
probably fall in with 23 more at sea which would have to go with 
him. So that Drake would sail (for Spain) with about 60 ships and 
2,500 to 3,000 men, without counting the men on board the ships 
he took from the West coast, the number of which would be 

The Queen had ordered 14 more of ships under Captain Winter to 
be made ready. Winter is a man of rank and a good sailor, who 
conducted your Majesty the last time you went from England to 
Flanders. He is to reinforce Drake if necessary, and to guard the 
coasts in case of the approach of a hostile fleet. 

It was said in London that Don Antonio would accompany Drake, 
but it was not credited, as Drake's intention was asserted to be the 
plunder of your Majesty's flotillas from the Indies, to which effect 
the Queen had ordered that all the booty was to be given to the 
soldiers as had been done previously. The reason there was so much 
difficulty in getting men for this expedition was that Drake paid 
them so badly last time, taking all the plunder for himself on the 
pretence that it was for the Queen. 

Another proof that Drake's design is to intercept the flotillas, is 
that, with the exception of the 22 ships, the rest of them are 
independent pirates ; and the moment anything is undertaken other 
than robbery and plunder they will abandon him. 

A French ship has arrived on the coast from Brazil, and reports 
having fallen in with Drake with 22 sail. He spoke them and said 
that, badly as the French were treating English shipping, he had 
ordeis from his mistress to show them all friendship. As they were 
short of provisions he supplied them. 

My Fleming's reports as to the number of ships, etc, are fully 
confirmed. All the talk about Drake's having actually sailed from 
Plymouth with 60 ships rests upon Drake's hints that he hoped to take 
out that number. My man was trying to get back again to Plymouth 
and feared he would be unable to send me any reports until he could 
return personally hither. He could not, moreover, go round all the 




ports to discover what ships were being fitted out, as he heard that 
Drake was in a furious hurry to leave Plymouth. 

All this is now fully confirmed by the reports of merchants and 

I am sending this by special courier, so that if possible your 
Majesty may have the news before Drake leaves Plymouth. The 
weather has been extremely favourable for him since he left London, 
especially if he had taken his men on board at the start, instead of 
having to wait for them at Plymouth. 

There is nothing to add about the relations between England and 
France. Neither ambassador has been received yet. The English 
ambassador here has fresh letters but he does not press for audience. 
They announce the sailing of Drake from the Thames with 60 ships, 
which number they say would be increased to over a hundred by the 
time he left Plymouth. The Queens ships, to tho number of 22, were 
ready for sea. 

The archbishop of Glasgow has taken leave of the Queen-mother 
on the expiry of his mission (from the queen of Scotland), and in 
conversation with her mentioned the danger the king of Scotland 
was in, and the great need he had for the aid and counsel of the 
Christian King, such as in past times had been given to his ancestors. 
She replied that the King and herself were full of good will towards 
the continuance of the friendship and the helping of the king of 
Scotland ; but the state of things in France hardly gave the Christian 
King breathing space in his own country, and they could, therefore, 
hold out but little hopes of helping the king of Scotland, much as 
they desired to do so. — Paris, 19th April 1587. 

19 April. 73. Lord Paget to Secretary Idiaquez. 

K. 1566. 112/ I have written several letters to your Lordship, but as I have bad 
Italian, no reply I fear they may not have reached you. My object is to beg 
your assistance in the payment of the 500 crowns which His Majesty 
generously accorded to me in Madrid as a grant in aid of my 
expenses. The ambassador says the amount will have to be deducted 
from the ordinary pensions payable to us up to the 1st January last. 
As the order was given on the treasurer in Madrid in the form of a 
grant in aid, and we signed acknowledgments in the same form, I 
pray you kindly to ascertain His Majesty's intentions in the matter 
and use your influence in my favour, for God knows how I suffered 
on the journey. I am well aware that all I receive from His Majesty 
proceeds from his own magnanimity, and from no merit of my own, 
and I will never ceas* to h-imbly thank and faithfully serve him to 
the last hour of my life. If I can be of any use to him, pray 
command me, and if I am too importunate in the matter, I beseech 
you to forgive me and recollect that to ask often for a thing proves 
that it is really needed. — Paris, 19th April 1587. 

(Signed) II Baron Pagietto 

di Beldiserto. 

20 April. 74. Thomas Throckmorton to Secretary Idiaquez. 
P KTi5tr h ii3!' .Letter to a similar effect to the above, relative to a grant in aid of 
Italian. 200 crowns during his journey to Madrid. 


20 April. 75. Advices from London, 20 April, 1587 (new style). 

K ri l^t6 ^C n4 e . 8, Dr * ke left Plymouth on Saturday, 11 April* (by our style) with 
34 ships of the fleet, four of them being Queen's ships, the best she 
has, of 700 and 800 tons, and two of her pinnaces, all armed 
with bronze pieces. The rest are merchantmen, but comprise 
some of the best ships in the country. They are well armed, 
victualled for eight months, and carry 2,000 men, all seamen and no 
soldiers. The intention is to intercept the flotillas from Peru, which 
they are confident of capturing if they meet them. Some people 
say that if the weather serves they will run into Cadiz, and do 
what damage they can to the shipping and city, breaking the bridge 
first which connects it with the mainland, and thus preventing 
succour reaching the people, whom they expect to take unawares. 
But the intention &s to the Peruvian flotilla is absolutely certain. 
Andr^ de Loo arrived here last week from Brussels with the reply 
of his Highness respecting peace. The Queen instantly sent couriers 
to Plymouth to stop Drake from sailing until further orders, but 
they were too late and he was gone. But still peace is spoken of, 
and the Queen desires it much : God send it to us. A gentleman 
arrived here last Friday to inform the Queen that the Ostend people 
learnt that his Highness was going to besiege them, and if lie did so 
they could not hold out 1 5 days, as they had no men, guns, powder, 
or other stores. They ask the Queen for at least 1,000 soldiers, with 
artillery and victuals. She sent the man to the earl of Leicester, 
who is at the baths, 100 miles off, in order that he might take the 
necessary measures. To-day a man arrived from the Sluys to tell 
• the Queen that if she does not provide for Ostend, as requested, the 
place will be lost ; and this must lead to the loss of the Sluys, for 
which town also they ask for aid in men and stores, as Flushing 
cannot send them a man. 

The Queen wrote three days since to certain persons in the city 
asking them to lend Don Antonio 30,0002., to be guaranteed by her, 
and to provide him with 3,000 men to accompany him in a fleet. 
They met on Saturday last with Don Antonio's representatives, one 
of them being Dr. Lopez, and read the Queen s letter, to which they 
promised a reply on Monday. This evening (Monday) I will report 
what the answer is. 

I forgot to say that the gentleman from Ostend avers his belief 
that if his Highness were to offer the captain of the place a sum of 
money to surrender the town he would do so, they are in such 

25 April, 76. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King. 

K^s^^n*' kinc® m y 1®** * have 8een the new friend f who had expressed a 
desire fr»r an interview* I thanked him from your Majesty for his 
goodwill, and gave him the 2,000 crowns which your Majesty 

* There is evidently some confusion of dates here. Drake's fleet left Plymouth on the 
19th (English style) and the despatch sent after him, as described in this letter, sailed on 
the 15th. The date of the letter should probably be " old style " instead of new style. 

t The English ambassador, Sir Edward Stafford. 




ordered, through the third person who was present.* & e was very 
grateful, and said that, saving the person of the Queen, he would 
devote himself to whatever service your Majesty required, with the 
zeal which I should witness. I assured bim that his recompense 
should be proportionate with Ins service, and pointed out to him 
that, in the present state cf things in England, it was the safest 
course to be on your Majesty's side, which he confessed was true, 
and said if the Queen disappeared many of the principal people 
would follow your Majesty. 

He is informed that when Drake left the Thames the Queen sent 
orders to Plymouth that men were to be raised there with all haste, 
so that ^hen Drake arrived they might be shipped at once. We 
have no further news on the point 

The king of France urged him (Stafford) secretly, through 
Believre, to use all his influence to maintain the friendship between 
England and France. 

Bruce has arrived with the dispatch from the duke of Parma, 
which I enclose. I have had it ciphered instantly, so as not to lose 
time in explaining the matter to your Majesty, t 

I told Bruce what your Majesty orders me, and when I arrived 
at the two points of taking up arms and releasing the King, he 
interrupted me, and said they did not ask for the 150,000 crowns for 
those two purposes alone, which could be effected in a fortnight 
after they arrived in Scotland, but for the conversion of the country 
to the Catholic faith. I approved of this, and said your Majesty 
understood as much ; and I immediately wrote to the duke of Parma 
and Muzio (the duke of Guise) to the effect that I will inform your 
Majesty later,! as I have no time to dwell upon the matter in this. 
I will try to send Bruce to Scotland assured to us. He has offered 
the duke of Parma the port of Petty Leith, the best in the kingdom, 
or any other he may desire. With the general letters I send your 
Majesty a letter from Antonio de Vega, who is now free, addressed 
under cover to Geronimo Lopez Sapayo, to your Majesty. He 
says he reports to your Majesty the departure of Drake. — Paris, 
25th April 1587. 

April. 77. The Duke of Parma to Bernardino de Mendoza. 

Paris Archives, [EXTRACT.] 

I informed you of my decision about Scotland and the steps I had 
taken with the gentleman (Bruce), and sent you a warrant for 
10,000 crowns for the purpose mentioned. It was necessary to find 
some trustworthy person to take it, and to accompany the escort of 
the grain ships, and make all the necessary arrangements for their 
taking them quietly into Dunkirk at the time decided upon ; and 
Bruce introduced to me the bearer, Captain Thomas Foster. I am 

* Charles Arundell. 

t In the King's hand : —" / do not understand this about the cipher. Tell me what it 
wmns, and return the copy which is inside." 

By a perusal of the enclosure, which follows this letter, it will be seen that, to save time 
Mendoza had sent the King a ciphered extract of the Duke's letter. 

J In the King's hand. " I do not know whether this comej in the other letteri." 

K. 1566. 115. 



glad of this, as be seems a very fit person for the task, and I send 
him to you in order that you may instruct him exactly how he is 
to proceed. He will have to be accompanied by the other man', 
who, or someone else, must stay with the ships which are to leave 
for Scotland and join the grain ships at Dunkirk at the end of July 
or first days of August, neither sooner nor later, in order not to 
arouse suspicion, as the men will bo ready at exactly that time. 
Pray enjoin much care and prudence on both of these gentlemen, 
and especially that they must arrange for the port of Petty Leith 
to be assured, so that no hitch or obstacle shall occur to raise any 
doubt, which would upset the whole design and bring with it other 
difficulties of the highest import, since the success of this plan will, 
we hope, be of such great advantage. 

In the despatch you have since sent me from the King I am 
instructed to offer the gentleman money instead of troops, as there 
are no men ready in Spain. As I have adopted tho course above- 
mentioned as the most convenient and advantageous to the King's 
interests, and to begin with new proposals to them might make 
them pause, I have decided not to make any change, and have 
advised His Majesty to that effect I hope he will approve of it as 
my zeal and good intentions deserve. 

I leave in your hands the task of carrying the plan forward. As 
punctuality is of the very highest importance, and all the ships, both 
those direct from Scotland and the grain ships, should arrive at 
Dunkirk at the end of July or beginning of August, I beg you will 
urge this upon both the gentlemen most earnestly. If they see that 
the shipping of so much grain is likely to cause suspicion, they 
must only ship as much as may be advisable and consistent with 
dissimulation ; but on no account are they to allow the shipping of 
£rain, or anything else, to stand in the way of all the ships arriving 
at the time appointed. I am making all my calculations in the 
matter, depending upon this point. 

25 April. 78. Bernardino db Mendoza to the King. 

kIwmT^iw* * k ave to inform your Majesty that I have letters from London, 

dated 20th, saying that Drake was at Plymouth, embarking his 
men with all haste. The Queen had told the earl of Leicester 
resolutely that he must return to Holland, and her ambassador 
here publicly states this. The Queen had sent orders to Horatio 
Pallavicini to return to England, as he advises her that he had 
disbursed the 100,000 crowns, which he had provided on her orders, 
for the raising of the Reiters, which was now certainly proceeding. 

Don Antonio was in L ndon, poor and dissatisfied, with no 
appearance of his going to join Drake's fleet — Paris, 25th April 

30 April. 79. Antonio de Vega to Bernardino de Mendoza. 

K?i56^ 120? Sends three Portuguese to him, to prevent them from following 

Portuguese, his uncle (i.e., Don Antonio) My uncle is on the 

high road to a complete breach with this lady (the Queen), and is 
uncertain whither he shall go, but at present inclines to sail for 



Holland with the greater part of his people in the ship the Queen 
gave him. If he is well received he will stay, and if not he will 
dismiss his people and go to Constantinople, by way of Germany, 
with three or four unknown persons, unless something be done to 
prevent the carrying out of his design. He ordered yesterday a 
ship to be secretly freighted for Barbary, saying that ho was going 
to send thither Mathias Becudo, but it may be suspected that he 
will go himself. If it were not for me he would go to France, but 
I was the cause of his losing all hope of success there, as I influenced 
the French ambassador here who wrote to the king of France. He 
(Don Antonio) determined to have roe killed under another pretext, 
and I had as much as I could do to save myself. I will report all 
that happens by Baltasar Baez, who will leave at latest in four or 
five days. He already has his passport from the Queen, who is 
letting some people go, and has even given passports to two friars to 
go to France. It will be necessary for your lordship to advise the duke 
of Panna and others not to teli the bearers (the three Portuguese 
named) anything about me, only that they are to take this to 
Gaspar Diaz Montesinos. I did not approach them as I had no 
answer to my letter to you about them, but I have no doubt they 
will always do as I wish them as they are under deep obligation to 
me for their liberty. 

I have gained over Dr. Ruy Lopez, and have converted him to his 
Majesty's service with good promises, and he has already done 
wonders in trying to get him (Don Antonio) turned out of here, and 
to divert other matters, which will be explained at length by the 
afore-mentioned messenger. I do not know whether I have done 
right in this ; pray tell me. He (Dr. Lopez ?) says that your 
lordship bad already had approaches made to him through Suygo„ 
who had offered him anything he liked to ask if he ceased to 
interest himself in my uncle's affairs. Pray^advise His Majesty and 
ask his approval of what I have done, as my only aim is to serve 

A week since the Holland fleet of 24 sail arrived at Dover to join 
Drake, or to remain here. It was said that they were to go after 
Drake at once, but Walsingham tells me that for the present they 
will remain in the Channel, as they are in fear, Drake having only 
taken out 24 sail. A man came yesterday from Lord Buckhurst 
in Holland, who says the States concede all the Queen's demands. 
The French Ambassador's gentleman who was arrested has been 
released.* — London, 30th April 1587. 

Note. —The above letter, like all those of Antonio de Vega, is 
excessively obscure and ill-constructen. To it Bernardino de 
Mendoza has appended the following note : — 

" What he says about my having sounded Dr. Lopez through 
Suygo is a great lie. I will write and tell him so and ask him if 
he is so cert un about Dr. Lopez, why he does not have his uncle 

* Destrappes, who was accused of complicity in William Stafford and Moody's 
pretended plan to kill the Queen. Vega himself was an inmate of the French embassy. 

He calU Chateauueuf his relative. 



put out of the way altogether. On a mere hint that Don Guerau 
de Spes gave him (Lopez) he offered to purge a Portuguese who was 
busy about some expeditions to be sent from England to the Indies. 
He took the recipe to the apothecary's himself, and on his way let 
it fall out of his breeches pocket, in consequence of which he was 
kept for six montbs in the Tower. I will say that this other 
business will be well paid for, as the said doctor knows, and it may 
be settled without hesitation." 

The Portuguese referred to above, whose murder was suggested 
by Don Guerau de Spes, the former Spanish ambassador in London, 
was Bartolom6 Bayon, and the matter is mentioned in the previous 
volume of this Calendar, but I cannot find any record of Dr. Lopez 
having been imprisoned as asserted. 

April ? 80. Advices from Scotland. 

WsSSlT The kin 8 o£ Scotland arrived at Dumfries on the 12th April, 

French accompanied by the earls of Bothwell and Angus, the master of 

Glamis and others, for the purpose of collaring Maxwell, but the 

latter received warning the previous night and fled — no one knows 


There is much suspicion amongst the nobles who surrounded the 
King that Maxwell was secretly advised by His Majesty himself to 
take himself off the night before. It is impossible at present to 
see what course they will take— that of peace or war — as they have 
not yet received the reply from France for which they are waiting. 
It is said that Maxwell is now in the town of Ayr with James 
Stuart, otherwise the earl of Arran, whose progress in popery is 
thought to be not without the King's connivance. * 

They are talking about having a meeting shortly, but there is a 
doubt as to where it will be held. There is great disagreement 
between the Lords of the North and those of the South, and most of 
the latter are coming to meet the King. 

The King is sending an ambassador to Denmark, with the object, 
as is believed, of treating for his marriage with the daughter of that 

3 May. 81. The Duke of Guise to Bernardino de Mendoza. 

kTi566. 122* Thanks for letter of 23rd ultimo conveying the king of Spain's 

French, condolence for the death of the queen of Scots. The punishment 

for the crime cannot be long delayed, and the writer will not 

dwell upon the point, which only brings up recollections of the 

bereavement he has suffered. 

He has been informed by Bruce as to all that has been arranged, 
and fully acknowledges the wisdom and prudence with which 
Mendoza has for so long conducted English affairs ; the absence of 
these qualities there since Mendoza's departure, having brought 
things to their present pass, points out the difficulty and danger of 
the duke of Parma's plan to get ships from the Scots nobles. The 
delay will ruin the affair. Delay caused the failure of the last 
attempt in England. 



Recommends that ships should be sent from Spain and the men 
shipped at once, without waiting for any fresh answer from Scotland. 

3 May. 82. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King. 

k*\*$6 i2?* I g* ve the Scots ambassador yeur Majesty's gracious message 
' for his King, for which he was very grateful. He is writing to him 
by Robert Bruce, who is leaving. Both the ambassador and he are 
fully aware of how advantageous it will be for their King to seek 
your Majesty's protection. They were strongly urging him to this 
before his mother's death, but since then they have become even 
more pressing. It was unnecessary, therefore, for me to impress 
this upon them, but. I have told Bruce exactly how he is to proceed 
with the King. 

The ambassador (Beaton) has received the despatches mentioned 
in my general letter, and says that the moment his instructions are 
deciphered I shall have them. As in this and all things he is so 
frankly devoted to your Majesty, I thought best to inform him of 
the grant your Majesty had given him of 4,000 crowns in one sum, 
in order to pledge him the more to us, rather than to divide it into 
various payments. I cannot say how grateful he is. He did not 
expect tnat your Majesty would even think of him, much less make 
him so handsome a present. I have also given the 1,000 crowns 
alms from your Majesty to the Jesuits in Scotland. They are 
being taken by a good and learned priest of the order who 
accompanies Bruce. 

I have no answer from Muzio either about Scotland or to my 
condolences for the death of the queen of Scotland. I have also 
condoled with this King in your Majesty's name. He replied in 
general terms, said he was sure you would be grieved as it touched 
him so closely, that his pain was increased by the particulars I gave 
him, &c. In the question of your Majesty's rights to the Crown 
of England, I have stated them when I have been spoken to upon 
the subject. 

In order to oppress the Guises, the King says that no heretic shall 
succeed him, and he has endeavoured to get Beam to profess 
Catholicism. He has thus tied his hands, and cannot help the king 
of Scotland against England, nor can the Guises, seeing the claims 
they are raising here. 

I have had the histories of England carefully read by experts 
lately, and find that even if the king of Scotland be not excluded 
for heresy, your Majesty is the legal heir to the crown by the line 
of Lancaster and Portugal, the house of York, or the White Rose, 
having usurped it. This will be seen by the papers I will shortly 

This King hears on all hands that your Majesty is determined to 
attack England, and as the Queen-mother was desirous of learning 
from an English pensioner of hers here what truth there was in the 
rumour that the queen of England was seeking peace with your 
Majesty, I had her informed that the duke of Parma had carried 
very far the negotiations for an agreement. This was to take their 
minds off the other idea, and the Queen-mother was delighted at 



the news, saying she expected it, and that no doubt your Majesty's 
preparations were for Barbary. 

I have informed Muzio of your Majesty's offer to pay them 
300,000 crowns whenever they will take up arms, but to send them 
forces would do more harm than good.* 

The new friend informs me that some Frenchmen have offered 
the English ambassador that they wiJl, for 50,000 crowns, furnish 
his mistress with a place on the frontier near Calais, which place 
they will take and hold for three months, and she can keep. He 
wrote to the Queen about it, but as the answer did not come, 
M. de Montcarin, the cousin of the duke of Epernon, who makes the 
offer, has sent word to the ambassador by the intermediary, 
M. de Mesmes, that the men are all stationed ready for the 
execution of the plan, and as expense is being incurred, if he will 
undertake that the Queen will give them 50,000 crowns they will 
immediately carry the enterprise into effect. The ambassador 
replies that the answer must soon come now, and they had better 
wait. The friend rightly concludes from this that as they are so 
ready to undertake this, it must be with the countenance of the 
king of France, who will be glad thus to trouble your Majesty. I 
have advised the duke of Parma and all the frontier places pf it by 
special courier, who left on the 27th ultimo, recommending great 
vigilance at Gravelines, St. Omer, and Hesdin, as the friend is not 
sure which place is aimed at. He hopes to let me know in time, so 
that those who try the plan may get their heads broken. I enclose 
extract from letter of the duke of Parma in reply to your Majesty's 
instructions about Scotland. 

I have received from the archbishop of Glasgow the 4,000 crowns 
he still retained in his own hands, and have given 1,000 to the 
monks, and used the other 3,000 to pay the pensions to the 
Englishmen. — Paris, 3rd May 1587. 

3 May. 83. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King. 

p j£ 15^125!' The arrests of English and Dutch ships in France prevent the 

regular psissage of travellers except on pressing needs, so that I 
cannot send news of the armaments as fully as I could wish, but 
I had with me yesterday a man just arrived from Holland, who was 
at Incusen on the 1st (ultimo ?), and says they were fitting out 
eight great war-ships with great haste. The flagship is the " Galleon 
de Bossu," in which Count de Bossu was lost. I have been on board 
of her. She is a fine, swift ship of 600 tons. Four ships were being 
equipped at Middleburg and six at Horn, as well as three war-ships 
at Brille. These vessels will be joined by nine hulks, 30 ships in 

* This was in reply to the request of the Guises for armed aid from Spain to destroy 
the Huguenot*, and coerce the King into becoming their instrument. Philip was always 
desirous of fomenting troubles in France through the Guises, as, in the first place, it 
rendered France powerless to interfere with his plans, in the second, it made the Guises 
his pensioners and unable to forward the interests of their kinsman, James Stuart, against 
him, and, thirdly, it might result in France becoming a weak, and perhaps dismembered 
nation in the hands of the extreme Catholic party under Philip's control. At the same 
time it was evidently not possible for Philip to denude himself of troops at a time when 
his great attack upon England was being prepared. 


1W. , .„ 

*$l, an<1 W1 *l he armed with ordnance, the commander being Turlon, 
vfaO served under Orange, but since the death of the latter has been 
hel<l prisoner by the rebel States on suspicion. He has now been 
leased by the influence of the queen of England, and publicly 
stai^ that he was going to joiu Drake's fleet. I am told that only 
geatnen are being shipped on these vessels, and that the hurry in 
which they were being despatched prevented them from taking 
much victuals. I learn from Calais that, on the 16th ultimo, 20 ships 
in order of battle were seen in the Straits, 14 of them being great 
ships, apparently war vessels, as guns were heard firing. Up to the 
22nd there passed 16 Dutch hulks, followed by fly boats and small 
craft from Flushing. I have no certain news of the departure of the 
Dutch ships, but as there has been, unfortunately, plenty of time 
for them since the beginning of April, and these ships were sailing 
in the direction of Spain, I fear they may be the same vessels as 
were being equipped in Holland, unless they be a flotilla of hulks, 
sailing in company to Brouage for salt. I think beet to let your 
Majesty know in any case by special courier, as they are more 
likely to be the Dutch fleet to join Drake than salt-hulks at this 
time of year, besides which salt is not a cargo that can afford to pay 
for an escort. To judge from the men both Drake and the Dutch 
ships are taking, it certainly looks as if the intention were to plunder 
the Indian flotillas and commit some depredations, rather than 
establish themselves on land. 

I have no fresh news of Drake since my last, as the weather has 
prevented passage from England. They write from Rouen under 
date of 30th ultimo that a Breton ship reports that Drake had 
fought with some Biscay ships, and had himself been killed. They 
were betting 50 to 100 that this was true. 

Fresh letters from Scotland have arrived, via Zeeland, aud the 
archbishop of Glasgow has received his commission as ambassador 
from the king of Scotland. He is to present letters to the king of 
France, it is believed to ask for help. The king of Scotland has 
restored the archbishop of Glasgow and the bishop of Ross 
publicly to all their temporal and ecclesiastical dignities, in face of all 
the ministers who had dared to oppose the step. The archbishop 
of Glasgow, although he will attend to the King's affairs here, will 
not t:ike the title of ambassador until he has permission from his 
Holiness to do so. — Paris, 3rd May 1587. 

8 May. 84. Bernardino de Mendoza to (Idiaquez ?). 

K. 1566. 128. ' Captain Calfer, a Frenchman of St. Malo, has been to see me 

telling me that your lordship told him to do so when he reached 
France.* As he said he had to take a ship back to Spain I did not 
go into particulars with him, but gave him letters of introduction. 
He seems a clever sort of man. He says some of the courtiers here 
have been asking him whether the Queen of England's fortresses in 
Jersey and Guernseyf are strong, and he infers from this that this 

* In the King's hand, "Who is thU? Tell me." 

t In the King's hand, «' They are opposite the Isle of Wight, but nearer Franca 
i 95498. r 




King will break with the queen of England ; but there are too 
many signs to the contrary for it to be credible. 

From the talk of the Portuguese here, I gather that Don Antonio 
will shortly leave England. Samson confirms this, and says there 
are a large number of Portuguese in England with passports to 
come to France, headed by Antonio Brito. I will send a special* 
courier to advise anything suddenly important about Don Antonio. 
The Queen had given him 6,000 crowna These Portuguese say that 
Drake sailed from Plymouth with only 40 ships, large and small, 
and that 10 armed ships from Flushing had captured 30 wheat 
hulks from Hamburg and brought them into the Thames, but the 
Queen had refused to approve of the capture. — Paris, 8th May 1587. 

10 May. 85. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King. 

K?i566 C i3of' Although I have not had time to diecover whether the ships that 
passed Calais were the Dutch fleet, I think well to report that 
letters from England of 29th ultimo make no mention of ships 
from Holland, except that there are three at the mouth of the 
Thames. Such a number as this can only be to plunder or to carry 
back some of the deputies. They report from St. Malo that the 
English ships that had escorted the vessels which took munitions 
from Denmark to Bochelle, had engaged a French ship called the 
" Dolphin," of 300 tons, and had captured another of 50 tons called 
the " Margaret," killing 30 men. From this it would seem certain 
that the ships that passed Calais were these on the way to Rochelle, 
which return with cargoes of salt. Letters from Zeeland, moreover, 
make no mention of the departure of a fleet. I am hourly expecting 
precise information from my correspondents. 

Letters from London, dated 22nd and 23rd ultimo, report 
variously that Drake left Plymouth on the 11th and 12th, with 
forty odd sail, and reports come from London on the 29th that he 
had put back into an English port. I cannot say for certain which 
is true, as I have net a word from my Fleming, and the new confidant 
has no precise information on the matter. 

The queen of England had released Trapes, the French ambas- 
sador's gentleman* who is now at the embassy with a passport to 
come hither. The Queen had sent word to Chateauneuf that as he 
would not go and see her without orders from his King, at least he 
might let his wife do so. This is a sign she is softening after these 
quarrels about the arrest* — Paris, 10th May 1587. 

* Elizabeth had sent Walsingham to Chateauneuf two months earlier to bring about 
good relations, and on the 1 3th May, three days after the date of this letter Chateauneuf 
wrote to Henry III. (Teulet) giving him an account of the interview he had just had with 
the Queen. She drew him playfully aside and said " Voici notre homme qui m'a vouki 
" faire tuer." She then made a complete amende to the ambassador, admitting that he 
had been the victim of shameless rogues (William Stafford and Moody) and expressed 
her great sorrow that Destrappes, who was now free, should have been so much incon- 
venienced by his imprisonment, as she learnt that he was going to follow the profession 
of the law at Pariz, " Mais vous lui direz " (she continued) " que je ne crois pas jamais 
" plaider ung proces a Paris oil il se puisse venger du tort que je lui ay faiet." And so 
the quarrel ended* 


13 May. 86. T^ e King to Bernardino dk Mendoza. 

P K^l4^ 1 nt , Your le . tters of 5th, 9th, 12th, and 19th April received, and 

although it would appear from the first two that the English 

armaments had slackened, and the Dutch ships had not joined them, 

the later letters brought correct information, if only they had 

arrived somewhat earlier. They (the English) were, however, too 

quick ; for, as far as can be judged, the same fleet which you 

reported as gathering at Plymouth, had entered into the port of 

Cadiz as you said it might do, on the same day as, or a little before, 

your intelligence reached here. The damage it committed there was 

not great, but the daring of the attempt was so.* Although the 

course the fleet took when it left there is not known, a fleet of ours 

will shortly go out from Lisbon in pursuit. As you see how these 

people are preparing, and how diligent they are in fitting out their 

ships and taking them to sea, it will be evident to you how 

infinitely important it is that you should get and send with all 

speed news of the 12 ships which you say Winter is preparing for 

sea, and of any other fleet or movement you hear of. Discover also 

whether in addition to the ships they send out, they have a fleet in 

the Channel, what troops they have sent to Holland, and how many 

are in Ireland, and all other information you can gather. You did 

well in keeping (in Paris) the man who came from the English 

ports with news; and you will be careful to preserve the new 

confidant, availing yourself of him as much as possible, as he seems 

to be going straight. 

Report as usual also about Don Antonio, and what has become 
of him, and why they said recently that he had embarked on the 
fleet, which was not the case. 

It is a good sign that the king of Scotland has made so wise a 
choice as the ambassador of his late mother to represent him in 
France. I shall be glad to know what face they put upon it there. 
— Aranjuez, 13th May 1587. 

13 May. 87. The King to Bernardino de Mendoza. 

kTi448. m! Th e ^ttle book about the English succession has been received, 

and it was good to send it in this language (English ?), although we 
have it here already in others. You, however, must only speak 
about my rights to well disposed native Englishmen, so that they 
may be informed of the truth, and convey it to others of their 
nationality, and it may thus spiead and gain ground amongst them. 
It will be, however, unadvisable to treat of the matter with 
Frenchmen and others, who will only take it in hand for the 
purpose of under-mining it ; so you will be silent on the subject to 

It will be only right that his Holiness should give permission to 
the archbishop of Glasgow to accept the post of ambassador from 
his King, because everything is to be gained by affairs passing 

* Drake's fleet entered Cadiz harbour on the 89th April (N. S.), and remained there 
until the 10th May, haying burnt or wrecked almost every ship in the port, but did no, 
damage on land. Drake landed, however, at Faro for water, and had to fight for it. 

F 2 



through his hands, rather than through those of anyone coming 
from Scotland. T am writing to the Count de Olivares to use his 
efforts to this end, and I am looking with interest for the informa- 
tion you will receive about the message sent to the King in my 
name through the Archbishop (of Glasgow). — Aranjuez, 13th May 

10 to 15 88. Sampson's Advices from London. 
May. The French ambassador saw the Queen on the 9th, and she 

^"lM^wr'S 1611 ^ caressed him, with many excuses about the past* Tho 

earl of Leicester was full of offers of friendship, and said he wished 
nothing better than that he should put him in the King's good 
graces, as he, Leicester, was the most devoted servitor he had in 

The Queen has released Trapes and given him a passport, and has 
liberated two Scots Jesuits who were in the Tower. 

Don Antonio shows signs of wishing to leave. He is sending his 
eldest son to Holland with Diego Botello, it is said to negotiate 
with the rebels for aid in ships and money. He is dismissing all 
his followers, most of them going to join the rebels in Holland, and 
he will only be attended by 15 persons. 

He is sending Cristobal (Custodio ?) Leiton to ask the king of France 
for 20,000 crowns through the Queen-mother and the duke of Joyeuse, 
and his intercessors are making great speeches about an important 
enterprise in which the queen of England will help him. He is 
also sending Pedro de Oro, the late French consul in Lisbon, to ask 
the king of Navarre for help. In order to avoid arousing the 
suspicions of the Queen-mother he sent him by Rochelle. Don 
Antonio is very dissatisfied in England, and will be glad to go to 
France. But he wants to be sought and begged to come, and to 
be granted a castle and enough to live upon, without having any 
but Portuguese near him. 

20 May. 89. Bernabdino de Mendoza to the King. 

Paris Archives, f EXTRACT.] 

The appointment of the archbishop of Glasgow as Scots ambassador 
has aroused great hopes here of the conversion of the King, par- 
ticularly in view of the restoration to their dignities of the said 
Archbishop, the bishop of Ross, and a Carthusian friarf ; and there 
may be some ground for the hope from these last acts, but the 
appointment of ambassador only signifies that the King desires to 
follow a certain line in politics, and not in religion, and would like 
to stand well with all parties. Qod enlighten him ! His mother 
died so Christian a death that God, in His infinite mercy, may make 
this a means of opening his eyes. The Archbishop presented his 
letters to the King, the Queen-mother, and the Queen, and although 
they wished to treat him as an ambassador, he refused, giving as his 
reason, that although he was obliged to serve the king of Scotland, 

* Se§ note to letter, Mendosa to the King, 10th May, page 82. 
f Chkhohn, bishop of Dunblane. 



he could not take the title of his ambassador, as he had not given 
in his submission to the Holy See. The coolness, moreover, with 
which this King and his mother had treated him when his last 
embassy ended did not make him eager to accept another near them. 
When they heard his reasons they were very gracious, saying that 
on no account would they receive any other ambassador, and would 
write to his Holiness warmly, asking him to request the Archbishop 
to accept the post. They also ordered a good present to be given to 
him, and they think by these means to make up for their past 
neglect of him, and their coolness after his mistress died. They are 
acting thus because they believe that if they do not show increasing 
friendliness and goodwill to the king of Scotland he will turn his 
eyes to your Majesty, of which they are very suspicious. One of 
the Queen-mother's plans for quieting troubles here is to represent 
to the duke of Guise or his brother that whenever they like to go 
and assist the king of Scotland in his English enterprise, since he 
now shows signs of turning Catholic, they shall be helped with 
forces from here to the extent they desire. She pointed out to them 
with infinite discourse how much better it will be for them to 
undertake this enterprise than to maintain the war in France, where 
it will be so difficult for them to put down the heretics. In the face 
of the fact that the duke of Guise, Cardinal Bourbon, and the 
other confederate Princes are in arms to extirpate heretics, it is a 
fine idea to persuade them to help to the throne of England the king 
of Scotland, who has been a heretic from his cradle. I am told that 
they (i.e., the King and Queen-mother) are writing to Rome to have 
the Pope informed of the hopes that exist of the King's conversion, 
he being the heir to the English Crown, and bound to avenge his 
mother's death. If, they say, your Majesty attempts anything 
against the queen of England, the Christian King will be obliged 
to prevent it, even though it be by disturbing Italy, for which 
opportunities will not be lacking. They think this last remark is 
more likely to put spurs to his Holiness than any other.* I have 
not heard that the Scots ambassador did anything more at the 
audience than present his letters. From the last letters from Scot- 
land, received from England and sent herewith, your Majesty will see 
that they are bringing up an old prophecy of venerable Bede to the 
effect that a king of Scotland called James, who will have a birth- 
mark upon his breast, will go to Spain, and thence to Borne, where 
he will enter the walls. The Scots ministers interpret this to mean 
the present King, who bears upon his breast a mark caused by his 
mother's alarm when she was pregnant, at seeing her secretary, 
David (Rizzio), stabbed to death before her eyes ; and they say that 
his entering the walls signifies that he will destroy papistry, as they 
call it. The people who have printed the prophecy point out to the 
readers that rather would the heresy which had for years ruled the 
land be destroyed, and the whole island would then be subject to a 
great monarch, holding his Court at York and not in London. The 
reading of this prophecy was prohibited ; and redly it sounds more 

* The King in a marginal note draws especial notice to this 



like "Merlin than venerable Bede, but the English and Scots are 
naturally inclined to these things, and credit them, however fictitious 
they may be. — Paris, 20th May 1587. 

20 May. 90. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King. 

^ n i 5 tr^lT 9 The new friend reports that the queen of England writes on the 
' 29th to her ambassador, ordering him to strive his utmost to bring 
this King to an agreement, according to the instructions sent. These 
are to the effect that he is to point out by various arguments how 
much reason both this King and she (the queen of England) have 
for suspicion of the power of your Majesty, and how necessary it is 
for them to try to check it by every means. She desires therefore 
to settle past differences, and will give him every satisfaction, 
drawing closer the alliance between them. The ambassador is to repre- 
sent with much discourse that the execution of the queen of Scotland 
was of more advantage to this King than to England, in consequence 
of the favour which the Guises might expect from her. To enable 
him to broach this subject the Queen sends the letter to this King 
which I mention in my general dispatch. 

I understand that the moment the ambassador got these 
instructions he went to Believre, who asked him at once whether it 
was true that his mistress was coming to terms with your Majesty. 
He replied that he saw no signs of it in the face of Drake's 
voyage, the talk about helping Don Antonio, and sending the earl 
of Leicester back to Holland, to which must be added the suspicions 
aroused by the declarations of the English Catholics as to your 
Majesty's claim to the Crown. This alone, he said, was a sufficient 
reason to prevent the Queen from being friendly with your Majesty. 
. Believre replied that the Spaniards always fished in troubled waters 
and particularly I, who was a false and devilish spirit, who sent 
nothing to the King (of Spain) but that from which advantage could 
be gained to your Majesty's service. He could not tell him, he said, 
how I took advantage of things here with this end, but in a way 
which did not enable the King to call me to account, but he asked 
the ambassador whether I had not seized upon this claim of your 
Majesty to the Crown of England. The ambassador answered that 
he would rather die a thousand deaths than live under the tyranny 
of the Spaniards, and if your Majesty succeeded he should live in 
France; but he might privately confess to him (Believre) that 
according to the genealogies he had seen in England your Majesty 
not only had might on your *d le, but a right to the Crown as one of 
the next heirs, to whom the rest of the claimants would submit as 
they would be unable -to resist you ; but God forbid, he said, that he 
should ever live to see such a thing. I am told that when Belifevfe 
heard this he was thunderstruck and answered not a word. This is 
the position here upon this point, and t' e King and Queen-mother 
think that they will exclude your Majesty's claim by holding out 
hopes of the king of Scotland's conversion. 

After the conversation the ambassador informed Believre of his 
mistress' instructions to him to come to terms with this King as to 
past questions, and strengthen the friendship between them by a 



new treaty ; and if the King would open the door by proposing 

conditions he, the ambassador, would take the trouble to go secretly 

and arrange them with the Queen. This is in accordance with what 

they write to him, and it will suit him excellently on private grounds, 

as the Queen expresses a desire to favour him and has promised him 

the viceroyalty of Ireland when he leaves here. Belifcvre took the 

letter to give it to the King, saying that he would speak to his 

Majesty upon the subject, and, for his own part, he would do his 

best to promote friendship between the two Crowns, as he was 

convinced that it would be most beneficial to both of them to hinder 

the growth of your Majesty's power. This may well be believed, as 

Believre is a politician, and a friend of Beam and the Huguenots ; 

but for all that the ambassador says that the French seem to be 

smiling upon his mistress only for the purpose of preventing her 

from drawing closer to your Majesty, and they are parleying with 

the king of Scotland with a similar object. He writes this view to 

England, and it is one that will be entertained by Cecil. The latter 

'writes that the Queen is so peevish and discontented that it was 

feared she would not live long. Her temper was so bad that no 

Councillor dared to mention business to her, and when even he (Cecil) 

did so she had told him that she had been strong enough to lift him 

out of the dirt, and she was able to cast him down again. He was 

of opinion, he said, that the Councillors might be divided into three 

categories, namely, those who desired to come to tei ms with Spain, 

those who wished a close friendship with France, and those who 

wanted to stand aloof from both ; and these hist, whilst enriching 

themselves with plunder, would end in setting all the world against 

England. Although Cecil himself was neither a Spaniard nor a 

Frenchman he wished the Queen not to be friendly with one power, 

but with both. King Henry, under whom the country was powerful 

and tranquil, thought he was doing a great thing when he was able 

to make war against France, he being in close intimacy with Spain ; 

and here it was seen that they (the French) were as desirous of 

being friendly with England as the English were with the French. 

. He urges the ambassador to hasten the conclusion of an agreement, 

as the Queen principally depended upon him to bring it about. 

Walsingham and the Lord Admiral write to him Cthe ambassador) 
saying how diligent they -were in getting Drake away with the fleet 
without anything being known about it a week before his departure. 
His (Drake's) orders were to prevent the junction of your Majesty's 
fleet, and enter what ports he could. They have fresh letters from 
Spain, reporting that your Majesty had released the hulks belonging 
to the rebel Hollanders which had been arrested, and that the Indian 
flotillas were not coming this year, so they have sent a despatch 
boat after Drake ordering him on no account to enter any port in 
Spain, but to confine himself strictly to preventing the junction of 
the fleet, especially the galleasses coming from Italy. He was to 
wait and capture two argosies which were to bring munitions from 
Italy, and they also (i.e., Walsingham and the Lord Admiral) urge 
the ambassador to bring about an agreement between the Queen 
*md this King. Ever} thing I have set down here was seen by my 



confidant in the letters themselves. As the rumours about an 
agreement between the queen of England and your Majesty continue, 
the new friend signified to me that if I thought it would be 
beneficial to your Majesty's interests he would cause the negotiations 
to pass through my hands. I told him that your Majesty had 
referred the matter to the duke of Parma, and that it would 
consequently be better for me not to deal with it. He also says that 
if your Majesty approves of his accepting the viceroyaJty of 
Ireland he will do so, with the determination of surrendering the 
country to your Majesty the day his mistress disappears. If, on the 
otLer hand, your Majesty does not wish to accept the country for 
yourself, he will hand it over to whomever your Majesty may choose, 
so that your Majesty, being assured of that part, may be able to 
employ your forces elsewhere. The terms he uses in speaking of 
this prove that affairs in England are in such a condition that, even 
if a change do not occur before October, when he says he is 
leaving here, hot many months will pass before a complete revolution 
takes place. — Paris, 20th May 1587. 

20 May. 91. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King. 

K. n K66 rc i3a. S ^he news cf Drake s having put back into an English port was 
not true. I have now letters from England, dated 4th and 10th 
instant, assuring me that no tidings of Drake had been received since 
his departure from Plymouth, although on the 8th it was reported at 
Rouen by a Breton ship that he had entered the river at Lisbon 
with his fleet, but had only got out again with great loss of ships 
and men inflicted upon him by the galleys. There does not seem 
to be much foundation for this ; and it is certain from the news I 
enclose, dated 20th ultimo, that the Queen sent a despatch boat after 
him with great speed on the 15th, and it was believed to order him 
to return, although I do not see much ground for that belief. The 
people who write from London are led to this opinion by the fact that 
the despatch boat was sent immediately after the arrival there of the 
Flemish merchant, Andre de Loo, whom the Englishwoman had sent 
to the duke of Parma on several occasions to open negotiations for 
an agreement with your Majesty. The following words are written 
by several Italian merchants in London, " We hope shortly to have 
peace with his Catholic Majesty.'* The earl cf Leicester was said to 
be making ready to return to * Holland, and the Queen was much 
pleased with the proceedings of Lord Buckhurst there, both on 
account of his having expedited the leaving of the fleet, and his 
having reconciled Count Hohenlohe with Colonel Norris. 

The Dutch fleet which had left to follow Drake was in the Thames 
and the Queen had ordered it to remain in the Channel to guard it. 
The Channel was crowded with English, Dutch, and Zeeland pirates, 
who had prevented M. de Grillon from passing with his ships to 
Boulogne, until the Queen had ordered them to allow him to do so. 

The English ambassador here has letters from his mistress, dated 
29th ultimo, and immediately after receiving them he was closeted 
with Believre for some hours ; the result beino; that Belifevre took a 
letter for the King, written by the queen of England with her own 



hand. The letter was closed in a most extravagant way, the outside 

wing covered with ciphers. When the King had read the letter he 

said to Believre, in a way that those present could hear, " The queen 

of England always thinks that everyone must be in love with her ; 

I will answer this letter myself." 

The King has despatched a " valet de chambre " and it is believed 

that he carries orders for all the English ships to be released in the 

various ports, if the queen of England will act similarly with the 

French, and allow the wheat ships for Normandy to come at once. 

The seizure of them has much distressed this country, as there is a 

great scarcity. The King overlooks the loss of 120 ships, which have 

been captured by the English from the French since last January 

only, most of which have disappeared, having been stolen by pirates. 

Your Majesty will judge that the King will hardly care to perpetuate 

his quarrel with the Englishwoman for them, but will prefer to have 

the embargoes raised on the ships in port. r J hey (the French) have 

not given any intimation on the matter to the English ambassador 

here, following the course pursued by the queen of England with the 

French ambassador. 

Trapes, the French ambassador's gentleman, has arrived here from 
England, so that Waad now has hopes of being able to leave as soon 
as the English ambassador has audience of the King, for which he 
has asked. The King, however, is delaying it to see how the Queen 
of England behaves with bis ambassador. Letters of the 10th report 
that the latter had had audience at Greenwich and that Don Antonio 
was still in London. 

Meneses, Castro, and other Portuguese have arrived here, dis- 
satisfied with Don Antonio, and are desirous of joining the duke 
of Joyeuse if he intends to arm any ships. They said vt first that 
Don Antotrio was leaving England, but they ore not so confident 
about it now. 

The English ambassadors declare that Drake took out 60 sail, but 
the truth is that when he left Plymouth he had not 40, including the 
pinnaces. All accounts agree that he had 24 large ships. — Paris, 
20th May 1587. 

20 May. 92. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King. 

j£"i56 cTVac*' I send enclosed Muzio's answer to my letter about Scotland. 

Neither I nor Bruce informed him of the duke of Parma's decision 
as to the time for sending the troops, as Muzio's affairs pass through 
so many hands that it was not prudent to do so. I conveyed to him 
what your Majesty had communicated to the Scots lords, to the effect 
that you approved of their appealing to arms, if it was done at a 
time when no injury would result to the affairs of this country (i.e., 
the Catholic cause in France) which you had as much at heart as 
those of Flanders, both on account of religion and for the sake of the 
security of Muzio himself. 1 said I was commauded to convey this 
to him in order that he might intimate what would be the best time 
for the Scots lords to move; so that in conjunction with the duke 
of Parma, Bruce, who was now going to Scotland, might advise 
them accordingly. I said also that Bruce was going to see whether 


1587. # 

he could get any ships in Scotland, so that Muzio might not complain 

afterwards that he was kept in the dark, although I avoided giving 

any particulars. This is the reason why he mentions in his note the 

loss of time that will occur and that the summer, which is the best 

season, will slip by while Bruce is going backwards and forwards, 

and recommends that the ships should be sent from Spain. 

The duke of Parma advised me to take the necessary sureties when 
I hand Bruce the money; to which I have replied that as all 
suspicion must be avoided, and as he himself orders, I can hardly 
take any other surety than handing Bruce the money through the 
Scots ambassador, and that it was not advisable, at present, to send 
the patent suggested by the ambassador to enable Scots ships to enter 
Dunkirk with the prizes which they might capture from the enemy, 
in order to avoid arousing suspicion.* 

I despatched Bruce as soon as I received the duke of Parma's 
reply on both points. Captain Forster goes with him, and they take 
the money in gold, concealed in their doublets. In accordance with 
the duke of Parma's directions they will embark in Britanny, and I 
secretly arranged with the duke of Mercoeur to aid them with a 
permit to freight a ship for their passage. As Bruce bears letters of 
credence from the duke of Parma and Muzio to the Scottish lords, be 
intimated that it was desirable that he should take one from me as 
well, as I was the person to whom he was sent by them. I did as he 
requested and gave him very minute instructions for his mission, etc. 
and as to the words he was to convey to the king of Scotland from 
your Majesty, so that he is going fully prepared on all points. He is 
a good soul, and so zealous in our Holy Catholic faith that not only 
has he given his all in Scotland to the Jesuits there to aid them in 
their task, and introduce them into the country, but he told me that 
if he had not seen a determination on the part of the three nobles 
who sent him to postpone everything for the religious question, 
he would never have undertaken his mission, which had for its object 
the forcing of the King to become a Catholic. He assured me that 
he would speak very plainly to the King, and point out to him the 
error in which he was living, impressing upon him the importance 
for soul's sake, and in the interests of his claim, to abandon it. He 
says no one yet has ventured to do this ; and he promises to let me 
know instantly, for your Majesty's information, how he finds the King 
inclined, as upon that will depend your Majesty's treatment of him. 

He is also fully impressed as to the time when the ships have to 
be in Dunkirk, and the necessity for securing Petty Leith, which 
the duke of Parma requests, and two neighbouring ports which are 
not inferior to it in capacity. He assures me that these, and any 
others your Majesty may require, will be obtained for you by the 
three nobles. God carry him thither in safety, and deliver him 
from the host of pirates who infest the sea. 

The effect of the king of Scotland's instructions to the arch- 
bishop of Glasgow is to point out at great length to this King the 

* The writer appears to have made a slip he re. The Archbishop's suggestion was 
that Parma's armed privateer* from Dunkirk should have access to Scotch ports. 



ofcrligfrtion imposed upon him, by the very oid friendship between 

^e two crowns, to help him in avenging the de»th of his mother, 

in *which France is as deeply interested as Scotland, the execution 

YiaVing been ordered in the face of a solemn embassy sent by this 

"Kix*g» requesting that the Queen should be spared. These points 

are dwelt upon in a long discourse, and the King is informed that 

the king of Scotland is thus obliged to appeal to him first for help 

and council, as to how he can obtain the support of other Christian 

Princes. The ambassador has not submitted the matter to the King 

yet, as his first audience was only for the purpose of delivering 

his letters. The ambassador has also another secret instruction, 

ordering him to be guided and governed in all things by the duke 

of Guise, and saying that, although he (the king of Scotland) had 

decided to send a person to your Majesty, he would not do so until 

he heard from the duke of Guise whether that would be the better 

course, or to treat secretly with your Majesty through me. 

As the secretary of the king of Scotland, who writes these letters, 
is reputed to be somewhat of a "politician" and a self-seeker, I i< 

have thought that the object of these confidences with the duke of 
Guise may be to find out artfully whether he i3 in communication 
with the Scots Catholics, an8 on what footing he corresponds with 
your Majesty. I have accordingly sent word to Muzio, through 
Mayneville, that when the gentleman who brings the despatches 
(who is a heretic and a creature of the secretary) goes to him (tho 
duke of Guise) he should say, that as your Majesty is so Catholic a 
King, he can hardly say whether you would receive an ambassador 
from the king of Scotland, who does not profess the same religion, 
nor does he know of any better means of approaching you than 
through the archbishop of Glasgow, who might sound me upon the 
subject ; so that I could then proceed in the matter as the interests 
of the Scotch business might demand. 

Mayneville* approved of my suspicion and the action I suggested, 
and I told him what the Queen-mother had proposed to Muzio with 
regard to Scotland. I pointed out to him how injurious it would 
be to Muzio, for many reasons, to listen to it, or to be carried away 
by her words, of the falseness of which he had had such evident 
proofs on numberless occasions. He also knew, I said, how little he 
could depend upon the King's dissimulation, his object being to 
draw them on by an appearance of sincerity to offer their aid to the 
king of Scotland in his English claims, in order to say, if they took 
up arms to prevent Beam from succeeding to the French Crown, 
that they were not moved by any zeal for religion but by personal 
ambition alone. I drove this point home ; and both with regard to 
that and all else he assured me that Muzio was fully alive, and was 
determined to persevere in his course. He said that Muzio would 
laugh at anything the Queen-mother m'ght tell him, and would 

* De MaineviDe had been sent on an embassy to Scotland in 1588 at the instance of 
Guise, whose retainer he was. He had captured the good graces of James, and was stUl 
m communication with many of the Scottish nobles. He was consequently used by Guise 
as his instrument in Scottish affairs. 



answer her by complaining of the terms of the communication 
taken to them by Believre. 

I send copy of Antonio de Vega's letter to me of 8th, and he has 
again written to me since. I am giving Caspar Diaz Montesinos 
enough to live upon here, and I humbly beg your Majesty to 
instruct me how I am to proceed with him.* 

Since writing the above I have received Muzio's reply to my 
message through Mayneville, in which he confirms his previous 

Colonel Stuart has arrived here from the duke of Parma, with 
the same proposal as that sent by the Scottish nobles. As he is a 
person of influence the Duke satisfied him with generalities, and 
Muzio and I are treating him in the same way. — Paris, 20th May 

23 May. 93. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King. 

Pari* Archives, rEXTRACT.l 

K. 1566. 137. L J 

As they always keep me waiting for the passport, I write any 
fresh news I may have in the interim. I have a letter in my 
hands from Alvaro Mendez, who went as a Jew to Constantinople 
and writes to Don Antonio, •signing the letter Solomon. He also 
writes to the English ambassador and some heretic acquaintances 
here attached to his mistress, saying that your Majesty's truce with 
the Turk would have been concluded but for him. Your Majesty, 
he says, demanded the inclusion therein of the Pope, the duke of 
Florence, and other princes of Italy, and he used influence with 
Luch Ali to demand, on the part of the Turk, that the queen of 
England also should be included. Juan Stephano objected to this on 
the ground that she was at open war with your Majesty, but he, 
Mendez, had great hopes of being able to induce Luch Ali not to 
conclude the agreement without her inclusion. He is on very bad* 
terms with the French ambassador (in Turkey), who treats him 
with contempt, as he knew him here as a professed Christian, 
whereas now he is a Jew. 

I learn thf.t they are writing from here, to have the Pope 
approached with the proposal that if the king of Scotland is con- 
verted, he should marry his Holiness niece, a sister of Cardinal 
Montalto, and the Pope might assist him with money to become 
king of England.f 

The French ambassador in England has sent a gentleman hither 
to tell the King he had had an interview with the Queen, and how 
much she had caressed him. — Paris, 23rd May 1587. 

1 June. 94. The Kino to Bernardino de Mendoza. 

Paris Archives 

K. 1448. 120/ On the 13th ultimo all your letters then*, to hand ware answered. 
Yesterday yours the 10th, 20th, and 23rd May came to hand 
together, and although there has only been time to note the 

* This man was the adherent of Antonio de Vega, mentioned in a former letter as 
haying vowed vengeance against Don Antonio, and who had been sent by his master to 
Paris with a proposal for murdering Don Antonio. 

f In the King's hand, " It will be weU to warn Count de Olivarea of this." 



English news, I hasten to acknowledge them, and to urge you to 

send by express all you can learn of armaments in England, for 

whatever purpose intended. Try also to discover why the ships 

from Holland remain in the Channel, and whether Winter has left 

with those 14 ships to join Drake, and if so, with what object. The 

reports they are spreading, that they have sent to recall Drake, cannot 

be believed. He was at Cape St. Vincent a few days since. We are 

rapidly effecting the junction of our fleets, and they will very shortly 

be in good order for sailing. — Getafe, 1st June 1587. 

Note. — A letter of 20th June, from the King to Mendoza, 
acknowledges the receipt of % the above-mentioned letters at length, 
and again requests the information asked for, but contains nothing 
further of interest. 

6 June. 95. Document headed " Advices from England, dated 6 June, 1587, 
Paris Archives, received in Paris the 20th." 

1C 12S66 141 

Drake had written to England, saying that he learned from the 
men he had captured that the preparations being made by your 
Majesty against England were very great, sufficient to maintain a 
fleet of 40,000 men for a year, but he hoped that the damage he had 
done would now prevent your Majesty from mustering a great fleet. 
He would ensure this if the Queen would send bim a reinforcement 
of ships, as he would then be able to stop the galleys from joining 
the ships at Lisbon. He had victualled his ships for more than six 
months with the biscuit and wine he had captured from your 
Majesty's vessels, and he would distribute the meat and other stores 
so that they should last the same length of time. He was confident 
of being able to fulfil his mission of preventing the junction of your 
Majesty's fleet in Spain this year, if he were furnished with the aid 
he required. They need only make such preparations in England 
as would be necessary in case any stray ships went from Spain to 
assault the villages. 

When the above letter from Drake was received, it was decided 
that four out of the eight ships the Queen had guarding the west 
end of the Channel should be sent to Drake, and that 10 merchant- 
men, of from 80 to 100 tons burden, should bfe fitted out in Bristol and 
the West-country ; the whole 14 vessels taking 1,500 or 2,000 men, 
sailors and soldiers together. Some people thought that these ships 
could be made ready in a fortnight, but others were of opinion that 
it would take much longer. Ten more of the Queen's ships were in 
the Thames ready for sea. It was feared that if any armed ships 
from Spain were to go out and meet the 14 vessels before they 
effected their junction with Drake, the English ships might be 
destroyed, as they would not be so well armed and formed as Drake's 
fleet. It was uncertain whether they would be commanded by 
Grenville, a gentleman who has been sailing as a pirate, or Frobisher, 
who they thought would agree with Drake better than the other.* 

* Drake had fallen out with his second in command (Captain Borough) on the Cadii 
expedition, and had placed him under arrest. 


, 8 June. 96. Dr. Nicholas Wendon to the King. 

^"Jg^ ^*' fifteen years have passed since your petitioner, Nicholas Wendon, 
an English gentleman, archdeacon of Suffolk and a doctor of the High 
Court of Chancery of England, left bis country for the sake of the 
Catholic faith, relinquishing over 1,500 ducats a year income, and in 
consideration thereof it pleased the late Pope Gregory XIII. to grant 
him a canonry in Si Gery, Cambrai. When he had Jived there five 
years the unhappy rebellion took place, and on the said Archdeacon 
publicly displaying his duty to your Majesty, he was forced to leave 
the city with Archbishop Barlemont, and abandon all he possessed 
there. Tour Majesty's ambassadors, Juan Bautista de Tassis and 
Don Bernardino de Mendoza, knowing the whole of the circumstances, 
and moved by compassion for his affliction and long suffering for 
the sake of the Catholic religion in England, and then at Cambrai, 
and for his fidelity to your Majesty, obtained a year ago from the duke 
of Parma a grant of 20 crowns a month to support him in his present 
need. Notwithstanding this, owing to the many demands for 
money in Flanders, he has never received the said allowance ; and 
this poor archdeacon humbly supplicates your Majesty to consider 
his poverty and suffering, he having no other means of support but 
your bounty, to grant him some increase of the allowance of 
20 crowns a month so that it may equal those paid to most of the 
English gentlemen of quality by your Majesty's charity, and that it 
should be paid in Paris where he lives, as the other English pensioners 
are paid, through Don Bernardino de Mendoza. — Nicholas Wendon, 
Provost, St. Gery, Cambrai. Paris, 8th June 1 587. 

9 June. 07. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King. 

Paris ArchWes, [EXTRACT.] 

The French ambassador in England writes that in his audience 
with the Queen he told her he would not speak of what had passed, 
as he feared that in his own exculpation he might say something that 
might displease her. The Queen had at once taken his hand and 
said she had never thought he was to blame. The audience resulted 
in a discussion with the Treasurer and Walsingham about the 
seizures, and the wheat ships that had been detained were released. 
With this and the recent fair weather for ships from Holland, 150 
vessels loaded with grain have arrived on the coast of Normandy, 
and the famine here has consequently somewhat abated. The King 
has kept delaying the audience of the English ambassadors, 
apparently to give nim time to hear what his mother has arranged 
at Rheims and to be governed thereby.* He received the ambassadors 
on the 7th without any great show of affection. They handed him 
a paper, containing, doubtless, the points to be settled about the 
arrests, which paper the King sent to Secretary Brulari As 
Waad was instructed when he came, to deal with certain seizures of 
English property at Rouen, he said that the Queen thought it 

* Catharine de Medici had gone to negotiate with the princes of the League and induce 
them to lay down their arms. She was nnsuocessfal, mainly owing to the imprudence 
and impracticability of the King. 


ster^ n 8 e that some of this property should have been sold since 

^t*^ s arrival here, whereupon the King replied that it was much 

siK* T1 g er still that such a man as he (Waad) should dare to say as much 

to\tim« If I can learn the points under discussion I will report them 

to your Majesty. The King has appointed M. de Joyeuse, Belifevre, 

Secretary Pinart, and President Brisson as a committee to deal with 

the seizures. — Paris, 9th June 1587. 

9 June* 98. Bernabdino de Mendoza to the King. 

K. 1566. 145.' Th e audience of the French ambassador with the queen of 

England resulted in his agreeing with the Councillors to whom 
the Queen referred the matter, and I send enclosed a copy of the 
articles adopted. 

The new friend* reports that the ambassador in the course of the 
discussion told Cecil and Walsingham that the Queen's cool treatment 
of Beli&vre had caused the latter not to declare his mission on certain 
points which would have given great pleasure to the Queen (and 
from this it may be inferred what action he would take about the 
queen of Scotland), and it would therefore be advisable for the Queen 
to send some personage hither on the pretext of this commission 
(about the seizures) who could at the same time treat of the other 
matters which Beli&vre had not mentioned. I am told that the 
Queen writes to her ambassador here asking him what person he 
thinks will be best to come. 

He is also informed that Chateauneuf has told them that I have 
been pressing the King in various audiences to join your Majesty 
against England, and that he had replied that it was not fitting 
that he should listen to such proposals. They say I recently had 
an audience in which I handed to the King a letter from your 
Majesty about the business of the friars of St. Catharine's, in 
Barcelona, and they also inform the English ambassador here that 
I had recently delivered another letter to the King, of which they 
would send him a copy, in which your Majesty again asks him (the 
king of France) to unite with you against England. 

Your Majesty will see by this the fictions they make use of here. 
The new friend is so keen that he wrote to me instantly what was 
passing, in order that I might say what would he the best course he 
could take in the matter for your Majesty's interests. I answered 
that what they wrote was a lie ; as would be proved if they in 
Englaud asked for the original letter, instead of a copy. He 
was much pleased with the suggestion, which he assured me he 
would duly adopt. 

I understand that the English ambassadors have said that the 
King did not receive them so well as they expected, which they 
attribute to orders from the Queen-mother, so as not to give offence 
to the Guises. They (the English ambassadors) said to the King 
that he would already have heard from his ambassador of the 

* Sir Edward Stafford, the English Ambassador. 



favourable reception accorded to him by the Queen, and tbat the 
latter had relased Trapes ; whereupon his Majesty replied that that 
was not what he had expected, and that his own dignity and that 
of. his Minister demanded something more than the mere release of 
Trape3. The Queen, he said, ought to punish the man who had 
imagined such a piece of roguery. They gave the King the heads 
for discussion, which he said he would consider, and send his answer 
. by Brulart. I will report what occurs. 

The King and bis mother attach much importance to their having 
been informed that the queen of England was negotiating through 
me an agreement with your Majesty, and this makes them think 
that your preparations are rather for the purpose of enabling you 
to exact better terms, than with the intention of attacking her. — 
Paris, 9th June 1587. 

9 June. 99. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King. 

Paris Archives, [EXTRACT.] 

K. 1566. 147. 

Your Majesty's right to the Crown of England is being declared 
by Englishmen everywhere. They look to it for relief From their 
oppression and exile. They write from Brussels that some 
Englishmen there, desirous of flattering the duke of Parma, are 
saying that, although your Majesty is the legitimate possessor of 
the Crown of Portugal by virtue of the laws there, you cannot be so 
of that of England, and that the succession therefore passes, through 
the incapacity of the king of Scotland, to the son of the duke of 
Parma. They have drawn up a genealogical tree of this nonsense, 
and are going to have it printed.* 

I not only wrote to the count de Olivares about the archbishop 
of Glasgow, as I reported to your Majesty, but also caused him to 
write to Cardinal Sanzio. He and Cardinal Mondovi, who is the 
protector of Scotland there, spoke to his Holiness about it, and he 
told them to write, instructing the Archbishop to accept the post of 
ambassador of the king of Scotland. The Archbishop has written 
to the latter, saying that for certain reasons he begs to be excused 
from serving him as ambassador, although he will remain here a 
year to forward affairs, and assist the persons who may be sent to 
take charge of them. This is only an artifice until he sees how the 
affair which Bruce has gone about may turn out ; and if the King 
does not show much attachment to the Catholic religion he (the 
Archbishop) does not wish to be prevented by his post of ambassador 
from aiding those who are better disposed towards it. 

The King was keeping in prison the Master of Grey, who was so 
friendly with the queen of England, on the charge of having been 

* Alexander Farncse had married Maria, princess of Portugal, daughter of the Prince 
Dom Duarte, and their children had, therefore, decidedly a better fundamental right to 
the Crown of Portugal than Philip had. Philip mainly depended upon the Portuguese 
descent for his claim to the English Crown, so that Parma's son might hare been a 
formidable opponent. It was the opinion of many in England and Flanders at the time 
of the Armada that Parma's want of enthusiasm, and the inaction which caused the 
failure of the expedition, were largely owing to his annoyance at the claims of his children 
having been so cavalierly set aside. 


1587. ] 

concerned in the execution of his mother. Parliament had been 
convened for the beginning of June nnd they write from Scotland 
that the queen of England has signified to the king of Scotland 
that she had agreed with your Maj< sty, and he might therefore 
consider whether it would not be advantageous for him to be friendly 
with her. 

I understand that on Wokingham being told that the king of 
Scotland waa showing courage in the matter of his mother's death, 
he replied that if he boasted much more they would send him the 
same road as his mother for l,000i. — a little more than 3,000 crowns. 
—Paris, 9th June, 1587. 

Note. — In a letter of the same date as the aforegoing, addressed 
to Don Juan de Idiaquez, Mendoza mentions that a person had just 
arrived from London, which place he had left on the 3rd, bringing 
news of the arrival in England of a small vessel of Drake's squadron 
with advices of Drake's having engaged certain ships of the Spanish 
fleet and that he still remained on the coast of Spain. In another 
letter (holograph) from the same to the same, Mendoza urgently 
presses for a more liberal supply of money or he cannot fulfil his 
Majesty's orders satisfactorily. 

