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Vol. II. 


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Page 15, line 16 from bottom, for " Chalelherault " read <> Chatelherault." 
68, note f , Hue 2 from bottom, for " Approbriam " read " Opprobrium." 
68, date of letter No. 46, for " 10th July " read " 19th July." 
258, line 20 from bottom, for " Forgaza " read " Fogaza." 

273, date at bottom of letter No. 212, for " 22nd September" read ' 2n<l September.' 
378, line 9 from top, for " Beaton " read " Scton." 
532, line 18 from bottom, for " sieze " read " seized." 


Page 81, line 27 from bottom, " Brucel " should probably be " Bruch " or " Bnig." 
218, line 21 from top, " Hamberton " should probably be " Harrington." 
319, line 22 from bottom, " Huggins " should probably be " Hawkins." 
659, line 4 from bottom, "L:i Loue" should probably be " La Noiie." 

y 7C4G7. 


THE Spanish State Papers published in the former 
volume of the present Calendar exhibited with great 
clearness the gradual change of the relations between 
England and Spain which took place during the first nine 
years of the reign of Elizabeth. The English policy 
of promoting dissention and division in neighbouring 
countries, whilst openly joining neither of the rival 
powers, had succeeded, perhaps better than even Cecil, 
its great advocate, had expected. The hands of the Queen 
and her government had become firmer as the powerless- 
ness of their potential enemies became more apparent, 
and although the Queen's calculating fickleness and 
ambiguity of expression continued to confuse her rivals, 
she had, in the tenth year of her reign, when the papers 
in the present volume commence, finally thrown in her 
lot with the Protestant party, and had practically become 
the leader of the reformed faith throughout Europe. It is 
true that Catholics abounded all over the north of England, 
and that a strong party in her own Court was attached, 
more or less strongly, to the old religion. But the Queen 
was personally popular, and sought to increase her popu- 
larity with a persistence which would not be denied, and 
had also, by a policy of alternate severity and leniency, 
convinced the English Catholics that their future treat- 
ment depended mainly upon their gaining her goodwill. 
They hud, moreover, persuaded themselves now that 
Philip, slow and little-hearted as he was, would not, even 
if he could, come and re-establish their religion again in 
England at the point of Spanish pikes, as they had hoped 
at the beginning of the reign. Nor had the behaviour of 
these same pikes under Alba in the Netherlands tended to 
increase their popularity, even amongst Catholics, in 
England. By the beginning of the year 1568, therefore, 
the Queen was able to assume an attitude towards Spain 
r467, a 


which she would not have dared to take up ten years before. 
Philip's hesitancy and avoidance of risk were understood 
now to be a characteristic weakness of the man himself, 
and were seen not necessarily to hide any terrible danger 
behind them, as was formerly feared. His wars with the 
Turks, the rising of the Moriscos in the south of Spain, 
and the troubles in the Netherlands, kept his hands full 
of care and his treasury empty of doubloons. Nothing, 
therefore, was to be feared from Philip alone, whilst the 
king of France and the Emperor were, so far from being 
able to help him in a crusade against the reformed faith, 
themselves almost at the mercy respectively of the 
Huguenots and the German Protestant Princes. It is 
true that the Catholic League, which years before had 
been established to extirpate Protestantism the world over, 
still existed on paper, but the only signatory who was 
able, or even desirous, of carrying out its objects was the 
Pope ; because he alone had joined it for religious rather 
than political reasons. Cardinal Lorraine and the other 
Guises were, as usual, plotting to bring the Catholic powers 
together again for their own ends, and, as Norris writes 
from Paris (15th December 1567, Foreign Calendar), were 
urging the Queen-Mother to utterly crush and ruin Condo, 
Coligny, and the Huguenots, either by force or treachery, 
in order that France, Spain, and the Pope might together 
invade England and place Mary Stuart on the throne of 
a united Catholic nation. It was but a dream now, and 
all saw that it was so but the besotted priests who urged 
Mary herself was a disgraced prisoner at Lochleven. 
Catharine de Medici feared and hated the dominion of 
the Guises little less than she did that of the Huguenots, 
whilst Philip of Spain, even if he had been able to do so, 
was not the man to risk everything by going to war with 
the great Protestant power, whilst his own Netherlands 
w.-ro ready to burst into flame at any moment, for the 
purpose of placing Mary Stuart on the throne of England 
and Scotland with a French uncle at her elbow; and so 
give to France again the predominant power in Europe. 
Religion apart, it was better for Philip's policy that 


t k V 


England should remain Protestant than that this should 
happen; always provided that he could keep Elizabeth 
friendly, and either frighten or cajole her into a position 
of neutrality towards his own rebellious Protestant subjects 
in the Netherlands. He no longer attempted to dictate to 
her, but only sought to gain her good will ; and both 
parties were fully cognisant of their changed position 
towards each other. Overbearing Feria had hectored and 
threatened the Queen, and treated her ministers as if they 
were still subjects of his sovereign ; Quadra had gripped 
firmly under his velvet glove, until, deserted by his master 
and despairing of combating Cecil's bold craftiness with 
Philip's sole weapons of feebleness and procrastination, 
he died defeated and broken hearted. Guzman tie Silva's 
task was more difficult than that of either of his pre- 
decessors, but he was well chosen to perform it. His 
manner and appearance were amiable and ingratiating, as 
a glance at his portrait in Hampton Court Palace will 
prove, and he became a prime favourite with the Queen, 
whom he flattered to the top of her bent. His Castilian 
pride sometimes revolted against the work he had to do, 
and his letters to the King contain many complaints that 
his flattery and suavity and " the show of simplicity and 
frankness," which he says he habitually adopted, and by 
which ho had gained great influence over the Queen 
whilst he was with her, were counteracted by the 
" heretics " who surrounded her, and who were for ever 
whispering in her ear distrust of him and his master. 
His geniality seems sometimes oven to have disarmed 
Cecil himself, notwithstanding the alarmist and ex- 
aggerated reports of Philip's sinister intentions constantly 
being sent by Norris in Paris and the English spies in 
Spain and Flanders ; most of which reports are proved to 
be unfounded by the letters in the present volume. A 
good example of Guzman's adroit bonhommie in dealing 
with Cecil will be seen on page 38. Cecil was in a furious 
rage about the unceremonious expulsion of the English 
ambassador from Madrid on the pretext of his religious 
indiscretion, to which further reference will be made, 

a 2 


lie inveighed volubly and indignantly on the slight thus 
put upon his mistress, and denounced Guzman himself for 
having made mischief in the matter. Guzman met the 
outburst very characteristically. Relating the scene to the 
King he says : " I let him talk on, and, when he had done, 
" I waited a little for him to recover somewhat from his 
" rage, and then went up to him laughing and embraced 
" him, saying that I was amused to see him fly into such 
" a passion over what I had told him, because I knew he 
" understood differently, and that the affair was of such 
" a character as to be only as good or as bad as the Queen 
" liked to make it. She could take it as a good sister and 
" friend, as I hoped she would, and had shown signs of 
" doing which was the easiest, most just, and even neces- 
" sary way, since it was only right to take the actions of 
" a friend in good part, at least until bad intention be 
1 proved, or she could, for other reasons, look at it in a 
' different light, which might make it more difficult, to 
" the prejudice of his Queen and of your Majesty. I did 
' not believe, however, that any sensible man who had 
' the interests of the Queen at heart would do this, and 
" it was for this reason, and because of my zeal to pre- 
" serve this friendship, that, as soon as I heard of it, I 
' wished to let him know so as to be beforehand with 
' the mischief makers, and because I knew him to bo 
' faithful to the Queen and well disposed towards your 
1 Majesty's affairs. I meant him to make use of my 
' information privately in favour of the objects I had 
' stated. He asked me whether I had not told him in 
' order that he might convey it to the Queen and 
Council, to which I replied no, that I had only told 
1 him as^ a private friend, and with this he became 
| calmer." The ambassador then cleverly presents the 
Spanish view of the case, and "at last he (Cecil) 
seemed more tranquil." At the date of the opening 
of the present volume this cloud had not yet arisen, and 
England was more peaceful and assured than she had 
been since the Queen's accession. The standing danger 
from Scotland had disappeared for the first time for many 


years. Mary was a prisoner, with a dread suspicion 
hanging over her, and Murray, sustained by English 
money and English forces, was the bounden servant of 
Elizabeth. France was aflame with civil war, and the 
royal house divided against itself by the bitter jealously 
and distrust of the King for his brother Anjou, prompted 
by the Queen-Mother ; that she might the more effectually 
hold the balance between the rival parties in the State. 
Disaffection had been ruthlessly crushed in the Netherlands 
by Alba, but was still glowing beneath the surface with 
dull ferocity, as Philip well knew ; and his powerlessness 
for harm, alone, was made clear by the attitude of his 
ambassador in England, whose one object for the moment 
was by flattery and cajolery to induce Elizabeth and her 
councillors to refrain from damaging Spanish interests by 
countenancing the Flemish Protestants or aiding English 
voyages to the Spanish Indies. Under these circumstances 
Elizabeth could afford to drop the hollow negotiations 
which had been lingering for so long for her marriage 
with the Archduke Charles. Sussex, perhaps the only 
prominent person who really believed in the sincerity of 
the negotiations, was himself at last undeceived and was 
begging for his recall from Vienna, in deep disappointment 
and resentment against Leicester and his party, upon whom 
he laid the blame of the failure of his mission. A decent 
pretence was assumed on both sides that the project was 
still pending, the Emperor was given the Garter with great 
pomp, but the affair was practically at an end in February 
when Sussex left Vienna, to the relief of Philip who, for 
years past, had lost faith in the Queen's sincerity in the 
matter, and whose interests were daily drifting further 
away from those of his Austrian cousins. But this state 
of tranquil security did not last many weeks. Immunity 
from danger made the reforming party in England bold, 
and already in February (1568) steps were being taken 
again to worry the Catholics, in reprisal, to some extent, 
for the atrocities committed by Alba's troops on the 
Flemish Protestants, who were flocking into England by 
thousands with their stories of cruelty and oppression, and 


deeply stirring the resentment of their co-religionists here. 
Whilst all Protestant England was thrilling with sym- 
pathy for the oppressed Flemings, the victims of Alba's 
cruelty, the Queen was strongly desirous of clearing 
herself from the suspicion of helping them, and she 
seems to have gone out of her way to reassure Guzman 
on the subject. With her usual clever evasion of respon- 
sibility, she assured Guzman that she knew nothing 
of the archbishop (Parker) of Canterbury's new attempt 
to force the oath of supremacy on the ecclesiastical lawyers 
of the Court of Arches. Guzman writes to the King (2nd 
February 1568, page 4) : " This appears to be the case 
" from what she said to me about it, and what afterwards 
" happened, which was that she was angry with the Arch- 
" bishop and rated him on the subject, although sub- 
" scquently the earl of Bedford, Knollys and Cecil 
" pacified her and gave her to understand that it would 
" be unwise to be severe on the Archbishop for fear of 
" encouraging the Catholics too much." He writes 
again on 16th February 1568 (page 7): "News comes 
" from Scotland that some of the principal people have 
" risen against the Regent and the Government, and when 
" I asked the Queen whether it was true, she said it was, 
" and they even wanted to throw the blame on her, as 
" some malicious people had also tried to do respecting 
" the disturbances in France, and even those of Flanders, 
" which she said was entirely unfounded, as she is 
" strongly opposed to such proceedings of subjects against 
" their rulers, and particularly in the case of your Majesty 
" and your dominions, which should never be molested by 
" England, at least whilst she was Queen. I said that 
" she was quite free from any such suspicion, seeing the 
" loving goodwill your Majesty bore her, and she, like the 
" great Princess she was, could not fail to reciprocate it, 
" as I constantly advised your Majesty she did. As the 
" malice of the heretics is continually exercised in 
" arousing her suspicion, no opportunity must be loat to 
" dissipate it." 
But disclaim it as she might, Protestant feeling in the 



country was deeply moved and was becoming aggressive 
instead of merely seeking toleration ; and distrust and re- 
sentment against Philip and the Catholic league were being 
industriously fanned by the English agents in France and 
Germany, who constantly reported the intended invasion 
of England and its reduction to Catholicism. The attempt 
of England to assert equal international and religious 
rights with Spain and the Catholics, seems to have been 
precipitated at first accidentally, and resulted in a breach 
which grew ever wider until the final triumph of England 
over the Armada. In January 1568 the vicious lunacy of 
the miserable boy Don Carlos had reached a pitch which 
necessitated his isolation. Philip entered his room at 
10 o'clock on the night of the 18th January and arrested 
his only son and heir with his own hands. It was known 
that he had had communications with the discontented 
Flemings ; and John Man, the dean of Gloucester, who 
was English Ambassador in Madrid, thought the event of 
sufficient importance to dispatch a special messenger, one 
of his own secretaries, post haste, to carry the news to 
England. He arrived in the middle of February and gave 
an account of what had happened. In the course of conver- 
sation he told the Queen that the ambassador's household 
were not allowed to perform divine service according to 
the reformed rites, even in their OAvn house, and Elizabeth 
immediately wrote to Man (21st February 1568, Foreign 
Calendar) peremptorily ordering him to demand the free 
exercise of- his religion in accordance with international 
rights, saying that if this were refused she would at 
once recall him. Unfortunately, on the same day, 
both the Queen and Cecil also made the same request of 
Guzman (page 9), and Philip was therefore forewarned 
of the demand which was to be made by the English 
ambassador. That the hated heresy, which struck at 
the very root of the principle by which he ruled, should 
raise its head in his own capital, even in the house of 
an ambassador, was too much for Philip. The demand 
for international recognition of the dreaded thing alarmed 
him and he determined to forestall it. Before the am- 


basaador could formulate bis complaint, he had a series 
of accusations drawn up against Dr. Man, and a number 
of the English Catholic refugees who lived in Madrid, 
mostly on Philip's bounty, were called to testify to un- 
becoming words pronounced by the ambassador against 
the Catholic religion and the Pope, at the dinner table and 
elsewhere in private conversation. An English spy called 
Kobert Hogan or Iluggins, who betrayed both Spain and 
England in turn, writes to Cecil (30th March 1568, Foreign 
Calendar) that he, like others, had been forced to testify 
against Man, who, he says, will certainly get into trouble, 
although entirely by his own fault and foolishness, and his 
" too liberal tongue." It is mainly the duke of Feria's 
doing, ho says, as he is Man's deadly enemy; although 
elsewhere Ilogan calls the Duke the friend of the English, 
which he certainly was not in any sense. Man was never 
afforded an opportunity of making his complaint. Philip 
saw him no more; he was hurried out of Madrid to a 
village called Barajas and thence contemptuously packed 
off to England, without being allowed even to take leave 
of the King. Guzman smoothed the matter over as best 
ho could, with many loving messages from his master to 
the effect that another English ambassador who was more 
modest and respectful to the Catholic religion would be 
welcomed with open arms ; but the blow was a heavy one 
to the pride of Elizabeth and her Protestant advisers, and 
their wrath was nursed silently until ample revenge could 
be taken. They were revenged a hundred-fold as will 
be shown, although the exaction of their retribution gave 
rise to events, which, it is not too much to say, in the end 
left their indelible mark upon the fate of Christendom. 

In the meanwhile the rising of the Catholic lords in 
Scotland against Murray and the. belief that French forces 
would be sent to aid them if the Huguenots were disposed 
of had caused more countenance to be given by the English 
Government to Conde and the Huguenots on the one hand 
and to the Flemish Protestants on the other, whilst the 
English Catholics were more vigorously prosecuted than 
they had bceu for some time, (iu/mau mentions a rumour 


(10th April 1568) that Cardinal Lorraine was raising 1,200 
harquebussiers to send to Dumbarton, and this, together 
Avith the passage of a French envoy to Scotland, deeply 
alarmed the Queen, notwithstanding the solemn assurance 
of the king of France and his mother that, out of gratitude 
for Elizabeth's neutrality in the French troubles, they 
would not allow any French force to be sent to Scotland ; 
a covert threat that if she openly helped Conde they would 
retaliate by helping Mary. The apprehension was im- 
mensely increased by the news of Mary's escape from 
Lochleven (after her first unsuccessful attempt of which 
an interesting account is given by Guzman, page 26), 
but the policy which had been so successful before was 
promptly adopted again. Fresh encouragement was 
given to the Huguenots. Protestantism in the Nether- 
lands was accorded a more hearty sympathy than ever, 
and expeditions of refugee Flemings were allowed to 
fit out in English ports to go over and help their 
compatriots. Against this Guzman protested over and 
over again, but only got vague promises of redress or hypo- 
critical professions of ignorance ; and when at last orders 
were given for the prohibition of such expeditions, 
they were easily evaded, and the current of help and 
sympathy still flowed, as it flowed for many years after- 
wards, from the Protestants in England to their struggling 
co-religionists across the North Sea. 

On the 21st May 1568 news reach Elizabeth and her 
advisers which, whilst increasing their perplexity and 
danger, changed the base of trouble and brought it nearer 
to their own doors. The battle of Langsyde had been 
fought six days before, and Mary was already a fugitive, 
and practically a prisoner, in England. Guzman, at this 
point, represents Elizabeth as being desirous of treating 
Mary as a sovereign, which, considering her views of the 
royal state, was probably her first impulse. He says 
(22nd May), " If this Queen has her way now, they will 
" be obliged to treat the queen of Scots as a sovereign, 
" which will offend those who forced her to abdicate, sc 
" that, although these people are glad enough to have her in 


" their hands, they have many things to consider. If 
" they keep her as in prison, it will probably scandalise 
" all neighbouring princes, and if she remain free and 
" able to communicate with her friends, great suspicions 
" will be aroused. In any case it is certain that two 
" women will not agree very long together." 