June 9. 100. Bernardino de Mendoza to the Kino. 

k™?566? hc?' I reply to your Majesty's letter of the 13th ultimo received here 
on the 26th. Although I did everything in my power (as I said in 
my despatches) to send news of Drake's departure with his fleet 
the ports were closed in order to prevent the transmission of the 
intelligence, and so much cunning was employed in this that even 
Secretary Walsingham refrained from sending hither a despatch 
from his mistress, so that the courier might not say anything about 
it. Notwithstanding this, if Villeroy had not detained the passport 
for four days, as he did, the post having passed safely (which is 
something, in the present state of the roads), my despatches would 
have reached your Majesty some days before. To the misfortune 
of my news having arrived too late must be added the fact that 
God favoured Drake with just such weather as he required for his 
object, both on his departure from London and after his sailing from 
Plymouth on the lith April (o.s.), when the wind continued so 
favourable tbat the Queen, wishing to impress upon Chateauneuf 
the French ambassador, that all her designs turned out successfully, 
told him she had news of the 13th May that Drake and his fleet had 
burnt the ships in Cadiz and had sacked the country. The ambassador 
replied that it was bard to believe, whereupon she said " Then you 
" do not believe what is possible." He wrote this hither by the 
gentleman who I mentioned had brought an account of his audience, 
before the news arrived from Spain. They did not credit it here, 
and they had me asked secretly about it, as the business did not seem 
one tbat could have been done in so si tort a time, and it was not 
possible for the Queen to have received the news at the time she 
made the remark.* It is evident that she said what she did 

* This is a mistake of Mendoza's. Drake ran down with a north-west gale behind 
him from Plymouth to Cadiz in seven davit, and entered the harbour on the 19th April 
(o.s.), leaving it on the 1st May (o.s.)- Even, therefore, if the date of 18th May 
mentioned by the Queen was new style (which is unlikely) the despatches were dated 
three days after Prnke had sailed out of Cadiz. 
i 96498. u 



depending upon the fair wind and the belief that he (Drake) would 
find Cadiz unprepared, thanks to the secrecy of his departure. I 
can assure your Majesty, and call God as my witness, that so far as 
lies in my power, I do not lose an instant in reporting what I hear. 
I may also say that the new confidant has taken care hitherto to 
advise without loss of a moment whatever may touch your interests. 

The last news, of 29th ultimo, brings no intelligence of the 
preparation of a naval force formed of the 14 Queen's ships now in 
the Thames, although they are ready with arms, munitions, and 
men. I cannot report the number of Dutch and Flushing ships in 
the Thames and the Channel, because as they have no commander, and 
their object is only plunder, each one goes whither he lists. Sometimes 
they run into Flushing and other ports, and, according as the weather 
serves, sail for the purpose of robbery. Nevertheless, passengers 
between England and France, who are best able to speak of it, give 
many statements as to the ships they meet, and also of the Rochelle 
pirates who come up to the entrance of the Channel. All thut can 
be gathered from these statements is that the ships are not provided 
with munitions and stores to enable them to undertake a voyage 
with a regular fleet. 

The queen of England has no troops in Holland but those who 
were in the garrisons. It was said in London that the earl of 
Leicester would shortly go thither with 1,000 infantry to fill up the 
English companies, but the new confidant assures me that this has 
not yet been decided upon. In Ireland there are only the ordinary 
troops, which do not exceed 1,000 men, and it was thought that the 
Queen would soon send another Viceroy, as Thomas Parret (Sir 
John Perrot), the present one, is very unpopular. 

Italian merchants write from London that several English ships, 
freighted for Leghorn and other Italian ports, had returned to 
England when they had learnt of Drake's action in Cadiz, bringing 
with them some ships they had plundered. 

The Scots ambassador here, not having yet had audience of the 
King, sent the gentleman who came to him from Scotland to the 
duke of Guise. When the Queen-Mother departed from here 
she left strict orders for every effort to be made both through the 
Scots ambassador and Englishmen to discover whether any 
negotiation was being carried on on your Majesty's behalf. 

Letters have been received from Scotland, dated 12th May, 
reporting that the Bang bad held a meeting of nobles in which his 
Majesty had ordered Morton to quit Scotland, promising him the 
enjoyment of his revenues in any place he chose out of the kingdom. 
A month had been allowed him to be gone, but it was believed that 
the term would be extended from time to time ; and so the earl of 
Angus and the English faction, who are urging the banishment of 
Morton at the instance of the queen of England, could be temporised 

I have no news of Bruce, but I hope in God that by this time, if 
he has had fair weather, he will be in Scotland. — Paris, 9th June 


9 June. 101. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King. 

K?i566^ A4%! T* 16 arrival of Andr6 de Loo in London caused the rumour I have 
mentioned, that the arrangements for peace with your Majesty were 
on the point of being concluded, and Don Antonio went to the 
Queen to ask for a passport as she was treating for peace. She said 
it was true, and if it were settled she pledged her word to place him 
in safety out of the country in any place he chose. She would give 
him a passport at once, and pending an arrangement between her 
and your Majesty she recommended him to dismiss the Portuguese 
he had with him, except 12 or 15 persons ; and to send and ascertain 
whether the rebel states would help him with some ships as they 
had promised on former occasions, in which case he could push his 
claims, and she would not fail to help him with forces the moment 
it was decided that she was not to have peace with your Majesty 
and Drake returned. In accordance with this Don Antonio dis- 
missed over 80 Portuguese as they themselves assert, telling them 
to stay in Holland for two months, after which he would take them 
back. For this purpose he gave them five crowns each, and ordered 
them to go and serve the rebels. For various reasons this did not 
commend itself to most of them, and they asked for passports 
enabling them to go whithersoever they pleased, and the majority of 
them have come to France. Some of them have come to me to beg for 
passports and your Majesty's pardon, and I have replied that the bad 
behaviour of some of their countrymen for whom I had interceded 
with your Majesty would not allow me to do as they asked. They 
have now scattered over France, some going to Marshal Montmorenci ; 
and Don Antonio Meneses and Don Juan de Castro are starving in 
an inn here. M. de Chatres, governor of Dieppe, who surrendered 
at Terceira, has received four of these Portuguese who had been at 
the Mina and is going to send them out in a ship to plunder. Don 
Antonio was sending his eldest son to the rebel states, but the Queen 
told him it would be better that Diego Botello should go, and he went 
to Zeeland some time ago, saying that if the States helped Don 
Antonio well he would soon go thither, and send to Beam to ask 
for support. Don Antonio's people here are trying to ascertain 
whether the King will receive him well if he come hither. 

On the 29th ultimo Don Antonio was at Stepney, a mile out of 
London. In answer to your Majesty's inquiry as to his not having 
embarked in Drake's ships, I may say that the Queen had no other 
object than the attack upon Cadiz and afterwards the intercepting 
of the flotillas, and she therefore did not wish Don Antonio to 
accompany Drake. He himself did not press the matter, as he 
thought the number of ships insufficient and not so many as had 
been promised him. 

I nave just received letters from England of 2nd instant, saying 
that Don Antonio had now gone to a house in London which had 
been given to him by the earl of Leicester. He had fallen out 
with the barber who has served him for over 27 years because he 
would not clothe the latter any longer. This Thomas, the barber, 
has come to see me here, saying that his wife is in prison in 
Portugal by your Majesty's orders, and he wanted a passport from 
me to enable him to go and cast himself at your Majesty's feet with 

Q 2 


1 587. 

a rope round his neck. I gave him the same answer as I did the 

M. de la Ohatre, governor of Dieppe, has decided to send a ship 
of 250 or 300 tons, manned only by Portuguese, to the Mina and 
the coast of Brazil. — Paris, 9th June 1587. 

Note. — In another letter of the same date as the above, entirely 
on Portuguese affairs, Mendoza gives a long account of a secret 
interview he had had with a Portuguese friar named Diego Carlos, 
who had come from England and professed to have Don Antonio's 
authority for approaching the king of Spain with submission and 
hope of pardon. Mendoza treated the proposal with studied coolness, 
saying thai no terms could be made, but Don Antonio must cast 
himself on the King's mercy. He asks for instructions as to whether 
he is to continue the negotiations. 

12 June. 102. The Duke of Guise to Bernardino de Mendoza. 

K. 8 i566. 152? Hints his dissatisfaction at not being kept informed of the 
progress of Bruce's negotiation. The archbishop of Glasgow and 
all the king of Scotland's servants are aware that he (Guise) had 
cognisance of it, and the king of Scotland is sure to write and ask 
him for advice, in which case he cannot decently pretend to be 
ignorant of the matter. He begs Mendoza to tell him how he should 
act in the interests of the king of Spain, as his obligation towards 
the latter outweighs all other considerationa If the king of Scots 
is his cousin, he looks upon the king of Spain as the common father 
of all Catholics, and especially of him (Guise), but in serving him he 
wishe3 to be dealt with in the same honourable fashion as heretofore, 
and as he (Guise) has ever adopted.* —12th June 1587. 

12 June. 103. Count de Olivares to the King. 

Estado, 949. They are making much here of the king of Scotland having 
restored the archbishop of Glasgow and two other bishops, one of 
them being that Carthusian friar about whom I have written 
recently. Cardinal Alondovi sent to tell me, as an affair of great 
importance, and subsequently the Pope said that he had been 
informed, and asked me what I thought of it. I replied that very 
probably the King was so desirous of being revenged for the death 
of his mother, in which he could only hope to be aided by the 
Catholics, that he had adopted this means of encouraging them with 
the hope that he would be a Catholic ; and he would, no doubt, do 
something else at the same time, of which we knew nothing, in 
order not to lose ground with the heretics in consequence. I said I 
knew so much of the King's bad inclination that it would take a 
great deal of persuasion to make me hope for his eincere conversion. 
The Pope did not appear to disagree with me in this. 

His Holiness told me that he had given the new collector a 
credential letter for your Majesty, and had ordered him to recom- 
mend the English enterprise to you, and to say that the king of 

* Guise greatly resented his exclusion from the Spanish plans in Scotland, as he knew 
that they were directed to the prejudice of his kinsman James in any case. He 
subsequently divulged the whole plan to James, and this was mainly instrumental in 
rendering it abortive. 




France had offered to help, for which reason it would be well to see 
whether sunething could not be got from him (i.e., the king of 
France), if only a promise that he would not oppose it. I tried to 
undeceive him on this point, as I have done before, and although at 
the time he seems to understand it, he has not even yet been quito 
disillusioned, or he would not have instructed Bressa* to speak thus 
on the English affair, after I had induced him to say nothing until 
a reply was received from your Majesty. I tried to confirm him in 
this, as Bressa's departure drew near before any reply came, and he 
told me that he had already spoken about the matter to him, but 
had said nothing more than that he should forward the business as 
much as possible, and persuade your Majesty to it, but that if that 
were unsuccessful, he should try to undertake the enterprise himself, 
or at least leave enough money behind him for his successor to 
undertake it. 

I send copy of Allen's letterf in favour of the English who 
surrendered strong places to your Majesty, which letter I sent to the 
duke of Parma. — Rome, 12th June 1587. 

15 June. 104. Count de .Olivares to the King. 

°* * I forgot to say that Melino and Allen have conceived the idea that 
your Majesty has cooled towards the enterprise, as they see the time 
advancing and have received a letter from Don Bernardino de 
Mendoza saying that the death of the queen of Scotland is greatly 
against the expedition. They are therefore using every effort to 
convince me that, not only will the Queen's death be no loss to the 
business, but will do away with many of the difficulties which beset 
it, as much trouble would have had to be taken to save her during 
the enterprise, and more still after God had crowned it with success. 
— Rome, 15th June 1587. 

17 June. 105. Relation made to Sir Francis Englefield by an Englishman 
Kstado, 839. named Arthur Dudley, claiming to be the son of Queen 


Imprimis, he said that a man named Robert Southern, a servant 
of Catharine Ashley (who had been governess to the Queen in her 
youth, and was for ever afterwards one of her most beloved and 
intimate ladies), which Southern was married, and lived 20 leagues 
from London, was summoned to Hampton Court. When he arrived 
another lady of the Queen's court named Harrington asked him to 
obtain a nurse for a new-born child of a lady, who had leen so 
careless of her honour, that, if it became known, it would bring 
great shame upon all the company and would highly displease 
the Queen if she knew of it. The next morning, in a corridor 
leading to the Queen's private chamber, the child was given to the 
man, who was told that its name was Arthur. The man took the 
child and gave it for some days to the wife of a miller of Molesey to 
suckle. He afterwards took it to a village near where he lived, 
20 leagues from London, where the child remained until it was 

♦ Bressa was the newly appointed collector of the Papal revenues in Spain. 

t The Kin* remarks in the margin that the enclosures mentioned were not received. 



weaned. He then took it to his own house and brought it up with his 
own children, in place of one of his which had died of similar age. 

Some years afterwards the man Robert, who lived very humbly 
at home, left his own family and took this Arthur on horseback to 
London, where he had him brought up with great care and delicacy, 
whilst his own wife and children were left in his village. 

When the child was about eight years old, John Ashley, the 
husband of Catharine Ashley, who was one of the Queen's gentlemen 
of the chamber, gave to Robert the post of lieutenant of his office, 
as keeper of one of the Queen's houses called Enfield, three leagues 
from London; and during the summer, or when there was any 
plague or sickness in London, Arthur was taught and kept in this 
house, the winters being passed in London. He was taught Latin, 
Italian, and French, music, arms, and dancing. When he was about 
14 or 15, being desirous of seeing strange lands, and having had 
some disagreement, he stole from a purse of this Robert as many 
silver pieces as he could grasp in bis band, about 70 reals, and fled 
to a port in Wales called Milford Haven, with the intention of 
embarking for Spain, which country he had always wished to see. 
Whilst he was there awaiting his passage in the house of a gentleman 
named George Devereux, a brother of the late earl of Essex, a horse 
messenger came in search of him with a letter, signed by seven 
members of the Council, ordering him to be brought to London. The 
tenour of this lettei showed him to be a person of more importance 
than the son of Robert Southern. This letter still remains in the 
castle of Llanfear, in the bands of George Devereux, and was seen 
and read by Richard Jones and John Ap Morgan, then magistrates 
of the town of Pe nbroke, who agreed that the respect thus shown 
to the lad by the Council proved him to be a different sort of person 
from what he had commonly been regarded. 

When he was conveyed to London, to a palace called Pickering 
Place, and he found there Wotton, of Kent, Thomas Heneage, and 
John Ashley, who reproved him for running away in that manner, 
and gave him to understand that it was John Ashley who had paid 
for his education, and not Robert Southern. He thinks that the 
letter of the council also said this. 

Some time afterwards, being in London, and still expressing a 
desire to see foreign lands, John Ashley, finding that all persuasions 
to the contrary were unavailing, obtained letters of recommendation 
to M. de la Noue, a French colonel then in the service of the States. 
He was entrusted for his passage to a servant of the Earl of 
Leicester, who pretended to be going to Flanders on his own affairs, 
and he landed at Ostend in the summer of 1580, proceeding after- 
wards to Bruges, where he remained until La Noue was taken 
prisoner.* This deranged his plans, and taking leave of the Earl of 
Leicester's gentleman, he went to France, where he remained until 
his money was spent ; after which he returned to England for a 
fresh supply. He again returned to France, whence he was recalled 
at the end of 1583 by letters from Robert Southern, saying that his 
return to England would be greatly to his advantage. 

* La Noue was taken printer on the 15th May 1580. 




When he arrived in England he found Robert very ill of paralysis 
at Evesham, where he was keeping an inn, his magfoj. faying ^jj 
the office of keeper of Enfield. Robert, with *Hanjr fceara, told him 
he was not his father, nor had he paid for his bringing up, as might 
easily be seen by the different way in which his ow<n children had 
been reared. Arthur begged him to tell him who bis parents were, 
but Robert excused himself, saying that both their lives depended 
upon it, besides the danger of ruining ether friends who did not 
deserve such a return. 

Arthur took leave of Robert in anger, as he could not obtain the 
information he desired, and Robert sent a lad after him to call him 
back. Arthur refused to return unless he promised to tell him 
whose son he was. Robert also sent the schoolmaster Smyth, a 
Catholic, after him, who gravely reproved him for what he was 
doing, and at last brought him back to Robert The latter then 
told him secretly that be was the son of the earl of Leicester and 
the Queen, with many other things unnecessary to set down here. 
He added that he had (no) authority to tell him this ; but did so 
for the discharge of his own conscience, as he was ill and near death. 
Arthur begged him to give him the confession in writing, but he 
could not write, as his hand was paralysed, and Arthur sent to 
London to seek medicines for him. He got some from Dr. Hector 
(Nunes), but they did no good ; so, without bidding farewell to 
Robert, he took his horse and returned to London, where, finding 
John Ashley, and a gentleman named Drury, he related to them 
what Robert had told him. They exhibited great alarm at learning 
the thing had been discovered, and prayed him not to repeat it, 
recommending him to keep near the court ; and promising him if he 
followed their advice, he might count upon their best services whilst 
they lived. They told him they had no means of communicating 
with the Earl, except through his brother the earl of Warwick. 

The great fear displayed by John Ashley and the others when they 
knew that the affair was discovered alarmed Arthur to such an 
extent that he fled to France. On his arrival at Eu in Normandy 
he went to the Jesuit College there in search of advice. After he 
had somewhat obscurely stated his case, the Rector, seeing that the 
matter was a great one and foreign to his profession, dismissed him 
at once, and told him he bad better go to the duke of Guise, which 
he promised to do, although he had no intention of doing it, 
thinking that it would be impolitic for him to divulge his condition 
to Frenchmen. When he was in Paris he went to the Jesuit College 
there with the intention of divulging his secret to an English father 
named Father Thomas, but when he arrived in his presence he was 
so overcome with terror that he could not say a word. The Commis- 
sioners of the States of Flanders being in Paris at the time, to offer 
their allegiance to the king of France, and there being also a talk 
about a league being arranged by the duke of Guise, Arthur feared 
that some plans might be hatching against England, and repented of 
coming to France at all. He thereupon wrote several letters to 
John Ashley, but could get no reply. He also wrote to Edward 
Stafford, the English ambassador in France, without saying his 
name, and when the ambassador desired to know who he was he 



replied that he had been reared by Robert Southern, whom the 
Queen knew, and whose memory she had reason to have graven on 
her heart 

He remained in France until he had cause to believe that the 
queen of England would take the States of Flanders under her 
protection and that a war might ensue. He then returned to 
England in the ship belonging to one Nicholson of Ratcliff. The 
said master threatened him when they arrived at Gravesend that he 
would hand him over to the justices for his own safety. Arthur 
begged him rather to take him to the earl of Leicester first, and 
wrote a letter to the Earl, which Nicholson delivered. The Earl 
received the letter and thanked the bsarer for his service, of which 
Nicholson frequently boasted. The next morning, as the ship was 
passing Greenwich on its way to London, two of the Earl's 
gentlemen came on board to visit him, one of them named Blount, 
the Earls equerry. When they arrived at Ratcliff, Flud, the Earl's 
secretary, came to take Arthur to Greenwich. The Earl was in the 
garden with the earls of Derby and Shrewsbury, and on Arthur's 
arrival the earl of Leicester left the others and went to his apartment, 
where by his tears, words, and other demonstrations he showed so 
much affection for Arthur that the latter believed he understood the 
Earl's deep intentions towards him. The secretary remained in 
Arthur's company all night, and the next morning, on the Earl 
learning that the masters and crews of the other ships that had 
sailed in their company had seen and known Arthur, and had gone 
to Secretary Walsingham to give an account of their passengers, he 
said to Arthur, " You are like a ship under full sail at sea, pretty to 
" look upon but dangerous to deal with." The Earl then sent his 
secretary with Arthur to Secretary Walsingham to tell him that he 
(Arthur) was a friend of the Earl's, and Flud was also to say that he 
knew him. Walsingham replied that if that were the case he could 
go on his way. Flud asked for a certificate and licence to enable 
Arthur to avoid future molestation, and Walsingham thereupon told 
Arthur to come to him again and he would speak to him. On that 
day Arthur went with the Earl to his house at Wanstead and 
returned with Flud in the evening to Greenwich. The Earl again 
sent to Walsingham for the licence ; but as Walsingham examined 
him very curiously, and deferred giving him the paper, Arthur was 
afraid to return to his presence. He therefore went to London and 
asked M. de la Mauvissiere to give him a passport for France, which, 
after much difficulty, he obtained in the guise of a servant of the 
ambassador. He supped that night with the ambassador, and was 
with him until midnight, but on arriving at Gravesend the next 
morning he found that the passport would carry him no further 
without being presented to Lord Cobham.* As he found there an 
English hulk loaded with English soldiers for Flanders he entered 
into their company and landed at Bergen-op-Zoom. He was selected 
to accompany one Gawen, a lieutenant of Captain Willson, and a 
sergeant of Colonel Norris, to beg the States for some aid in money 
for the English troops, who were in great need. 

* He was Lord Lieutenant of Kent and Lord Warden of the Cinque Ports. 



The paper then relates at length Arthur's plot with one Seymour 
to deliver the town of Tele to the Spaniards, which plot was 
discovered. His adventures at Cologne and elsewhere are also 
recounted. He opened up communications with the elector of Cologne 
and the Pope, and indirectly the duke of Parma learnt his story 
and sent Count Paul Strozzi to interview him. After many 
wanderings about Germany he received a messenger from the earl 
of Leicester at Sighen, but to what effect he does not say. He 
then undertook a pilgrimage to Our Lady of Montserrat, and on 
learning in Spain of the condemnation of Mary Stuart he started 
for France, but was shipwrecked on the Biscay coast and captured 
by the Spaniards as a suspicious person, and was brought to Madrid 
where he made his statement to Englefield. (The latter portion of 
the statement is not here given at length, as it has no bearing 
upon Arthur Dudley's alleged parentage.) 

The above statement was accompanied by a private letter from 
Arthur Dudley to Sir Francis Englefield as fellows : — 

As time allowed I have written all this, although as you see my 
paper has run short. If Qod grants that his Majesty should take 
me under his protection, I think it will be necessary to spread a 
rumour that I have escaped, as everybody knows now that I am 
here, and my residence in future can be kept secret. I could then 
write simply and sincerely to the earl of Leicester all that has 
happened t> me, in order to keep in his good graces; and I could 
also publish a book to any effect that might be considered desirable, 
in which I should show myself to be everybody's friend and nobody's 
foe. With regard to the king of Scotland, in whose favour you 
quote the law, I also have read our English books, but you must not 
forget that when the din of arms is heard the laws are not audible ; 
and if it is licit to break the law for any reason, it is licit to do so to 
obtain dominion. Besides which, if this reason was a sufficiently 
strong one to bring about the death of the mother, the life of the 
son might run a similar risk. Those who have power have right on 
their side. As for the earl of Huntingdon, and Beauchamp, son of 
the earl of Hertford, both of them are descendants of Adam, and 
perhaps there is someone else who is their elder brother. 

Attached to this document there is another memorandum from 
EnglefieM as follows : — 

I recollect that this Arthur Dudley amongst other things repeated 
several times that for many years past the earl of Leicester had 
been the mortal enemy of the queen of Scots, and that the con- 
demnation and execution of Throgmorton, Parry, and many others 
had been principally brought about in order to give an excuse for 
what was afterwards done with the queen of Scots. 

I think it very probable that the revelations that this lad is 
making everywhere may originate in the queen of England and 
her Council, and po. sibly with an object that Arthur himself does 
not yet understand. Pei haps if they have determined to do away 
with the Scottish throne they may encourage this lad to profess 
Catholicism and claim to be the Queen's son, in order to discover 
the minds of other Princes as to his pretensions, and the Queen may 



thereupon either acknowledge him or give him such other position 
as to neighbouring Princes may appear favourable. Or perhaps in 
some other way they may be making use of him for their 
iniquitous ends. I think also that the enclosed questions should be 
put to him to answer in writing — whether all at once or at various 
times I leave to you. I also leave for your consideration whether 
it would not be well to bring Arthur to San Geronimo, the Atocha, 
or some other monastery or other house where he might be more 
commodiously communicated with. 

18 June. 106. Sik Francis Englefield to the King. 

XT at a fist fiQO ^_ 

' Very late last night Andres de Alba sent me what Arthur Dudley 

has written, which being in English, and filling three sheets of 
paper, will take some days to translate and summarise ifa Spanish. 

As, however, I have read it, I think well in the meanwhile to 
advise your Majesty that the effect of it is a discourse about his 
education, with the reasons and arguments which have led him to 
believe to be, as he calls himself, the son of the Queen. He then 
gives an account of his voyages away from England, in France and 
Flanders, showing that they had no other intention or motive than 
a desire, on his first voyage, to see strange countries. He returned 
in consequence of poverty, and subsequently set out on his second 
voyage for liis own safety's sake. He mentions several things that 
happened in France and Flanders and speaks of the letters that 
passed between him and the elector of Cologne, and says that his 
reason for coming to this country was a vow he had made to visit 
Our Lady of Monserrat, where he was shriven on the 13th October 
of last year. He enumerates certain places in Spain where he has 
stayed, and the person^ he has been living with. He adds that his 
intention was to go to France when he was detained in Giupuzcoa, 
and ends by begging his Majesty to accept and esteem him as the 
person he claims to be, and to protect him (although with the 
utmost secresy). He indicates a desire also to write something in 
English, to publish to the world, and especially to England, who he 
is, as be thinks that those who have put the queen of Scotland out 
of the way will endeavour to send her son after her. 

As he replies in this discourse to some of the questions I sent to 
your Majesty on Monday they may be modified accordingly before 
they are sent to him. — Madrid, 18th June 1587. 

20 June. 107. Same to the Same. 

I send your Majesty herewith a summary of all that Arthur 
Dudley had sent to me, and as it appears that some of the questions 
your Majesty has are answered therein, I have eliminated the 4th, 
5th, and 6th questions and have added those I now enclose. 

I also send enclosed what I think of writing with the questions, 
as I think I had better defer my going thither until after he has 
sent his answers to them, as I find many things which he told me 
verbally have been omitted in his statement. 

When your Majesty has altered what you think fit, I will put 
my letter, which I will take or send as your Majesty orders, in 
conformity. As he says he is in want of paper your Majesty had 
better order him to be supplied with as much as may be needed ; 



because the more fully he writes the better shall we be able to 
discover what we wish to know. — Madrid, 20th June 1587. 

19 June. 108. Count de Olivaees to the King. 

Ertado, 949. In the audience x had wit } 1 fcg Holiness on the 13th, having 

regard to the reports which are being received here daily, I tried to 
keep fresh in his mind the friendship that exists between the king 
of France and the queen of England. Sometimes I find him well 
disposed on the subject, but he is very changeable about it, as he is 
in all things. They are also falsely magnifying here the good news 
of the conversion of the king of Scotland, which again has made 
him vacillate accordingly. I try all I can personally and indirectly 
to keep him firm. — Rome, 19th June 1587. 

20 June. 109. The King to Bernardino de Mendoza. 

K^M^SfuJ * note what the new fri . e nd told you about the wish of the 

English to form a closer union with the Christian King, and the 
active steps that were being taken with that object by the English 
ambassador. Although without any fresh treaty between them 
they may come to an agreement to embarrass as, they Mill be the 
less able to do so whilst their recent distrust of each other exists. 
You will therefore use every effort to throw cold water on their 
negotiations by means of the new friend, whom you will induce to 
fulfil his task dexterously as you may arrange between you.* If 
you succeed in preventing a fresh alliance between the countries so 
much the better, but if you should fail in this, you may accept the 
suggestion you mention about Ireland ; arranging at once with the 
new friend what will be the most advisable courscf But in 
the first place you must try to prevent a new alliance. 

With regard to the hint thrown out to you about placing in your 
hands the negotiations for an agreement with England, you gave 
the proper reply by referring them (i.e., the English) to the duke of 
Parma, with whom they have opened negotiations. You may say 
that you have taken this course from no dislike to them so long as 
they act properly, but because you know that they will negotiate 
with any other person less distrustfully than with you. 

The remark made by the new friend to Believre about my rights 
to the English crown had better have been left unsaid, as it could only 
serve to open their eyes and enable them to counteract us. It will 
therefore be wiser in future to avoid similar conversations with 
those who will do their best to stand in our way, although it is 
desirable that the subject should be disseminated amongst English- 
men. You did well in providing that the message to be sent to me 
by the king of Scotland should not be conveyed by a person who 
was doubtful in the matter of religion, but should be transmitted 
through you and the archbishop of Glasgow, of whose help in Paris 
I am glad. I am expecting to receive the King's reply to my 
message sent through the Archbishop. You will forward it to me 

* In the King's hand " You " (Secretary Idiaquex) " had better write this to him as 
" well. Urge him to use every endeavour, for it really is unspeakably important." 

t This refers to Sir Bdward Stafford's offer to obtain the vice-royalty of Ireland for 
the purpose of surrendering the country to Philip on the death of Elisabeth. 



with all speed, and particularly let me know whether the King's 
action towards the Archbishop and the other two prelates may be 
attributed to a growing attachment towards the Catholics, or if it is 
simply a matter of policy with a desire to ingratiate himself with 
all ]>arties. The duke of Parma writes confirming your letters 
about Bruces affair, which seems to be progressing favourably. 
You wiil keep Bruce in hand and arrange matters in concert with 
the Duke. You did wisely in not communicating all the negotia- 
tions with Bruce to Muzio (i.e., Guise), but only as much as was 
advisable. Urge Muzio to be firm in his interviews with the 
Queen-Mother, which he has very good reason for being, the duke 
of Parma having the aid to be furnished to him so ready for action 
in case of need. It was especially advisable to put Muzio on his 
guard against the proposals they might make to him to help the 
king of Scotland in the English enterprise. You will continue to 
press this point and show him bow these suggestions tend to uproot 
him from France ; besides which, if he once adopted the proposal, 
they might turn round upon him and say he was not moved by zeal 
for Catholicism in his attitude in France, since he is ready to aid a 
heretic elsewhere. — Madrid, 20th June 1587. 

20 June 110. Bernardino de Mendoza to the Kino. 

K. 1566. 154.' The duke of Guise (Muzio) Las written me the enclosed note, to 
which I have replied that he must bear in mind that the Scottish 
lords trusted him and opened their hearts to him when they asked 
him to be their intermediary with your Majesty to obtain help. By 
his intercession, and because the cause was so godly a one, your 
Majesty had granted their request, and the confidence the lords had 
reposed in him did not deserve his endangering their lives and 
estates by divulging their plans to the King, who was a heretic and 
in the hands of the English faction, especially as these plans were so 
righteous and were directed to the King's welfare and the conversion 
of the country to our Catholic faith, this being the only interest your 
Majesty had in the matter. As the king of Scotland had only 
hitherto written to him in general terms as to his desiring aid to 
avenge his mother he (Guise) might very well reply in the same 
strain, saving that, whilst he (James) retains the same mind, friends 
and aid will not fail him. By adopting this course no blame could 
be cast upon him (Guise) of having neglected his duty as the 
kinsman of the king of Scotland, or that of advancing the Catholic 
faith in Scotland, which must remain a prominent consideration with 
him, as he had taken up arms for its maintenance in this country. 
On the arrival of news from Bruce, who had been instructed to 
sound the King's feelings, I said he could act as seemed most 
advisable under the circumstances. I dwelt at length on these and 
similar arguments to persuade him not to spoil the business in this 
inconsiderate way. The archbishop of Glasgow approved of my 
reply, and agreed that it was unadvisable that Muzio should send 
any other answer, or divulge anything further in the business. 
M. de la Motte wrote asking me to endeavour to send some Scotsman 
to Holland to tempt a countryman of his in Gueldres to surrender 




the fortress.* I did so and ray envoy has returned with the reply 
that when the duke of Parma sends some person to Oneldrea to treat 
with him (i.e. the Scots commander) he will Hurrender the town and 
two other places as well. If this service is considered unimportant 
he says that he will hold his footing* until he is put into some place 
where he can render a greater service. — Paris, 20th June I5S7. 

Note. — A letter from the duke of Guise, dated 25th June, to 
Mendoza (Paris Archives, K. 1565. 15.), accepts the advice given in 
the aforegoing, and the Duke agrees to take no fresh step in the 
matter until Bruce returns. It will be seen by the above letter and 
the preceding one how determined Philip was to keep the Guises 
embroiled in France if possible, and to alienate them from interfering 
in Scottish and English affairs in the interest of James VI. It is 
clear from the above also that Guise bitterly resented this, but felt 
his own powerlessness in the face of the Spanish aid promised him 
in his French plana Guise, however, notwithstanding his promise, 
divulged the Uatholic conspiracy to James and rendered it abortive. 

20 June. 111. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King. 

JC 1566° lJT* ^ ■dcKtion to what I say about England in my general letter, 
which is, according to the new friend, exactly the tenour of Drake's 
report to the Queen, I have to add that Drake also writes that he 
learnt from the men he had c iptured that all the Sovereigns on tho 
other side of the straits of the Mediterranean sea would help your 
Majesty in the English enterpiise, and greater preparations were 
being made for it in your Majesty's dominions than had ever been 
seen before. These preparations would suffice to maintain a fleet 
of 40,000 men for a year ; but notwithstanding this, the fine 
weather that God had sent had enabled him to do so much damage 
that he believed your Majesty would not now be able to gather a 
large fleet ; and he (Drake) would continue and make sure of this if 
the Queen would send him reinforcements of small ships to prevent 
the passage. of the galleys which sailed close in shore, where he 
dared not follow them in order not to imperil his great ships. They 
(the galleys) would thus be unable to join the other vessels which 
were in Lisbon. He had stored his squadron with wine and biscuits 
for six months, plundered from your Majesty, and he would so 
distribute the meat and other victuals that they should last for the 
same period, by which time he was confident of being able to fulfil 
his mission of preventing the junction of your Majesty's fleet in 
Spain this year, if he were furnished with the aid he requested. It 
was advisable, he said, for the Queen to order such preparation on the 
coast as would be able to resist any stray ships which might come from 
Spain to attack the villages ; and that the Queen should send him 
the ships she thought necessary, in which case he would guarantee 
that your Majesty's fleet should not approach the island this year. 
The Queen instantly decided that the four largest of the eight ships 

* Shortly afterwards Colonel Peyton, who was the locum ttnens for Schenk in the 

?;overnorship of Gueldres, surrendered the place to the forces of Parma under Hautepenne 
or 30,000 crowns. His ostensible excuse were hia dislike to Leicester and the English, 
and a quarrel which he had had in a drinking bout with his superior officer, the Fleming 
Schenk, in which the latter had struck him. See Strada. 



she had guarding the west end of the Channel should be sent, and 
10 merchantmen fitted out in Bristol and the West Country of from 
80 to 120 tons burdens each ; the whole 14 ship* taking 1,500 or 
2,000 men, soldiers and sailors. Some people thought that these 
merchant ships could be made ready in a fortnight, whilst others 
objected that they could not be ready so soon, and the ships from 
Plymouth would require the wind from one quarter and those from 
Bristol from another to enable them to join. The eight Queen's 
ships on the west coast are not the very large ones, the " Elizabeth/' 
one of the largest of all, being in port, and the " White Bear " is in 
the same state ; whilst the other 10 are in the Thames quite ready 
to sail. I cannot give your Majesty any further particulars of this 
fleet at present 

The new friend had a special messenger waiting to bring this 
news on the 6th, but the contrary wind detained him in port nine 
days. He is much vexed at this as he thinks that if the news 
arrives in time some ships of your Majesty's fleet might sail out and 
encounter the 14 vessels before they reached Drake, in which case 
they would certainly be destroyed, as they cannot sail so well armed 
and found as Drake's ships. He (i.e., " the new friend," Sir Edward 
Stafford, the English ambassador) advised me instantly and said that 
no time ought to be lost in reporting the matter to your Majesty. I 
therefore send this by special messenger, and will advise also as soon 
as I learn that these ships have sailed. 

It was proposed in the council that Grenville, a gentleman who 
has always sailed with pirates, should command the squadron, but 
it was objected that he would not serve under Drake, and it was 
necessary to send some person who would not raise questions but 
would obey Drake unreservedly, and it was therefore thought that 
Frobisher would be put into command. 

The new friend has been offered the post of viceroy of Ireland, 
as I have mentioned, and now they have offered him another office 
which carries with it the membership of the CounciL He desires to 
know which of the two your Majesty wishes him to accept.* In 
the first position he would render the service I have already 
mentioned, and in the other he would report all that passes. I 
humbly beg your Majesty to signify your pleasure, as he is anxious 
to learn your wishes and to serve you. — Paris, 20th June 1587. 

Note. — There are several marginal notes of the King's, showing 
that he was entirely confused as to the number of ships spoken of 
in England. The matter seems clear enough. There were eight 
Queen's ships on the West coast, of which four were to be sent to 
Drake, accompanied by 10 merchantmen fitted out in Bristol and 
the West Country. There were 10 Queen's ships ready for sea in 
the Thames, and two, the " Elizabeth " and the " White Bear " in 

20 June. 112. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King. 

^icm*! 156 .' Ow^g to the contrary winds that have prevailed lately I cannot 

give your Majesty any fresher news from England than the 6th. 
They report that, two days prior to this, Robert Cross arrived in 

* In the King*? hand, " This mast be considered." 




London, having been sent by Drake with two pri^ e s hip s ^ w j. , 
prof essed to be Italians, one of 800 tons, and the other of eoo 
loaded with Malvoisie, raisins, and other things which Dra]^ had 
captured, and which they consider a valuable prize. 

This Robert Cross reports that Drake sent him, after entering- the 
Bay of Cadiz, to give an account to the Queen of his voyage, and 
the fortunes which had attended him on the high seas after he ieft 
England. He had encountered a great storm which had scattered 
his ships, but he had collected them again at the end of five days, 
after which he had the best weather he could desire and arrived at 
Cadiz without being discovered. He had there sunk 32 ships of 
700 and 800 tons each, the smallest of them being 400 tons, and 
two galleys, he having engaged 12 of the latter which were in 
port, and done much damage to them. He had also captured six 
ships, with a great quantity of biscuit and wine, which was intended 
for the provisioning of your Majesty's fleet for England. To sum 
up the tonnage of the ships he had destroyed, he had sunk, burned 
and captured 25,000 tons burden, and had stocked his fleet with 
wine and biscuits for six months, and this, he said, would be no 
small impediment to the junction of your Majesty's fleet. In order 
to prevent this he would remain on the coast of Spain. I also hear 
that the General of the galleys in Cadiz sent him a boat load of 
sweetmeats for his refreshment. 

The rumour that the earl of Leicester would return to Flanders was 
still current, and they say that 1,500 men were ready to accompany 
him and fill up the English ranks. It may be concluded that the 
duke of Parma's beleaguering of Ostend will hasten the despatch of 
these men, even if the Earl himself do not go and try to relieve it. 

Don Antonio was in London without change in his affairs, and 
there was nothing fresh about Ireland. 

Parliament was convened in Scotland for the 1st instant, as the 
King then entered his 21st year, when he takes full possession of 
the government and certain things which have been done in his 
minority will be reformed. — Paris, 20th June 1587. 

22 June. H3. Sir Francis Englefield to the King. 

Although the statement sent to me by Arthur Dudley omits 
many things that he told me verbally, which things must be 
inquired ijito more particularly, yet it appears evident from what he 
writes that he makes as light of the claims of Huntingdon and of 
the sons of the earl of Hertford, as he does of the life of the king of 
Scotland ; and it is also manifest that he has had much conference 
with the earl of Leicester, upon whom he mainly depends for the 
fulfilment of his hopes. This and other things convince me that the 
queen of England is not ignorant of his pretensions; although, 
perhaps, she would be unwilling that they should be thus published 
to the world, for which reason she may wish to keep him (Dudley) 
in bis low and obscure condition as a matter of policy, and also 
in order that her personal immorality might not be known (the 
bastards of princes not usually being acknowledged in the lifetime 
of their parents), and she has always considered that it would be 
dangerous . to her for her heir to be nominated in her lifetime, 



although he alleges that she has provided for the earl of Leicester 
and his faction to be able to elevate him (Dudley) to the throne 
when she dies, and perhaps marry him to Arabella (Stuart). For 
this and other reasons I am of opiniou that he should rot be allowed 
to get away, but should be kt-pt very secure to prevent his escape. 
It is tiue bis claim at present amounts to nothing, but, with the 
example of Don Antonio before us, ifc cannot be doubted that France 
and the English heretics, or some other party, might turn it to their 
own advantage, or at If ast make it a pretext for obstructing the 
reformation of religion in England (for I look upon him as a very 
feigned Catholic) and the inheiitance of the crown by its legitimate 
master ; especially as during this Queen\* time they have passed an 
Act in England, excluding from the succession all but the heirs of 
the Queen's body. — Madrid, 22nd June 1587. 

Note to the above letter, in the handwriting of the King. " Since 
" the other letters were written, the enclosed from Englefield has 
" been handed to me." It certainly will be " safest to make sure of 
" his (Dudley 's) person until we know more about it" 

24 June. 114. The King to Count de Olivares. 

Estado, 949. j^. w jjj ^ advisable no {, fa p re ss forward for the present the 
question of the succession, but only in due time to request the Pope 
to fulfil the document of 24th February 1586, in which he undertook 
to accept the deprivation of the king of Scotland and to conform to 
my opinion with regard to the succession. On the other point, of 
declaring this war a righteous one, although it will be advisable for 
the reasons you and Allen have drawn up, yet it would be well for 
his Holiness at the time of the execution to grant a jubilee for those 
who take part in it, and those who pray for the success of so just 
and holy a cause. When you approach him on this point, in due 
time (which is not at present), you will take care to put it in the 
form I have mentioned, or in any other that you and Allen may 
think advisable, without altering the substance. Jn the mean- 
while it will be sufficient for yuu to strengthen your ground 
respecting the exclusion of the king of Scotland, which you will see 
is extremely important. 

It is also very desirable that you should now ensure the payment 
of the million, and its anticipation in the form I wrote on the 
7th April. This should be done with all possible speed and certainty, 
without pledging me to any fixed time, although you should say 
that you are sure I shall carry out the enterprise as soon as I can 
out of regard to the service of the Lord, the obligations imposed 
upon us all by the death of the queen of Scotland, and the saintly 
wishes of his Holiness. This is the path you will follow, but get the 
question of the money settled at once aud let me know. 

If you proceed in this way the Pope will not have so early an 
opportunity of trying to guard against the incorporation of what 
we may gain with my other dominions ; this being the point upon 
which you a3k me for instructions in case he should broach it. 
Whenever the matter is mentioned, however, it will be well for you 
to couceal the object I have in view, which is not to incorporate the 
conquest, but to dispose of it otherwise, and you may best do this 



by professing to be ignorant df my intentions in this respect, whilst 
at the same time you may, as if of your own accord, make certain 
remarks defeating the objections they raise there to the union of 
the dominions. The object of this will not be for you to entrench 
yourself behind this point, but simply to skirt it, and say that you 
will write to me about it, so that the Pope may be led to propose 
the solution which you know I desire, namely, to give the Crown 
nominally to the infanta ; or else, without specifying any person, he 
should authorise me in accordance with the contents of the document 
of the 24th February 1586. It is important that the proposal should 
come from there and not from me. 

There may be a good deal of artifice in the proposal you say the 
French are making to the Pope, to the effect that we should all join 
against England, and you did well in the steps you took with 
Cardinal Carrafa, which would enable you to discover the ground. 
It will be necessary for you to keep his Holiness well posted in this, 
ho that he shall not think that the desired result can ever be expected 
from Frenchmen, whose only aim is to make public any secret that 
may be entrusted to them, and countermine the intentions of his 
Holiness and myself ; whilst under the pretence of going to England 
they may patch up a peace prejudicial to our holy Catholic faith in 
France. You must, at the same time, inform his Holiness that, in 
order to prevent the closer league and friendship between England 
and France, which they are so warmly trying to bring about, it will 
not be bad to make a show of listening to these suggestions for a 
union between us, which it is said a brother of Cardinal Rarabouillet 
is going to negotiate. Letters about these proposals should be 
written, but with such caution that, whilst no danger is incurred 
to us, we may attain the advantage just mentioned. Follow this 
course, and the same shall be done here, if certain feelers they are 
now putting out on the same matter through the French ambassador 
here are persevered in. 

It is also possible that the man who is to be sent from France 
may take care to bring forward the idea they have started there 
(in France), namely, to marry the king of Scotland to a niece of the 
Pope on his conversion.* 

It will be best for you to take no action personally on this point, 
but you will make every effort, through trastworthy persons 
intimate both with his Holiness and yourself, to prevent its being 

You will have representations made to the Pope, showing him 
how bad it will be in all respects to listen to such a suggestion, 
and especially in the matter of religion. Point out to him that the 
responsibility resting upon him would be very groat, and that those 
who are so anxious to saddle him with it would leave him to bear 

* The idea probably originated with the duke of Guise, who at about this time was 
endeavouring to obtain for his eldest son, the duke de Joinville, the hand of the Pope's 
great niece Flavia Peretti (subsequently married to Virginio Orsini, duke de Bracciano). 
Sixtus perceived the object, namely, to obtain his support to Guise s intended attempt on 
the crown of France on the death of Henry III., and declined the alliance. If the 
suggestion to marry the lady to James VI. was ever really made, it must have appeared 
even more objectionable to the Pope, as H would have brought him into direct antagonism 
with the plans of the Spanish King. 

95498. H 



it alone, or would bo powerless to help him ; whilst his being 
mixed up with an affair tending to his private advantage, apart 
from religion, which is his own province, would alienate many of 
those who otherwise would aid the enterprise. Other arguments 
to the same effect will occur to you where there are so many. 

With regard to the hat for Allen ; you will ask his Holiness from 
me to confer it at once, on the ground that now that the queen of 
Scotland, the hope of the English Catholics, is gone they may 
despair, unless they see some person to whom they can turn for a 
remedy in their troubles. This danger may be avoided if they have 
a countryman of theiv own in high station near the person of the 
Pope, and particularly a person whom they know and trust so much 
as Allen. This will be a good public reason ; but in addition, you will 
privately tell his Holiness that in the interests of the enterprise 
it is necessary to come to tome understanding with certain persons in 
England, and it is quite time, indeed more than time, that such 
preparations were commenced by the elevation in question. This 
will reinforce the other reasons you will urge, but all appearance 
thut the elevation is made on account of the enterprise must be 
avoided. — San Lorenzo (?), 21st Juno 1587. 

30 June. 115. Count de Olivares to the King. 

Kstado, 949. Q n ^ e 26th his Holine&s was in a great rage at table, railing at those 
who served him and throwing the crockery about furiously, which 
he is rather in the habit of doing, but not often so violently as this. 

It was noticed that this immediately followed an audience he had 
given to the French ambassador, who had received a despatch from 
his King on the previous day and sent an answer on the morrow. 
I had audience the day following, and although I found his Holiness 
otherwise favourable, he said amongst other things that he was 
much alarmed at the jealousy that the king of France had begun 
to entertain of the House of Guise, and hoped it would lead him 
into no absurdity. He had already raised the embargo he had 
placed on certain English ships, and from one thing to another he 
might even go so far as to make common cause with the prince of 
Beam. I replied that I had always understood the King's action 
on these two points to be merely a fiction to cover his complicity in 
the death of the queen of Scotland, and his small concern at the 
existence of heresy in his realm, in order to upset the Catholic 
party. From these two things, and certain words let fall by the 
French ambassador, it may be inferred confidently that he had told 
the Pope plainly that unless he came to his aid liberally he would 
join Vendome to defend himself against the House of Guise. 

In the same audience the Pope told me that the ambassador had 
read him a letter from the King, to the effect that Don Bernardino 
de Mendoza was going about saying many things which prevented 
a harmonious understanding being arrived at between him and his 
subjects ; and that he (Mendoza) said that it was I who wrote these 
things to him. His Holiness told him not to believe such a thing 
of me. I replied that when the French ambassador had written 
from here, and Luxemburg had alleged in France that his Holiness 
had advised the King to make peace with the heretics, I had written 


- __ US 


that this was false testimony against the Pope and quite the 
of his zeal and fervour for the faith, which J begged m ° P P?*j** 
published broadcast I confessed that I iad written thtuf d 
considered that in doing fo I had done his Holiness a great serv^** 
He said that many other things besides that bad been written • and 
so the conversation ended, the Pope being somewhat uneasy, which 
confirms me in my opinion previously expressed that the allegations 
were not entirely invented. 

I have written many things to Don Bernardino which he may 
turn to account to keep up the spirits of the Catholic princes, but I 
am not sure whether he does not let them out too freely, and in 
future I will act through Cardinal Sanzio* to this effect, so that it 
will be done more secretly. 

The Cardinal has given me a copy of the statement of grievances 
presented to the Queen-Mother by these princes (of the League). 
A copy was also given to the Pope, but I do not send one to your 
Majesty, who will have received one before this arrives. — Rome, 
30th June 1587. 

30 June. 116. Document headed " Advices from England, from Richard 

P ^i^ hi . v f ' " Mirth (Antonio de Vega ?), 30 June, 1587, translated from 
k. io65. is. u English to Spanish;' 

On the 15th instant I received your three letters dated 13th and 
25th May, and 8th instant ; and on the 14th I reported the decision 
that had been adopted ou the arrival of the news of Drake's action in 
Cadiz. This was to send him reinforcements of ships and men ; the 
earl of Leicester going to Holland and Don Antonio being enter- 
tained here, as I fully wrote previously. What I now have to report 
is that the earl of Leicester leaves to-morrow, 1st July, taking with 
. him 4,000 men, an.l money for the provision of 3,000 cavalry in 
Germany. He is hurrying off because news comes that the States 
are divided. 

On the 15th instant there arrived here one of the Queen's ships, 
which had accompanied Drake as Wee-flagship, and the captain of 
which had fallen out with Drake. The sailors had mutinied and 
brought the ship to London, where most of them are now in prison. 
Since then another ship has arrived here, reporting having met Drake 
on his way to the Azores, 100 leagues further on. They say most of 
his crews were ill, and many were dying, it is asserted of the plague, 
in consequence of their having given way to excess in wine and food 
which they had captured. This has caused the ships I have mentioned 
to be hurried forward, and they will leave in a fortnight if the wind 
serves. The earl of Cumberland intends to go with tbeni, although 
Captain Frobisher is appointed to the command, which he refuses. 
The squadron will consist of four Queen's ships, including the one 
that has returned, eight merchautmen, and two pinnaces of 50 tons. 
They are victualled for five months, and w:ll take 1,500 sailors. It 
is suspected that some ships will also be obtained from Holland. 
They are also making ready 10 sail, which they say are to guard 
the Channel The squadron I have mentioned will go straight to 
the islands, and it will be necessary therefo re for you to send advice 

♦ Cardinal Sanzio was the principal agent of the Prince* of the League at the Vatican. 

H 2 



at once, saying bow important it is that a fleet should be sent to 
frustrate this and protect the flotillas from disaster ; because these 
people aim at getting money to carry on the war without expense to 
themselves. I approve of what you write, and will report in the way 
you say, my only wish being to serve as promptly and surely as 
possible. I will send advices of all that happens, although I fear 
they may close the ports. It will therefore be best not to write to 
me often, and then only when some good opportunity offers, until 
this fury be past. They are not very friendly with the French 
ambassador, nor do they caress him so much as they say in Paris. 
With regard to anything being discussed about our master, no fresh 
negotiations have taken place since M. de Belidvre came with full 
instructions to act to his prejudice. 

Don Antonio saw the Queen on the 23rd instant, and told her he 
wished to divulge a secret to her. This was, that he had been 
summoned to go to Portugal, and if she would let him have 2,000 
men he had arrangements which, with God's favour, would enable 
him to land at a certain place where men and money were awaiting 
him. He was confident that if these 2,000 men were furnished him, 
under the pretext of sending these reinforcements to Drake, he 
would produce more effect with them than he could at any other 
time with 10,000. The Queen dismissed him, saying that she would 
discuss the matter with the Council and send her reply. When the 
question was before the Council there was some difference of opinion. 
Many members thought that the opportunity should not be lost, the 
present time being favourable ; but, in consequence of news that he 
had privately received from a merchant, the earl of Leicester said 
that two Portuguese, who had been secretly sent by Don Antonio to 
Portugal with the object mentioned, had reported that they could 
get no one there to listen to them ; so that Don Antonio copld have 
received no such summons as he said, and if the Queen undertook 
the business it would have to be done with adequate forces. The 
Queen therefore replied to Don Antonio that he was to wait, and she 
promised to help him in due time. She desires to keep the matter 
pending until she sees the outcome of Drake's expedition, and the 
sending of this squadron to reinforce Mm, and also the result of the 
earl of Leicester's going (to Holland). I did not speak to the 
merchant (Dr. Lopez ?) respecting the matter about which you wrote, 
because it is necessary for me to receive first a letter which I can 
show him. Pending the sending of this, write to me saying that his 
service will be welcome, and that he shall be recompensed in accord- 
ance therewith, using fair words because he is now in a different 
station and reputation from formerly. He has means of knowing 
all that is done, and may be very useful, although I am aware he is 
what you say, and negligent, but if he has someone to follow him 
up he will always be of use. 

June. 117. Draft of Propositions to be submitted by Count de 

Estado, 949. OLIVARES to the POPE. 

With regard to the question of the succession his Majesty assumes 
that his Holiness will already have been informed of the well-known 
fact that when the queen of Scotland was taken a will was found, 



in which she left his Majesty heir to the Crown, this being the reason 
of her death a/nd of the approval of it by the king of France. 

Although this will has been concealed by the queen of England, 
his Majesty has an atdograph* letter from the queen of Scotland 
to Don Bernardino de Mendoza, his ambassador in France, who was 
formerly in England, dated the 20th May, 1586,t in which she 
announces her intention of making this disposition in case her son 
should not be converted to Catholicism at the time of her death, as 
she feared. 

Both documents originated in the Queens having understood the 
right to the Crown possessed by his Majesty by virtue of his descent 
from the House of Lancaster, both by the line of Castile and that of 
Portugal ; his claim being a more valid one than that of any other 
claimant who could arise, besides the double disqualification of heresy 
and bastardy under which they all suffer. 

To this claim of his Majesty is added the right of conquest in a 
war whose justice is evident, even if the Queen were not a heretic, 
which of itself would justify it. 

On the other hand, it is represented to his Majesty that, as he 
cannot go thither to reside, it is highly important, since the country 
is so over-run with heresy, that a Catholic King or Queen should 
be on the spot to try to lead it back to perfection again. 

In this perplexity his Majesty is anxious to learn the opinion of 
his Holiness, and receive his good-will and blessing on either of the 
two courses open. His Majesty begs him not to hesitate to give 
him his opinion freely, whatever it may be, as, in any case, it will 
not for a moment occur to his Majesty that it is prompted by any 
lack of love for him, or by any risk to prevent his aggrandisement, 
because in the interests of the Holy See itself the King is sure he 
has every reason to desire it His Holiness has moreover always 
shown so much personal affection for the King, that the latter 
trusts that this also may influence him in his favour. He also begs 
his Holiness not to think that he will be better pleased to retain 
the realm in his own hands, as, for many reasons, he would prefer 
to dispose of it otherwise, and, if the matter extended only to the 
term of his own life, he would not hesitate for a moment about it. 
The only scruple which assails him is whether he is justified in 
depriving the Prince, his son, of a kingdom, which not only has 
descended to him by right, but for the recovery of which revenues 
of the Crown of Spain will have been alienated, to a rather greater 
value than the worth of the acquisition. To this must also be 
added that the possession of these dominions is of the most vital 
importance for the maintenance of the States of Flanders in union 
with the crown of Spain, and also for the preservation of the 
Spanish Indies. 

His Majesty prays his Holiness to consider the question in all its 
bearings, as his opinion, dictated by prudence and aided by the Holy 

* In the King's hand : " The papers that came did not say that the letter was written 

" here now. Bat we have a copy, which it will be well to see at San Lorenxo » Th* 
letter was written in cipher by Curie, 
t This letter will be found in the Third Volume of the present Calendar. 



Spirit, will have great weight with the King, who desires to hold or 
dispose of that realm (England) for the service of the Apostolic See, 
and the Catholic faith, with the blessing and approval of his 
Holiness. — Madrid, June 1587. 

1 July. 118. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King. 

^toTsw?' The 14 ^P 8 which I mid the ( l lieen of En g lftnd had decided to 
send in aid of Drake (four of her own and 10 being fitted out by 

merchants in the West Country, of 80 to 100 tons each vessel) I am 

advised by Julius from London, under date of 16th ultimo, had 

not then sailed. The four Queen's ships had come to the mouth 

of the Thames, and could not leave there before the 20th, although 

the weather was favourable. The Queen had no certainty as to 

when the other ships in the West Country would be ready, but it 

was expected they would be so at the end of the month ; so that, 

notwithstanding the fine weather, they have been longer than was 

thought probable. 

The Queen's ship " Golden Lion " has arrived in Loudon. She 
was one of the best of those taken out by Drake, but came back as 
she was making much water and it was feared she would sink.* 
The captain (i.e. Borough) was a man whom the English consider 
a great sailor, but as he could not agree with Drake, whose opinion 
he opposed in many things, Drake tried to get him dismissed from 
his ship ; but the seamen would not allow it, and he brought the 
ship back to England, where directly he arrived the Queen did him 
the favour of casting him into prison. Drake has sent to ask for 
some victuals, and although he has provided himself with wine 
and biscuit he may be short of all else. 

They write from Rouen that many ships are being fitted out for 
the succour of Drake, but they do not give the number, or the 
ports they are in, so I do not consider the news serious. I hear 
from Juliusf and others that up to the 16th instant only the 14 
ships I have mentioned were being prepared. 

The Queen had decided to send Lord Grey to Holland, but when 
news came that the duke of Parma had set down before the Sluys 
and Ostend she had changed her mind and had ordered the earl 
of Leicester to make ready to go ; but it was not known what 
troops he woulJ take. 

Don Antonio was in London. — Paris, 1st July 1587. 

1 July. 119. Bernardino de Mendoza to the Kino. 

^5w! ? 262/' The duke of Parma has captured two forts from the Sluys 
people and was attacking them with great fury on the 28th 

* The King Las added a marginal note here which is apparently intended to be jocular, 
but it is not very clear, at least to me : it runs " Perhaps it was like the case of the tree 
they talk about which had feeling" The Kiog probably meant this for a hint that the 
ship was leaking out of fear for the danger she was in if she accompanied Drake to 
Cadiz, or else that the wood itself had become sentient at the evil deed that was being 

+ Julius or Julio appears to be a new cipher name for Sir Edward Stafford, who had 
hitherto been referred to as •• the new friend " or " the new confidant." An attempt at 
mystification is made by representing him as writing from London, but this is not 
continuously kept up. 


Kstado, 949. 


Sampson is with me as I write this, very late at night, and there 
is no time now to enclose in this the contents of the reports he has 
from England dated 18th ultimo ; but they say that Don Antonio 
is being more caressed by the queen of Ecgland than ever. The 
succour she was sending to Drake, of four of her own ships and 10 
merchantmen, was being got ready and the ships were to meet on 
the coast of Cornwall.* Sampson says they are warmly embracing 
here (t.&, in Paris) the coming of Don Antonio, and are considering 
where will be a place of safety for him. Sampson humbly salutes 
your Majesty and prays for favour as he is in great need and 
living is very dear here.t — Paris, 1st July 1587. 

3 July. 120. Count de Oltvares to the King. 

Three days since there arrived here the Scottish friar who I wrote 
on the 30th ultimo was expected. He is a certain William Creighton . 
who was here when I came from Spain. 

As soon as he arrived Melino went to him, and afterwards 
reported to me that he had brought news given by the archbishop 
of Glasgow and Don Bernardino, that the gentleman, J who a year 
ago came on behalf of the Scottish Catholics, and whom your 
Majesty referred to the prince of Parma, with whom he has been 
ever since, had been sent back at Whitsuntide with an answer from 
your Majesty, offering G,000 infantry for the end of August or 
beginning of September, and the pay for as many more to be raised 
in Scotland for six months for the help of the King, on condition 
that he declared himself a Catholic, as he really was. The infantry 
was to be supplied from Flanders, they (the Scots) sending the 
vessels to bring them over, and in order to make all due provision 
the Prince of Parma had drawn on Don Bernardino de Mendoza for 
10,000 crowns. To divert the suspicion of the queen of England, 
the Prince had commanded the troops to be shipped from some port 
in France. Creighton was instructed to convey this intelligence 
to the Pope, to Cardinal Mondovi, to Sanzio, and to no other 

As I saw that this news, joined to other things, would confirm 
the belief here that your Majesty had finally embraced the English 
enterprise, and would strengthen the hope entertained of converting 
the king of Scotland, by persuading tiie Pope that your Majesty 
also entertained it,§ I am endeavouring through Allen and Mondovi 
(who, in addition to their zeal for religion, continue in the best 

* Marginal note in the King's hand : ** I do not know whether, if these ships succeed 
" in joining Drake, he will not be superior in strength to the Marquis (of Santa Cruz). 
" If the weather serves for the latter to put to sea he might meet them, which would not 
u be bad. If the courier for Portugal has not left, it will be well to send these advices 
" in case the Marquis should be there.*' 

t Sampson was Don Antonio's agent, Escobar, in Paris, secretly in the pay of Spain. 
He received constant news from the Portuguese refugees in London. 

X Robert Bruce of Bemie. 

§ It is curious that this was the second occasion in which the meddling of the over 
zealous Jesuits, and particularly Creighton, had been largely instrumental in frustrating 
Philip's plans In Scotland. The publicity given by them to the plot of 1 562 had caused 
Philip to abandon it, and there is no doubt that the coldness exhibited henceforward 
towards Bruce's negotiations was partly caused by the fact that, thanks to Guise and 
the Jesuits, the details were common property, and the exclusive and secret management 
of the affair by Philip became impossible. (See Volume III. of this Calendar— 



disposition about the succession) to have this man persuaded not to 
impart this news to anyona We are greatly aided in this by the 
fact that Creighton himself has heard so much from various quarters 
of the Pope's lack of secrecy, and has almost been converted to 
the advisability of keeping silence. What I fear most is the arrival 
of letters from the archbishop of Glasgow written in the belief that 
this Jesuit had conveyed the news to his Holiness. I will report 
what happens. — Rome, 3rd July 1587. 

6 July. 121. The King to Bernardino de Mendoza. 

kTi44s! 124!' Praise Muzio for his firmness with the Queen-Mother. Stop 
the public talk about my support to the Guises. It is most 

It is indeed a strange invention of those (French) ministers to say 
that I was approaching the king of France with suggestions that he 
should turn against England. I have no doubt that your hint that 
they should be asked to produce the original letters will have 
proved where the truth lay. I always thought that L'OngWs hints 
to the Nuncio and other persons here, to the effect that his master 
(the king of France) was desirous of joining with me against 
England, were for the purpose of feeling the ground, and the persons 
he thus tried to deceive have now been informed of what had been 
said in Paris. 

You must do your best to preserve the new friend, with whom you 
are now on such good terms, but your communications must be kept 
extremely secret, because if this means should fail us we shall lose a 
most valuable source of information, and there are doubtless people 
there who watch you closely. 

I shall be glad to have news of Bruce when you receive any. I 
think that the Earl of Morton, who has come hither, would have 
been better advised if he had remained at home, as I fear that his 
absence may militate against the business. He asserts that he left 
the country by the King's wish, although not banished or forced ; 
becaused he was assailed on all sides by his rivals of the English 
faction. He has licence for five years and has left his wife and 
children in the enjoyment of his estates. He has only recently 
arrived here, and it is possible that after we have heard what he has 
to say, he may be instructed to return to Scotland immediately, as 
he may be of service there but cannot be so elsewhere. — Madrid, 
6th July 1587. 

6 July. 122. The King to Bernardino de Mendoza. 

kTi448. ill 9 / I am ver y anxious to know if the 14 ships which you say were 
being fitted out in England to reinforce Drake have sailed, and 
whether only the six have arrived, or more ; also, what has become 
of the 10 vessels which you report were lying in the Thames ready 
for sea. The constant repetition of these instructions to you in all 
the letters, to pay particular attention to these armaments, does not 
arise from any lack of care in the matter on your part, but because 
it is of such vast importance that we should have early information 
of their movements, in order that they may be frustrated ; and we 



are constrained, therefore, to keep the point before you. By the 
account we recently sent you of what happened in Cadiz you will 
see how the matter has been exaggerated in England. I hope in my 
next to be able to inform you that the marquis of Santa-Cruz has 
sailed.— Madrid, 6th July 1587. 

6 July. 123. The King to Bernardino de Mendoza. 

K. 144J3L 12^' Does not think there is much in Friar Diego Carlos' negotiation 
for the submission of Don Antonio. If the latter likes to surrender 
without conditions, well and good. In such case he might be 
re-granted the title and revenues of the Priory of Ocrato, and might 
live simply and decently in Malta. — Madrid, 6th July 1587. 

6 July. 124. The Kino to Bernardino de Mendoza. 

kTi448l lis!' ^ ou ^ we ^ * n preventing Mmdo from committing such an evil 
act towards the Catholic Scottish earls, who trusted him, as to 
denounce them to their King. I much fear that the coming of the 
earl of Morton hither will render Bruce's plans impossible; and 
as it is of the highest importance to know what has been done in 
Scotland, in order that the earl of Morton may be instructed 
accordingly ; you will make great efforts to send me news at once, 
so that I may get it, if possible, before he leaves Spain and returns 
home, which at present seems the best course, as he can be of no use 

Tour other point, as to which of the two offers made to the new 
friend he should accept, requires some consideration; but in the 
present aspect of affairs it appears that he would be of the greatest 
service in the Council when he returns home, although it would, 
perhaps, be advisable that he should retain his present post as long 
as possible, as, whilst he is there, he can give information as to what 
is going on both in England and France with greater speed and 
facility than he could elsewhere. Besides which some suspicion may 
exist that their wish to remove him from there, by tempting offers, 
may be with the intention of playing a trick upon him. At all 
events it is quite certain that L'Ongle* here knows that he often 
meets you at night, and he is more likely to have learnt it from the 
other side than from here. You must, however, keep this fact to 
yourself, so that you may arrange your communications with him 
(Stafford) with the utmost secrecy, and at the same time to induce 
him, for his own safety's sake, to stay in his present position as long 
as he can. You can instance the accusations they brought against 
his brother in England, f and other things in support of this ; but 
do not hint to him that his communication with you has been 
discovered by anyone who may use the knowledge to his prejudice, 
for fear that he may take alarm and forsake the good path he has 
hitherto trodden for a different one. If he must change bis place, 
persuade him to enter the Council, but if he cannot do that, let him 
not refuse the other post (i.e. t the viceroyalty of Ireland), and urge 
him, wherever he may be, to continue his good services, which shall 

* l/Ongle" was the French ambassador in Spain. 

t William Stafford, who had himself divulged a pretended plot with one Moody and 
the Frenchman Destrappes to kill the Qneen. 



he adequately rewarded. Keep his friendship in any case, and get 

as much information as you can from him and others, reporting all 

things to me. — Madiid, Cth July 1587. 

10 July. 125. Count de Olivares to Jvak de Idiaquez. 

8 °' " Ab Allen and Melino found this William Creighton to be of the 
same opinion as his countrymen in Paris, namely, that the king of 
Scotland may be converted, and that the conversion of England by 
the Pope should be effected, so as to secure the succession to the 
king of Scotland, it has been thought bett not to undeceive them for 
the present, in order to prevent any attempt on their part to raise 
trouble. They (Allen and Melino) are, therefore, temporising with 
them, knowing as thoy do how much better for the English will be 
your Majesty's rule than that of the king of Scots, even if the 
religious danger did not exist. They are, as if of their own motion, 
writing books to be spread in England enforcing this view, when 
God ordains the hour (which, in view of Creightou's news, they 
think cannot now be far distant) for the whole enterprise to be 
undertaken. I asked Melino for a summary of the arguments they 
intended to use in the book, and he gave me the document which I 
now enclose. The principal arguments set forth are, in effect, those 
which I submitted to the Pope in February 1586, and are re-stated 
in my remarks to Clause 3, with the Pope's reply. (See Volume II L, 
of this Calendar.) 

They assure me that Creighton is keeping silent about the offer 
made by your Majesty to the Scotch Catholics, and Allen and 
Melino have done excellent service in arranging this. They are both 
fittingly zealous in his Majesty's interests, knowing how important 
it is to them that they should be so. 

The enclosed sonnet has come out here ; they say it came from 
Paris. I have no further news, only that the Pope dined the day 
before yesterday in a very pretty vineyard belonging to Cardinal de 
Medici here, but he rather damped the favour by ordering his dinner 
tu be brought and cooked by the officers of his own household, and 
not allowing the Cardinal to see him alone for a single moment. 

A gentleman of the House of Ursino recently died, leaving, in 
default of heirs, two villages to Paul Jordan ; and Cardinal de 
Medici had taken possession of them, as he rules all h ; s affairs. 
I have just learnt that the Apostolic Chamber has now seized them ; 
and, above all, that the Pope gave the order for doing so in Medici's 
own vineyard the day he dined there. What people to live with ! — 
Rome, 10th July 1587. 

12 July. 126. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King. 

^"1565! ^a!' My news from England is dated the 1st instant, reporting the 
embarkation of the earl of Leicester that evening for Holland with 
4,000 or 5,000 Englishmen, who had been pressed for the service. 
This infantry had already been embarked. The Queen had made 
Leicester Lord Steward, and had given his post of Master of the 
Horse to the earl of Essex, the eldest son (sic) of Leicester. The 
Earl was accompanied by Lord North and Lord Ulevi.* An 

* Peregrine Bertie Lord Willougbby d'Eresby. 



Englishman had got out of the Sluys by swimming, with letters 
from the commander, who promised the Queen to hold the place for 
two months. 

The four ships which were ready to go and reinforce Drake had 
endeavoured to leave the Thames on the 29th ultimo, but the wind 
drove them back, and up to the 10th instant news from the coast of 
Normandy reports that the weather has been such as to prevent 
tbem from getting into the Channel, as furious westerly gales have 
been blowing. Ships have arrived on the coast from Lisbon, having 
left the latter place the 18th, 20tb, and 22nd, and they report that 
they sighted no vessels on the voyage. 

Nicholas Ousley, an Englishman, living in Malaga, sends advices 
to the Queen, and on Walsingham's receiving certain letters from 
him, he said he was one of the cleverest men he knew, and the 
Queen was much indebted to him for his regular and trustworthy 

Some news letters, in English, have been sent to me from Rome, 
which letters had been received, addressed to an English gentleman 
who had died here. The Count de Olivares had seen them, and 
thought they ought to be sent to your Majesty. I knew of these 
letters when they arrived here at the end of May. They were 
written by one of Wakingham's officers, who is the kou of a Spanish 
Friar who fled many years ago from St. Isidro, at Seville, with a 
nun of Utrera, to whom he is married. The son is a much worse 
heretic than the father, and when he wrote the letters he had them 
dated March, to deceive the Englishman who wrote them. He 
wished to pledge the English gentleman here by this civility, in order 
that he might send him some news. I mention this matter to your 
Majesty that you may understand that, although those reports 
have some appearance of probability, they are really hatched by 
WaMnghara's knavery. — Paris, 12th July 1587. 

16 July. 127. Bfrnardino de Mendoza to the King. 

_ _ « » ^. 

B^M65. 24?*' J have kept back my letters since the 10th, as I was expecting a 
courier to arrive (from England). He came on the 15th. The 
Queen refuses the offer made from here to take one of your Majesty's 
frontier towns, as she thinks it will not suit her to provide money 
for Frenchmen to take a place which they will keep and not 
surrender t » her. The English ambassador is instructed to see this 
King and point out to him the danger he will incur if he comes to 
terms with the duke of Guise. The ambassador has orders to 
prevent a settlement by all means, but no details are entered into. 

After this despatch had been written, Fenner arrived in London 
on the 8thf with the news which I sent in my last about England, 

* After the Armada, against which he served as a volunteer in the " Revenge," Lord 
Admiral Howard wrote of him (Lansdowne MS, LIX., Ellis's original Letters) to 
Burleigh .— " It hath pleased her Highness, in respect of his good services heretofore in 
" Spain, in sending very good intelligence thence, and now since in our late fight against 
" the Spanish fleet, to graut unto him a lease of the parsonage of St. Helen's in London." 
—He then proceeds to request Burleigh hhould prevent any lease of the parsonage heing 
granted which should prevent the reward of one who hath so well deserved in adventuring 
his life so many ways in her Majesty's service. 

t In the King's hand : " I do not know who this is. If you know, tell me." The 
person in question was Captain Thomas Fenner. 



and which are confirmed by Julius, namely, that Drake was coming 
to London to ask the Queen's permission to return at once and 
encounter the Indian flotillas, which he had been informed were 
bringing fourteen millions, which is an indication that he has fallen 
in with the despatch-caravel. The Queen had decided to order him 
to return instantly with the seven ships he had brought, and the 14 
which were ready for sea, together with two merchantmen, which were 
ordered to put to sea as soon as the weather served. Drake was 
boasting that he had all along had exactly the weather he wanted. 
Julius (who is very sharp) tells me that Drake's return was being 
kept very secret, and requests me to inform your Majesty of it 
instantly, so that if the news arrive in time the marquis de Santa 
Cruz may sail for England, when he would infallibly encounter 
Drake. Although Drake's booty was very valuable, the Queen 
would not profit by it, as it has to be distributed amongst the sailors* 
and this would set all the mariners in England agog to go out and 
plunder. For this reason, he (Stafford) says it is important that I 
should advise your Majesty at once, so that the armaments might be 
pushed forward and the queen of England attacked, which would 
end it all. He will send me what further news he obtains. I send 
this by special courier. — Paris, 16th July 1587. 

16 July. 128. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King. 

p ^ rw 1 ^ 1 ^ 8 ' Since I wrote the enclosed letter about England, a courier has 

arrived here who left London on the 9th instant. The letters he 
brings report that Fenner arrived in London on the 8th, advising 
the arrival of Drake at Plymouth on the 6th, with four of the 
Queen's ships and three merchantmen, he having left the rest of his 
vessels on the coast of Spain. He brought with him four ships, said 
to have come from Calicut, loaded with spices and precious stones of 
the value of about a million ; and seven ships which had come from the 
coast of Brazil. He (Fenner) reported that Drake was coming to 
London to salute the Queen. As it is unusual for four ships to come 
from India together, it is probable that Drake will have encountered 
the " San Lorenzo " which wintered at Mozambique, and having 
captured that, and other ships from St. Thom£, he said that the 
whole four were from Calicut. As soon as I learn anything fresh I 
will report to your Majesty. As I am closing this I hear from 
Rouen that news comes from England that Drake also captured the 
despatch-caravel from the flotilla from New Spain, — Paris, 16th July 

26 July. 129. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King. 

^lnt**? ^faring to the interviews with Friar Diego Carlos, respecting 
Don Antonio's alleged desire to submit, the writer and Sampson 
have opened some correspondence between the friar and the pre- 
tender. The tenour is obscure, but seems to confirm the sincerity 
of the approaches. This view is further confirmed by the friar's 

* In the King's hand : " I think he means to refer to the Indian flotilla. I hope it 
cannot be true with regard to the other." It will be seen by the following letter 
that the King's fears were confirmed, and that Drake's booty from Spain was very 




petition for pardon, and to be allowed to end his days in a monastery 
in Spain. Sends with the general letters a communication from 
Antonio de Vega and the advices of Richard Mirth dated 30th June. 
" They are copied from a letter of his, as I wrote to him the great 
" risk to which letters from there to Spain were exposed and that he 
" had better send his news to me and I would have it ciphered and 
'• forwarded to your Majesty." — Paris, 26th July 1587. 

28 July. 130. The King to Bernardino de Mendoza. 

^K^^. vSt ^ accoun * °f what Drake did in Cadiz was recently sent to you, 

and also what we had heard of his subsequent movements. For a 
long while since we have been unable to obtain further news of him, 
until now that we hear he has captured, near Terceira, a ship from 
Mozambique which had remained to winter there last year.* He 
also took part of the cargo of another ship from the Indies bound 
for Portugal. The prize is valuable, but not nearly so valuable as 
will be made out there. The marquis of Santa Cruz sailed from 
Lisbon on the 11th instant with from 35 to 40 sail, very well found, 
carrying 6,000 foot soldiers, a half of whom are old soldiers, and 
3,000 very brave seamen, all first-rate men. At the same time the 
Andalucian portion of the fleet sailed for Lisbon, consisting of 80 sail, 
amongst which are four galleasses. The Marquis is going to ensure 
the safety of the Indian flotillas and sweep the corsairs from the 
seas ; and if God should allow him to encounter Drake, I trust he 
will give him what he deserves. I tell you all this in order that 
you may know the truth of what occurs. — Madrid, 28th July 1587. 

2 Aug. 131. Bernardino de Mendoza to the Kino. 

*^i^w!"e*' T* 16 Portuguese friar, Diego Carlos, has been desperately ill and 

almost starving ; since the monasteries here do not give as much as 
a cup of water to foreign friars without payment He has received 
orders from Don Antonio to return to England at once, as it is 
rumoured that he is negotiating for a settlement with the King 
(Philip), and Don Antonio fears this may injure him. When the 
friar recovered he saw the writer and said he had excused himself 
from returning on the ground of ill health. He assures Mendoza that 
he is acting with Don Antonio's authority, and the latter has only 
written as he has done to deceive spies. He demands similar terms 
for Don Antonio as were accorded to the duchess of Braganza and 
the prince of Parma when they renounced the succession in Philip's 
favour. Mendoza ridicules the idea, and says that Don Antonio 
must submit first. A long discussion ensued on the conditions that 
in such case should be allowed to the pretender, his family, and 
adherents. The friar concludes by promising to write to Don 
Antonio, saying that Mendoza was authorised by the King to 
negotiate in the matter. He (the friar) will never return to England, 
ill or well The Queen-Mother, in conversation with Sampson, was 
delighted at the capture of the Indian ship by Drake, and said it 
showed how powerless your Majesty was, as Drake in so short a time 
had sacked a Spanish port, entered Lisbon harbour, t and if Don 

• This was the great Galleon San Felipe, 
f This was hardly true, as he had not passed Cintra. 


1587 ~ " ~ 

Antonio had gone with him the city would have risen for him. — 

Paris, 5th August 1587. 

28 July; 132. Document headed "The new Confidants Advices from 
and 12, England.— 28 July 1587." 

15, and i n consequence of certain despatches which the Queen had recently 
22 August, received from France, she had sent orders to Drake on no account to 
k! 8 1565. l 34?' come *° London, but to remain where he is and make ready with 
all haste to put to sea shortly with the 16 ships she had ordered, the 
14 which were ready before he arrived, and two more which have 
since been added. It is suspected that the Queen had private 
intelligence of something from lier ambassador in France, which 
made her change her mind. Although Lord Admiral Howard, Lord 
Hunsdon, Cobham, and Walsinghan;, are of opinion that Drake 
should return at once with the ships he had ready, so as not to miss 
the opportunity of capturing the Indian flotillas, the Treasurer points 
out what a risk they are running if these ships were lost, as might 
be feared, since the marquis de Santa Cruz would certainly meet 
them at sea now that so much time had passed. The question was 
referred to the Queen, the Treasurer saying it was a matter she must 
herself decide, like that of the beheading of the queen of Scotland. 
The advantages, and otherwise, of sending the ships out having been 
represented to her, she decided ; and there is now no sign of Drakes 
returning or sailing with a fleet. The Queen has since pent him 
permission to come to Lon«Jon, and has ordered her ambassador in 
France to use the utmost efforts to discover the number of ships and 
men of the Spanish fleet, and when it can put to sea. 

Advices of 12th August (O.S. ?). 

No decision has yet been adopted with regard to Drake's putting 
to sea or otherwise, and there are no appearances of bis being able to 
sail at short notice, although Drake is bragging publicly about 
having no other wish than that the Queen should give him leave to 
go with the ships that are ready, as he is confident that with them 
he could take the Indian flotillas or fight the marquis of Santa Cruz. 
He does not mean this, and has no stomach for the voyage, because 
in discussing the matter with the Council he bays that it is late now 
to meet the flotillas off the Azores, and that the marquis of Santa 
Cruz has had plenty of time given him to collect his fleet ; but still, 
he says, he will go if the Queen orders him. 

Out of the 19 ships left by Drake on the Spanish coast, eight 
arrived in different ports in England on one day, having been 
scattered by a tempest. They bring but few men back with them 
as most have died on board of the plague. 

On the arrival of news of the surrender of the Sluys*, and seeing 
how heavily the war is resting upon them (the English) Walsingham, 

* On the retirement of Leicester with his 4,000 men from Blankenburg, the farther 
defence of the Sluys became hopeless, and the surrender was arranged on the 9th August 
(m.b.)> In recognition of the gallantly of the defence, and in order to obtain the town 
before the defenders learnt of the great preparations in England for their relief, Parma 
conceded unusually favourable terms. The garrison marched oat with all their arms and 
baggage, ensigns flying, drams beating, and firelocks lit, in all the pomp of victorious 
war ; and Alexander gave to Gronvelt, the governor, a nattering testimonial to the queen 
of England that he had defended the town worthily to the very last. Nine hundred 
soldiers marched out, beside the 400 sick and wounded that were carried to the Flushing 
fleet in boats. 


1 587. 

when leaving the Council, being asked what news he had, replied 
that he had none of any good, lor the Que*n would only follow her 
own will, which would bring about her ruin and that of all her 
Councillors. He said that although they had that day submitted to 
her a proposal by which she might be entirely assured with regard 
to Scotland she would not adopt it, but she would see her mistake 
by and by. As the king of Scotland is in the hands of the English 
faction it may be suspected that the proposal they submitted was to 
kill him. 

Advices of 15th and 22nd August (O.S. ?). 

Letters from Lisbon, dated 25th ultimo report the sailing of the 
marquis of Santa Cruz and the Andalucian fleet with nearly 13,000 
soldiers, and this news gives them here (in London) anything but 
happy dreams. 

The earl of Essex, who is a very handsome youth, Master of the 
Horse to the Queen, and much favoured by her, has quarrelled with 
Raleigh the other favourite, and during the dispute Essex boxed 
Raleigh's ears. It is understood that the cause of the quarrel was 
something about the Queen, and she has reconciled them, ordering 
that on no account is anything more to be said about the matter. 

One of Raleigh's captains, who was cruising in a pinnace to 
plunder, sighted more than 60 sail off the point of Cornwall, coming 
from the direction of Spain. He went ashore instantly, and, taking 
post, arrived at Court at midnight on the 16th, reporting to 
Walsingham that he had sighted the Spanish fleet making for 
England. Walsingham at once took the news to the Queen, who 
immediately summoned all the Councillors and held a Council on the 
spot, whilst she was in bed. They resolved that the Admiral should 
go directly to London and embargo all the thips in the river, whilst 
the Queen's 14 ships should go r,ut into the Channel, the news being 
kept very secret. The alarm of the Queen and Councillors, however, 
was so great that they could not prevent the intelligence from 
leaking out. Within three days they learnt that the ships the man 
had seen were a flotilla of 60 hulks belonging to Hamburg and 
elsewhere which were coming from Lisbon. 

The Queen hat* decided that Drake shall not go, but that his ships 
shall be held in readiness for eventualities, and to counteract the 
intentions displayed by the Spanish fleet. The English ambassador 
in France is therefore ordered to use the greatest efforts to discover 
what the intentions are. Captain Frobisher will leave in four days 
and will be off Dunkirk with seven ships on the 26th, in order to 
prevent the armed ships from Dunkirk from capturing English 
vessels on their way to Embden, Holland, and Zeeland. Drake has 
gone to Plymouth by the Queen s orders, to bring to the Thames the 
Slip he captured coming from Calicut. They only value the spices 
she brings in some 300,000 crowns now ; and it is understood that 
the sailors have pillaged a great portion of what she brought since 
she has been at Plymouth. 

30 July. 133. Count de Olivares to the King. 

Estado, 949. j ^ nd your ji^y the warrant for the million, signed by the 

Pope. All other points of the English business are going on well ; 




as he wished, when he signed the warrants, that a capitulation 
should be drawn up between himself and me, Carrafa asked that 
some others should be associated with him in the settlement of its 
terms, and the Pope nominated Santa Severina and Rusticucci, whilst 
I appointed t)e$& to help me, as I did not wish to undertake so 
important a business unaided.* 

As the affair may now be considered almost settled I need not go 
into all the pro and con that has occupied us for so many days, and 
will only set forth so much as may be necessary for future guidance. 
I must begin, however, by expressing my great surprise that hitherto 
the Pope has positively kept the whole proceedings perfectly secret. 
One of the clauses was with regard to the new King ; and they tried 
to stipulate that he should be chosen by common accord, but it was 
in the end left to your Majesty, and the clause was so worded that 
your Majesty might appoint the Prince or the Inf anta.t There is no 
doubt on this point, and the Cardinal (Deya) is of the same opinion, 
although there was apparently a desire to lead up to the Pope's 
recommending one of his nephews or the Infanta. I let it pass, as 
the general wording embraces the whole thing, and because it was 
most likely to secure secrecy in the meanwhile, but if your Majesty 
thinks well, the course I suggested in my despatch of 16th instant 
can be taken to lead the Pope to make the desired proposal to your 
Majesty of his own accord ; or any other means may be adopted 
that your Majesty thinks fit. 

The matter of the investiture was so wrapped up that he passed it 
over without cavil or difficulty. 

The Pope was pleased with the proceedings, and his suspicions 
were not aroused by the said clause, which may be brought to induce 
the Pope to give the investiture to your Majesty, on condition of 
your at once substituting another in your place, and this would be 

No mention at all was made of the king of Scotland during the 
whole of the proceedings, nor is anything said of his marriage with a 
niece of the Pope. I have placed spies to gain information on this 
point in case of need. 

On the matter of the restitution of church property I was yielding, 
as I thought your Majesty would be. 

The Pope was under the impession that, in accordance with the 
arrangement, your Majesty could receive the million on the arrival of 
the Armada in England, and that as soon as you received it you 
would go to Flanders. Your Majesty will see how hard he has tried 
to ensure this, and I could do no more than I have done, seeing his 
greed for money, although I must do him the justice to say that on 
the present occasion he has suppressed it more than anyone could 
have believed possible. 

The Pope would not allow to be set forth in this document the 

mode in which payment was to be made if the enterprise were 

- -■ ■ 

* Santorio de Santa Severina had been one of the candidates for the papacy ; and in 
his memoirs he attributes his defeat to hit refusal to promise to make one of his 
colleagues, Altemps, governor of Rom*. - He, like Rusticucci, was bound neither to the 
Spanish nor French interest Deca, on the contrary, was a Spanish subject. 

f Either the prince of Astoria*,- afterwards Philip III., or the Infanta, Isabel Clara 
Rugenia, the King's eldest daughter 



3 587. 

(not ?) undertaken this year, on the ground of its omission making 
the document clearer ; and it was not possible to press him much 
on the subject, for fear of making him suspect that the enterprise 
would not be carried out this year, in which case he might delay 
granting the warrants and other papers. It is true that I have 
given him no pledge as to time, but he must think it will be this 
year. The lack was supplied by Cariafa's warrant enclosed, which 
provides in the above-mentioned case that things shall remain on 
the same footing as before. 

It was also impossible to get Pinellis warrant extended to the 
month of December, as he (the Pope) said that he did not wish the 
money to remain long in the possession of anyone, and that if 
the affair was not carried through by the end of November it would 
not be done this year, and if in the meanwhile it was seen that 
the enterprise would take place in December he could extend the 
warrant. The key of the mystery is his desire to make a noise by- 
sending this million into the castle at Christmastide if the enterprise 
is not carried through by then. 

I do not send the original warrants, which will be wanted here, 
for fear of their being seized on the road, and the original of the 
agreement is kept back for the same reason. I have an idea of 
sending it all enclosed in one packet (without saying what it is) by 
one of jour Majesty's officers here. 

They made an attempt to stipulate for paying the money in 
Lisbon, on the ground that warrants had been offered for that place, 
but I understood a loss would be incurred by this, and they 
consented to Rome. 

I have again talked with Pinelli as to what he can do in the matter 
of discounting, after seeing the form of assignment which the Pope 
gives him. He tells me that, as regards the first 500,000 crowns, as 
he is bound to pay it this year, he thinks it will not be necessary to 
discount it ; but the last 500,000 he will pay in advance at the rate 
of 200,000 crowns a month, or more if possible, in accordance with 
his promise. He also offers to arrange advantageously, on account 
of your Majesty, for the remittances you may wish to make to 
various places ; and for this service, and for the discount, he trusts 
to your Majesty's liberality for his remuneration. 

Your Majesty will please consider what should be done in your 
interest, but this man makes much of the profit your Majesty will 
reap by adopting the course he recommends. For my own part, I 
am ashamed to say that, although I am your Majesty's accountant- 
general, I understand so little about it. He says that if money be 
needed in other places, besides those mentioned the other day, he 
will seek means to provide it on his being given timely advice of the 
various places where the money is to be provided. 

In the matter of the grants * the same wording as before was 
adopted, and I thought your Majesty would consider it best to have 
it specified before the document was adopted in the consistory. I 
have already written how cautious the Pope is about this. 

* Grants of subsidies to be levied on the ecclesiastical revenue* in Spanish dominions, 
i 95498. l 



As regards keeping the French in suspense and hopeful, his 
Holiness promises to do this, as he is requested in the document, and 
I will keep it in his mind. 

They did not mention the furnishing of Italian troops and the 
point was passed over smoothly.* 

It has been impossible to press, as I should have liked, the matter 
of Allen's hat, in order not to embarrass the rest. His Holiness 
shows a disposition to grant it, but he dwells upon his not having 
been informed of any particular time for the carrying out of the 
enterprise; and that I have received no instructions from your 
Majesty, for Allen to go, or do anything. If I had orders from your 
Majesty, or the prince of Parma, for Allen to perform any task, I 
would take the opportunity of pressing his Holiness about it, but, 
in default of this, I am trying to devise some other means for 
shortening the delay. 

I gave Allen your Majesty's letter. He is deeply grateful for 
it, and for your Majesty's new favour and offices with the Pope on 
his behalf. He and Melino are extremely well disposed in your 
interest. His reply is enclosed. — Rome, 30th July 1587. 

30 July. 134. Sampson's Advtces from England. 

P K? 8 i56^ 1 85r ' When ^ on Antonio was on his way from the Court, which is at 
present at the Treasurer's house, he met, on Wednesday the 29th, 
Drake, who was going thither with the Lord Treasurer, the Admiral, 
and the Lord Chamberlain. Drake was very obsequious to Don 
Antonio, and said that as soon as he had seen the Queen he would 
go to London and speak with him. On the 30th Don Antonio went 
to Walsingham's house, seven or eight miles up the river, and there 
seems to be some great business between them. Don Antonio has not 
written, probably in consequence of these visits, and of his expecting 
some decision that he may be able to send to his people here, whom 
he ordered to hold themselves in readiness. They report also that a 
fleet of vessels was being prepared for Drake, but the number of 
men and vessels is not stated. They affirm that 300,000 crowns in 
cash was found on board the vessel from India, and it is said that 
when the captain took leave of the ship he remarked that she carried 
money enough to take Don Antonio to Portugal There was great 
rejoicing at the arrival of this ship, and they had hopes of getting 
others like her. 

M. de la Chatre, governor of Dieppe, writes to the Abbe Guadagna 
that he has a letter from Don Antonio, saying that he has 16 ships 
ready for an enterprise, and begs la Chatre to come to him with 700 
French harquebussiers to share the honour and profit of it. La 
Chatre excused himself on account of events in France, but said that 
if matters were settled here he would not fail to join him. 

Sampson. 15th August. 

On the 13th Don Antonio was attacked with a colic, from which 
he was in danger for some hours. He is now free from it, but as 
short of money as usual. He is anxious that it should not be 

* One of the Pope'* conditions was that if the Italian troops were to be employed in 
the expedition he should be authorised to proride them in lieu of a portion of his money 
subsidy. This, of course, did not suit Philip. 



thought that the approaches made to the king of France and his 
mother with respect to his coming thither (to France) were made by 
his orders, and he has written to his people instructing them to say 
that they acted on tbeir own responsibility. 

Sampson. 22nd August. 

Don Antonio has been very ill and still complains. Don Antonio 
has not received anything from the plunder of the ship from India, 
and has no hope of doing so. 

They report that during the week in which the letter was 
written, 150 sail, large and small, were sighted off the English 
coast ; and everybody seemed much alarmed and confused, but that 
the Queen had shown a stouter heart than any of them. 

Don Antonio complains of want of money, but is in hope that 
they will help him with an extra grant. So says his treasurer. 

5 Aug. 135. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King. 

k!*1565. 8^' ^ n answer to your Majesty's instructions, that I should report the 
present position with regard to the negotiations between England 
and France touching the seizures, no details have yet been dealt 
with, the embargoes having been raised conditionally ; both the 
aggrieved parties being left to proceed in separate cases of robbery. 
Some time since some Havre ships captured two English vessels on 
the ground of piracy, and the English ambassador has complained 
to the King about it, assuring him that they were not pirates but 
merchantmen. As, however, the captains of these two ships had 
been condemned to be hanged at Dieppe, and their crews consigned 
to the galleys, I understand the English ambassador says that if 
they carry out the sentence it will not be extraordinary if the 
English seize some French ships in England in return for these two. 

By orders of his Holiness the archbishop of Glasgow has now 
accepted the post of ambassador of the king of Scotland here, and is 
received as such by their Christian Majesties. 

In reply to your Majesty's inquiry as to the reason for the king 
of Scotland's change of attitude towards the bishops, the King gave 
no other reason than that they were persons who had rendered 
service to his mother, and that they could better serve him here 
than any others of his subjects, leaving the matter to be dealt with 
more fully in the Parliament convoked for the 22nd ultimo. Up to 
the present no information has reached here of the course of events 
in the Parliament, but to judge by the past this action of the king 
of Scotland is prompted more by considerations of policy than 
affection for the Catholic religion. 

The Scots ambassador has not yet received the present which the 
king (of France) had ordered to be given to him, nor does he seem 
to be despatching the gentleman sent to him by his King, which is 
a sign that no resolution has been arrived at The master of Grey 
whom the king of Scotland held prisoner, has arrived here, the King 
having released and banished him. — Paris, 5th August 1587. 

6 Aug. 136. Bernardino de Mendoza to the Kino. 

Wstr^ 68 ' Th* n *ws I sent to your Majesty about Drake's arrival came 

through Secretary Walsingham hither. It would seem that the 
latter was anxious to exaggerate the news, because letters dated 

1 2 



14th and 22nd ultimo, confirmed by my own agents, and also 
by sundry merchants, report that the English fleet was scattered 
by a storm on the Spanish coast, and Drake with his own ship, 
three others, and a tender, ran before it to the islands. Three 
leagues from St. Michaels he fell in with the ship called the " San 
Felipe " bound from Portuguese India, which had taken on board at 
Mozambique the cargo of the galleon " San Lorenzo/' which was not 
fit to proceed on the voyage. Drake captured the " San Felipe," 
and landed her people on the island of St. Michaels ; after winch he 
sailed for England, accompanied only by the four ships, with his 
own and the tender. He brought no other prizes but the ship from 
India, and on the 22nd the Queen had no news of the whereabouts 
of the rest of the fleet. She had therefore despatched a tender with 
news of Drake's prize. Drake remained at Plymouth, some say on 
the excuse of a wound in the leg, others because of an attack of 
ague ; but the general opinion is that these are only pretexts for 
fear that if he goes to London, and the plunder is not divided 
amongst the sailors, as the Queen promised, they would mutiny, 
and he could not sail again in the Queen's ship, which he brought 
back. He was therefore hurrying forward the preparation of the 
four Queens ships which she had granted him, and the 12 merchant- 
men, although it was not known when they would be ready to sail. 
If, however, they were ready for sea, the weather up to the 29th 
ultimo would have prevented their departure. 

Drake had written to the Queen offering to capture the Indian 
flotillas, or fight a pitched battle with your Majesty's fleet, and with 
this object he had begged the Queen to increase the number of men 
beyond the thousand she had ordered to go in the 14 vessels above- 
mentioned to reinforce him. He requests instead that 3,000 may be 
sent, soldiers and sailors, but the Queen had not granted this. 

I am hourly expecting news from England, and will at once send 
the same by courier to your Majesty. In order to lose no time, I 
am sending this by a person who is going to Bordeaux. 

There is no advice from Holland and Zeeland of preparations for 
ships to accompany Drake, although Diego Botello* was in high 
hopes, as Sampson's advices enclosed will show. — Paris, 5th August 

7 Aug. 137. The Pope to the King. 

Bstado*^. I^ ear S° n m Christ, greeting. This morning I held a consistory, 
and Allen was made a Cardinal to please your Majesty, and although 
when I proposed it, I alleged reasons calculated to give rise to no 
suspicion, I am told that, as soon as it was known in Rome, they at 
once began to say that we were now getting ready for the war in 
England; and this idea will now spread everywhere. I urge your 
Majesty, therefore, not to delay, in order not to incur greater evils 
to those poor Christians, for if we tarry longer that which you have 
judged for the best will turn out for the worct.. 

With regard to the aid for the enterprise, I have at once ordered 
the fulfilment of everything that count de Olivares has requested, 
and I believe he sends particulars to your Majesty. 

* Diego Uotello, who had formerly represented the Portuguese pretender, Don Antonio, 
in London, was now pressing his cause in the revolted Netherlands. 


3 587. 

On undertaking this enterprise I exhort ycur Majesty g^ ^ 
reconcile yourself with God the father, for the sins of princes destroy 
peoples, and no sin is so heinous in the eyes of the Lord as the 
usurpation of the divine jurisdiction, as is proved by history, sacred 
and profane. Your Majesty has been advised to embrace in your 
edict bishops, archbishops, and cardinals, and this is a grievous sin. 
Erase from the edict these ministers of God and repent, or otherwise 
a great scourge may fall upon you. Regard not the man who may 
advise you to the contrary, for he must be either a flatterer or an 
atheist ; but believe me who am your spiritual father, believe our 
holy faith, your spiritual mother, whom you are bound to obey for 
your salvation's sake. Human, canon, and theological laws, all 
counsel you the same way, and they cannot advise you wrongly. 
Octavius Caesar and other pagan emperors respected the divine 
jurisdiction so much that, to enable them to make certain laws 
touching the same, they caused themselves to be elected pontiffs. I 
have shed many tears over this great sin of yours, and I trust that 
you will amend it, and that God will pardon you. The Vicar of 
Christ must be obeyed without reply in questions of salvation, and 
I, therefore, hope that you will submit. — Rome, 7th August 1 .587. 

Note. — Father Tempesti (Storia della Vita e geste di Sisto Quinto) 
gives a Latin version of this letter from the Vatican archives. The 
reason of the Pope's anger was that Philip had undertaken himself 
to nominate the new English archbishops and bishops ; and, rightly 
or wrongly, the Pope was informed (by the Cardinals of the French 
faction) that his intention was to appoint Spanish ecclesiastics to 
the English benefices. 

11 Aug. 138. The King to Bernardino de Mendoza. 

P K?^448. 137!' ^ ou were right in your conclusion that Drake could only have 

taken one ship from India. The others must have been from else- 
where. If he return to the islands he will meet the marquis of 
Santa Cruz, and if he come to these waters again he will find some- 
one on the look-out for him, as the Andalusian fleet has gone to 
Lisbon. We think here, however, that he will not attempt to 
return at present. You will advise all you hear, with your usual 
diligence, as it is of the highest importance that these reports should 
be frequent and trustworthy. 

It was well to mention about Nicholas Ousley of Malaga. The 
matter has been dealt with. If you hear of anyone else acting in 
the same way, report it — San Lorenzo, 11th August 1587. 

2 Sept. 139. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King. 
Paris Archive*, [Extract from a letter mainly relating to the affairs of the 

K - 166 *' 42 - duke of Guise.] 

Julius* has informed me that Drake's voyage is abandoned, as he 
has been assured by letters from Cecil. These are things that Cecil 

* In the 
" that Cecil 


1 Kioir's band : -" I think Julius must here mean the confidant, as it is to him 
.0.. ^<*il writes. According to this he (Cecil ?) cannot be dead, as I fimcy I heard 
somewhere that he was. At other times I have an idea .that Julius had mocked h,m 
(Mendoxa?) or that he had been sent there by htm. "This >s ra her °Wure . but 

Philip was right in his surmise that - Julius " sometimes stood for the new conadairt," 

otherwise Sir Edward Stafford, the English ambassador m France. 



and Walsingham are in the habit of writing to him, and have mixed 
other matters with them for greater concealment in case the 
despatch should be lost. Julius has again been approached on 
behalf of Epernon with regard to the capture of one of your 
Majesty's frontier fortresses, for which he says arrangements have 
been made, the place being Bapaume, and the matter certainly 
within the cognisance of the king of France. I am advising the 
duke of Parma of it. 

I have heard nothing of Bruce nor has the friar received any 
reply yet. — Paris, 2nd September 1587. 

2 Sept. 140. Bernardino de Mendoza to the Kino. 

K. 1565. 44.' ^he Christian King has received advice, through Lyons, of the 
sailing of your Majesty's fleet, the number and size of the ships, and 
the strength of the crews being specified. This intelligence made 
many think that it would be desirable for them (the French) to 
invade your Majesty's Netherlands with such forces as they had, 
for the purpose of diverting the object of the fleet. The King 
replied that he had neither men nor money to enable him to embark 
on a war with your Majesty. When they saw this was impossible 
they urged him in any case to send an embassy to Scotland to 
persuade the King to join the queen of England, in case the fleet 
should invade her country. This advice was considered the wisest, 
although no person has yet been appointed to the embassy, nor is it 
known whether they have given a reply to the articles which the 
Scots ambassador presented from his master, although he has been 
pressing very warmly for it and for an audience. There is nothing 
new with regard to the drawing closer of the alliance between this 
country and England, and things remain in their former position. 
I send herewith the heads of the present treaty between them, in 
case the terms should be made more binding. The matter will 
certainly not be forwarded by the release of Thomas Morgan by the 
King at the request of his Holiness. He was a servant of the queen 
of Scotland and had been kept a prisoner in the Bastille. The 
King granted the Nuncio's request for his liberation on the arrival 
of the bull for the sale of 50,000 crowns of ecclesiastical property, 
which I mention in another letter, and the English ambassador is 
asking for audience about it. He says the last time he saw the 
King his Majesty promised him never to liberate Morgan. He sent 
a despatch to England the instant he heard of it, and has also done 
so to advise the elevation of Dr. William Allen to the cardinalate. 
To the adjoined advices given to me by the new confidant, and 
confirmed by Julio, to the effect that Drake's voyage is completely 
abandoned, and the Queen determined to stand on the expectant 
until she sees what your Majesty's fleet will do, I have to add that 
Horatio Pallavicini writes that the Queen was so annoyed at the 
capture of the Sluys, and so sick of the war in the Netherlands 
that, to judge from appearances and the hurry she is in to send off 
the peace commissioners to Holland, if the duke of Parma was 
willing to come to terms she would refuse no conditions that were 
not absolutely degrading. He says that the court of England had 



been in great alarm at the false news of the Spanish fleet having 
been sighted. 

The queen of England had recently sent a son of Lord Hunsdon 
secretly to Berwick, on the excuse of a hunting expedition, but 
really to convey a message to the king of Scotland that he had some 
business with him on behalf of the Queen. The king of Scotland 
replied that although he (Cary) came secretly, he could not, for his 
honour's sake, receive an envoy from the queen of England, who 
had killed his mother ; but he would send a trustworthy person to 
whom he might communicate his business. He sent one of his 
valete-de-chambre, and Lord Hunsdon's son would not enter into the 
matter with him, except to point out to him how important it was 
to the King that he should receive him and be on his guard against 
your Majesty, who wanted to turn him out of his kingdom and take 
it for yourself. He laboured on this point with an infinity of 
fictions hatched by Walsinghara. The valet returned with this to 
the King, and when the latter saw how greatly they urged the 
importance to him that he should receive the envoy, he asked the 
valet whether he thought he ought to do so. The valet replied 
that he would on no account advise him to receive him, and 
requested that another gentleman should be sent with him when he 
took the King's answer in order that he might be a witness to what 
Lord Hunsdon's son said, as he might afterwards deny his words if 
the valet were alone. The King took his advice, and sent with him 
a gentleman of his chamber, but the son of Lord Hunsdon would 
say nothing, but again pressed upon the valet how much it behoved 
his master to beware of your Majesty, whose only object was to 
deprive him of his throne, which he was not able to defend unless 
(the queen of England) was hitf good friend, and he was disposed to 
go to England. In this case she would treat him as a son and 
appoint him protector of the kingdom, which would make him no 
less than her heir, although for many reasons the Queen could not 
formally nominate him as such. 

The Scotch Parliament has risen and, amongst other things, it is 
said they gave leave to the King to marry whom he pleased, without 
fresh authority or consent of the country, and to sell and dispose of 
at his discretion all the ecclesiastical properties. The queen of 
Scotland's servants have arrived here, with two French secretaries, 
her doctor and chaplain, who have been released by the queen of 
England. The Queen's body has been interred with great ceremony 
in the place where she was beheaded. — Paris, 2nd September 1587. 

4 Sept. 141. The King to the Prince of Parma. 

Rejoices at the capture of the Sluys, seeing its probable usefulness 
in the main business as a port and starting place, and the facility of 
the employment of the channels leading to it for the collection of the 

boats I thank you again for having opened this 

port to us, and approve of your idea of mustering the bulk of the 
army intended for the main business on the pretence of attacking 
Ostend. You cannot think how pleased I am to see you so bent 
upon conquering and beating down all obstacles which may present 
themselves, and that you expected to have all the troops ready for 


] 587. 

the concerted time. Your reports arrived in good time to enable us 
to decide what is to be done by the fleet from here ; and having 
considered the danger to your passage, which you point out, if the 
English fleet succeeds in placing itself in the Straits — having in view 
the strength and character of their ships, and the fact that yours 
will be so open — we have come to the conclusion that the plan of 
trying to avoid this difficulty by dividing our forces, and sending 
this Armada to attack some other point, might have an uncertain 
result. The enemy would understand the object of the manoeuvre, 
since you are so strongly armed and so near to them, and they 
would concentrate their forces to oppose you instead of being 
diverted by the feint. I have therefore been convinced that the 
most advantageous way will be to join your forces there with ours 
at the same time ; and when a junction is effected the affair will bo 
simplified and the passage assured. The whole force can then be 
promptly applied to cutting the root of the evil. 

We calculate that by the time you have invested Ostend you will 
have over 30,000 men ready for the main business, whilst 16,000 
Spanish infantry, a part of them veterans, will go in the Armada 
from here, the whole force of soldiers and sailors in the fleet reaching 
22,000 men.* I have decided that when the marquis of Santa Cruz 
arrives with the flotillas at Cape St. Vincent, which he is expected 
to do from hour to hour, he shall leave them there in charge of the 
Spanish galleys, ar.d go direct to Lisbon. He will there at once 
take charge of the fleet which will be awaiting him and with (Sod's 
blessing sail straight to the English Channel. He will sail up the 
channel and anchor off Margate point ; having first 6ent notice to 
you at Dunkirk, Newport, or the Sluys, of his approach. You in 
the meanwhile will be quite ready, and when you see the passage 
assured by the arrival of the fleet at Margate, or at the mouth of the 
Thames, you w ill, if the weather permits, immediately cross with 
the whole army in the boats which you will have ready. You and 
the Marquis will then co-operato, the one on land and the other 
afloat,\ and with the help of God will carry the main business 
through successfully. Until you have crossed over with the army, 
the Marquis is not to allow himself to be diverted from assuring 
your safe passage, and keeping at bay any force of the enemy which 
may come out to prevent it. The fact of his having taken possession 
of that port (Margate) will cut the communication of the enemy, and 
prevent them from concentrating their forces to some extent. 
When - you have landed (the Marquis giving you 6,000 selected 
Spanish infantry as ordered), I am inclined to leave to the discretion 
of both of you what would be the best for the Marquis to do with 
the fleet ; whether still to assure the passage of our people from 
Flanders to England, and cut off foreign aid which might be sent to 
the English, or whether it would be better for him to go and capture 
some port and divert the enemy's strength. Or else he might go 
and seize the English ships lying in various ports, in order to 

* In the King's hand :— " If you do nut do so further on, would it not be well to give 
" him particulars of the ships and stores, &c., as well as the number of men ? " 

f In the King's hand : — " I think it would be better to say here 'you on land and the 
^Urquis afloat • " 




deprive them of maritime forces, which are their principal strength. 
After you have both considered this question on the spot, the 
Marquis will carry out the joint decision and you will hasten to the 
front to conduct the undertaking on the lines decided upon. I trust 
to God, in whose service it is done, that success may attend the 
enterprise, and that yours may be the hand to execute it. 

These orders are now awaiting the Marquis on his arrival on the 
coast, and he will carry through his part directly, without waiting 
for fresh advices from you. We are quite aware of the risk which 
is incurred by sending a heavy fleet in the winter through the 
Channel without a sure harbour, but the various reasons which 
render this course necessary are sufficient to counterbalance this 
objection, as will be stated below. As it is all for His cause, God 
send good weather ; and you had better try to have some advices 
sent to meet the Marquis about Ushant. If you do this, however, 
it must be done so secretly that, whatever happens to the vessel, the 
object of its voyage can never be discovered and it would perhaps 
be better to confide the information to some trustworthy person 
verbally instead of writing it, and let him go disguised as a 


The most important of all things is that you should be so 
completely ready that the moment the Marquis arrives at Margate, 
you may be able to do your share without delay. You will see the 
danger of any such delay, the Armada being there and you behind- 
hand ; as until your passage is effected he will have no harbour for 
shelter, whereas when you have crossed over he will have the safe 
and spacious River Thames. Otherwise he will be at the mercy of the 
weather, and if, which God forbid ! any misfortune should happen to 
him, you will understand what a state it would put us into. All 
will be assured, please God ! by means of your good understanding, 
but you must not forget that the forces collected, and the vast 
money responsibility incurred, make it extremely difficult for such 
an expedition again to be not together if they escape us this time, 
whilst the obstacles and divisions which may arise (and certainly 
will do so) next summer, force us to undertake the enterprise this 
year, or else fail altogether; which I hope will not occur, but that 
great success may attend us with God's grace, since you are to be 
the instrument, and I have so bountifully supplied you with money. 
On other occasions I have written to you, how all our prestige is at 
stake, and how much my own tranquillity depends upon the success 
of the undertaking ; and I now once more enjoin you earnestly to 
justify me for the trust I place in you. Pray send me word at once 
that there shall be no shortcoming in these respects, as until we get 
such advice I shall be very anxious. — San Lorenzo, 4th September 

12 Sept. 142. Bernardino de Mbndoza to the King. 

V ^\£^™ f A» I wrote in my last, the English ambassador had pressed for 

an audience of the King on the release of Thomas Morgan. He 
told the King that by liberating him he had broken the treaty he 

* In the King's hand :— " It will be necessary to let the Marquis know we have written 
44 this underlined portion to the duke of Parma." 



had with the queen of England, whereupon the King replied that 
the queen of England had violated it to a greater extent, and with 
much less reason, by executing the queen of Scotland, and he 
therefore had nothing more to say about the matter, and the 
friendly relations should continue undisturbed. Letters from 
England report that the Queen is much offended at Morgan's 

All recent letters from England, up to the 5th instant, assure me 
that there is no sign of naval armaments. The seven ships I 
mentioned had sailed under Frobisher to protect passage from 
Flushing to London against the Dunkirkers. Drake had gone to 
Plymouth to bring the galleon, " San Vicente," (Felipe ?) to the 
Thames, as the Queen intended to alter her above water to the same 
pattern as her own ships ; but withal there is no talk of armaments. 
It is true they are shouting here about Drake's having sailed with a 
large number of ships, but it is all nonsense ; and the truth is, that 
the Queen is not thinking of fitting out a fleet, but keeps her own 
ships in readiness, with the intention of watching the movements of 
your Majesty's fleet. Since the fall of the Sluys, armaments there 
are out of the question, although Diego Botello says the States make 
promises to Don Antonio. I hear from Sampson and others that 
the latter has been desperately ill, and is in great need and 
discontent. The Commissioners the Queen was sending to Flanders 
were being hurried off They are the earls of Derby and Hertford, 
Lord Cobham, James Crofts, the Controller, Dr. Dale, Master of 
Bequests, and John Herbert, doctor of the Court of Admiralty. 

Letters from Scotland, dated 25th ultimo, report that the Parlia- 
ment confirmed the establishment of the Calvinistic religion, and 
issued a proclamation ordering the Catholic priests and Jesuits to 
depart under pain of the " horn law," as it is called ; those who 
harbour them or converse with them being subject to the same 
punishment.* This is, for a first offence, condemnation aa rebels 
and confiscation of goods for a year. For the offence of harbouring 
them a second time, the punishment is that of felony or treason, 
namely, death and confiscation of goods. The King had also granted 
to the ministers (i.e., Protestant clergymen) the right of capture of 
the priests and Jesuits, by means such as those employed in Spain 
for the apprehension of offending persons ; and the earl of Huntly 
had consequently obtained 20 days' immunity to enable an uncle of 
his belonging to the Society of Jesus to leave the country.t These 
are indications that the King is not so well inclined to the Catholic 
religion as some people want to make out and assert here. They 
write to Rome to the same effect, but I am keeping count of Olivares 
informed of what is occurring. 

* Id this first Scots Parliament, after James attained his majority, the whole of the 
temporal lands held by bishoprics, abbacies, and priories were annexed to the Crown, the 
tithes alone being reserved for the maintenance of the ministers. This was a crushing 
blow to the Scottish episcopacy, as it virtually divested the bishops of the right to sit in 
the national Parliament which they had done in virtue of their baronial possessions. 
The same Parliament also ratified all the laws previously passed in favour of the reformed 
religion, and enacted, as is stated above, very severe punishments for the seminary priest. 
By re-enacting the Commons representative law of 1427 it also established on a permanent 
basis the elective representative system as in the English House of Commons. 

f Father James Gordon. 



The King has also taken the temporalities of the archhishop of 
Glasgow and the bishops of Dunblane and Boss, which means 
depriving them of everything, and quite extinguishes any hopes 
they might have of returning to Scotland. The King had made 
the earl of Huntly, a Catholic lord, his Vice-Chamberlain, in 
consequence of the office of Lord Chamberlain being hereditary 
in the family of the duke of Lennox, and because the present 
holder, being a child, he cannot serve. The King had also appointed 
the earl of JBothwell to be guardian or general of the Border with 
the earl of Angus, in consequence of his having been informed that 
the queen of England had sent Lord Hunsdon to Berwick with 
orders to station 3,000 men on the Scotch frontier. 

The ambassador who had been sent by the king of Scotland to 
Denmark to treat of his marriage with that King's daughter had 
returned with the reply that the king of Denmark would have 
much pleasure in allying himself with him, but not for the purpose 
of making war on the queen of England, with whom he was on 
terms of friendship. — Paris, 12th September 1587. 

Note. — In another letter of the same date to the King's secretary, 
Don Juan de Idiaquez, Mendoza thanks Qod for the news of the safe 
arrival of the flotilla from New Spain in Sau Lucar, and two ships 
from the Portuguese Indies in Lisbon, and that they are now free 
from anxiety lest Francis Drake should go out and capture them. 

13 Sept. 143. Bernardino de Mendoza to the Kino. 

K. 1565. 52!"' Julius* advises me that the queen of England has written to her 
ambassador here, telling him to use every effort to persuade the 
King to come to terms with Beam, and agree to a general peace. 
He thinks the matter has been broached in London by the French 
ambassador, because directly this despatch arrived Villeroy and 
Believre went secretly at night to the house of the King's advocate, 
which is next door to the English ambassador's, where the latter 
joined them. They said at first that they wished to inquire whether 
the Queen would send Commissioners to negotiate an agreement 
with your Majesty, and the ambassador told them that Commis- 
sioners had already been appointed; but I understand they 
afterwards urged him to use every endeavour to persuade his 
Queen to a general peace, and employed arguments which they were 
sure would influence the Queen's mind. I do not repeat them here 
but they mostly turned upon the danger which the King personally 
incurred by continuing the war, and the countenance he was obliged 
to give to the Guises. They said that although the King was 
collecting an army, he was inclined to peace, and in order to obtain 
it he would continue his action and do his best to weaken the 
Guises, to prevent them from standing in the way. For this reason 
the King's agent in the Netherlands had sent a gentleman to the 
duke of Lorraine, requesting him to propose a marriage between 
the princess of Lorraine and the duke of Parma or his son, great 
advantages being offered by this King to bring it about. They 
thought that this and other things connected with it would cool 

* " I think he must be the same man, although we thought not before." — In the Kimg's 



Parma in Lis help to the Guises, and would throw him entirely in 
the arms of the king of France in the matter of the division (i.e., of 
Philip's Flemish dominions). In consideration of this (seeing your 
Majesty's age and that of Parma) they would promise the latter 
the government of those countries (i.e., the part of Flanders which 
should fall to the share of France). Villeroy afterwards urged upon 
the ambassador the importance of the Queen's placing no trust in 
your Majesty, and upon her continuing to distrust you by every 
means in her power, in which this King would aid her. 

Julius also tells me that Cecil advises him that John Herbert, 
whom I know well, and they consider a clever man, was going as 
one of the Commissioners, with the secret mission of saying to the 
duke of Parma that he ought to recollect who it was that allowed 
his grandfather to be murdered, and that your Majesty was now 
usurping the throne of Portugal from his son, which was not a 
thing to be lightly forgotten. He shou'd not iucur the risk of your 
Majesty, at your age, so arranging matters in the Netherlands as to 
deprive him of the opportunity of benefiting by them, but should 
win the favour of the people of the country, and garrison the towns 
with men entirely devoted to him ; and particularly in those towns 
which the Queen would surrender to him if she came to terms with 
your Majesty. Both the Queen and France would help him with 
all their strength, and she pledged herself to this faithfully ; besides 
which, it would be better for his (Parma's) son to possess the throne 
of England than your Majesty. This message has been communi- 
cated to Julius in consequence of its importance, and they expect 
to obtain greater results from it than from the ostensible business 
of the Commissioners. I have requested Julius to try to learn what 
reply is given. He also informs me that Walsinghatn writes on the 
5th instant to the Ambassador instructing him to use every means 
to discover in what spirit Parma received the communication, and 
whether his desire was only to gain time. Since he was so intimate 
with Arundell, Walsingham suggests that the latter should be set on 
to discover something from me, this biing the sole object of the 
courier's being sent. He asked me what answer he should send, 
and I told him to say that the duke of Parma was acting very 
straightforwardly and sincerely in the communications that were 
being opened, in the assurance that as the Queen had initiated them 
she would be willing to give your Majesty entire possession of your 
own. I thought this was the most fitting language to use. Your 
Majesty will see by what I say how cleverly Julius is acting through 
all this. 

From Scotland I have a letter dated Petty Leith, 14th ultimo, 
saying that Captain Forster would start in two days for Denmark 
with five ships for cargoes of wheat, and although I have no letters 
from him or Bruce this is a proof that they have arrived safely, 
and are successfully managing their business.* I am hourly 
exacting letters from them. Your Majesty will see by the 
enclosures my news from Scotland and England under dates of 
25th and 30th ultimo. — Paris, 13th September 1587. 

* Note in the King** hand: — •• That would be very good, although I do not see how it 
can be true with Morton here." 


13 Sept. 144. Document headed "Advices from London of 13 September 
Paris Archives, « 1587, translated from English to Spanish." 

TC 1S65 54 

There is a great desire here to make peace with the king of Spain 
and on the 17th the Commissioners are to leavo here. They are the* 
earl of Derby, Lord Cobham, the Controller, the Queen's doctor, and 
a Master of Requests. It is said that Walsin^ham also will go, and 
the matter will not fall through for want of concession on their part, 
for they are more alarmed than ever, seeing the events that have 
taken place and the preparations being made elsewhere, which are 
not to their liking. They are also disappointed about the effect of 
the coming of the Reiters, by which they thought to make sure 
of the king of France. The King is getting vexed, knowing that 
the Queen was the cause of their coming, as he plainly writes to his 
ambassador. If she says anything to him about Morgan's release, 
which has much offended her, he (the French ambassador) is to 
reply, that the King could not avoid liberating him, both because he 
had been asked to do so by the Pope and the king of Spain, and 
because of the offences she had offered to him in killing the queen of 
Scots, and in succouring and favouring his rebel subjects. The 
ambassador has said nothing yet, but the Queen is informed of it by 
Stafford and Walsingham. The earl of Leicester is in Holland, 
greatly hated by everyone, so much so that the States roundly 
refuse to negotiate with him, they themselves being divided. 
Count Hohenlohe has refused to meet Leicester. The Admiral's 
visit was to persuade him (Hohenlohe) to come and see the Queen, 
but he excused himself on the ground that the States said that they 
did net want any Englishmen, but would defend themselves. It 
has been decided here to instruct the Earl to fortify Flushing, 
Bergen, Brille, Ramequin, and Ostend, and to threw all the English- 
meu into those places to hold them. It is expected, however, that 
the Earl will soon return, although he has refused to do so hitherto 
when requested, as he says his honour is at stake and he is 
determined to hold these places firmly. 

They cannot make sure of the Scots, who refuse to listen to their 
excuses. The chancellor of Scotland made a speech to his King 
in the name of the people at the end of the Parliament ; and in 
order that he might avenge himself for his mother's death they 
offered the King a half of all they possessed. The King replied 
that he accepted their good-will, but that it was necessary for him 
first to consult other friendly monarchs, in order that the matter 
might he taken in hand effectually. This makes people, here think 
that the king of Spain may thus ruin them through Scotland. 
So great is the fear of this that the captain and crew of a ship 
belonging to Raleigh came hither (to London) on the 23rd ultimo, 
and swore before the Council that they had sighted, 50 leagues from 
the English coast, a fleet of 130 sail, amongst which they recognised 
30 Biscay ships and some Portuguese galleons. This upset them so 
much as cannot be believed, as they thought the fleet was going to 
Scotland, and musters were ordered all over the country, captains 
being appointed on the Borders. They still fear that the fleet 
the king of Spain is fitting out is to go to Scotland. The Queen 
is caressing Don Antonio lately more than ever, and he is therefore 



quieter. He summoned Diego Botello hither, but he excused himself 
on the ground that he wished to make ready first 12 ships which 
the States granted him to go to the Mina. Although Leicester 
wrote to Dr. Lopez that these ships should certainly not go for 
the service of Don Antonio, even if they were got ready; he, 
Leicester, being on bad terms with Botello, still it will be well to 
report the matter, so that those in the Castle of Mina may be put 
upon their guard. 

The Indian ship discharged her cargo in Plymouth with 17 
vessels and tenders, which brought it to London two days ago. It 
consists of 4,070 cwt. of pepper, 500 cwt. of cinnamon, 100 cwt. of 
cloves, 120 cwt. of other drugs, 500 bales of aniseed, 103 boxes and 
115 bales of stuffs. This is being sold, but nothing else. Horatio 
Pallavicini, the Genoese, offered 100,000J. for it, out of which he 
was to be paid 30,000£. they owed him, and I expect he will get it 
by the favour of interested persons. 

Three ships belonging to George Carew, captain of the isle of 
Wight, went to the Havana and brought back two vessels from 
Santo Domingo loaded with hides and sugar, five merchantships, 
three fishing boats, and a Brazil ship. 

18 Sept. 145. The King to Bernardino de Mendoza. 

*j? n f 4 ^ c ^4^' I note your reports from England. As they are from so good a 
' source, and you can get them there without fail, take care that you 
send them often. These last have been a long while coming. Write 
particularly whether the talk of Don Antonio embarking with the 
16 ships is going forward. Let me know where the English place 
the ships they were arming, or whither they send them ; and tell 
me whether the deputies they were sending to meet the duke of 
Parma's representatives were going openly or under some pretence. 
Julius can easily tell you this. 

With regard to the suspicions aroused there (in Paris) about the 
Sluys, and in the matter of Allen, you will continue your efforts to 
divert them, especially with the Nuncio. You did well in leading 
him astray as you did, in reply to his hint about the enterprise, 
which doubtless was only a feeler prompted to him by some other 
persons, You will inform count de Olivares of this, and of the 
feeling displayed in these matters generally by the Nuncio, as it may 
be important.* — San Lorenzo, 28th September 1 587. 

28 Sept. 146. The King to Bernardino de Mendoza. 

imSES? [Extract.] 

The articles of the (Anglo-French) treaty of 1572 have been received. 
Inform me whether it has since been confirmed or added to either 
openly or secretly ; and also whether it has been fulfilled as regards 
the clause providing that, if Englishmen are embargoed in the 
Netherlands or elsewhere, the subjects of the Prince who makes the 
Seizure shall be arrested in France. In the recent case of the 
seizure of Englishmen have the English demanded the fulfilment 

* The new Nuncio in Fiance was Gian Francesco Morosini, bishop of Brescia. He 
was a Venetian, and consequently not at first inclined to look favourably upon the 
Spanish cause. 



of this clause ; and, if so, what answer was given ? The steps taken 
by the English towards the king of Scotland are just what might be 
expected of them ; but he has good reason for knowing them, and if 
he will cousider it well be will 3ee he has as little reason for trusting 
Frenchmen, if they try to persuade him to make friends with those 
whose only object is to destroy him. Report to me how this matter 
has ended, and what the archbishop of Glasgow and the bishop of 
Ross hear about the King in the matter of religion. Which of the 
two prelates do you consider the most confidential and likely to be 

useful in current affairs ? Have you heard anything of Bruce ? 

San Lorenzo, 28th September 1587. 

2 Oct. 147. The King to Bernardino de Mendoza. 
'SSiSuT [Extract.] 

It is greatly to be deplored that the sect of Calvin should take 
root in Scotland, and that the Parliament there should issue so 
pernicious an order as this, especially if it was not forced from 
them by the English faction against the King's wish. Advise me 
whether now that the King has taken the revenues of his see from 
the archbishop of Glasgow, he still wishes to retain him there as 
ambassador. How does the Archbishop take it, and what does he 
think of the affairs of his King and country ? 

Julius seems to be acting excellently with you. Although I am 
sure that if the English propose a secret commission * they will 
receive a fitting reply, it will be well, for the purpose of proving 
his sincerity, for you to get to the bottom of his news respecting 
these and other negotiations now in hand. Tour answer as to the 
straightforwardness with which proceedings on our side were being 
conducted in the matter of a settlement was a good one, and you will 
follow the same course on all occasions. 

News about English armaments should be sent frequently, not 
only respecting those which are ostensibly offensive, but the defensive 
ones as well ; so that in any case we shall know when and how and 
to what strength they are raising the bulk of their fleet. Exert all 
your diligence in this and write to me continually. — San Lorenzo, 
2nd October 1587. 

2 Oct. 148. The Kino to Bernardino de Mendoza. 

F K?l448^ us!' Considering the favourable account you give of Dr. Nicholas 
" Wendon, archdeacon of Suffolk, and the need he is suffering for the 
sake of the Catholic religion, I have decided to grant his petition 
and to allow him a pension of 20 crowns a month until further 
orders. You will pay him this amount regularly, and credit it to 
your account of extraordinary expenses. 

Advise the duke of Parma of the grant, so that the pension which 
was promised to Dr. Wendon from Flanders may be cancelled. — San 
Lorenzo, 4th October 1587. 

* That if to say, a secret commission to the duke of Parma to shake him in hi* 
allegiance to Philip. 


2 Oct. 149. Robert Bruce to Bernardino de Mendoza. 

"Pai*i«» Archives 

K. 1565. 69.' A few days before I left Brittany I wrote to you the causes of 
French. our long delay there, and that after many tiresome reverses I had 
at last obtained a Scottish ship in which I decided to undertake the 
voyage. By God's grace the voyage was a fairly prosperous one, 
and I arrive 1 at Lochrian in this neighbourhood the sixth day after 
my setting sail, the last day of August. I went to the Court where 
I gave an account of negotiations to the Catholic lords. They 
thanked God for having inspired his Catholic Majesty and his 
triends to help them in their righteous enterprise, whilst at the 
same time deeply regretting the absenca of their associate the earl 
of Morton, and al-o the long delay which had occurred in my coming, 
which has caused the season to be too far advanced now foi 
obtaining a number of ships, as most of them have already been 
taken up for the fishery and to bring merchandise hither. On the 
other hand, if we could get the ships it would be impossible to send 
them to Dantzig for wheat now, sa the sea is blocked by ice in the 
winter. For th ; s reason they (the Catholic lords) have decided to 
furnish me with a good opoortunity to sound the King on the 
subject of your message, by offering him on behalf of his Catholic 
Majesty the help he might require to enable him to avenge the 
death of his mother. I did this, and he expressed himself strongly 
inclined and willing to do it. He is deeply obliged to his Majesty 
for so great a favour and for the discretion employed in making the 
suggestion to him. The Secretary, who is now Chancellor,* 
displayed a similar feeling after hearing the said message, as 
without him the King will do nothing; but when the Secretary 
declared the matter to the Justice-Clerk, f who rules him completely 
and belongs to the English faction, and after he had read a letter 
from ChisholmJ to Robert Melvil, he (the Justice-Clerk) began to 
cool him in the matter, on I know not what considerations of danger 
to their religion ; and he has now turned the King from his first 
fervour, and so we have failed in our project of interesting the 
King in our plans and, under the pretext stated, obtaining his 
authority to freight the ships, without divulging the ultimate object 
in view, which we thought by this means the more easily to effect. 
The King, following the advice of the Secretary (without whom he 
will do nothing), has decided therefore simply to write to you and to 
his ambassador in Paris, for the purpose of establishing an under- 
standing through you with his Catholic Majesty and the duke of 
Parma. He will thereupon beg that an ambassador shall be sent to 
him with a good sum of money to enable him to raise troops here. 
It will be suggested that the ambassador should be sent under the 
pretext of complaining to our King of his having broken the terms 
of the peace concluded between the Emperor and the queen of 

♦ In margin.—" He is a heretic and an atheist, a great politician who rules the King 
with a rod." Sir John Maitland. 

t In margin. — " This Clerk is a terrible heretic." He was Sir Lewis (Lord) 

X In margin. — " Chisholm is the gentleman who came hither to France with the 
despatches for the (Scots) ambassador and is still here awaiting the reply." He was the 
nephew of the bishop of Dunblane. 



Scotland, his mother, by sending aid to the rebel subjects of his 
Catholic Majesty. They will discuss with the ambassador the 
conditions for the sending hither of the 2,000 men, as they have 
deferred the matter for a year. This resolution was conveyed to 
me by the King himself in the presence of Mr. Fentrie,* although 
the secretary, who was the originator of it, had informed me of it 
two days before I heard it from the King's lips, and he told me 
afterwards that the King intended to make ine the bearer of his 
decision; little thinking that I had other work to do. I replied, 
however, that since he did not desire the aid to be sent so soon, it 
would be better to await the return of John Chisholm, and, by the 
light of the further information he might bring, a better resolution 
( ould be arrived at as to what might be expected and demanded. 
As for me, I had, I said, no ambition to be employed to the King's 
prejudice, and T should be glad if another person could be chosen 
who might be better able than I to carry out his wishes. If I were 
employed, he (the King) might lay himself open to the suspicion of 
the ministers, who were constantly preaching against him for the 
favour he showed to Catholics, and who have twice complained of 
me without grounds. By this means I have caused the King to 
defer sending me back, and in the meanwhile I shall have leisure to 
discuss with the lords the means by which they may bring hither 
the forces granted, since the season has passed for obtaining ships 
here. With this object they are t ) meet in six days at a place 
where I am to be present. I will get them to write fully their final 
decision, for nothing can be expected fro:n our King whilst he is 
surrounded by heretics belonging, for the most part, to the faction of 
the queen of England, who during the last month has sent them 
30,000 angels to keep them faithful to her and maintain the King 
on the same side. 

The King himself, on account of his blind zeal for his religion, his 
fear of the ministers, and of losing bis crown, dares not move ; and to 
judge by the resolution he has come to in this affair, it would seem that 
he and those who sway him only seek to draw matters out and apply 
the money requested, either to their own uses, or to fortify themselves 
both against the Catholics and against the foreign troops, whom they 
distrust, apparently, as they ask for so few, and then only after a large 
sum of money has been sent to them sufficient to raise six times their 
number of native troops. Some of the Catholic lords, and especially 
the earl of Huntly, have tried to induce the King to ask for aid at once, 
pointing out by many arguments his present need and danger, and the 
goodwill of his friends to come to his aid ; which goodwill may be 
dissipated by his coolness or a change of circumstances if he delays too 
long. The small effect produced upon him and those who rule him by 
these argument*, proves plainly that they have made up their minds to 
ask for help with theLj-eal intention of declining it The Catholic 
lords are therefore of opinion that John Chisholm should be sent 
back, bearing on behalf of his Catholic Majesty the proposals I have 
made in general terms to the King in accordance with your 
instructions ; namely, that help shall be furnished him if he will 

i 95498. 

* In margin.—" Fentry is the nephew of the Scots ambassador here " (i.e., in Paris, 
namely Beaton, archbishop of Glasgow). 



1 587. 

duly ask for it, and sincerely seek the friendship of so great, a 
sovereign. They also think that if there are means for obtaining 
ships on the coast of France, Flanders, or elsewhere, the forces 
promised to the earl of Morton there should be sent hither as soon 
as they can be got together ; and they (the Catholic lords; will hold 
themselves in readiness to receive them at Petty Leith, if they are 
informed about the time when they may arrive. But if this cannot 
be done until the ships be sent from here, they pray that the forces 
may be ready by the spring, and they will freight the ships as they 
return hither, to send them to Denmark for wheat and then to 
Dunkirk as was previously arranged. They would be very glad, 
however, if ships could be obtained on the other side, as they fear 
that the freighting of so many ships here might arouse suspicion 
of some enterprise being afoot, and cause the detention of all ships 
arriving thereafter. 

I will take care of what I have in charge,* either to freight ships 
in the spring, unless means be found for sending the aid before then, 
or to be disposed of otherwise as you may instruct After my 
meeting with the lords I will write at length their decision. With 
regard to your request about a seaport, I may say that we have 
not yet permission to transport wheat from here, and this causes 
Baillyt still to be detained here. This letter will serve for you and 
the duke of Parma. — 2nd October (1587). 

2 Oct 150. Bernabdino de Mendoza to the King. 

"tuSST [Extract.] 

As I previously wrote to your Majesty, I was informed from 
Scotland that Captain Forster was at Petty Leith with five ships 
bound for Denmark. To make sure, I got the Scots ambassador to 
ask a Scotsman who had come hither, through Ireland, for a 
description of this Captain Forster. He said he was a one-eyed 
man, which our Forster is not, so the news is evidently false. 
This has since been confirmed by my having received a letter 
from Robert Bruce written at Landereau, Lower Brittany, on the 
28th August He says he has set sail several times, but what with 
pirates and foul weather, has always been driven back to Brittany 
again. He had now, however, good hopes of being able to effect the 
voyage, and was to embark on the following day in a Scottish ship. 
It may well be believed that Qod ordained that he should be so 
long delayed, for if he had gone to Scotland at once, and returned to 
Dunkirk as arranged, in the middle of August, the Duke of Parma 
would not have had the men ready, and the whole design would 
have been discovered by the enemy when the ships appeared there. 
—Paris, 2nd October 1587. 