If it were ever Elizabeth's intention to receive her 
unfortunate cousin as a sovereign the idea must have 
disappeared promptly on the reports received from Drury 
and her other officers in the north of England. All the 
country side, they said, Catholic to the backbone, was in 
a ferment of excitement and rejoicing at the arrival in 
their midst of the Catholic princess, upon whom their hopes 
were fixed. Norris in Paris (4th June, Foreign Calendar) 
writes to say that an effort will be made to carry Mary to 
France, " but he is assured that Cecil will rather, as he 
" writes, help and counsel the Queen to make her profit 
" of her there than consent to her coming hither." In 
any case Elizabeth did not hesitate long as to the course 
which would best serve her own interests. Her uncere- 
monious treatment of Mary's envoys, Herries and Fleming, 
is fully detailed by Guzman, for whom and the duke of 
Alba they brought letters from their fugitive mistress. 
The envoys complained bitterly of their treatment, and 
threatened if aid was refused by England to appeal to 
" France, your Majesty, or even the Pope." " The Pope," 
said Bedford, as if shocked with the bare idea. " Yes," said 
Herries, " and even the Grand Turk, or the Sophi, seeing 
the need my Queen is in." Such talk as this was too 
dangerous to be endured for very long, and on the 24th 
June Guzman writes to the King, " The Queen has given 
" a decided answer to Herries and Fleming, and has 
" refused to give leave to the latter to go to France 
" respecting the Scotch queen's affairs. Her answer is 
" that she has ordered their Queen to approach nearer to 
' her, and has Bent word to the Scotch government to 
" send representatives to the same place, whither she 
" herself will also send persons to treat with both parties. 
' If she is assured that their Queen was not an accomplice 



" in the murder of her husband, she will help her, and if 
" she was privy to it, she will try to reconcile her to the 
" government." Herries and Fleming conveyed this 
answer to Guzman, and asked for his advice, which he 
gave, as follows (26 June) : " I replied that their Queen 
" should show full confidence in this Queen, and should 
" act, at present, in such a way as to give to the latter no 
" reasonable excuse for not helping her and treating her 
" well. She should be very careful, I said, to avoid all 
" suspicion that she had any pretensions to the crown 
" during this Queen's life ; and, as regards satisfying her 
" respecting her husband's death, their Queen should say ' 
" that she herself desired to do so, loving her as she did 
" as a sister and friend, but by other means than by judicial 
" action and question and answer with her own subjects, 
" which would be a derogation of her dignity and unfitting 
" to her rank." The first portion of this sound advice 
Mary, unfortunately for herself, did not follow, very different 
counsel being given to her subsequently by those who 
succeeded Guzman as her advisers, but the latter portion, 
no doubt, led to her sudden change of front in refusing to 
acknowledge an investigation for which she had formerly 
professed herself anxious. Guzman had a long conversation 
with Elizabeth on the 29th of June about Scotch affairs, 
particularly with reference to the answer which had been 
given to the special envoy from the king of France, M. de 
Montmorin. Elizabeth told him that there were difficulties 
in the way of her giving armed help to restore Mary to the 
throne, and the result of such an attempt would be un- 
certain, and she thought the best course would be to come 
to terms with Murray. " These terms she said must be 
" hard, as Murray and his gang would never be safe if 
" the Queen returned as a ruler, even though she pardoned 
" them now, as she could easily find an excuse afterwards 
" to be revenged on them." She said very emphatically 
that on no occount would she allow Mary to go to France, 
" and, as for sending her back alone after she had placed 
" herself under her protection, that would be a great dis- 
" honour for her (Elizabeth) and her country.^ Seeing also 


" the pretensions she had to the English crown, it would 
" be dangerous, she said, to allow her to be free in this 
" country, as she might take opportunities of satisfying 
" people here about past events, and gain them over. She 
" therefore had determined to bring her to some place in 
" the interior of England, both that she might be safer 
" from her enemies, and also in order that, if she attempted 
" to escape clandestinely to Scotland, her flight should be 
" made longer and more difficult ; as between Carlisle 
" and Scotland there was only one small river which 
" could easily be crossed." The determination thus early 
expressed by Elizabeth to keep her cousin under guard 
for good was no doubt prompted by the knowledge 
that Mary was clamouring for foreign aid on all hands, 
and that the people of the north, forgetting her misdeeds, 
were burning to help her. Norris was persistent in 
his alarmist reports of Popish plots in her favour and 
Murray himself begged Drury to warn Elizabeth to 
keep people from access to his sister, " as she has 
" sugared speech in store, and spares not to deal part 
" of it now." 

Guzman says that Fleming is constantly coming confi- 
dentially to him about his mistress's affairs ; but neither the 
instructions nor the peaceful disposition of the ambassador 
allowed him to hold out hopes of Spanish help. He says 
" I have shown him great goodwill, and have, in general 
" terms assured him of your Majesty's sincere affection 
" for his Queen, as I am letting the Catholics, her friends, 
" also understand." But at the same time he took great 
care to keep in t'he good graces of Elizabeth, who appears 
to have been sincerely attached to him. 

In February 1568 Guzman, who had been complaining 
of ill-health for some time, begged the King to withdraw 
him from London. All, he said, was now quiet and 
friendly, and another person could easily fill his place. 
Unlike the bishop of Aquila he was a wealthy man, but 
his means were nearly exhausted with the great expense of 
the embassy, and the poverty or penuriousness of the King. 
Philip was not in the habit of taking into account the 



personal wishes of his servants, and if it had not suited 
him to remove Guzman he certainly would not have done 
so. No answer to the ambassador's request was sent until 
13th May, when, as has been shown, the whole aspect of 
matters had changed and the prospect had become anything 
but " quiet and friendly." Philip was evidently in great 
trepidation as to the way in which his high-handed treat- 
ment of the English ambassador would be received, and it 
is possible that when he saw the apparent submissiveness 
of the Queen under the blow, he may have thought that a 
rougher tongued representative than Guzman would be 
more likely to servo his purpose. He may have con- 
sidered, moreover, that Guzman was too tolerant and 
yielding to the " heretics " ; particularly as the ambassador 
gives as one of the reasons for desiring his recall, the 
danger to which Catholics are exposed who dwell long 
amongst " heretics," and witness their laxity in religion, 
and their freedom from restraint (page 10). Be that as 
it may, Philip appointed as his successor a man dia- 
metrically opposite to him ; a firey Catalan knight called 
Guerau de Spes, as haughty and intolerant as Feria himself, 
a man, as it afterwards turned out, entirely wanting in 
discretion at a time when, of all qualities, discretion was 
that most needed. At first sight it is difficult to under- 
stand why so close an observer of men as Philip appointed 
such a firebrand as this to represent him, unless he had 
determined to adopt an aggressive policy towards England, 
contrary to that which he had thitherto followed, and it 
has been usually assumed by English historical writers 
that this was the case. Norris' letters of the time 
certainly give colour to the assertion that Philip sent 
Don Guerau with instructions to forward a Catholic con- 
spiracy in England in union with Cardinal Lorraine and 
the duke of Alba, for the purpose of expelling Elizabeth 
and crushing the Protestant power; but Norris, zealous 
Protestant as he was, eagerly accepted and repeated all the 
news his spies could bring him that was damaging to the 
Catholics, and was ignorant of or underrated Philip's 
difficulties. The present letters, for the first time, show 


clearly that, whatever may have been the wish of Philip's 
heart, it was absolutely impossible for him to embark upon 
a war with England, beset as he was on all hands. 
Guerau do Spes was doubtless sent with the idea that a 
less complaisant envoy than Guzman would be able to 
exert more influence over the Queen by fear than by 
suavity, an idea encouraged doubtless by the quiet way in 
which she had accepted her ambassador's contemptuous 
dismissal. As will be seen, however, Don Guerau did not 
stop at rough words or haughty demeanour ; like the hot 
partizan he was, he began more or less overt plotting with 
the disaffected as soon as he arrived in the country, and 
probably even before. The ostensible reason for Don 
Guerau's coming was to give explanations about the 
expulsion of Dr. Man, but Elizabeth, full of Norris' 
sinister reports, was much perturbed by the withdrawal 
of her favourite Guzman. " She hoped to God," she told 
the latter, " that there was no mystery behind this 
change," and reproached him personally with her usual 
coquetry for wanting to leavo her. Cecil was more 
outspoken and professed to believe that Guzman himself 
had arranged the plot ; which wo now know Norris had 
informed him, Cecil, that Don Guerau was engaged in. 
Guzman was surprised and indignant, he, at all events, 
having had no hand in the matter, as Cecil indeed well 
knew. Guzman tells the story to the King in his letter of 
the 9th August 1568 : " On my return to London, 1 
" talked with Cecil and told him of the coming of Don 
" Guerau and ray departure, whereat he expressed sorrow 
" and assured me that the Queen would be greatly pained, 
" especially as it would seem to confirm what had been 
" conveyed to him from several quarters, that Cardinal 
" Lorraine had arranged a treaty with the duke of Alba, 
" respecting this country and the queen of Scots ; which 
" had been negotiated through me, as the French ambas- 
" sador here could not be trusted. It was said also that 
1 the queen of Scotland herself was in communication 
" with me and sent me letters for your Majesty, and it 
" was asserted that, now that I had arranged what was 


' wanted, I wished to leave, in order that my successor, 
" and not myself, should witness the carrying out of the 
" plan. It was known that I had a person at Dieppe to 
" advise people in France of these matters, and that Don 
" Frances de Avila (the Spanish ambassador in France) 
" never left the side of Cardinal Lorraine. My own belief 
" is that Cecil invented the whole of this .... because 
" I am told that the letter that the queen of Scotland 
" wrote to me with a letter to your Majesty, together with 
" another for the French ambassador, fell into Cecil's 
" hands." Guzman repudiated the accusation with much 
spirit and evident truthfulness, and doubtless confirmed 
Cecil in his knowledge that, whatever were the instructions 
of the new ambassador, the main object of the departing one 
was to preserve peace and amity between the two nations. 
A perusal of the substance of the instructions to Guerau 
do Spes (page 66) -will show how limited was the mission 
confided to him. He was to satisfy the Queen about 
Dr. Man, beyond which his functions were mainly to send 
to the duke of Alba and the King constant reports of all 
that was passing in England. He is instructed, over and 
over again, that he is to do nothing without the orders of 
the duke of Alba, and, indeed, so far as can be gathered 
from his instructions and the letters sent to him, his 
functions were more those of a spy than a minister. The 
following sentence from the instructions will prove that it 
was not Philip's desire at the time to break with England : 
" You will give the Queen my letter, saluting her gaily 
" and graciously from me, saying that I have appointed 
" you the successor of Diego de Guzman to reside near 
" her as my ordinary ambassador, with instructions to 
" serve and gratify her on every possible occasion, as, in 
" fact, 1 wish you to do, trying to keep her on good terms 
" and assuring her from me that I will always reimn her 
" friendship as her good neighbour and brother" 

At a time when the bad faith of Elizabeth in seizing the 
specie destined for the pay of Philip's troops, and the indis- 
cretion of Guerau de Spes had embittered the relations of the 
two governments to the last degree, the correspondence in 


tho present volume between the King and the duke of Alba 
proves indisputably tho (perhaps necessarily) peaceful atti- 
tude of Philip towards England and the fear entertained 
both by the King and his Viceroy of the indiscretion and 
meddlesomeness of the ambassador. As the letters in 
question were confidential and there was no fear of their 
being seized they certainly contained the real sentiments 
of tho writers. It will be seen by reference to them 
that so hardly pressed were the Spaniards for money 
and BO beset with difficulties, that their only desire 
at the time was to recover the Spanish property 
seized in England and re-open their suspended trade, 
leaving the idea of vengeance for a future time. Alba 
geveral times complains that Don Guerau's zeal is out- 
running his discretion, and that he allows himself to be 
drawn into compromising positions by exceeding the in- 
structions sent to him. This correspondence is mentioned 
here out of its chronological order to enforce the view 
that the treasonable plots in which Don Guerau was cer- 
tainly concerned during the whole of his residence in 
England, and his complicity in which contributed largely 
to the subsequent bitterness between the countries, were 
entered into by him in the first place in violation of tho 
spirit of his instructions and of his master's desire ; and 
that the secret aid afterwards given by Philip to treason in 
England was bestowed in consequence of the misleading 
reports sent by the ambassador with regard to the strength 
and resources of the disaffected. These reports, indeed, as 
will be seen in the present volume, were evidently per- 
vaded more by the zeal of the partisan than by the dis- 
passionate scrutiny of the minister. A further proof that 
Guerau de Spes was not sent by Philip for the purpose of 
plotting the overthrow of Elizabeth in favour of Mary is 
afforded by tho letter from the King to the duke of Alba, 
dated 15th September 1568 (page 71), written at tho timo 
when De Spes had just arrived in England. In it tin-. 
King refers to Mary's letter to him complaining of her 
imprisonment and invoking his aid, with earnest profes- 
sions of her Catholicism. " I have," he says, " refraiiwil 


" from taking any decision or answering her autograph 
" letter, of which I enclose a copy, until you tell me what 
" you think of her business, and in what way, and to what 
" extent, I should assist her. I therefore beg and enjoin 
" you to write to me on this by the first opportunity, and 
" to encourage the Queen from there " (i.e., the Nether, 
lands) " as best you can, to persevere firmly in her good 
" purpose," (namely, to remain a firm Catholic) "as it is 
" clear that whilst she does so God will not abandon her." 
Guerau de Spes arrived in Paris in July 1568 after suf- 
fering much insult and maltreatment on his way through 
the south of France, of which he complained to the Queen- 
Mother, who told him that the King was not obeyed in 
that part of the country. He does not mention that he 
saw Cardinal Lorraine privately, but merely says that he 
and Cardinals Guise and Bourbon, with the dukes of 
Nemours and Guise, were present at the audience, and " re- 
commended the affairs of the queen of Scotland to me." 
The bishop of Glasgow, Mary's minister in France, was ill, 
but, says De Spes, "he sent two gentlemen to recommend 
" his mistress' affairs to my care. She appears to found all 
" her hopes on your Majesty's favour, and I have told him 
" that I have orders on my arrival to do what I can for her." 
However strong may have been De Spes' sympathy for 
the queen of Scots, it is clear from these general expres- 
sions that he was charged with no deep plot in her favour 
by his master, as has been assumed on the strength of the 
information sent to England by Norris and others. Tho 
account he sends of his interview with the duke of Alba 
bears out this view, as it principally refers to the com- 
mercial grievances existing between England and the 
Netherlands, still left unsettled by the provisional agree- 
ment of Bruges. In, this letter, however, written before 
he arrived in England, he shows how different are his 
methods from those of Guzman de Silva, who invaiiably 
palliated and minimised points of difference. " Antonio 
" de Guaras," he says, " has sent me two slanderous papers 
" printed in England, which the heretics of that country 
" have made up to entertain their gang, and to endeavour 

y 76T. b 


" to diminish the favour your Majesty extends to the 
" Catholics, and the justice and equity which you maintain 
" in your States. If your Majesty wishes, they can be 
" copied and sent to you in Spanish. I shall be glad to 
" bo directed as to whether I should speak to the Queen 
" about these insults." Needless to say that on his arrival 
in England the queen of Scotland's friends approached 
him, and thenceforward a constant correspondence was 
carried on between him and Mary through them, most of 
which correspondence was, of course, well known to the 
English Court through their spies. On the 30th October 
15GS (page 81) when he had only been in London about 
seven weeks, writing to the King a propos of the meeting 
of the Commission in York to settle Scotch affairs, he says, 
" 1 am of opinion that this would be a good opportunity 
" df handling successfully Scotch affairs, and restoring 
" this countn/ to Uic Catholic religion, and if the Duke were 
" out of his present anxiety and your Majesty wished, it could 
" lc discussed." 

On the 6th November ho wrote : " It appears as if the 
" time was approaching when this country may bo made 
" lo return to the Catholic Church, the Queen being in 
" such straits and short of money. I have already 
" informed your Majesty of the offer made by Viscount 
" Montague's brother-in-law on condition that they may 
" hope for protection from your Majesty." These are 
the first suggestions of a design to overthrow Elizabeth, 
and, as will be noted, they do not come from Philip, but 
are only tentatively made to him by his ambassador. In a 
letter dated 12th December 1568 (page 85) he assures the 
King that " whenever Flemish matters are calm, and your 
" Majesty and the French king choose to stop English 
" commerce, without even drawing the sword, they (the 
" English) will be obliged to adopt the Catholic religion ;" 
and lie enclosed for the King's approval a draft of a long 
iidilrcss of exhortation which he proposed to deliver to tho 
Queen, thinking thereby to convert her to Catholicism 
(page 85). Philip, who knew well tho tremendous forces 
arrayed against him, may well have smiled at th simplicity 


of his envoy in supposing that a turgid speech from a hot. 
headed bigot could revolutionise the consummate statecraft 
of Elizabeth and Cecil. With such an ambassador as this, 
it was naturally not long before matters between England 
and Spain reached an acute stage. Cardinal Chatillon was 
at Elizabeth's Court arousing sympathy and obtaining aid 
for the Huguenots in France ; the Flemish refugees were 
spreading abroad a feeling of indignation against Alba's 
atrocities in the Netherlands, and money was being sent 
daily across to help their brethren against their oppres- 
sors ; privateers, and pirates who called themselves such, 
were already swarming in the Channel, and few vessels 
bearing the flag of Spain escaped their depredations. 
Early in December, Cecil wrote to De Spes (Foreign 
Calendar) complaining of practices of his which had 
been discovered, and the envoy retaliated by almost 
daily complaints, couched often in very intemperate 
language, of the piracies in the Channel. Norris and 
others, as usual, were reporting unceasingly the terrible 
things which were to be done in England as soon as the 
Netherlands were quieted and tho Huguenots suppressed. 
The Queen told De Spes himself (18th December 1568, 
page 89) that " she knew that, after tho king (of France) 
" bad pacified his country, he would turn upon her for the 
" sake of religion, as she was assured by persons in her 
" favour who were members of his Council." Similar 
ideas had been current in Guzman de Silva's time, but ha 
wisely and adroitly laughed them aside. Guerau de Spes, 
on the contrary, fanned the flame by his manifest plotting 
with the Catholic party ; and at the interview referred to 
above, told the Queen that whilst she allowed the Huguenot 
privateers to enter her ports, it would be very difficult for 
her to preserve her friendship with the States of Flanders. 
In view of the fears thus engendered and encouraged by 
the indiscretion of the envoy, it is not to be wondered at 
that when chance threw into the way of the Queen a 
means of crippling her enemy and averting the threatened 
danger, she should have adopted it, even at the expense of 

honesty and international rights. She herself was hardly 

b 2 


pressed for money to fit out a fleet to help the Huguenots 
and defend her coast, and had not only borrowed to tho 
full extent of her credit, but, says De Spes (page 83), had 
pledged some of her jewels to raise the required sum. 