* In margin. — " He means the 10,000 crowns." 

f In margin. — ** Bailly is the man who was sent by the duke of Parma to bring over 
a ship with some masts and wheat." He was the famous Charles Bailly whose capture 
with the bishop of Ross' despatches caused the failure of the Eidolfi plot. After a long 
period of imprisonment and much torture in England he was allowed to return to 
Flanders, where he remained in the Spanish service until his death at a great age. On 
his tombstone in a church in the suburbs of Brussels he is called Secretary to the queen 
of Scots, which he was not, and a representation of her execution is carved on the stone. 



2 Oct. 151. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King. 

k! 8 1565. 65?' Encloses duplicate of letter, 5th August, giving an account of his 
dealing with Friar Diego Carlos in accordance with the King's 
instructions of 6th J uly. Has lately seen the friar, who said he had 
letters from Don Antonio and read some cipher lines from tbem, to 
the effect that be, Don Antonio, notes that Don Bernardino's 
instructions (i.e. to negotiate) had arrived, and wonders whether 
they have more force than previous ones. The friar therefore 
presses Mendoza to inform him how far his instructions extend. 
The writer parries this by saying that, when Don Antonio set forth 
his proposals, he would see whether the instructions were sufficient 
for their acceptance or not. The friar tries to draw him into a 
discussion, to discover the extent of his powers, whereupon the 
writer tells him that he (the writer) is too old for him to tirer les 
vers du nez, as the French say, in this way, particularly seeing the 
position assumed by Don Antonio after the writer had obtained the 
King's permission to listen to him on his assurance that Don 
Antonio was desirous of submitting to the King, although he (the 
writer) was suspicious of it from the first. He declines to enter into 
particulars, and to allow Don Antonio to represent to the English 
and French that the King is willing to come to terms with him. 
The friar said he (the writer) was very hard, and be could not 
believe the King would now refuse to Don Antonio the terms he 
previously offered. Don Antonio had peremptorily recalled the friar, 
who feared that if Don Antonio had changed his mind he might 
keep him in England by force, whereas if he did not go the 
negotiations must fall through. He asks the writer s advice aa to 
how he should act. The writer declines to give it, or to advance 
him the money he requests, whereupon the friar decides to go to 
England and has great hope of successfully carrying through the 
negotiation. The letters recalling the friar did not come by 
Sampson's hand, but must have been brought by special messenger. 
Don Antonio writes hopefully to his people here, but Sampson says 
it is nothing but groundless ideas that the English are putting into 
his head. 

In addition to the information supplied by Julius from England, 
the writer receives letters from the servant of a merchant there, and 
an English priest, who must be remunerated, as also must Barleniont 
who has gone thither. Gaspar Diaz Montesinos and his brother 
are also being maintained here to receive Antonio de Vega's letters, 
which is too heavy a cost, and too many people for the business. 
Begs for instructions as to what he shall do with Montesinos and his 
brother, and whether he shall keep up the correspondence with the 
priest and the Frenchman now Barlemont is in England. Antonio de 
Vega sends the enclosed news from England dated 13th September. 
—Paris, 2nd October 1587. 

Note. — In some rough notes (Paris Archives, K. 1565. 59) for the 
reply from the King to the above letter the importance of having 
full reports from England is emphatically repeated, and especially of 
keeping many different agents there unknown to each other. 
Montesinos is to be kept in Paris, and Mendoza is to use his own 

K 2 



discretion as to dismissing some of the other correspondents*. Bis 

action with regard to the friar, Diego Carlos, is fully approved of. 

2 Oct 152. Bernardino de Mendoza to the Kino. 

Pa K 8 i565 h 66 e8 ' Believre and Secretary Pinart have seen the English ambassador 

to discuss the question of the robberies on both sides, and they 
came to an agreement that mutual restitution should take place. It 
is easy to set down on paper, but difficult to effect With regard to 
armaments, there is nothing new except that the Queen has now 
ready for sea 30 ships (12 of her own and 18 merchantmen), most of 
which are at Plymouth, and the rest at Southampton and at the 
foreland at the mouth of the Thames. The 2,500 men who are to go 
in this fleet have been raised in the counties of Hampshire, 
Dorsetshire, and Somersetshire. The seven Queen's ships which I 
said Captain Frobisher had taken out, are cruising in the Channel 
about Dunkirk, but as they cannot get in shore, in consequence of 
the shoals, they are not producing much effect I am assured of 
this by the new confidant, and it is confirmed by my other advices. 
I cannot learn that the Hollanders are arming ships, although Don 
Antonio's people declare that the rebels had promised Diego Botello 
12 vessels for his service. 

I understand that st itements have been laid before this King and 
his mother, saying that with the reinforcements your Majesty is 
sending from Italy to the duke of Parma, the latter will always be 
able, when the weather serves, to throw as many troops as he pleases 
into the English ports within 6 or 8 hours, in despite of England 
and France, as the wind that will take him thither will prevent the 
others from opposing him. 

Whilst I was signing this I received advices from England, dated 
26th ultimo, confirming what I have said about armaments, and 
reporting that Drake was at Court — 13 miles from London. The 
Queen had appointed Master Riche of her chamber to be Vice- 
Chamberlain and Keeper of the Privy Purse, as she had sent Lord 
Hunsdon to Berwick and it was necessary for someone at Court 
to perform the duties of the office. They had nearly concluded the 
arrangement with Horatio Pallavicini and other merchants about 
the spices brought by the ship from India and captured by Drake. 
They are offering about 300,000 crowns for them. 

The new confidant assures me that the letters of the 26th ultimo 
make no mention at all of armaments, and there is not so much appre- 
hension as before of your Majesty s fleet — Paris, 2nd October 1587. 

2 Oct 153. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King. 
Paris Archives, Julius informs me that by letters written to the ambassador, dated 
K. 1565. 67. 25th ultimo, he is informed that the reason for the delay in 
despatching the commissioners from the queen of England to 
Flanders was the receipt of two letters from the earl of Leicester 
saying that the negotiation would only have the effect of imperilling 
his life, and that of all other Englishmen there, who were hated by 
the rebel States, and the latter, however much the Queen might 
wish it, did not desire to come to an agreement with your Majesty ; 
but in such case would instantly try to make terms secretly for 
themselves, which would give rise to greater difficulties than ever. 




Notwithstanding this step of the earl of Leicester^ j, owevejp ^ 
Queen was determined to continue the negotiB,tiotxs. They instruct 
the ambassador to use ever}* effort to persuade this King* to make 
peace with the Huguenots, and to offer him any terms he wishes if 
he will join (the queen of England) against your Majesty, who, they 
say, is the common enemy of both crowns, and it is necessary for 
them to check your power. They press this with many argument?. 
Believre and Secretary PiDart, being informed that the* ambassador 
wished to se^ them in consequence of a despatch which he had 
received, went to his house, which is a proof of how gracious they 
wish to be to him, as it is an unusual thing for them to do. They 
discussed the matter mentioned in one of my other letters about 
England; and Believre spoke to the ambassador respecting the 
settlement of a peace here (in France), whereupon the ambassador 
replied that he had something to tell him about it, and they agreed 
to meet again in two days to euter into the matter at their leisure. 
I suspect that Beli&vre wanted to gain time to learn further about 
the question, and see the result which was produced by the going 
of the King to the prince of Beam. This view is confirmed by the 
proposed interview with the ambassador being postponed by 
Believre. Julius also informs me that the 12,000 crowns now in 
the ambassador's hands, out of the 100,000 sent to him by the Queen 
to give to Beam and others, are to be employed expressly in aiding 
the prince of Conti and Count Soissons. But, as the ambassador is 
overwhelmed with debt, he has spent the money.* As it is some 
time since the queen of England gave any money to Soissons, and 
then only 5,000 crowns, which he spent on horses for which he has 
a fancy, it is probable that this King will have helped him to pay 
for the troops he has recently raised, as he has no other means of 
getting money, although he declares he has received it from the 
queen oi England. Julius says that the reason why Walsingham 
has urged that the ambassador should be ordered to give Soissons 
these 12,000 crowns is that the Queen should discover that he had 
spent them, and so he might be disgraced and dismissed from here, 
as Walsingham is his enemy, although the Queen thinks well of 
him. Walsingham had, therefore, written to hitn in the Queen's 
name, saying that for the next four or five months, until the result 
of the present negotiations in France was known, he was to defer 
taking leave, and must not think of returning to England. This 
has been managed by the Treasurer, in compliance with the request 
which I advised Julius to make to him on the matter. In the 
meanwhile Julius hopes that the garb in England will be *>o 
changed that he may be avenged on Walsingham. So far as I can 
judge, he is most careful in advising your Majesty of what occurs. — 
Paris, 2nd October 1587. 

* Burleigh, in a letter to Sir Edward Stafford, written exactly a year before the date 
of the above letter (Hatfield Papers, Part III.), says he hears that Stafford is in " fereat 
debt by unreasonable playing"; and in a statement in the same papers (p. 212) it 
appears that the man Moody, who was concerned with William Stafford in the alleged 
plot to kill the Queen, was answerable for the following debts of « his master;' S.r 
Edward Stafford— to Alderman Martin bonds for 1,000/. for the payment of 500/., and 
a similar amount to John Mabbe, Goldsmith. This wa* m January 1587, and may 
possiblv explain Stafford's treachery in selling himaelf to the Spaniards. 



9 Oct. 154. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King. 

P ^ is^^sT' The on, y thin S * have *° re P ort fr° m England is that the Queen 
has dismissed Sir John Forster from the post of guardian of one of 
the three Scotch marches. He is a great heretic, and when the 
Scots entered his Government, burning and sacking, he did them no 
harm. The Queen has given the post to Lord Hunsdon. The king 
of Scotland had sent the Earl Marischal to Denmark to negotiate 
his marriage with the King's daughter. Don Antonio has sent to 
Diego Botello in Holland summoning him to England. There is no 
talk of armaments either in Holland or England, beyond what I 
reported in my last. There has been a rumour here that your 
Majesty's fleet had arrived in Scotland, and the Queen-Mother has 
been making great efforts to discover the truth of it, she having sent 
a person expressly to England to ascertain. — Paris, 9th October 

17 Oct. 155. Document headed " Advices from London of 17th October 
P*ris Archives, 1587, new style."* 

K. 1565. 78. J 

Portuguese. By a master of the household of the French ambassador, I wrote 
last on the 12th September. I have now to report that they are 
assured here that the king of Spain had raised a fleet of 130 
sail to send to this country, and that in the last audience you had 
with the king of France, you told him that as soon as the marquis 
of Santa Cruz's fleet joined the other, they would come and attack 
this country (England). In order to ascertain the truth of this they 
sent two light tenders (pataches) from here to learn what was being 
done in Lisbon, where it was said the fleets were to rendezvous. One 
of these tenders got as far up as between the tower of St. Oian and 
that of Belem, where it remained for a night ; but as they could 
find no one with whom they could speak, they sailed out and 
returned up the river by the next tide. They then fell in with a 
fishing boat, the master of which they captured, and brought him 
home with them. He says that there were 80 sail ready in all, 
awaiting the return of.the Marquis' fleet, and that it was asserted 
that the destination of the united fleet was to be this country. 
They have now sent another tender to try to land a man who may 
see the preparations for himself, and give them full particulars. It 
will be necessary to send instructions at once for them to keep a 
watch upon all vessels between the said two towers. Ships very 
frequently lie there, either on their way in or out of the river, 
waiting for wind or tide. They have decided to land their man at 
the beacon near our Lady of Cano, and return for him in four days. 
All ships have been arrested, and the whole of the Queen's ships are 
being made ready. Lord Hunston, the Lord Chamberlain, has gone 
to Berwick on the Scotch border, taking with him a present for the 
king of Scotland if he will accept it, and money to corrupt some of 
his officers. Orders are given for the borders to be manned, and the 
people are to be forced to form companies and drill on feast days. 
They are very sony now they did not send Drake back to the 

• The document is evidently a copy sent to the King of a letter from Antonio de Vega, 
at his peculiar diction and spelling are preserved. 



islands with more ships, as they thought that those that remained 
would be strong enough to disperse the fleet commanded by the 
marquis of Santa Cruz. They were also influenced in not sending 
him back by the talk of peace negotiations. 

On the 7th instant they say they received a letter from the duke 
of Parma, saying that he had a reply from his Majesty, and that 
the commissioners might now be sent; and that as regards past 
occurrences ladies were always entitled to some consideration. 
They have, therefore, decided to send the commissioners in a week. 
I wrote to this effect on the 12th instant by a Venetian ship which 
has been stopped in the Downs ; but since the return of the tender 
from Lisbon, the idea of their going is cooled. The earl of Leicester 
has sent back hither 22 companies of Englishmen to garrison the 
fortresses I have already mentioned, and I expect he himself will be 
back before long, for he was on worse terms with the States than 
ever. Botello was busy about 9 out of the 12 ships they had 
promised him to go to the Mina, as they will not spend mr.i^v in 
sending ships to the islands, from whence they say they will ^2; :io 
return. Although the Earl (of Leicester) had written to a merchant 
saying that these ships shall not go in the service of Don Antonio, 
it will be well to advise the people at the Mina to be on the watch, 
and not to trust a certain Alfonso Diaz who was formerly there as 
interpreter, and went to France in the year 1582 with a letter for 
Don Antonio from Captain Vasco Pimentel, and who is to go with 
these ships to the Mina. 

Some of the ships of Drake's fleet that remained at the islands 
have returned, bringing with them three prizes ; a ship from Santo 
Domingo, one from Brazil, and one from Cape de Verde. They say 
they engaged a ship of the fleet and sank her, and bring with them 
13 Spaniards of the crew whom they saved, and who are now in 
Southampton. They boast most inordinately of their prowess ; and 
their intention is, if it should be true that a fleet of ours should 
come hither, to go out with a strong force of ships, meet it at sea, 
and give it battle. They are so proud that they say one of their 
ships is worth three of ours, and that they will destroy a fleet of 300 
sail of ours with 60 sail of theirs. On the 13th they sent a clerk 
of the Council to the king of Denmark to inform him of what is 
going on, and to point out how he was being deceived after they had 
chosen him as the arbitrator in the peace negotiations. Please 
instruct me what you consider it necessary that I should do, as 
I was told to send news by every possible means. — London, 
17th October 1587. 

23 Oct 156. Document headed — "Advices from Zeeland, 23rd October 

Paris Archives, 1587" 

K.J 566. 81. ±00t ' 

The earl of Leicester has been making great efforts to call the 
States together, and banish from their minds the suspicion that 
the queen of England was trying to come to terms with his Majesty 
without their consent. With this object the Queen has sent two 
deputies to Leyden to give an account to the States, and to assure 
them that she will not enter into any peace negotiations with his 
Majesty without informing them thereof. They have therefore 



agreed that the States shall meet at Haarlem, to consider upon what 
conditions it would be advisable to base any discussions as to a peace 
with his Majesty. 

The earl of Leicester was at the Hague, and proclamation had 
again been made in the towns that he was to be obeyed as the 
queen of England's general. 

News comes from Denmark that the King had sent cot seven large 
and three small ships of his to Flanders and the English Channel 
On their arrival there they are to open sealed orders, the purport of 
which is not known. 

24 Oct. 157. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King. 

Paris Archires, 

K. 1565. 85. The servants of the queen of Scotland, as I wrote to your Majesty, 
have arrived here from England. Her apothecary handed me a 
letter written in the Queen's own hand, a copy of which I send to 
your Majesty, and also the verbal statement which the apothecary 
was ordered to convej T to me, in company with Miss Curie, one of 
her ladies. The latter had private instructions from the Queen (as 
the latter says in the margin of her letter to hand ne the keepsake 
from the Queen, a diamond ring worth 200 crowns, and to say that, 
as she was going to execution, she again enjoined her (Miss Curie) 
to assure me, if she found me in Paris, that &he (the Queen) died 
confessing the Catholic faith, and with the same determination as 
she had before intimated to me, to renounce all her claims to the 
three crowns of the islands in your Majesty's favour, unless her son 
were a Catholic ; and this she ratified in her dying hour. She also 
desired to supplicate your Majesty to try by every means to bring 
her son to the Catholic religion ; and then she (Miss Curie) added 
the rest of the message that had been brought by the apothecary. 
She said that a fortnight before the Queen's death she had seen the 
confession of the Scottish secretary, Gilbert Curie, and had given a 
certificate, written with her own hand, to the effect that he had 
behaved as a good and loyal subject This certificate I have seen. 
I understand the reason why the Queen did not give the message 
about her claims (to the Knglish Crown) to the apothecary, is because 
he is a Frenchman, and she thought these ladies, Mistresses Curie 
and Kennedy, who attended her at the last moments, had a right to 
her confidence. In order to make it up to the apothecary, she 
charged him with the conveyance of the diamond ring for your 
Majesty, which he has handed to me, and asked me to retain it until 
the receipt of your Majesty's orders as to whether he is to carry it 
to you or not, as it would not be safe in his hands here. It is a 
table diamond which cost 850 crowns, and was the best jewel she 
had. By sending it the poor lady showed how much she was 
attached to your Majesty s interest*. She has sent keepsakes to 
the king of France, the Queen-Mother, the Queen, and all her 
relatives ; but they are mere trifles. I beg your Majesty to instruct 
me what I am to say to the apothecary, and what I shall do with 
the diamond. The Queen a*»sured him (the apothecary) and the two 
ladies, who belong to good Scottish houses, that your Majesty would 
show them some favour for her sake, and they assure me that, until 
I learn your Majesty's pleasure, they will not return to Scotland. 



It is so worthy of your Majesty's magnanimity and greatness ro 
extend your favour to the apothecary and these two ladies, and to 
Secretary Curie, since the queen of Scotland begged your Majesty 
so earnestly to do so in her last agony, that I add my own prayers 
to the same effect. Of the debts she mentions, I myself was witness 
that Charles Arundell gave her the 2,000 crowns at my request when 
I was in England more than six years ago. They were paid over in 
cash in my house to a person appointed by the Queen to receive the 
money. The 3,000 crowns owing to Charles Paget she mentions in 
a memorandum in the form of a will. Both I and her ambassador 
were aware of the debt two years ago. —Paris, 24th October 1587. 

Paris Archives, Document headed — " Statement which Gorion, the apothecary of 
' " " the queen of Scotland, was ordered to make to me " {i.e., 

Bernardino de Mendoza) " on behalf of the said Queen." 
Lord Buckhurst having told the queen of Scotland from the 
queen of England that the latter and her Parliament had condemned 
her to death, and Amias Paulet having taken away her canopy on 
the ground that she was now nothing more than a private woman, 
the Queen retired to her apartment for the night. She then asked 
Gorion the apothecary whether he would remain as faithful to her 
after her death as he had been during her life, and he replied that 
he would, even at the cost of his own life. In consequence of this, 
and the trust she had reposed in him, she told him that she wished 
to write to a banker who was known to her ambassador, the bishop 
of Glasgow ; Gorion asked her where this banker was, and she told 
him in Paris, and his name was Don Bernardino de Mendoza. 
Gorion replied that he was the Spanish ambassador, who had 
frequently been mentioned by those who came to examine her. 
After this the Queen asked him if he could find means to hide the 
letter so that no living soul should see it. He replied that he could, 
as he would undo some of his drugs and put the paper amongst 
them, and the letter would thus paas secietly. This he did after the 
letter had been handed to him.* She also told him to convey 
certain things verbally to the said ambassador with Miss Curie, her 
lady-in-waiting, whereupon Gorion said that perhaps the ambassador 
would nob credit them. The Queen replied that she had asked him 
to do so in her letter, and for greater certainty they were to give as 
a countersign the message that when the said ambassador was in 
England he had sent her some Spanish dressed gloves. He would 
give entire credit to anyone who conveyed this message from her to 
him. They were to tell him, first, how cruelly Amias Paulet had 
treated her; secondly, that your Majesty had promised a sum of 
money for obtaining her release, and her ambassador had advised 
her that he had already 4,000 crowns of it in his possession. She 
prayed your Majesty to order Charles Paget to be paid out of this 
money 3,000 crowns she owed him, 2,000 to Charles Arundell, and 
1,000 03 the person who would be mentioned by the archbishop of 
Glasgow and Thomas Morgan. She very earnestly prayed that 
your Majesty would do this, as she believed that if these debts were 

* This letter was dated 23rd Notemher 1 586, and war. delivered to Mendoza on the 
15th October 1587. Ste Volume III. of this Calendar. 



not discharged her conscience would suffer thereby. She enjoined 
them to tell Charles Paget and Arundell that she had assigned the 
payment of the debts to them. Thirdly, she ordered them (i.e., 
Gorion and Miss Curie) to beg the ambassador to commend to the 
King her poor servants who had suffered by her side in prison, and 
particularly those who had been most loyal, such as Miss Kennedy, 
Miss Curie, and the said apothecary Gorion. Fourthly, they were to 
ask the ambassador to assure the King, his master, of the friendship 
and affection she had always borne him and would do so to the end. 
Fifthly, she commended to him (i.e., the king of Spain) her good 
cousin the duke of Guise, and her relatives in France, to whom she 
hoped he would give good counsel. Sixthly, she begged the 
ambassador to commend to the King the archbishop of Glasgow, and 
the bishop of Ross, her faithful servants, whom she hoped he would 
reward for their services, since God denied her life to do so herself. 
She also commended her Scottish secretary, Gilbert Curie, unless it 
was discovered that he had confessed anything he should not have 
done ; he having been the only person she had trusted to write on 
the various matters which had passed between her and the ministers 
of the king of Spain. Seventhly, she begged him (the ambassador) 
to pray his master, in her name, to continue the pensions to the 
English Catholics, such as the earl of Westmoreland, Lord Paget, 
Charles Arundell, Charles Paget, Thomas Throgmorton, Thomas 
Morgan, Ralph Ligons, &c. The night before she died the Queen 
asked Gorion if he did not find Don Bernardino de Mendoza in 
France what he would do with the letter ; Gorion replied that he 
would go and seek him in Spain or elsewhere, and the Queen said 
that for this promise she would give him a diamond ring to deliver 
to the king of Spain as a last keepsake and remembrance of the 
friendship she had borne him, and as a pledge that she died in the 
Roman Catholic religion, begging him to grant these last petitions 
of hers now that she was so near to her death. These petitions 
were that he (the King) should have her soul prayed for in the 
Spanish churches, and would establish in some of them a pious 
foundation in her memory where God might be prayed to for her ; 
that the King would help her son, and endeavour by every possible 
means to convert him to the Catholic faith in which he was baptised, 
marrying him with the countenance of his Holiness, as she had 
always wished. She hoped that the King would, notwithstanding 
her death, persevere in the English enterprise, as the quarrel was in 
the cause of God, and was worthy of being maintained by so 
Catholic a King. 

She again commended to him her cousin, the good duke of Guise, 
whom she prayed he would help with counsel and support in 
defence of God and the Catholic faith, and since the King had 
granted that sum of money for the liberation of her body, she 
begged him now to apply it to her soul, by ordering the debts she 
had mentioned to be paid. She also commended to him again the 
archbishop of Glasgow, the bishop of Ross, and the other three 
persons mentioned in her letter, as also the English pensioners and 
English Catholics in general ; and enjoined his Majesty, on the day 
that he made himself master of England, to recollect how she had 



been treated by Treasurer Cecil, the earl of Leicester, Secretary 
Walsingham, the earl of Huntingdon, Araias Paulet and Waad, and 
she warned bis Majesty that there were two cardinals in Rome who 
were in agreement with the queen of England. 

24 Oct 158. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King. 

K?i565. mT* * answer in this letter your Majesty's inquiries relative to the 
archbishop of Glasgow and the bishop of Ross. Having regard to 
the understanding which exists between the former and Muzio (i.e., 
of the duke of Guise), I consider him a very desirable person to act 
in these matters, and also in Scotch affairs, since the lords have 
acted through him and Muzio from the first. I have always found 
him much devoted to your Majesty's interests, but as he is now 
nearly 70 years of age, and cannot stir from here owing to his office 
as ambassador, he will not be a so convenient instrument, if it be 
necessary to deal with the Scots, as the bishop of Ross, who is more 
learned and younger than the ambassador. He is very much more 
active in his habits, and the queen of Scotland therefore employed 
him in many of her affairs. I have found him also to be much 
devoted to the interests of your Majesty, and since the Queen's 
death he has expressed to me a desire to go to Spain and offer his 
services to your Majesty. I have delayed his going hitherto by 
saying that it would be well for him to learn first whether the king 
of Scotland would consent to his going to his diocese, as he had 
restored him thereto. He recently went to the Netherlands, and I 
gave him a letter of recommendation to the duke of Parma, to 
whom he represented how destitute he was left now that he had 
lost the pension paid to him by the queen of Scotland, and expressed 
his desire to serve your Majesty. The duke of Parma, therefore, 
granted him an allowance of 50 crowns from the army cheat. On 
the representation also of Don Juan de Zufiiga, your Majesty's 
former ambassador in Rome, you granted the bishop 300 crowns 
out of the revenues of one of the bishoprics. If your Majesty could 
increase this allowance to a sum sufficient for his maintenance it 
would pledge him entirely to your Majesty's interests, to which, as I 
say, he is already much attached. 

The bishop of Dunblane is the Carthusian friar who has been 
here for the last three or four months awaiting a brother of his. 
During that period he has been in close communication with me 
about Scotch affairs, and has now gone to Scotland, by order of 
his Holiness, accompanied by Father Creighton, the Scotch priest 
who came from Rome. He told me that be was going for the 
purpose of speaking, if possible, with the King, and to ascertain 
whether he is desirous of becoming reconciled to the Catholic 
religion, of which, up to the present, he certainly shows small 
signs. The good friar, however, who belongs to a high family, 
hopes that his kinsmen will continue to obtain for him access to 
the King, who, he thinks, will listen to him more willingly than 
to another, judging that, as he is a friar, he cannot be influenced by 
any motives of self-interest. He, like the archbishop of Glasgow 
and the bishop of Ross, is striving for the conversion of the Kins. 
They are like mothers, who, although they see their children do ill, 


J 587. 

continue to hope for their amendment ; and they (the bishops) say, 

that as no one has spoken to the King yet on religious matters, it is 

no wonder that his eyes should still remain closed to the truth, 

considering the error in which he has been brought up. In the 

course of conversation I have conveyed to the friar what I have 

considered it would be most conducive to the interests of the 

Catholic religion and your Majesty's service to lay before the King. 

He is thoroughly imbued with this, and is convinced that, if the 

Catholics do not kill those belonging to the English faction and 

liberate the King, nothing good will be effected. As regards tho 

Kings conversion, I consider the worst sign to be the small hope 

which his mother enteiiained of it. Curie, her Scotch secretary, 

tells me that when he was leaving London his father-in-law came 

from Scotland to see him, and in conversation he asked him about 

the King's conversion, when his father-in-law replied that they 

would never see his Majesty a Catholic. Curie also informs mo 

that when the queen of Scotland learnt of the alliance her son had 

formed with the queen of England, through the Master of Grey, and 

that her son had written a letter to the queen of England (who sent 

her a copy of it), saying that he approved of nil that Grey had 

done, she (the queen of Scotland) was much grieved thereat, and 

told Curie that all her hope of her son's conversion had now 

vanished. She then knelt before an image and declared that if her 

son were not a Catholic she would at once lay her curse upon him. 

I have no news of Bruce up to the present, and no ship has 

arrived from Scotland for months past, doubtless in consequence of 

contrary winds. 

The Nuncio, as I have already intimated, leans entirely to the 
French, and shows it in many ways. He recently asked me slyly, 
as if deploring the fact, whether it was true that your Majesty was 
coming to terms with the queen of England. I replied that for some 
time past the queen of England had been desirous of the duke of 
Parma's appointing commissioners to discuss terms of agreement 
with the rebel States, and he (the Nuncio), with his long experience 
in State affairs, must know that Princes never suffered any prejudice 
in listening to the proposals made to them ; because this did not 
prevent them from doing what was best in the interests of God and 
themselves. He Feemed satisfied at this, and said that the course 
was very advisable. Merchants write from Flanders that his 
Holiness was furnishing himself with money in Antwerp to pay a 
portion of the troops that had come from Italy, but I have stifled it 
and stopped it from spreading, by saying that it is a fiction. I am 
also diverting, as much as I can, those who are asking me about the 
English enterprise, but I am doing so with the most plausible 
statements I can find, which do not fail to produce some effect upon 
the Nuncio and the rest of them. I am leading them on all the 
false scents I can, in order to conceal the laying-in of provisions by 
the duke of Parma; but the best point of the matter is, that these 
people here (i.e., the French) are not in a position to help the 
Englishwoman, except by sending her information, whilst she and 
her ministers are so confident, that they think that if all the forces 
in the world were to land in England, the English themselves would 




be able to cope with them without the aid of ^ or ^^igner8 P ' 

24th October 1587. 

24 Oct. 159. Bernardino de Mendoza to the Kino. 

k!*15W. ™' In re P lv to y° ur Majesty's inquiry as to the treaties of alliance 
in force between France and England, I beg to say that the treaty 
was made in the time of King Charles (IX.), and was subsequently 
ratified by the present King (Henry III.), when he ascended the 
throne.* The articles show it to be a purely defensive alliance, 
as the Queen was anxious not to derogate from the alliance she had 
with the House of Burgundy, and France did not wish to bind itself 
except to aid the queen of England with the forces specified in ca*e 
she were at war. With regard to the clause to the effect that if 
any monarch should seize the property of English subjects the 
property of his subjects shall be seized in France, I understand that 
the provision was intended to refer to cases when the seizures were 
made without a declaration of war, as was done in Flanders by the 
duke of Alba ; and the English have therefore not requested the 
enforcement of the clause in France by virtue of their present war 
with your Majesty, nor has any fresh clause been added to the 
treaty. The English proposed the additions I sent to your Majesty 
some months ago, but this King (Henry III.) promised to consider 
them, and the matter remains in suspense, trade having been opened 
freely by both parties without the arrangement of details, except 
to declare that mutual restitution shall be made both of the seizures 
and the robberies. I have kept your Majesty informed as to the 
armaments in England, and I leain by letters from there, dated 
10th instant (new style), that Drake was still at Court, and that 
the Queen had made no preparations except to hold in readiness 
the 30 ships and the men who are to go in them, quartered at the 
place I have mentioned. The Queen has appointed lieutenants to 
all the counties into which England is divided, which is a step they 
usually take when they expect war. These lieutenants have to 
appoint the captains, who are charged with collecting the troops 
of each county, and when enemies appear such troops are concen- 
trated on to the nearest ports. They were talking of raising some 
fortifications in Portsmouth, Plymouth, and the Cinque Ports, of 
which Dover is the principal ; and Lord Cobham, the warden, had 
collected some small vessels to fit out and prevent the Dunkirkers 
from doing them so much damage as they do. 

The commissioners the English were to send to the Netherlands 
had not left, and it is understood that the Queen was detaining 
them until she saw how French affairs would turn out The 
English people in general were very desirous of peace, and the 
Queen said she had news from Spain that your Majesty had 
collected in Lisbon 16,000 Spaniards, but that the season was so 
far advanced that nothing was now to be feared from your Majesty's 
fleet. They are doing their best hero (i.«., in Paris) to warn her to 
be on the alert, and say that the reinforcement of the duke of 

* A copy of the defensive league between Queen Eliiabeth and Charles IX., dated 
19th April 1572, referred to in this letter, and also in letter No. 146, is now numbered 
K. 1565. 1. 



Parma with bo many' troops is solely with the object of invading 
the island. This, they tell her, is fully proved by the fact that he 
had ordered 6,000 saddle* and bridles to be made, and a great 
quantity of biscuits, in the Flemish, ports where he had quartered 
the majority of the Spanish infantry. They also assert that he 
(the duke of Parma) is having seme ships built there, and the 
Nuncio and the ambassadors are for ever throwing out hints about 
it to me. I answer them in the way your Majesty has instructed 
me, and I ha'l previously adopted, as regards Flanders, whilst as to 
the Spanish fleet I point out the many reasons which may exist for 
your Majesty's employing it in Barbaiy. 

There is no talk of naval armaments in Holland or Zeeland, nor 
has Diego Botello settled anything with the rebels, as your Majesty 
will see by Sampson's advices herewith, which are confirmed from 
other quarters. 

The appropriation of the ecclesiastical temporalities by the king 
of Scotland, it appears, does not only apply to the archbishop of 
Glasgow and the bishops of Ross and Dunblane, but to all the 
bishops. The archbishop of Glasgow and the bishop of Ross were 
appointed by the Queen joint executors with the duke of Guise in 
the will she made the night she was beheaded. The will was 
brought hither by her servants, who were liberated by the English 
after they had buried the Queen in the same church where lies the 
body of Queen Catherine, who was no less a martyr in her life than 
the queen of Scotland in her death* I will send your Majesty a 
statement of how she suffered death, from the relation of those who 
were present. When the headsman approached to undress her, she 
would not allow him to do so, but summoned two ladies of her own 
for the purpose. When she noticed that they were weeping she 
rebuked them, and said that they must recollect that she was 
suffering for the sake of the Catholic religion, and that they ought 
therefore to rejoice greatly. She said they, too, would have the 
firmness to sacrifice themselves for such a cause if it were necessary ; 
and with this she showed a firmness and valour which astonished 
all beholders. 

This King has appointed the son of Secretary Pinart as his 
ambassador in Scotland, and he is now in the country awaiting his 
despatches. The Scots ambassador here has represented that he is 
very young and inexperienced to be sent on such a mission, but he 
has been unable to get the appointment altered. The said 
ambassador has not yet despatched the gentleman who came from 
the king of Scotland to him, as the Christian King and his mother 
have no other answer except that they would write to bis master, 
but the letters have not yet been handea to him. 

The English ambassador here has had audience of the Queen- 
Mother, and aaked her whether English ships could come safely to 
Bordeaux for wine without any risk of their being seized there. 
She replied that they might, but that the poor crop of wine that 
there was this year had caused the King to forbid the exportation — 
Paris, 24th October 1587. 

» Peterborough Cathedral. 




Note. — In a letter to the King's secretary, Idiaquez, sent by the 
same courier as the above, Mendoza again urges the case of 
Dr. Nicholas Wendon, and encloses a " book of various poems which 
" have been written on the death of the queen of Scotland, as it 
" contains some smart epigrams on the life of her of England." 
Several of these poems are still in the packet, but none of them 
appear to be worthy of reproduction. 

27 Oct. 160. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King. 

*K\t£!iT' A* the WW™ had hi3 foot ** toe stirrup to take the 

accompanying letter, dated 24th, there arrived ships from Scotland 

which had been delayed for two months for want of a wiod. They 

brought me letters from Bruce, and I have kept the courier back 

whilst they were deciphered. In one of them, of 21st September, 

he writes me that he bad arrived safely with his packet, and in one 

one of the 24th, that he had seen the King twice, the first time at 

Hamilton and the second at Blantyre. On both occasions the King 

had received him very favourably and exhibited great pleasure at 

your Majesty's message. Bruce was going by the King's orders to 

Falkland to see him again and was in great hopes of being able to 

settle things much to his liking, having seen nothing hitherto in the 

King to lead to a contrary opinion. He promised to report the 

result to me immediately, which he did in a letter dated the 2nd 

instant, copy of which I enclose. I gather from it the slight prospect 

there is of the King's conversion, seeing how completely he is 

ruled by the heretics of the English faction, and also that this 

negotiation with the Catholic lords can now have no other result 

than to ensure a port when they are told to have one at our disposal. 

This can always be counted upon in England and Scotland for a 

strong force, as the ports are so numerous, with good facilities for 

landing, without the castled and forts in the harbours being able 

to prevent it. The Catholic lords might also, if your Majesty's fleet 

attack England, raise a disturbance in Scotland and thus oblige the 

King and the heretics to refrain from helping the Englishwoman. 

I am sending a special courier to the duke of Parma with a copy 

of Bruce's letter, in order that he may instruct me what is to be 

done with the money and that I m^y reply to the Catholic lords. 

' The ambassadors here and the Queen-Mother have been trying 

to ascertain from me by indirect means in what condition the 

marquis of Santa Cruz's fleet had arrived. I pretended that a 

mishap had overtaken him after passing Terceira, and they are 

judging from this that the season will be too far advanced for 

your Majesty to undertake an enterprise before the spring. I 

have secretly intimated the same to the new confidant. — raris, 

27th October 1587. 

4 Nov. 161. Bernardino de Mendoza to the Kino. 

Paris Archives, [EXTRACT.] 

Julio assures me that nothing further has been done in the 
preparation of warlike armaments in England beyond those 
mentioned in my general letter. They write to him that they 
consider your Majesty's willingness to listen to the negotiations of 



the commissioners arises rather from a desire to gain time than 
with any intention of coming to terms. 

The Nuncio is saying h^re that he is assured that your Majesty- 
would undertake the English enterprise before the spring, only 
that it is not possible for you to decide the mode of execution of 
or the place to be assailed. 

The Venetian ambaasa ior hero has recently made a long speech 
to the English ambassador, pointing out to him that his mistress 
was sustaining the war in this country, thus giving your Majesty 
time to make preparations for attacking her, which you would do 
when she least expected it. It was therefore for the Queen to 
accede to the wishes of the king of France, and join with him to 
check your Majesty's power, which was so dangerous to all 
other monarchs. — Paris, 4th November 1587. 

Postcript — Birlemont has just arrived here, having been expelled 
from England, as I feared he would be. 

Note, — Philip has added a marginal note saying he believes this to 
lie the man who came from Portugal. Barlemont, however, was the 
Frenchman whom Mendoza had got appointed to a position in the 
French ambassador's household, for the purpose of his sending news 
from England. 

4 Nov. 162. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King. Advices from 

Paris Archives, England. 

K 1565. 97. 

Since my last report on English affairs I have received intelligence 
under date of 22nd ultimo from London, that the Queen had 
ordered that no ships of over 80 tons burden should be allowed to 
leave the country until further orders, but they are to remain in 
the ports where they now are. There is nothing fresh in the matter 
of armaments; nor has the Queen made any provision beyond 
keeping in readiness the 30 ships I have mentioned. There is no 
sign of arming ships in Holland or Zeeland. — Paris, 4th November 

* 4 Nov. 163. The Kino to Bernardino de Mendoza. 

] k"i448 <!| | I 46 8 ' Thanks for your diligence in sending news from England. 
Send me reports frequently, and make much of Julio who is acting 
so well towards you. Keep Montesinos, and as to the others you 
employ to obtain information, you may use your discretion as to 
dispensing with some of them, as you suggest, although it is always 
better to have as many in hand as possible, unknown to each other, 
so that the news may be confirmed. 

You acted quite rightly with Friar Diego Carlos. If he returns 
to the subject with as little appearance of sincerity as before, treat 
him in the same way. Has he gone to England ? — San Lorenzo, 
4th November 1587. 

6 Nov. 164. Extract of Letter from the Duke op Parma to Bernardino 

Paris Archives, DE MENDOZA. 

K 1565. 99. 

With regard to Bruce, I have taken note of the copy of his 
letter which you send me. As he has given an account of the 
matter to his King, who is so contaminated by the sect and the 
English faction, and the season is so advanced, whilst the hopes 



which weie entertained when the resolution was adopted have 
disappeared, it will be best to carry the matter no further at 
present, although I had arranged all my preparations for it here. 
You will, however, maintain the sympathy and attachment shown by 
the Catholic lords, in the hope that if occasion should arise they 
will give effect to their devotion. For this purpose it will be well 
for the 10,000 crowns to be retained there in the hands of Bruce, 
to whom you may write, requesting him to continue his good 
offices and understandings to this end, and asking him to keep you 
well informed as to his movements and negotiations. 

6 Nov. 165. Document headed — " Copy of the Letter from Robert Bruce 
Paris Archives, « dated at Lisleburgh in Scotland, 6th November 1587." 

K. 1565. 100. . ° ' 

French. Captain Thomas Forster has been pressing very urgently to 
obtain letters, and to be specially employed in those parts, but he 
has not conducted himself properly in the business which was 
entrusted to him, as you will learn by another long discourse. Still 
it was not thought advisable to refuse him, and cool his desire to 
act properly and do his duty, and consequently a letter and credit 
have been given to him as if we had full trust in him. The Catholic 
lords, however, are of opinion that lie should not be sent hither 
again or employed in these affairs, on account of his rashness, and 
other reasons, apart from his incapacity, although he should be 
entertained and kept in hopes of being sent back when opportunity 
shall arise, which may be deferred from time to time. In the 
meanwhile, without his knowledge, those who will be despatched 
from here may be sent back hither, or any other persons whom you 
may consider fit If this course does not recommend itself to you, 
you can pretend that you have no further interest in Scotland or its 
friendship, which you can say costs too much and produces too little ; 
or you may blame our fickle resolution, or adopt any other pretext 
which may seem good to you. You will shortly receive by another 
channel a full account of the state of affairs here. — Lisleburgh 
(Edinburgh), 6th November 1 587. ^ 

8-13 Nov. 166. Sampson's Advices from London, 8th and 13th November 

K. 1565. 101. 

Pressure is being brought to bear upon Don Antonio from France 
to use his influence with the Queen to persuade the prince of Beam 
to submit to the king of France, and become a Catholic. She is to 
be urged to consent to and promote this, as there is yet time for the 
King to receive him with open arms, to the confusion of those of the 
League. She is to be also shown how little profit has been gained 
by the expense she has incurred with the reiters and her other aids 
to the war ; and to be told that as the principal cities in France 
had joined the Catholic princes, it was impossible for the King to 
avoid embracing the same cause or he would have been utterly 
ruined. It is therefore evident that he is forced to temporise with 
and aid the Catholics, although against his will. If the Queen had 
helped Don Antonio with forces to go to Portugal, as she has often 
been recommended to do by France, the King would certainly have 
openly supported him in order to avenge himself upon those who 
have fomented war in his (the king of France's) dominions. 

i 95498. L 



Don Antonio is much pleased, and Diego Botello affirms that the 
Queen will make him a grant to pay his debts. It is understood that 
he has some negotiation afoot with M. de Lansac the younger, and 
he is sending Antonio de Brito to Rouen about it. Lansac has left 
Bordeaux with ships of the fleet, as an escort for the wine flotilla 
coming from that place. 

14 Nov. 167. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King. 

J j^$i£fi04? Tta news I send from England is not very fresh, and I have now 
' only to add that I have intelligence from there, dated 24th ultimo, 
confirming the detention in the ports of all ships of over 80 tons 

They had also ordered a muster to be called of all the ordinary 
cavalry and infantry forces in the country, who were to hold them- 
selves in readiness for further orders. 

They report the arrival in England from Holland of over 600 
Englishmen of those whom the earl of Leicester had dismissed, or 
who, rather, were tamed out by the towns. They themselves say 
that no more English remained there except in Brille and Utrecht. 

There is nothing new about naval armaments beyond what I have 
already advised, and there are no tidings of the king of Denmark's 
10 ships, in consequence of westerly winds having blown continually 
for a month past,* which is contrary for them. — raris, 14th Novem- 
ber 1587. 

15 Nov. 168. Secbetary Idiaquez to Bernardino de Mendoza. 

Paris Archnres, [EXTRACT.] 

K. 1448. 149. 

I have not had time yet to speak to his Majesty about the queen 
of Scotland's servants, and although I think he will be willing to 
pay an allowance to Mr. Curie I should be glad if you will let me 
know how much you think it would be well to give him. I will 
then lay it before his Majesty. — The Pardo, 15th November 1587. 

18 Nov. 169. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King. 

p ] [^ l ^ , 5^» Since I sealed the enclosed, Julius has received letters from England, 
dated 11th instant, saying that in consequence of the Queen's 
having been informed that your Majesty had ordered your fleet 
to be detained, she had instructed to sail with all diligence eight of 
her largest ships and 22 merchantmen which were being held in 
readiness. She had also summoned the earl of Leicester, and was 
about to change her viceroy in Ireland. 

News has arrived also from England of the defeat of the Flushing 
fleet, which was guarding the entrance to the Sluys, by your 
Majesty's ships from Dunkirk and Nieuport, 500 of the rebels being 
slain (an account of the action is given), and great sorrow is felt 
in England at this. The news comes from England, so it is safe to 
assume that the result was worse for the rebels than is reported. — 
Paris, 18th November 1587. 

* The King underlines this statement about the wind and draws attention to it by a 
Marginal note. 




16 to 170. Document headed — "Advices from London of 1 6th and 
22 Nov. 22nd November 1587 (N.S.)." Translated from English to 

Pmrifl Archive*. Spanish. 

K. 1565. 107. * 

The Lord Admiral has been ordered to put to sea on the 
12th December, and all merchant ships on the coast have been 
embargoed for the Queen's service. They have decided to engage 
at sea the Armada from Spain, in order to prevent, if possible, the 
Spaniards from setting foot ashore. Our fleet, however, is in very 
poor order, and anything but strong, as musters are being called 
everywhere but nothing being got ready. The people have never 
been so alarmed before, nor so little prepared to defend themselves 
as they are now. The Queen has been scolding the Lord Treasurer 
greatly for the last few days, for having neglected to disburse money 
for the reparation and management of the fleet. 

Lord Buckhurst, who is in disgrace with the Queen, has retired to 
his house, and has now written a letter to the Queen, couched in 
somewhat rough terms, and trying to defend himself, whilst accusing 
many of the councillors of want of sincerity in their actions. He 
does not fail to warn the Queen to take care, as all the monarchs in 
Christendom are leagued against her and were even now ready to 
invade her realm. The Queen was extremely angry at this.* 

Walsingham is in his house, attending to nothing else but his 
bloody plots, and he is keeping Throgmorton's brother in these 
proceedings as he well knows that be will help. This Throgmorton 
has much communication with the household of Chateauneuf, and I 
am very anxious for instructions as to how our friends should act, 
and what course we should adopt. 

Although, as I say, all merchant ships have been embargoed, it is 
not known how many will be put to sea besides the 14 Queen's 
ships already appointed and the 16 merchantmen which are now 
being fitted out. It is certain that preparations they are making 
both on sea and on land are very meagre and inferior. 

Throgmorton has been pressed by Walsingha/m to go to France 
for the purpose of coming to some understanding with Dr. Oifford, 
but I have not been able to discover what the object is. All the 
Catholics will be confined again, for fear that they should give help 
to the enemy, and every man is saying to his neighbour that the 
king of Spain is coming against us, and this is the very time for 
him, as we are so ill prepared. A strange malady is prevalent 
here, which has already caused the death of many great people. 
Although the doctors try their best they are unable to discover 
whence it comes or how to cure it. 

For the provisioning of the fleet they intend to raise they have 
ordered 8,000 bullocks to be slaughtered, and have called a muster 
of all the mariners in the kingdom, who they say amount in all 
to 9,000. They assert that the 14 Queen's ships that are ready will 
carry 6,000 men, and the 16 merchantmen 5,000 men. This is all 
that has been arranged hitherto, besides embargoing all the 

* A letter from Buckhurst to Burleigh (28rd September) will be found in Hatfield 
Papers, Part 8, in which he seeks to palliate the terms of this letter to the Queen, and 
deeply deplores her Majesty's displeasure thereat. 

L 2 



merchantships as I have mentioned, which have been warned to bold 
themselves in readiness when they may be required. 

The earl (sic) of Hunsdon is at Berwick, and has sent for 2,000 
cavalry to guard the border, as they say that the Scot is arming 
and has 13,000 men in the field. 

On the 8th of this month (by our style) the Lord Chancellor 
made a speech in the Star Chamber, setting forth that the king of 
Spain and the Pope had resolutely decided to invade England, and 
for that purpose had a most potent armada at sea. He therefore 
urged and admonished everyone to keep his eyes open and be on the 
alert, inferring that the sons of David were with tnem, and the holy 
scripture on their side ; with other persuasions and remonstrances 
of the same sort, all pronounced with much severity. 

Since my lust I have heard from a good source that a servant of 
Courcelles, who is resident in the court of Scotland for the king of 
France, has come to England, bringing certain papers which he took 
from Courcelles, from which they have learnt many secrets that 
were being planned between the Scot and the Spaniard with regard 
to the conquest of England. These papers were at once sent to the 
Queen, who has given Courcelles' servant a crown sterling a day as 
a reward. This has again given rise to the rumour that they will 
fit out 150 sail, great and small, and will call together the 9,000 
mariners from all the country. I can assure you, however, that all 
this cannot be done in a Short time, and they have not yet even 
been able to complete the fitting out of 10 of the Queen s ships 
which it is said are to be taken out by the Lord Admiral It seemf 
as if they were still uncertain as to the direction in which they will 
send their forces, but they are most in fear on the side of Ireland, 
Scotland, and the West Country. Although they now expect the 
invasion beyond all doubt, they do not believe it will take place 
until the spring. They have abstained from making other prepara* 
tions at present in consequence of some intelligence they have in 

In Wales the captains and soldiers for the defence of the port of 
Milford have been appointed, although no munitions have yet been 
sent thither. They are afraid to collect a large body of troops in 
any one part, for fear of a revolt. 

Oct. to 171. Summary of Letters from Count de Olivares from 
Nov. 2nd October to 22nd November 1587. 

Estado, 949. gnd October. — His Holiness sent for him to see the deciphering 
of a letter from the Nuncio in France, giving an account of a con- 
versation he had had with the Scots ambassador. The substance of 
it was to show the jealousy conceived by the ambassador at Allen's 
elevation, and that he said that our King wanted to deprive the 
king of Scotland of his rights to the crown of England, and displayed 
suspicion of the Spanish Armada. 

The Nuncio also reports that the king of France said that he 
could not take any part in the English enterprise until he bad 
pacified his own affairs. 

The Count says that he thanked the Pope through Rusticucci for 
having had the paper shown to him, and told Rusticucci that the 




Nuncio might be answered as if the reason gi^r^n by ^» * # 
France for not taking part in the enterprise wa^s ^^Verf 6 • "^ of 
Allen's promotion had Tbeen granted because the exx*exp^i3 e JZ1 * *&# 
deferred, and it was advisable to let the Catholics h*,^* 8 bei °g 
who could console and encourage them, and thafc he (tlx e 5? me ° n e 
should try to induce the Scots ambassador to vurge £/ s j£. unc *°) 
favour religious matters, and tell him that the ^ope *-„„** & ™ 
take care of his own people. "ould then 

Cardinal Mondovi had complained that Don Bernardino d 
Mendoza had told the Venetian ambassador in France that Cardinal 
(Mondovi) was a vassal of his Majesty, and yet he was trying to 
persuade the Pope to believe in the conversion of the king of 
Scotland. The Count had replied that he did not believe it, but had 
reported the matter to Don Bernardino. 

Mondovi had on this occasion let out that, notwithstanding his 
promise, he had persevered in the attempt to convert the King (of 
Scotland) at the instance of the Pope. 

His Holiness was in fear that nothing could now be done and 
was sorry for having elevated Alien, 

5th October. — The Pope told him (the Count) that the answer 
bad been sent to the Nuncio as he (the Count) had recommended. 

His Holiness made much of the fact that if the king of France 
were to complain of the enterprise being undertaken without him, 
he would have a very good answer by pointing out that he had 
been invited to take part and had refused. 

The Pope said that he had foreseen the murmurs to which Allen's 
elevation would give rise. The Count replied, showing how beneficial 
it had been, and said the person who was crying out about it was 
the English ambassador. The day that Allen was promoted was a 
fatal one for his mistress, for the Sluys was captured at the same time 

16th October. — The Count had received two letters from Don 
Bernardino by a courier of the duke of Guise, who had come in 
advance of the secretary of the ambassador of France. He told the 
Pope he was coming from the King (of France) to ask him for some 
troops, but he really only wanted money. The Pope was glad to 
know this. 

30 Nov. 172. Count de Olivakes to the Kino. 

* As the Pope was noticing the long delay in the arrival of the 
reply from your Majesty about the English affair, and as I saw the 
necessity of satisfying him in some way, I told him that I did not 
look upon it as a bad sign, because if your Majesty had no intention 
of undertaking the affair you would have sent an agswer. I said 
that, although your Majesty did not write, the preparations for war 
were not ceasing, and it was not at all likely that these preparations 
were intended for any other purpose. It was certain, moreover, that 
your Majesty would not delay more than was necessary, seeing the 
great cost you are at ; and that however unsafe it may be to 
navigate at this time, it would be more dangerous and inconvenient 
to defer the enterprise for another year. I said that if the Spanish 
Armada has not to go very far up the Channel before it anchors, 
there is no great danger in the navigation of the high seas from 



Lisbon,* besides the hope that God will help it, as it is in His 
service.— Rome, 30th November, 1587. 

23 Nov. 173. Advices from London (from Antonio de Vega) of 
P ^ifVw 8 ' 23rd November 1587, new style. 

rL. 1005. 114. " 

There is nothing fresh here, except that they are continuing 
their preparations, fortifying the ports, and supplying them with 
men and ammunition. All the Queen's ships have been made ready, 
and the rest of the vessels on the coast have been embargoed. Of 
these they are fitting out 33 to put to sea, nine of them being 
Queen's ships and the rest merchantmen. It is not known yet who 
will command them, but it is believed it will be Drake and that they 
will sail soon. On the 17th instant the Queen was in a tremendous 
rage with Walsingham, the Treasurer, and the Controller, upon whom 
she heaped a thousand insults ; saying that it was through them 
that she was induced to negotiate for peace with the duke of Parma, 
who had drawn her on with fair words, so that whilst she was 
listening to them she might cease her preparations and so be caught 
unawares. She told the Treasurer that he was old and doting, to 
which he replied that he knew he was old, and would gladly, there- 
fore, retire to a church where he might pray for her. She could 
not complain, he said, of his having badly advised her, for he had 
urged her on no account to continue to interfere in the Netherlands 
war, or to openly support the duke of Vendome, whom they called 
the king of Navarre ; but she had insisted in both courses. When 
he saw she was determined, he had counselled her that if she 
intervened she ought to do so with a large sum of money. This 
she refused to do, and thought words would suffice, and matters in 
consequence had reached such a stage that the States were dissatisfied, 
and the king of Navarre in risk of having to repent of what he had 
done ; whilst she was hated both by the king of Spain and the king 
of France, and even by the States themselves. All this, she said, 
arose simply from the delay in the arrival of the reply they expected 
from the duke of Parma respecting the going of the commissioners. 
This had quite cooled, but on the 19th instant a servant of the 
Controller, named Morris, arrived here with the duke of Parma's 
answer, and a letter from him, in which he says that the day on 
which the commissioners land on the other side the truce shall 
commence, and they are now better pleased. I think it will be well 
for you to advise the Duke to continue to keep them in hand, 
which is desirable for many reasons. They said here that, in the 
face of the reply sent, the commissioners would be appointed, but 
they waited for the reply of Dr. Herbert, Master of Requests, who 
had been sent to the States to prove to them that the Queen would 
only undertake peace negotiations with their consent, and for their 
benefit. He was accompanied by the agent of the States here, who 
went to persuade them. 

On Wednesday the 18th, Christopher Hatton, who serves as Lord 
Chancellor, summoned the whole of the nobility and commons who 
had come to Westminster to plead their causes, and, in the name of 

* Id the King's hand — " Some of the Lisbon people will be of different opinion." 




the Queen, enjoined them all to return home and defend their wives 
and children, as well as their fatherland, for the Queen ^^ QOW 
certain that the Pope and the kings of Spain and France were in 
league to ruin her, because of her religion, and as for the king of 
Scotland, although he was neither fish nor flesh himself, she was not 
sure whether he belonged to the league, but she was folly convinced 
by letters that she had taken that he was against her. She therefore 
enjoined those present who had offices in their counties to go thither 
and muster men on foot and horse, the lists of whom should be sent 
to the Queen before the 18th December. She hoped that as God 
had given so great a victory to the duke of Vendome over the duke 
of Joyeuse* (which victory she greatly praised), He would also 
vouchsafe her a victory by their help. During the present law 
term no causes should be carried on against them in their absence. 
Hatton mentioned the king of France several times in the course of 
this speech. 

It is certain that the king of Scotland has entered the field, but 
his object was to go against certain rioters who were robbing. They 
(the English) are, however, daily becoming more alarmed of his doing 
harm if be has the chance, and it is said secretly that if the Spanish 
Armada comes he will welcome it. Lord Hunsdon was unable to do 
his business in Berwick, and writes that Scotland is not to be 

The States are more at issue with these people than ever, as they 
all refuse to obey the earl of Leicester. The latter was at Flushing 
on the 12th instant, ready to embark, when it was seen that he 
had with him certain deputies from Holland, whereupon he was 
detained until a reply came from the Queen to their demands. 
They have beheaded at Leyden an Italian colonel named Cosmo, 
who was in the service of the States, and with him a Flemish 
captain and a minister, for having secretly plotted for the people 
to surrender the town to the English. t They have chosen the son 
of the prince of Orange as their governor, and he is so styled in 
books they are printing. They say they will not allow the queen of 
England to make peace to their prejudice ; and when they can do 
no more they will make peace for themselves. They have garrisons 
only in Flushing, Brille, Bergen, and Ostend. 

Botello arrived here on the 10th. He was sent off by the Earl 
with fair words and great promises, but it is all empty air and he 
will get no fleet. The Earl got rid of him by telling him to get the 
Queen to write a letter from here to the States and to him, and he 
should then have the ships he wanted. The Earl at the same time 
wrote secretly to the Queen saying that they were not asking for 
these ships for any serious object, besides which no ships could well 
be spared from the country at this juncture. The Earl also wrote 


* The battle of Coutras, fought 20th October. 

f This was Leicester's treacherous plot to seiae Leyden. Leic f 8 *f r, «T ho * e Potion in 
the States had become more and more unpleasant since the loss o*" 16 blu y 8 »J ra8 »* on c© 
recalled. See his fervent letter of thanks on the occasion to the Queen, Hatfield Papers, 
Part 8, p. 297. The persons sentenced for the plot were Cosmo de Pescarengis, Jacques 
Valmaer, and Nicholas de Maulde, the burgher being pardoned by Maurice. 



to the merchant,* saying that he would faithfully fulfil his promise ; 
but he is the worst enemy that they (Don Antonio's party ?) have 
on account of the merchant's telling him many things that Don 
Antonio says about him. Don Antonio was angry with the merchant 
and rapped out certain words which made him resolve on no account 
to see him again. He was for three months without seeing him. 
He (Lopez) was sent to him (Don Antonio), but begged the Queen 
to excuse him from going, giving her the reasons. Persuaded by 
me, however, he at last ended the feud, as he has better means than 
others of learning everything. He is still very cool with him (Don 
Antonio), but I promise you I was not at all desirous, in the 
interests of his Majesty's service, that he should so deliberately break 
with him. I am trying so far as words can do to keep him (Lopez) 
pledged to us, but if the resolution is to be longer delayed, I pray 
you to write to me saying that his Majesty will be willing to accept 
his services, and so relieve me personally of the responsibility of the 
promise made to him. Do not name him, however, but call him the 
merchant. Don Antonio has dismissed 17 of the persons he had 
with him, amongst them a servant of Diego Botello, called Bastian 
Figueroa. I have some suspicion that he is secretly sending him to 
Portugal as he went before. It will be well to keep on the alert for 
him,f as he must go first to Paris. I write direct to his Majesty at 
Lisbon about Leitao whom Don Antonio sent ostensibly to France 
for his health, but who has really gone to JBarbary, and if he finds 
the King there not well disposed he is to go to Constantinople. 
Through all the kingdom (England) people are ordered to-day to 
retire to their homes, and the ports are closed. 

Qives an account of the negotiations between Don Antonio and 
the Huguenots for the latter, with Vendome's consent, to furnish the 
Portuguese Pretender with a contingent of 4,000 men. 

25 Nov. 174. Sampson's Advices from England. 

Paris Archives, [EXTRACTS.] 

Don Antonio has spoken to the Queen, urging how necessary it 
was for her that peace should be made in France. The Queen 
replied that she knew it, but she would take no steps in the matter 
unless the King (of France) requested her to do so. Don Antonio 
said that in a matter of such importance she ought to move at once, 
and not to stand upon a point like this. 

Diego Botello got plenty of fair words from the rebels in Holland, 
but as the carrying of them into effect depended upon the Queen 
he has returned without doing anything. 

Antonio de Brito has gone to France to deal with young Lansac 
with regard to the great offers of armaments he has made to Don 
Antonio. The latter wishes to send Botello to France to negotiate 
for a peace there, but he cannot do so for want of money. He 
would like to go to France himself, but it will not be possible for 
him to escape the watchful vigilance of the Queen. The latter has 

* Id a letter from Mendoxa to the King, dated 14th November 1587 (Parts Archives, 
1565) he explains that the " merchant," mentioned by Vega, is really Dr. Lopez. 
f The King in a marginal note calls special attention to this. 






sum was 

given him 400 crowns, and has promised him more; 
only to pay a debt for which he was being pressed. 

The Lord Admiral left here on the 22nd for Margate ^ sa y 
with 40 or 50 of the Queen s ships to cruise along the English coasfc 
and perhaps as far as Cape Finisterre.* ' 

27 Nov. 175. The King to Bernardino de Mendoza. 

K. 1448. 15K* Some of your letters of 24th and 26th ultimo were answered on 
the 14th instant, and the present will reply to those which were not 
deciphered in time. 

I have been much touched by the letters relating to the queen of 
Scotland, although her end was so holy that consolation is found in 
that fact. With regard to her injunctions, I will take care of her 
servants and the rest of those whom she commends to me, and I will 
try to justify her confidence in me with respect to the prayers to be 
offered for her, and the foundation of a memorial to her ; although 
our main trust should be in God and her saintly end, that she is now 
more able to aid than to need help. 

For the payment of the 6,000 crowns which she declared she 
owed, 3,000 to Charles Paget, 2,000 to Charles Arundel 1, and 1,000 
to the person to be indicated by the archbishop of Glasgow, I have 
ordered the sum to be sent to you in a credit at once. It will go 
either in this letter or its duplicate, and you will pay the debts as 
soon as it a? rives. You wiU console the two ladies, Curie and 
Kennedy, and tell them they may be assured of my care for them, 
as they served faithfully to the last one who so well deserved their 
devotion. You will try to dissuade them from going to their own 
country, where they could not be comfortable, as they must be good 
Catholics, as befits the servants of such a mistress, and you will 
arrange for them to stay in Paris or in some place in my Netherlands. 
You may promise that if they live in either of these places I will 
provide for their maintenance, but not otherwise.! 

You will advise me as to the sum which you think should be paid 
to them yearly, and how it should be draped. You will also let mo 
know whether they purpose staying in rai is or going to the Nether- 
lands; and as in the meanwhile, and pending the receipt of my 
decision, they will need something, you may furnish them with what 
you consider sufficient, taking it from the 8,000 crowns sent to you 
the other day. 

As it turned out that Gilbert Curie, the secretary, had behaved 
well, he also should be given the allowance you think necessary, 

* In the letter to the King, enclosing these advieci (4th December), Mendoza says 
with regard to this information : " The statement about the AdmiraTs having gone to put 
" to sea with 50 ships is like those which Don Antonio's men are always fond of making, 
" and I do not believe it to be true ; both in consequence of what the new confidant 
" tells me, and because my advices of the 25th from London, which are fresher than 
" Sampson's, say that the Queen was making preparations to arm, having embargoed all 
" the ships in the country, and that 15 vessels would shortly sail to cruise upon the coast, 
" the Admiral having gone personally to superintend the fitting out of some of the 
H Queen's ships and get them ready for sea." 

Mendoza was right, the news was not true. Howard remained cm board the M White 
Bear " at Queenboroogh, superintending the preparation of the Queen s fleet, until he 
shipped on the " Ark Raleigh " in February 1588. . 

t Miss Curie lived for many years with her brother Gilbert at Antwerp where she 
died on the 29th May 1620, aged 60 years, and was buried at the cnurcn or St. Amir*. 



in accordance with bis quality but without excess, and you will 
ascertain whether he will go to Flanders, or if his staying in Paris 
as a foreigner will be of any service to you. Let me know your 
opinion upon this. 

Tou may also proceed in the same way with the apothecary, 
Gorion ; telling him to rest tranquil, and that there is no need for 
him to come hither to me, as he well fulfilled his commission by 
delivering the letter and rings to you. If he and the secretary need 
any little present assistance, apart from their allowance, you will 
provide them with it out of the said money, and on advice being 
received from you of what you have done, remittances shall be sent 
to balance this account 

You will keep the ring that Gorion handed to you for me until a 
safe opportunity offers for forwarding it, so as not to risk it by the 
ordinary road. 

As regards the archbishop of Glasgow, who is recommended by 
the Queen, I think what was done for him lately through you will 
suffice, and the bishop of Ross shall be taken care of, as you may 
tell him. 

The Queen also mentions Muzio (the duke of Guise), and you 
know what is being done in that respect. The rest of the English- 
men she names are already receiving pensions through you; the 
only name which seems new to me is that of Ralph Ligons, who is 
spoken of. Tou will see what is to be done for him, if he is not 
already receiving anything ; and with this all her injunctions will 
be fulfilled. 

In the Queen's letter to you about my affairs she mentions that 
she was writing to the Pope to the same effect. It will be^Well for 
you to ascertain from Gorion whether the letter was written to his 
Holiness, because, in such case, doubtless Gorion would have con- 
veyed it as he did yours, and will be able to tell you how he 
forwarded it, although it may well be that the Queen was unable to 
carry out her intention of writing it.* 

The original letter which she wrote to you last year, informing 
you of the will she had made, you will keep with great care, 
together with the last letter, in which she again refers to it. Tou 
will endeavour for these two women to be kept within reach and 
well affected, so that, if necessary, they may make a statement of 
what they know in confirmation of this, Miss Curie testifying to 
the message her mistress gave her for you, and the other saying 
what she may have heard. If the other two (i.e., Gorion and 
Secretary Curie) have any inkling of it, as they well may have, 
they also may be treated in the same way, particularly the secretary, 
as you say he alone had to do with the correspondence with my 
ministers, and he consequently may have more information than 
the others about the will For all reasons, therefore, and to be able 
to help them better, it will be well for them to be in some place 
where they cannot be corrupted. Tou will manage it all with your 
usual discretion, and advise what you consider best. 

* This letter from the Queen to Sixtas V., deled 28rd November 1586, is published by 
Lebanoff, VI., p. 447. 



From what Brace writes to you there seems but little now to be 
hoped for from his mission, or of the conversion of the King, who is so 
completely ruled by the English faction. Bruce seems to be acting 
well, and you and the duke of Parma, between you, will see how 
you can best guide the matter into a more favourable position. You 
may be helped to this end, perhaps, by the arrival (in Scotland) of 
the earl of Morton, to whom we gave here 1,000 crowns for his 
journey to Lisbon, and 4,000 more for his voyage to his own 
country, where he was to hold himself in readiness until he received 
advices from me. You will shortly have there (in Paris) Colonel 
William Semple, another of my Scottish servants, whom you, no 
doubt, know, and who is going thither with my consent to employ 
himself in these matters. He seems a zealous man, although, 
doubtless, a thorough Scot, and you will consequently govern 
yourself towards him with the caution you always display, and will 
advise me of everything. — The Pardo, 27th November 1587. 

27 Nov. 176. Bobebt Heigh inton to the King. 

"^^T m a<5e*?iTr?* ^ e k* 8 taken upon himself the task of proving that his Majesty 
Latin. (Philip) is the legitimate heir to the crown of England, in order 
that the truth may be made known, and those who speak in a 
contrary sense refuted. 

By the persuasion of Don Bernardino de Mendoza he has written 
a treatise showing the whole genealogy of the descendants of both 
the York and Lancaster families, which he has taken the liberty of 
dedicating to his Majesty, whom he recognises as the true heir of 
the House of Lancaster, and the only Catholic Prince descended 
therefrom. He hopes to see his Majesty in happy possession of his 
realm, that heresy may be extirpated therefrom, and by the pious 
efforts of his Majesty the Catholic faith restored. He prays him 
humbly to strive to this righteous end, and to deign to accept and 
reward his services. — Paris, 27th November 1587. 

28 Nov. 177. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King. 

Paris Archly*, [EXTRACTS.] 

Su 1665* ISO. 

I send your Majesty herewith a book which has been written at 
my instance by an Englishman, and which I have had turned into 
Latin. It proves evidently that if your Majesty is the rightful heir 
of Portugal, which is indisputably the case, you must also be 
the legitimate successor to the English crown, and should be its 
possessor, preceding even the king of Scotland, apart from his 
disqualification for heresy. I have pointed this out to your Majesty 
in former letters, and this book proves it beyond doubt from the 
chronicles themselves, and the histories of England which are cited 
in the margin. When need may arise, and your Majesty thinks fit, 
it might be printed in all languages, as it is written learnedly and 
seriously. The book was composed with the utmost secrecy, and no 
one knows of it but Charles Arundoll and myself. The author is an 
English gentleman who was formerly secretary to the earl of 
Northumberland (who rose with the duke of Norfolk), and since 
then he has been a fugitive for religion's sake. He is a person of 
understanding, very well versed in English affairs, and it was from 



his 'statements that Cardinal Alien furnished the duke of Parma 

with the information respecting the whole of the English ports 

whilst I was in England. The Duke, a few months ago, granted 

him (Heighinton) an allowance of 20 (Flemish) crowns a month, 

equal to about 13 French crowns, but he has not received it, being 

absent from that country. Knowing his good parts and attachment, 

and how useful he may be in England, I venture to pray your 

Majesty humbly to show liim some favour in the form of a present 

grant in aid. I shall look upon any such favour as a special and 

personal boon to myself for the reasons I have stated.* — Paris, 

28th November 1587. 

28 Nov. 178. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King. 

P K ri i«5.^m.' x have intelligence from England, dated the 12th instant, saying 
' that on receipt of the news that your Majesty had ordered your 
fleet to be detained, the Queen had sent the Admiral to visit her 
ships, and tell them they could now put to sea. Walsingham 
had told Sir William Fitzwilliams, who has been reappointed 
governor of Ireland, that the Queen had been cheated in the 
maintenance of her ships, as the Admiral had reported that out 
of the whole 30 only 1 2 were at present seaworthy, the rest being 
so worm-eaten and rotten that at least a month would be needed 
to repair some of them, and others would take two or three months. 
Drake was showing no signs of an intention of putting to sea 
at once with the 30 ships the Queen had ordered to be furnished 

The sale of the spice sliip (cargo ?) from India, captured by Drake, 
was concluded for 50,0001. for the Queen and 6,0002. for the 
Admiral. The Council was negotiating with, the same merchants, 
who bought it for the latter, in consideration of this 50,0(XM., to 
undertake to fit out 30 ships, providing men, stores, and other 
things necessary to send Drake to sea next spring. The merchants 
had not yet decided whether they would accept the offer or not. 

The 600 soldiers who have come from Holland, and others who 
arc arriving from there daily, are so poor and dissatisfied that the 
Queen, out of fear that they might raise sedition, has ordered that 
not more than 20 of them together may euter any village. 

On the coast opposite Flanders, and in the West Country, they 
were keeping watch night and day, and the Queen has ordered a 
night watch to be kept in every village in the land, which has never 
been done in the winter time. 

There was nothing fresh from Scotland, nor have any ships 
arrived in France from there. 

I hear from England that the carl of Leicester is expected with 
the first favourable wind. I do my very best to keep your Majesty 
frequently informed on English affairs, but as the coming of news 
from there depends upon the weather, I cannot send as promptly or 
as regularly as I could wish. — Paris, 28th November 1587. 

* It will be seen by the preceding letter that the author of the book in question was 
Robert Heighinton. 



4 Dec. 179. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King. 

K™565. I2e!' * am entertaining and making much of Julius to the hest of my 

ability in accordance with your Majesty's orders, and because I see 
how well he is acting in your Majesty's service. In consequence of 
Walsingham's enmity towards him the Queen is pressing him about 
the money he owes ; and he is therefore in difficulties. He informs 
me that Secretary Pinart has sent word to the English ambassador 
that, in consequence of information they had received of the 
sailing of your Majesty's fleet, they had despatched the news to 
his mistress, and had offered her at the same time the aid specified 
in the treaties. The King had also taken into his service the 
Swiss troops who had surrendered to him, and they were travelling 
by short marches, in order that they might delay until they learnt 
whether she needed them. Although the King was following up 
the reiters he (Pinart) could assure him (Stafford) that it was with 
no intention of harming them — which is exactly what I suspected. 

At this juncture I received your Majesty's despatches, and whilst 
thanking Julius for his advices I said that, to prove to him with 
what sincerity they were treating the English ambassador here, I 
could assure him that on the 4th November your Majesty's fleet 
had not sailed, which greatly pleased him. 

Julius writes me under date of 19th and 25th that the Queen 
was again in treaty with Casimir for the coming of 6,000 reiters 
and 8,000 infantry to France, and she was now quite confident that 
your Majesty had come to an understanding with the king of 
Scotland, and that these naval preparations had for their object 
to place him in possession of the English crown. In conversation 
on this subject with the person through whom we communicate,* 
Julius said he did not believe your Majesty was so ill-advised as 
to incur such a great expense for the benefit of a person so far from 
being a Catholic as the king of Scotland, whilst neglecting to assert 
your own rights. This will show how well disposed he is to your 
Majesty's interest. 

Every merchant's letter, and every traveller coming from 
Flanders, says that the duke of Parma is going over to England. 
I try to stifle this rumour with the best arguments I can find in 
furtherance of your Majesty's instructions. 

Sampson's advices enclosed are taken from letters from Don 
Antonio that I have seen. Friar Diego Carlos was with him. 
Pardin says that the Queen keeps so close a watch upon Don 
Antonio that it is impossible for him to escape without her 
knowledge. — Paris, 4th December 1587. 

4 Dec. 180. Advices from Flushing. 

^^it^m' Tte earl of Leicester is leaving for England, his baggage being 

already shipped. He is on bad terms with the rebels, t They have 
stationed 60 ships, great and small, in the river at Antwerp to 
prevent the duke of Parma from going over to England with the 

* Charles Arundell. Although an attempt at mystification is made by mentioning 
Julias and the English ambassador Stafford as separate persons, it is obvious to anyone 
who follows the correspondence closely that they were the same. 

t For Leicester's own account of the reasons for his dissensions with the States, see 
his letter to the Queen in the Hatfield Papers, Fart 8, p. 297. 



ships be has armed in Antwerp. They expect 20 more vessels from 
Holland, which they intend to place at the month, of the Ghent 
canal to prevent the sailing of the ships the Duke has at that town. 
They are in fear lest the Duke should use his Antwerp vessels to 
seize the ships at the island of Tregus (Ter Goes). 

6 Dec. 181. Bernardino de Mendoza to Secretary Idiaquez. 

^i 565*180!' * n case *k° amount to be granted to the secretary of the late 
queen of Scotland has not been decided, I may say in answer to 
your question that he might be given 30 crowns (a month). 

Captain Pardin says there is a soothsayer in England who 
affirms that Don Antonio will pass the month of February in 
Portugal, and that he will be very peaceful and quiet in March. 
The man has foretold many thingB truly to the Queen, and I fully 
expect that in this case he is not lying ; because as he (Don Antonio) 
cannot leave England, I hope to God our people will take him back 
in their galleons to Lisbon, in the month that the prophet mentions, 
and without war. 

Colonel Semple has arrived here and writes the eocloeed letter to 
you. He has asked me whether I have any message from you for 
him, and I have told him I have received nothing. I am welcoming 
him to the best of my ability, and will so continue to do until I hear 
from you what I am to say to him. I have done nothing but listen 
to him in the matters he has broached to me, and instruct him 
how to bear himself here towards those who speak to him. — Paris, 
6th December 1587. 

9 Dec 182. Advices from England. 

PftF K . A i567. Te- ' ° n the l8t Morrig ^turned with the duke of Parma's reply, and 
on the same day the Queen sent word to the commissioners that 
they were to make ready and leave shortly. The baggage and 
attendants were sent off on the 4th and the commissioners 
themselves left on the £th. They have added another commissioner 
to those whose name I reported, Sir Amias Paulet, who was the 
keeper of the queen of Scots. They have received letters from 
Lord Hundson, who is at Berwick, telling them that Scottish affairs 
are going very badly, the Scots having taken up arms and had an 
encounter with the English, three companies of whom they defeated. 
They had also captured a fortified house belonging to an English 
gentleman 20 miles from Berwick. Hunsdon asserts that the 
duke of Parma has an understanding with Scotland. This news 
has caused an immense sensation and uneasiness here, and great 
activity is being exercised in preparations for defence by land and 
sea. Urgent orders were sent to the captain of the Sluys to raise 
4,000 men to defend the port of Berwick, as they fear that if the 
duke of Parma has an understanding with Scotland an attempt 
may be made there, as the harbour is a good one. The earls of 
Cumberland and Huntingdon are being sent to the north with 
large commissions, whilst Colonel Norris is going to Milford in Wales, 
Grenville to Plymouth, Raleigh to Cornwall, George Carew to the 
Isle of Wight, and others elsewhere. They are working day and 
night making ready the Queen's ships and others, and have decided 
to divide them into three fleets. Drake is to leave as soon as 



possible with three Queen's ships and three pinnaces, for the 
purpose of collecting all the merchant ships there are between 
Portsmouth and Bristol, which have orders to make ready and 
await him at Plymouth, so that he may have a fleet of 30 sail to 
take to the coast of Portugal, although they say he will have 
more. Another fleet of 20 sail, under Admiral Winter, is to go to 
Scotland and Ireland, and the rest of the ships will be under the 
Lord Admiral to cruise in the Channel, all the Queen's ships being 
in this fleet. They are hourly expecting two pataches which they 
have sent to the coast of Portugal for intelligence. There is a 
commission out here in London to raise 10,000 men to guard the 
person of the Queen, and they say another 10,000 will be 
made ready to protect the city. Chains are to be put across all 
the streets. A council of war sits frequently, consisting of six 
members of the Council and others of little experience in warfare, 
but they expect the earl of Leicester within three days, as his factor 
has already arrived. They have summoned the nobles suspected 
of Catholic leanings and it is feared they will be imprisoned 
Orders have been given that any person who rises, or makes any 
disturbance whatever, shall be hanged at once on the spot without 
form of judgment. They delayed the departure of the com- 
missioners to the duke of Parma, on the ground that the passport 
sent was not ample enough, and they requested that another in 
fuller terms should be sent, the object being to delay matters and 
discover something. They fear the Duke may be entertaining them 
the better to carry out his design. On the 6th they received news 
of the defeat of the reiters and the departure of the Swiss, a sad 
piece of intelligence for them, although they are reluctant to 
believe it, and Stafford has written saying it was exaggerated. 
Immediately after this the Queen ordered the commissioners to 
make ready to go within four days, and they will surely go, as 
there is nothing more for them to prepare. Even if they learnt 
anything they would be obliged to dissemble, although Paulet, who 
is the earl of Leicester's and Walsingbam's right hand, is throwing 
every obstacle in the way of their going, and has given the Queen 
a list of reasons why peace cannot be made without danger. It will 
be well for the Duke to continue in his course, as his reputation with 
them is high, and they say that they will do everything on his word.* 
They are sending to Scotland one Douglas who was here as the 
king of Scots ambassador, and who promises that he will make 
peace between the Queen and the King, if the kings of Spain and 
France do not stand in the way. This Douglas is a creature of 
Walsingham and the Queen, and they treat him as ambassador, 
whereas he is really nothing of the sortt On the 8th instant news 
came from Antwerp that a fleet of 250 sail, with 30,000 men and 
400 artillery mules, had sailed from Lisbon. This news alarmed 
them so, although they do not believe it, that they are hurrying 
forward harder than ever, as they are determined to give battle at 
sea in such case. They are making musket proof shields for their 

♦ The words in italic are in a separate cipher. 

t The notorious Archibald Douglas, a great quantity of whose correspondence at this 
period will be found in the Hatfield Papers, Part 8. 



ships, and many new inventions and devices of fire, to burn tbe 
sails of the enemy's ships. 

Note. — A note at foot of the above letter accounts for certain 
omissions aud incoherences in it, by saying that the cipher key is so 
worn out as to make it impossible properly to decipher the despatch. 

19 Dec. 183. Bernardino de Mendoza to the Kino. 

Paris Archives, [EXTRACT.] 

K. 1565. 137. 

Bruce has written me the enclosed letter by Captain Forster, who 
was the man that accompanied him, but the letter he mentions in 
this one has not arrived yet* I have told the captain that the 
resolution adopted by the Scottish lords makes it difficult for your 
Majesty to help them, and that it would be better therefore that he 
should go and communicate his message to the duke of Parma, to 
whom I send a copy of Bruce's letter. The best way will be for him 
to entertain the captain th^re (i.e., in Flanders) by telling him that the 
time has not yet arrived to deal with these matters. I do not wish 
to arouse the suspicions of Scotsmen by letting them see him stay 
here ; and it will not be desirable for him to return to Scotland. 

Julius is much pressed by his creditors, and by the account which 
is being demanded of him, and has begged me to signify this to 
your Majesty, in order that you may grant him some favour. I have 
written to him that I will do so, although I feared that pressure of 
affairs and the great cost of the fleet would prevent a very prompt 
reply being sent. I was certain, however, that your Majesty would 
bear his services in mind. I thus held out hopes to him until I 
could hear what your Majesty decided, as it is advisable to keep him 
well disposed at the present time.f Walsingham is pressing 
him greatly for the account of the money.— Closed at Paris, 
22nd December 1 587. 

19 Dec 184. Bernardino de Mendoza to the Kino. 

^lw^m/ Although I have nothing from England of later date than the 
25th ultimo, which news I sent in my last, and the present in- 
telligence is still earlier, I think well to send it as it comes from an 
Englishman with whom I am in communication here, and contains 
some points of importance as showing the difficulty encountered by 
the Queen in fitting out so few ships, let alone the great number 
they talk about. There has been no arrival from England lately, 
owing to contrary winds, but ships from Flushing and Scotland, 
which were anchored in the Downs on the 15th, say that none of the 
Queen's ships have left the Thames, except four small vessels which 
are also anchored in the Downs for the purpose of watching the 
ships that arrive there. 

The Queen has issued a proclamation ordering all people to retire 
to their homes under great penalties. The reason of this is that 
many gentlemen resident on the coast have repaired to London, on 
the rumours that your Majesty's fleet was going to attack the 
country, which greatly alarmed them. The people of the coast 
villages have also fled inland. — Paris, 19th December 1587. 

* See letter from Brace, 6th November, page 161. 

t Note in the King's hand — " It will be well to see what has been done in this, and 
what will be the best course to adopt" 


22 Dec. 185. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King. 

kTi565. uo!' I raply * n this letter to the instructions contained in your 
Majesty's letter of the 27th November. 

The moment the credit arrives I will pay the 6,000 crowns as 
ordered,* and will convey the message to the archbishop of 
Glasgow and the bishop of Ross, and also to Mies Curie, by whom 
the queen of Scotland sent the credence to me. She remains here 
with her brother, Secretary Gilbert Curie, and his wife. 

Miss Kennedy went to take a bed which the Queen left as a keep- 
sake to the duchess of Guise, and another to Madame de Chalons, 
the Queen's aunt, and as soon as she returned hither she received an 
order from her brother t6 return immediately to Scotland. I was 
anxious for her to stay, but could not prevail upon her to do so, as 
she was alone here and without friends. The archbishop of Glasgow 
intimates to me that she is almost engaged to be married, and this 
was a reason for her going, f I have news that the ship in which 
she went had been driven into Portsmouth by storms, where she 
( the ship) was seized. I do not know whether they will let Kennedy 
proceed on her voyage. She did not say a word to me on the 
Queen's behalf, but only that bhe was present at her death, and 
placed the bandage over the Queen's eyes, as she was of better birth 
than Curie. Your Majesty will please instruct me whether I am to 
write your message to Kennedy in Scotland. She can only testify 
to what she has heard. As everything is so dear in this country she 
and Curie could not maintain themselves on less than a crown a day 
each, and as Kennedy is of nobler birth she would have to be given 
a larger pension than Curie if your Majesty wishes her to return 
hither from Scotland, and if not, a grant of money should be made 
to her in one sum. To give a pension to either of them will really 
be furnishing them with a marriage portion. I am not aware that 
Curie, her brother, or Gorion, the apothecary, are in any present 
need, nor are they talking of leaving here, pending the division of 
certain furniture which the queen of Scotland left to the servants 
who were with her ; they are also awaiting your Majesty's reply. 
It will therefore be unnecessary to give them any money until your 
Majesty's decision is received. If Gorion be given 20 crowns a 
month it will be sufficient; and, although, having regard to his 
rank, 30 crowns would be ample for Curie, the secretary, yet as your 
Majesty allows Thomas Morgan, who was not the Queen's secretary, 
40 crowns, it would not be excessive to grant Curie the same amount, 
especially as it was he who ciphered the despatch of which your 
Majesty enjoins me to take care. They confronted him with the 
draft of it, which the queen of England's Council had discovered, and 
it was impossible for him to deny it. When it was shown to Nau, 
the other secretary, he said it was in Curie's handwriting. As your 

* In discharge of the queen of Scotland's debts. 

t She married Sir Andrew Melvil, the queen of Scotland's steward, who was in 
attendance on the Queen at her execution. Lady Melvil was appointed by James VI. to 
attend upon his bride, Anne of Denmark. Such was her eagerness to join the princess in 
Edinburgh — although the latter, delayed by storms, did not arrive until long afterwards — 
that she insisted, against all remonstrance, in crossing from Burntisland in a tempest 
and was drowned. The Scottish witches confessed to the King that they had raised this 
storm, as the Danish witches confessed to have caused the storm which drove back to 
Norway the King's bride. — " Melvil Memoirs." 
i 95498. M 



Majesty instructs me in your despatch, it is important that neither 
the ladies nor Curie nor Gorion should depend upon anyone but 
your Majesty, so that if you should choose to grant them larger 
allowances than those I mention, it will be all the better, as pledging 
them the deeper. As the crowns paid by your Majesty are of less 
value in Flanders the grants will not be thought so much of if paid 
there. Curie is a worthy man, but not of much understanding. 
His sister will depend upon him, and I think it will be l>est for your 
Majesty's purpose that they should remain here, and that I should 
pay them (until the time comes for them to make the declaration of 
what they know, in some place where they may do so safely). I have 
held out hopes to them of your Majesty's reply, but I will not say 
the amount they are to receive until your Majesty's decision arrives, 
unless anything occurs which may cause them to wish to leave here. 

logons is an Englishman who has been in Flanders for years past, 
and your Majesty granted him the allowance he now enjoys for the 
queen of Scotland's sake. 

The letter that the queen of Scotland wrote to his Holiness was 
taken out by Gorion with mine, and, by orders of the Queen, handed 
to her physician for delivery to the Pope. The physician absented 
himself from here, and I concluded that he had gone with the letter ; 
but when I asked the archbishop of Qlasgow he told me that he had 
not done so, as he had not the means, and that the letter still 
remained in his hands. As it is open I will ask the ambassador 
kindly to let me see it, or get Gorion to tell me what it contains, 
because as the Queen wrote them hastily she had them read to him, 
so that they might be understood here. She did the same with the 
letter to the duke of Guise.* 

The Queen wrote the will with her own hand, in accordance with 
what she wrote to me on the 20th May 1586 in cipher. It fell into 
the hands of the queen of England, and when she sent Wotton 
hither to complain of the queen of Scotland to this King he told 
him that such a will had been found, and that the two secretaries 
testified to the fact that it was written in the queen of Scotland's 
own hand. When M. de Belifevre was in London, therefore, he 
asked the Queen to show him the will, so that he might assure his 
master that he had seen it with his own eyes ; but as I wrote to 
your Majesty at the time, the Queen replied that the queen of 
Scotland was such a bad woman that she believed she had found 
means of sending it to your Majesty. When she subsequently 
repeated to the Treasurer what had passed with Believre on the 
matter, he said that, since she had the will in her own hands, it was 
better in every respect that she should burn it, which she did. The 
false Treasurer told this to Julius, f who informed me of it for 
conveyance to your Majesty. 

I will ascertain from the new confidant whether the papers 
brought by Wotton remained here, and if in these papers which 
contained the accusations against the queen of Scotland there is 
anything about the will. Julius can throw a good deal of light on 
this matter when the time arrives, and his statements will be of 
importance, as he is one of the party itself, and in nowise dependent 

* This letter also, dated 24th November, will be found in Prince LabanofFs collection 
Volume VI., page 447. 
f Sir Edward Stafford. 




upon the queen of Scotland. Secretary Curie wrote the letter, as I 
have mentioned, and bis sister brought me the verbal credence from 
her. Gorion tells me he was present when the queen of England's 
councillors, whilst informing her of her condemnation, reproached 
the queen of Scotland for trying to disinherit her own son by ceding 
her rights to your Majesty, which, they said, was proved by her 
will. She told them that they were not empowered to address her 
upon any subject but those concerning the queen of England, and 
she had no reason for rendering an account to them of what had 
passed between her and other princes, as she was a sovereign. Nau, 
the Queen's French secretary, has been to me secretly, and told me 
that he saw the decipher of my letter. He says that Walsingham 
and all the queen of England's Council assured him about the will, 
and the queen of England had the matter published in Scotland and 
here, for the purpose of discrediting the queen of Scotland ; so that, 
when need may arise, there will be no lack of witnesses, even 
without those now in hand, and Julius, as I say, will be of great 
importance. Colonel Semple arrived here some time ago and (as I 
wrote to Don Juan de Idiaquez on the 6th) he said he had been 
ordered to follow my instructions. I have heard what he has to 
say, and will proceed cautiously with him in accordance with your 
Majesty's instructions, and as is necessary from the fact of his being 
a Scot, although I find him better disposed than any of the " cape 
and sword folk " of his nation that I have met hitherto. — Paris, 
22nd December 1587. 

22 Dec. 186. Bernardino de Mendoza to the Kino. 

K. 1565. ill!' Intelligence has arrived from England, dated the 14th instant, 

reporting that the Admiral had orders to put to sea with 18 
Queen's ships, well armed with guns and munitions,* and 

* The Queen's ships ordered to remain at Queenboroagh under the Lord Admiral 
(5th January 1588, State Papers, CCVTII. 6), were 16, as follows : — 







of Men. 

of Men. 


"Bear" - 


Lord Admiral. 


" Triumph " 


Lord Henry (Seymour). 


"Elizabeth Jonas" 


Sir R. Southwell. 


" Victory " 


Lord Sheffield. 


" Ark Raleigh" 


Lord Thomas (Howard). 


"Mary Rose" 


Edward Fenton. 


"lion" - 


Captain Borough. 


" Bonaventure " 


J. Hawkins. 


" Vanguard " 


Sir W. Winter. 


" Dreadnought " 


Captain Beeston. 


" Rainbow " 





Captain Frobisher. 









" Brigantine " 


•— ■"■ 




1,881 abat 

2,189 men 


M 2 



15 merchantmen, which is one more than they had decided upon, 
besides which six of the merchantmen are to be replaced by six of 
the Queen's ships, which has doubtless been done by the Admiral, 
as he is to command in person. They say that in these 33 ships 
they will send 3.000 seamen and as many soldier*, and although 
the seamen were mostly ready, the soldiers were not mustering, 
which give3 rise to the belief that the Admiral could not sail so 
soon as they say. 

Drake had been ordered to sail to the West Country with 
36 picked merchantmen, carrying 3,000 sailors and as many 
soldiers, but neither the ships nor the men were being got ready 
with the same furious haste as the Admiral's fleet The most 
experienced people in the country were of opinion that it would be 
extremely difficult for the Queen to collect such a fleet, however 
much she might desire it, except after long delay, seeing the great 
fear and confusion existing all over the country. People were 
crying out for her to make peace with your Majesty. I am told 
this by the new confidant and by others. The fleet mentioned 
appears to be of the same number of ships as it was advised, in the 
letters of the 22nd, they wished to collect, which letters also spoke 
of the difficulty of doing so. I will report instantly all I can learn, 
and am informing the duke of Parma. 

The Queen has sent Walter Raleigh to the West Country to join 

the soldiers there. Lord Hunsdon m the north, and Master Grey 
and Colonel Norris,t who were in Flanders, are in London to take 
charge of soldiers there if necessary. 

Sir William Pelham, the Master of the Ordnance, whom the 
English looked upon as one of their best soldiers, has died at 

Letters from Scotland of the 4th November report that the 
people on the borders of the earl of Morton's country, as the earl is 
absent from the country, were committing raids into England. 
The Queen had complained to the king of Scotland, and he wont 
with 200 horse to the border to remedy matters. This was the 
foundation of the assertion here that the King had entered the 

The Carthusian friar, bishop of Dunblane, and the other fathers 
had arrived at Petty Leith, and as the ship that carried them had 
no cargo, but only the five passengers, the rumour spread that five 
Jesuits had come in her, and a proclamation was at once issued 
ordering people, under penalty of death and confiscation, not to 
harbour nor help them. 

The bishop and his companions tra veiled north to the house of 
the earl of Huntly, who is a Catholic. 

The earl of Leicester had not arrived in England from Flushing 
on the 14th, and it was understood that the object of the Admiral 
would be to station his 33 ships at the mouth of the Thames, and 
prevent any of the duke of Parma's ships from going to the north 
of England, whilst Drake, with his 36 ships on the west coast, 
would oppose your Majesty's fleet from gaining an English port. 

* Lord Grey de Wilton. f Sir John Norris. 



The two fleets are not to join unless they are obliged to do so 
to enable them to combat your Majesty's Armada. — Paris 
22nd December 1587. 

24 Dec. 187. The King to Bernardino de Mendoza. 

Pari* Archives, TEXTRACT.! 

K. 1448. 156. 

Your intelligence from England is noted, and I arn expecting to 
learn from your next letter how the armament of ships for the 
Admiral was going on, which you will, I am sure, have informed me 
with your usual punctuality. As you have not for some time past 
reported the sailing of any fleet from English or French ports I 
cannot make out what ships they can be which have recently been 
seen in the neighbourhood of Cape St. Vincent, The number is too 
large for them to be unattached corsairs, although they are not 
strong enough to cause anxiety. Take continual care to keep me 
advised on tnis and all things you hear. — Madrid, 24th December 

27 Dec. 188. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King. 

KJyfc w«« A fulfil VAa 

K. 1565. 144. ' * ^w ^ e Scots ambassador yesterday, and he told me that he 
had news from Muzio's agent in Rome that his Holiness had 
instructed count de Olivares to write to your Majesty in his name 
earnestly begging you to help the Guises, and that he was sending 
a special courier for the purpose. The count de Olivares had given 
the letters to Cardinal Rusticucci for submission to his Holiness. 
The Scots ambassador was very pleased at this, not that he had 
any doubt that your Majesty would help him, but because it would 
enable you to do so more openly, without giving the king of France 
any cause of complaint. I took the opportunity of telling him that, 
in the letter his (late) mistress had written to me, she had urgently 
begged your Majesty to help Muzio, and doubtless she had done 
similarly in the letter she wrote to his Holiness, and the latter 
would naturally be influenced thereby. My object was to get him 
to tell me what the letter contained. He replied that the point was 
not referred to in the letter, which was confined to the following : 
commending her soul to his Holiness's prayers, and asking him to 
found some memorial of her, as she was dying for, and in, the 
Catholic faith. She was reconciled to die thus, as it was God's will, 
but as they had refused to let her have a priest to whom to confess, 
or from whom to receive the Holy Sacrament, she besought his 
Holiness to give her absolution. She had sent her blessing to her 
son, on condition of his submitting to the Catholic faith, but if he 
would not do this, for the sake of her conscience (which she would 
not burden for her son or for anyone else) she declared that there 
was no prince more fitting than your Majesty to wear the two 
crowns of those islands, and to preserve the countries in the 
Catholic religion. This agrees with her remarks in the letter she 
wrote to me. 

She also recommended all her servants generally to his Holiness. 

The above, he (the archbishop of Glasgow) said, wero the only 
points contained in her letter to the Pope, Muzio not being referred 



to at all, and he offered to show me the letter, as it had not yet 
been sent to Rome, in consequence of his not having any money to 
give to the physician who was to take it. As I had obtained from 
him what I wanted to know, I said I was satisfied with what he 
told me, without seeing the letter, and, if he thought it was of 
importance for the relief of his late mistress's conscience that the 
letter should be delivered to his Holiness, I had been so desirous 
of serving her that I would provide the money out of my own 
pocket for the physician to take it. He replied that if this King 
would pay what he owed to the queen of Scotland there would be 
plenty of money for this and other things, and he was not sure now 
whether the physician would take the letter to Rome, because if I 
found the money for him he would not dare to return to France. 
He (the Archbishop) had not ventured to send either the original or 
a copy of the letter until he learnt the wishes of the duke of Guise, 
who was the Queen's principal executor; but when the bishop of 
Dunblane returned from Scotland he would ask the duke of Guise 
whether it would be advisable to send the letter to Rome by the 
said Bishop. I have brought matters to this point, and thought 
better not to carry them any further with the ambassador until I 
received your Majesty's instructions. With reference to this, 
Secretary Curie tells me that when he was in the house of Philippe, 
one of Walsingham's officers, he showed him (Curie) the identical 
will made by the queen of Scotland, whose handwriting he knew 
well. When he read the clause in question, Philipps said what a 
cruel things it was for a mother thus to disinherit her own son. 
According to this, Curie is not only a witness that he ciphered the 
letter in which his mistress announced her intention, but also that 
he saw, subsequently, her will written in her own hand formally 
executing it. 

The Scots ambassador says that since his mistress's death the 
funds she provided for the Scotch seminary at Pont Moncjon have 
failed, and the seminary is becoming deserted. He asks me to beg 
your Majesty to give some alms to prevent the loss of so pious a 
work, and in consideration of the influence the students there would 
exert in the conversion of the country. I promised him I would 
mention it to your Majesty. 

As I report in the general letter, Arundell has died, and I beg your 
Majesty to instruct me as to what I am to do with the 2,000 crowns 
which the queen of Scotland owed him, and which for the relief of 
her soul your Majesty ordered me to pay to Arundell. The new 
confidant has sent me in writing the intelligence I send about 
England, through a perfectly unsuspicious channel. He says that 
the loss of the former friend forced him to write the news, as it was 
of the highest importance that your Majesty should be informed 
thereof at once. He did so on this occasion but it was unadvisable 
that he should continue to do so, and begged me to send some person 
to him who could be trusted, and who would convey intelligence 
verbally. I am puzzled to find a man fitting for the task owing to 
the qualities required. He says he must not be a Spaniard, but a 
person who may freely have access to his house, whilst for religious 
reasons it is unadvisable for a Spaniard to be intimate there. In 





order not to lose Julius I will myself run the risk of going- to his 
house at night, until I can find a suitable person. 

The Nuncio, as I have mentioned, is opening out with me, and 
is displaying a very favourable disposition towards the conquest of 
England ; and I doubt not that his Holiness has written something 
to him on the subject, because he told me lately that there was 
nothing he desired more than that your Majesty should punish 
England. A person with whom he is intimate said to him that the 
people here had only come to terms with the reiters for the purpose 
of being able to help the queen of England, and he replied that, 
seeing as he did the evil intentions prevalent here, he had no doubt 
that such was the case. I do not answer him when he speaks of 
the matter to me, and when he asked me in what state your 
Majesty's fleet was, T replied that it was being got ready but 
nobody knew where your Majesty was going to employ it. 

I am sending this courier off expressly to give your Majesty 
information of Drake's design, and am also informing the duke 
of Parma. Julius says he has it from the Admiral. — Paris, 
27th December 1587. 

27 Dec. 189. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King. 

kTi565. u^' To the intelligence about England sent in my last, I now have to 
add that other news, dated the 14th instant, new style, has arrived 
here, saying that seven out of the 36 ships to be commanded by 
Drake are to be Queen's ships. Three thousand sailors are to be 
shipped on this fleet, and as many soldiers as can be carried, the 
number of which will not reach 3,000 as was stated, and Drake will 
sail with them to Spanish waters to fight your Majesty's Armada 
there or burn ships in Lisbon, like he did in Cadiz (which will not 
be an easy task), or in any other port where he may find them, as 
they have news from Lisbon that the Armada cannot sail in any 
case before the middle of January. In order to make sure of this, 
and ascertain the state in which the Armada is, they had sent two 
English shallops to Lisbon harbour to capture some fishing boat, 
from which they might learn what preparations were being made 
on the fleet, and whether the crews were being shipped. It was 
intended as soon as these shallops returned that Drake should at 
once put to sea with the object named ; and to enable him to do 
this the more speedily he would take with him some of the ships 
which were ready to sail under the Lord Admiral, the latter being 
now undecided as to whether he would sail, and whether his fleet 
would put to sea so soon as had been intended. It was thought 
most probable that he would not go out, but if he did, his design, 
as I have said, would be to prevent the duke of Parma from landing 
in the north of England or executing any enterprise in Zeeland. 
Your Majesty's rebel States had intimated to the Queen that they 
had 80 armed ships in the river at Antwerp and other places to 
prevent the sailing of the duke of Parma's vessels. With these 
80 and 20 more they would go to her assistance if your Majesty's 
fleet attacked England. The Queen, however, made no account of 
these offers as she could not trust them (the States). 



In conversation with some of his favourites about your Majesty's 
Armada, this King said they knew where your Majesty was going to 
employ the fleet, whilst neither the duke of Parma, the marquis of 
Santa Cruz, nor any other person was aware of it. 

I understand that Chateauneuf writes that the English are in the 
utmost confusion and discouragement, and the Scots ambassador 
tells me that he has seen a letter from a private person there 
reporting that the Queen had ordered the Treasurer and Walsingharn 
by all means to make peace with your Majesty ; and when 
Walsingharn asked her what about religion, she replied angrily that 
she would agree about religion and everything else. 

The earl of Leicester has been informed by the Queen that she 
leaves to his discretion whether he should return to England or not. 
As he has delayed his departure it is thought that he would not go. 
—Paris, 27th December 1587. 

1587. 190- Names of the Heretics, Schismatics, and Neutrals in 
S.D. the Realm of England, as follows :— 

Efitado, 839. 

The principal Heretics. 

The earl of Leicester. 

Earl of Warwick, his brother. 

Earl of Huntingdon, his brother-in-law. 

Lord Burleigh, Lord Treasurer. 

Earl of Bedford. 

Lord Hunsdon. 

Sir Christopher Hatton. 

Secretary Walsingharn. 

These are the principal devils that rule the Court, and are the 
leaders of the Council. 

Schismatics and Neutrals. 

The earl of Shrewsbury, a great friend and follower of Robert 

Dudley, and principal judge that condemned to martyrdom 

my late mistress, the queen of Scotland. 
Earl of Derby, another good servant of Lord Robert Dudley, 

but in his own conscience is neutral. 
Earl of Cumberland, a good neutral, but his wife, the daughter 

of the earl of Bedford, is a great Calvinist. 

These are principal persons in England whom his Majesty should 
not trust. 

There are also other nobles and knights who are heretics in 
various parts of the country. 

In Norfolk. 

William Headon, the principal man in Norfolk, a great enemy 

of his Majesty. 
Sir William Butts, with all his family. 
Sir Nathaniel Bacon. 
Sir William Woddons. 



The enemies of his Majesty in the county of York. 

Sir William Fairfax. 
Sir Thomas Fairfax. 
Sir William Bele. 

Grotick, knight, and all the rest of the Council of York the 
president of which is Lord Huntingdon. 

Catholics and friends of his Majesty in England. 

Th^earl of Surrey, son and heir of the duke of Norfolk, now a 

prisoner in the Tower. 
Lord Vaux, of Barrowden, a good Catholic, now a prisoner 

in the Fleet, with many other important knights and 


The Catholics of Norfolk. 

Sir Henry Benefield, who was formerly the guardian of Queen 
Elizabeth, the pretended queen of England, during the whole 
time that his Majesty was in England ; Sir Henry keeping 
her by order of King Philip and Queen Mary. I wish to God 
they had burnt her then, as she deserved, with the rest of 
the heretics who were justly executed. If this had been 
done we should be living now in peace and quietnesa 

Sir William Paston. 

Townsend Knight, and many other Catholic servants of his 

In the county of York. 

Sir Richard Stapleton. 

Sir Brian Stapleton, who would risk his life for his Majesty. 

Edward Clerker, of Risby. 

Henry Constable, of Holderness. 

William Babthorp, of Babthorpe. 

Robert Clerker, of Clerker, and many other gentlemen. 

Catholics in the county of Lancashire. 

Sir William Stanley, brother of the earl of Derby, a good 

Westby, knight. 
Blundell, of Croke Abbey. 
Blundell, of Ynce. 
Irland, knight. 
The greater part of Lancashire is Catholic, the common people 
particularly, with the exception of the earl of Derby and the town 
of Liverpool. 

The worthy Sir John Southwell, who is now a prisoner in Chester 
Castle, and many other gentlemen there with him, are staunch 
friends of his Majesty. 

Northumberland and Westmoreland are loyal friends of his 
Majesty, but there is no one to lead them now, as the earl of 
Northumberland has l)een executed as a martyr in York, and was 
succeeded by his brother, who was treacherously killed by a pistol 

^ -i 



shot in the Tower of London, the pretence being that he had killed 

The earl of Westmoreland is in Paris, maintained by king Philip. 
These two counties are really faithful to his Majesty. 

If his Majesty intends to send a fleet to England it will have to 
encounter strong resistance if it does not come to one of these two 
counties. The way by Ireland is dangeroua 

It would therefore be safer to enter and disembark at Kirkcudbright 
in the territory of the earl of Morton, who is now in Lisbon and 
would, I think, be glad to accompany them. If the force be landed 
there they might enter the rest of England with less risk than 
elsewhere. If it be asserted that it would be safer to land on the 
east coast of Northumberland, it must be remembered that in such 
case the ships would have to go round the Orkney isles and the isles 
of Scotland, and must therefore pass within a league of Edinburgh. 
God grant that all may prosper and that such a resolution may be 
adopted as shall prevent them (i.e., the Spaniards) from being 
deceived either in England or Scotland. 

I wish to God my own old bones were of any service to his 
Majesty in the cause, for I would willingly die in defence of the 
Catholic faith under the protection of his Majesty, whom God bless, 
&c., Ac. Amen. — Jacobus Stuart, Natione Scotus. 

1588. 191. Advice sent to Don Martin de Idiaquez about two ships, 

S.D. Two Scotch ships either have left, or will shortly leave, London, 

p * n ^^j ve8 ' where they are waiting for a wind. One of them is of 150 tons 

burden called the " New Ship " of St. Andrews, and the master is 
named Allan Livingston (?), of St. Andrews, a short (sturdy young 
fellow of fair complexion). There accompanies him a merchant 
named Patrick Morris, a native of Edinburgh (a tall man with a 
long face, a black beard, and sunken eyes). He is in charge of the 
whole cargo, of which he and Edward Johnstone, who is here in Paris, 
own 1,800 crowns' worth, the rest belonging to a Mr. Sapers (?) an 
Englishman, formerly the earl of Leicester's merchant, but now the 
principal dealer for the English and Scots in Turkey and Tripoli. 
He has loaded the ship with wrought tin, and tin and lead, in pigs, 
and a quantity of English serge. The goods bear the leaden seal of 
Edinburgh, but are made in England, and the seal is placed ou them 
to deceive. The ship also carries Dutch cloths and English worsted 
half hose. 

The other ship is from Little Leith, of 55 tons, the master's name 
being Hamilton (?), of Queensferry, but living at Little Leith. The 
merchant of this ship is James Wilson, of Edinburgh, a beardless 
young man. This ship carries similar merchandise to the other, and 
the cargo belongs to the same owners, with the exception of the 
1,800 crowns' worth, the property of Patrick Morris and Edward 
Johnstone. The value of the cargoes is estimated at 14,000£. (40 
reals to the pound). The ships will discharge at San Lucar or Cadiz, 
and will probably be accompanied by two other Scotch ships in 
ballast, to load Spanish goods there. 

Note. — The above is given as a typical case of the continual traffic 
in English merchandise with Spain under cover of Scottish merchants 



during the period when all commercial communication between 
England and Spain was prohibited. In the present papers there are 
many reports of a similar character, and orders given for the 
embargoing, of such vessels on their arrival in Spain. It has, 
however, been considered unnecessary to give particulars of them 
except in special cases as examples. 

January. 192. The Kino to Bernardino de Mendoza. 

Pa K. uSs!™' I learn h y letter of 27th December that Charles Arundell had died 

of lethargy (modorra), and that you had been obliged to assist him 
with money for his maintenance during his last illness. It was 
well that you did this, as it was an act of true piety ; and as the 
severity of his malady prevented him from giving you a bill for the 
money so provided, and you had also to find the money for his 
ftfneral, he having left no property behind him, I approve of the 
sum so expended being vouched for by your certificate only, receipts 
being furnished by the English doctor who attended him, and by his 
servant, for the sums paid to them through bis confessor, the English 
Jesuit, Father Thomas. You may therefore credit yourself in 
account with these amounts, and this shall be your sufficient 
warrant — Madrid, January 1588. 

January. 193. Document headed " What his Majesty wishes the Cardinal 
Estado, 594. « Archduke to say to the marqijis de Santa Cruz." 

He is pleased to learn that the Armada is so advanced as to allow 
the men to be shipped by the end of January, and then to sail 
without further delay. As the time is now drawing near, his 
Majesty wishes his Highness to state to the Marquis the course he 
will have to pursue during the expedition, pending the sending of 
the formal instructions, which shall be despatched in due time. 

The King wishes the Marquis with the fleet to put to sea and go 
direct to join hands with the duke of Parma, in accordance with the 
plan already agreed upon, which has been conveyed to the Duke and 
the Marquis. Although we learn by certain advices from England 
that Drake had sailed with some ships of the fleet for these waters, 
with the object of obstructing and diverting him, the Marquis is not 
to desist from the voyage, but is to persevere in it, without, however, 
seeking the enemy, even though he (Drake) may remain on our 
coasts. If the enemy follows and approaches him, however, he may 
engage him. He may also fight him if he should encounter Drake 
at the mouth of the Channel, off Scilly, Ushant, or anywhere 

If the Marquis does not come across the enemy before he arrives 
off the cape at Margate, and should there find the Lord Admiral of 
England with his fleet, even though the latter be reinforced by 
Drake and his fleet, our Armada will still be superior in strength, 
inasmuch as the most favourable statements with regard to the 
English fleets admit that they can hardly muster 3,000 seamen, and 
as many soldiers in each of their two fleets ; so that even when they 
are united they will be inferior to ours, both as to quantity and 
quality. With the hope of God, therefore, and in the confidence of 



his cause the Marquis may give the enemy battle, hoping that our 
Lord may give us the victory. 

It must be understood that he must only fight in case it be 
necessary to ensure the passage of the duke of rarma to England. 
If this can be done without tighting, either by stratagem or other- 
wise, it will be better so to manage it, and keep our forces intact. 
If the Armada has not to fight, the Marquis will, according to orders, 
reinforce the Duke with 6,000 Spaniards. If the Armada has 
fought, the reinforcement will have to depend upon the loss we may 
have suffered in gaining the victory which, by God's help, we may 
have gained. When the troops have landed, the Marquis may 
station his fleet at the mouth of the River Thames, holding the 
passage from Flanders so as to give support on both sides of the 
Channel. If any other step be rendered necessary by circumstances, 
the Duke and the Marquis, being on the spot, will decide upon it, the 
Marquis carrying out their joint decision. But he must not land, or 
act alone, or on his own opinion, without the concurrence of the 
Duke, the engaging of the enemy on the sea (which is the essence 
of the business) being the only thing in which he is to act 

The Marquis must remain there until the enterprise is success- 
fully effected with God's help. He may then return, calling in 
Ireland on his way. He will leave with the Duke the greater part 
of the Spaniards he has with him, and bring away in their stead the 
mass of the Italians and Germans, who may appear necessary for 
the Irish business. 

4 Jan. 194. Juan de Idiaquez to Bernardino de Mendoza. 

^ 1448^ Colonel William Semple left here by his Majesty's orders for tho 
purpose of conveying certain intelligence to you. He met here the 
earl of Morton, and is a man who may be trusted. You will, there- 
fore, welcome him and hear what he has to say, as he is a zealous 
servant of his Majesty, and then 6end him on to the duke of Parma 
to whom he is also accredited.* Instruct him to follow the Duke's 
orders, unless the Duke and you are in communication on the 
subject, and you, yourself, iuform the colonel of the course he is to 
adopt. The King is pleased to refer to you and the Duke the 
decision as to whether the colonel shall go to Scotland. In any 
case it will be well that you should discuss the matter with 
him personally, and settle the plan before he sets out. — Madrid, 
4th January 1588. 

4 Jan. 195. Sampson's Advices from London. 

/ an K A i567 YCS ' Don Antoni <> is still here, but knows not what to be at. 

Although they assure him that Admiral Raleigh with a great fleet 
is going to take him to Portugal, he is not much rejoiced thereat, f 
He has been with the Queen at Greenwich for two days, but she 
has not caressed him much. 

* Colonel Semple had arriYed in Paris a mouth before this letter was written, this being 
a roply to MendozaV letter on the subject of 6th December 1588. 

f This may well be understood. It might indeed almost be supposed to be a joke at 
the expente of the poor Pretender, as Raleigh was opposed to his claims, which Essex 
espoused. Raleigh accompanied the expedition to Lisbon in 1 589, but took no part in 
the land operations. 



9 Jan. 196. Bernardino de Mbndoza to the Kino. 

Paris Archives, [EXTRACT-l 

I understand that this King (Henry III.) is arranging for the 
recall of his ambassador in England, who is a Catholic, and the 
appointment to succeed him of an abbe who is not considered so 
Tbis, together with the fact I have just heard, that four deputies 
have come from Rochelle hither to treat of the raising of a fleet in 
consideration of your Majesty's Armada, causes me to think that 
there is an intention of making some preparation to help the 
Englishwoman. I will try to get to the bottom of this. 

The English ambassador has sent to beg the King for the droit 
d'aubaine* on account of the relationship of his wife with the late 
Charles Arundell. The King has granted it, and his estate may 
now be administered by those who undertook the costs of his 
funeral, &c., who may also give legal receipts for what is owing to 
Aim.f — Paris, 9th January 1588. 

9 Jan. 197. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King. 

__ « * » • 

X lies! 768 ' JtJuis writes me that by advices of 19th ultimo the Treasurer 
tells him that they were discussing the sending of commissioners to 
the duke of Parma to treat for peace, but that the Queen would 
certainly come to no agreement unless she were assured that the 
duke of Parma would remain perpetual governor of the States for 
life. This would be the principal point which the commissioners 
would be instructed topress, and if this were not conceded they 
would go no further. The Queen would also demand that Flushing, 
Brille, and Ostend should remain in her possession until she were 
reimbursed the 100,000 crowns she had spent. Sir Amyas Paulet, 
who was the keeper of the queen of Scotland, was Jto be one, of the 
commissioners. To this man had been given the verbal commission 
which I mentioned your Majesty some months ago they wished to 
cram down the duke pf Parma's throat.} 

The Queen had come to no decision as to the means of drawing 
closer to this King (of France), and I understand since the departure 
of the reiters she is providing Beam with money. She offered this 
King when the reiters were on the frontier of Lorraine that they 
should not enter France unless he wished, but the King refused the 
offer, by which it is evident that they have an understanding with 
Epernon. I have told Julius to be very careful to inform me if this 
Ring again opens negotiations with the queen of England on any 
point. He is very vigilant in this, and in all other matters that it 
behoves me to know. I was obliged to see the new confidant, and he 
has again pressed me to lay before your Majesty the necessity in which 
he finds himself, in consequence of his allowances being detained by 
his enemies, with the object of forcing him to change his position. 
I told him that I had already conveyed this to your Majesty, to 

* The " droit d'aubaine " was the right of the king of France to inherit all property 
belonging to a foreign subject dying intestate in his dominions. 

t rhihp II. has written in the margin against this :— " Perhaps he says this with 
reference to the 2,000 ducats." 

t The alleged secret commission to the duke of Parma said by Mendoza to have been 
entrusted to Sir John Herbert. See letter, 18th September 1587, page 140. 



which he replied that if the answer was long delayed he was so pressed 
that he would be unable to hold out, unless in the meanwhile I lent 
him 1,200 crowns. I am putting him off, but if he presses me again 
about it I have determined to seek the money for him, as I think it 
very important to your Majesty's interests at this juncture not to 
lose him, by his having to change his place. I have also in view 
that it is nearly a year ago since your Majesty granted him the 
2,000 crowns, and it is well to keep such people as this in good 
humour, especially when money is given to them to help them in 
their need, as this stops their mouths. 

I understand that Charles Arundell owed 2,000 crowns in England, 
which he had provided for the queen of Scotland, and other sums ; 
that is to say, that he took these amounts from the money under his 
charge belonging to the queen of England, he having been the 
treasurer of a province. When Arundell left England the Queen at 
once claimed the sums from his sureties, and these sureties will 
receive the 2,000 crowos your Majesty ordered me -to pay on this 
account in discharge of the conscience of the queen of Scotland. 
Both the Queen's soul and that of Arundell will thus be absolved, 
and the debt extinguished. I beg your Majesty to instruct me how 
I am to act in the matter. I have written to Antonio de Vega as 
your Majesty commands. The advices from England " translated 
from English " as a further disguise, are from him. 

Sampson says that Don Antonio writes that it will be difficult for 
him to leave England without the Queens knowledge, and he 
consequently will not attempt to do so unless she gives him leave. 
All I know about Fray Diego Carlos is that he is in England. 
Secretary Pinart said last night that this King had news that the 
earl of Morton had arrived at Nantes ; perhaps bad weather has 
forced him upon that coast. I have no other advice of this. — Paris, 
9th January 1588. 

9 Jan.(N.S.) 198. Advices from London, translated from the English.* 

F ^^ iYe8 ' The earl of Leicester arrived on the 19th ultimo, and was well 
received by his mistress, but badly by the public On his arrival 
it was decided that the fleets should put to sea, and that the 
frontiers should be manned as had been agreed upon. The earl 
tried to prevent the peace negotiations, persuading the Queen that 
no peace could be arranged except to her prejudice and disgrace. 
This delayed the departure of the commissioners, and the Queen 
gave leave to the earl of Derby to go to his estates. 

The Admiral went to Rochester on the 2nd instant to embark, 
followed by many of the nobility, but as the wind is unfavourable 
he is still there. There are 26 ships belonging to the Queen ready 
for sea, of which Drake is to take five and two pinnaces, and to be 
accompanied by 30 merchantmen. He is to go to the coast of Spain, 
the intention being to burn all the ships on the Biscay and Galician 
coasts, especially^ in Corunna. The weather has not yet allowed 
Drake to sail, and warning should therefore be sent at once. The 
rest of the Queen's ships, 19 in number, are to be taken out by the 

* From Antonio de Vega. 



Admiral, with 20 merchantmen, although the English say a larger 
number. But the truth is that the whole number fitted out for 
the Queen is 68, and 15 for private adventurers. On the 5th instant 
Morris arrived here with the passport from the duke of Parma, and 
permission for the commissioners to go over. Many councils have 
been held on the subject, and the Queen has decided that the 
commissioners are to go, notwithstanding the arguments of 
Leicester, Walsingham, and Paulet against it. They alleged that 
the Queen would not be able to make peace unless she surrendered 
the fortresses she held, which would not only be a disgraceful and 
injurious thing to do, but it would also be delivering the key of 
dominions which had submitted to her, and which she had taken 
under her protection. As the Queen was determined to make 
peace at any cost, it being most important for her to be sure of 
Spain, now that France is in so disturbed a state, the said councillors 
next day said that, since it was necessary that peace should be 
made, the Queen, at all events, should make it on honourable terms. 
They said that on no account should she give up Flashing or Brille 
to the king of Spain. If she delivered Ostend and Berghen to him, 
she should deliver Flushing and Brille to the States. This was 
agreed to on that day, and nothing further was done at the time ; 
but at 11 o'clock at night, after the Queen had heard a comedy, she 
flew into a passion with the earl of Leicester, who was present, and 
told him that it behoved her at any cost to be friendly with the 
king of Spain, " Because/' she said, " I see that be has great prepara- 
" tions made on all sides. My ships have left to put to sea, and if 
" any evil fortune should befall them all would be lost, for I shall 
" have lost the walls of my realm." The Earl argued that she need 
not lose confidence, as the enemy's Armada was not so powerful as 
was asserted, but even if it were, it would still be much inferior to 
hers, instancing that Drake last year effected so much with quite a 
small force. The Queen replied that Drake had never fought yet, 
and she did not see that he had done much damage to the enemy, 
except to scandalise him at considerable loss to her. Leicester 
thereupon told her to do as she liked, he could only give his opinion 
as he understood it. 

The earl of Derby has been summoned in haste, and the commis- 
sioners will certainly go. 

9 Jan. 199. Bernardino be Mendoza to the King. 

P * F K 1567 ve8 ' In the matter of England I have continued to send your Majesty 

the advices I have received, From these, and from the report of a 
trustworthy person, who saw the Lord Admiral and Drake in 
London on the 16th ultimo (new style), it is to be concluded that the 
ships your Majesty informs me were seen off Cape St. Vincent on 
the 24th were English or French pirates, which had joined together 
in view of the queen of England's orders that no ships were to leave 
her ports, and rather than go in there to be starved, they have 
preferred to range abroad and pillage. I can assure your Majesty 
that no large body of armed ships has left either France or England 
hitherto. I hear that Don Antonio writes hither, under date of 


] 588. 

17th ultimo, that the Admiral and Drake were saying that they 
would put to sea in the fleet, but God knew when. 

The eail of Leicester arrived in England on the 16th ultimo. — 
Paris, 9th January 1588. 

Note. — Philip II. has written in the margin of the above letter 
that the news contained in it should be sent to Portugal. 

9 Jan. 200. Bernardino de Mendoza to Jttan de Idiaquez. 

Paris Archives, rp , -, 

K. 1567. |> XTRACT J 

I have decided to do with Julius, as you will see by my despatches, 
as I think it advisable, so as not to lose him and to keep him in a 
good humour. It is nearly a year since we gave him the 2,000 crowns, 
and we cannot give him less now. —Paris, 9th January 1588. 

Note. — This refers to the bribing of Sir Edward Stafford, the 
English ambassador. 

12 Jan. 201. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King. 

**K. 1567!™' ^° news fr° m England later than 19th ultimo, and there is no 
intelligence of an English fleet having sailed. 

The result of the earl of I.ieicester's arrival has been the sending 
by the Queen to the Scottish Border of a Scots heretic called 
Douglas, who was at her Court. He is taking a sum of money, and 
is to offer the King the title of duke of Lancaster from the Queen, 
with a pension of 6,000Z. sterling (equal to 24,000 ducats of 10 reals 
each), holding out great hopes also that ultimately this may lead to 
his being declared her successor. It is not known how the king of 
Scotland will reply. The king of France has despatched the 
gentleman who brought the letter from the king of Scotland eight 
months ago, saying that his occupations bad prevented him from 
replying earlier. He then refers hirn to an ambassador whom he is 
sending thither. — Paris, 12th January 1588. 

16 Jan. 202. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King. 

k. um™**' Since mine of the 12th I have received advices from England, 
dated 26th ultimo and 2nd and 4th instant (new style). The Iiord 
Admiral bad started on the 1st for Rochester, with the intention of 
sailing with all the 32 Queens ships. If the weather be favourable 
he hoped to leave the Thames in 5 or 6 days, and would sail his 
fleet along the coast of England in a northerly direction to prevent 
or oppose the hnding of a force from Flanders. These ships are 
heavily armed with large and small pieces and take three lords 
with the Admiral. They say that, altogether, with sailors and 
soldiers, there will go at least 5,000 men ; they assert even that 8,000 
will go, but stores will be carried only for a month. They will 
depend upon supplies being sent from shore. The intention of the 
Admiral is to remain on the coast, and if Drake reports that the 
Armada of your Majesty is approaching England the Admiral with 
16 of his best ships will effect a junction with Drake, and take 
command to encounter the Spanish force. In that case Lord Harry 
Seymour and Captain Winter will remain with the rest of the ships 
to oppose the landing of the duke of Parma. 



Drake accompanies the Admiral to Rochester and will then start 
for Plymouth to take out the 36 ships which it was arranged he 
should command. The Queen orders him to try to sail by the 
15th instant, and to take with him all the armed pirate ships which 
were on the west coast or he might meet at sea. Drake will have 
4,000 men in his 36 ships and victuals for four months. His ships 
are all armed merchantmen but three, which belong to the Queen. 

Drake's intention is to endeavour to burn ships of the Armada in 
the river at Lisbon, and to land men at some point in order that a 
diversion may thus be effected and the Armada prevented from 
sailing. Drake consented to serve on the fleet only on condition 
that the Queen gave him an absolutely free hand to fight or not as 
he thought fit, to land forces or not, to burn, sack, or pillage Spanish 
towns; and in fact to be ruled solely by his own discretion, 
according to circumstances. As some of the pirates your Majesty 
informed me had been seen off Cape St. Vincent have returned to 
England, it is probable that the shallups they sent out to reconnoitre 
have also come back, after having informed them of the intention 
of Drake. They are keeping their eyes fixed on this plan to prevent 
your Majesty's Armada from sailing, and my new confidant assures 
me that the Queen has advices from Lisbon that the victuals there 
had gone bad, and had caused sickness amongst our men on the 
Armada, which consequently could not sail for a considerable time. 

All the news I send your Majesty are confirmed by the assurance 
of my new confidant, and the reports of other persons I have, 
besides those sent by the French ambassador in England to this 
King. The said ambassador also reports that the Admiral intended 
to take hig ships to Scotland and seize the person of the King, who, 
however, is so entirely given up to the Scots faction in the interest 
of England that it hardly seems probable that the Queen of England 
would take the trouble of fitting out a fleet for the purpose of 
capturing him. 

The French ambassador also writes that \ our Majesty had bought 
the Scottish Catholic nobles with 50,000 ducats, and had promised 
the chancellor* 100,000 to keep him on your side. The latter, 
however, had refused, and had reported the whole matter to the 
queen of England. The Englisli tell the ambassador these things. 
Raleigh had left the day before Leicester arrived in order not to 
meet him. He has gone to the west country as the Queen's 
Lieutenant General there, and certain councillors had been appointed 
to assist Lord Hunsdon on the northern border, A council of war 
has also been formed to advise the Queen, and also a secret 
committee of the Privy Couucil, consisting only of four members. 
All reports from England agree that great alaim and confusion 
reign, and that the fleet the Queen had fitted out was the only 
effort that England was capable of making. 

Since the 10th the wind has been all that Drake could desire to 
carry him to Spain, and if he lias put to sea and his plans remain 
unchanged he will be off the coast of Spain some days before thus 
letter arrives. I am despatching this courier to give your Majesty 

* Sir John Mnitland. 
i 95498. N 



an account of these two fleets, and I have also reported the same to 
the duke of Parma. The wind is entirely against the Lord Admiral, 
which makes me think he may anchor in the Downs at the mouth 
of the Thames.* The Carthusian friar, bishop of Dunblane, had but 
little hope now that the king of Scotland would give him audience. 
He, the King, had retired from the frontier to Edinburgh, and the 
faction against the Chancellor who rules the King was growing. 
The letter containing this news is dated 24th November from 

1 6 Jan. 203. Bernardino be Mendoza to the Kino. 

an K. ihw.**' Julio wrote me the news I send in the general letter with regard 
to the Lord Admiral's plans, which had been told him by the Lord 
Admiral himself. 

He (Julio) also assured me that, so far as can be judged, these 
fleets will not take so many men as I have said, and that if the 
Flemish fleet delays, the Admiral's fleet will not keep at sea, the 
great hope of the English being founded on what Drake may do to 
prevent the sailing of the Armada from Spain, H'e confesses that 
the Queen is in the utmost alarm, and recognises how dispropor- 
tionate are her forces to oppose those of your Majesty. 

The Treasurer is much grieved at the ill success of the Reiters in 
France, and throws the blame upon the Frenchmen who led them, 
as they had not formed a junction with BeanLf He ^the Treasurer) 
was doing his best to bring the Queen to peace with all her 
neighbours. Leicester is delighted to be quit of the Dutchmen and 
Zealanders, who would not hear of peace, although they were 
powerless to continue the war. WaLsingham says, with regard to 
this, that the rebels did not wish to avoid peace, but by reason of 
the Queen's not sending the Commissioners they saw that the Duke 
of Parma was cooling in the negotiations. 

Julio writes to me saying that no orders are given to this 
ambassador to endeavour to bring about a closer union between the 
Queen and this King. As both in this particular, and the other 
English news I send in the general despatch, I have seen the original 
letters themselves, I have not lost more time than was necessary in 
sending your Majesty account thereof, but I had to wait until night 
before I could go and hear the news from my new confidant, who 
turns himself inside out for me. In view of this and his need, 1 have 
begun to give him some of the money he asked me for. 

* This was exactly the case. Howard remained at anchor off Margate for a 
considerable time. 

f The mercenary army raised for the Huguenot cause by Hans Casimir, and commanded 
by Von Dohna, had been unable to effect a junction with Henry of Navarre, Guise being 
in their rear, whilst the troops of Henry 111. were in front, opposing the passage of the 
Loire. In these circumstances the Swiss mercenaries, who formed the bulk of the army, 
were bribed by Henry III. to desert the Huguenots and return heme, on payment to them 
of 400,000 ducats. The German reiters thus abandoned, were surprised by Guise's army 
and great numbers were slaughtered with the help of the peasantry. Henry ILL gare the 
remainder of them a safe conduct on their promise to retire ; but as soon as they crossed 
the French frontier and entered the Franche~Comte\ they were cut to pieces by the troops 
of the League. The Frenchmen referred to in letter were doubtless the body of French 
Huguenot refugees under Chatillon, the son of Coligny, who had led the van of the 
mercenaries into France. 



The substance of Nansic's (the duke of Parrrja) despatches is to 
desire me to keep hold of Muzio (the duke of Qnise) and persuade 
him not to consent to a general peace, or to anything ehe that may 
impede your Majesty's plans. — Paris, 16th January 1588. 

25 Jan. 204. The King to Bernardino de Mendoza. 

Paris Archives, . 

K. 1448. I note what you say relative to the servants of the queen of 
Scotland. There seems to be no need for pressing Miss Kennedy 
much to return to France, since she could only depose as to her 
mistress* intentions by hearsay. If, however, she should have been 
so coldly received in Scotland as you hear, and she returns to France 
of her own accord, it will be as well to make use of her if opportunity 
offers, through her companion and the rest of them that remain in 
Paris. In this case you will advise me what grant should be made 
to her. 

Although Miss Curie has, you say, business there at present, it 
will be advisable to fix a pension for her at once, to be paid through 
you, in order that she may depend the more entirely upon you. 
You have not mentioned the sum that should be paid to her, as I 
asked you to do on the 27th November. If there be time, let me 
know your opinion on this point, but if there is any risk of her 
entertaining other ideas, you had better tell her that she has been 
granted a pension, fixing the amount you think advisable, but not 
exceeding what may be needful. 

You will inform Secretary Curie, her brother, that he has been 
granted 40 crowns a month, and the same to Gorion ; and the 
pensions had better, as you say, be paid by you for several reasons. 
The Secretary knows all about the Queen's will, considering what 
he saw and wrote, and also what Walsingham's officer told him 

It will be well for the letter the Queen wrote to the Pope to be 
sent to Rome. The fact of the archbishop of Glasgow's keeping it 
back so long, argues not necessity alone, as he might have sent it 
without incurring any expense, but perhaps also unwillingness that 
it should reach the hands of the Pope, because, being a Scotsman, he 
may be inclined to his own King and country ; although his cloth 
and devotion to the Catholic cause should lead him otherwise, seeing 
how the King has behaved. You will therefore bear this in mind, 
and take care that the letter does not disappear. Try to get a copy 
of it, and if you see there is any further delay in sending it, consider 
whether it will not be advisable to cause the Nuncio to be informed 
of the matter, so that he may, if necessary, ask for the letter and 
send it himself. You might either tell the Nuncio yourself, or have 
it conveyed to him in an indirect way, according to the opinion you 
have of him.* You will act as you think best in the matter and 

With regard to the 2,000 crowns that the queen of Scotland 
desired should be paid to Charles Arundell, it will be well to learn 

* By a mistake of the ciphering clerk, Mucio (the cipher name for the duke of Guise) 
has been substituted for Nuncio. This error has been noted by the King, who in a long 
marginal note, says sorely Mucio has nothing to do with it and it must mean Nuncio, as 
it obviously does. 

N 2 




whether he left any debts behind him,* or whether he expressed any 
wishes about it to you before lie died. Let me know about this, 
and whether he left any children, and any other particulars ; a 
9 reply sluill then be sent you. With regard also to the seminary of 
Pont Moncon, for which the archbishop of Glasgow requested aid, 
inform me what sort of seminary it is, its foundation, revenues, etc., 
and the matter shall be considered. — Madrid, 25th January 1588. 

29 Jan. 205. The King to Bernardino de Mendoza. 

l'aris Archives 

K. 144*. ' Since the accompanying letters were written, yours of 16th in- 
stant is to hand with advices as to the plans of the English fleet, 
and as to Drake's intentions. It was well to send this by special 
courier, and you will do so in future whenever my service may seem 
t> require it. Julio is doing so well that the money you gave him 
was well spent. You will see by subsequent letters that you are 
authorised to pay him the same as you did before, in accordance 
with your recommendation. You may also seek some trustworthy 
confidant to carry on the communications between you, because, 
apart from the trouble, it would be extremely dangerous to do this 
in pei*s >n, and every possible precaution must be adopted against 
discovery. —Madrid, 29th January 1588. 

30 Jan. 208. Bkrnardino de Mendoza to the Kino. 
I»am Artiuvt-, j eru .i aso advices from England of 9th January (n.a), and I need 
only add to them, that I have full confirmation of the intelligence 
from other quarters. 

The Admiral was still in the Thame*, the weather preventing him 
from putting to set. There are only four of the Queen's ships 
outside, as I have alrca ly informed your Majesty. They auchor in 
the Downs, and when the weather permits them they go in the 
direction of Dunkirk to prevent ships fro:n entering. A fishing 
boat that left the mouth of the Thames on the 12th asserts that up 
to that date none of the Admiral's ships had left the river. 

The letters from London of 9th, state that Drake was at Plymouth. 
Advices from Rye, a port 10 leagues from Plymouth (sic) dated 20th 
instant (n.s.) say that Drake's ships at Plymouth are not sufficiently 
advanced to put to sea even if the weather would allow them to 
do so. 

The London letters of 9th also say that they have there news 
from Barbary dated 10;h Decemb?r, sent by English merchants 
resident there, that the king of Fez had ordered them to return two 
French ships which an English corsair had taken «m the coast, which 
French ships took from France scarlet cloth which had been made 
here to the king of Fez's orders. He threatens the English that 
unless they restore them he will seize English property and prohibit 
all English trade. 