Late in November 1568 several vessels carrying a largo 
amount of treasure from Spain to Flanders were chased by 
pirates in the Channel, and for safety put into the ports of 
Southampton, Plymouth, and Falmouth respectively. The 
money, on its arrival in the Netherlands, was to be advanced 
to the king of Spain by its owners, certain Genoese 
bankers, for the purpose of paying Alba's troops and 
enabling him to continue his operations for the suppression 
of the Protestants. Two of the cutters, shrewdly suspect- 
ing that they were in as much danger from the English on 
shore as from the pirates themselves, boldly left port the 
day after they had taken refuge there and ran the 
blockade of pirates, arriving duly at Antwerp. The rest, 
consisting of a large vessel with 31,OOOZ. in Southampton 
and three or four cutters in the western ports, continued 
to be assailed or threatened by the privateers, even whilst 
in harbour, and, ostensibly for the protection of tho 
treasure from their depredations, it was landed and placed 
in safety by the shore authorities. The transaction is 
related diversely by the two parties interested, and both 
sides of the question are set forth in the present volume ; 
but there seems to be no doubt that Spinola, the great 
] lorentine banker in London, who was charged with tho 
forwarding of the money in case it came to England, in formed 
the Queen that it was being conveyed to its destination at 
the risk of the lenders, and could not be rightly called the 
property of the king of Spain until its arrival in the 
Netherlands. Prior to this information being given the 
Queen had signed (12th December) passports and safe- 
conducts for the money to be sent overland to Dover, or 
under convoy by sea from the ports, but on learning the 
state of affairs from Spinola, orders were given for tho 
landing of the money, which was done on tho 21st. There 
is no doubt that it had been determined at this time to 
retain tho money if, on examination, Spinola's statement 


were confirmed, as on the 24th Horsey, the Governor of the 
Isle of Wight, writes to Cecil (Foreign Calendar), giving 
him an account of his examination of the specie from the 
ship in Southampton which had satisfied him that it was 
still the property of the bankers, and asks whether he shall 
send the treasure up to London at once. It was a mei'e 
technical excuse for taking the money, of course, as it was 
undisputed that it was destined as a loan for the king of 
Spain; but it enabled Elizabeth to make the seizure 
without openly committing an act of war. De Spes was 
violent and headstrong as usual, and immediately wrote to 
the duke of Alba urging him forcibly to seize all British 
subjects and their property in the Netherlands, and to 
recommend Philip to do the same in Spain. The seizure 
was made in the Netherlands on the 29th, as soon as De 
Spes' letter reached the Duke, but on various pretexts, no 
definite refusal had yet been given to De Spes by the 
English Government to restore the money. On the 29th 
Elizabeth told him that she might as well borrow it as his 
King, as she was quite as responsible and able to repay it, 
principal and interest. De Spes' precipitancy had put him 
again in the wrong in urging Alba to make his seizures 
before the intention of the Queen to keep the money had 
been officially declared. Even on the 29th she left the 
question ostensibly open, although her intention was clear, 
but when news arrived of the seizure of all English 
property by Alba she at once made this an excuse, not only 
for retaining the money she had landed, but for seizing 
all Spanish property in England as well, the amount of 
which was great in excess of the value of Alba's 
seizures; and a great show of indignation was made 
at the illegality of Alba's action. It will thus 
be seen that Elizabeth had put herself technically in 
the right, however wrong she might be morally. The 
principal effect of her action was to make her for the time 
rich, whilst Philip's sorely shrunken exchequer was the 
more depleted and his power for evil greatly diminished. 
Philip and Alba, as will be seen in the letters in the 
present volume, were well nigh in despair. The Gueux 


crushed on land, were swarming on the sea, and made mari- 
time communication between Spain and northern Europe 
almost impossible. Trade was paralysed and credit dead. 
The moral effect of Philip's poverty and powerlessness was 
very marked. Alba's task in the Netherlands became 
more and more difficult, as the bankers became increasingly 
chary of lending money to a King who could not even 
retain his own treasure or punish those who plundered 
him, and the unfortunate, sorely-beset and over-weighted 
King could only hand the whole question over to Alba 
with the arbitrament of peace or war. In a letter to the 
Duko (IKth February 1579) ho says that Do Spes informs 
him that the opportunity is now ripe for deposing the 
Queen and placing the queen of Scots on the throne of a 
Catholic England, and leaves Alba to undertake the 
business without further consulting him if he thought 
proper. But Alba had a very poor opinion of De Spes 
and his I'ecommendations, and was in closer touch with the 
difficulties than was Philip, immersed in his papers at the 
Escorial, and wrote to the King on the 10th March as 
follows : " I do not know whether an open rupture with 
" England at the present time will be advantageous, con- 
" sidering the state of the Treasury, and these States being 
" so exhausted with the war and late disturbances, and so 
" bereft of ships and many other things necessary for a 
" fresh war, whilst it would certainly be a grave loss of 
" dignity to again return to the old negotiations. All 
" things considered, I think it would be best to adopt a 
" gentle course, writing to the Queen that, seeing the close 
" friendship and alliance that have so long existed between 
" the countries, particularly between har father and the 
" Emperor, and your brotherly affection for her, even 
" though she should desire to quarrel, you will not consent 
" to do so, and that it shall never be said that the knot 
" that binds you together has been loosened. She should 
" bo asked to say in what way she considers herself 
" aggrieved, and your Majesty will be ready to give her 
" every satisfaction in consideration of your tender love 
" for her, and will not pursue the same course as with any 


" other prince under similar circumstances. I thought 
" well to set this forth to your Majesty in case she should 
" send anyone to you before the definite opinion is for- 
" warded to you from here, and you can thus go on tempo- 
" rising, and, afterwards, adopt the course you think best. 
" There will be means for fully satisfying your Majesty 
" by-and-by if you desire it." This was the tone of Alba' 3 
recommendations to the King during the whole of his stay 
in the Netherlands, and Philip never wanted much per- 
suasion for him to adopt a temporising policy. Necessary 
as such a policy may have been, it was a clear evidence of 
weakness to the English, who took higher ground than 
ever. De Spes, in impotent fury, wrote a foolish flighty 
letter (page 105) to one of the Spanish officials in the 
Netherlands. The letter was of course intercepted, and 
the ambassador was placed under arrest for his insolence. 
He stormed and appealed in vain. Philip and Alba answered 
him in the same way as the bishop of Aquila had been 
answered under similar circumstances eight years before. 
He must make the best of it and endure everything patiently 
for the King's service. Alba's first step was to send over 
the pedantic and wordy Flemish councillor D'Assonleville, 
but the Queen refused even to give him audience and would 
not recognise the duke of Alba in any way. D'Assonleville 
himself even was surrounded with restrictions and had to 
return empty handed to the Duke. Thenceforward for 
years the same policy was pursued. Envoy after envoy 
was sent from the Netherlands to England to negotiate for 
the restoration of the property seized. Cajolery, bribery, 
and appeals to honour were tried in vain ; the owners of 
the property and the bankers interested did their best to 
get private restitution on any terms, but Elizabeth and her 
ministers knew well that they held the strong position and 
refused to agree, except on conditions which it was im- 
possible for Philip to accept, as they included the settlement 
of long outstanding claims made by the English on account 
of confiscations by the Inquisition in Spain, and the past 
and future treatment of British subjects there in relation 
to religion. In the meanwhile the property dwindled and 


was jobbed away, and in the end but little of it ever reached 
itw legitimate owners. For many months De Spes was 
chafing under the galling restrictions which had been placed 
upon him, all his letters read and his every action followed. 
His indiscreet reference to the Queen in the letter already 
referred to had alarmed and annoyed even the earl of 
Arundel, favourable though he always had been to the 
Spanish domination of England, and ever ready to plot for 
t e overthrow of the existing order of things. He wrote to 
"De Spes (16th January 15G9, Foreign Calendar) saying that 
ho blamed him quite as much as did any other of the 
councillors for his expi-essions about the Queen, and 
"wished that a wise and well-meaning man were here for 
the good of both sovereigns." Arundel's annoyance can 
be easily explained by the fact that he, with the duke 
of Norfolk, Lumley, Westmoreland, Throgmorton and 
others, with the treacherous connivance of Leicester, had 
adopted this question of the seizure of Philip's money 
as a lever by which to overthrow Cecil, and anything which 
prejudged the question, or put Spain in the wrong, was 
likely to frustrate their designs. In March 1569 De Spes 
was still under arrest, but with less strictness than at first, 
and writes to the King urging him " to punish these people 
" in a way which shall make them realise their offence. 
" It is," he says, " disgusting to hear Cecil talk about his 
" Queen being a monarch, and that no other Christian 
" prince is a monarch but she. I have heard that they are 
" going to publish a decree ordering every person to take 
" an oath to this effect, which will mean a butchery of 
" Catholics if God in His mercy do not prevent it." This 
was evidently to inflame Philip's mind and induce him to 
show sympathy with the cabal that was plotting the ruin of 
Cecil. Later in the same letter, De Spes says that Norfolk 
and Arundel have been in close communication with him 
through a trustworthy person, and acknowledged the offence 
committed by the Queen and Council, " but that hitherto 
' everything has been over-ridden by Cecil, and they have 
' not dared to resist him or even to point out to the Queen 
^ his. bad goyorumeut, until they felt their way with other 


" nobles and with the people. They have now done this 
" and have many sure pledges." They promised that all 
Spanish property should be restored, the Catholic religion 
established, and much else besides, which it was obvious 
could not be done except by the deposition of the Queen. 
" They only ask that your Majesty should stand firm in the 
" stoppage of trade, as well as the king of France, so that 
" the English shall have no commerce with either country. 
" The people are already beginning to murmur, and these 
" gentlemen will find means to raise them and puaish the 
" evil-doers. To add strength to the enterprise they sent 
" me the draft of a proclamation for me to forward to the 
" duke of Alba for publication. It contains a statement of 
" the motives which they desire the public to know, which 
" are similar to what I have already written about the 
" tyranny of some members of the government, of the 
" non-fulfilment of the passport given, of the favour shown 
" to pirates, and the support given to rebels. I have sent 
" it to the duke of Alba and assured him of the goodwill 
" of these gentlemen and their power here. They wish the 
" affair to be conducted very secretly for the present, for 
" the Queen and Cecil are suspicious even of the birds of 
" the air." 

The " trustworthy person " who was the medium of 
communication between De Spes and the conspirators was 
Ridolfi, the Florentine banker and papal agent in London, 
of whom mention will be made later on, and before very 
long he was pressing urgently in their name that a sum of 
money might be sent to them as an aid to the cost of 
their conspiracy. Philip had but little money to squander, 
and Alba instructed the ambassador to put the lords off 
with promises and fair words. For the next month or 
two the professions of loyalty and adherence to Philip 
on the part of Arundel, Lumley, and Norfolk became 
constantly more emphatic and precise until late in June, 
when 6,000 crowns were sent by Alba to be given to 
them. In the meanwhile things had gone badly with the 
Huguenots in France and the Guises were again para- 
mount, so that it behoved England to feign friendship for 


Spain ; and accordingly De Spes was released, and pre- 
tended negotiations were opened for restitution through 
a wealthy banker in Antwerp named Thomas Fiesco, who 
came over provided with large sums of money to bribe 
Cecil and Leicester. Approaches were even made to 
De Spes, who was ordered by the King and Alba to 
avoid all reference to unpleasant subjects and to be 
" very gentle." Alba writes, 2nd July : " I again press 
" upon you that on no account in the world are you 
" to listen to any proposals about Ireland or other 
" parts, as I can assure you that such a course might 
" ruin everything and you also would run a personal 
" risk, for which I should feel truly sorry. You 
" may, however, at unsuspicious hours, listen to the 
" servants of the queen of Scots. I must again repeat 
" most emphatically that you are not on any account 
" to entertain approaches to you against the Queen or 
" her councillors, or anything touching them. On the 
" contrary, if people come to you with such talk you 
" must be so reticent that they shall never be able to say 
" that any minister of the King has given ear to it." Not- 
withstanding the constant repetition of similar instructions, 
De Spes never ceased to lend a ready ear to real or pre- 
tended conspirators, of which Cecil was fully informed 
by his spies. Bidolfi, the bishop of Boss, Stukeley, 
Lumley, and others were for ever begging that money 
should be sent from Spain to promote disaffection ; but 
the 6,000 crowns already sent had been wasted, the 
conspiracy against Cecil having failed through Leicester's 
treachery and Cecil's vigilance. The bishop of Ross gavo 

De Spes the story of the failure (15th June 1569) : " The 

" Bishop told me that the duke of Norfolk and the earl 
" of Arundel had always informed him of their desire to 
" serve your Majesty, and .... that their intention 
" was in April last to arrest Cecil, and give me complete 
" liberty, restoring all the property stolen and detained 
" belonging to your Majesty's subjects. He said that 
" on three occasions, when the project waa about to be 
" carried out, the earl of Leicester softened, and said that 


" he would tell the Queen. This prevented the execution 
" of the intention three distinct times .... and 
" these delays gave Cecil an opportunity of discovering 
" the plot against him." The manner in which Cecil 
cleverly circumvented the conspirators is then told 
(page 167), but undeterred by this fiasco, and by the 
precise instructions sent to him, the ambassador, in the 
same letter to the King, mentions that Lord Dacre had 
sent him a message proposing the marriage of the duke 
of Norfolk with the queen of Scots and the conversion of 
England to the Catholic faith, and adds : " He (Dacre) 
" now says that, whenever your Majesty pleases to send an 
" army to this country, he and his friends will undertake 
" to provide 15,000 selected troops for your service." 
From the tone of the correspondence it is quite clear that 
Philip's only present desire was to stir up the Catholic party 
in England in order to embarrass Elizabeth and prevent 
her from aiding the Protestants in the Netherlands, but, 
in pursuance of his invariable policy, he desired to do so 
without in any way appearing or incurring responsibility, 
whilst at the same time both he and Alba feared the 
impetuosity and indiscretion of the envoy they employed. 
The letters in the present volume prove more decisively 
than hitherto the treasonable intentions of the duko of 
Norfolk in his design to marry the queen of Scots. It 
is probable that at first he did not realize to the full 
extent the objects of those with whom the project 
had originated ; most certainly those Protestant coun- 
cillors who sided with him at the beginning did not 
do so. Guerau de Spes, however, never deceived him- 
self about it. On the 25th July 1569 he writes to 
the King : " The bishop of Ross came to me at 
" three o'clock this morning to assure me of the wish of 
" the duke of Norfolk to serve your Majesty. He said he 
" was a Catholic, and has the support, even in London, 
" of many aldermen and rich merchants." On the 
1st August, he says, " Norfolk and the other adherents 
" of the queen of Scotland are busy trying to get her 
" declared the Queen's successor, and thia Queen is already 


" somewhat suspicious of the Duke. There certainly will 
" be some turmoil about it. They all assert that if they 
" succeed, religion shall be restored." The ambassador 
duly notes that, in the face of this powerful combination 
of nobles against Protestantism, and indirectly against the 
Queen and Cecil, he is being treated with more gentleness, 
and that fresh advances are being made to him about a resti- 
tution. These negotiations went so far as the appointment 
of a more formal and dignified embassy than had pre- 
viously been sent, namely, that of Chapin Vitelli, marquis 
of Cetona, a famous Italian general, whose mission, pre- 
pared with scrupulous care and circumspection by Philip 
and Alba, was as fruitless as others had been, for reasons 
which will be mentioned in due course. On the 27th August 
De Spes wrote to the King reporting a further develop- 
ment of the Norfolk project: " The Council has decided, 
" at the instance of the duke of Norfolk and his friends, 
" that the queen of Scotland shall be set at liberty on 
" condition that she marries an Englishman, and the 
" signatures of all the principal people in this country 
" have been obtained to this effect. The matter of her 
" marriage also is so far advanced that the French 
" ambassador has been reconciled to it, and, within a 
" day or two, I understand that the Duke himself, or 
" some leading personage, will come and request me to 
" write to your Majesty to learn your wishes on the 
" subject." The ambassador urges Philip to bless the 
union as it could not now be avoided, which the King 
does somewhat distrustfully, on condition that the duke 
of Norfolk be sincere in his religious professions. The 
King's tone was doubtless inspired by Alba's repeatedly 
expressed opinion that De Spes was being tricked and 
betrayed. Early in September the Queen vetoed the 
project of Norfolk's marriage with Mary, but the ambas- 
sador tolls his master that the Duke will not desist from 
his enterprise on this account. He says (17th December 
1569) : " A stronger guard has been placed around the 
" queen of Scotland, although I understand that she 
" will nevertheless soon find herself at liberty, and this 


" country itself greatly disturbed. All the north is ready 
" and only awaits the release of the queen of Scotland, 
" and the latter is anxious to give your Majesty a full 
" account of everything, as events are now coming to 
" a head ; but I await until I see the affair commenced 
" before writing at length. Your Majesty can then decide 
" what will be best for your service. Perhaps God is 
" now opening a wide door which shall lead to the great 
" good of Christendom." On the 27th September 1569 
the ambassador advised the King that Norfolk had raised 
his standard, and says that he has refrained from throwing 
any doubt of his Majesty's favour being extended to 
the Duke's party. " They were about to dispatch some 
" one to inform the duke of Alba fully, and the 
" queen of Scotland intends to do the same," and in 
his next letter, dated the 30th, ignominious collapse of 
Norfolk is foreshadowed. "I do not know," he says, 
" what will happen, but I understand, considering the 
" number of the Duke's friends in England, he cannot 
" be ruined except by pusilanimity, and the queen of 
" Scotland has sent to urge him to behave valiantly 
" and not to fear for his life, which God would protect. 
" She and the Duke wished to send a person to the 
" duke of Alba, but it was not possible, as the 
" ports were closed." A week afterwards Norfolk had 
surrendered and was a prisoner, and Northumberland at 
once entered into communication with De Spes and asked 
for a few harquebussiers, " after they have released the 
queen of Scots." They will, he says, restore the Catholic 
religion in England, and will be ruled in all things by the 
king of Spain. Northumberland and Westmoreland were in 
arms in the north, when news came that Chapin Vitelli, the 
successful soldier and a large company wore coming across 
on their peaceful mission about the restitution. This was 
considered suspicious, as Cecil's spies had told him that 
Chapin had a half hundred experienced officers with him. 
He was, therefore, detained on the road, and forced to 
proceed to the Court alone, leaving all his company at 
Dover well watched. It was not surprising, under the 


circumstances, that he was politely got rid of as soon as 
possible without effecting anything. Emissaries were sent 
by the rebel lords and the queen of Scots to Alba, recom- 
mended by De Spes, begging for aid, and the close connection 
of the Spanish ambassador with the Queen's enemies is 
clearly seen in the correspondence ; but little active help or 
comfort could be obtained from Philip or his Viceroy, as the 
latter refused to take any step without direct authority from 
the King, and invariably urged the need for temporising, 
whilst the former was too far away and too slow in his 
decision for his help to arrive in time. How inadequate 
was Philip's timid wavering policy to the circumstances is 
seun in every letter of his to the duke of Alba. It has 
already been pointed out how his credit had been spoiled, 
his exchequer emptied, and his subjects ruined. His 
ambassador has been impririonod and his special envoys 
contemptuously dismissed, and yet, after a year of hesitancy, 
when the Catholic party in England was really at last in 
arms, and only wanting prompt aid probably to be successful, 
the King writes to Alba (1C December 1569), as follows : 
" English affairs are going in a way that will make it 
" necessary, after all, to bring that Queen to do, by force, 
" what she refuses to reason. Her duty is so clear that 
" no doubt God causes her to ignore it, in order that by 
" these means, His holy religion may be restored in that 
" country, and the Catholics and good Christians thus be 
" rescued from thu oppression in which they live. In 
" case her obstinacy and hardness of heart continue, 
18 therefore, you will take into your consideration the best 
" direction to be given to this. We think here that the 
" best course will be to encourage with money and secret 
" favour the Catholics of the north, and to help those 
" in Ireland to take up arms against the heretics and 
" deliver the crown to the queen of Scotland, to whom it 
" belongs by succession. This course, it is presumed, 
" would be agreeable to the Pope and all Christendom, 
" and would encounter no opposition from any one. This 
" is only mentioned now in order that you may know what 
" is passing in our minds here, and that, with your great 


" prudence and a full consideration of the state of affairs 
" in general, you may ponder what is best to be done." 
Events marched too quickly for pondering, and the 
northern rebellion was stamped out by the promptness 
and vigour of Elizabeth's government whilst Philip was 
ruminating. The complete collapse of the formidable 
and dangerous insurrection in the north was another 
triumph for the Protestant party in Europe, and a closer 
union was at once effected between the Queen and the 
German princes. Hans Casimir, Count Volrad, and other 
mercenary leaders, were busy raising troops, subsidised by 
England and the Huguenots, for the purpose of again 
entering France and avenging Conde's rout. In the 
meanwhile, Sussex and Hunsdon did not let the grass grow 
under their feet, but harried both sides of the Scotch border 
to stamp out the last embers of rebellion and strike terror 
into the Catholic fugitives. Murray, on his side, was 
ready enough to help, for he was smiting his own enemies 
whilst he attacked those of the queen of England, and the 
Scotch Catholics were as dismayed as were the English, 
utterly despairing now that Dacre had fled. Murray was 
murdered on the 23rd January 1570, but this was not the 
heavy blow to the English party that it would have been a 
year before, for the queen of Scots was in Elizabeth's 
hands, Chatelherault was in prison, and the Catholic 
party in Scotland ruined, and divided in their objects, so 
that the disappearance of the Regent was but a momentary 
check to Elizabeth's policy. The German armaments went 
on, the privateers in the Channel grew ever bolder and 
more numerous, and Chatillon was still a welcome guest at 
the English Court ; Philip saw his commerce swept from the 
seas and his power derided, but still did nothing but enjoin 
secrecy, accumulate information, weigh, ponder, and con- 
sider, until the opportunity for action went by. Hardly a 
letter is written by De Spes that does not contain some 
suggestion for striking at the enemy. The queen of Scots 
might be captured by a coup de main and carried to Spain, 
as she herself suggested. The bishop of Ross assures him 
that a few Spanish troops sent to Scotland might easily 


overturn the new Regent. A small force sent to the Irish 
rebels would enable them to expel the " heretics " and " it 
" looks as if the enterprise might be effected in both 
" islands at the same time, as in Ireland most of the nation 
" will rise as soon as they see your Majesty's standard 
" borne by ships on their coast, and no resistance would be 
" made excepting in Dublin and some other fortresses " 
(12th June 1570). To all this, Philip had but one invariable 
reply, when he replied at all, namely, that his envoy must 
scrupulously follow the orders sent to him by the Duke of 
Alba, who refused to act without special orders, and whoso 
letters show the deepest distrust of both the French and 
English, Catholics and Protestants alike. The long distance 
between the King and his Viceroy, the tedious discussion 
and consultation on points of procedure, and the cumbrous 
methods by which alone Philip arrived at a resolution, made 
all prompt action impossible. At one time, it looked as if 
real help would be given to Stukeley to invade Ireland. Ho 
was effusively welcomed and splendidly entertained at 
Madrid, and De Spes shows his satisfaction in his letters ; 
but the King, after long study, thought ho was not strong 
enough for the task, and sent him off to obtain what comfort 
he might from the Pope, whose help, such as it was, 
enabled him to get no nearer to Ireland than Portugal 
with " two leaky old ships." 

The English Catholics had been for some time begging 
Philip, through De Spes, to obtain from the Pope a bull of 
excommunication against the Queen. No reply was sent, 
but when the Pope was induced by others to promulgate 
the bull, and its appearance was announced by De Spes 
(page 251), in the evident belief that it had been procured 
by Philip, the latter was extremely angry and blamed the 
Pope roundly for his action, at which he was alarmed and 
distrustful. Philip's reticence and slowness in avenging 
himself appear even at times to have excited the alarm of 
Elizabeth and her friends, who were surprised at their own 
immunity. If Guaras is to be believed (28th July 1570), a 
perfect panic seized upon them when they learned of tho 
powerful fleet being fitted out by Alba to conduct Philip's 


fourth wife to Spain. To add to their fright, a peace had 
been patched up in France, affairs were once more disturbed 
in Scotland, and- the Catholic party in England was again 
raising its head, thanks mainly to the activity of the 
bishop of Ross. But Elizabeth promptly procured money, 
fitted out a strong fleet, and stood on the defensive until the 
Spanish flotilla had passed harmlessly by. 

De Spes' active participation in what is called the Ridolfi 
plot is fully proved in the letters in the present volume, aa 
well as the connivance of the duke of Norfolk. In his loiter 
to the King (2nd September 1570, page 274) the beginning 
of the conspiracy is set forth, and the communications on 
the subject are continued in many subsequent letters. 
although the matter for a time was cooled in consequence 
of the information wrung by torture form the kidnapped 
Dr. Storey us to the duke of Alba's intentions. So far as 
may be seen, Dr. Storey had not really very much to tell 
beyond the fact that the Duke had received agents from 
the Queen of Scots and the Catholic lords, to both of 
whom he had sent sums of money and messages of 
sympathy. His intentions, however, were bad enough, and 
the information Cecil obtained put him on the alert. On 
the 25th March 1571 the vigilance had somewhat relaxed, 
the bishop of Ross and Norfolk were again at liberty, and 
Ridolfi was dispatched on his mission. Guerau de Spes 
thus writes to the King on the subject (page 300) : " The 
" Queen of Scotland and the Duke of Norfolk, in the name 
" of many other lords and gentlemen who are attached to 
" your Majesty's interests and the promotion of the 
" Catholic religion, are sending Rodolfo Ridolfi, a Floren- 
" tine gentleman, to offer his services to your Majesty, and 
" represent to you that the time is now ripe to take a step 
" of great benefit to Christianity, as in detail Ridolfi will 
" set forth to your Majesty. The letter of credence from 
" the Duke (of Norfolk) is in the cipher that I have sent 
" to Zayas for fear it should be taken." The ambassador 
gave a letter of introduction for Ridolfi to the King's 
secretary Zayas on the same date worded as follows : 
" The bearer is Roberto (?) Ridolfi whom the duke of 

y 76497, 


" Norfolk and the queen of Scotland are sending to his 
" Majesty. It is necessary that he should have audience of 
" his Majesty with the utmost secrecy, which your worship 
" will be able to arrange on so important a matter as this. 
" I beg you will favour and forward him to the best of 
" your ability, as he has been an agent of his Holiness 
" here, and is a person of great truth and virtue, and an 
" intimate friend of mine, besides being entrusted with a 
" negotiation which well merits favour." The Duke at 
his trial strenuously denied that he was privy to the 
mission of Ridolfi to Philip and Alba, as had been confessed 
by the bishop of Ross and Barker, and this accusation 
was by far the most serious which Norfolk had to meet, 
as it amounted to a plot for the invasion of England by a 
foreign power. These letters prove conclusively that the 
Duke was as false in this as in his religious professions, 
and rightly died the death of a traitor. In April the bishop 
of Ross' secretary was captured with cipher letters on his 
way from Flanders, and, although by the connivance of 
Thomas Cobliam at Dover, the secret despatches he bore for 
the Bishop, the queen of Scots, the duke of Norfolk, and 
De Spes, were spirited away and replaced by waste paper, 
the poor fellow himself was put upon the rack and con- 
fessed all he had learnt from Ridolfi in Flanders. The 
duke of Florence also got wind of the plot from one of his 
agents, and at once sent the news to Elizabeth ; and the 
capture of Norfolk's servants with the money being sent 
to the north, put all the threads of the intrigue into Cecil's 
hands. De Spes at first expressed his belief that the dis- 
covery of the plot would be of no consequence, as the blow 
would be struck before measures for its prevention could 
be adopted, but he was soon undeceived. No blow fell, but 
active negotiations wore at once opened for the marriage of 
the Queen with the duke of Anjou ; the Flemish and French 
privateers were helped and sheltered in England more than 
ever, aud matters were settled in Scotland by the lavish 
expenditure of money in bribery. And then the toils began 
to be spun round Do Spes himself. He was told he was no 
ambassador as he had to consult the duke of Alba upon 


every point, and the Queen refused to recognize him. 
Henry Cobham was sent to Spain to make formal com- 
plaint of him, and Philip's treatment of Dr. Man was cited 
every day as a pretext for the flouting of De Spes. The 
long spun-out negotiations for the return of the seized 
property in England were once more contemptuously 
brought to an end, when the Spaniards had hoped that 
all was arranged, and the connection with the French Court 
became dnily closer, as envoy after envoy sped backwards 
and forwards with conditions of marriage and alliance. In 
the meanwhile De Spes, helpless, mortified, and bitter, out- 
witted and discovered, could only rail, and urge his master 
to revenge. He writes (12th July 1571) : " As all of Lord 
" Burleigh's tricks have turned out well for him hitherto 
" he is ready to undertake anything and has no fear of 
" danger. They and the French together make great fun 

" of our meekness But, in any case, I will 

" serve him (the King) in such a way as shall prove my 
" goodwill and determination that he shall be acknow- 
" lodged everywhere for the great Prince he is, and his 
" interests respected by friends and enemies alike, but, as 
" I have said, one must dissemble here and at times be a 
" very Proteus. I will, however, try to bring due punish- 
" ment on the heads of these people for their insolence." 
Whilst he was assuring the King how easily England 
could be conquered, notwithstanding the discovery of 
Ridolfi's plots, he was again being hoodwinked by Hawkins 
and Fitzwilliams (a cousin of the duchess of Feria) who, 
he was firmly persuaded, were willing to help Philip to 
invade England with a powerful fleet of English ships. 
Philip himself was never very sanguine of Hawkins' 
sincerity in the matter, but the plan succeeded to the ex- 
tent of Hawkins' desire, namely, the release of the Englisk 
prisoners of the Inquisition in Seville, and the restoration of 
certain property of his own withheld by the same tribunal. 
Meanwhile, Cecil was carefully informed of every par- 
ticular, and was piling up such evidence of De- Spes' 
intrigues against the Crown as would enable him, in due 
time, amply to avenge Philip's treatment of Dr. Man. At 

c a 


last the blow fell in December 1571 ; Norfolk was in the 
Tower, all his friends prisoners or fugitives, and the whole 
conspiracy laid bare. The terms of the French alliance 
had been settled with De Foix and La Mothe Fe'nelon, and 
Elizabeth thought it would be a good object lesson to her 
new friends and would show her power if she took this 
opportunity of summarily expelling De Spes and the 
Flemish envoys who were negotiating about the seizures. 
She told Cavalcanti (21st December 1571, page 359) that, 
" the King of Spain thought he had it in his power to 
" separate her from the alliance whenever he pleased, but 
" however accommodating he might show himself in the 
" negotiations about the property seized, and however 
" ready to agree to terms favourable to the English, she 
" said she would never trust Spaniards again, seeing the 
" trouble they had prepared for her in Eidolfi's plots with 
" the Pope. . . . She said the king of France might 
" see how little she cared for the king of Spain by 
" the way she had ordered his ambassador to be gone 
" without delay. She would have liked Cavalcanti to 
" have seen him already on the road, out under some 
" excuse or other about money matters, he was here 
" for a day or two longer, though she could assure 
" him he should not stay in the country, and she did 
" not care very much whether another came or not." 
De Spes was peremptorily ordered to be gone on the 14th 
December. In vain he pleaded for delay in order that 
instructions might reach him, but was told that Dr. Man 
was not allowed to justify himself, no more should he. He 
owed money here, he said, and must wait for a remittance, 
which they said was not necessary, as they would lend him 
the money and deduct the amount out of the Spanish pro- 
perty in their hands ; in any case, he must leave the country 
within three days. He vapoured, of course, about his 
master's grandeur and his privileges as an ambassador ; all 
his protests were answered by reference to the treatment of 
Dr. Man, and after a week of bickering, he was hurried off 
to Canterbury ; there to await the instructions from Alba, 
without which he would not leave. To make matters worau 


his secretary, Borghese, who was probably a tool Cecil's 
was arrested oil a charge of plotting to poison the latter, 
and De Spes himself was evidently in danger of being 
accused on Borghese's confession. It was a relief to 
all parties when at length he took his departure, after 
having sown the seed of more dissension than ever minister 
of foreign prince before. If, instead of his indiscretion, his 
rudeness and his bigotry, a minister of the adroitness and 
tolerance of Guzman had represented Philip in London 
during these critical years, it is highly probable that much 
of the hatred which culminated in the Armada would have 
been avoided. How little lie understood the growing 
strength and spirit of England will be seen by the "rela- 
tions " and reports which he wrote after his arrival in the 
Netherlands (pages 363, 367, and 386), in which, amongst 
other things, he proposed terms for the restitution of the pro- 
perty seized, calmly ignoring the fact that very much more 
favourable conditions had been scornfully rejected more than 
once by the English Government, and he still urged Philip to 
make himself master of England and Ireland, although, at the 
time the report was written, namely, in the spring of 1572, 
Brille was in the hands of the Gueux and half the Netherlands 
in open rebellion. Philip himself well knew that with the 
failure of Norfolk's conspiracy his chance of revenge, for the 
present, was gone. In November 1571 he was sending a new 
Viceroy (Medina-Celi) to replace Alba in the Netherlands, and 
there is a passage in his instructions (page 349) which proves 
that Philip had at one time really made up his mind to aid 
the Ridolfi plot and not even yet quite lost hope, depending, 
however, as usual, more on the chance of divine action 
than his own. 

For months before his departure De Spes had been pro- 
testing iii vain against the privateers which hovered between 
the Channel and Rochelle, principally under Schonvall and 
De Lumbres, but when matters were reaching a crisis with 
him he reported (21st October and 22nd November 1571) that 
the ships were now being concentratedat Dover under Lumay, 
Count de la Marque. He (De Spes) says (page 386) that he 
had informed the duke of Alba six mouths before the event 


that their intention was to capture Brille, and he certainly 
mentions as early as 3lst October 1571 a project for the 
taking of Sluys by the privateers. The letters now published 
show, first, that the capture of Brille by de la Marquo was not 
BO unpremeditated an affair or so unsupported by the English 
ns it is usually represented, and, secondly, that the ostensible 
reason for Elizabeth's warning the privateer fleet away from 
Dover was not in order to satisfy Philip's demands, since De 
Spes had already left and she had just offended Philip beyond 
forgiveness, but to satisfy the Hamburg merchants who 
were complaining of their depredations. In any case, the 
capture of Brille and the almost simultaneous rising of the 
rest of Zealand aroused great enthusiasm in England. Men 
and money in abundance were sent undisguisedly for their 
support for it was as clear now to Elizabeth as it was to 
Philip that Spain had once more been out-manoeuvred by 
agility and boldness and was again impotent for harm. 

For more than five years after the expulsion of 
Guerau de Spes no Spanish ambassador resided in 
England. A Spanish merchant or banker named Antonio 
de Guaras, who had lived in London for many years 
and had continued to send information to Alba, was 
instructed to look after Spanish interests informally. He 
was a man who appears to have had a perfect passion for 
intrigue and whose ruling desire was to play the statesman. 
Ho was fond also of placing on record in the form of news- 
letters or rough histories the public events which he wit- 
nessed, but to judge from his acts and writings must have 
been both superficial and unstable. His letters were neither 
so full nor so frequent as those of a regular minister would 
have been, and are almost entirely missing for the years 1573 
and 1574. They have, however, a certain simple naturalness 
which makes them interesting, the character of the writer 
showing through them with quite undiplomatic artlessness. 

The "Walloon noble Zweveghem and the merchant Fiesco. 
who had been negotiating in London for the restitution of 
the seizures, had been packed off at the same time as De 
Spes ; but although it did not suit Elizabeth to disgorge 
what bho had taken, the stoppage of the great cloth trade 


between England and Flanders, and of the importation of 
produce from Spain was causing great distress in the country. 
A cloth staple had been set up at Embden and an attempt 
was being made to introduce cloths to the Continent through 
Hamburg, but the cloth weavers of the eastern counties 
were clamouring for the free outlet for their wares such as 
used to be offered by the rich markets of Antwerp and 
Bruges. In March, approaches were made to Guaras from 
Cecil for the re-opening of trade (page 376), and many hypo- 
critical professions of amity were made on both sides. The 
negotiations resulting therefrom are quaintly related by 
Guaras in his letters, and were, after a long interval, partially 
successful, inasmuch as they led to a ro-opening of trade and 
the patching up of some sort of balance of accounts in re- 
spect of the seizures by means of the appointment of a joint 
commission. Guaras was, of course, no match for Cecil in 
diplomacy, and quite believed that the desire for a settlement 
arose from a sincere feeling of friendship towards Spain, not- 
withstanding that Cecil constantly repeated to the Spaniard 
that he was well aware of the duke of Alba's plots to injure 
England, against which he said the Queen was fully armed. 
During the course of these negotiations Guaras gives 
a curious account of his first interview with the Queen 
(page 381). 