* In the King's hand : — " According to this, then, he must be dead, if so he will be 
a great loss, and we shall need means for communicating with the other/' The other 
wan, of course, the English ambassador Stafford, with whom Charles Arundell had carried 
on communication for Mendoza. The King bad been informed of Arundell'* death, but 
had apparently forgotten it. 



It is reported from Antwerp, under date of 17th, that a ship 
belonging to the queen of England, with 600 soldiers, had been 
wrecked on the banks with loss of all hands. The news I sent that 
the earl of Morton had landed on the coast of Brittany was true. 
When this King heard of it and that he was coming hither, where 
he now is, he publicly said at table, that it would now be seen which 
could do most in Scotland, yonr Majesty's pistoles or the broad 
angels that Archie Douglas took to Scotland from the queen of 
England.— Paris, 30th January 1588. 

30 Jan. 207. Bernardino te Mendoza to the King. 

a ™ ism™' Julio confirms the news that neither the Admiral nor Drake has 
sailed, as I advise in the general letter, and also that the queen of 
England has resolved to raise another force of reiters to mine to 
France. He asks whether it would be to your Majesty's interest 
for him to try to prevent this levy, or to forward it, and get the 
men sent to France. Your Majesty will please instruct me on the 
point, as he boasts of being able to arrange matters as your 
Majesty may command. I understand that Marshal de Biron has 
sent word to the English ambassador here that he wishes to see 
him, and the ambassador suspects that he desires 1o learn on 
what conditions the Queen would strengthen her alliance with this 

The news of 9th instant from London which I send to your 
Majesty, is from Antonio de Vega, confirmed by letters from the 
French ambassador in London. Secretary Villeroy in view of them 
told a friend of his the other day th it the queen of England would 
certainly come to terms with your Majesty. 

The earl of Morton arrived here on the 18th instant, and saw me 
the next night. He said he was ready to comply with your 
Majesty's wishes, and asked for my orders. I thanked him in 
general terms, and said I would advise your Majesty of his arrival. 
I sent to the duke of Parma in order that he might decide whether 
it would be well to let him go to Scotland with Colonel Semple, or 
whether he had better wait for the return the bishop of Dunblane, 
that we may see what intelligence he brings. 

The duke of Parma has sent me some let'ers that were brought 
to him from Scotland by a Spaniard, from Lord Claude Hamilton 
and George Earl of Huntly, two Catholic n ibles : and the Duke tells 
me that he is sending the Spaniard to inform me verbally. He asks 
me to *^nd the man back with such an answer to the lords as I may 
consider advisable, to maintain them in their good intentions and 
devotion to yonr Majesty. The Spaniard fell ill at Lille and the 
letters are not yet deciphered, so that I am unable to inform your 
Majesty whether there is anything important in them. Doubtless 
the duke of Parma will have done so. 

Sampson saw me as I was closing this letter. He knows nothing 
of what Vegi reports. I have told him to keep his eyes open. He 
says the Queen- mother has asked him to get news from the English 
ambassador as to whether his mistress really will come to terniH 
wi(h your Majesty, and if her fleets will put to sea.— Paris, 
30th January 1*588. 



Since closing this, my new confidant reports that Marshal de 
Biron has seen the English ambassador, and made him great offers, 
and assurances of his desire to serve the queen of England. He 
says the King wishes for a private interview with the ambassador, 
but did not venture to see him for fear that his mistress might 
make use of his (the Kings) approaches to come to terms with 
your Majesty. The ambassador said that he desired nothing better 
than to be made the instrument of such negotiations, which should 
only be known to his mistress and himself. 

31 Jan. 208. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King. 

an K.*i?67. Ve8 ' Since closing the accompanying letters I have received advices 
from Julio from London, dated 21st instant (n.s.), saying that the 
Treasurer assured him that Drake was at Plymouth with 30 well- 
armed ships, which would be off the Spanish coast within 30 days, 
and would there do all the damage they could, the intention being 
that which I report to your Majesty in another letter, namely, to 
burn what ships they could in Lisbon and other ports, to land men, 
and to pillage. 

The Admiral was at Queenborough, at the mouth of the Thames, 
with 30 ships, some belonging to the Queen, and some to merchants. 
They are so well armed and fitted that they would ensure the duke 
of Parma's not dnrihg to attack them, and he (the Treasurer) talked 
ajjreat deal about the large sum the Queen had spent upon these 
two fleets. Julio also informs me that the Treasurer hid ordered 
the English ambassador here to send him a report of the English 
rebels in Spain, Flanders, and France. Julio reports that the 
Treasurer has written that the French ambassador in England had 
signified to the Queen that his master was aware that she would 
like to see him at peace, and France tranquil. Instructions had 
therefore been sent that the English ambassador here, either, 
through third persons or directly, should represent to the King that 
the League, supported by the Pope, your Majesty, and the duke of 
Parma, had adopted the cloak of religion simply to forward their 
own designs ; and that this rendered it necessary for the King to 
come to terms with Bean?, in which case he (the King) would he 
stronger than the League, and could force them to agree to peace, 
which the King desired, and the Queen (of England) would forward 
for the advantage both of the King and herself. He (Cecil) enlarged 
greatly upon this point. He (the English ambassador in France) is 
also to report who are the Huguenots that submitted to the King 
in the arrangement made with the reiters 

Julio adds that the Treasurer tells him that they have sent a 
notification to the duke of Parma, that as Flanders is in a state of 
war it would be more convenient to carry on the negotiations for 
peace in England. They suggest Canterbury, but they did not 
think the duke of Parma would agree. If he did, however, the 
Treasurer would be one of the principal Commissioners. Having in 
view Julio's good behaviour, I cannot help urging your Majesty to 
confer some favour upon him. In the meanwhile I am encouraging 
him (as I think the circumstances demand) by giving him from time 




to time the amount he asked me to lend him. — Paris, 31st Januarv 
1588. J 

31 Jan. 209. Duke of Parma to the Ktng. 

' ' I have been somewhat disturbed to read what your Majesty has 
ordered to be written to me in your letters of 11th and 24th 
December, as it seems to infer that I may have done what your 
Majesty emphatically ordered me not to do until the arrival of the 
marquis of Santa Cruz with the Armada to ensure the passage 
across. I wrote by your Majesty's orders my own opinion, that in 
the interests, of the facility, success, and efficacy of the expedition, 
it was necessary that secrecy should be maintained, the French 
kept busy, and these States assured. I said also that the passage 
across from here was convenient, in consequence of its shortness 
and the facility of obtaining boats. The latter, however, obviously 
are not fit for anything but the passage itself, as they are too small 
for fighting, and so low that four of the skiffs (eaquifes) of the fleet 
could send to the bottom as many as they might meet. They could 
hardly live through a freshet, much less a tempest, so that they can 
only be used in settled weather. As your Majesty ordered me to 
undertake this business and make all necessary preparations, although 
the time given to me was very short, and the supply of money very 
limited, I have done my best to perform the impossible, in order to 
please you and carry out my duty to your Majesty. Things have 
been drawn out longer than I like or than is desirable ; both men 
. and money having been delayed beyond the time your Majesty 
indicated, and particularly the Spanish troops, who are the sinew of 
the whole business, the numbers, moreover, being less than those 
agreed upon. They have arrived, after all, so dilapidated and 
maltreated that thej' do not look in the least fit for effectual service 
for some time to come. The Italians and Germans have dwindled 
very much in consequence of having marched so quickly in such 
bad, wet weather ; and in order to keep them near the points of 
embarkation they are so badly housed that very many of them are 
missing. Notwithstanding aU these impediments, and though I saw 
our men were dying and falling away, I made every effort to get 
them to the ports in accordance with your Majesty's orders, and 
went personally to expedite them, on the understanding that there 
would be no delay in the arrival of the marquis of Santa Cruz with 
your Majesty's Armada, as your Majesty assured me in your own 
letters. I sent persons in search of the Marquis, in order that we 
might jointly settle what course would be best in your Majesty's 
interest, and thus be more certain of success. I now see that 
everything ha9 turned out the reverse of what I expected and 
hoped. Secrecy, which was of the utmost importance, has not 
been maintained ; and from Spain, Italy, and all parts come, not 
only news of the expedition, but full details of it. Both the king of 
France and the League have raised enormous numbers of troops, 
and as they are Frenchmen the less they are trusted the better 
when their owji interests are concerned. It appears, however, that 
so far, although they have caused anxiety, they have not obstructed 
the carrying out of the enterprise. 


1 588. _ 

The preparations here, although not so complete as I should like, 
are, at all events, ready. Holland and Zeeland have armed with 
their usual promptitude, and have prevented the few vessels of the 
fleet which are in Antwerp from getting out, whilst the English 
themselves have promptly and energetically set about their 
preparations for defence. Your Majesty is perfectly well aware 
that, without the support of the fleet, I could not cross over to 
England with these boats, and you very prudently ordered me in 
your letter of 4th September not to attempt to do so until the 
Marquis arrived. I thought that his coming would be so soon that, 
notwitlistanding my utmost haste, I should not be in time ; and I 
hurried all my men into the port. If the Marquis had come then, 
the crossing would have been easily effected with God's help, 
because, what with the Dunkirk and other coast boats, as well as 
those I had prepared, I could have taken the men over without 
the Antwerp boats, neither the English, tJie Hollanders, nor the 
Zeelanders being then in a position to offer resistance to your 
Majesty's fleet. 

I consider that I have carried out orders and served your Majesty 
with my invariable loyalty, exactitude, and affection in this matter. 
Your Majesty expressly instructed me to wait for the marquis of 
Santa Cruz, and repeated the order in subsequent letters, adding, in 
every case, that I was not to cross if there was any fleet to interfere 
with me ; but if, instead of this, your Majesty had ordered me to 
cross without reserve, I should have unhesitatingly obeyed, even if 
we had all been lost. The cloth I wear, and my own honour, 
would not allow me to act otherwise, as I consider that my first 
duty is to obey in this as I have in all other things. 

I see that the contretemps still continue ; and your Majesty is 
now aware of the preparations that have been made by the English 
and the rebels. You know also that the marquis of Santa Cruz has 
not come, and the reason of his delay ; and yet, notwithstanding all 
this, you suppose that I may be there (in England ?). I must 
confess that this has caused me great sorrow. Your Majesty has 
the right to give absolute orders, whilst I can only receive them as 
special favours, and fulfil them ; and for you to write to me now 
with a presumption diametrically opposite to the orders sent, 
naturally gives me great pain. I therefore, humbly beg your 
Majesty to do me the great favour of instructing me how I am to 
act. I shall make no difficulties in anything, even if I have only a 
pinnace to take me across. My arrival at Bruges and the stay of 
troops in the neighbourhood have given rise to much talk ; the affair 
is so public that I can assure your Majesty there is not a soldier but 
has something to say a^out it, and the details of it. I, for my part, 
have kept the secret, knowing how important it was, besides which 
it was indispensable if we were to embark the men in good time, as 
your Majesty ordered. 

The state cf affairs is now so different that it is meet your 
Majesty should be aware of it, in orJer that you may instruct the 
marquis of Santa Cruz to come in great force. This will be 
necessary, in case the English and the rebels form a junction, so 
that, with the help of God, your Majesty may carry off the victory. 



They have no foreign troops yet in England. I send enclosed 
my latest intelligence from there, although your Majesty will have 
advices from Don Bernardino (*le Mendoza) and elsewhere. 

This delay (i.e., in the coming of the Armada) is causing the total 
ruin of the province of Flanders, and is hardly less disastrous to the 
rest. The country can bear the burden but for a short time longer. 
The worst of everything is the lack of money. The cost of main- 
taining the boats, the keep of the soldiers, besides Mucio (the duke 
of Guise), Lorraine,* arrangements with Germans, etc., is so great 
that it will be necessary for your Majesty to provide a large sum of 
money. If we run short, as, indeed, we are doing, your Majesty 
may be sure that something very untoward will happen, and all the 
past expense and trouble will be fruitless. The only thing I have 
been able to do is to send to Antwerp the Inspector-General, Juan 
Bautista de Tassis, to try to get what money he can from the 
merchants there ; but there is no certainty of this, as I lack warrants 
(a8ig7iacione8), and in any case the sum would be insufficient. — 
Bruges, 31st January 1588. 

31 Jan. 210. Duke op Parma to the Kino. 

Kstado, 504. xiie intelligence which I receive from all quarters seems to prove 
that the queen of England really desires to conclude peace ; and 
that her alarm and the expense she is incurring are grieving her 
greatly. But after all, it cannot be believed that she is turning 
good except under the stress of necessity, as I have written to your 
Majesty on former occasions. If the negotiations are opened at 
once we shall at least be able to see what they are up to; and if 
matters look promising it will be in your Majesty's hands to choose 
the course that suits you best. The first difficulty raised is the 
question of the place of meeting. I should prefer Antwerp. I under- 
stand that Saint Aldegonde and Longorius have been appointed by 
the rebel States to attend the conferences on behalf of those provinces. 
Your Majesty may be sure that if they ccme I shall try my best to 
get into negotiation with them, and even to make some terms with 
them. I do not think, however, that we can base much hope on 
this, only the assurance that I shall leave no stone unturned to 
bring them to the right road. — Brussels, 31st January 1588. 

s.d. End of 21L Duke of Parma to Bernardino de Mendoza. 

Jan. ? The last despatches from his Majesty which you forwarded to me 

PW K ^568! Ve * ,conte * ne( * an i nsl ' ru ction that I should give my opinion as to whether 

it would be advisable to send a trustworthy person to the king of 
Scotland with a letter of credence from me, setting forth the efforts 
that were being made to avenge the death of his mother in his 
interest, and that if the remedy had been long delayed it was only 
because the nature of the case rendered it necessary that it should 
be so ; and although he (the King) had not been directly informed 
hitherto of his Majesty's intentions in this respect, the reason of this 
was that secrecy was so vitally necessary. There was, however, no 

* That is to my, the Spanish subsidies paid through Parma to the army of the League 
in Lorraine, etc. for the purpose of preventing an amicable settlement in France. 



doubt that, urged by his natural obligations, be (king James) would 
do everything in his power to aid the execution when the moment 
arrived, and thus to avenge himself upon the qtreen of England, who 
keeps him so oppressed by her faction, whilst at the same time 
showing his gratitude to his Majesty* for the said intention of 
avenging the death of his (James 1 ) mother for his sake. At the 
same time, I and the other servants of his Majesty are anxious fo 
serve him (James) in this matter ; but without entering into other 
particulars or mentioning the question of his succession or religion. 
The person to be sent should be instructed to ascertain minutely 
the strength and present position of the Catholic nobles, trying t > 
encourage them to persevere in their good intentions. His Majesty 
suggests to me that Colonel Semple, who is a servant of his, may be 
entrusted with the mission, and as I had already decided to send the 
Colonel to you when the earl of Morton arrived there (i.e. t in Paris) 
this suggestion comes very opportunely. I am very -glad that he 
(Semple) has not yet left,* as I can now send this letter by him, 
informing you of his Majesty's suggestion, in order that you may 
discuss it with the earl of Morton and Semple, and we may thus 
decide whether it will be advisable or not to send such a message by 
Semple to the King (James). You are so thoroughly well informed 
of every detail of this matter that I can do no better than refer the 
decision to you. He (Semple) takes with him my letter of credence, 
which he may use (i.e., in Scotland) if it is considered desirable. 

My own opinion is that if the present position and humour of the 
King (James) will allow of the visit being paid, it can do no harm, 
and may enable a better idea to be obtained of what may be expected 
of him, as >vell as of the Catholic lords. If, however, it is decided 
to send Semple with the mission, it is important that he should go 
and return speedily, and you can press diligence upon him, with such 
other injunctions as your experience and dexterity suggest as being 
necessary. He has simply been told here that he is to make the 
journey, if you order him to do so, and to follow your instructions ; 
but no particulars whatever have been communicated to him. 

1st Feb. 212. Bernardino de Mendoza to the Kino. 

^k^m?!** 8 ' * ^ave a fe^r dated Antwerp, 26th ultimo, saying that the duke 
of Parma, having received a letter from the queen of England, he 
had left Ghent for Brussels, and had ordered Count Mansfeldt. 
M. de Champigny, and President Riohardot to go to Antwerp to 
treat with the Queen's commissioners, for whom lodgings were being 
prepared in the town. — Paris, 1st February 1588. 

5th Feb. 213. Reply of the Queen of England to the request of the 
Paris Archives, States for GREATER aid. — Greenwich, 5th February 1588. 

French. She has been frustrated in her intentions but her fears have come 

true. There is a good proverb in England which says the sooner a 
threatened misfortune rails the better. Complains of the ingratitude 
of the States after all she has done for them ; it is very strange 

* Semple had been sent on from Paris to the duke of Parma, and was now sent back 
to Mendoza with this letter. 



they should ask for further aid without giving her any account of 
what had been done for them before. She swears by the Jiving 
God it is terrible, and she does not believe such ungrateful people 
as they live upon the earth. She has sent them thousands of men, 
whom they have not paid, but let them die of hunger and despair, or 
else desert to the enemy. Is that not enough to irritate England, 
and make the States ashamed of themselves, for Englishmen to 
say they have found greater civility from Spaniards than from 
them ? She cannot suffer such conduct, and in future shall please 
herself. She can do without them. They are not to think she is 
obliged to help them for her own safety. Nothing of the sort. It 
is true she does not want Spaniards for near neighbours, as they 
are her enemies at present. Buc why should she not live at peace and 
be friendly with the king of Spain, as she was originally ? He has 
always desired her friendship and has even sought her in marriage. 
She sent them the earl of Leicester, intending that he should 
manage their resources, but they conducted things in their own 
way, and threw the blame on him. They had given him the title 
of Governor, which he had accepted without her consent, and so 
risked his person and property as well as his Sovereign's displeasure. 
But after he had made this sacrifice for them, what authority had 
they given him ? They were simply playing with people. Leicester 
was a gentleman, and a man of honour, and should not have been 
treated thus. If she had accepted for herself the title they offered 
her, by God ! they would have found she would not have put up 
with such treatment. God will punish them for their conduct, of 
returning evil for the good she has done them. They are now 
saying that the queen of England is making peace without their 
knowledge. She would rather be dead than give ground for such 
an assertion. Besides, Princes can discuss matters together, as 
private persons cannot do. They are States, it is true, but they are 
simply ordinary persons in comparison with Princes. She will do 
nothing, however, without them, and will not allow their consciences 
to be assailed. What more can they want of her than that ? The 
States have issued an edict forbidding the discussion of peace. That 
is good in its way ; but let Princes act as they think fit on the 
understanding that they (the States) will not suffer. Princes do 
not use many words, but with such few words as are said by them 
(the States) they must be satisfied and have faith. Whatever else 
she may do for them in future she expects to be better treated in 
return. She will probably depute certain members of her Council 
to deal with them in future. 

6 Feb. 214. Count de Ouvares to the Kino. 
Estado, obo. (Extract.) 

A Spanish doctor here, called Ricalde, who says that he studied 
in Paris, tells me that he has seen a letter front Villeroy, Secretary 
of State, to Cardinal de Joyeuse, s tying that when the King (of 
France) returned to Paris a meeting of very few persons was held 
to decide what had better be done in face of the ceititude that 
existed that your Majesty's forces were being prepared to attack the 



queen of England. Marshal de Retz and others were of opinion 
that the Kini* should avo'd meddling in the busiuess. but should 
devote himself to arranging the affairs of his own country ; and he 
reminded him how badly he had fared in consequence of similar 
movements on other occasions. On the other hand the Queen- 
Mother and the duke d'Epemon pressed the opposite view so warmly 
that it was decided that Epernon, as admiral, should collect the sea 
forces on the pretext of going against Rochelle, but that he should 
not join the forces of the queen of England unless he saw an oppor- 
tunity of suddenly falling upon those of your Majesty, or otherwise 
do you some great damage. — Rome, 6th February 1588. 

7 Feb. 215. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King. 

^fne?**' M y advices from England are dated 24th and 26th ultimo (n.s.), 
and only report that the Admiral had gone post to London to see the 
Queen, and that it was not known whether Drake had ief t Greenwich. 
It was therefore concluded that the return of the Admiral and the 
making ready the Commissioners to go to Flanders might cause 
Drake to wait I have no assurance of this, however, either in the 
letters or from the new confidant. The French ambassador in London 
writes, that even if the Queen has not already come to terms with 
your Majesty she will certainly do so. The fitting out of the two 
fleet?, he says, is all show, and so far as he can judge they will not 
put to sea. — Paris, 7th February 1588. 

7th Feb. 216. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King. 

PaF K "ims™ 68 ' ^^ e P*!? 6 ™ 8eD * to me ky the duke of Parma are a letter written 

to him by the earl of Huntly and Lord Claude Hamilton, in reply to 

that sent to them by the hand of Bruce. The substance of the 

letter is to deplore the blindness of their King, and to express their 

esteem for the assistance your Majesty desired to give them, whilst 

regretting the impossibility of their sending ships to cany the 

reinforcements over, in consequence of the suspicion it would arouse 

in the heretics. They say at any time that notice is sent to them 

they will have possession of Little Leith,* where not only the 5,000 

Spaniards would be received, but twice as many if they were sent. 

If it be necessary to delay the sending of the forces, they beg that 

they should be provided with 50,000 crowns to enable them to hold 

out against the heretics. Bruce says to the duke of Parma what 

your Majesty will see in the accompanying paper, and in accordance 

with this and the Duke's remarks, I reply to the Catholic lords, 

adding that the earl of Morton will shortly be with theui and will 

give them further instructions as to how they are to proceed. I 

say this because Morton tells me that he is sending a servant to 

Scotland to beg the King's permission to return to his country, but 

he only takes this step to reassure the King and the heretics, and to 

give his own friends notice that he is coming at once. He will start 

immediately after he receives your Majesty's orders, and I tell him 

to go. He asked my opinion about sending his servant and I 

approved. He is very zealous in religion and in his desire to serve 

your Majesty. — Paris, 7th February 1588. 

* In the King's hand : — " 1 do not know whether this is appropriate for our business 



15 Feb. 217, Advices from London. 

-a v* , Will follow instructions received about Don Antonio. He shall 
UI K. i568. VeS,no *' ^° ^ e smallest thing without my knowledge. I do not write 
Portuguese, oftener as couriers to Calais are so uncertain. The present is only 
sent with the King (of France's) packet. I ought to write every 
day, matters are so changeable and uncertain. On the 11th the 
(peace) Commissioners took leave of the Queen, and each one is to 
travel his own way to Dover, where they are to meet to-morrow, 
16th, except Sir Amyas Paulet, who excused himself. On the 12th, 
Dr. Derbar, with two commissioners from the States of Holland, 
an ived, saying that they had dec : ded not to come to terms with the 
King, and requesting the Queen to surrender the fortresses she 
held, as they themselves will defend them. They were to return 
to-morrow, but will stay a few days longer. The Queen after 
hearing them yesterday referred them to the Council which is to 
meet to-morrow. She is determined to make peace if she can, but 
meets with great opposition from Leicester and Walsingham, whose 
main object is to delay matters till March to see what course the 
Ki nir takes with the Armada. They fear the loss of dignity it will 
be for them, if the King carries through his project after they have 
sent the Commissioners. The Commissioners are only being sent 
to j:ain time, with talk and appearances of peace until it is too 
lnte fur the King to take action. They know very well that peace 
will not be made, as the King will not be satisfied unless they restore 
that which belongs to him, and they say they will not do this, as it 
will be against both their honour and tJieir safety. I know this is 
the ide?i they have and think necessary to report it. 

With regard to the fleets, the a-lmiral has gone to (Queenborough ?) 
with 14 of the Queen's ships and some merchantmen with five 
pinnaces. He was to go thence to Dover, but was delayed by 
weather until yesterday. He came to Court in the meanwhile an$i 
returned in two days. The Queen's ships which have been fitted 
out are the best she has ; four being 1,000 to 1,500 tons burden, 
three of 900, five of 600 to 800, six of 300 to 400 and up to 500, 
five of 200 to 250. These are being aimed by the Queen in addition 
to pinnaces. They are all armed with bronze pieces, the four great 
ships with 48 guns, the 900 ton ships with 40 to 42 guns, the 000 to 
800 ton ships with 34 to 38 pieces, the 300 to 500 ton ships with 
22 to 28 guns, and the 200 to 250 ton slaps with 18 to 20 guns. 
They are well provided with artificial fire, and instead of harque- 
busses, carry muskets and half-muskets. Amongst the ships is one 
that was made by Raleigh very strong by means of a new invention of 
castles, so that she could never be taken broadside on (?) (alia banda). 
She ia 600 tons burden and is victualled for six months* They 

* The " Ark Kaleigh " wa» called 800 tons in the English official lists. She had been built 
for Kaleigh by Richard Chapman and was launched 12th June 1587, previous to which 
she had been sold to the Queen for 5,000/., the sum to be deducted from Raleigh's debt to 
her. The Lord Admiral, when he took her as his fliigsbip, wrote as follows to Burleigh 
( 28th February, 1 588) : •« I prav you tell her Majesty from roc that her money was weil given 
•* for the 'Ark Kaleigh ' for Tthink her the odd ship in the world for all condition; and 
44 truly I think then? can »»o no great ship niaxe me change and go out of her." The 
exhaustive survey of the ship published in Laughton's " Defeat of the Armada "does not 
enlighten us as to her peculiarity of construction. The above expression might also mean, 
" would never heel over." 



have held a review of sailors and although they say there were 
11,000, there were not really more than 7,500, and some of these 
refused to serve. 

Of the above ships, Drake takes five, one of 800 tons, two of 600, 
one of 400, and another of 300, with two pinnaces and two others. 
The admiral has 14 ships and four not yet ready. Drake is 
accompanied by 20 ships, and six pinnaces belonging to private 
persons, some being his own. They are all armed with iron artillery, 
except a few that have the guns taken from the Indiaman they 
captured. The merchant ships are five of 300 to 400 tons, four of 
200 to 250, six of 160 to 200, five of 100 to 140. He (Drake) has 
not left Plymouth yet, as the ships are not ready. It is expected he 
will be told to stand by as the Commissioners have gone, bat the 
intention is that which I have already reported, namely, that he 
shall go to the Coast of Biscay and Galicia, and destroy all the 
ships he can find, whilst the other fleet remains in the Channel. 

Very few of the nobility embarked with the Admiral, only a few 
barons and knights, and a very small number of soldiers, nearly all 
the men being seamen. Drake takes 3,000 men, and the Admiral 
3,800. Four of the Admiral's ships were sent to Flushing with 
10,000Z. to pay the garrison. There was a disturbance in Flushing 
between the inhabitants and the English, and they fear a massacre 

With regard to the (French) ambassador, I know that no 
negotiations are going on for closer alliance (between France and 
England), but his King does not wish for a settlement to be arrived 
at with the master (i.e., the king of Spain) ; and he has taken care 
to let them know of some things to arouse their (i.e., the English) 
suspicions. They (the French) sent to the ambassador a copy of a 
letter written by the marquis of Santa Cruz to his Majesty on the 
24th October, saying that the Armada should not be allowed to sail 
, for England before March, in consequence of the dangerous and 

uncertain weather here and in Scotland. He (the ambassador) also 
received a list of the ships and men his Majesty was preparing in 
various places for the purpose in question. All of the information 
was furnishe I by the agent of the king of France in Madrid, and 
has been sent hither for the ambassador to use it as he pleases. I 
have persuaded him that it will )>e better not to show it or say 
anything about it (to the English), in consequenco of the suspicion 
with which they look upon him here, but I will find out more about 
it and report * 

Some days ago the Queen received news that the king of 
Scotland had fallen into the hands of the Catholics. God send it 
may be true. 

Note. — The above letter, although unsigned, is evidently from the 
Portuguese spy, Antonio de Vega, and like all his communications is 
insufferably verbose, confused, and obscure. 

15 and 19 218. Sampson's Advices from London. 

February. p on Antonio says that he understands from the Queen that she 
TL i568 l . Ve *8 reat ^y desires pe&c© at any price ; and his own opinion is, that 

* The King has underlined this passage. 



seeing both she and the rest of them are so anxious for it, peace will 
be arranged. 

The Queen told him in conversation that she had heard that the 
king of France and the Queen-Mother were trying to attract "him 
hither (to France) with great promises, and she would be glad to 
know whether such was the truth. Don Antonio says he did nob 
know what answer to make, except that if such were the case he 
was not aware, of it. He suspects that Chateauneuf has done this 
for him, or else that Stafford has heard something about it in 
France. Scone days ago Don Antonio wrote to France that they 
were not to discuss his going thither, but the Queen-Mother wishes 
him to send his sons. 

Don Antonio was grieved at the news from France of Leiton's 

16 Feb. 210. Duke of Medina Sidonia to Juan de Idiaquez. 

I reply to your letters of the 11th. In that which you write to 
me by his Majesty's orders you inform me that the malady of the 
marquis of Santa Cruz has become so serious that but small hope is 
now entertained of his recovery ; and you say how deeply his loss 
will be felt, as the Armada will be ready to sail by the middle of 
this month, and to delay its departure will be inadvisable for a 
host of reasons. His Majesty has therefore, you say, fixed bis eyes 
upon me to take charge of the expedition and to perform the hoped- 
for great service to God and his Majesty by joining hands with the 
force under the duke of Parma and attacking England ; the intention 
being for the fleet which is being titted out here (ie, Lucar) to 
join that at Lisbon under my command. In reply to all this 1 tirst 
humbly thank his Majesty for having thought of mo for so great a 
task, and I wiah 1 possessed the talents and strength necessary for 
it. But, sir, I have not health for the sea, for I know by the small 
experience that I have had afloat that I soon become sea-sick, and 
have many humours. Besides this, your worship knows, as I have 
often told you verbally and in writing, that I am in great need, so 
much so that when I have had to go to Madrid I have been obliged 
to borrow money for the journey. My house owes 900,000 ducats, 
' nnd I am therefore quite unable to accept the command. I have not 
a single real 1 can spend on the expedition.* 

Apart from this, neither my conscience nor my duty will allow 
me to take this service upon me. The force is so great, and the 
undertaking so important, that it would not be right for a person 
like myself, possessing no experience of seafaring or of war, to take 
charge of it So, sir, in the interest of bis Majesty's service, and 
for the Jove I bear him, I submit to you, for communication to him, 
that I possess neither aptitude, ability, health, nor fortune, for 
the expedition. The lack of any one of these qualities would be 
Sufficient to excuse me, and much more the lack of them all, as 
is the case with me at present. But, besides all this, for me to take 

* There \»\n existence a manuscript book of account* of the Duke's expenditure in the 
expedition, which shows that the amount spent by him was 7,8*7,858 maravedia, equal to 
about 8^46/. {See Document** Ineditps, Vol. XIV.) 



charge of the Armada afresh, without the slightest knowledge of it, 
of the persons who are taking part in it, of the objects in view, of 
the intelligence from England, without any acquaintance with the 
ports there, or of the arrangements which the Marquis has been 
making for years past, would be simply groping in the dark, even 
if I had experience, seeing that I should have suddenly, and without 
preparation, to enter a new career. So, sir, you will see that my 
reasons for declining are so strong and convincing in his Majesty's 
own interests, that I cannot attempt a task of which I have no 
doubt I should give a bad account I should be travelling in the 
dark and should have to be guided by the opinions of others, of 
whose good or bad qualities 1 know* nothing, and which of them 
might seek to deceive and ruin me. His Majesty has other subjects 
who can serve him in this matter, with the necessary experience ; 
and if it depended upon me I should confer the command upon the 
Adelantado — mayor of Castile, with the assistance of the same 
Councillors as aie attached to ihe Marquis. He (the Adelantado) 
would be able to take the fleet from here (San Lucar), and join that 
at Lisbon ; and I am certain that the Adelantado wo'ild have the 
help of God, f r he is a very pood Christian, and a just man, besides 
which he ha« great knowledge of the sea, and has seen naval warfare, 
in addition to his great experience on land. This is all I can reply 
to your first letter. I do so with all frankness and truth, as befits 
me ; and I have no doubt that his Majesty, in his magnanimity, will 
do me the favour which I humbly beg, and will not entrust to me a 
task of which, certainly, I should not give a good account ; for I do 
not understand it, know nothing about it, have no health for the 
sea, and no money to spend upon it. 

The galleons here will sail as soon as tHe infantry arrives . . . 
. . . The Levantine ships will wait for them as the Cape is so 
infested with corsairs that I have not ventured to let them go. The 
governor of Algarve writes to me, under date of the 10th, that 
there were there 22 small vessels, and he learns from the captured 
sailors they had sent ashore that they were expecting Drake this 
week with 30 ships. 

It is of the utmost importance that galleys should go with the 
Armada ; and it will be well, as you say, to take four of the Spanish 
galleys for that purpose, or even eight, which, joined with those at 
Lisbon, would be 1 2. They would be of the greatest use and value. 

I conclude that in view of the representations I make to you 
here, his Majesty will permit me not to undertake the voyage. I am 
incapable of doing so for the various reasons 1 have stated. I there- 
fore do not reply to your question about the defence of this coast 
during my absence, as I shall remain here to attend to it myself, and 
serve his Majesty here as I have always done. 

The proposal has been kept secret as you direct, and I send this 
reply with all speed after commending the matter very earnestly to 
God. -San Lucar, 16th February 1588. 

Note. — The marquis of Santa Cruz die d before the above letter 
was written, and on the 18th February the King sent a peremptory 
order to Medina Sidonia to depart at once, and take charge of the 




Armada at Lisbon, making everything ready for sailing by the 
1st March at latest The Duke made no further resistance, saying 
that he had satisfied his conscience by confessing his incapacity. 
In his letter of acceptance he rather ominously expresses a hope that 
he and the duke of Parma will agree well together. The King 
replied (11th March) very graciously, encouraging the Duke to exert 
himself to make the expedition a success for the cause of God. Ho 
points out to him the great example set by his (the Duke's) 
ancestors, refers to his " great qualities and zealous past services" 
and regrets that he himself is prevented by his duties at home from 
accompanying the Armada. The King adds in his own hand the 
following words : " I am quite confident that, thanks to your great 
" zeal and care, you will succeed very well. It cannot be otherwise 
" in a case so entirely devoted to God as this is. On thi3 account, 
and in view of what is contained in the letter, there is no reason 
for you to trouble about anything but the preparation of the ex- 
" pedition, and I am quite sure you will be diligent in this respect." 

18 Feb. 220, The King to Benardino dk Mendoza. 

Paris Archives, [EXTRACT.] 

K. 144o. *■ J 

With regard to the return of the reiters to France, you will do 
all in your power to prevent it, as it would be very injurious to the 
Catholic cause, and objectionable in many respects. You will set 
afloat, and also carefully suggest to the new confidant, the idea that 
the return of the reiters would be against the welfare of France, 
and that it would be unadvisable to impoverish England by her 
finding the z money, , as she must pay for such a levy. You will 
manage this in 'the way you see most convenient, letting me know 
the result* 

I am awaiting with interest to know whether you have 
penetrated the meaning and result of the interviews between the 
Christian King and the English ambassador for the purpose of 
rendering closer the alliance between the two countries. If the 
business seemed serious enough you will doubtless have advised 
me and the duke of Parma with your usual care. 

It was very desirable to impede Don Antonio's departure from 
England, and your answer to the man who asked you the question 
was excellent. Continue in the same way, and if Friar Diego Carlos 
goes to France try, through Sampson and others, to frighten him 
with ideas of the risk Don Antonio will run in Fiance, reminding 
him of what happened in Brittany, and alarming him generally. 

You might even, in a roundabout way, through Julio, signify to 
the English ambassador, that, as the French were so anxious to 
bring Don Antonio to France, it would be to his mistress' interests 
not to let him go. You will choose the best means and arguments 
to attain this end, and get Julio to make use of them, since he 
seems to keep friendly with you. This is well ; and you will do all 
in your power to keep him very well disposed, as you have hitherto 

♦ This is in reply to the suggestion of Sir Edward Stafford to Mendoaa, mentioned in a 
former letter, 30th January 1588, that if Philip wishes he will prevent the queen of 
England from subsidising a new levy of German reiters for the Huguenots. 

95498. O 



You acted wisely in welcoming the earl of Morton. As he is so 
good a Catholic he will, doubtless, be willing to aid personally in 
the object aimed at. You will encourage him in his good resolutions, 
and will follow the duke of Parma's instructions as to the reply to 
be given to him. Report to me what is done, and also as to the 
contents of the letters sent to you by the duke of Parma from 
Lord Claude Hamilton and George Earl of Huntly. Let me know 
also the verbal message brought by the bearer of the letters, if he 
has arrived after his illness. — Madrid, 18th February 1588. 

18 Feb. 221. The King to Bernardino de Mendoza. 

a *K. U48. VC8 ' letters of 30th ultimo and 1st instant duly received, with 
enclosures. Thanks for care in sending advices from all parts, 
as is needful in such times as there be. # 

I note the forces which are collected in England, and the intention 
they have of attacking us on the coast of Spain. If their force is 
no stronger than your reports from so trustworthy a source affirm, 
it would not be altogether a bad thing for us to divide them. For 
this very reason it may be inferred that they will not do as they 
say, but in any case they will find us quite ready to receive them if 
they come But it is of the utmost importance that we should 
know what decision they adopt. Pray use every effort to discover 
this and write with all speed. — Madrid, 18th February 1588. 

18 Feb. 222. Robert Bruce to Bernardino de Mendoza. 

^K.fJeTl™*' * wrote to you in October by Captain Thomas (Forster) on behalf 
French* of the Catholic lords, and subsequently, at the end of November, I 
again repeated the information, with additions, and sent the letter by 
the Biscay ner, Francis Garie. Since then I have received your favour 
written in September, which arrived at the beginning of December, 
and yours of 18th November which came to hand at the end of 
January. We await with great devotion the replies to the above- 
mentioned letters, but no other matter has occurred since which 
made it necessary to write, nor has any opportunity presented itself 
of sending a letter. I have shown your letters to Lord Claude, and 
to the earl of Huntly, who thank you for them. They and their 
adherents persist in their original resolution, and will submit to 
the will of his Catholic Majesty ; as the English and Scottish 
heretics, seeing the power that threatens them, are now trying to 
destroy all the Catholics in the island, and especially in Scotland, in 
order that the forces of his Catholic Majesty may be deprived of 
assistance when they arrive here. If, therefore, the support agreed 
upon does not arrive quickly, the Catholic lords will be obliged to 
defend themselves prematurely, under overwhelming difficulties, and 
to the great risk of the cause, as their enemies are in a strong position, 
being armed with the authority of the King, the ministers, and the 
queen of England, who has provided them with gold, and has a force 
ready to launch upon the Catholics in union with them. If the 

* The construction of the sentence is, as will be seen, somewhat clumsy, and the King 
has underlined the last word, writing against it in the margin : — " I do not understand 
this word here." This is mentioned as an instance of the great care with which Philip 
read every word of the despatches and drafts of replies. 




principal body cannot be sent soon, pray send such men and money 
as may be ready, or at least the latter, to enable your Catholic 
friends to hold out. The bearer is in haste, and I cannot therefore 
write to you more at length, but you will learn from him, through 
the archbishop of -Glasgow, many particulars touching the state of 
the Catholics and the proceedings of the bishop of Dunblane with 
the King, of whom there is now little hope if he be not withdrawn 
from the hands of the heretics. This will be attempted, in order to 
facilitate matters pending the arrival of letters from you. The 
heretics, to render themselves stronger* have united the Church and 
State.* The Catholics are doing their best to hold out, but unless 
your support arrives very soon they will b£ done for, in con- 
sequence of the powers against them. They therefore supplicate 
you to reply effectively to their letters, and to do all that time will 
permit for the cause* of religion, and the service of his Catholic 
Majesty.— St. John's (Perth), 18th February 1588. 

22 Feb. 223. Duke of Parma to the King/ 

' The preparations here are noW completed, and I am anxiously 

awaiting the arrival of the marquis of Santa Cruz with your 
Majesty's armada. The munitions are on board, the transport 
boats are collected at Dunkirk and the Sluys, and the men are 
concentrated near the ports ready for embarkation. The English 
preparations have been carried on apace, and in face of their 
strength I am, of course, powerless without th£ Armada to protect 
the passage Across. My troops have dwindled sorely, and do not 
now exceed 18,000 men ; and, owing to exposure and evil lodging, 
they continue to die in large numbers, but the rest are still in 
good heart and spirits. It will be necessary for the Armada to come 
strong enough to assure the victory, and the Marquis must 
remember that the English and the rebels are now strong and fully 
prepared with their fleets. I am greatly pressed for money ; as 
without it I cannot even provide the men with the necessary food, 
for lack of which they must perish. 

I am raising 400,000 crowns from the Antwerp merchants, but I 
have to pay very high interest. Of this sum I shall be obliged to 
give the duke of Lorraine 00,000 crown* on account of the 150,000 
Owing to him ; and for the extra troops he is raising 80,000 more 
will be wanted. Our own German levies are in a state of mutiny 
for their pay, and must be paid at once, I must have, moreover, at 
least 25,000 crowns for artillery, stores, &c. — Ghent, 22nd February 

224. Count db Olivakes to the King. 

22 ^9^0 * n m y " a8t interview with the Pope he spoke to me of the current 
Eatado, 950. rumour that yQXir j| a j es ty was making peace with the queen of 

England, and expressed his displeasure thereat, especially on account 
of your Majesty's prestige, which he thought would not be maintained 
even though HoUand and Zeeland were restored to you. I thanked 

* The appropriation by the Scottish crown of the Church revenues, 
t A letter from the Duke to Idiaquez accompanied the above, saying that ne wa* 
ready and anxious to set out on the expedition but complaining that ne waa in of worry. 

O 2 



his Holiness warmly for the interest he took in your Majesty's 
prestige, and said I was quite sure your Majesty yourself would not 
lose sight of it. I bad, however, no word from your Majesty on the 
subject which hinted at peace, or anything in the slightest degree 
contrary to the messages I had given him from your Majesty. I 
said that negotiations for peace were as frequently carried on with 
the intentiou of making war as otherwise. I did not know what 
else to say to him. He always ends his conversation on the subject 
by expressing his hope of success if we have to fight. 

The new bishop of Cassano* has communicated to me the letters 
sent to him by the bishop of Boss, which letters had passed between 
the latter Bishop and the king of Scotland respecting the King's 
conversion, and a letter written by the bishop of Ross to the Pope. 
Copies of all of them are enclosed. The bishop of Cassano told me 
that Cardinal Mondovi and he had agreed that nothing else should 
be given to the Pope without my concurrence. As I saw the letter 
did not contain anything of importance, I told them to give it to his 
Holiness, so that they shall not be able to say that I wished to 
conceal it from him, or that T have any objection to the conversion 
of the King. 

As the Pope is of opinion that this Bishop (i.e., Cassano) may be 
usef ul in the English business, he has prevented him from going to 
reside in his diocese, as I had informed the Bishop from your 
Majesty that he was to do. As I judged that your Majesty's 
intention in giving him the bishopric was rather to get rid of him 
(since I see nothing in his services to your Majesty which has 
deserved it), I told the Pope that I had orders from your Majesty to 
send the Bishop to his diocese, that having been the intention with 
which you had appointed him. The Pope thereupon promised to 
send him thither. Allen says the Bishop causes him no end of 
trouble, because, although he is a man of good life, his ambition and 
want of tact are terrible. 

Allen has sent me word that Englefield had communicated to him 
three points upon which he had been instructed by your Majesty to 
ask Allen's opinion ; the Cardinal being desirous that I should know 
everything that passed has informed me thereof. The first point is 
how the enterprise should be effectetl, which question the Cardinal 
knows is a mere compliment ; the second is about the succession 
(i.e., to the Crown of England), to which he replies that he submits 
the point entirely to your Majesty, and that after the first appoint- 
ment is made by your Majesty the Infanta and Parliament can make 
what future arrangements may be necessary ; the third question is, 
what persons of rank and position should be promoted to higher 
titles, and receive grants of the confiscated estates of the heretics. 
Allen has considered this point with me, and is of opinion that it 
can only be settled after the event, as otherwise we should banish 
hope from those who are anxious for conversion, whilst those who 

* The bishop of Cassano was Dr. Owen Lewis, a Welshman. He was a strong opponent 
of Allen and the Jesuits, and had been raised to one of Philip's Sicilian bishoprics on 
the King's nomination, with the object, apparently, of removing to a remote diocese an 
influential advocate of the Scottish party at the Vatican, who were desirous of forcing 
Catholicism upon James and securing to him the inheritance of Great Britain and Ireland. 



have hitherto appeared worthy, may, in the interim, fall away, and 
others, at present unknown, may prove deserving. The Cardinal 
however, i9 of opinion that, as soon as the conquest is successfully 
effected, a beginning should be made by conferring some titles and 
rewards, and that the bishoprics should be granted to worthy and 
independent men, so that a parliament might be summoned as early 
as possible to settle what may be necessary. 

He (Allen) has frequently spoken to me on this point of filling 
the principal offices, but I have deferred writing to your Majesty 
about it until the time for action was near. I thought also that 
your Majesty with your great memory would certainly have kept it 
in view, although it is so long since you were there (i.e., in England). 
Nevertheless, I send the statement to your Majesty with my remarks 
thereon. Cardinal Allen also tells me that Engletield persuades 
him that on his way to England it would be better for him to pass 
through Spain and salute your Majesty. Allen himself (unless your 
Majesty wishes otherwise) is more inclined to go direct from here, 
seeing that his speedy arrival there will be advantageous, always 
supposing that your Majesty should not intend him to accompany 
the Infanta In any case I return to the need for providing him 
with money for the journey, for the Pope will not do so, and he 
himself has nothing. Even the abbacy, which your Majesty granted 
him, he says, is insufficient to pay the pension and charges upon it. 
He has given me a long account of it, and has asked me to write 
about a supplement. Before doing so, however, I have submitted 
the figures to count de Miranda, who gave me the information 
about the value of the abbacy which I wrote to your Majesty. — 
Rome, 22nd February 1588. 

25 Feb. 225. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King. 

K. 1567. ' As I wrote to your Majesty, it was necessary for me to have an 
interview with the new confidant to open up the communication. 
This has been done, and he is now assured, whilst I am enlightened 
without any suspicion being possible. I have given him the 2,000 
ducats as ordered by your Majesty, and from what I can see the 
money will be well spent. 

Julio writes me by letters of 7th instant from England,* that the 
Treasurer told him that Drake had not left, and that for his part he 
would do his best to prevent him from going, as his voyages were 
only profitable to himself and his companiors, but an injury to the 
Queen, as they only irritated foreign Princes. He said the English 
ambassador in France was of the same opinion. They had written 
to the ambassador asking him t > try and discover when the Spanish 
Armada would be readv, and let them know. He said that although 
they had brought Scotch affairs into a quiet condition, they were 
afraid the King might be carrying on some secret negotiations with 
Spain, and they instruct the ambassador to discover if this be so. 

The Commissioners were leaving for Flanders to treat of peace, 
but at the instance of the Treasurer and Walsingham the verbal 

* This suggestion that Julio was in England is evidently only a mystification, in case 
the letter should be waylaid. Julio wmp, of cowrie, Sir Edward Stafford himself. 



mission which he knew had been entrusted to Amias Paulet for 
the duke of Parma had been revoked, as it was considered that the 
time had now passed for such child's play, and it would be better 
to proceed straightforwardly if your Majesty did so. If peace was 
made, France might do as she liked, but until he (the ambassador) 
received news that terms (with Spain) had been settled, he was to 
continue the efforts he (the English ambassador) was making to 
bring about a good understanding between the King (of France) 
and his mistress. With this object he (the ambassador) was to 
endeavour to learn how the question of peace was regarded in 
Spaii*, and how the duke of Parma would proceed* The new 
confidant informs me that in the audience the English ambassador 
had with the King, whilst speaking on the subject qi piracy, the 
King repeated that he hoped the Queen would use her good offices 
to prevail upon Beam to agree to the edict, and his (the King's) 
wishes ; as in this way he could bring about peace in this country, 
and he would then be free to help her in compliance with the alliance 
between them. The ambassador replied that he had already written 
to this effect, and would do so again. He then took the opportunity 
of making the representation which I conveyed to your Majesty in 
mine of 30th qs having been sent to me by Julio. The substance 
of it was the suspicion inspired in him by your Majesty's armaments, 
because even if you did not employ your forces in aiding the League 
in France, but directed them against England, it would always be 
prejudicial to France. The King replied that he would discuss the 
matter with his mother, and send him a reply later. 

The Nuncio tells me that he hears the Erjglish ambassador here 
has mnde great offers to the King to bring about a closer union 
with his mistress against your Majesty, but that the King would not 
listen to it. But this is only false coin they foist upon the Nuncio, 
as my advices prove ; For the King himself it is who is seeking a 
closer alliance, under cover of an attempt to reconcile Beara, as he 
doubtless thinks it will be imprudent to disclose himself entirely, 
for fear the Queen might make use of his approaches to better her 
position in the peace negotiations. As soon as I hear from the 
confidant what the King replies, I will communicate it to your 
Majesty. 1 am writing also to count de Oiivares in case the 
Nuncio should send this intelligence of his to the Pope. — Paris, 
25th February 1588. 

25 Feb. 226. Bernardino de Mendoza to the Kino. 

Paris Archives, 

K. 1567. I have advices from England of 4th and 7th instant (N.S.) saving 
that the Admiral had returned from Greenwich, where the dourt 
was, to Queenborough, where the fleet of 52 sail was assembled. 
The total number of soldiers and sailors on board does not exceed 
4,000 men ; and as the ships are old, the great weight of the 
artillery and stores they carry had told upon them, so that it would 
be dangerous for them to attempt any great voyage. It was believed 
that the Admiral would not again leave Queenborough until he 
had news that the duke of Parma s fleet was ready. In the mean- 
while he would receive a regul \r supply of victuals from shore, so 
as not to consume what was on board the ships. This was the 



course I reported before would be adopted. The Admiral assures 
tho Queen that if peace is not made by the Commissioners, he will 
burn the ships that the duke of- Parma had in the Sluys, Dunkirk, 
and other ports ; and, although this is not very feasible, I have warned 
the duke of Parma of it some days ago, and also of the capture at 
Dover of an Englishman named Shean, who had been sent to 
England by Colonel Stanley. They took him to the Tower of 
London, where he bad been examined by Wotton, but his confession 
is kept very secret. The three Queen's ships which Drake was to 
command had dropped down the Channel towards Plymouth to join 
the rest, but my advices say that the forces they were to carry had 
not yet gone on board ; this being confirmed by my new confidant. 
He also tells me that Drake had not departed, and that things were 
not in condition to enable the people of the West Country to sail 
soon. The maintenance of the soldiers, now that there was no 
commerce* or navigation, was being felt severely, and the common 
talk was that, until the Spaniards came to rule the island, there 
would be no quietude or business. He (the new confidant) adds 
that the English are much given to superstitious prophecy, and are 
saying that the old prophecy about the soldiers who are to dominate 
England, coming with snow on the crests of their helmets, is now to 
be fulfilled, as the end of February or March is usually the time 
when it snows mpst in England* 

The Queen had again offered the king of Scots the title of duke of 
Lancaster, with 20,000 crowns pension a year ; and that Parliament 
should restore him to the same position as that he occupied before 
his mother's execution, which had incapacitated him from succeeding 
to the English Crown. In order to satisfy his honour in this, and 
other respects, the Queen would write him a letter in her own hand 
setting it forth, and would send it by an ambassador. She would 
also send another letter to the Christian King to a similar effect. 
The king of Scots answered that, considering the death of his 
mother, he could only be restored to his honour by the Queen and 
Parliament acknowledging him as heir to the Crown ; to which the 
English replied that this was rather a point of profit than of 
honour, and he had no right to raise it in a discussion as to his 

Lord Hunsdon, who was on the Scottish border, was discussing 
with the earl of Arran,* formerly Chancellor, and a great enemy of 
the present Chancellor, an arrangement by which, if he sides with 
the Queen, she will oppose the Chancellor and promote Arran's 
return to Court and to his office. 

The English ambassador here had audience of the King on the 
15th, Villeroy and Gondi alone being present. Villeroy after a 
short tiine sent for the Queen-Mother, and the King presently 
followed him, attended only by a captain of his guard, whom I met 
in the Queen-Mother's courtyard after the audience with her. As it 
is very unusual for the King to visit her at such hours, it is probable 
that they have some important matter in hand with the English. 
I will try to discover what it is.— Paris, 25th February, 1588. 

* James StewMt, who at this time was trytog to orerthrow Sir John Mnitland. 


25 Feb. 227. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King. 

^K. 1568***' **i accorc l an ce with your Majesty's instructions with regard to the 
queen of Scotland's servants, I caused Miss Curie to write to her 
companion Kennedy, asking how she had been received in Scotland, 
and saying that for her own part she (Curie) is very comfortable in 
France, and hopes that it will be profitable to her (Kennedy) to 
have been recommended by their late mistress to she knows whom. 
This will have the effect of discovering whether Kennedy intends 
to return hither or not, and I will duly advise your Majesty. 

Secretary Curie and his sister have concluded their business here, 
and for this reason, and because I thought it advisable to ensure 
him, I told him of the allowance of 40 crowns a month your 
Majesty had granted him. I thought also it would be well to oblige 
his sister, as they are the two persons who can depose most 
positively as to the intentions of the Queen, and I therefore told 
Miss Curie that your Majesty had granted her 300 crowns a year, or 
25 crowns a month. This was in accordance with what I wrote to 
your Majesty on the 22nd December, in reply to your Majesty's 
despatch of 27th November, to the effect that we could not give less 
than this to any of the ladies-in-waiting ; and as Plato says that 
" distributive justice must be in harmonious proportion," and if the 
apothecary Gorion had been granted 40 crowns a month, the ladies-in- 
waiting ought to have had much more. This made me fix Gordon's 
allowance at 20 crowns, with which he is perfectly satisfied, as are 
also Secretary Curie and his sister. I told all three of them that 
the grant was to be payable as from the first day of this year, which 
gives them only a month in advance. They are very pleased at this, 
however, as they look upon it as a windfall, whilst this 85 crowns 
saves your Majesty from having to make them any advance or 
recompense for the time they have waited. They asked me where 
they were to be paid, and I told them that I had your Majesty's 
orders to pay the pensions and would do my best to do so with all 
punctuality, which doubled their joy. I will attend to it, as I think 
it will be beneficial to your Majesty's interests to keep them in good 
humour. If I hove erred in curtailing with the mean fist of Don 
Bernardino de Mendoza the bounteous liberality of your Majesty's 
royal hand, I humbly crave pardon, as I have acted for the best, and 
if your Majesty wishes Miss Curie and Gorion to enjoy further 
benefits from your magnanimity the door still remains open. 

Curie and his sister intimate that they will be very glad to leave 
France if your Majesty will permit them, and I believe Gorion 
would also be glad to go. I am afraid if he stays here long his 
friends will force him to marry, as he is a young man, and he could 
not then live out of France, his native place. If your Majesty only 
wishes to make use of him to depose to what he knows, there would 
be no objection to this, and after he had made his deposition he 
could enjoy his pension for the rest of his life where he pleased. 

I had already advanced very far in my efforts to obtain a copy of 
the queen of Scotland's letter to his Holiness, when I received your 
Majesty's despatch — Gorion had aided me very much in this, and I 
am now able to enclose a copy of the said letter. I can assure your 
Majesty that its retention by the archbishop of Glasgow has not 



been for any cunning object (as he is very straightforward and 
honest with me, so far as I can judge), but only to see whether there 
would be any funds left on the balancing of the accounts of the 
Queen's dowry here, that he might send the money by the person 
she indicated for the punctual fulfilment of her instructions. I hare 
agreed with the archbishop of (Jlasgow and an intimate friend of 
his, a Scots Jesuit father named Tirius (Tyrie), in all that has been 
done in the matter ; and in the renunciation of the Queen in favour 
of your Majesty. I have never lost sight, however, that he is a 
Scotsman, and that in all negotiations the aim should be to make 
the other party think that what you desire will suit him, best. I 
have therefore continued to point out the queen of Scotland's fervent 
zeal for the promotion of the Catholic faith, and her firmness to that 
end ; inasmuch as the possession of an only eon to hand down her 
royal succession to posterity had not prevented her from the heroic 
operation in order to convert the island. This was, I said, a trial 
almost incredible for a mother, and even for many men, and it was 
their duty to publish it far and wide as a testimony to her zeal and 
a proof of her martyrdom. They received these arguments very 
favourably, and really what I say is fully borne out by the Queen's 
own confession, which would soften a heart of marble. My efforts in 
this direction caused, as soon as they found there was no money to 
defray the doctor's journey to Rome with the letter, the ambassador 
to come to me and say that it would be better to hand it to the 
Nuncio sealed, accompanied by another letter from him (i.e. t the 
archbishop of Glasgow) to the Pope, simply saying that the letter in 
question was from his mistress, which he had to forward to the 
Pope ; and he proposed to send another copy to Cardinal Mondovi, 
as protector of the Scottish nation in Rome, asking him to pray 
the Pope not to make known the channel through which the 
letter had reached him, in order to avoid injuring the queen of 
Scotland's servants. 

As I already had a copy of the letter and the Nuncio is a 
Venetian attached to this King (i.e. of France), and Cardinal Mondovi 
is a confidant of count de Olivares, I told the Archbishop (of • 
Glasgow) that it would be better for the letter not to pass through 
many hands, and that it would be preferable to send the original 
direct to Cardinal Mondovi, sealed, with the letter he (the Archbishop) 
would write to his Holiness; and the Cardinal would hand them to 
the Pope, and take such action with regard to them as he (the 
Archbishop) desired, when he gave his Holiness the translation of 
them, as they were written in French. I also said that if he liked 
I would ask the count de Olivares to take such steps in the matter 
as he (the Archbishop) considered desirable. 

He accepted my suggestion, and begged me advise count de 
Olivares of the going of the letter, so that he might co-operate with 
Cardinal Mondovi to prevent the matter from being made public. I 
said I would do so, and asked him to inform me the day the letter was 
despatched, so that my advices might arrive in due time. He has 
done so, and I have managed to delay the letter until it could go by 
a trust worth v person, who takes it with all speed to Rome, so as to 
avoid the risk of ordinary posts, whose packets are sometimes lost 



between here and Lyons. It leaves here on the 28th. I have 
managed all this, and have obtained the copy of the letter with the 
utmost artifice, so as to make the (Scots) ambassador think tbat I 
am interested in the safe arrival of the letter in the hands of his 
Hoiinese, not on account of your Majesty's interest, but out of the 
affection I bore to his mistress. I have been most careful not to 
arouse suspicion, so that my anxiety for the going of the letter 
should not lead him to discuss the matter with anyone who might 
have recommended him to retain the letter. Although I did not 
breathe a word to a soul, I must confess that I feared, in my own 
mind, that he would do so. If I had conveyed my ideas to your 
Majesty before I had succeeded in my objects I should simply have 
been recounting dreams. I have written to count de Olivares, in 
the terms your Majesty will see by the enclosed copy;* so that 
when he speaks to Mondovi about the letter the Cardinal may not 
suspect that the Archbishop (of Glasgow) told me he was sending it, 
and to prevent Mondovi from cogging the dice. 

Charles Arundel! left no sons ; he was not married. The money he 
lent to the queen of Scotland, as I wrote on the 9th ultimo, had 
been taken by him from the queen of England's funds, he having 
been treasurer of a provinca Since he left England the Treasurer 
claimed the money from his sureties. There were 15 sureties — 
amongst others, Arundell's elder brother, and other relatives. They 
had to pay hOl. each. Charles Arundell often told me he wished very 
much, the Queen (of Scots) would pay him, that hfe might settle 
with the sureties, as he said he had left no other debt behind him 
in England ; as he also assured his confessor. I went to see him in 
his illness, and to tell him that your Majesty had ordered the 2,000 
crowns to be pnid to him, but he was then unconscious. If your 
Majesty orders the 2,000 crowns to be paid, pro rata, to the sureties, 
the queen of Scotland's debt will really be extinguished, and both 
her soul and that of Charles Arundell disburdened. In order that 
this may be carried but punctually I have written to Arundel's elder 
brother in England, asking who are the sureties. 

Please instruct me as to the 3 months and 25 days' pension owing 
to Arundel when he died. He left a few trifling debts here, and 
servants whose wages are owing. 

This King up his right of " aubaine" in favour of the 
discharge of Arundell s conscience, at the request of the English 
ambassador, who, they tell me, is obliged to me, as he was a relative 
of his wife, for not having abandoned Arundel on bis death-bed, and 
for having provided money from the allowance owing to him for his 
care and maintenance during his illness. 

The last Pope gave £T00 crowns a year to the Scottish college of 
Pont Mon9on, and this is continued by the present Pope. The 
queen of Scotland used to pay them 400 (crowns ?) a year, and 300 
for Scottish students at this university (of Paris). There are at 
Pont Mon$on 23 or 24 Scottish students, as no more can be kept 
with the 900 crowns, which is all they have now. Any almfe your 
Majesty may deign to give to increase the number would be very 

* See following letter. . 




gratefully received. It is important for the conversion of Scotland 
to bind them to your Majesty. — Paris, 28th February 1588. 

S.D. 228. Bernabdino de Mendoza to Count de Olivares. 
Pans Arc^ v©g, rpj^ j e £ ter w jy ^ convey^ to you by the means through which 

you received my other most important letters. Under cover for 
Cardinal Mondovi there is being sent a letter written by the queen 
of Scotland to his Holiness in her own hand before her death. It 
is of the highest importance to his Majesty's service that your 
lordship should take extreme care that this letter shall reach the 
hands of his Holiness, and that on no pretext whatever, of translating 
it or otherwise, should the original be lost sight of. As this is of 
the most vital importance I am sure that you will manage it with 
the prudence and dexterity that the service demands, and will 
not divulge the details of the letter, when you learn them, to a 
greater extent than you will see is convenient, having regard to the 
attitude of the Pope in the matter and to the feeling at the time in 
the Papal Court. If you are not as yet so fully informed on the 
subject as I am, I doubt not that his Majesty will shortly send you 
the necessary information. 

In order that Cardinal Mondovi may not imagine when he 
receives the despatch who gave the information about it, do not in 
conversation with him open out any further than by saying that 
I had lately written that advices had been received from England 
that certain letters left by the queen of Scots had been forwarded 
to France, amongst which was one for his Holiness ; and you expect 
that if this letter has not already arrived in Borne by a recent 
ordinary post, it will probably arrive by the next. As Cardinal 
Mondovi is the protector of the Spanish* nation, and the affair will 
doubtless pass through his hands, you may thus through him keep 
in touch with it and so proceed as seems most fitting. 
. Pray pardon me for writing in this way to you, who are capable 
of instructing others, but the service of his Majesty and the 
importance of the subject must be my excuse. — Paris, S.D. 

27 Feb. 229. Letter written by Francisco de VALVERDEf and Pedro 
Vans Archives, DE Santa Cruz, Prisoners of War in England, to 

K - U67, Bernardino de Mendoza (?). 

(After statements as to their parentage and other preliminary 
matter the letter continues thus — ) Santa Cruz was captured in 
April of last year, 1587, as he was on his voyage from the Canaries 
to Lisbon as commissary of one of the two ships loaded with 
wine and vinegar, which cargo he had bought on his Majesty's 
account. Four English pirates appeared and captured us, so we 
declared that the cargo belonged to merchants ; the English were 
going to put us ashore in Spain, but a traitorous Italian Franciscan 
friar who was with us, and has now turned heretic, said that the 
merchandise was the property of the King, and they therefore 

* Philip II. has underlined this word and written Scottish in the margin. Certainly 
Scottish is meant. , , , A , 4 

t See this man's report of what he observed in England, under date of 12th April 




brought us to this country in the belief that we were persons of 
rank, as we were in the royal service. 

Valverde was taken in 1586 in a ship of his own, which he was 
bringing from the Indies. The ship got separated from the flotilla 
in a storm and he (Valverde) was also brought to this city of 
London. Valverde was given into the keeping of Simon Borman, 
and Santa Cruz to that of John Naunton, merchants, who told us 
that unless certain Englishmen in Seville were released we 
should not be set at liberty. In effect two men for whom 
Valverde was held have been set free, and are now in England ; and 
Valverde in consequence is now being sent away from England. 
Of five men for whom Santa Cruz was held four have returned, 
the fifth man being at liberty, but as he is ill of malignant fever 
he is unable to make the voyage hither. His name is James Lomas 
and he is still at Seville, and lodges in the house of the Archbishop's 
cook ; John Naunton asserts that he (Lomas) is not allowed to leave 
Seville. Lomas is a partner of Nauuton and of John Bort, who have 
continually taken out two ships to pillage at sea, and have done 
at least 100,000 ducats' worth of damage on the Spanish coast. 
We know them to have captured our two wine and vinegar ships, 
and a large vessel from Brazil loaded with sugar, and another from 
Santo Domingo with sugar, hides, and ginger, which was driven 
into the Channel and was carried by the captors to Algiers for sale. 
Although they assert that they landed the crews, etc., in Spain, they 
really sold them all with the ship. They have also captured a 
ship loaded with Malaga raisins, and another with oil and wine. 
I (i.e., Santa Cruz) beg your lordship, in case James Lomas be still 
in Seville, that he may be arrested and kept fast until I obtain my 
liberty.* Even if he comes to England there is a sailor's wife 
waiting for me whose husband is in the galleys, and who wants me 
kept till he be set free. When she asks for me Naunton will be just 
as anxious to give me up to her as she to get me, for there is no 
justice in this country. James Lomas might be treated in the same 
way, and be held for the liberty of the poor pilots who were 
captured by Richard Grenville of Cornwall, and are now held 
prisoners by him. He is a pirate; and brought to England 22 
Spaniards whom he treated as slaves, making them cany stones on 
their backs all day for some building operations of his, and chaining 
them up all night. Twenty of them have died or escaped, but he 
still keeps the two pilots. If James Lomas be kept fast we shall be 
released, but not otherwise. An Englishman named Robert Bort 
also should be seized. He is married and lives at Ayamonte, and 
has had in his possession a large sum of money belonging to 
John Naunton and John Bort, concealed since the general embargo ; 
which money he has sent to them during the last month in specie 
and wine by a Flemish hulk. With her came three other ships 
from San Lucar loaded with oil and wine, bringing with them all 
the Englishmen who were arrested in Seville at the time of the 
embargo. It will be easy to discover who loaded these ships. 
There was a Flemish flyboat burnt by Drake in Cadiz, which was 

* A marginal note in the King's hand orders this to he done. 




loaded with merchandise and had been embargoed for the King's 
service. Your lordship must know that both the flyboat and the 
cargo belonged to Naunton and Bort ; and Drake has paid them 
for the loss oat of the ship from the Portuguese Indies. I understand 
now that powers of attorney have been made out for a claim against 
the King on account of this flyboat 

We understand that your lordship has friends in the city from 
whom your lordship can learn more about the forces and armaments 
here than we can tell you. Ali we can say is, that they are simply 
a mob of riffraff, with but few leaders, and they are more cunning 
at banqmts than at war. However careful your friends here may 
he. to supply information, we are sure they are not more diligent 
than the Portuguese Geronimo Pardo, in Lisbon, and Bernaldo 
Luis, in Madrid* who are relatives of Dr. Nunez who lives here. 
They carefully report hither everything that passes at Madrid and 
Lisbon, and transmit their news by ships which they send from Spain 
in the following way. Last > ear Bernaldo Luis took a ship from here 
loaded with cloth worth 70,000 ducats. When the ship arrived in 
Lisbon it was embargoed, on suspicion that the cargo belonged to 
Englishmen, as in fact it did. But they arrranged so cleverly as 
to get permission to deal with the merchandise, on condition that 
neither it nor they were to return to England. They have fulfilled 
these conditions in the following manner. Geronimo Pardo arrived 
in London in June last in a ship with a little salt as an excuse, but 
the rest of the cargo consisted of spices, cochineal, and a large sum 
of money. He brought on that occasion two packets of letters in 
cipher, giving a full account of the warlike preparations which were 
being made in Spain. After translating them, he carried them to 
Secretary Walsingham, and within two months Pardo was on his 
way back to Lisbon. Since then he has sent three more ships ; the 
first with raisins and wine, from Ayamonte, the second with wine 
and cochineal, and the third from Algarves, with wax and figs in 
barrels, many of the bands also continuing bags of mune}'. By this 
latter ship full accounts were sent of the ships, men, and stores for 
the Armada in Lisbon. The despatches were delivered to Dr. Hector 
Nunez whilst he was at a dinner to which he had been invited. 
He rose in great haste, and went direct to Secretary Walsingham's 
house. On one occasion we asked a certain Francisco de Tapia, who 
is a servant and relative of Nuf.ez, whether there were any letters 
from Spain from Geronimo Pardo ; and he replied in the following 
words : " Gentlemen ! Geronimo Pardo dares not \\ rite anything, 
" little or big, for they have had him straitly shut up in Lisbon on 
fi suspicion of being a &py in the service of England ; and the master 
" of a German ship who knew Pardo here, tells us that when be 
" was in Lisbon, Pardo said to him, ' Brother, since you are going 
" ' to England, it is a matter of life or death to me that you should 
" ' carry this letter to Dr. Hector Nuuez.' The shipmaster consented, 
" and Pardo then gave him a packet of letters, again repeating that 
" the lives of both depended upon their safe delivery, and their not 
" being seen in Spain. The shipmaster hid the packet in a feather 

* The King has underlined and called special attention to this passage. 