The alliance between England and France was settled 
at Blois on the 19th April 1572. The Netherlands were 
to bo partitioned and the old rivals were never to quarrel 
again, but together were to resist the arrogance of 
Spain. Navarre was to be married to the King's sister, 
Montmorenci was to go in great pomp to England for 
the ratification of the alliance, the Guises were beaten, and 
Elizabeth for the moment could scoff at Alba's futile plots 
and Philip's leaden pondering. But not for long. The Em- 
peror, the Pope, and the Venetians sent to remonstrate 
with the eldest son of the Church, Charles IX., for joining 
rebels and heretics. Catharine de Medici, with the Biragos, 
the Gondis, and the Guises around her, was getting alarmed 
at the complete dominance of the Huguenots. So, very 
soon the messages sent to England got cooler and cooler, and 


Charles IX. begun to cry off his bargain about the Nether- 
lands. Things were not going well either in the Netherlands 
themselves. Genlis and his French Huguenots had been 
routed and massacred by Alba's son, Fadrique. Elizabeth, 
therefore, seeing that Charles IX. was not to be depended 
upon, again smiled upon the Spaniards, and all Englishmen 
serving with the rebels in the Netherlands were ostentatiously, 
but fruitlessly, recalled. But it did not suit Catharine de 
Medici to lose hold of the English alliance altogether, par- 
ticularly in view of what was being plotted for Navarre's 
wedding feast ; so she brought forward the farcical project of 
a marriage with her youngest son Alen^on, whom she hoped 
yet to job into the sovereignty of a part of the Netherlands. 
A young lad named La Mole, one of the " mignons," was sent 
to do the vicarious love-making, and all was going prosper- 
ously when, on the 29th August 1572 (page 409), there fell 
like a thunderbolt upon the English Court the appalling 
news of St. Bartholomew. Guaras, when be gave news to 
the duke of Alba (30th August 1572), could find no word 
of reprobation for the great crime. He says, " God grant 
' that it may be true, and that these rebel heretics have 
' met with this bad end." Its consequences, however, 
strike him at once. " Since then there is no intelligence 
" of English soldiers going over to Flanders, and this last 
' news will give them something else to think about. . . . 
1 As may be supposed, if this news from Paris be true, 
' the league between these people and the French will 
' come to nothing, as people are already murmuring that 
" they cannot trust Frenchmen." Elizabeth felt that she, 
too, had been betrayed. The French had tried their 
hardest to get her openly to break with Philip with the 
intention- of leaving her in the lurch, and the treachery 
had only failed owing to her own wariness. La Mole was 
hastily dismissed and the French ambassador treated with 
conspicuous- coldness. Orange was in arms in the 
States, and was obliged to depend mainly upon England 
for money now that France had deserted him. The readi- 
ness and dissimulation with which the support was sent to 
him will bo seen by the letter of advice to Alba from 


London (page 415), and by many other similar letters in 
the present volume ; but it was necessary that whatever was 
done for Orange now must be done without causing an 
open rupture between England and Spain, so that when, 
after long delay, Guaras received a reply from Alba about 
the terms of the proposed settlement respecting trade, he 
was welcomed by Cecil almost effusively. He says (6th 
October 1572) : " I at once left for the Court, which is now 
" away from here, and Lord Burleigh summoned me and 
" told me that on that very day and other previous days 
" the Queen had said to him she wondered why Guaras 
" did not come to Court with the reply to the message 
" given to him. He said they were surprised they had 
" received no reply to the offer made by the Queen and 
" Council to recall the Englishmen, who, they said, went 
" there to resist the Frenchmen who might try to set foot 
" in Flanders. . . . "When I told him I had a letter 
" for the Queen he seemed greatly delighted thereat and 
" asked me to show it to him. "When he read the super- 
" scripture, he said, ' Although it comes tardily and the 
" ' Queen is unwell, I will take it to her at once, because I 
" ' know she will be pleased to learn that you have come 
" ' with the message.' " It is curious to observe all through 
this protracted negotiation that the main difficulty was the 
treatment to be extended to Englishmen in Spain by the 
Inquisition, and Cecil's claim for toleration was regarded 
from the first as preposterous ; it was, indeed, the only 
point upon which, in the end, he did not have his own way. 
The gaps left by the loss of Guaras' correspondence are 
mainly filled by a remarkable series of letters in the 
Cotton MSS., directed to the Flemish Viceroys. I identify 
them as the writing of a Portuguese spy named Antonio 
Fogaza, who subsequently fell into poverty and was im- 
prisoned for debt in London in 1579, when, no doubt, his 
papers came into the hands of the authorities. His infor- 
mation respecting armaments and aid to be sent to the 
rebels in Flanders is extremely full, and he was for the 
time in closer touch with sources of intelligence than was 
Guaras. It was owing to this fact that his ruin was 


brought about. He was the agent in London of the king of 
Portugal, but was secretly thwarting the Portuguese nego- 
tiations in the interests of Spain. Some letters from Alba to 
him were sent through Guaras, who opened them and learned 
for the first time that he was a valued Spanish agent and 
was giving important information to Alba. Fired with 
jealousy, Guaras denounced him to the Portuguese autho- 
rities as a traitor to them, and he was dismissed. Philip, 
as we have seen, was a bad paymaster, and for years 
Fogaza was begging the Spaniards for help and charity. 

The almost open enlistment of men in England for the 
prince of Orange, the constant collection of funds from all 
classes of the people for the support of the war, and the 
constant fear that Elizabeth would at last be induced by 
the arguments and persuasions of Orange to openly espouse 
his cause and assume the protectorate of Holland and 
Zealand (see page 455), brought down Alba's pride, and he 
consented to the re-opening of trade with England early 
in 1573, on terms immensely favourable to Elizabeth, since 
her subjects again obtained a free market for their cloths, 
whilst she practically kept the bulk of what she had taken. 
This agreement alone would prove how completely Philip's 
cumbrous policy had failed when applied to a disjointed 
empire such as his. His selfish dread of responsibility and 
his constant aim of making catspaws of others, had alienated 
from him every power which could help him except the Pope 
and the Venetians, whose objects were not identical with his. 
The Emperor was held in check by the German Protestant 
princes, whilst the support given to the French Huguenots at 
Rochelle and on the sea had rendered the king of France as 
impotent for harm as was Philip. All the attempts of the 
Pope and Cardinal Lorraine to patch up the Catholic league 
again had failed ignominiously, and an instance of the 
nervous desire of the king of France to conciliate Elizabeth 
at this time is seen in Fogaza's letter to Alba of 17th No- 
vember 1572, when the presence of Cardinal TJrsino, the 
Pope's envoy in Paris, is almost apologised for by the French 
ambassador, who sought to counteract it by inviting the 
Queen to stand sponsor for the King's newly-born daughter. 


Alba's fleet under Bossu was completely defeated by 
the prince of Orange in the autumn of 1573. Orange 
still held Holland, Zealand, and the best part of Flanders, 
and the Spaniards could make but little headway 
against him. Alba himself was more bitterly detested 
than ever, his troops were unpaid and mutinous, his ex- 
chequer empty, and he, old and ailing, was obliged to 
confess that his policy of blood and iron had utterly failed. 
Medina-Celi had never been allowed to assume the 
governorship, and when, in September 1573, Alba laid it 
down, he was replaced by Don Luis de Requesens, whose 
task it was to accomplish by suavity what Alba's severity 
had failed to perform. "Whatever policy was adopted by 
the Spaniards in the Netherlands, Elizabeth had gone 
too far now to turn back, and it was clear that if 
Philip were ever allowed to rule undisturbedly over his 
Flemish dominions again, she would bo the next object 
of attack. More support than before therefore was 
given to Orange, both on land and sea, and, as will be 
seen by the letters of Fogaza and Guaras in the present 
volume, some of Elizabeth's best officers were already 
employed openly on the rebel side. 

In the meanwhile Guaras, in somewhat more humble 
fashion than De Spes, was immersing himself in intrigues 
on behalf of Spain, many of them, doubtless, undertaken 
sincerely by those who broached them to him, but others 
mere traps set for him by Cecil's connivance, into which 
he easily fell. Captains Chester, Pool, Haselby, Bingham, 
and other persons were for months in negotiation with 
him, some for the betrayal of Flushing, Caunfer, and other 
strong places, some for the murder of the Prince of Orange, 
some for the capture of the young king of Scotland, and 
some for the release of his mother. These advances were 
apparently received with cold caution by the King and Alba. 
Guaras' discretion was apparently not thought much more 
of than that of De Spes had been, and when anything of the 
sort had to be arranged it was considered best to do it 
without his help (see orders to Zubiar, page 469). Late 
in the autumn of 1575 the position of the prince of Orange 


became critical. His mercenary troops were worse than 
useless when they were unpaid, and money was running 
short. Requesena' mildness had conciliated the Catholic 
Flemings and weakened their sympathy for the rebellion. 
Orange, despairing of obtaining more effective aid from 
Elizabeth than she had thitherto given, which had always 
stopped short of an open national espousal of his cause, 
had approached the French Huguenots. The new King, 
Henry III., a blinded bigot, had thrown all his weight on 
to the side of the Guises and the Catholics ; which action 
had been met by the diplomatic Queen-Mother by putting 
her favourite son, the duke of Alengon, at the head of a 
moderate Protestant party, in order that she might still 
hold the balance. As early as July 1575 Guaras reported 
that Orange had offered to send his daughter to France 
to be married to Alengon or any other French prince, which 
proposal naturally was met in London by a resuscitation 
of the plan to marry Alen9on to the queen of England. 
All through the summer Guaras was hinting that a joint 
enterprise might be undertaken in Flanders by the English 
and Coude" in union, the object of which would be the 
expulsion or massacre of all Spaniards ; but if ever this 
were intended, Elizabeth's agile policy was at once changed 
when she saw that the king of France and the Queen- 
Mother were to be parties to the arrangement. Then she 
took fright and smiled upon the Spaniards again. She sent 
off Henry Cobhani to Spain in August, charged with many 
loving messages, and appeals for favour towards English 
subjects in the hands of the Inquisition, but the real 
object of his mission is seen (page 506) in the desire to 
open Philip's eyes to the intrigues of Orange with the 
French Court. A fleet of Spanish transports for the 
Netherlands also touched Dartmouth and the Isle of Wight 
in November, and was received with marked courtesy by 
Elizabeth's orders. This softened aspect towards Spain 
had the effect which was doubtless desired. Alenson had 
fled from Paris, and was now in the field with Conde with a 
strong force, and Catharine de Medici, who was increasingly 
apprehensive of Spain and the Pope since the battle of 


Lepanto, saw that, if only Elizabeth could be conciliated, 

the Huguenot force might be used against Philip in the 

Netherlands, the trouble diverted from France, and her 

favourite son aggrandised. Elizabeth had the satisfaction, 

therefore, of finding herself wooed on all hands. In the 

beginning of the year 1576 the king of France (or 

Catharine de Medici) sent La Porte and La Mothe 

Fenelon, together with an envoy from Alen9on, to beg her 

to rnarry the latter and join forces with the Huguenots 

to invade the Netherlands for their joint benefit. Orange 

sent Aldegonde, Paul Buiz, and others to urge her in the 

same direction ; whilst Requesens, the Viceroy of the 

Netherlands, sent the great Catholic noble Champigny 

(Cardinal de Granvelle's brother) to entreat her not to join 

with the French to injure " her good brother the king of 

Spain." But Elizabeth had succeeded too well in her 

balancing policy for her to adopt any other, and she still 

dexterously held the scales. Champigny got soft words, 

Orange got English volunteers with a mere affectation 

of concealment and Alenyon was coyly encouraged, 

when the death of Requesens on the 6th March again 

somewhat altered the position. The Spanish soldiery 

.were now quite out of hand ; all discipline was dead, and 

they pillaged and massacred Catholics and Protestants 

alike. Walloons and Flemings who had stood faithful 

even through Alba's cruelty could not stand this, and the 

revolt became once more national rather than purely 

religious. The appearance of Don Juan of Austria as 

Viceroy followed, and Elizabeth began to take up stronger 

ground. The States, north and south, were united now 

against a common enemy, and could dictate terms to the 

new Viceroy. The Spaniards were all to leave and Flemings 

only were to govern, and upon these humiliating terms 

alone was Don Juan allowed to enter Brussels. Now that 

the States were winning, Elizabeth did not want to be left 

out of account. She sent Sir John Smith to Philip to ask 

him to grant the terms of the Flemings and to offer her 

mediation, and at the same time made no secret of her 

intention to raise a strong national force and help them 


if their demands wore refused. The truth is that nothing 
would have suited her less than a pacification, and it was 
accordingly the last thing she was seeking. There was 
no surer way of preventing a pacification than by pressing 
her intervention. She had heard, and Guaras himself 
repeats the story more than once, that Don Juan was 
giving terms to the Flemings in order to invade 
England, marry Mary of Scotland and rule over a Catholic 
Britain. Philip had learnt the story too, and was more 
afraid of his bold brother even than Elizabeth was, as 
Escobedo found to his cost, but their policy in face of the 
danger was as opposite as usual. Philip had his brother's 
principal adviser secretly murdered, and crippled Don 
Juan by starving his resources; Elizabeth openly 
equipped a strong force for attack or defence, and laid 
a heavy hand on to Mary and the English Catholics. 
Guaras himself had been intriguing with all and sundry 
for a long time past, closely watched by Cecil, and had 
written in very uncomplimentary terms of the Queen and 
her Government. It was advisable that the Catholic party 
in England should again see how little she cared for the 
power of Spain, to which they were looking for help ; so at 
midnight on the 19th October 1577 Antonio de Guaras 
was arrested, his house occupied, and he imprisoned, at 
first in the house of the Sheriff of London and afterwards 
in the Tower, where, in constant fear of the rack, he was 
kept for eighteen months, broken in health, ruined in 
fortune, and treated with calculating contumely, to be 
afterwards ignominiously expelled the country penniless, 
that all men might see how little power to injure the Queen 
had her " good brother," who could not either keep his own 
treasure or protect his own servants. Although Don Juan 
had acceded to the humiliating terms dictated by the States, 
and was making a show of withdrawing Spanish troops, he 
was still regarded with deep distrust, even by his own 
Flemish Council of State in Brussels. The Catholic 
Walloons and Flemings of the south were now almost as 
hostile as the Protestants in the north, and Don Juan, at 
last, tired of the sullen obstruction which met him at every 


turn, denied the necessary resources by his jealous brother, 
and despairing of winning over the Flemings by concessions, 
took the bit between his teeth, threw over the Edict of 
pacification, seized the citadel of Namur, and defied the 
States to do their worst. Philip was dismayed at such 
bold action, and saw that if the Flemings, united as 
they were now, could get any help from abroad before 
he could overwhelm them with Spanish and Italian troops 
again, his Netherlands patrimony would, indeed, be lost 
to him. Elizabeth had sent a Secretary of the Council, 
Thomas Wilkes, to Madrid in December (page 549) 
to urge the King to withdraw Don Juan and the 
Spaniards, and let the States govern themselves on the 
terms of the Edict. It was gall and wormwood to Philip 
to be obliged to brook Elizabeth's interference between 
himself and his rebel subjects, and he treated Wilkos 
in a very high and mighty fashion, on the pretence that 
he was not of sufficient rank for such a mission. But 
he could not afford to offend the Queen, who now made no 
secret of her intention to uphold the Flemings _with all her 
force in their demand for liberty arid toleration. So, hard 
on the heels of the returning English envoy, he sent Don 
Bernardino de Mcndoza, a Spanish noble of the highest 
lineage, as his resident Ambassador in London. No apology 
for the expulsion of De Spes or the seizure of the treasure 
had ever been sent, Guaras was a close prisoner in the Tower, 
threatened daily with torture, but Philip was obliged to 
swallow his pride and send, almost a suppliant, to beg 
Elizabeth not to help his revolting subjects. The change 
of position between England and Spain since the beginning 
of Elizabeth's reign is nowhere more clearly seen than by a 
comparison of the instructions given to Mendoza (page 553) 
with the attitude of Feria and his master as displayed in 
the former volume of the present calendar. Mendoza's 
instructions are almost piteously apologetic. Don Juan and 
the Spainards shall be withdrawn. It is entirely a mistake 
about the abrogation of the Edict ; the States shall have 
all they desire if they will only be loyal and Catholic, and 
Elizabeth is to be entreated not to interfere. Mendoza is 


told to " endeavour to keep her in a good humour and 
" convinced of our friendship, banishing the distrust of us 
" which she now appears to entertain, and for which we 
" have given no good cause." The English ministers were 
all to be bribed, and, at any cost, English neutrality was 
to be secured. Mendoza passed through Paris at the end 
of February 1578, and found the Court in dismay. A 
fortnight before, Alenon had escaped again, and was now 
with a great force of Huguenots and Germans on the frontier 
of Flanders, in defiance of his brother's authority, in open 
treaty with the Protestant Flemings to enter the country 
as their champion, in rivalry with the Archduke Mathias, 
who had been invited by the Walloon and Catholic nobles. 
Don Juan also had just won the great victory of Gemblours, 
and was known to be plotting with the Guises, although it 
was thought in England, incorrectly, that he was doing so 
with the connivance of Philip. The new ambassador there- 
fore, found Elizabeth in perplexity between two fires. On 
the one hand D'Havrey, the envoy from the States, was 
assuring her that unless she made up her mind at once to 
send over her army under Leicester or his brother, they 
would be obliged to hand themselves over to Alen9on and 
his Frenchmen, which, at any cost, she was determined to 
prevent; whilst, on the other hand, she was informed from 
all quarters, that the kings of France and Spain, the Pope, 
Don Juan, and the Guises were now united and determined 
to crush her for once and for all. Her diplomacy at this 
juncture was as masterly as usual. At her first interviews 
with Mendoza (page 564) she flattered him personally, 
although she said she knew he had been sent to injure her. 
She pressed her mediation on behalf of the States and urged 
that the terms of the Edict should be confirmed to them. 
If this were done and they were not contented she would 
send her army to support Philip against them, whereas if 
it were refused she should be obliged to help them, and, 
moreover, was determined that the French should not get a 
footing in the country. Mendoza was a man of vast 
ability, suave and courtly, and soon managed to get on 
good terms with the Queen, since, in face of the new 


position she had taken up, it was obviously to his master's 
interest that she should be conciliated. 