" bed and on coming up the Channel in a storm he ran ashore, and 
" lost everything but the lives of his crew. You may see by this 
" how poor Pardo is to be pitied. ' Thin Tapia may be captured in 
Lisbon as he is going thither in a ship bound for Brazil. She is one 
of those that went last year with the marquis of Santa Cruz to 
Terceira, and was captured off Cape Spichel (her crew being sick) 
and brought to England. She must call at Lisbon, and will be 
taken from there either by Tapia, Pardo, or by one Poro Freire, of 
Lisbon* She will land also in a port of Galicia or Portugal a man 
well disguised in the garb of a pilgrim. The ship and cargo are 
entirely English property, nothing belongs to the Portuguese who 
ostensibly own her, but to Mr. Cob, Mr. Richard Mayo, his son-in- 
law, and other Englishmen. Even if the goods belonged to the 
Portuguese, it would be well to embargo them, for the latter are all 
heretics, and attend heretic service. When your lordship was here 
perhaps some of them went to mass for their own ends, but none of 
them go now. 

Another English ship, called the " Black Crow," is also going to 
Spain, carrying a false deed of sale and transfer in favour of certain 
Flemings. She is loaded with goods belonging to the same 
Englishmen, but only the master is English. She is consigned to 
Geronimo Pardo. We have all the information here set down from 
good Catholics, and we swear on this cross + that we are writing 
it in all zeal for the service of God and our King. — Iiondon, 
27th February 1588. 

Francisco dk Valverde. 
Pedro de Santa Cruz. 

28 Feb. 230. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King. 

l>ai K ^567 Ve8 ' ^ tne courier was having with my letters of 25th, the new 
confidant informed me that Secretary Pinart would go that same 
day to carry the King's reply to the English ambassador; and as 
neither the news from here nor about English armaments were of 
great importance, I delayed the courier until I could learn the King s 
answer. The substance of it is to point out at great length the 
many attempts that have been made to induce him to take up arms 
against Elizabeth, not only by neighbouring princes, but also by his 
own subjects; but he had always turned a deaf ear to such 
approaches, and opposed them. In return for these good offices 
the King desired the Queen to persuade the prince of Beam to 
submit to him and become a Catholic, in which case the Guises and 
the League would be deprived of excuse for their action or for 
continuing the war ; whilst he (the King) would be able to help her 
against your Majesty. This step should be taken by the Queen as 
if of her own motion, as it was not desirable for the King to request 
her mediation between him and one of his own subjects. The King 
requested the ambassador personally to write warmly to hia mistress 
on the matter, although Pinart, as a private friend, admitted that it 
was a hard thing for the Queen to ask Beam to become a Catholic, 
but he (the ambassador) must press it upon her. The ambassador 
replied that if they were acting straightforwardly his mistress would 
do the same. He would convey the message to her, but he was sure 



she would not like it. Pinart said that he had heard in Spain that 
the Queen was in communication with the duke of Parina, and that 
on this account your Majesty had sent a bastard son of yours to the 
Netherlands, of whose arrival in Genoa the King had received intel- 
ligence. He also heard that the queen of England was determined to 
make peace with your Majesty, but that they (the French) would 
make peace first and at her cost, as your Majesty was beseeching them. 
The ambassador replied that it was hard to believe that the King, 
who was unable to control his own subjects, should be sought by 
your Majesty. His mistress, he said, would gladly be at peace with 
all the world, but if she rnad^ terms with Spain she certainly would 
not run after France. Two ambassadors had gone from Holland, he 
said, to persuade his mistress not to make peace with your Majesty, 
and he understood that they had been put up to it from here. This 
ended the subject, and Pinart complained that the queen of England 
was aiding another levy of reiters. The amba<*sador reminded him 
that he had offered that they (the reiters) should not come to France, 
but his offer had not been accepted ; and he therefore thought that 
they (the French) would be glad for them to come. Pinart replied 
in a rage, " The devil take them ; why did not they stay in Lorraine, 
where they could have done what was required ? " It is evident, 
from this reply of Pinart's, that what I wrote to your Majesty 
before was true, namely; that this King was gkd for a German 
heretic army to have come. The new confidant heard all this from 
both of them, and he assured me that this King has written to his 
ambassador in England to prevent the Queen from making peace 
with your Majesty. I have written to Julio in answer to his 
question as to how he should act in these matters, and what course 
he should lead them into. I point out to him how little the Queen 
can trust the French ; in order to prevent any agreement to 
disturb your Majesty, or for this King to help the Queen. — Paris, 
28th February 1588. 

28 Feb. 231. Bernardino de Mbndoza to the King. 

^ aI K.^568. Ve8 ' Since writing about England on the 25th, I have advices from 

a person who left London on the 14th, and was on board the fleet 
that the Admiral has at Queenborough. He confirms from his 
own observation that the Queen's ships were so ruinous that they 
had not dared to tell her their condition, and that over a thousand 
of the men who were to go with the Admiral are still on shore. He 
had ready 15 Queen's ships, 19 merchantmen, and some pinnaces. 
In order to arm the Queen's ships they had taken every gun out of 
the Tower of London, and they even brought down the pieces which 
were mounted on the White Tower, as they call it. The Queen's 
arsenals and all the country were very short of powder. It was not 
known in London on the 14th whether Drake had sailed. He 
had orders to do so, but it was said he could not put to sea till the 
end of February. 

The Queen had ordered Grenville (an Englishman, who, as I have 
informed your Majesty, has several times gone On plundering 
voyages, and was lately on the coast of Spain) to remain with 



20 merchantmen and pirate ships on the English coast opposite 

The intelligence I have obtained from the man verbally is con- 
firmed by letters I have received, and also that it was being said 
that if the Queen had to continue to maintain her two fleets, she 
would be obliged to levy fresh taxes on the merchants to pay for 

The new confidant assures me that Drake has not left. 

In case an enemy should succeed in landing, the Queen had 
arranged that Lord Grey should raise 30,000 men in Sussex, and 
a similar number should be collected by Colonel Norris in the 
midlands ; whilst Lord Huasdon is to gather men on the Scottish 
border. The only step they have taken yet towards forming these 
three armies is to warn their militia for service, the men remainiug 
in their homes in the meanwhile. They think that before any 
enemy could land they would have time to muster their forces. 

Two commissioners from the rebel States had arrived from 
Zeeland to tell the Queen that they did not wish her to treat with 
your Majesty in their name, and to request her to give up to them 
the fortresses they had handed over to her, to make peace* and they 
would defend them. 

The Commissioners from the Queen to the duke of Parma had 
already been despatched, and were to meet at Dover on the 16th to 
embark.— Paris, 28th February 1588. 

28 Feb. 232. Duke of Parmi to Juan de Idiaquez. 

Estado, 394. j am aux i OU8 iy awaiting letters from the King and your Lordship 
to learn what is to be done in his Majesty's service, as the time is 
getting on so rapidly. I will only now remind you of the im- 
portance of the question of money, and of its timely supply, both 
for the purpose of fulfilling the engagements entered into with 
merchants, and for the maintenance of the preparations already 
made, if we are to avoid the trouble and inconvenience which 
otherwise will, as usual, be caused, f I have set forth all this fully 
in my other despatches, to which I refer you. 

28 Feb. 233. Robekt Bruce to Bernardino de Mendoza. 

rari K A i r 567 Ve8 ' ^he heretics of the English faction omit no ruse that the devil 
French, himself could design to destroy the Catholics, from the smallest to 
the greatest. The Catholic lords, the better to defend themselves 
and divert suspicion, have formed a league with divers earls and 
barons, who, although heretics, are discontented with the present 
management of affairs. Reform in the administration is now the 
professed aim of all our enterprise, until the arrival of your support 
enables us to promote openly the Catholic religion. The elder Lord 

* In the King's hand : — " This does not fit in here." The position of the words is 
evidently wrong, doubtless by a mistake if the decipherer. They should follow the word 
u name." 

t In the King's hand : — •• This is the matter which gives me the keenest anxiety. 
" But in this and in all things, unless the weather frustrates us, I have firm hope in 
" God." 


1 588. 

Hamilton* especially displays great fervency in th e defence of the 
earl of Huntly, his nephew, and has brought with him for that 
purpose a great following of heretics, who will embark with us so 
far, by God's grace, that they will be unable to turn back when it 
becomes a question of our holy Catholic religion. We have shown 
Lord- Hamilton that the opponents' design is to dismember his house, 
in order to ruin it more easily afterwards. First, they began 
against the earl of Morton, his cousin, and now they are persecuting 
his nephew (Huntly) and Lord Henries* Several heretic lords have 
adhered to the earl of Huntly, and have promised to obtain liberty 
of conscience through him, but Lord Hamilton has bound himself 
further than this by oath in my presence, promising that if the earl 
of Huntly can obtain adequate support for the purpose, he and bis 
adherents will join him against England. We therefore only await 
the promised support to do our duty worthily, and we pray you to 
hasten its coming. In case it cannot be sent at once, we beg you to 
send a good sum of money to help us to hold out, which money 
shall only be employed in raising soldiers. Perhaps also you would 
send what Bailly and I had in Paris ; it would help to a certain 


Some harquebusses and morrions also are wanted. 

Postcript, 6th March. — I am going to the Court to-morrow, and 
will there use my best efforts with God's grace to forward the 
Catholic faith and the interests of his Catholic Majesty. 

2 March. 234. Count de Olivares to the Kino. 

° 9 * I explained to his Holiness the reasons for the delay in the 
sailing of the Armada, the difficulties in getting so large a fleet 
together, etc., and assured him that your Majesty was in hope that 
it would now shortly be at sea with good expectations of success, 
having regard to the means that had been adopted. But T said 
the greatness of the necessary preparations had involved very vast 
expenditure, and the future charge thereupon would be corre- 
spondingly heavy. This was said in terms conformable to your 
Majesty's letter to me. In the best terms that I could devise, so as 
not to run counter to his humour, and provoke a flat refusal, I dwelt 
upon this point of the loan of the second million. He replied in 
general terms, pointing out how extraordinary and unprecedented 
had been the aid he had already extended to the expedition, but 
holding me in some hope that he would accede to our request, but 
without pledging himself in any way, although I tried every 
possible artifice to induce him to do so. Seeing that I could do no 

more I % turned his words to the best advantage 

, appearing to be quite satisfied with them, taking 

care to give him no opportunity to abate the hopes 

I cast myself at his feet, and said I would write to your Majesty 
to send the bond (for the loan) hither. But • still 

* Lord John Hamilton, Lord Arbroath. , 

t Apparently some funds, perhaps for travelling or other expenses, at the disposal of 
Charles Bailly and Bruce. 
J The document is much mutilated at the edges. 

i 95498. 



he showed me the customary favour of embracing me. I can assure 
your Majesty that this was the only course to pursue With him, such 
is his temper. If I had pressed him further on the matter at that 
time I should have got but a flat refusal. Although I have brought 
bim so far, I beseech your Majesty not to depend upon anything 
being obtained from him. I think it will be advisable for your 
Majesty, however, to send the bond, as I shall continue to work 
upon the foundation I have laid, and shall do my best to induce him 
to lend the money, or at least some portion of it. The coming of 
the bond for the whole sum will strengthen my hands. With regard 
to the details of the arrangement, I am satisfied that the Pope will 
expect good security, and I accordingly conferred with John Agustin 
(Pinelli), and asked him what guarantees he thought would be 
required. He said he thought the security of the barons or bankers 
in Naples would be demanded. I hardly know what to think of 
this. The barons might, perhaps, be settled with in accordance 
with memorandum enclosed herewith. Juan Agustin thinks that 
the Pope would not accept the security of the Genoese merchants, 
however high their credit might be. He (i.e., Pinelli) thinks the 
Pope would ask for security for a sum somewhat exceeding the 
amount of the loan, but it is impossible to lay down precise rules for 
that at present, "and the point cannot be submitted to his Holiness 
at this juncture for fear of frustrating the whole business. It will 
be necessary for your Majesty to have full instructions sent to me 
for every eventuality, and I will follow them implicitly. I have 
thought of the plan of offering the barons a counter indemnity to 
secure them against loss, without which I fear it will not be easy to 
obtain so large a sum as this. As soon as certain intelligence comes 
of the landing of the force from the Armada, every possible diligence 
shall be exercised in arranging for the duke of Parma to have 
prompt command of the million subsidy, and John Agustin will 
certainly do his best in this according to his promise. He, however, 
is careful to avoid promising anything on the Pope's behalf, as he 
is of opinion that no money will be obtained from his Holiness until 
intelligence is received of the landing of the force. As they have 
learnt that the duke of Parma is engaged in the negotiations 
mentioned in your Majesty's letter, and that the whole of the 
nobility of Spain is flocking to the Armada, they are of opinion 
that the real object of your Majesty is to make peace ; and nothing 
I can say will induce the Pope to think otherwise. The small 
amount of credit they give to us is the measure that we should mete 
out to them. 

It will be necessary for your Majesty also to send directions as to 
the duration of the loan, which cannot be very short, but should be 
made as short as possible. His Holiness will, I am afraid, not be 
very free-handed either on this point ; although he has the money, 
and will only want it to return to the Castle.* As I wrote to Don 
Juan de Idiaquez, he is so fond of money that he would rather lose 
the interest than let it go out of the Castle. 


* The castle of Sant'Angelo, where the Papal treasury was kept. 



I can assure your Majesty that there are very few people in Rome 
who believe that anything will be got from him towards the enter- 
prise, and when it is made public that he is to give a subsidy of a 
million they will look upon it as something phenomenal, great as 
are the reasons for his giving it. It would l>e well for your 
Majesty to send me proper authority to receive this million, and 
give a legal receipt. His Holiness consented to grant the jubilee, 
and I hope he will execute it at the first consistory, in order that it 
may be done with greater solemnity, as it will be the beginning of 
Lent. I had not hitherto mentioned it, as I had no orders to bring 
it forward until the arrival of intelligence that the enterprise had 
commenced. It was necessary also for your Majesty to instruct me 
that no details are to be entered into at the jubilee, because in 
accordance with clause 3 of your Majesty's letter of 26th August, I 
caused Allen some time ago to draw up the memorandum with the 
justifications of the enterprise. This, however, will be useful for 
the "legate's " bull, if your Majesty has no objection. Not a word 
shall be said about the succession and investiture until your Majesty 
orders. From what the people will learn as soon as this is ratified 
in the consistory, they will understand that it is not your Majesty's 
intention to keep the Crown of England for yourself, and this will 
avoid the difficulties which might arise if such an impression gained 
ground. Perhaps it might be best to defer any other action on this 
point until your Majesty decides and announces whom the Infanta I 

is to marry. 

In accordance with your Majesty's orders, Allen shall be given 
enough money to take him to Flanders as speedily as possible. If 
his Holiness can be prevailed upon to defer his appointment as 
legate until his arrival he will be able to go the more speedily, and 
the appointment to Canterbury could aldo be deferred.-— Rome, 
2nd March 1587. 

2 March. 235. Advices from Scotland, 2nd March 1588 (N.S.). 

"k. i567. VeS ' Guerth,* a gentleman follower of the earl of Huntly, killed a 
brother of the Earl Mariscbal, and took refuge under the protection 
of the earl of Huntly. The King sent orders to Huntly on pain of 
death for treason to give up the said Guerth and James Gordon of the 
Society of Jesus, uncle of the Earl. The earl of Huntly took time 
to warn his friends, and the earls of Huntly, Crawford, Montrose, 
Caithness, and other nobles of the North met • at Dunfermline with 
600 horse, whilst Lord Arbroath (Hamilton), Lord Claude Hamilton, 
Hemes, and Glencairn, united at Linlithgow with. 900 horse. When 
the English faction learned this, they withdrew the King to the town 
of Lisleburg (Edinburgh), and sent to Lord Hunsdon at Berwick 
asking him for money to raise troops, He sent them 2,000 broad 
angels the same day, and they raised 200 harquebussiera, by whom 
the King wrote to Lord Arbroath (Hamilton), ordering him to 

* The laird of Gicht, who had murdered Keith. In a letter from Robert Douglas to 
Archibald Douglas, 2nd February (Hatfield Papers, Part III), it is stated that the real 
object of Huntly's gathering was not to see justice done to hw kinsman, the laird of 
Gicht, but to attempt to seise the King. In view of the letter from Brace to Mendosa 
of 1 8th February, ante, there can be no longer any doubt that this was the caae. 

P 2 



return home under paiu of high treason. He replied that he would 
do so, and that his discontent only aro?e from seeing the office of 
Lord Chancellor in the hands of so inferior a person as now held it ; 
and that without any just* cause he (Lord Arbroath) had been 
deprived of the office of Lieutenant of the West, and the earl of 
Huntly of that of Lieutenant of the North. The King replied that 
the matter should be considered, and they therefore returned home. 
The King has ordered Huntly to come to court with only 30 horse, 
but he has refused, saying that he could not come without security. 

6 March. 236. The King to Bernardino de Mendoza. 

Paris ArchiTes, [EXTRACT.] 

What you say about the negotiations between the King (of 
France) and the English is of great importance. Tou will do your 
tost to get at the bottom of them by the same means as you 
learnt of thera. So far as Julio, without risk of discovery, can give 
details of his instructions, you will endeavour, through the new 
confidant, to induce him to do so. Let the new confidant add, as 
of his own accord, that the only object of the French is to pacify 
their own country, and that they will trouble themselves very little 
about any other interest after they have attained their own ends, 
particularly as they make no secret of the fact that the Huguenot 
war has been fomented in England, and are secretly very resentful 
thereat. Some of them, indeed, have suggested that it would not 
be bad for France to come to an agreement with Spain to make 
war jointly on England, and to divide the prize between them. 
Suspicion of the French may thus be engendered, and it may be 
suggested that the safest course for England would be to come to 
terms with Spain, from which the French are desirous of diverting 
them. You will arrange for these things, or all that is possible of 
them, to be whispered in their (the English) ears. Try also to 
discover what is being proposed by the French ambassador in 

The matter of the Scottish Catholics and the earl of Morton is 
being well managed. On the next opportunity thank them very 
warmly again from me for their offers, and encourage them earnestly 
to persevere in their good intentions. You will defer the answer 
about the men and money they request until the fitting time 
arrives, but will keep them (the Scottish Catholics) in very good 
humour the meanwhile. — Madrid, 6th March 1588. 

Note. — In the margin the King expresses his approval of the earl 
of Mortons going to Scotland as he suggests. 

1 1 March. 237. Advices from London (from Antonio de Vega ?). 

(N.S.) J wrote at length on the 15th ultimo. 
Pam Arohives, pj.^ Commissioners ha V e gone over, but little hope is entertained 
Portuguese, here of their effecting anything. The Queen, however, is more 
desirous of peace than ever. The commissioners from Holland are 
dispatched ; they were told that the sending of the peace Commis- 
sioners from here was only to hear what the duke of Parma had to 
say, and that nothing should be done to their (i.e. t the States') 
prejudice. The Queen is trying to arrange matters in Scotland, 




and has sent thither Robin Cary, the son of Lord Hunsdon. He 
has not yet gone beyond Berwick, Their only hope is in the 
chancellor of Scotland, who is devoted to the English, and governs 
the King absolutely. The Queen sent Rogers, clerk of the Council, 
to Denmark, three months ago, to renew her friendship with tbat 
King, and give excuses for certain arrests of ships here because 
they were carrying munitions of war to Spain. Rogers, at the 
same time, was to impede (?) the marriage which is being discussed 
between the king of Scotland and the daughter of the king of 
Denmark, and to induce the latter to send someone hither to rectify 
the same* (sic). The King sent back with Rogers, as his am- 
bassador, a Scottish captain who serves him as Vice- Admiral. The 
Queen has made much of him, and gives out that he has come to 
her with offers, in order to make people think tbat she is not 
without friends. But I know that he has pressed upon her, in the 
name of his master, the great importance of her coming to terms 
with the king of Spaiu, and the risk she runs if she does not do so. 
Drake's fleet has not sailed, but is ready. The Admiral is at Dover 
with his ships, excepting only those which carried the Commissioners 
across. Don Antonio is sad, and wishes to get away, but cannot 
do so for lack of money. In order to do so the more easily, he 
went yesterday with only three persons to a pleasure house eight 
miles from London for a week, without telling anyone where he 
was going.* He acted in this way so that the Queen. and others 
may not think it strange if he considers it necessary to absent 
himself.f Leiton, who was said to have gone to Barbary, has 
really gone to Portugal. A sailor named Francisco Ferreira came 
hither last year, and took from here some Englishmen in two ships 
to the River Gambia, near Cape de Verde, and they recently came 
back with much ivory and skins. These Englishmen had agreed to 
give to Don Antonio 8,000 cruzadoe, and, with the permission of 
the Queen, a patent is granted to them by which for ten years no 
persons but they shall go from England to that country.J Two of 
their ships will leave here in May for the same place, conducted by 
the same Portuguese. It would be very easy to have them captured 
from Cape de Verde Island, which is only 100 leagues from the 
place. I will in due time advise particulars of the ships. 

15 March. 238. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King. 

Par K.^ C 68. Ve8 ' There is nothing fresh since my last about the audience of the 

English ambassador with the King. They are waiting for the 
Queen's reply. 

I have written to Julio about the levies in Germany and the stay 
of Don Antonio in England, so that he may act as your Majesty 
instructs in both cases, in accordance with the points I have given 

* Daniel Rogers' instructions (Hatfield Papers, Part III.) do not contain any reference 
whatever to the proposed marriage of James. Rogers was to condole withthe Regents 
and the young king Christian IV. (a minor), on the death of the late king Frederick II., 
and apologise for certain outrages on Danish subjects committed by English 

f The King calls special attention to this passage. 
J In the King's hand :— " Give notice of this." 




At the same time Sampson is taking steps with Don Antonio, 
and has communicated with the English ambassador in order that 
* he may write. 

I have news from Julio of the 19th ultimo, reporting that 
the Treasurer told him that the Commissioners were already at 
Dover, prepared to embark in spite of" every effort against it, and 
this on the faith of the signature of the duke of Parma, sent to 
them secretly. They depend upon the Duke much more than your 
Majesty for the conclusion of peace, but keep this a profound 

Drake was being hurried off, but the new confidant advises that 
If he did not sail before they got the news of the death of the 
marquis de Santa Cruz he believes that he will not sail, on account 
of the negotiations in progress, and also because the (English) 
ambassador here thinks that the Armada cannot sail before the end 
of April owing to the death of the Marquis. 

Julio is also of opinion that the Admiral will not sail from Queen- 
borough until they see what movement is made by the duke of 
Parma's fleet, and that if Drake sails it will only be with the ships 
he now has. The fear of your Majesty's forces in Flanders will 
prevent Drake and the Admiral from uniting their fleets. Both 
upon this subject and others, I judge that Julio is doing his best to 
keep me well informed of everything that appears important, 
and I use every effort to obtain intelligence from other quarters 
as well. 

Julio also informs me that the Treasurer tells him that they 
have brought Scottish affairs to a favourable position ; and he gives 
the details on the subject which are set forth in the general letter. 
The duke of Parma has sent Colonel Semple to me here, and has 
written me the enclosed letter. (See Letter, Parma to Mendoza, end of 
January, page 201.) Bearing in mind the very small effect produced 
upon the king of Scotland by the messages your Majesty sent him 
by the archbishop of Glasgow and Bruce, and the close intimacy 
which the Treasurer tells Julio exists between him and the queen 
of England, I do not consider that the going of Colonel Semple 
would have any other result than to arouse the English faction and 
the king of Scotland to opposition and distrust of the Catholic 
nobles, and to prevent the latter from raising head. For this 
purpose they might utilise the forces the Queen has upon the 
frontier under Lord Hunsdon, who is devoted to the (Scottish) 
Chancellor and his party. My opinion is shared by the earl of 
Morton and Semple, with whom I have discussed the matter. I am 
advising the duke of Parma of this ; and that the earl of Morton is 
ready to go to Scotland whenever he may receive instructions to do 
so. As soon as he arrives there he will take up arms in union with 
the other Catholic nobles, either against the Scottish heretics, or 
for the purpose of crossing the English border ; or else they will 
remain with their forces in their own lands for the purpose of 
preventing the king of Scotland and the heretics from giving any 
aid to the queen of England. The moment the Earl . receives 
instructions from me, he will leave here to put into execution one of 
these three plans, always with the object of converting thte realm 



(Scotland) to the Catholic faith, and your Majesty's service. Whea 
he departs, he says that Colonel Semple can accompany him, an( j 
they will both land in the north of Scotland, where the earl of 
Huntly and Lord Claude Hamilton are, and then resolve whether it 
will be advisable or not for the Colonel to undertake the mission to 
the King which the duke of Parma suggests. As the Duke signifies 
that, if the Colonel is to go, be should do so with all speed (and if 
he had the ship freighted, and a wind " up his sleeve," he could not 
make the voyage in less than six weeks), I have decided to write to 
the Duke in the same sense as I now write to your Majesty. I am 
also pointing out that, owing to the suspicion felt here that your 
Majesty may be carrying on some negotiation in Scotland, it will be 
very unadvisable to freight a ship in a French port, or for the earl 
of Morton and Semple to embark therefrom. I recommend that 
the Duke should have a small vessel ready for them in Dunkirk 
when it is desirable that they should go, and they could start 
from Gravelines at night, and embark safely, which they could not 
do in the Channel as it is crowded with English ships. The 
voyage from Dunkirk to Scotland is much shorter and safer than 
from any other port at which Morton could embark. I will 
report to your Majesty the Duke's reply. I also tell the Duke that 
if he orders Bruce to pay to the Catholic lords the 10,000 crowns he 
holds, as soon as Morton arrives, it will enable them without fail 
to commence their movement at once. — Paris, 15th March 1588. 

15 March. 239. Bernakdino de Mendoza to the King. 
K. 1568. ' In accordance with your Majesty's orders of 18th, I am usii 

every effort to penetrate the designs of the English armaments, an< 
although the assertion that Drake was going to the coast of Spain 
may well give rise to the suspicion that he had some other object in 
view, Drake has always promised the Queen to try to destroy the 
Armada in Lisbon, and says that, even if he could not completely 
undo it, he would do so much damage on the coast of Spain as to 
force your Majesty not to send your fleet to sea. Some persons are 
of opinion that Drake's preparations are for the purpose of capturing 
the ships leaving Lisbon for the East Indies, but this is unlikely, as 
it is certain that they would not go out unescorted, now that your 
Majesty is so strongly armed ; and even if Drake wished to lay in 
wait fot them beyond Terceira * it would be taking the Queen's 
forces too far away at such a time as this. Differences of opinion in 
the Council as to whether Drake should be allowed to sail or not 
have delayed him, together with the fact that he could not be ready 
so quickly as was expected. By letters from England of 19th and 
21st ultimo, I learn that the Queen had ordered Drake to hasten his 

The English peace Commissioners were, on the 19th, at Dover 
ready to cross, and Dr. Rogers had been appointed in the place of 
Paulet. Rogers is not considered a man of much understanding. 
Howard was also going. Some representatives of the merchants 
and adventurers were accompanying the Commissioners. The sittings 

* In the King's hand— "He is not well informed as to the route." 



were to be held at Bourbourg, a league from Gravelines, and they 
expect to be there two or three months, as they will have to await a 
reply from Spain. The Admiral was at Queenborough, and would 
accompany the Commissioners with some armed ships till they 
arrived on the Flemish coast. 

The commissioners from Holland (Loze and Councillor Casimbrot) 
had had an interview with the Queen's Council, her Majesty herself 
having declined to receive them, putting them off by saying that 
she had to receive Archibald Douglas, the Scots ambassador, and the 
Danish envoy. 

The mission of the Dutch commissioners was to urge the Queen 
not to make peace with your Majesty, informing her that if she did 
so they would not accept it unless they were granted freedom of 
conscience, and maintained in all their ancient privileges, the 
(foreign) troops being withdrawn from the country. They said 
without these terms, even if the Queen gave up to your Majesty 
Flushing and the rest of the fortresses she held, they had solemnly 
sworn to defend themselves until the end of their lives. These 
commissioners came over from Flushing with Daniel Rogers, who 
was on his way back from Denmark, in company with an envoy 
from the king of Denmark, a Scotsman, who had been sent to treat 
of Scottish affairs and the marriage of the king of Scots with the 
daughter of the king of Denmark. Things in Scotland were 
favourable, the King being attached to the Queen (of England) who 
had sent to Scotland Robert Caiy, son of Lord Hunsdon. 

I send enclosed copy of a letter I have received from some 
Spanish prisoners in England,* in which they say nothing of 
Drake's having sailed. This King's ambassador, under date of 
2nd March (N.S.), says he had not sailed at that date. Paris, 
15th March 1588. 

18 March. 240. Count de Olivares to the King. 

Kstado, 950. . _ 

Since I wrote to your Majesty on the 2nd instant, the Pope has 
withdrawn, on the most absurd pretexts in the world, the promise 
he made to me that he would at once proclaim a jubilee. With 
great trouble, and after an infinity of controversy, with which I will 
not tire your Majesty, I had induced him to consent to grant it at 
once, and to publish it in the Consistory of the 16th instant; so 
that it could be gained in Holy week, and timely notice might thus 
arrive in all parts. As I could get nothing more from him than this 
I was obliged to content myself with it, but when he arrived at the 
Consistory he began with a great preamble about the conversion of 
the Swiss, the king of France's preparations for the spring, &c., and 
said that, in order that God's blessing might rest upon these and 
other things, he had decided to grant a jubilee which might be 
gained in Rome and elsewhere in Christendom at Whitsuntide. I 
was perfectly thunderstruck. I informed him that I had written 
to your Majesty, saying that he had consented to grant the jubilee 
at once, and I showed him your Majesty's own statement that it 
could not be further postponed. I was sure, I said, that if his 

* See Statement of Francisco Valverde and Pedro de Santa Cruz, 27th February, page 219 




Holiness did not so grant it, it was because he did not desire to help 
your Majesty at such an hour of need as this, or did not believe your 
Majesty's statement that the time had arrived. There is no possible 
answer to this, and he could find none. I shall speak to him to- 
morrow ; but I do not yet know in what terms, for it is enough 
to drive me out of my wits to see the way in which he acts. The 
day after to-morrow, at the church of Santiago, the forty hours' 
prayer will commence ; next Sunday at the church of the 
Aragonese; and the Sunday following in the church of the 
Portuguese. I will try to get the celebration continued in all 
the churches here frequented by your Majesty's subjects, and I will 
remind the governor of Milan and the viceroys of Naples and Sicily 
to do likewise. If I cannot persuade the Pope to expedite the 
jubilee, I will not send a courier to your Majesty, as there will then 
be no hurry. With regard to the loan, I told his Holiness in my 
audience of the 5th, that I had sent to your Majesty for the security. 
He replied in fair but equivocal terms that left me nothing to take 
hold of, and when I attempt to press him, he eludes me. This, and 
the grief he exhibits now that the time has nearly arrived for him 
to pay the million, fills me with anxiety that I shall have smaJ 
chance of success in obtaining the second million. I am even in 
fear that the first million will not be met with exact punctuality ; 
and I beg your Majesty not to depend upon anything but my 
untiring efforts to obtain the first million as quickly as possible, and 
as much of the second million as can be obtained. Since the 
28th ultimo, when he learnt that the affair was really in earnest, 
and that the moment was approaching when he would have to 
disburse his million, his extreme and extraordinary perturbation is 
evident to everybody. The things he says about it are very strange ; 
he does not sleep at night; his manners to all are more than 
ordinarily abrupt ; he talks to himself, and generally conducts 
himself most shamefully. One of the reasons he depends upon most 
for saying that the time has not come for proclaiming the jubilee, 
is, that they forced him to elevate Allen, and that he has spent a 
mint of money on him; whereas, really, all he has given is a 
thousand ducats for his outfit, and a hundred a month for his 
maintenance. I say all this to show that the fear I express is not 
without reason. 

He is also talking about his rights over the English bishoprics and 
other things. I have just received a letter from Don Bernardino 
de Mendoza, dated 27th ultimo, in which he advises me of a certain 
letter from the late queen of Scotland to his Holiness, which is sent 
through Cardinal Mondovi. He urges me to do my best to prevent 
the letter from being lost, and to follow instructions I shall receive 
from your Majesty. He does not enter into particulars. I will see 
about the letter to-morrow, and advise. — Rome, 18th March 1588. 

20 March. 241. Duke of Parma to the. King. 

Estado, 594. B e f ore i i e ft Brussels news came through merchants that the 
queen of England's Commissioners for the peace negotiations had 
embarked to come hither. One of them had put into Dunkirk, 
where he had been welcomed by the Commandant, Francisco <Je 



Aguilar Alvarado, and had proceeded by land to Nieuport, where 
he had also been fittingly received and had continued his journey to 
Ostend, where the rest of the Commissioners had landed. It was 
very evident that, although they had decided to come to your 
Majesty's dominions for the conferences, their intention was that 
the first interviews should take place between Ostend and one of 
the towns in your Majesty's possession.* I had already summoned 
Count de Aremberg and M. do Champigny, who were at Antwerp, 
and I brought hither with me President Richardot, Maes the fiscal 
of Brabant, and Secretary Gamier, that they might be at hand to go 
to the place agreed upon for the meeting. In the meanwhile there 
arrived, sent by the (English) Commissioners, a gentleman whose 
sister is married to the eldest son of the earl of Derby. His errand 
was to tell me that they had arrived at Ostend and were ready to 
enter into negotiations with me, and at the same time to thank me 
for the welcome that Crofts had received in your Majesty's 
dominions.! The gentleman performed his errand with every 
appearance of submission, and of a desire to conduct the negotiations 
to the successful issue which the Queen and the Commissioners really 
seem to aim at if they meet with a corresponding desire here. I 
replied in a way that appeared to satisfy him, and as I thought it 
fitting that their visit should be returned, I sent Secretary Gamier, 
who speaks languages and possesses the necessary ability, to 
accompany the gentleman back and to ascertain their views as 
to where and when the first meeting should take place. With him 
T sent a disguised engineer to reconnoitre the place (Ostend). From 
the discourse he (Gamier) had on the road with the gentleman, he 
gathered that they were extremely desirous of peace and were in 
great ajarm of your Majesty's power. On Garnier's arrival they 
welcomed him very warmly, always speaking of your Majesty with 
great respect and decorum, and expressed all due satisfaction at 
Garnier's visit. These feelings were demonstrated individually and 
jointly by the Commissioners, and proved their and the Queen's wish 
for peace to be concluded; which, indeed, is the general desire. 
They signify that if the negotiations be not successful it will not 
be from any fault of theirs, their only doubt being your Majesty's 
attitude in the matter, and that you may impose such hard terms 
that they will be unable to bear them. If the negotiations do not 
fall through on this point they think they will be successful. From 
the discourse of the gentleman who came hither, and some of the 
others, it is evident that they are in fear about the question of 
guarantees ; and guess that the only security they will obtain is 

* A great mass of the correspondence of the English peace Commissioners with the 
Queen's Ministers, giving a detailed account of their proceedings, will be found in 
Cotton MSS. Veep. CVIII. Although the papers in question do not come within the 
scope of the present Calendar, it has been considered advisable to summarise one or two 
of them in which Parma's expressions are repeated. The whole correspondence should, 
however, be studied side by side with the Spanish papers here reproduced. A very fair 
account of the meetings of the Commissioners on both sides will also be found in Strada. 

f The Commissioners from England were the earl of Derby, Lord Cobham, and Sir 
James Crofts, the Controller of the Household ; lo whom were attached the Masters of 
Requests, Valentine Dale and Rogers. Crofts having been secretly a Spanish paid agent 
had no hesilatiou in landing at the Spanish port of Dunkirk, whilst the re&t of Commissioners 
landed at Ostend, which port was now in possession of the States. 



your Majesty's promise, which they think will be insufficient for 
them, on the ground that on the pretext of religion, and with the 
authority of the Pope, the promise may be broken when it is con- 
sidered desirable. Gamier tells me that he replied straightfowardly 
and fittingly, us he had been instructed to do. With regard to the 
place for the first meeting they (the Commissioners) said they would 
consider the question, and would send one of their number to discuss 
it with me. Dr. Dale, one of the Masters of Requests, accordingly 
arrived here on Friday afternoon, and departs to-morrow. He is 
one of the Queen's prime favourites and resides in the palace. He 
was here during the time of my mother* and has been ambassador 
in France. He is an old man, stout and heavy, and was very well 
accompanied bither, bringing with him, amongst others, a son of 
Lord Treasurer Burleigh, and a son of Crofts the Controller. He has 
been as well lodged and entertained as possible, and I think he will 
depart well satisfied. They wished the first meeting to be held at 
Ostend, although they have from the first admitted that the place 
was inappropriate for it, but they have let it be seen that they would 
come into your Majesty's dominions. They base their demand for 
Ostend on the ground that it had been agreed before they came that 
the conference should be held on any part of your Majesty's territory 
they might choose, and as Ostend is contained therein they select 
that place. This pretension was soon rejected, and they will no 
doubt agree to hold the first interview between Ostend and one of 
the neighbouring towns belonging to your Majesty, where a final 
arrangement may be made as to the place for the regular 
conferences-t They have requested me to sei}d some person to 
Ostend to settle the business, and as nothing will be lost by my 
doing so, I am sending Gamier. Dale requested to be allowed to see 
the powers of the Commissioners on our side, but he was informed 
that at the proper time they would be produced. He was told that 
as we assumed that they (the English Commissioners) were 
properly authorised, they might conclude that our Commissioners 
were also similarly provided. I said they knew they could trust to 
my word, but if they had any doubt about it I reminded them of 
what your Majesty had written to the king of Denmark on the 
subject, namely, that you left the matter entirely in my handaf 
He (Dale) seemed entirely satisfied with this. To judge from the 
private approaches he made towards certain persons he thought 
likely to help him, trying to enlist them in the interests of peace, it 
is quite evident that they are desirous of carrying the negotiations 
** - * * * 

* See Volume 1 of this Calendar for particulars of Valentine Dale's mission to 
Margaret of Parma. 

t The first meetings were held in tents erected by Parma in an extensive plain between 
Ostend and Nieuport 

X The king of Denmark had sent an ambassador to Spain in the spring of 1587, 
offering his mediation in the interests of peace. To the address of the ambassador 
Philip replied by a long letter to Denmark, which is printed entire by Strada, who says that 
he had it in his hands. A copy of this letter was sent to Parma, and the whole question 
of peace ostensibly referred to him. " J^bandonne," says Philip, " toute l'aftaire a 
M mon cousin le Prince de Panne, souverain Gouverneur de incs Provinces des Pays Baa 
«« et je lui mande qu'il ne s'eloignc pas de la raison, si le parti contraire veut agir selon 
" lcs regies de la raison." In answer to the king of Denmark's letter to Parma on the 
subject, the latter requested him to send ambassadors to treat of the mediation, but 
nothing further was done, Frederick II. shortly afterwards dymg. 



to a successful issue, and this is confirmed by the intelligence 
received from all parts. It is, however, difficult to fathom the 
real aims of men when they set about to deceive. Your Majesty, 
in any case, shall be kept well informed. It is well that your 
Majesty should be advised of what is being said about the question 
of peace by people here, and particularly by those who profess to be 
most devoted to your Majesty, and most desirous of the repose and 
prosperity of your dominions. I should be failing in my duty if I 
did not inform your Majesty that the general opinion is, that if the 
English proceed straightforwardly, as they profess to do, and their 
alarm at your Majesty's armaments and great power really compels 
them to incline to your Majesty's interests, it would be better to 
conclude peace with them. By this means we should end the 
misery and calamity of these afflicted States, the Catholic religion 
would be established in them, and your ancient dominion restored ; 
besides which, we should not jeopardise the Armada which your 
Majesty has prepared, and we should escape the danger of some 
disaster, causing you to fail to conquer England, whilst losing your 
hold here. People here, therefore, think, that it would be much 
best to try in future to settle and tranquillize everything during 
your Majesty's own happy reign, so that all may prosper by the 
grace of God and your Majesty's goodness. • No fate more honour- 
able and beneficent can at present befall, no step would be so 
heartily welcomed by your vassals, or would more effectually bridle 
your rivals, and particularly the heretics, than the conclusion of a 
good and honourable peace. This would avoid the risk of the 
disasters that may happen. If the enterprise were in the condition 
we had intended it to be, with respect to the vital point of 
secresy, etc., we might, with the help of God, look more confidently 
for a successful issue. I do not know in such case that I should 
^ trouble your Majesty with what is being said \ipon the subject. 

But things are not as we intended ; and not only have the English 
had time to arm by land and sea, and to form alliances with 
Denmark, and the Protestants of Germany jaud elsewhere, but the 
French also have taken measures to frustrate our aims, as they 
certainly will dp to the extent of their ability. I have therefore 
felt constrained to represent to your Majesty, with my usual 
sincerity, what I hear around me. To this I will add, that as they 
(the English) are fully prepared at home and abroad, they are 
doubtless aware of your Majesty's plans, and it may be safely 
concluded that we shall have plenty of work to do, both in landing 
and gaining a footing on shore, and in advancing afterwards, 
particvdarly if we have not a force adequate for the task, now that 
they are prepared to receive us. The forces we now have available 
are so small, that, doubtless, one of the main difficulties with which 
we shall have to contend (even if God spares us from the disasters 
that may happen to us) is, that the affair may necessarily have to 
be still longer dragged out, and the French and Germans con- 
sequently have time to carry forward their intention of opposing 
the undertaking, both by means of a diversion in these States, 
which are so near to them, and also by sending reinforcements to 
England. All these are rratters worthy of deep consideration ; and 



it should not he forgotten also, that after your Majesty has settled 
affairs here, and have the island of Walcheren in your hands, you 
may, with perfect safety, carry out your intention without any 
possibility of interference. As for pretexts and good reasons, your 
Majesty well knows that they are always to be found. I have set 
forth all this that your Majesty may know what is being said, and 
in fulfilment of my duty as a faithful servant, not for the purpose 
of moving your Majesty from your honourable determination. For 
my own part I am ready and willing to carry out my duty, and 
your Majesty's orders, when my passage across is assured ; and I 
can hope for no greater honour than to spend my life in the service 
of God and your Majesty. I have no doubt that, before a reply can 
be received to this despatch the Armada will have arrived, and I, by 
the divine favour, shall have fulfilled your Majesty's commands ; 
but I will not, until I am obliged, desist from the negotiations, so 
that in case the Armada does not come, or any other unforeseen 
accident should prevent the principal enterprise from being carried 
out, your Majesty may be able to choose the course you think fit. 
I greatly doubt, however, being able to entertain the English so 
long as will be necessary for such a contingency as this, as I am not 
able to produce for them a special power from your Majesty, which, 
as usual, they appear to desire before they will enter into the 
discussion of the main points. It is quite possible, therefore, that 
they may break off the negotiations for this reason, which will 
greatly grieve these provinces, as they are now quite confident that 
peace will be made. I will do my best to get over this difficulty ; 
and if the negotiations continue, President Richardot is, as I have 
already informed your Majesty, secretly instructed on all points, 
and the most perfect confidence may be felt that he will carry out 
your Majesty's intentions. If your Majesty decides to send me such 
a power as that referred to, simply for the purpose of exhibition,, 
you may be sure that I will only use it as your Majesty may direct. 
—Ghent, 20th March 1588. 

20 March. 242. Duke of Parma to the Kino. 

Matters generally are proceeding satisfactorily with exception of 
the lamentable and astonishing mortality amongst the troops. This 
is the greatest pity in the world ; so many have died, and so many 
more are still sick. Out of the 28,000 or 30,000 men I hoped to ship, 
in truth I cannot find now more than 17,000. I am endeavouring 
to raise fresh men in Germany. I greatly regret the death of the 
marquis of Santa Cruz. His loss at this juncture is a very serious 
one, as he was so brave a soldier, so experienced a seaman, and your 
Majesty loses in him an efficient minister. But these happenings are 
in the hands of God ; and although the loss of the Marquis will delay 
the sailing of the fleet, it cannot be questioned that God arranges 
all for His greater glory, and for the better success of the 

The choice your Majesty has made of the duke of Medina Sidonia 
is a good one. I will co-operate with him in all plainness and 
sincerity which the iuterests of your Majesty demand, and I hope 
that he, on his side, will act in the same way. 



I will send two good pilots to give him an account of the position 
of affairs here. 

The matter of the enterprise is now so public, and the indications 
both in Spain and here are so clear, that it would serve but 
little purpose to throw people off the scent for me to make a show 
of besieging some fortress. On the contrary, it might lead to our 
losing a lot of men without any result. The only demonstration 
that would be of any use in this particular is the negotiation for 
peace. Many persons think that since the English Commissioners 
have crossed the sea for the purpose of entering into communication 
with us something must come of it. 

With regard to money, I wish to inform yonr Majesty that I am 
in great extremity, as the 400,000 crowns recently raised in Antwerp, 
what with depreciation of money, and other things, only produced 
about 300,000 nett, and this is all spent. I am now without any 
resources at this important juncture, with so many indispensable 
and urgent demands being forced upon me, as I have clearly stated 
to your Majesty on other occasions. 

Juan Bautista de Tassis has been to Antwerp to see whether he 
could make any fresh arrangements, but he returned empty-handed, 
as the merchants refuse to provide any more money. 

This is a matter which demands your Majesty's earnest attention. 
The whole enterprise will be jeopardised, and unless I have money 
to meet requirements here we shall be face to face with a mutiny of 
the men, and irreparable disorders, since the troops are of many 
nationalities. It may be that Qod desires to punish us for our sins 
by some heavy disaster. Even if the Armada supplies me with the 
6,000 Spaniards as agreed — and they are the sinew of the under- 
taking — I shall still have too few troops, as the men here are 
dwindling daily. If I set foot on shore, it will be necessary for us 
to fight battle after battle. I shall, of course, lose men by wounds 
and sickness. I must leave the port and town garrisons strongly 
defended, to keep open my lines of communication ; and in a very 
short time my force will thus be so much reduced as to be quite 
inadequate to cope with the great multitude of enemies, and unable 
to push forward. This would give time to the heretics and other 
rivals of your Majesty to impede the enterprise, and even to bring 
about some great disaster, without my being able to remedy it. An 
almost impossible task cannot be carried out without adequate means, 
and I am obliged, therefore, to press your Majesty, most earnestly, 
to give positive orders that in this most vital matter not the slightest 
neglect or delay shall occur. Not only is it essential that no failing 
should take place in this particular, but your Majesty, on such an 
occasion as this, should be prepared and ready at all points, so that 
your enemies may be unable to thwart you by means of a diversion 
or otherwise, as I have pointed out on other occasions ; and in case 
of any accident or disaster that may happen, your Majesty should 
have a reserve fleet and army ready to go to any place where they 
may be required. The cost that such preparations occasion should 
not be considered, as, saving tho favour of ()od, success mainly 
depends upon expenditure of money. 



I pray your Majesty to pardon my boldness, and to accept all 
I say as prompted only by ray zeal and affection for your service, 
for J cannot keep silent in a matter which I think touches it 
nearly, and may affect the success of your godly designs. — Ghent, 
20th March 1588. 

21 March. 243. Count de Outages to the King. 

Estado, 950. In my interview ^fa the p ope on the iQfa i ns tant, I spoke to 
him about the jubilee, and endeavoured to persuade him to expedite 
it by saying that Whitsuntide would not do for a rogation, but 
might serve for a thanksgiving. But in spite of all my pros and 
cons with him, I could not move him. He insisted that the 
interval ot time was necessary for the authority to arrive at all 
parts of Christendom, and quoted scripture authorities to prove the 
efficacy of united and simultaneous prayer. Cardinal Mondovi has 
informed me that he has in his hands the letter from the queen of 
Scotland, about which Don Bernardino (de Mendoza) wrote to me. 
He says he will not deliver it (to the Pope) until he has spoken to 
me about it. I will keep the matter in view. 

Nothing more has been said about the loan, and I am of opinion 
that we shall have to get the first million from him (the Pope) 
before pressing him further about the loan. I will use all activity 
in this directly we receive news of the landing. We might as well 
cry for the moon as to ask for it before. I am trembling for fear 
that he- may give me many a bitter pill, even before 1 can get 
it, seeing how he seems to love this money. — Rome, 21st March 

21 and 244. Advices from London, 21st March 1588 (N.S.). 

^ xr cT\ Drake is still at Plymouth, not ready to sail, and will'not be so 

• v ^ or a ^ ^ eB0 ^ three weeks. He has 40 ships, six of which belong to 

K. ^567! Ve8, ^ e Q ueen * H e expects 20 more, four of which will be the Queen's, 

but they are still in the Thames ; those he has being mostly small, 

under 80 tans. 

The Admiral is at Margate with only 40 ships. 

If peace be concluded with the king of Spain, Beam will be 
succoured and the king of France disturbed. 

The Catholics here fear that if peace be made they will be totally 
ruined, as the earl of Leicester and his accomplices have only one 
object, namely to disperse the forces that the king of Spain has 
gathered in Spain and Flanders ; the Earl not having the slightest 
intention of fulfilling the articles which may be agreed upon. Let 
the Cardinal (Allen ?) and Sir William Stanley take care they are 
not poisoned, as I can assure you that the matter is being arranged. 

The people in general are very desirous of peace, and if the duke 
of Parma gives the smallest hopes of it, I am certain that all our 
arms will be Jaid down, which will greatly grieve many of our 
companions here, who are just as eager for the sacking of London 
as the Spaniards are. They (the English Catholics) promote the 
Catholic cause on every possible opportunity. The musters of men 
are mostly taking place in Hampshire and towards Cornwall, and 
it is said that if peace be not concluded, Drake will take a good 



number of them on his expedition to Portugal in favour of 
Don Antopio. 

There is much talk about Casimir advancing in person against 
the League in France, the Queen assisting him in money if the 
Spaniard does not come and stop it. — London, 25th March 1588. 

Postscript — An ambassador from Denmark has arrived here, of 
whom they are making as much as possible. Another has come from 
Scotland who is also well received. 

Thirty large vessels, loaded with wheat and other merchandise, 

lately passed between Dover and Calais, bound for Spain. Count 

• de Hollac* had almost got possession of Flushing, and the Lord 

Admiral had therefore gone with all his «hips to put matters in 

order. He has now returned to Margate. 

The common people in Zeeland appear to be devoted to the 
queen of England, bat the States quite the contrary. 

22 March. 245. Portuguese Report from London of the intended attempt 
(N.S.) of Don-Antonio to escape from England attended by Edward 

Paris Archives, PERRIN. 

Portuguese. The writer, a Portuguese, says that he gave information of the 
Pretender's intention to the Queen as soon as he discovered it. 
Orders were at once sent to the Lord Admiral to stop him if he tried 
to go from Dover to Calais. A minute description of the dresses 
and appearance of Don Antonio and Perrin is given, and the writer 
suggests that the duke of Parma should be put on the alert to 
capture them if they succeeded in escaping from an English port. 

Note, — Sampson (i.e., Antonio de Escobar) writes on the 25th March 
that Don Antonio, on plea of illness, has gone to seek rest and 
change at Brentford, all his family and followers remaining in 
London. He mentions that Diego Botello secretly informs him that 
Don Antonio is going to attempt to escape from England, as he in 
apprehensive of the peace negotiations between England and Spain. 
Sampson adds that it would be impossible for him to get away 
without the Queen's license. 

28 March. 246. Advices from London. 

^^^ms'T **' The ministers of the false religion in their preaching frequently 
French, repeat that the king of Spain exercises great tyranny in all his 
dominions, and swears that if he enters England by force of arms 
he will leave no English person alive between the ages of 7 and 70. 

The harbour of Plymouth is badly defended at present, as the 
men have been landed to save the victuals in the ships. Four or 
five pinnaces which had been sent to reconnoitre on the coast of 
Portugal have returned, aud report that the Armada in Portugal 
is as large as any the Emperor Charles V. over raised. It was 
said to be ready to sail, and great fear was consequently felt. The 
Queen has ordered the city of London, under pain of forfeiting all its 
privileges, in addition to providing a large force to defend the city, 
to supply 10,000 men ready to be sent whithersoever may be 
necessary to meet the enemy. 
*-■■' i ■ .I, i. »»,... 

* Hohenlohe. 



Colonel Norris exercises and drills his troops every day in London. 
They are not very handy yet, but will really become so in time. 
There is therefore danger in delay. Colonel Norris recently gave 
the Queen in writing many reasons against entering into peace 
negotiations with the king of Spain, but inciting her to make war 
upon him at all points. 

In Scotland it is said that all are on our side, the King having 
overcome in discussion the members of the Society of Jesus, whom 
he has ordered to leave the country. 

Fitzwilliams has left for Ireland. The Queen is smiling now upon 
the Irish Catholics. 

Note. — The above is accompanied by a Spanish translation made 
by an Englishman, with several corrections in the King's own 

22 March. 247. The Duke of Parma to Bernardino j>e Mendoza. 

K. 15677*^ From what his Majesty and Don Martin de Idiaquez write to you 
about Scotland, I see a desire that the earl of Morton should at once 
go thither ; and as the state of affairs with the Catholics, as related 
by Bruce, makes it necessary for them to look to their own safety, I 
agree that he ought to go. He may therefore come to Gravelines 
quietly with Colonel Semple, and embark at night for Dunkirk, 
where he will find a passage awaiting him and a tit person to help 
and guide him until he can leave the port. With regard to the 
money for Semple 's voyage, as he has been delayed, we will take 
care to provide what will be necessary, and hand it to him here in 
the form most convenient, so that he shall not suffer in any case. 
With regard to his commission*, I approve of the idea of postponing 
the effect of it, or otherwise, in accordance with the decision arrived 
at by the Catholic lords with the earl of Morton after his arrival. 
With regard to one of the three points which it is proposed they 
should take in hand after they have met, and the most desirable one, 
they must be careful to approach the English border with as large a 
force as possible, to make a diversion as soon as they hear that the 
Queen is being pricked elsewhere. The Earl himself should be well 
warned of this before he goes to aid the carrying out of whatever 
orders his Majesty may send me ; since, whilst I am here, he will 
. always find me ready to obey. If orders were sent to me to attempt 
anything, the help of these Catholics would be important, and would 
save expense, besides which, if they supported us, we could effectually 
assist them afterwards. In the meanwhile, on the arrival of the 
Earl, they may make use of the 10,000 ducats which Robert Bruce has 
in his hands ; and you may write to them to that effect in my name. 
They should be urgently shown the importance of assuring the port 
of Little Leith, at least, as it is so convenient for possible future 

30 March. 248. Advices from London (from Antonio db Vega to 

(N.S.) Bernardino de Mendoza.) 

Pa £ A ^ 7 7 s ' Gives an account of Don Antonio's attempted escape from 

Portuguese. Margate, and his return to Court. 

♦ Tliat is to gay, the private mission to James with which it was proposed to entrust him. 
i 95498. Q 



Things are much confused here. Orders have been given for 
10,000 more men to be raised without delay, 6,000 to be employed 
at once, and 4,000 in a week, to be sent out in case of need. All 
the fortresses are being supplied and Drake's fleet reinforced. It 
was settled that he should have 30 ships, but now they have increased 
the number to 48, which are ordered to be ready to sail immediately. 
The orders had been given that the Queen's ships should carry 
less artillery than formerly, to give more room for working the 
guns ; but the full quantity is now being shipped. 

The Queen has made herself absolute mistress of Zeeland ; and 
the States Governors, as they were called, have been turned out. 
Middlebu^g, however, still holds for Count Maurice (of Nassau). 
News from Scotland is tbat the bishop of Dunblane could not 
obtain audience of the King, and consequently spoke with the 
Chancellor, Maitland. He informed him on behalf of the Pope and 
the king of Spain of their intention to take up arms against the 
queen of England, as she was the head and front of all the evils 
which afflicted the Catholic religion, and also because she had so 
unjustly condemned to death the queen of Scotland, the King's 
mother. For this reason they considered it right that the King 
should be informed of their intention, in order that if he wished to 
resent the injury done to him and his mother they should support 
his claim to the English succession. The reply to this was made 
by the Chancellor himself, who said that the King really desired 
satisfaction for the death of his mother the Queen, but before 
entering into the arrangement now proposed he wished to be assured 
on two points, namely that the -King should not be expected to 
change his religion ; and secondly, what security he would have of 
the succession to the English crown, in case the forces of the 
Spanish King were greater than his own. The Chancellor reported 
this answer of his here (i.e. y in England), and news came at the 
same time that the Catholic nobles who were in arms had gone with 
6,000 (?) horse to kill the Chancellor, who is entirely in the English 
interest. The King with others went to meet them, and besought 
them to return home, which they did. With this, Robin Cairy, 
who had gone from here to offer the King 6,000 men, returned ; 
having gone no further than Berwick. The (French) ambassador is 
instructed to be vigilant in discovering the state of the peace 
negotiations; and in conversation with him on the subject I 
mentioned how important it was for the King of France that this 
country shall be ruined. He confessed that it was so, but said that 
certainly France would not on any account consent to its being 
ruined by the king of Spain for his own advantage. 

A M. de Frios has arrived here from the duke of Vendome, well 
attended, and had audience yesterday. His object is to prevent the 
Queen from making peace with the king of Spain. He is going 
from here to Germany about the reiters. 

The number of ships captured and brought hither is very large — 
including those from Brazil, the Spanish Indies, Canaries, and fishing 
boats, I am ioformed they amount to 180, and at least they exceed 140. 

(Begs for money to be sent for his maintenance, and that the sum 
of money lent to him in London by Bernaldo Luiz should be paid 



to the latter as promised. Speaks of the great danger he runs, and 
prays Mendoza to remind the King of his services.) The wife of the 
(French) ambassador has gone to solicit his recall by St John s day, 
when his three years' service expires, but I am persuading him to 
stay another year, which I believe he will do ; and that his wife 
will return hither. Otherwise I myself would have to go ; I could 
find no other means of sending my letters with safety, as they now 
go under cover of the ambassador's seal. I could not hope to be as 
intimate with another as I am with this one. It is of great 
importance he should remain. 

Note. — The decipher of the above letter is unsigned, but the 
diffuse style and the reference to the French ambassador, prove that 
it was written by the Portuguese spy, Antonio de Vega. 

April (?) 249. Document headed " Statement of the two fleets possessed by 
Paris ArchWei, th e Queen of England, with numbers and names of 

K ' 1567> the ships."— 

The Admiral in the ship called " The Royal Ark/' built by 

Lord Henry Seymour, son of the duke of Somerset, in the 
" Elizabeth Bonaventure ." 

Lord Thomas Howard, son of the duke of Norfolk, in the " Golden 

Lord Sheffield in the " Dreadnaught." 

Vice- Admiral Winter in the " Vanguard." 

Southwell, kni, son-in-law of the Admiral, in the "Lightning." 

Palmer, knt., in the " Rainbow." 

Mr. Hutton, controller to the Admiral, in the " Hirondelle." 

Mr. Frobisher in the " Antelope." 

Mr. Fenton in the " Mary Rose." 

Mr. Hadley in the " Earl," the ship which always carried the duke 
of Anjou across.* 

Mr. Ward in the " Tramontane." 

Captain Turner in the " Bull." 

Captain Boston (Bostock) in the " Tiger." 

Captain Riches (Rigg ?) in the " Achates." 

Mr. Charles Howard in the " White lion." 

In addition to these Queen's ships, there are eight newly built 
pataches belonging to the Queen, the smallest being from 100 to 120 
tons. Their names are the " Charles," the " Sun, the " Moon," the 
" Scout," the " Fantasy," the " Little Swan," the " Spy," and the 
" Black Prince." 

There are, moreover, coming to the Admiral by the 5th April, 
four great ships belonging to the Queen — the largest she has — 
namely, the " Triumph, the " Elizabeth Jonas," the " White Bear," 
and the "Victory." They will be accompanied by 28 merchant 
ships, the best to be found. This will bring up the Admiral's 
squadron to 56 sail. Drake has also six large ships of the Queen's, 
namely :— the " Revenge," the " Hope," the " Nonpareil," the 
« Guide," the ■« Aid," and the " Volvite" (?), with 45 of the best 
merchant ships they could select, at the Isle ^of Wight The A dmiral 



has also sent him the galleon " Leicester,"* the " Royal Merchant," 
and the " Susannah." Their entire number, therefore, is 110 ships, 
in addition to the adventurers who expect to come out if the Spanish 
fleet comes to these coasts. 

Note. — On the margin of the above document Philip II. has 
verified the total number of the English ships, by setting down and 
adding the items as stated. Several of the captains changed 
ships before the appearance of the Armada in English waters, 
and one or two of the vessels themselves are not clearly to be 
identified. The list, however, does not differ very materially from 
that given in Laughton's " Defeat of the Armada," Vol II, p. 325. 

S.D. 250. Statement published by the English Ambassador in France 
Pftr S f fi 1 ^ of his Mistress 1 fleet, t 

K. 1567. 

1. The " Triumph," 1,600 tons, with 24 pieces each side, 

six cannons ao the prow, and four at the stern. 

Sailors 900 

2. The " Bear," 1,500 tons, 24 pieces each side, six can- 

nons at the prow, and four culverins at the stern. 

Sailors 800 

3. The " Elizabeth," 1,200 tons, 24 pieces each side, six 

cannons at the prow, and four at the stern. Sailors 700 

4. The " Victory," 1,200 tons, 24 pieces each side, six 

cannons at the prow, and four at the stern. Sailors 700 

5. The " Royal Ark," 1,200 tons, 21 pieces each side, six 

cannons at the prow, and four at the stern. Sailors 700 

6. The "Golden Lion," 1,100 tons, 16 pieces each side, 

four cannons at the prow, and four at the stern. 

Sailors 500 

7. The " Edward Bonaventure," 300 tons, 14 pieces each 

side, five cannons at the prow, and four at the stern. 

Sailors 500 

8. The " Vanguard," 800 tons, 17 pieces each side, six 

cannons and iron pieces at the-prow, and six at the 

stern. Sailors 700 

9. The " Rainbow," 900 tons, 14 pieces each side, four 

pieces at the prow, and same at stern. Sailors 500 

10. The " Nonpariel," 400 tons, 17 pieces each side, four 

pieces at the prow, same at stern. Sailors 500 

11. The " Antelope," 600 tons, 10 pieces each side, four 

pieces at the prow, same at stern. Sailors 400 

12. The " Mary Rose," 500 tons, 17 pieces each side, four 

pieces at the prow, two at the stern. Sailors 500 

13. The " Dreadnaught," 400 tons, 17 pieces each side, two 

pieces at the prow, and four at the stern. Sailors 500 

14. The •' Bull," 300 tons, 17 pieces each side, two pieces 

at prow, and two at stern. Sailors 500 

* This was formerly the famous merchant galleon " Ughtred," of which mention has 
been made in this Calendar, Leicester now being her principal owner, her name had been 

■f Mendoza, in a letter to the King of 5th April, says that this list had been sent by 
the Lord Admiral to his brother-in-law. Sir Edward Stafford, the English ambassador in 




15. The " Swif tsure," 500 tons, 17 pieces each side, two 

pieces at prow, four at stern. Sailors 500 

16. The "Tramontane," 300 tons, 17 pieces each side, 

three pieces at prow, two at stern. Sailors 300 

17. The " Providence," 300 tons, 12 pieces each side, two 

pieces at prow, and three at stern. Sailors 400 

18. The " Swallow,"* 300 tons, 15 pieces each side, two 

pieces at prow, and two at stern. Sailors 400 

19. The " Revenge," 450 tons, 17 pieces each side, four 

pieces at prow, and two at stern. Sailors 500 

20. The " Aid," 250 tons, 12 pieces each side, two pieces 

at prow, and two at stern. Sailors 300 

21. The " White Lion," 200 tons, 7 pieces each side, 

two pieces at prow, and two at stern. Sailors 

fTotal number of Sailors 22,000 (10,800?) 


1. The " Charles Porte," 60 tons, four pieces each side, 

two culverins at prow, one at stern. Sailors 60 

2. The "Spy," 30 tons, four pieces each side, two at 

prow, and two at stern. Sailors 30 

3. The " Scout," 20 tons, three pieces each side, two at 

prow, one at stern. Sailors 30 

4. The " Sun," 18 tons, three pieces each side, one 

culverin at prow. Sailors 20 

5. The "Moon," 15 tons, three pieces each side, two 

falcons at prow. Sailors 20 

6. The u Fantasy," 10 tons, two pieces each side, one 

culverin at prow. Sailors 12 

7. The " Cygnet," 16 tons, three pieces each side, one 

culverin at prow. Sailors 12 

8. The "Galore," 15 tons, two pieces 'each side, one 

culverin at prow. Sailors 12 

9. The " Black Prince," 18 tons, three pieces each side, 

two pieces at prow. Sailors 20 

Total Sailors in the Pinnaces 224 (216 ?) 

1 April 251. Instructions to the Duke of Medina Sidonia for the 
Eitado, 165. command of the Armada sailing from Lisbon. 

In order that you may understand the considerations which 
operate in the undertaking, I need only refer you to the enclosed 
copy of what 1 wrote on the 4th September last to my nephew (i.c, 
the duke of Parma), giving him instructions as to what he should 

• In the original French list this ship is called the " Arundetl," (i>., Hirondelle), hut 
it is translated into Spanish as " Golondrina " (Swallow). 

+ In most cases both the tonnage of the vessels and the numbers of men and gun* appear 
to be exaggerated in the above list as compared with the official accounts in England, 
See the list already quoted in Laugbton's " Defeat of the Armada. 



say to the marquis of Santa Cruz in my name. This will fully 
inform you of the intentions and objects in view. It will be un- 
necessary also to dwell upon the reasons which delayed the sailing 
of the fleet at that time, as it is generally known that it arose from 
the need to repair the ships that had been damaged, and to execute 
the other necessary preparations for the Armada. Our consolation 
for this delay, which has given the enemy more time to organise 
his defence, must, by God's favour, proceed from our own hands. 