An interesting account is given by Mendoza of Frobisher's. 
voyages in his letters to the King, who was evidently deeply 
interested in them, and several references are made to the 
progress of Drake's plundering expedition to the Pacific of 
which reports, incredible as they seemed at the time, were 
then reaching Europe. The protracted negotiations for the 
release of Antonio de Guaras and the tempestuous efforts 
to the same end made by his wealthy brother Gombal de 
Guaras, are related at length, although the release of the 
prisoner was not effected until May 1579. During his 
various negotiations for the neutrality of England in the 
States for the protection of the Spanish Colonial trade and 
the release of Antonio de Guaras, Mendoza's suavity 
towards the Queen rarely deserted him. He made 
frequent reports as to the project of buying over the 
Queen's ministers, although, as usual, Philip was more 
ready to demand impossible pledges than to pay for 
them. There is no doubt, however, that eventually Burleigh 
and Sussex received presents to the value of 3,000 
crowns each, Sir James Crofts 2,000 crowns in money, 
and Leicester some handsome jewels and horses (Mendoza 
to the King, 3rd May 1579). Dexterously as the Queen 
managed to hold out hopes that under certain cir- 
cumstances her troops might be sent to the support of the 
Spaniards in Flanders, large bodies of ruen under ex- 
perienced officers were allowed to slip over, with more or 
less secrecy, to help Orange and obviate the necessity for his 
appealing to French aid, whilst money and supplies were 
sent in a never ceasing stream, notwithstanding Mendoza's 
expostulations. The Queen at the same time was on the 
worst possible terms with Catharine de Medici, to whom 
she attributed the renewed Catholic activity in Scotland 
and the design to checkmate her in the States by means 
of Alengon. So alarmed was Elizabeth at _ the apparent 
danger from this quarter, that Catharine's envoy Gondi 
was dismissed insultingly and refused permission to go to 
Scotland, and at last it seemed as if Elizabeth's hand was 

.v 76467. d. 


to be forced. She sent Walsingham and Cobham to Orange 
to warn him against the French connection, and to Don 
Juan to say that if the French entered the country she would 
" send over twenty thousand men to help the Spaniards, 
" and if these were not enough for the purpose she would 
' send over every man left in her country and avail herself 
" of the forces of all her friends and allies" (21st May 
1578). To all remonstrances against the going over of 
English volunteers she had but one reply, namely, that 
they went to prevent the country falling into the hands of 
the French, and were in Philip's interest rather than 
against him. Orange told the Queen that he would 
fight to the end against the Spaniards and must seek aid 
where he could get it. If she would not support him 
effectually he must, and would, appeal to the French. 
Orange was invariable in his object and inflexible in his 
method. This ivas the only attitude against which 
Elizabeth's agile feminine policy was ineffectual, and 
English help had to be sent more boldly than ever, 
always, as Elizabeth was careful to assure Mendoza, in 
order to prevent the dominions of her good brother from 
being overrun by the French. The position was not one 
that could endure very long. In September 1578, a few 
weeks only before the death of Don Juan, French envoys 
were sent both from the King and from Alencon, with 
offers of marriage from the latter to the Queen, confirmed 
by his brother, in order that joint action in the Netherlands 
might be undertaken for their united interests. It is 
doubtful whether the Queen would have given the ready 
ear she did to this, except for her knowledge that Philip, 
under cover of the Pope, was subsidising a Catholic 
invasion of Ireland under Fitzmaurice, but in any case, 
she did listen to it willingly and for many months Mendoza 
sent his master constant accounts of the progress of the 
courtship. Philip himself was never deceived by it. " It 
" is all pastime," he said, " she is not in earnest about it, 
" and will never take a husband." Under cover of it 
however, Alengon entered the States, and Elizabeth's 
countenance immediately changed towards his agents in 


England. " Before she would proceed with the marriage 
treaty he must retire," she said, and in the face of the cold 
welcome he got from the Flemings themselves he was 
constrained to do so in December 1578. And then the 
marriage negotiations began in earnest. Mendoza's 
letters tell the story of Simier's mission to and cap- 
tivation of the Queen, and of Alenon's stolen visit to 
her, but not so fully as the Hatfield Papers published by the 
Historical MSS. Commission, although Leicester's advocacy 
of the marriage when he thought it was feigned, and his 
bitter resentment when he found the Queen was at last in 
earnest, are fully set forth in the present volume, and we 
catch a glimpse of Simier's ample revenge upon him by 
divulging his marriage with the countess of Essex. In 
the last letters in the present volume another element of 
intrigue is brought upon the scene, which served to bring 
closer together the interests of Elizabeth and Catharine <le 
Medici, namely, the succession to the Portuguese, crown, 
claimed by Philip, to the manifest prejudice of the other 
maritime powers, and this, with the raising of a great 
fleet by Philip in the autumn of 1579, considerably 
modified Elizabeth's attitude towards the Spaniards. The 
long threatened invasion and rising in Ireland took place 
in August of that year, and the Queen told Mendoza that 
she could not believe his master would help rebels or 
wished to make war upon her, and hinted her uneasiness 
about Philip's fleet. Mendoza saw she was alarmed and 
gave her but cold comfort, saying, that if his master went to 
war with her it would not be with insignificant forces such 
as these (page 686). At the end of December these fears 
on the part of the Queen had become acute, and Mendoza 
says (27th December 1579) that as he did nothing to allay 
them, but had avoided her, she sent for him. After, in her 
usual fashion, overwhelming him with blandishments, she 
told him the sinister news she was receiving from all parts. 
He tells the King, however, that he left her more alarmed 
than ever, although he hints that the armed preparations 
she was making were as much to guard against her own 
people's discontent at her unpopular marriage as against 


his master's fleet. At the end of 1579 the more hopeful 
prospects of the Catholics are reflected in Mendoza's letters. 
The prince of Parma was more than holding his own in 
the Netherlands and he had managed to separate the Catholic 
Walloons and Flemings of the south from Orange and the 
Hollanders. D'Aubigny had already taken Scotch politics 
in his grasp, and his coming predominance was foreseen ; 
Ireland was in ebullition, but, above all, the seminary priests 
were flooding England and, asMendoza says, increasing the 
number of Catholics every day. The English people was 
anticipating with loathing the marriage of the Queen with 
a Frenchman of less than half her age, and Mendoza's glee 
was undisguised at the trouble in store. 

There only remains to add that the letters in the present 
volume are drawn from similar sources to those in the last, 
and that, as they were practically all originally written in 
cipher, no distinction has been made in the type to indicate 
the fact. 






3 Jan. 1. GUZMAN DE SILVA to the KINO. 

The duke of Alba sent me copies of tlie three letters dated 14th 
and loth October, forwarded by your Majesty by way of Italy. 
They arrived here on the 30th ultimo, and the next day I told the 
Queen of the happy delivery of our lady the Queen, wliereat she 
showed as much delight as must have been felt everywhere at the 
news, and thanked your Majesty warmly for your care and 
thoughtfulness in informing her of it ; as also of the reasons 
which have prevented you from going to Flanders until the spring, 
which reasons, she thought, were very sufficient ones. She said 
she longed for the time of your Majesty's voyage in the hope that 
she might see you, although she did not think you would recognise 
her as she has changed so much and become so thin. 

I thanked her from your Majesty for forbidding Hawkins and 
the rest of those who are going to Guinea from proceeding to your 
Majesty's Indies, and assured her with all possible emphasis how 
much importance you attached to this proof of her regard, in order 
to fix her the more firmly. She made me great promises about it, 
and said she would cut off Hawkins' head if he exceeded by ona 
tittle the orders that had been given to him and would punish hia 
associates as well. I am trying to get her to make a show in thia 
matter, as I consider it of great importance, and, if these people are 
not taken in hand in real earnest, they may do much damage by 
showing the way to the Indies and opening up this business, and 
also by their religious action in those parts, the dangers arising 
from which may well be imagined. 

I am advised by a Portuguese, who came hither five days ago 
from the island of Madeira, that Hawkins' fleet had arrived at the 
Canaries, and that the ship they call the " Mignon " with three 
others took in all the victuals they required at Gomera, whilst the 
Jesus of Ubique (Lubeck) and two sloops did the same at Teneriffe, 
and they had all continued their voyage on the 12th November. 

I have not yet been able to discover the nature of the decision 
sent by the Queen to the Earl of Sussex about the marriage, but I 
have learnt from Cecil that the letter was written to him by Ce cil 
himself in his own hand, and as soon as the Queen had signed it 

yT646T. 400.-6/93. Wt. S283. A 


he folded and sealed it in her presence, so that no one knows the 
contents but the Queen and himself, as I was told and informed 
your Majesty when the despatch was sent off. Some of the Council 
had asked the bearer what the despatch contained, and he told 
them lie did not know, which was quite true. I am assured that 
the duke of Norfolk has given valuable assistance in the matter, 
and I fancy the secretary is not displeased with the despatch sent. 

I can only hear of one matter they are discussing now, the 
question of Ireland, and whether they shall send troops against the 
Scots, who, as I have written, had gone over to the island. There 
is some difficulty about it, as they have Very little money and less 
desire to spend it. I am told they will decide to-day. Nothing 
fresh from Scotland beyond what I wrote on the 29th. 

They say the earl of Leicester will leave after Twelfth day, with 
the Queen's permission to stay at home until the end of March, but 
these things are generally changed. London, 3rd January 1568. 

10 Jan. 2. GUZMAN DE SILVA to the KING. 

Last night I received, by way of Flanders, your Majesty's 
despatches of 14th and 15th October, and those brought by sea, 
duplicates of which I had already received and acknowledged. This 
Queen has been ill for four or five days, but is now well and affairs 
here are quiet. I hear the same from Scotland, and that the 
parliament, which was being held there, is now finished with the 
result of its approving of the imprisonment of the Queen, in con- 
sequence of her having been cognizant of the murder of her husband, 
and confirming the acts of the earl of Murray. Ireland is still 
under discussion here, but no decision has been arrived at. I am told 
that the Viceroy has resigned, displeased with their treatment ot 
him after his services there, and that the Queen has appointed the 
Vice-Chamberlain as his successor. His name is Knollys and he 
was there about a year and a half ago, investigating the affairs 
which had arisen in the time of Sussex's viceroyalty. 

I have heard nothing about the Archduke's suit. London, 10th 
January 1568. 

24 Jan. 3. The SAME to the SAME. 

The Queen is well and things here quiet, although in suspense, 
awaiting the outcome of events in France. It appears that the earl 
of Leicester's leave of absence from court is suspended, the principal 
reason of his going, I am told, being to meet the duke of Norfolk 
on the way. They make an appearance of friendship, but have to 
be on their guard, as there is no love lost between them. The 
second collection of the taxes, granted by parliament to the Queen, 
has begun. The amount is 400,000 ducats, and it is to be collected 
in six weeks. They want the money, as they have none left, and 
I believe they will only employ it in their own private needs. The 
Queen seems very determined about this, so I do not think the 
rebels will get much help from her. In the college called the 
Arches opposite St. Paul's are established the principal lawyers in 
civil and canonical law, who are judges and advocates of most of 



the cases in the metropolitan see of Canterbury and other ecclesias- 
tical jurisdictions. They have therefore to check many of the 
vexatious things which are done to the Catholics, and the Archbishop, 
in order to annoy them, is attempting to exact from them the 
path recognising the Queen as head of the church of the realm. It 
is not plain how it will end, but they are certainly putting them to 
much trouble. It was to have been done to-day, but it has been 
postponed. London, 24th January 1568. 


On the 26th January three of your letters arrived together, dated 
1st, 7th, and 15th November, and although they were stale, inconse- 
quence of long delay at sea, I was glad to read the details contained 
in them. Whilst the road through France is obstructed, it will be 
well to write to me by any ships that may come from England to 
Spain, directing the letters to the commissary Juan Martinez dc 
Recalde, with instructions for him to send them on by special 
courier. Write to me all you hear about Flanders and France, as 
you have done now. If I learn the news from other sources no 
harm will be done, and if I do not I shall be glad to get it from you 
and shall value your diligence in sending it. It appears from your 
remarks and what they write from Germany, that the negotiations 
for marriage with the Archduke Charles are being carried on with 
more warmth than previously, although I cannot bring myself to 
believe that my cousin, for any worldly interest, will agree to 
anything that could injure his good name as regards religion. 
Continue to advise me of what occurs in this matter, and if you 
think there is any hope of the Queen some day coming to her 
senses and recognising her error, and also whether, in effect, there 
are any persons about her or in her Council who may be able to 
lead her to this with credit and dignity. If there are any such 
persons, let me know their names and who they are, and tell me 
what you hear from the Queen herself ; because, so far as we can 
judge here by her words and actions, she seems so wedded to 
heresy that it will be difficult for her to free herself from it, but if 
I could in any way profitably help to this end I would do so with 
all my heart. 

Tell me what you feel about it in full detail, and let me know 
also how Scotch matters stand as regards religion, both as to the 
government, the nobility, the clergy, and the people, as we are 
especially anxious to understand the question from the bottom. 

With regard to what the Queen said about having heard that my 
voyage to Flanders was for the purpose of invading her country, 
you answered so exactly in accordance with my wishes that if I 
had instructed you you could not have done better. The fact is 
that what you said was the simple truth, and it will be well in any 
future conversations on the subject to entirely dissipate the shadow 
and leave the Queen thoroughly assured that, for my part, 
friendship and kindliness shall always be maintained towards her. 

I am very sorry for the trouble they have given to the Arch- 
bishop of Armagh, as I look upon him as a good servant of God, 
and, as such, I hope you will help him in the way you think best, 

A 2 



With regard to the Prince, my son, I have nothing to add to what 
is contained in the other letter,* except that I am still in sorrow 
about it as may be imagined. Madrid, February 1 568. 

2 Feb. 5. GUZMAN DE SITA-A to the KINO. 

I have already written that Catharine, the wife of the earl of 
Hertford, was indisposedf. The illness took such a turn as to 
prove fatal, and she is dead. She leaves two sons, aged six and 
four years respectively. The heretics mourn her loss, as they had 
fixed their eyes on her for the succession in any eventuality. The 
Catholics are pleased, and arc already beginning to say that the 
children arc not legitimate owing to Catharine's having married 
against the law. I am told, however, that in her will she has again 
left the necessary declarations to prove her marriage. The Queen 
expressed sorrow to me at her death, but it is not believed that 
she feels it, as she was afraid of her, so that both on this 
account and on the Scotch side, she is now without misgiving. I 
take every opportunity of trying to convince the Queen how 
important it is that she should refuse to lend an ear to base and 
biassed councillors and others, who would seek to divert her from 
the policy of living in peace and harmony with her neighbours ; 
and this is very necessary from what I hear they are telling her in 
order to incense her and get her to make some movement in Flemish 
or French ufl'ain?. Having engaged her in conversation on this 
.subject, and pointed out how inconvenient to her would be :my 
disturbance here, I mentioned what was being said about the 
attempt of her Ministers to force the oath of supremacy on many 
persons, in accordance with the orders given in the first parliament 
after her accession. This I did to stop, if possible, the forcing of the 
oatli on the lawyers of the College of Arches, as I wrote to your 
Majesty they were doing. 

The Queen answered me that the reason they had taken the 
matter in hand was to frighten many people who were talking 
with more freedom than was conducive to the pacification of tlie 
country, but that compulsion would only be used to a few of tl.ose 
who talked loudest, as an example to the others. I do not know 
how tins will be, because, although generally when I talk to her 
she seems full of good resolutions, they soon disappear, thanks to 
the crew she has around her, all composed of these sectaries, wlio 
have become more shameless than ever with recent events in 
France, and have been giving as much trouble as they can to the 
Catholics. As they do not find the Queen quite so ready to hflp 
them as they could wish, they are more wary of me than ever, and 
arc continually trying to alarm the Queen with all kinds of in- 
ventions about me, as they think no doubt that I am warning her 
against them. 

Thin letter is not in the Archives. 

Catharine C,rvy, c-ldefit -nrvivinp sister to Lady Jnnc Ofoy, daughter of Frnnco* 
Brandon, DnekcM of Suffolk, and by the will of Kdward VI. next heir to the crown. 
She had secretly married in the Tower the carl of Hertford, the eldest son of th 
Protector Somerset. 



On the 25th ultimo a Scotsman arrived here from the earl of 
Murray. The Queen tells me that she has refused him audience 
because the earl of Murray and the rest of them would not let her 
ambassador see their Queen when he was in Scotland. She says 
his object in coming is to propose an alliance between her and the 
regent against France, and she intends to let him know that she 
will not agree to it or enter into any negotiations except with the 
Queen, and if they reply that the Queen herself will send messages 
and letters on the subject, she (Elizabeth) will say that before she 
can believe them their Queen must be set free, and in some place 
to her own liking ; otherwise she will give no credence to anything 
said or done in her name. 

I am told by the Queen and others that the news from Scotland 
is, that five of those who were executed for the murder of the 
King have confessed that the Queen knew of it, and it is considered 
certain that these statements will be brought before the (Scotch) 
Council and proceedings taken against the Queen herself. This 
Queen (Elizabeth) and others greatly fear this will be the case. It 
is said that the Scotsmen who had entered Ireland by the country 
of the late Shan O'Neil have returned home. No decision has been 
arrived at here yet about Ireland. 

Since writing the above, I have been informed that the arch- 
bishop of Canterbury summoned the collegians (i. e., of the Arches) 
and presented the oath to them in accordance with the enclosed 
statement in Latin* which was given to me by one of those 
present. Efforts are being made to prevent the molestation of 
those who declined to take the oath, and the earls of Pembroke, 
Leicester, and Ormond have promised their good offices. It is 
believed that the Queen had no special knowledge of it, but that 
it was done by the man they call Archbishop, and even by the 
advice of his wife, who fittingly performs the office of primate. 
London, 2nd February 1568. 

7 Feb. 6. The SAME to the SAME. 

On the 2nd instant I wrote your Majesty what had been done 
respecting the tendering of the oath to the collegians of the 
Arcubus.f and that it was believed that the Queen was not aware 
of the Archbishop's proceedings. This appears to be the case from 
what she said to me about it, and what afterwards happened, 
which was that she was angry with the Archbishop and rated him 
on the subject, although subsequently the earl of Bedford and 
Knollys and Cecil pacified her and gave her to understand that it 
would be unwise to be severe on the Archbishop for fear of en- 
couraging the Catholics too much. Before the Queen spoke to the 
Archbishop on the subject he had already summoned the officers of 
his court for a given day in order that they might take the oath 
before him, as the lawyers had done, but when the day arrived, 
the Queen having spoken to him in the interim, the oath was not 

* (In original.) This statement was not enclosed. 

t (In original.) Vulgarly called the Arches which is a trihimal or court of the 
archbishop of Canterbury. 



tendered, and the officers were told that as it was a question of 
conscience he would give them until after Easter to think the 
matter over and decide the course they would take. He said ho 
thought that the lawyers would have asked for a similar time, only 
that some were so ready to make up their minds to swear and the 
others to refuse. It is believed therefore that the matter will be 
hushed up, and I am convinced that if, when I was discussing it in 
general terms with the Queen, she had been told exactly what the 
Archbishop had ordered, she would have stopped it. Both I and 
the persons interested did not, however, think this advisable, as the 
Queen and her Council are so suspicious that great caution has to 
be used with them in religious matters, and they might have 
thought that I was speaking on behalf of some of the collegians, 
which would perhaps have been worse for them later on. The 
Queen went out hunting yesterday and I accompanied her, so as 
not to lose any chance that might occur of urging her to stand firm 
in her good intentions with regard to these disturbances in Fladders 
and France. She told me, when I arrived, that she had just 
received a post from the earl of Sussex, but she had only been able 
to look at two of the letters so as not lose the day's pleasure. If 
there was anything of importance she would let me know, but the 
Emperor had detained the Earl and would not let him go. I said 
he did quite right to hold him as a pledge of her making up her 
mind. She has not sent me any further news. I suppose she will 
not have had time to read the despatches until to-day as she did 
not return till night. 

From what M. de Chantonnay tells me, it appears they are still 
trying to put off the Emperor with words, and this was the object 
of the answer taken by Cobham which, Chantonnay writes, was to 
the effect that the Queen wished to confer with Sussex on certain 
points when he returned hither, and that, as the question of religion 
was subject to Parliament, nothing definite could be settled until 
Parliament met. This was no doubt the letter the Queen mentioned 
to me and respecting which I wrote your Majesty. I*mdon, 7th 
February 1568. 

16 Feb. 7. GUZMAN DE SILVA to the KING. 

I was with the Queen yesterday. She is well, but much sur- 
prised at what her ambassador (in Spain) writes to her, under date 
of the 19th ultimo, namely, that at 10 o'clock on the night of the 

fth your Majesty entered the room of our lord the Prince and 
arrested him with your own hands, and, it was believed, had 
ordered him to be conveyed to Toledo. She said that your 
Majesty had acted in the matter with the dignity and consideration 
due in a great prince by arresting your son with your own hands, 
but she had not been informed of the reason for the arrest. How- 
ever, both she and Lord Robert and Cecil have given me to under- 
stand that they learn by letters from France that it was on 

:ount of some plot against your Majesty's person, a thing so 
to believe that only heretics could imagine it, and such they 
must have been, children as they are of the devil who was a 
murderer from the first. 



I hope to God, as I told the Queen, that the cause was very 
different, because, although his Highness is not lacking in spirit 
and courage, which in later years may serve for great things, he 
has hitherto shown no bad intentions, disobedience or disinclination 
to accept humbly your Majesty's commands. The matter has made 
great noise here, as no doubt it has done elsewhere, and I trust 
j'our Majesty will have ordered instructions to be sent as to the 
course I am to take in the interests of your service. 

Things here are quiet. News comes from Scotland that some of 
the principal people have risen against the Regent and the Govern- 
ment, and when I asked the Queen whether it was true, she said 
it was, and they even wanted to throw the blame on to her, as 
some malicious people also had tried to do respecting the dis- 
turbances in France, and even those of Flanders, which, she said, 
was entirely unfounded, as she is opposed strongly to such pro- 
ceedings of subjects against their rulers, and particularly in the 
case of your Majesty and your dominions, which should never be 
molested by England, at least whilst she was Queen. I said that 
she was quite free from any such suspicion, seeing the loving good- 
will your Majesty bore her, and she, like the great princess she 
was, could not fail to reciprocate it, as I had constantly advised 
your Majesty she did. As the malice of the heretics is continually 
exercised in arousing her suspicion, no opportunity must be lost to 
dissipate it. 

Irish affairs quiet. The Viceroy, after much entreaty, has con- 
sented to go back to the Government, and they will let him have 
Wales as well, which he had before and wanted still. 

The Queen expects the earl of Sussex to arrive here next week. 
She has said no more to me about the Archduke's affair, as she 
would have done if there had been anything of importance. 

They say here that French affairs are going badly, and, in con- 
versation with the Queen on the subject, she gave me to understand 
that she blamed the queen of France for not stamping out the 
business at the beginning. She is not the only person who 
thinks so. 

About a week ago they discovered here a newly invented sect, 
called by those who belong to it " the pure or stainless religion." 
They met to the number of 150 in a house where their preacher 
used a half a tub for a pulpit, and was girded with a white cloth. 
Each one brought with him whatever food he had at home to eat, 
and the leaders divided money amongst those who were poorer, 
saying that they imitated the life of the apostles and refused to 
enter the temples to partake of the Lord's supper as it was a 
papistical ceremony. This having come to the ears of the city 
authorities, they, in accord with the Queen's Council, sent 40 
halberdiers to arrest the people. They found them meeting in the 
house and arrested the preacher and five of the principals, leaving 
the others, and have appointed persons to convert them. London 
16th February 15GS. 


21 Feb. 8. GUZMAN DE SILVA to the KING. 

I received your Majesty's despatch of 23rd ultimo the day before 
yesterday, with duplicates of those of 10th and 18th from the duke 
of Alba to which I have replied. 

I wrote to your Majesty on the 16th the report the Queen had 
received from her ambassador of the seclusion of his Highness in 
his apartments by order of your Majesty and the various comments 
and discussions to which this had given rise here, and what I had 
replied to the Queen about it. For this reason I at once requested 
audience of the Queen and delivered your Majesty's letter yesterday. 
I related the .affair in substance as your Majesty ordered me to 
write to her, for her better understanding and recollection, and then 
showed her a copy of what had been written to me about it so that 
no word should be overlooked as they are all weighty. After the 
Queen had read her letter and listened very attentively to what I 
said, as well as going over slowly what I had written, she thanked 
your Majesty, first for your kindness in advising her always of all 
that happened in your affairs, which well deserved her thanks and 
good wishes that all should prosper with you ; and, although as she 
had told me before, she was very sorry for the news, on account of 
the trouble it gave your Majesty and the cause from which it arose, 
yet it was satisfactory to hear what I said about it. She could wish, 
however, that more detail were given in order to banish the sus- 
picions of people and not leave so large a field for imagination and 
gossip, in a matter of so much importance. 

I told her that no father liked to confess the excesses of his son 
so readily, and what your Mnjesty had had written was quite enough 
to prove that there was no excessive harshness or extraordinary 
action, and that, in order that the cause of the trouble might 
not be lasting, it was necessary for the blow to be a heavy and 
decisive one. The rumours about it have greatly calmed, now that 
it is shown not to be a matter of disobedience or anything of that 
sort ; but heretics interpret everything that happens in their own 
favour, in order to make people think they have many on their side, 
and so they not only assert but publish that his Highness' arrest 
was owing to some such cause as this. 

I have several times written to your Majesty about the suspicions 
these heretics are constantly sowing in the Queen's mind, to the 
effect that a league has been formed against her by your Majesty, 
the Emperor, the king of France and the Pope, and how I have 
always tried to reassure her. She told me yesterday that she had the 
previous night received letters from some of the German princes 
and from other quarters, again asserting the truth of the statement. 
I told her that it was nothing but an invention to alarm her and 
get her to declare herself on their side and back up their weak and 
falling cause, as they saw ruin before them, as I had told her before. 
I again assured her of your Majesty's friendship for her, and how 
desirable it was to her for many reasons that the friendship should 
continue and no cause for its rupture should be given by her. L 
pointed out how your Majesty had striven to save her life and keep 
in good brotherhood with her, and much to the same effect in order 



to quiet her. She thinks, however, that your Majesty may be 
persuaded to change your views by people who make you believe 
that, whilst religion here is different from that of your Flanders 
States, inquietude will constantly result, and that your Majesty's 
policy may be changed for this reason. I said, since it appeared 
that all my good assurances joined to the deeds that she had always 
had to confirm them were not sufficient to dissipate from her mind 
the suspicions engendered by malicious people, I begged her to tell 
me some way in which she might be satisfied and made proof against 
these insinuations. She said she would be quite satisfied with a 
single letter from your Majesty saying that you had heard that such 
rumours had been spread and you wished to assure her that they 
were not true. She swore that she had not communicated to her 
Council what had been written to her about it lately from Germany, 
although she had told me, and I said I would do my utmost to satisfy 
her, as I was quite clear as to your Majesty's good will and love 
towards her. 

Two days since Secretary Cecil told me on the Queen's behalf 
that she had heard from a servant of her ambassador in Spain, who 
had arrived here, that the household were not allowed to perform 
the services of their religion in their own house, and, moreover, that 
they were forced to hear mass, of which she had not previously 
been informed by the ambassador or anyone else. She asked me, 
since the ambassador's households were always privileged and free, 
as mine is here, to write to your Majesty to be pleased not to allow 
her ambassador's servants to be maltreated or forced to hear mass, 
and that they be permitted to perform their own service in a way 
not to cause scandal, as had always been done formerly in the 
Emperor's time. If this were refused she should have no alternative 
but to recall her ambassador, and she added that if your Majesty 
replied that you did not interfere with the inquisitors in matters of 
this kind, but left them full liberty to act as they liked, this was 
understandable, so far as your own subjects were concerned, but 
not with the household of an ambassador. She had sent instructions 
to her ambassador to take an opportunity of referring the matter to 
your Majesty, as she was sure you did not know of it. I replied 
that I had heard nothing of this but would do as the Queen desired, 
being certain that no innovation would be made with the ambassador 
or his household, and that your Majesty would have the matter seen 
to when you were informed of it. Cecil tried to emphasise some- 
what the liberty I enjoyed here, but I was able to appear not to 
understand him in order to avoid discussing that point. The Queen 
subsequently told me that, as she did not expect to see me so soon, 
she had sent Cecil to speak to me about it, and ask me to write to 
some one on the subject, and exert my own influence to prevent 
her ambassador or his household from being troubled. She thought 
that would be enough, without importuning your Majesty, especially 
just now when you are annoyed about his Highness. She said she 
would not have mentioned the matter, only that it was a point of 
honour which she could not overlook. She spoke much more 
moderately than Cecil had done, and it is quite possible that she 
may not have heard of the matter before, as Cecil again assured me 



she had not, nor he either, he added, until Lord Robert mentioned 
it ; but I do not believe him, for in affairs of this sort they are 
vigilant enough for anything. They think, no doubt, that the 
present troubles in France and elsewhere give them a good oppor- 
tunity of gaining ground, their own affairs being favourable, so 
they have begun to look out more keenly and to trouble the 
Catholics, summoning some and arresting others, and warning them 
to obey the present laws. I have spoken to the Queen several times 
about it, hinting that it was unadvisable for her to do this, and she 
has thanked me kindly for the advice, but still they continue to a 
certain extent, although with more leniency, in the same course. I 
reverted to the subject again yesterday, and she reminded me of 
what she had done with the archbishop of Canterbury about the 
oath. But they soon change her, and all their efforts are directed 
to making her shy of me, now more than ever, and neither suavity 
nor a show of simplicity and frankness, which I have hitherto 
adopted, suffices to disarm them, as their consicence disturbs them, 
and they are lovers of change, although they do not show it, for they 
are false in everything. I do not wonder that they are discontented 
with me in religious matters, as I am with them, and this is a grave 
inconvenience for those of us who live here, on account of the danger 
to which it exposes our households, who are exposed for a long 
time to the consequences of so much freedom and bad conversation. 
Tliis gives great and constant anxiety to those who are responsible 
for them, because the failure to attend regularly at church and 
perform the sacred offices and duties, cools devotion and causes 
thereby a greater fall still, and, for this reason, the long continued 
residence of the ministers in this country is a matter to be deeply 

I have therefore decided humbly to pray your Majesty, if there 
is any other place where I could serve you, even though the care 
and labour be greatei, you will deign to send me there, since things 
here being quiet, the friendliness of the Queen undoubted, and 
Flemish commercial affaire arranged, another person could easily fill 
my place. In case, however, that it should appear advisable for any 
reason that I should continue here for some time longer, although 
the country does not agree with my health, I will hold that and my 
life of small account in your Majesty's service ; but it will be 
necessary to let me know, in order that I may replenish my means 
from my private estate, which will be needful if I am to stay here 
and fittingly fill my office. That this is so is evident from the fact 
that my predecessor died deeply in debt, although your Majesty 
granted him 100,000 ducats soon after his arrival and 300,000 aid 
in Naples, the expenses having been greater in my time than in his. 
It is true I have had larger private means than he had to spend, but 
I am coming to the end of them, although not to my spirit, encouraged 
as it is with the hope of the favour with which your Majesty's 
munificence rewards your servants. 

The French ambassador tell me he has leave to return home as soon 
as the disturbances in France are at an end. I am informed that a 
nephew of his, a Calvinist, will remain here, who, his uncle tells 
me, is being converted. The ambassador says he has urged the 




Queen to use her good offices in favour of the Queen of Scot- 
land, his King having been informed that her person was in 
danger, and having written very pressingly about it, saying that, 
although he is fully occupied at present he is anxious for her (the 
Queen of Scots) and is determined to have satisfaction if any excess 
is committed on her. The Queen said to me, " It is a fine thing for 
" the ambassador to come and ask me from his master to help the 
" Queen of Scotland, when he himself refused to do so when I 
" asked him some time ago." The Queen tells me that she does not 
know the position with regard to the union of certain (Scots) lords 
against the Government of which I have already written, but she 
has received news that the Queen (of Scots) is ill, although not in 
danger, but yet she cannot be out of danger even if she is quite 
well, seeing the pass at which things are. 

Although they are collecting the last payments of the taxes 
amounting to 400,000 crowns, they have raised fresh money and 
have deferred the payment until August of the 80,000 crowns the 
Queen owes in Antwerp. London, 21st February 1568. 

28 Feb. 9. GUZMAN DE SILVA to the KINO. 

The Queen is well, and all here quiet awaiting news of French 
affairs, which now principally interest them. As regards the part 
of France nearest to England, Britanny, and Normandy, it remains 
calm, as does also Ireland. It was said here that the Queen of 
Scots was ill, but she is now reported to be better, and that the 
earls of Argyll and Huntly are still estranged from the Govern- 
ment party, although no rising is spoken of. The second son of 
the duke of Chatelherault passed through here on his way to 
France some days ago and visited this Queen, who received him 
well. He left Scotland without permission of the Regent. 

It is reported that the castle of Dumbarton on the banks of the 
river Leven, which issues from Loch Lomond, four or five miles 
above its junction with the Clyde, is in the hands of a gentleman who 
refuses to obey the Regent. By this way, and by the isle of Arran 
which lies in the bay at the mouth of the Clyde, an entrance 
could be effected into the country, if the French wished to liberate 
the Queen. The place is therefore looked upon as of importance. 
Arran is in the hands of the Hamiltons. Nine or ten of the 
Queen's ships are being fitted out here. They are being over- 
hauled, the sails and gear got into order, and 44 sailors have been 
put into them to prepare them for sea, so that they can sail directly 
the crews are shipped. 

I wrote to your Majesty that a new sect had been discovered ; 
people who call themselves of the pure or apostolic religion, and 
that a houseful of them had been found, and six of them arrested. 
Another of their meeting places has been found, and six of the 
principal members of this congregation, too, have been arrested. I 
am told by a well-informed Catholic that he is certain there are 
5,000 of them in this city alone. 

I learn by letters from M. de Chantonuay of 31st ultimo that 
the earl of Sussex had left Vienna the day previous, but that he 



had gone to where the Archduke Charles was, intending to come 
from Gratz to Salzburg, Ratisbonne, and Nuremburg. No news 
from the Earl has, however, arrived here. He said to Chantonnay, 
about the marriage, the same as he told me before he went, and, as 
I had already advised Chantonnay, he was answered there in a 
similar way to that in which I replied to him here. I do not repeat 
it, as your Majesty has been informed, but I again say that the 
Earl knows that, not only did I do all that could well be done, but 
I also acted in accordance with the desires of Sussex, the duke of 
Norfolk and their friends, when they asked me to act, always 
avoiding, however, placing your Majesty in a position of being 
affronted with the Queen or pledging you more deeply than the 
position of the business and their proceedings warranted. The 
Earl is wrong, and I will tell him so. In former letters I wrote 
that the earl of Leicester had leave from the Queen to go to his 
estates and meet the duke of Norfolk on the road, but his departure 
has been put off from day to day. It is now said that he will 
leave here in five days, and that in Northampton the Duke and the 
Earl will meet together with the earls of Warwick and Huntington 
and other nobles, in order to arrange a new friendship. Cecil and 
Leicester will also be reconciled, and they will discuss the succession 
in consequence of Catharine's death. 

Postscript : The archbishop of Armagh is closely imprisoned in 
the Tower, and as the matter is a suspicious one, being connected 
with Ireland, I have not ventured to speak of it, except very 
cautiously to a Catholic who is one of his judges, suggesting that, 
as the Archbishop is imprisoned for religion's sake, and is so 
worthy a person, I recommended his case very sincerely. They have, 
it appears, accused him of high treason, but they have no legitimate 
cause to do so. London, 28th February 1568. 

14 Mar. 10. GUZMAN DE SILVA to the KING. 

The earl of Sussex was with the Queen yesterday. I sent to 
greet him, and he replied that as soon as he had done his business 
with the Queen and Council he would come and see me. The 
news he brings has not yet transpired, but, doubtless, it is only what 
Chantonnay wrote, and these people will make up some fresh story 
to throw dust in the eyes of the public, and avoid the sudden 
confession that the negotiations for marriage with the Archduke 
have been broken off. 

Orders have been given to release the people who call themselves 
members of the pure or apostolic religion, on condition that within 
20 days they conform to the religion of the State or leave the 
country. It is looked upon as a mere excuse for dissembling with 
them. News has just arrived from the duchy of Lancaster, where 
nearly all the people are Catholics, that many people of position 
have been arrested for refusing to take the " Lord's supper " and 
attend the services, and also, they say, because mass was celebrated 
in their houses. It is quite possible that this and other similar 
things may cause disturbance, although these folks are peaceably 
inclined. London, 14th March 1568. 