The undertaking being so important in the service of our Lord, 
which has v moved me to collect these forces, and my own affairs 
depending so greatly upon its success, I have not* wished to place so 
weighty a business in any other hands than yours. Such is my 
confidence in you personally, and in your expedience and desire to 
serve me, that, with Gods help, I look for the success we aim at. 
In order that you may thoroughly understand my wishes, and be 
able duly to carry them out, I send you the following instructions : 

In the first place, as all victories are the gifts of God Almighty, 
and the cause we champion is so exclusively His, we may fairly look 
for His aid and favour, unless by our sins we render ourselves 
unworthy thereof. You will therefore have to exercise special 
care that such cause of offence shall be avoided on the Armada, and 
especially that there shall be no sort of blasphemy. This must be 
severely enforced, with heavy penalties, in order that the punishment 
for toleration of such sin may not fall upon all of us. You are going 
to fight for the cause of our Lord, and for the glory of His Name, 
and, consequently, He must be worshipped by all, so that His favour 
may be deserved. This favour is being so fervently besought in all 
parts that you may go full of encouragement that, by the mercy of 
God, His forces will be added to your own. 

When you receive a separate order from me, you will sail with 
the whole of the Armada, and go straight to the English Channel, 
which you will ascend as far as Cape Margate, where you will join 
hands with the duke of Parma, my nephew, and hold the passage 
for his crossing, in accordance with the plan which has already been 
communicated to both of you. 

It is important that you and the Duke should be mutually 
informed of each other's movements, and it will therefore be 
advisable that before you arrive thither you should continue to 
communicate with him as best you can, either by secretly landing 
a trustworthy person at night on the coast of Normandy or Boulogne, 
or else by sending intelligence by sea to Gravelines, Dunkirk, or 
Nieuport. You must take care that any messengers you may send 
by land shall be persons whom you can thoroughly trust ; so that 
verbal messages may be given to them. Letters to the Duke may 
be sent, those going by sea written in the enclosed cipher, but 
nothing should be said to the bearers verbally, so that if they be 
taken they can divulge nothing. 

Although it may be hoped that God will send fair weather for 
your voyage, it will be well, when you sail, to appoint a rendezvous 
for the whole fleet in case a* storm may scatter it As this 
rendezvous would have to depend upon the place where the storm 
overtook you, that is to say, either anywhere near Spain, or at the 




mouth of the Channel ; if it should happen near our own coasts, 
Vigo, Corunna, or the porta in the neighbourhood of Finisterre 
might be appointed, as the pilots thought best. But if the storm be 
near the Channel, you will, on consultation with experienced seamen 
in Lisbon, decide whether the rendezvous should be appointed for 
the Scilly isles as a port of refuge, or whether it will be better to fix 
upon a certain latitude at sea. The weather does not promise to be 
so bad as to prevent the ships from keeping out at sea. In case of 
your being overtaken by a tempest in the Channel itself, you will 
likewise discuss with native seamen on the Armada what defenceless 
port or refuge would serve on the coast of England to shelter the 
Armada with safety, or whether it would be better to run east or 
west. But in any caee you must keep away from the French and 
Flemish coasts, in consequence of the shoals and banks. After you 
have discussed these questions with the mariners you will make 
such dispositions as you consider most advisable ; but I shall be glad 
to know what decisions you adopt. 

The success of the business depends upon our striking at the 
root ; and even if Drake should have sailed into Spanish waters 
with a fleet to harass and divert us, as some of our advices from 
England assert, you will not be deflected from your course, but 
will continue straight on without seeking the enemy, even though 
you leave him behind you here. But if he follows or approaches 
you, you may then attack him; and the same instructions will 
serve if you meet Drake at the mouth of the Channel with his fleet, 
because if their forces are thus divided it would be well to conquer 
them piecemeal so as to prevent the junction of all of them. If 
you do not come across the enemy before you arrive off Cape 
Margate, and find there only the Lord Admiral of England with 
his fleet, or even if you find the united fleets of, the Lord Admiral 
and Drake, yours should be superior to both of them in quality, and 
you may, in God's name and cause, give battle to them, trying to 
gain the wind, and every other advantage, in the hope that our 
Lord may give you the victory. 

There is little to say with regard to the mode of fighting and the 
handling of the Armada on the day of the battle, as they must 
depend upon circumstances ; but I have only to press upon you not 
to miss the gaining of every possible advantage, and so to order the 
Armada that all parts of it shall be able to fight and lend mutual 
assistance without confusion or embarrassment. Above all it must 
be borne in mind that the enemy's object will be to fight at long 
distance, in consequence of his advantage in artillery, and the large 
number of artificial fires with which he will be furnished. The aim 
of our men, on the contrary, must be to bring him to close quarters 
and grapple with him, and you will have to be very careful to have 
this carried out. For your information a statement is sent to you 
describing the way in which the enemy employs his artillery, in 
order to deliver his fire low and sink his opponent's ships ; and 
you will take such precautions as you consider necessary in this 

* The tactics of the English to fire very low and damage the hulls of the enemy's 
ships is frequently mentioned. It was urged upon Philip as early at 1574 by the 
Portuguese spy, Fogaia. See Vol. II. of this Calendar, p. 480. 




say to the marquis of Santa Cruz in my name. This will fully 
inform you of the intentions and objects in view. It will be un- 
necessary also to dwell upon the reasons which delayed the sailing 
of the fleet at that time, as it is generally known that it arose from 
the need to repair the ships that had been damaged, and to execute 
the other necessary preparations for the Armada. Our consolation 
for this delay, which has given the enemy more time to organise 
his defence, must, by God's favour, proceed from our own hands. 

The undertaking being so important in the service of our Lord, 
which has* moved me to collect these forces, and my own affairs 
depending so greatly upon its success, I have not wished to place so 
weighty a business in any other hands than yours. Such is my 
confidence in you personally, and in your experience and desire to 
serve me, that, with God's help, I look for the success we aim at. 
In order that you may thoroughly understand my wishes, and be 
able duly to carry them out, I send you the following instructions : 

In the first place, as all victories are the gifts of God Almighty, 
and the cause we champion is so exclusively His, we may fairly look 
for His aid and favour, unless by our sins we render ourselves 
unworthy thereof. You will therefore have to exercise special 
care that such cause of offence shall be avoided on the Armada, and 
especially that there shall be no sort of blasphemy. This must be 
severely enforced, with heavy penalties, in order that the punishment 
for toleration of such sin may not fall upon all of us. You are going 
to fight for the cause of our Lord, and for the glory of His Name, 
and, consequently, He must be worshipped by all, so that His favour 
may be deserved. This favour is being so fervently besought in all 
parts that you may go full of encouragement that, by the mercy of 
God, His forces will be added to your own. 

When you receive a separate order from me, you will sail with 
the whole of the Armada, and go straight to the English Channel, 
which you will ascend as far as Cape Margate, where you will join 
hands with the duke of Parma, my nephew, and bold the passage 
for his crossing, in accordance with the plan which has already been 
communicated to both of you. 

It is important that you and the Duke should be mutually 
informed of each other's movements, and it will therefore be 
advisable that before you arrive thither you should continue to 
communicate with him as best you can, either by secretly landing 
a trustworthy person at night on the coast of Normandy or Boulogne, 
or else by sending intelligence by sea to Gravelines, Dunkirk, or 
Nieuport. You must take care that any messengers you may send 
by land shall be persons whom you can thoroughly trust ; so that 
verbal messages may be given to them. Letters to the Duke may 
be sent, those going by sea written in the enclosed cipher, but 
nothing should be said to the bearers verbally, so that if they be 
taken they can divulge nothing. 

Although it may be hoped that God will send fair weather for 
your voyage, it will be well, when you sail, to appoint a rendezvous 
for the whole fleet in case a storm may scatter it As this 
rendezvous would have to depend upon the place where the storm 
overtook you, that is to say, either anywhere near Spain, or at the 



mouth of the Channel ; if it should happen near onr own coasts, 
Vigo, Corunna, or the ports in the neighbourhood of Finisterre 
might be appointed, as the pilots thought best. But if the storm be 
near the Channel, you will, on consultation with experienced seamen 
in Lisbon, decide whether the rendezvous should be appointed for 
the Scilly isles as a port of refuge, or whether it will be better to fix 
upon a certain latitude at sea. The weather does not promise to be 
so bad as to prevent the ships from keeping out at sea. In case of 
your being overtaken by a tempest in the Channel itself, you will 
likewise discuss with native seamen on the Armada what defenceless 
port or refuge would serve on the coast of England to shelter the 
Armada with safety, or whether it would be better to run east or 
west. But in any case you must keep away from the French and 
Flemish coasts, in consequence of the shoals and banks. After you 
have discussed these questions with the mariners you will make 
such dispositions as you consider most advisable ; but I shall be glad 
to know what decisions you adopt. 

The success of the business depends upon our striking at the 
root ; and even if Drake should have sailed into Spanish waters 
with a fleet to harass and divert us, as some of our advices from 
England assert, you will not be deflected from your course, but 
will continue straight on without seeking the enemy, even though 
you leave him behind you here. But if he follows or approaches 
you, you may then attack him; and the same instructions will 
serve if you meet Drake at the mouth of the Channel with his fleet, 
because if their forces are thus divided it would be well to conquer 
them piecemeal so as to prevent the junction of all of them. If 
you do not come across the enemy before you arrive off Cape 
Margate, and find there only the Lord Admiral of England with 
his fleet, or even if you find the united fleets of. the Lord Admiral 
and Drake, yours should be superior to both of them in quality, and 
you may, in God's name and cause, give battle to them, trying to 
gain the wind, and every other advantage, in the hope that our 
Lord may give you the victory. 

There is little to say with regard to the mode of fighting and the 
handling of the Armada on the day of the battle, as they must 
depend upon circumstances ; but I have only to press upon you not 
to miss the gaining of every possible advantage, and so to order the 
Armada that all parts of it shall be able to fight and lend mutual 
assistance without confusion or embarrassment. Above all it must 
be borne in mind that the enemy's object will be to light at long 
distance, in consequence of his advantage in artillery, and the large 
number of artificial fires with which he will be furnished. The aim 
of our men, on the contrary, must be to bring him to close quarters 
and grapple with him, and you will have to be very careful to have 
this carried out. For your information a statement is sent to you 
describing the way in which the enemy employs his artillery, in 
order to deliver his fire low and sink his opponent's ships ; and 
you will take such precautions as you consider necessary in this 

* The tactics of the English to fire very low and damage the hulls of the enemy's 
ships is frequently mentioned. It was urged upon Philip as early as 1574 by the 
Portuguese spy, Fogaxa. See Vol. II. of this Calendar, p. 480. 



You will be wise enough, in ease you gain the victory, not to 
allow the squadrons of our Armada to get out of hand in their 
eagerness to chase the enemy. Keep them well together, at least 
the great mass of them, and give them full instructions beforehand ; 
especially if you have to fight in the Channel, where double care 
will have to be exercised in this respect, both coasts being unsafe. 
In such case you will have to fight so as to win. 

Disastrous examples have been seen both on land and sea of the 
effects of over eagerness in falling to pillage before the victory is 
absolutely secure. I therefore enjoin you strictly to prevent any 
disorder arising from this cause, which is apt to produce such 
terrible results. All hands must continue fighting until the victory 
is complete, and the benefits will then be secure. 

I have ordered the council of war to send you instructions with 
regard to the distribution of prizes and booty. These instructions 
must be carried out inviolably. 

It must be understood that the above instructions about fighting 
only hold good in case the passage across to England of ray nephew 
the duke of Parma cannot otherwise be assured. If this can be 
done without fighting, either by diverting the enemy or otherwise, 
it will be best to carry it out in this way, and keep your forces 

If the Armada shall not have had to fight, you will let my nephew 
have the 6,000 Spaniards you are to give him ; but if you have had 
to engage the enemy, the giving of the men to the Duke will have 
to depend upon the amount of loss you may have sustained in 
gaining the hoped-for victory. 

In the event of the Duke establishing himself on shore you may 
station the Armada at the mouth of the Thames and support him, 
a portion of your ships being told off* to hold the passage of re- 
inforcements, &c, from Flanders, thus strengthening us on both 
sides. If circumstances at the time should, in the opinion of the 
Duke and yourself, render another course desirable you may act in 
accordance with your joint opinion ; but on your own discretion 
alone you will not land or undertake anything on shore. This you 
will only do with the concurrence of the Duke, your sole function 
on your own account being — what indeed is the principal one — 
to fight at sea. 

Whenever in the course of expeditions dissensions have occurred 
between the commanders, they have caused victory to be turned into 
defeat ; and although your zeal for my service leads me to expect 
from you the loyal co-operation with my nephew the Duke, upon 
which success depends, I nevertheless enjoin you to keep this point 
well before you, carrying it out straightforwardly, without varying 
the design or seeking to interpret it otherwise. I have given to 
my nephew the Duke similar instructions. You will bear in mind 
that, if the undertaking be successful, to which result a mutual 
good understanding between you will largely contribute, there will 
be ample honour and glory for both of you ; whereas the very reverse 
will happen in the contrary case, and I hope that for your part 
you will serve me well in this respect. 

You will have to stay there (i.e. 9 in English waters) until the 
undertaking be successfully concluded, with God's help, and you 


1588. ~ ~ 

may then return, calling in and settling affairs in Ireland on the 
way if the Duke approves of your doing so, the matter being left 
to your joint discretion. In this case you will leave with the Duke 
the greater number of the Spaniards you take with you, and receive 
in exchange for them such of the Italians and Germans as may be 
deemed necessary for the task. 

The experience I have had of your constant efforts towards the 
economy of my treasury gives me great hope that, in all matters of 
expenditure connected with the Armada, you will spare as much as 
possible the money you are carrying with you in the fleet. You 
know how much trouble it has cost to collect it, and the necessity 
from which we are suffering, and you will take to heart the care of 
seeing that the musters are made with great precision, and that no 
trick is played upon you with regard to the number of men. This 
is not only a question of expenditure, but very often of success or 
failure. You will not forget to take particular account of the 
quality of the victuals, and their good preservation and distribution, 
so that they may not be exhausted or run short before the time, as 
the health and maintenance of the men depend so much upon this. 
You will keep your eyes constantly on the officers of all branches of 
the service, so that your vigilance may stimulate theirs, and thus 
that every man on the fleet may be kept on the alert to do his 
duty. I am sure that there will be no shortcoming on your part, 
and that you will see that everything is done with due smartness. 

You may judge by the importance of the task entrusted to you 
how anxious we shall be until we receive information of your 
success. You will therefore be careful to keep me constantly 
advised of all you do, and everything that happens to you. This is 
all that need be said at present. The methods and details for 
carrying out the object, but without changing the plans in any way, 
are left to your wisdom and experience; and further instructions 
shall be sent to you in due course, if such be rendered necessary by 
circumstances. In the meanwhile I will cause the undertaking to be 
commended to God Almighty as His own. — Madrid, 1st April 1588. 
— I, the King. 


1 April. 252. Supplementary Secret Instructions to the Duke op 
Bstado, 165. Medina Sidonia for the command of the Armada. 

In addition to the orders contained in your general instructions I 
desire to remind you briefly of certain other points. You will carry 
with you on the Armada, with due care, the accompanying despatch 
for my nephew, the duke of Parma and Plasencia, but you will take 
notice that it must not be delivered to him until he has either 
landed in England, or exhibits uncertainty of being able to do so. 
Until either one or the other of these two things happens you will 
keep the despatch in your own possession. 

When you arrive off Cape Margate, which you must endeavour to 
do, overcoming the obstacles that may be opposed to you, you will 
learn where my nephew the Duke wishes you to place the troops 
with which you are to furnish him, and you will act accordingly. 
It is my desire that when these troops land they shall he under the 
command of my Commander-in-Chief of the light Cavalry of Milan, 



Don AIodso de Leyva, until the Duke takes them over. You will 
act accordingly. If God grants us the success we hope for, you will 
scrupulously fulfil your general instructions ; but if, for our sins, the 
contrary should happen, and the Duke should be unable to cross to 
England, or you unable to form a junction with him, you will, after 
communication with him, consider whether you cannot seize the 
Isle of Wight, which is apparently not so strong as to be able 
to resist, and may be defended if we gain it. This will provide for 
you a safe port for shelter, and will enable you to carry out such 
operations as may be rendered possible by the importance of the 
position. It will therefore be advisable for you to fortify yourself 
strongly there. 

If you should have to adopt this course, you will take notice that 
you should enter by the east side, which is wider than the west. In 
addition to this the eastern entrance will be more handy for you, 
because, if you resort to this plan, it will be in consequence of some 
doubt, or of the failure of the main design, which may lead you to 
return from Margate. On no account will you enter the Wight on 
your way up, nor before you have made every possible effort to carry 
out the main idea. If you obtain possession of the Wight, you will 
from there come to an understanding with my nephew the Duke, 
and endeavour mutually to assist each other to the extent of your 
resources ; everything being directed to the same end, according as 
circumstances may dictate. 

I trust that God in his own cause will guide matters better than 
we deserve, and that the above eventualities may not happen. They 
are, however, set forth by way of precaution. It is of the highest 
importance that, whatever may occur, I should be advised promptly, 
in order to enable me. to give the necessary instructions; and I 
therefore once more impress upon you urgently the need of keeping 
me well informed of everything you may do. 

If the Duke my nephew should succeed in capturing Don Antonio 
in England, and should hand him over to your care according to his 
instructions, or if Don Antonio in escaping from the Duke should 
fall into your power, you will have him placed in security, so that 
he shall not escape, and shall give no more anxiety or disquietude. — 
Madrid, 1st April — I, the King. 

Note. — The Duke acknowledged receipt of his instructions in a 
letter dated Lisbon, 11th April, promising the strictest possible 
compliance with the King's orders. He urgently begs for money 
to be sent to him, " that being the only thing now wanting." 

S. D. 253. Sealed Document which the Duke of Medina Sidonia 

April ? was to deliver to the Duke of Parma only in case the 

Estado, 165. latter should land in England. In any other event the 

document was to be returned to His Majesty. 

In addition to what I have written to you by the ordinary 
channels, and my orders with regard to the principal business, you 
are informed of the object of the undertaking, and of the meeting 
and negotiations with the English (Peace) Commissioners. But I 
have also thought advisable to send you the present despatch in the 
Armada itself, in anticipation of certain possible eventualities. 



If the Armada succeeds, either by means of fighting, or in 
consequence of the unreadiness of the enemy, you will, when the 
forces from here have arrived to assure your passage across, go over 
in God's name and carry out the task assigned to you. 

But if (which God forbid) the result be not so prosperous that 
our arms shall be able to settle matters, nor, on the other hand, so 
contrary that the enemy shall be relieved of anxiety on our account 
(which God, surely, wiU not permit) and affairs be so counterbalanced 
that peace may not be altogether undesirable, you will endeavour 
to avail yourself as much as possible of the prestige of the Armada 
and other circumstances, bearing in mind that, in addition to the 
ordinary conditions which are usually inserted in treaties of peace, 
there are three principal points upon which you must fix your 

The first is, that in England the free use and exercise of our holy 
Catholic faith shall be permitted to all Catholics, native and foreign, 
and that those who are in exile shall be permitted to return. 

The second is, that all the places in my Netherlands which the 
English hold shall be restored to me ; and the third is that they 
(the English) shall recompense me for the injury they have done to 
me, my dominions, and my subjects ; which will amount to an 
exceedingly great sum. 

These points stand in importance in the order in which they are 
here enumerated, and although the first is that which I especially 
demand, you will use your own discretion as to whether you should 
press it first, or should propose them all together, or begin with the 
two last. The question of the restitution of the fortresses is also 
very important, especially that of Flushing ; but with regard to the 
third point, after you have discussed it thoroughly, and proved that 
the recompense due to me would be too large for their treasury to 
meet, you may drop it in favour of the free exercise of the Catholic 
faith. This is the point upon which you must lay the greatest 
stress, and secondly, the question of the fortresses. The third point 
may be used as a lever to obtain the other two. 

With regard to the free exercise of Catholicism, you may point 
out to them that since freedom of worship is allowed to the 
Huguenots in France, there will be no sacrifice of dignity in allowing 
the same privilege to Catholics in England. If they retort that I 
do not allow the same toleration in Flanders as exists in France, 
you may tell them that their country is in a different position, and 
point out to them how conducive to their tranquillity it would be to 
satisfy the Catholics in this way, and how largely it would increase 
the trade of England and their profits, since, as soon as toleration 
was brought about, people from all Christendom would flock 
thither in the assurance of safety ; whilst the commerce of 
Englishmen in other countries would be carried on without the 
present vexations. You may add to this such other arguments as 
you may consider appropriate. However much they may promise 
it will be a great mistake to suppose that they will fulfil it, unless 
very good security be given. For this reason efforts should be 
made to obtain as hostages some persons of rank, with large 
following, and many friends, or perhaps some English fortresses to 



hold, even for a limited period of years. During such period we 
should see how they carried out the conditions. To disregard this 
point would be to build on the sand, and you must bear this well in 
mind if the opportunity occiim 

If the principal design should fall through, it would be very 
influential in bringing them to these, or the best conditions possible, 
if the Armada were to take possession of the Isle of Wight If 
this be once captured, it could be held, and would afford a shelter 
for the Armada, whilst the possession of it would enable us to hold 
our own against the enemy. This matter has also been laid before 
the Duke (of Medina Sidonia), so that in case of failure, and if 
nothing else can be done, you may jointly with him discuss and 
decide with regard to it. I have thought well to say thus much, 
but I hope that God, whose cause it is and to whom I have 
dedicated the enterprise, will not allow you to fail, but will aid us 
to convert England, as we desire, for His greater glory. 

1 April. 264. Advices from London. 

K. 156/! ' A general muster has been held in London of those capable of 
French, bearing arms, and hardly 10,000 men were found fit. This will 
appear strange, but it is as true as St. John's Gospel. 

There is a great lack of powder here, and no hope of supplying 
it from that made in England. 

A few days ago Drake was almost ready to sail, but things are 
falling off now. His soldiers are so tired of waiting that they are 
deserting. He has not more than 1,500 men, and they are decreasing 

The victuals which he had supplied are much reduced, and the 
fitting out of the additional ships for him proceeds very slowly. To 
tell the truth in two words, everything is being administered very 
lazily. The only explanation possible of this is that they have 
hopes of peace. 

The Lord Admiral has not half the men he was to have had, and 
is asking for victuals for another month. 

Don Antonio lately attempted something, but I cannot explain 
the mystery. He was absent at sea for 13 days, and it is said he 
wanted to escape, but was discovered. 

I must relate another circumstance that happened lately; it 
seems as if I had nothing but marvels to write about at present 
On the window of the Queen's presence chamber at Court were 
found a vast number of fleas collected together ; and 30 great fish, 
commonly called porpoises, came up the river to the water gate of 
the Queen's Court. 

Note. — The above is accompanied by a translation into Spanish in 
an English hand, with many corrections by the King. 

2 April 255. Advices from London from Pedro de Santa Cruz. # 

P * Ah Although they publish here that there are more ships in the 

*'«. 1567^' fleets of the Admiral and Drake, the truth is that there are only 

50 belonging to the Queen, and 20 merchantmen, with 20 pataches. 

The number of men of all sorts does not exceed 8,000. As they 

* Set this man's report, dated 27 February. 



think these forces too weak to cope with the Spanish fleet, orders 
have been given to Drake to put to sea. After the Spaniards have 
been allowed to land, he is to come and burn the Spanish ships, and 
then land his own men to fight the Spaniards. 

There is a ship here loaded with black baizes, bound for Portugal, 
on account of Dr. Nunez and his Portuguese brothers-in-law. A ship 
from Lisbon has arrived here with a cargo of wine, bringing news 
that the Armada is fitting out apace. The Queen has ordered a 
general muster here, and the men are found to be much fewer than 
was expected. Those capable of bearing arms do not reach 10,000. 

A young Genoese gentleman, called Philip Centurion, was with 
the reiters in France, and when they were dispersed came hither. 
He is a heretic, and was made much of by Horatio Pallavicini, who 
sent him to Rochelle with letters from the queen of England. He 
received there 400 crowns on a credit from Horatio Pallavicini, and 
has gone to Spain with the money. They have news that he is already 
in Madrid, and it is necessary that he should be arrested. Pallavicini 
says he did wrong in drawing money against his credit, but as he 
duly delivered the letters he took for Beam, he acted honestly in 
that respect, and he has probably gone to Spain as a spy. This 
must be so, as otherwise Pallavicini would never have given him a 
credit for so large a sum. 

In the mid<ile of March eight little vessels, called frigates/ sailed 
for the Indies, with the intention of robbing the boats engaged in 
the pearl fisheries. 

Everybody is quite certain here that the Scots of the English 
faction will hand over the king of Scotland to them the moment the 
Queen asks for him. 

4 ApriL 256, Count de Oltvares to the King. 

By my letter of the 1st, your Majesty will have seen the course I 
had pursued in the matter of the letter from the queen of Scotland 
to his Holiness, which Cardinal Mondovi had received. The matter 
remaining as I explained, I have no opportunity at present of trying 
to obtain possession of the original, so as not to divulge the secret. 
I will, however, endeavour to get him to bring it if I have a chance. 
He (the Pope) is very much offended with me just now .... 
The original letter is in the hands of his Holiness, as Mondovi 
returned it to him, with the certificate of authenticity and recogni- 
tion of the handwriting. When the Nuncio hands to your Majesty 
the copies it would be a good opportunity of asking him to write to 
the Pope for the original, but it would be well not to press him very 
much ; in order that he may not think that your Majesty attaches 
vital importance to this authority for your claim. Frankly, it 
would appear to me more advisable to depend principally upon descent 
and conquest. If we act coolly there is no doubt we shall get hold 
of the original letter some day. With regard to your Majesty's 
remark about the postscript of the letter, I have not heard that the 
Pope has said or done anything in that respect, but he disgracefully 
ordered that in the translation, the name (i.e., of Philip) should be 
written in cipher. 

* Fragatai . 



During the pontificate of Pope Gregory, and the beginning of the 
present reign, credit was given to certain persons who offered to 
convert the queen of England. It was afterwards discovered that 
these persons were double spies. The affair was managed by 
Cardinal Savello, who was considered a very serious person, quite 
incapable of such a thing. 

I have written to the duke of Parma, sending him the papers 
written by Cardinal Allen, and about the journey of the latter 
thither. — Rome, 4th April 1588. 

5 April. 257. The King to Bernardino de Mendoza. 

K. 1448. ' I approve of your having withheld from Semple the knowledge 
of the mission upon which it was intended to send him to Scotland 
until you had communicated with the duke of Parma on the fresh 
points which had occurred to you. I hope and believe that the best 
course will have been adopted. I am inclined to think that, if he 
goes, he should at first confine himself to compliments and 
generalities, and then, just as the principal business is ready, for 
him to make the statement the Duke wrote to you, as it will then 
do good rather than harm. 

With regard to the three alternatives offered by the earl of Morton, 
it appears to me that to take up arms at the present time against 
the Scottish heretics would only have the effect of driving them 
into closer union with England, and consequently that course must 
not be entertained. The preventing of the Scots from coming to 
the aid of England, or the organisation of a Scottish force to attack 
the English, are both very important, and he (Morton) should be 
urged to keep his hand on these points so that in due time, 
when my forces strike elsewhere, they may be effected. You will 
therefore guide things to this end, but always bearing in mind that 
they (the Catholics) are Scotsmen, and that no suspicion must be 
aroused in them about their King which might alienate them from 
us. They should be principally inflamed by the claims upon them 
of the Catholic faith, and by the example of their good and saintly 
Queen. You will know how to manage it with your accustomed 
dexterity. — Madrid, 5th April 1588. 

5 April. 258. The King to Bernardino de Mendoza. 
Paris ArchireB, rj^ fey^r from the late queen of Scotland to his Holiness, of 
*" 14 ' which you send me a copy, is a great proof of the happy fate that 
she will have met with in the future life. It is certainly most 
edifying to read it ; and I thank you, as an especially great service 
done to me, for your efforts in having the letter sent to Rome, and 
sending me this translation of it. I thank you, too, for your letter 
to Count de Olivares about it, who has also been written to from 


I approve of the letter you caused (Miss) Curie to write to (Miss) 
Kennedy, and also of your having informed the former of the 
granting to her of a pension of 300 crowns a year. You did well 
also with regard to her brother's allowance of 40 crowns a month, 
and of Gorion's 20 crowns, having regard to the qualities and 
circumstances of each of them ; and you will pay these pensions as 



they fall due. For the present it will be well not to talk of their 
leaving France, where they are under your own eye and protection. 
By and bye, when we see what effect the letter causes in Rome, and 
how circumstances turn out, we can consider what had better be 

Since you think it is desirable, in order to discharge the conscience 
of the queen of Scotland, that the 2,000 crowns she owed to Charles 
Arundell should be paid to his guarantors, who were forced to pay 
on his account the amount for which they were security, I approve 
of the order sent to you in favour of Arundell being extended to the 
guarantors. I also approve of the two months and 20 days of his 
(Arundell's) pension owing at his death being paid in discharge of 
his debts. 


I note the information about the seminary of Pont Mon£on, and 
will have the matter considered. — Madrid, 5th April 1588. 

5 April. 259. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King. 

Paris Archives, rEXTRACT.l 

K. 1567. __ 

Your Majesty will see by the enclosed extract from the duke of 
Parma's letter the decision arrived at with regard to sending the 
earl of Morton and Colonel Semple to Scotland. I have now 
despatched both of them, anji I hope God will give them good speed, 
as they are zealous in your Majesty's service. The earl has a large 
following in Scotland, and Colonel Semple possesses good judgment 
to advise him as to the conversion of the country and your 
Majesty's interests, which he promotes as a good servant should. I 
can assure your Majesty that since he has been here I have been 
much pleased with his zeal and steadfastness in this matter, and I 
see not a trace of Scottish prejudice in him. By the two letters of 
Robert Bruce recently received, your Majesty will see that the 
going of the Earl and Semple is very opportune. 

The advices of 11th March are from Antonio de Vega, and those 
of 2l8t are from an Englishman who has gone to reconnoitre Drake's 
ships at Plymouth. 

As I was closing this the archbishop of Glasgow has shown me 
(a letter) dated in Scotland on the 1 1th instant, from the bishop of 
Dunblane. He says that he had spoken with the King that day in 
Edinburgh, and had been well received both by his Majesty and the 
Chancellor. He had conversed with the latter subsequently, and 
expected to obtain a favourable despatch shortly, and return to his 
Holiness. The King intended to send to your Majesty John Seton 
(who is a servant of ycur Majesty). 

After what Bruce writes to me, and Julio's repetition of the 
Treasurer's remark about the complete confidence which the queen 
of England reposes in the king of Scotland, together with the long 
refusal of the King to receive the bishop of Dunblane, I cannot 
make out what can be the cause of this sudden change of front, and 
the kindness shown to the Bishop, not only by the King but by the 
Chancellor, who is a great heretic, and an adherent of the English 

As Morton and Semple have not left Paris, I have informed them 
of this news, as it is important they should be well posted, in order 



to avoid being taken in by any such bait as this. It may be 
suspected that the object of the King and Chancellor is to discover 
what is going on, unless by deeds they prove otherwise, — Paris, 
5th April 1588. 

5 April. 260. Bernardino dk Mendoza to the King. 

ftl K. 1567* ' Your Majesty will see how well Julio is acting, in giving me 
momentary advice of everything touching your Majesty s service. 
If your Majesty will allow me I will give him some money in 
recompense. He has informed me of the approaches made by the 
French towards a closer alliance with England, and I have kept 
him well instructed on the points I have considered necessary to 
enable him to get at the bottom of the French designs. At the 
same time I have managed through Sampson to get indirectly 
whispered into the ears of the new friend certain intelligence in the 
guise of news, which would confirm what I had given him (Julio) 
notice of. This will cause him to do his business more handsomely, 
without thinking that the discourse comes from me. 

The new confidant tells me that on the 18th ("vMimo" in the 
King's hand) this King sent a valet-de-charnbre to the English 
ambassador to say that he wished to see him privately. He went 
and found the King alone in the garden of the Reformed Monks of 
St. Bernard.* His Majesty received him with extraordinary 
demonstrations of welcome, reminding him that he had been brought 
up in France, and had been in high favour with his brother the 
Duke (i.e., of Alencon), and that he (the King) held him in great 
esteem. It is true, he said, that he had not hitherto done anything 
for him (the ambassador), but as he now saw that both his mistress 
(i.e., Elizabeth) and himself (Henry III.) would be ruined if she 
made peace with your Majesty, he assured him that if he was 
instrumental in breaking off the negotiations he would promise him 
on his word of honour to give him the same reward as he could 
expect from his mistress. The ambassador thanked him, and 
promised to write and use his influence with his mistress if the 
Song would give him a note to enable him to do so. Julio writes 
me that the ambassador had been instructed to answer in this way, 
in order to discover what this King was willing to offer the Queen. 
The ambassador said he could hardly write to his mistress saying 
she had better not come to terms with Spain without giving her 
some reason. To this the King replied that the Pope and your 
Majesty had joined against his mistress, and had tried to bring him 
and the Venetians into the alliance ; but they had both refused, the 
latter saying .that they would follow his (the king of France's lead). 
He could assure the queen of England that if she made peace with 
your Majesty it would not last three months, for your Majesty 
would employ all your forces in helping the League to ruin him, 
and she might well imagine what would happen to her afterwards. 
The King repeated all this very earnestly, and prayed him several 
times to do his best to break off the peace negotiations, in which 
case he would give him a reward commensurate with the service. 

* The garden of the Reformed Bernardino Monastery led out of the gardens of the 
Tuilleries on the spot now occupied by the Rue Castiglione. 



As the King would not descend to particulars, Julio writes to me 
that the ambassador in his despatch to the Queen simply repeated 
what the King said, but added that he did not guarantee it in any 
way, and was inclined to look upon it as "French discourse." 
Although Secretary Pinart, Marshal de Biron, and Abb4 Ouadagni 
said that France would aid her with double the force they were 
called upon to employ by the terms of the alliance, the King did 
not touch upon this point. From what I can see, this King would 
like to prevent the Queen from coming to terms with your 
Majesty, without binding himself to further details, as he fears that 
if he openly states the conditions the Queen will publish them, 
and make use of his approaches to irritate still further the French 

Touching on this point, the Nuncio told me that this King was 
not in a position to help the queen of England, and he (the Nuocio) 
therefore hoped she would not come to terms with your Majesty, 
now that you were so well armed. If peace were not made, he said, 
your Majesty's great forces must necessarily be turned against 
England, and this would distress this King as much as if the Queen 
came to terms with you ; and he (the Nuncio) did not see how the 
French could extricate themselves either way. 

The French ambassador in England tries to dissuade the Queen 
from coming to terms with your Majesty, and at the same time to 
prevail upon Beam to submit to this King, but without, up to the 
present, descending to particulars. 

Julio writes to me under date of 12th ultimo, that the Treasurer 
had laid before the Queen a statement of the objections to allowing 
Drake to sail whilst negotiations were in progress, recommending 
that the result of the first meeting of the Commissioners should be 
awaited ; and, in view of this result, Drake should be allowed to sail 
or not. He (Julio) writes under date of 26th ultimo, that the 
Treasurer had left the Court for a four days 9 stay at a pleasure-house 
of his, and that during bis absence Leicester and Walsingham had 
urged the Queen to let Drake sail at once. She consented to this, 
and ordered him without fail to sail on the 28th, but he (Julio) did 
not know whether this would be altered on the return of the 

Julio also writes that the Queen has ordered her ambassador here 
to reply to the King respecting his request that the ambassador 
would use his influence with her to persuade Beam to submit and 
become a Catholic, that she could hardly act as the King wished : 
first, because it was not fitting for anyone to seek to rule the 
conscience of another ; secondly, because she was not sure whether 
it would be advantageous either to her or the King for her to do 
as he asked, since they were both of different religions ; and, thirdly, 
because if she did advise Beam, and he did not agree, it would be a 
great rebuff for her. These she thought sufficient reasons for the 
King to excuse her from moving in the matter, but she would 
willingly serve him in all else. The new confidant tells me that 
Marshal de Biron saw the English ambassador on the 29th instant 
at a banquet, and told him not to dissemble any longer, as they well 
knew that his mistress had agreed with yom Majesty, and that a 

i »W98. u 



truce had been settled for four years, greatly to the prejudice of 
France. The sending of the Commissioners to Flanders, he said, 
had been merely dissimulation. The ambassador replied that he 
knew nothing of all this ; whereupon Biron had retorted " You want 
to ruin us." The ambassador said he wished his mistress would 
come to terms with Spain, and that the subjects of both nations 
might trade freely. " In such case," he continued, " I can truly 
assure you we should not trouble ourselves much about France." 
As they were hurried Biron told him that he would go and see him 
at his house later, when they could discuss the matter more at 

In the same letter of 26th Julio writes with regard to Scotland 
that, when the queen of England learnt of the gathering of the 
Scottish Catholics, she had caused the King to be informed that if 
he was not strong enough to suppress the rebellion she would give 
him all the aid he required. The King (who is more devoted to her 
than ever) replied that at present he was able to pacify the rebels 
in his realm, but in case he should require help later he would 
accept her offer at once. 

I informed Julio of what your Majesty orders in yours of the 
6th ultimo, namely, that he is to dissuade the Queen from drawing 
closer to the French, but rather to seek your Majesty ; adding what 
was necessary in view of events here. I understand he is doing his 
best to succeed. The Nuncio also received the information I gave 
him about England in a way that convinces me that he communicates 
it to his Holiness, and this is confirmed by the intelligence I received 
from the count de Olivares. — Paris, 5th April 1588. 

5 April. 261. Bernardino de Mendoza to the Kino. 

Pari £ A um™' In my last I reported that advices of 2nd March said that Drake 

had not sailed, and this is confirmed by letters of 9th, 16th, and 
19th, and the latest of all, 25th, asserts that the Queen had despatched 
Drake to set sail, which it was believed he would shortly do, if the 
weather served. 

A cannon had exploded on Drake's flagship, killing 35 men and 
wounding seven, and the English had looked upon this as an evil 
omen. They were, however, very glad at the death of the marquis 
of Santa Cruz, which they think will prevent the sailing of the 
Armada as soon as was intended. 

Since the Admiral carried the Commissioners across, he has been 
cruising in the Channel, on the coast of Flanders and England ; the 
wind being favourable he ran into Flushing He has sent to the 
ambassador here, who is his brother-in-law, the memorandum which 
I now enclose, containing a statement of the ships which he and 
Drake will have, with which to encounter the Armada. He (the 
ambassador?) has published this statement with great boasting, 
saying that one of their ships will fight five of your Majesty's. As 
the English Catholics here have declared that most of the Queen's 
ships are rotten, the ambassador here reported to the lord Admiral 
that I was spreading this rumour, and he has replied — as is published 
here by the ambassador — that he is glad for me to send your Majesty 
such news as this, and he (the Admiral) was only sorry that peace 

EI/TZ AfBETS. o&o 


negotiations were going on, which might prevent him from coming 
to close quarters with your Majesty's fleet. 

The Admiral asserts that 1 2,000 men, of all sorts, will go in the 
two fleets, and from this it may be judged that the number will be 
greatly inferior. The assertion that the Queen's ships are worn out 
is confirmed by the Admiral in the memorandum in question, as he 
confesses that four of the largest of them, which have been fitting 
out for sea for the last four months, have not joined him yet. 

They report from England that Walsingham says he has advices 
from Italy that your Majesty's fleet was intended more for defence 
than for offence, and that his Holiness, after dinner one day, said : 
" Clear this table ; let us go to the war in England." I also under- 
stand, through the new confidant, that English ships are said to be 
ranging the south seas, and doing more^harm than was done by 

The English ambassador here had audience of the King, with the 
rest of the ambassadors, on the 31st ultimo, and as he left he told 
Gondi that a courier had reached him just as he getting into the 
coach to go to the audience, and it would, therefore, be necessary for 
him to see the King again. An appointment was made for the 5th, 
although, as I have said, he had seen the King with the rest of the 
ambassadors, who had all been summoned for one day on the ground 
that the King would not have time to receive any of them during the 
next week. By this it may be concluded that he is willing enough 
to receive the Englishman. If I can discover what passes I will 
report. Letters dated the 25th advise that there was little hope of 
the Commissioners being able to arrange anything in the way of 
peace, as the duke of Parma was delaying matters, and the rebel 
States had again sent deputies to England to show the Queen that 
it would not suit her to negotiate peace with your Majesty, as your 
only aim, and that of the duke of Parma, was to beguile her, and in 
the meanwhile treat with some of the Dutch towns to obtain possession 
of them. They recommend her to make the following conditions in 
any negotiations for peace with Spain : — First, that the past shall 
be forgotten ; second, that all foreigners should leave the country 
(i.e., Flanders) ; third, that all offices should be filled by natives ; 
and fourth, that liberty of conscience should be accorded. Even if 
these terms be conceded, she must see what security the duke of 
Parma would give for their fulfilment. To this the Queen replied 
that she would settle nothing without letting them, the States, 
know ; and with regard to the advice given as to terms, and the 
security demanded, it was for the Queen to advise them and not 
for them to advise the Queen.* They had better wait until the 
conference commenced, and they would then see what they might 
expect from her. She asked them (the deputies) to write to Holland, 
begging that those who had been banished from layden for com- 
plicity in the plot of the earl of Leicester to seize the country should 
be pardoned. 

♦As stated in a former letter, it had been the intention of the States to be represented 
directly by Marnix de Saint Aldegonde at the conferences of the Peace Commissioner*. 
They had altered their minds, and the only means by which they conld now present their 
yiew of the case was through the English Commissioners. 

B 2 



Letters from Scotland of 2nd, 8th, and 15th ultimo, state that the 
king of Scotland had requested the earl of Huntly to bring before 
him Father Gordon, of the Society of Jesus, which he did ; and the 
King had a disputation with the Jesuit, particulars of which are 
adjoined. The report of the discussion is from a letter written by 
Father Creighton of the society. I hear that after the disputation 
the King said, in his chamber, that Gordon did not understand the 
scripture, which is a fairly bold thing to say, only that the King 
has the assurance to translate " Revelations," and to write upon the 
subject as if he were Amadis de Gaul himself. 

There had been a meeting in Scotland on the matter referred to 
in the enclosed advices. Last letters, of 15th, state that the earl of 
Huntly, although he had been with the King in Edinburgh, at some 
risk, had returned to the north. — Paris, 5th April 1588. 

S. D. 262. Statement of what passed between the King op Scotland 
Paris Arohiret, and Father Gordon, of the Society of Jesus. 

K. 1567. J 

French. On the 5th February the earl of Huntly was requested by the 

King to send to him his uncle, Mr. James Gordon, of the Company 
of Jesus, on the King's promise that no evil should happen to him, 
but that he should be sent to some place of safety until the proper 
time for sailing. On the 5th February he was sent to the King, 
who received him kindly, lodged him in the palace, and ordered 
Patrick Murray, gentleman of his chamber, to provide for him 
everything he required. 

After dinner the King disputed with him in his chamber on 
controversial points of religion from 2 o'clock till 7, in the presence 
of all his officers and the gentlemen of the Court as well as some of 
the principal ministers, whom the King commanded not to speak. 
The King proposed divers points, such as the invocation of the 
saints, the communion sub utrusque specie, justification, and 
predestination. Mr. Gordon replied to the long discourse of the 
King. He (the King) is naturally eloquent, has a keen intelligence, 
and a very powerful memory, for he kuows a great part of the Bible 
by heart. He cites not only the chapters, but even the verses, in a 
perfectly marvellous way. Mr. James (Gordon) replied briefly, 
praising the King's good parts, and saying that no one could use 
his arguments better, nor quote the Scriptures and other authorities 
more effectively. 

On two points the King was convinced and agreed with Mr. James, 
as to justification and predestination, but he said that this was not 
a papist doctrine, and that he (Gordon ?) would not sign his hand 
to it. Mr. James replied that he would both write it and sign it ; 
and was certain that all Catholic Priuces would do likewise. He 
(Gordon) did write and sign his adherence to the doctrine, and gave 
it to his Majesty, whereupon the King said that Gordon would 
never more dare to go back to the Jesuits or Papists, or they would 
burn him for such a confession. 

The preliminary speech the King made before the dispute was 
very appropriate. Amongst other things, he said that, though he 
was very constant in his beliefs, he was not so obstinate as to refuse 
to submit to those who knew better than himself, and he thought 




there were many persons who held hereticaJ opinions out of simplicity 
and want of understanding as to what they ought to believe. He 
would not harm such people, he said, but wouJd wait until it pleased 
God to show them the truth. 

5 April. 263. Bernardino de Mendoza to the Kino. 

K. 1567. ' I learn by the advices of Sampson and Vega that Don Antonio 
went out of London for change of air, and Julio writes on 
25th ultimo that they had caught him near Dover with Captain 
Perrin (whom I know well), who was trying to get him out of 
England. The Queen signified to Don Antonio that he placed veiy 
little confidence in her promise that he should be safe in her country 
if he wanted to leave it without her knowledge. She said he might 
rest tranquil. She would not agree to anything prejudicial to him. 
She ordered Perrin to be put into prison. 

The new confidant caused me to delay this courier two days, in 
the belief that the English ambassador was to have audience of the 
King. As the audience has been deferred I think better not to 
delay the courier longer, especially as it is improbable that anything 
will be said, except what Julio writes to me the ambassador has 
been instructed to reply to the King with regard to persuading 
Beam to become a Catholic. 

It is asserted here that your Majesty has an understanding in 
the ports of Brittany and Normandy, and that the Spanish fleet 
will go thither. The new confidant assures me that this intelligence 
was sent to the English ambassador by the King, with a message to 
the effect that if that happened, with France in its present divided 
condition, he (the ambassador) could easily imagine what would 
happen to his Mistress. He begged the ambassador to write to the 
Queen at once about it, and to point out to her how important it 
was that Drake and the Admiral should put to sea immediately, 
and encounter your Majesty's fleet in Spanish waters. If the 
ambassador is not a simpleton, he will see easily now that the 
French want to make England a catspaw. — Paris, 5th April 1588. 

5 April. 264. Duke of Parma to the Kino. 

' ' Since God has been pleased to defer for so long the sailing of the 
Armada from Lisbon, we are bound to conclude that it is for His 
greater glory, and the more perfect success of the business ; since 
the object is so exclusively for the promotion of His holy cause. 
The enemy have thereby been forewarned and acquainted with our 
plans, and have made all preparations for their defence ; so that it 
is manifest that the enterprise, which at one time was so easy and 
safe, can only now be carried out with infinitely greater difficulty, 
and at a much larger expenditure of blood and trouble. 

I am anxiously awaiting news of the departure of the duke of 
Medina Sidonia with his fleet, and am confident that your Majesty 
will have taken care that the expedition shall be as strong and 
efficient as is necessary in the interest of your service. I am sure 
also, that your Majesty will have adopted all necessary measures 



for the carrying out of the task of protecting my passage across, so 
that not the smallest hitch shall occur in a matter of such vital 
importance. Failing this, and the due co-operation of the Duke 
with me, both before and during the actual landing, as well as 
afterwards, I can hardly succeed as I desire in your Majesty's 

The troops are in their places, and the infantry handy, as I have 
already assured your Majesty, but the cavalry are much scattered, 
as there was no more food for them anywhere nearer ; and I was 
obliged to send them to Hainault and Tournoi. I have done, and 
an) doing everything I possibly can to keep them together, and in 
good heart, knowing as I do how important it is in your Majesty's 
interest, and how much depends upon it for me personally ; but 
withal the infantry does not exceed 18,000 men, although some 
Walloons who had gone to their homes are being brought back 

I humbly beg your Majesty that this matter, so important in the 
interest of God and your Majesty, shall not be lost sight of. Even 
if they give me the 6,000 Spaniards from the Armada, as no doubt 
it is intended to do, my force will still be weak, considering that 
the enemy will be fully prepared, whilst the sickness and factions 
that will occur will still further reduce my numbers. It is 
important, therefore, that no delay or failure should occur on 
this important point. 

With regard to the peace negotiations, since the date of my last 
despatch Secretary Gamier has returned from Ostend, where he was 
made much of. On his attempting to come to some decision as to 
the place for the first meeting, they (the English) requested that it 
should be held in Ostend for the sake of appearances. But, as far 
as could be gathered, they were still without decided instructions 
from England, and it is probable that tbey may be delaying matters 
for their own ends and to our prejudice. These delays are not 
altogether unfavourable for your Majesty's objects. It is well that 
people here, who are so anxious for peace, should see that the 
English and not we are the cause of the delay. In the meanwhile 
vigilance is being exercised everywhere, in case some evil design 
should underlie it. — Ghent, 5th April 1588. 

6 April. 265. Duke of Parma to the Kino. 

o, 594. After J ^0^ written the enclosed despatch and was on the point 
of settiog out for Bruges, Dr. Rogers, one of the English Peace 
Commissioners, arrived here. In order to hear him and reply to 
him, I remained yesterday and to-day. The object of his visit was 
to urge with all his strength and eloquence that our Commissioners 
should first go to Ostend, if only for an hour, and after that the 
Queen's Commissioners would come unhesitatingly to one of your 
Majesty's towns. He was politely informed that this was im- 
possible; and that it would be less objectionable for our 
Commissioners to go to England itself than to one of the towns 
in these dominions occupied by their troops. The most they could 
demand was that the negotiations should be conducted in some 



neutral place, which was the ordinary course under such circum- 
stances ; and I said they ought to be contented with the politeness 
I had shown to the Queen as a lady, in conceding to her the choice 
of a place, instead of their trying to depart from the arrangement 
agreed upon. He was very emphatic as to the bad effect that 
would be produced by the negotiations being abandoned for so 
trifling a reason as this, and by the war being thus allowed to 
proceed, to the great injury to Christendom, and the shedding of 
human blood, particularly as in return for this piece of politeness 
to the Queen she would not only restore to your Majesty all she 
holds in these dominions, but would also aid in recovering the 
portion that still held out. 

At last, in order not to break off the negotiations, and to give 
him some amount of satisfaction, I adopted the expedient of avoiding 
giving him a decided answer, and said I would send President 
Kichardot to Ostend, who would try to give them all the satisfaction 
possible. This hardly contented him at first, as he was desirous 
of taking the answer back with bim, but he was reconciled to it 
and seemed pleased that a person ef Richardot's position and parts 
should go to see them. The president's visit, if it be delayed for a 
day or two, will draw out the matter for a week, and if the English 
have to await a reply from England, a week beyond that. Rogers 
mentioned the question of the powers, and it is evident that he 
wished to know the form in which they were granted, as he hinted 
it to Richardot, who diverted him from the subject, as I myself had 
done, by saying that the point would be discussed at its proper 
time. It is certain that my general power as Governor of the States 
will not suffice, nor will any particular instructions from your 
Majesty on the matter. The power will have to be a special one, 
in due and ample form, as full as so important a matter requires. 
All this makes me suspect that, even if we arrange as to the first 
meeting where the powers are respectively produced, they will not 
be satisfied with my authority, and will break off the negotiations, 
much as I may try to continue them. — Ghent, 6th April 1588. 

12 April. 266. Document headed : " Relation sent by the Duke of Medina 
\ 2 * 4 » Sidonia to the President of Finance. Given to me to 

Lisbon!'' take to the Tower* by the Chamberlain of the President." 

Statement made by Francisco de Valverde of St. Lucar, who 
arrived in this city of Lisbon to-day, 12th April 1588, as to 
what he saw in England and London, which place he left on the 
12th March 1588. 

Whilst he was on his way from the Indies, in the flotilla from New 
Spain under Don Juan Guzman, in the year 1586, on board one of 
his own ships of 150 tons, four English ships belonging to the 
Queen, and commanded by John Hawkins, attacked him off Cape 
St Vincent. He and 18 of his men were captured with his vesseL 
and cargo of hides and dyewood, and were kept captive for 15 
months. First, they took him to Portsmouth, where he was 

* That is, the Tower of Otombo, where the Portuguese State Archives are kept. 



detained for three months; then to Southampton, where he 
remained a month, and thence to London, where he stayed until 
the 12th March last, when he left, for Spain with a passport from 
the Queen. He embarked in the Thames and came by way of 
Dieppe and Havre de Grace, He states that for the last four 
months the English have been busy collecting ships from all parts 
of the kingdom, and that Francis Drake was in London during that 
time. He has been informed that 40 ships of the following strength 
had been gathered in Plymouth; namely, five belonging to the 
Queen, of 400 to 500 tons each, armed with bronze pieces and well 
fitted, the rest of the 40 ships being merchantmen of 150 to 
200 tons, with some smaller ones, armed with cast-iron pieces, and 
well fitted and found. 

Valverde relates that from the information he obtained by one of 
his own men, whom he sent for the purpose of inquiry, he learns 
that the 40 ships carried 8,000 fighting men and sailors, most of 
the former being harquebussiers. An epidemic was rife amongst 
them, which, although it was hushed up, was by many considered 
to be the plague ; and this caused the almost entire dispersal of the 
fleet, but the latter had now again been re-formed, and was awaiting 

In reply to the question as to whether the English were fitting 
out another fleet, and who was the commander, Valverde replied, 
that in the River Thames, at London, they had collected 20 ships, 
12 of which belonged to the Queen, and were of 400 to 600 tons 
burden, the rest being merchantmen of 200 to 250, with some 
smaller. These ships had sailed from London a month ago under 
the Lord Admiral, and were cruising the Channel off the Scotch 
coast, as it was understood that the duke of Parma and the Spanish 
fleet intended to sail thither. This second fleet carried 8,000 or 
9,000 soldiers and sailors. 

Being asked whether the Queen intended to raise another fleet 
to reinforce the above, or go elsewhere, Valverde answered that she 
did not. On the contrary, they had only been able to collect the 
two fleets already mentioned with great difficulty, and the whole of 
the Queen's strength is comprised in them. She has no means left 
for fitting out another fleet of any importance, being extremely 
short of money. 

Valverde was asked whether the men joined the fleet willingly, 
and replied that when Drake announced last summer that he was 
going to attack the Indian flotillas men flocked to him eagerly, 
and he could have armed 200 ships at that time ; but now they 
came very reluctantly and almost by force. In answer to the 
question whether they had much stores, he said yes. They had 
killed a great number of cattle and pigs, and bad prepared other 
necessaries ; but, as the men had already been on board for three 
months, they had consumed most of the victuals, and fresh supplies 
were now being provided. 

He was asked what were Drake's plans and destination, and 
replied that, when the fleet was first commissioned, it was said that 
the intention was to come and burn his Majesty's Armada, but that 



now he (Drake) and the rest of them were in suspense, as they 
feared on the one hand (the coming of the Spanish fleet), and were 
in hopes, od the other, that peace might be made, with which object 
three Commissioners left for Flanders two or three days before 
Valverde started from London. Some people were in expectation 
that peace might result, whilst others thought that the intention 
was only to entertain them (the English) and catch them unawares. 
In reply to the question whether they (the English) had news 
of the Armada now being fitted out in Lisbon, and whether they 
were alarmed at it, he said yes, but that other persons said that they 
(the Spaniards) had neither soldiers nor sailors, the greater part of 
the men on the Armada having died, so they (the English) were in 
veiy good spirits. 

He was asked whether they (the English) expected aid from 
anywhere, and replied that the prince of Condd had offered the 
Queen to bring over 12,000 Germans to her. 

He was asked whether there were any Catholics (in England) 
who expected the coming of the Armada to help them, and replied 
that a large proportion of the country would join the Spaniards and 
King Philip ; and it was a common saying amongst the people that in 
this year '88, by God's grace, England would be brought to obedience 
to the Roman Catholic Church, and they were anxious to see the 

He said that they (the English) had discovered the sea-route to 
the Moluccas by the north, which would be a great disadvantage to 
his Majesty's interests. 

He was asked whether he had seen any of the English ports, and 
if there were any fortifications in them, and replied that he only 
saw that they were raising bulwarks at Portsmouth made of sun- 
dried bricks and faggots, to serve for defence in case of need. He 
said the fort there contained about 200 men. He said also that the 
English had been informed from Portugal that, in addition to the 
supplies there was 500,000 ducats in money in the Armada, and that 
his Majesty had arranged for sight bills on Lisbon for 300,000 
ducats to be sent, which money had already been sent thither. As, 
however, three or four days would pass before it could be encashed, 
the departure of the Armada would be delayed until the day of 
St. Philip and Santiago, when, if the wind served, it would sail. 
This news was also brought by the courier who arrived from 
Lisbon on the 27th April, bringing a letter dated 24th from the 
Cardinal Archduke to Father Castro of this College,* which, 
amongst other things, says that on tftat day, Sunday, day of 
St. Mark,t the royal standard was carried to be consecrated. The 

* The document would appear to be a copy made at the end of April 1588 for the 
information of some religious congregation in Spain, and this latter portion was added 
by the copyist. 

t The day of St. Mark is the 25th April, not the 24th. The letter was doubtless 
written on the eve of St. Mark. The Consecration was on the 25th. There is au 
extremely curious account at Simancas of the ceremony ; and of the delivery of the 
standard to the duke of Medina Sidonia. It will be found printed entire in Fernandez 
Duro's " Armada Invencible." See Valverde and Santa Crua's letter from London to 
Mendoia, 27th February 1588. 



motto on it is " Exurge Domine tt vindica causam tuvm" and the 
standard was given by the ladies of Portugal. The Cardinal 
Archduke accompanied it from the cathedral to the church of 
Si Domingo, and his Holiness has already sent his benediction. On 
one side of the standard is the Virgin and the infant Jesus in her 
arms, and the devotion of all is aroused at the sight of Christ and 
the mother of Qod. On the ship's flags is painted a figure of Our 
Lady, of immense size, so that it may be seen by the soldiers. 

It was said that some women had gone on board the Armada in 
the guise of men, whereupon the duke of Medina caused a search to 
be made and found 30. 

It is also said that, although the Pope and many Italian 
potentates, including the duke of Savoy, have offered to assist the 
King, he has declined their offers ; saying that this is to be the last 
enterprise he will undertake in his life, and he has determined to 
offer it to Qod, for His service, and the exaltation of the Catholic 

14 April. 267. Bernardino de Mendozjl to the Kino. 

< k! 15677*' Since my latest reports from England, of 25th ultimo, sent to 
your Majesty in my last, I have received a letter dated 28th from 
an Englishman in London, which I now enclose. I have also 
another, dated 3rd instant, confirming the news that Drake had not 
sailed, which news is further confirmed by the new confidant. The 
Admiral is at Court, and the four largest of the Queen's ships are 
now ready for sea. The English ambassador has made public the 
memorandum I enclose herewith of the tonnage of the Queen's ships, 
with their guns and the men required to handle them — a much larger 
number than exists in England. A special envoy from Beam had 
arrived in England. 

The English ambassador here has bad audience of the King which 
lasted more than an hour. This seems significant of an under- 
standing with the Englishwoman, as the King could only give so 
short a time to the other ambassadors. The King during the 
audience spoke in so low a tone that those in the cabinet could only 
hear that he asked the ambassador whether his mistress wished to 
make him (the King) a Huguenot. Perhaps this was said on 
purpose for those who were listening to hear. — Paris, 14th April 1588. 

14 April. 268. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King. 

k! 1567?*' * n m y k 8 ^ * sported what the new confidant told me the English 
ambassador would submit to the King. The answer given to him by 
the King was, that he would consult his mother with regard to the 
Queen's offer of help if he would declare himself against the League, 
and he would send the reply later. This was taken by Secretary 
Pinart, and in substance was that the King would be much obliged 
to the Queen if she would persuade Beam to become a Catholic. If 
the Queen did not allow any other than her religion in her own 
country, it was only reasonable that the king of France should 
endeavour to do the same in his dominions. This was all, with no 
more pro and con. 



Sathpson opened Don Antonio's letters for Constantinople, and 
found in them what is set forth in his " advices." He (Sampson) is 
of opinion that if he (Don Antonio) could escape from England, he 
would go to Constantinople. Diego Botello writes to Sampson, 
telling him to try to obtain from the Queen-Mother 400 or 500 
crowns to help Don Antonio to escape from England, as he cannot do 
so without the money ; he being in great need. Sampson has not 
thought well to make the demand, and Guadagni does not recommend 
him to do so. He thinks that however much Don Antonio wished 
to leave England now he could not do so without the Queen's 
permission. — Paris, 14th April 1588. 

Note. — In a private autograph letter from Mendoza to Juan de 
Idiaquez of same date, and enclosed in the above, he expresses a 
wish to hear from the King of the departure of the Armada so that 
he, Mendoza, may be able to urge for permission to retire. He prays 
Idiaquez to forward his desires in this respect. He is in poor 
health and straightened means. 

14 April. 269. Bernardino de Mendoza to the King. 

Pl K? ^15 JT 68 ' Since sealing the accompanying despatches I have received the 

enclosed reports from England. They are f rem the same man as 
wrote on the 28th ultimo, an intelligent person. 

According to this account, if the Armada from Lisbon has gone to 
England, the very fact of its entering Plymouth will cause all the 
ships that Drake has there to surrender. Experience has proved 
that I have never been mistaken in my assertion that the English 
frontiers are weaker than is usually believed. An instance of this is 
that, even in London, so few men can be raised, where they expected 
to be able to raise 50,000.— Paris, 14th April 1588. 

Note. — Enclosed in the above despatches of 14th April there is a 
letter from Mendoza to Martin de Idiaquez, saying that the French 
Ministers were spreading the rumour that Philip IL had gone mad, 
and that in future the Infanta Isabel would sign all papers. They 
thought therefore that Spanish money aid to the League would 
not now be riven, and that the League would be easily overcome. 
Mendoza relates the disingenuous questions about the Infanta 
Isabel's health, and the King's (Philip's) continued industry with his 
papers, addressed to him by Catharine de Medici. Mendoza is 
very indignant at these rumours, which he ascribes to a deep laid 
plan to disconcert and weaken the League. 

16 April 270. Advices from London (Antonio de Vega ?). 
(N.S.) J reported at length on the 8th ultimo. They are certainly now 

PkI K.'i568. Vei ^ a fiF 8 ** fear ^ ere that his Majesty's preparations ai-e intended to be 

used against this country, and they expect the arrival of his forces 
in May. They are therefore making ready both by sea and land. 
In addition to the measures I have already detailed, they (th e 
English) have ordered all persons of quality in the country to 
provide arms to fit out a certain number of men each, according to 
their capability, a list of the arras required of them being sent 



to each person. The arms are then given to poor men who are 
unable to purchase them. A large number of men will thus be 
raised. It is said that here, in the neighbourhood of London, 20,000 
will be obtained without taking the city guard. I doubt this, 
however, as they (the city guard) are already formed into a corps. 
In other parts of the country Colonel Norris has been ordered to 
muster and drill the men, and a muster has been called for the 19th. 
London and the other coast towns have been compelled to furnish 
a certain number of ships of war, to the total number of 80 sail, 
armed and victualled for four months. London promised 20, the 
towns on the north coast 20, the south coast 20, and the west coast 20 ; 
which were to be ready in 15 days, at the cost of the inhabitants, 
each of whom was assessed at so many pounds sterling. For every 
pound's worth of property they possessed they had to pay 2a.* 
These ships, with the others they have, will be formed into two 
fleets, one of 88 sail under Drake, which will be near Plymouth in 
the Channel I do not think that this fleet will go, as they say, to 
Spain or Portugal, or even to Cape Finisterre. The other fleet will 
remain between Dover and Calais under the Lord Admiral, and will 
consist of 80 sail, namely, 30 he now has, 20 from London, and 30 to 
come from Holland. This will be 168 sail in all. Forty commis- 
sioners have been appointed in London to expedite and inspect the 
preparation of the ships. The Queen is much afraid of the League, 
p.s she sees that their forces are being concentrated in Picardy, and 
she fears they will seize Havre de Grace and Boulogne. She sent 
for the French ambassador on Palm Sunday and begged him to 
write to the King about it She had a great many explanations to 
give him, and caressed him greatly. In the course of her conversa- 
tion with him she said that she very well understood the intentions 
of the League, both towards herself and towards the King (of 
France) ; but that the world should see that she had omitted no 
effort to make peace with the king of Spain. She had sent her 
Commissioners, and was now allowing them to go whithersoever the 
duke of Parma wished. She said she would for the sake of peace 
make concessions greatly against her own dignity, and the ambas- 
sador swears that she and Leicester and the Admiral (who comes 
backwards and forwards every five or six days to see Walsingham) 
were trembling with fear whilst she was talking with him. 

I have considered it necessary to convey all this speedily, in order, 
if his Majesty wishes for peace (which I do not believe) that he 
should stand firm, as the Queen will now concede more than ever 
before ; whilst if, on the contrary, the expedition is to be carried 
out, it will be well that they (the Spaniards) should not be deceived 
as to the armaments here. In the manner I have stated a great 
fleet will be raised, although Drake, to whom full powers have been 
granted at Plymouth, writes that there are not so many sailors and 

♦ A fall account of the contribution* of the City of London in men and money towards 

the defence of the country n ill be found in Lansdowne M.S. 56 (partly printed in 

Strypes' Stowe). Some curious particulars of the subsidies raised from other parts of the 

country, collected from various sources, are quoted in the introduction of 4 ' The names of 

those persons who subscribed towards the defence of this country at the time of the 

Spanish Armada, 1588/' Edited by T. C. Noble : and also in Murdin's state papers. 




soldiers to be obtained as are required, and he requests that 40,000 
cruzados may be sent to him for the purpose. The truth is that 
everywhere the men run away, because they know that this time 
they are going to fight and not to plunder, as usual. 

I cannot send particulars of tonnage, as the ships are being fitted 
out in various ports, but the 20 in London are as follows : four of 
300 to 400 tons and the rest from 100 to 250 tons. There will be 
very few of over 200 tons from the other ports, as most of the best 
have already been appropriated. An Englishman has come from 
Yiana in 1 2 days. He was in Lisbon and saw the Armada, and 
brings with him a full list of everything. Care should be taken of 
those who are in Lisbon, and no French ship should be allowed to 
leave there or any other port* No ship at all should be allowed to 
sail before the Armada, so that the date of the departure of the 
latter shall not be known. 

(The writer gives particulars of some inquiries made with regard 
to him by Walsingham. He is suspected, and in fear for his life. 
Ho begs for leave to depart. He expresses his conviction that 
Stafford and Escobarf are those who have informed the Queen about 
him. He will not leave without orders, even though be loses his 

21 April. 271. Instructions given by the Duke of Medina. Sjdonia to the 
Estado, 455. Shipmasters on the Armada at Lisbon. 

Rations : — Each man is to receive H lbs. of biscuit per day, or 
2 lbs. of fresh bread on the days that biscuit is not served out. 

The ration of wine is to consist of a third of an azumbrej of 
Sherry, or the same of Lamego, Monzon, Pajica, and Condado wine ; 
but only a pint of Candia wine must be served as a ration, that wine 
being stronger than the others, and it will bear a double quantity 
of water. The wine to be first used is Condado and Lisbon wine, 
and then, successively, Lamego and Monzon; SheiTy and Candia 
being consumed last, as those wines bear a sea voyage better. Any 
pipes of Condado or Lisbon wine 'that may become spoilt in con- 
sequence of being kept will