20 Mar. 

11. The SAME to the SAME. 

The Queen has expressed to me her great satisfaction at the good 
reception and treatment of the earl of Sussex, but did not even 
drop a hint about the marriage, although there was ample 
opportunity for her to do so on the 1 5th instant, when I spent the 
whole afternoon with her in the country. She did not refer either 
to the league, about which I have written, but she spoke shortly on 
French affairs, and the arrangement now being discussed between 
the King and his rebel subjects, as she had done on a previous 
occasion at the beginning of the disturbances ; only that she now 
said she did not know how such an arrangement could be made 
compatible with the King's dignity. I said that at least, so far as 
she was concerned, the King had not been prevented from having 
satisfaction on the rebels, and carrying througli the business with 
the advantage that kings usually have over their subjects, as she 
had been so firm and steadfast in refusing aid to them or 
countenance their attempt against their sovereign. She replied 
that what I said was perfectly true, and assured me that when she 
sent troops to Havre de Grace in the former disturbances she did 
so pi-incipally because she was persuaded that the Guises wanted 
to get the King into their power and govern the country at their 
pleasure. They had also designs against her, as the Queen of 
Scotland was then married to the French king, and had declared 
that when the time came for restoring Calais they would not give 
it up. She went on to say that, with regard to the intention of 
the Guises to take the King and Queen, not only was it publicly 
stated, but she had received a letter from the queen of France, 
which she still kept, telling her of it. The prince of Conde had 
risen in consequence of this, and if she had not understood it in 
this light she said she woiild never have sent her forces to France, 
as she had refrained from doing on the present occasion. I replied, 
praising her very much for what she had done and was doing, ami 
said she was being commended for it everywhere, seeing the 
pressure that had been used to cause her to do otherwise ; where- 
upon she showed great pleasure. 

She also expressed her disapproval of the Count Palatine's action 
in detaining the money and goods belonging to the merchants, and 
she had said as much to the Count's representative here. I also 
praised her for this, adding that it was understood that most of the 
property belonged to persons who were coming to this country, 
and that this would have a very bad effect on the prices of 
merchandise here, besides causing her a loss of customs dues. It 
is said that most of the property belonged to the Easterling 
merchants from the maritime cities who are established here. I 
wrote to your Majesty that the Queen had told me that she had 
been requested, on behalf of the countess of Egmont, to write to 
your Majesty respecting the Count, but that she did not wish to 
interfere in the matter. She has since told me that they write so 
pitifully to her that she cannot help feeling compassion, and she 
thinks of writing to your Majesty, but that she wished me to see 
the letter before she sent it. I understood her intention to be to 
write very circumspectly and carefully, and therefore replied that 



she could well do so in the way that friends ask favours of one 
another, and grant them out of kindliness and mutual affection, 
and that many neighbours liked to be besought in honest causes 
for divers reasons. The earl of Sussex tells me that he is gratified 
because the Emperor was fully satisfied with the negotiations, 
and he is convinced that the marriage will be carried through. 
He said he had made every effort in his power, passing lightly over 
some points that could not be avoided, and bringing into prominence 
others where agreement was assured. As regards the question of 
religion, upon which assurance was sought on the part of the 
Archduke, that he and his household should not be coerced, Sussex 
said he made such declarations on behalf of the Queen as satisfied 
them; without the need for written obligation, which it would 
have been difficult for him to give, for many reasons, particularly 
as there were people here who for their own ends wished to 
obstruct the business. The Emperor, nevertheless, urged him to 
send Cobham to the Queen on the matter, as he did, although he 
. was sure that no written obligation would be entered into, as in 
effect was the case. He said that he thought what he had done in 
the matter would be quite sufficient, as he, being so faithful a 
servant of the house of Austria, would never have pressed the 
Archduke to come if he had not felt certain that the match would 
take place, and his verbal assurance be sufficient. The Emperor 
and the Archduke himself, however, were so resolute about the 
assurance, in accordance, they said, also with your Majesty's 
opinion, that he was obliged to send Cobham. Notwithstanding 
this he had discussed certain matters with the Emperor, which, if 
the Queen agreed to them, as he hoped, would enable the Archduke 
to find a good excuse for coming, which the Emperor had promised. 
He (Sussex) had left a private cipher with the Emperor, so that 
whatever was arranged might be absolutely secret, and nothing 
known until the business was concluded. He had avoided telling 
the Queen the substantial part of his negotiations pending the 
arrival of the duke of Norfolk, in whose presence he wished tho 
matter to be discussed. He had spoken since his arrival, he said, 
with the earl of Leicester, about the Emperor's and the Archduke's 
pretensions respecting religion, in order to gain his support, which 
he had promised, but that, if he did not fulfil his word and the 
Queen would not agree, in consequence of the views of certain 
persons, he (Sussex) was determined to publish the names of those 
who had stood in the way of the match, so that the country might 
know how he and others had striven to bring it about, for the 
public good, and who had prevented it. Still, he said, he had 
every confidence that it would be carried through successfully. I 
replied that I approved of his intention, and was not surprised that 
M. de Chantonnay was firm in his opinion that the Archduke 
should insist upon an assurance as regards religion, which was a 
point of the greatest importance, especially that, since he (Sussex) 
left here, more rigour had been shown on the subject than 
previously, which, of course, would be known verywhere, and 
many persons probably might think that these demonstrations 
were made for the very purpose of preventing the marriage, by 



Arousing the distrust of the Emperor and his brother, and causing 
them to demand further assurances, which the people here know 
would not be given, and so the affair might be upset. He knew, 
I said, how these people had always tried to prevent it, and how I 
had striven to bring it about, continually and unreservedly, except 
on one point alone, namely, that there should be no cause for 
resentment between the Queen and your Majesty if the match did 
not take place, as I knew your Majesty held her friendship so dear 
that it was my duty to refrain from anything that might jeopardise 
it. He said that M. de Chantonnay had always said the same. 
I took the opportunity of mentioning the league which certain 
people here profess to be effected between your Majesty, the Pope, 
the Emperor, the king of France, and other princes, against this 
Queen, with the object of separating her from her friends, and said 
that, as the news had come from Germany, he could say how false 
it was, and I asked him not to fail to satisfy the Queen that it 
was so, in order that her suspicions might be allayed. He replied 
that he had heard something of this, and had inquired into the 
matter in Germany, both from friends and foes, and had learnt that 
such a league really had been proposed by certain princes, but not 
with the intention stated, and with a different object. The rest, he 
said, were simply fables and market-gossip, as he would assure the 

I wrote to your Majesty on the 8th instant that the duke of 
Alba, had reported on the 3rd a certain plot which these people had 
made in Calais to recover the town with the aid of one of the 
King (of France's) officers there, and the preparations which were 
being made slowly with that object. The day fixed was to-day, 
I am assured, but the matter has cooled ; perhaps owing to the 
certainty now held of peace being made between the King and his 
rebels, as they are watching here very closely what is going on in 
France, and I am told receive advices from hour to hour. I, too, 
am on the watch about this Calais affair, in order to report to the 
duke of Alba. I have just been informed that the two vessels that 
had been fitted out and manned, as was said in the council at the 
request of the Regent Murray, to capture the earl of Both well on 
his way from Denmark to France, and the duke of Chalelherault 
who was going from Dieppe to Scotland, were really intended for 
another purpose, namely, to encounter the ships conveying the 
Count dc Buren. This having come to the ears of the Queen, she 
made a show of anger that such a thing should be attempted 
against your Majesty, and ordered the ships to be dismantled 
immediately, which was done. It is quite possible that they may 
have desisted from their intention owing to the Count de Buren 
alone going in the ships, as they thought other persons were going 
. as well. These are very little people to attempt such a thing as tin's, 
but I have my information from a good source. 

On the 16th instant the ships conveying the Count de Buren passed 
the Downs in sight of Dover, and with the present wind will have 
already cleared these coasts. 

These heretics are saying that their doctrines are being preached 
in many parts, especially in Navarre on the French borders, and, 



although this is not a fresh assertion, they are insisting more upon 
it lately. I do not believe it, as the Inquisitors have not discovered 
it, nor have I been able to obtain particulars, although I have tried 
to do so. London, 20th March 1568. 

27 March. 12. GUZMAN DE SILVA to the KING. 

I received yesterday your Majesty's letter of the 19th ultimo, 
by which I learn that mine of 10th January had come to hand. 
The favour your Majesty desires to show to the archbishops of 
Cashel and Armagh is of a piece with your Majesty's action in all 
things fitting for the service of God and the universal church, for 
which your reward will be long years of great happiness on earth 
and an endless eternity in heaven. As I wrote to Secretary Gabriel 
de Zayas, the business of the former prelate presents great difficulty, 
and it appears imprudent to mention it to the Queen just now as 
little good could come of it, seeing the usual suspicions of your 
Majesty which are rife among these heretics; besides which it 
might be a source of grave inconvenience to the church in places 
where this Queen has full power. It will be necessary, therefore, 
if he designs to go and take up his functions, that the utmost 
circumspection and caution should be used, as the only way in 
which it could successfully be done is for him to be secretly hidden 
amongst Catholics and safe from molestation by the heretics. It is 
true that, for the sake of peace, the Catholics in certain parts 
of Ireland are tolerated, but there is great vigilance used to 
prevent the exercise of any authority by bull or order of his 
Holiness. I will, however, carefully enquire and see what safely 
can be done to comply with your Majesty's wishes, and the same 
shall be done with regard to the imprisonment of the archbishop of 
Armagh. I am anxious about this as they keep him closer than 
ever, and in bad case for one of such poor health as he. The worst 
of the matter is that your Majesty's favour for these good folks does 
them more harm than good, so that it is necessary to act with the 
utmost caution. 

The Catholics of this country are numerous, but much molested. 
I have been endeavouring lately, by means of a well-informed 
Catholic, to get the names, not only of the principal party men, but 
also of the private persons in the provinces, with a note of tlie 
number of Catholics and Protestants in each county. I liave been 
pressing him for the list so that your Majesty may know the state 
of the country, and, if he delays giving it to me, I will send the best 
statement 1 can obtain. 

I have been unable to learn anything about the Archduke's 
match further than what I have written. I am told that the duke 
of Norfolk will come hither to discuss it. I wrote to your Majesty 
that I had been told by the carl of Sussex that a man had been 
secretly sent hither by the prince of Conde and the Admiral. He 
has now gone back. I do not know whether he will be captured 
on the way, as they are on the alert to catch him all along the 
coast, and to learn the particulars of his negotiations, although the 
copy in French of the letter he brought to the Queen from his 
principal!}, which I now enclose, lays bare the cause of his coming. 



.f Hawkins docs not obey the Queen's orders about going to your 
Majesty's Indies, steps shall be taken to have him punished. 
Advices from Scotland say that those who are against the govern- 
ment were still trying to obtain the Queen's release. The Regent 
was to go and visit the Queen soon, and as the people here suspected 
that he might give her some extension of liberty, they have 
written requesting him not to do so. 

I have just been informed that, in addition to what is contained in 
the enclosed copy of letter, the prince of Conde sent to say to the 
Queen that, even if she would not help them with money or men, 
she might make a demonstration of religious zeal. This has given 
rise to some extraordinary proceedings, and, amongst others, the 
arrest of one Wilson, who, I am informed, had authority from the 
Pope to absolve and admit to the church those who became 
Catholics, and who also was trying to collect subscriptions from 
Catholics in aid of those who have taken refuge in Louvain. Of 
these contributions he kept a list in a book with the names of the 
donors, which book has been found on him, and much harm may 
be done thereby. I am much surprised that this man did not come 
to me as other good men come, I having been one of those who 
recommended this subscription and promised my part. I will advise 
your Majesty of the result. 

A certain Emmanuel Tremclius has been here lately on behalf of 
the count Palatine. He is a heretic who was formerly in one of 
the universities here called Oxford,* and in the pay of the Queen. 
He is the son of a Jew of Mantua. It is said he comes for the 
purpose of arranging a league with this Queen, and will go on to 
Scotland to discuss a similar matter with the Regent and his 
government, taking letters from the folks here. London, 27th March 

3 April. 13. GUZMAN DE SILVA to the KING. 

Everything here is quiet as usual and the Queen well. She goes 
to Greenwich in four or five days. 

The commissioners of religion are still proceeding against certain 
Catholics, summoning them for interrogation on the subject. This 
has only been resumed since the rebels in France began their 

The party in Scotland which had risen against the Regent and 
his government has increased in number. It is said that they 
now demand the release of the Queen, and that justice shall bo 
done on certain members of the Government, who, they say, are 
implicated in the murder of the King. The leader of the party is 
said to be the archbishop of St. Andrews, who has fortified himself 
and his friends in St. Andrews. 

These folks here are not well pleased with the rising, as they 
thought themselves quite safe on that side for a time, and, if affairs 
in France are settled, the French might take a hand in the Scotch 
business, in which case these people will have look to them- 

* John Emmanuel Tremclius was Professor of Hebrew at Cambridge. 
y T6487. B 



selves. The French ambassador tells me, however, that his master 
will take no part in the matter out of gratitude to this Queen for 
having refrained from acting against him in his late troubles, but 
we all know what the French are, and how little trust can be placed 
in them. 

I went out to the country with the Queen this afternoon, and 
took the opportunity of speaking about the two ships which I 
wrote had been fitted out to capture the Count de Buren. I pointed 
out to her that the heretics not only wished to make her suspicious 
of your Majesty's friendship, but tried to make it appear that she 
was a party to such a thing as this in order to injure her. She 
was much surprised that anyone should say such a thing of her, 
and thanked me for telling her of it. I can hardly believe that the 
ships were fitted out with such an object, although I had it from 
many good quarters. On the night of the 27th ultimo there 
arrived here a servant of the prince of Orange. I was advised of 
his coming but not of its object, but I was told that three days 
later he passed a long time with the Queen. She informed me 
to-day that she heard he was here, and that he had only come to 
assure her from the Prince that he had never any intention to be 
tindutiful to your Majesty, and that he would never be found 
guilty of such a fault, which would be unworthy of him. He 
wished to place himself in some neutral country where he could 
free himself from the matter, and hinted that he considered the 
duke of Alba was not to be trusted, although he had no proof of 
this. I replied that the true facts of the case would be seen in the 
end, and that most people who have done wrong object to be tried 
by those who they think will do justice. I said I thought it 
would be more prudent to avoid interviews of this sort. I do not 
see any signs of the Archduke's match coming off for the present. 
On the contrary, I hear that those who oppose it are trying to 
delay the despatch of the reply to the Emperor. They think this 
will quite upset it. 

A Portuguese ambassador arrived here to-day, having written 
to me on the road saying that he was coming to lodge at my house 
until he got a lodging of his own. I went to meet him and brought 
him home. He comes about preventing the English from going 
to the Portuguese Indies, and says he is determined to press the 
matter, and either get them to promise not to go, or he will declare 
that the Portuguese will prevent them. I fear it will all end in 
words. London, 3rd April 1 568. 

6 April. 14. The KINO to GUZMAN DE SILVA. 

(Draft of letter with a note in the King's hand saying " all in 

On the 19th March I advised you, through Don France's, 
that I had received your letter of 25th February. Yours of 16th, 
21st, and 28th February arrived on the 1st instant, and, although 
we are glad of your information, there is little to reply to but to 
thank you for your diligence and to satisfy you upon the point intro- 
duced to you by Cecil and the Queen, namely, the question of the 
English ambassador here. The object of the complaint to you was, 




without doubt, to get beforehand with us, and anticipate the com- 
plaint I have to make of the conduct of the ambassador. You 
must know that, as soon as he arrived here, I gave him notice that 
he would have to conduct himself as his predecessors had done, 
and must avoid any demonstration which might cause scandal. 
That he must make no alteration in the old customs which have 
been followed by English ambassadors here, especially in religious 
matters* the more especially as in Spain the existence of the 
Inquisition causes more strictness than elsewhere, and prevents me 
from making concessions of any sort. The ambassador uuder- 
stood this perfectly well and promised my ministers on several 
occasions to act as he was requested, instead of which he has 
failed to do so and has conspicuously and frequently overstepped 
the bounds. One signal instance occurred shortly afterwards; 
he scoffed at one of the processions that were held for the Queen's 
health when she was ill. When I learnt of this, I sent the duke 
of Feria to warn him again, and request him to moderate his words 
and actions so as not to transgress the limits laid down for his 
conduct which he had promised to respect. He again promised to 
to do so with many professions and excuses, but as he is so 
corrupted at heart with these religious errors, he could not restrain 
himself or stifle the promptings of his bad spirit, and has shown it 
by such daring and pernicious acts, that I am convinced that it is 
a planned thing, not done at his own initiative alone, but by order 
from England. Amongst other things lately at a dinner in the 
presence of many persons, Spaniards and others, he presumed to 
say, publicly and shamelessly, that I was the only one who defended 
the papal sect, but that, in the end, the prince of Condc and his 
party would prevail, and that the Pope was nothing but a canting 
little monk ; with other similar expressions for which he would 
richly deserve the punishment the Inquisitors, who learnt of his 
rashness, would give him, if it were not for respect of his office as 
the minister of the queen of England, with whom I am on terms 
of friendship. I have, however, made up my mind to hold no 
more intercourse with him, and will not receive him or permit him 
to live in my capital, but have sent him orders to go to a 
neighbouring town, with a warning to conduct himself there so aa 
not to cause scandal to anyone, and to avoid in future such rash 
words and acts as his previous ones. He has acted simply like a 
perverse dogmatiser, and I have had him told that, if he does not 
comply with the directions now given to him, I cannot prevent the 
Inquisitors from doing their duty, and I am not without scruple 
for having overlooked his actions so far as I have done. Some 
days ago he received a letter from his mistress for me, and lias 
been pressing for an audience, but I have been delaying and putting 
him off with the determination of never receiving him again. He 
has had some communication with Ruy Gomez, and I learn from 
him that he wants to address me on the point spoken of to you 
by Cecil and the Queen. This is not a matter that it is fitting I 
should discuss with him, touching, as it does, our holy catholic 
faith, and he being offended at this, intends, I am told, to send a 
secretary to give an account of the matter to the Queen. He will, 

1: 2 



of course, give his own version of it, and I have therefore decided 
to send this courier ahead of him, expressly in order that you may, 
in accordance with the enclosed letter of credence for the Queen, 
state the matter to her and tell how just and deep is the complaint 
I have against the ambassador, and that I have decided to hold no 
more intercourse with him, as he has so rashly and disrespectfully 
exceeded an ambassador's license, and might more fittingly be 
called a perturber. He has tried to persuade vassals of mine to the 
rebellious and new sects which are rife in other dominions, totally 
contrary to the duties and customs of an ambassador, and, if it were 
not for the friendship and respect I bear to the Queen, he would 
deserve anything that might be done to him, as she will learn by 
the personal relation of a gentleman whom I am sending post to 
her for the purpose, who will leave in a few days to complain also 
of the bad and dangerous offices of this man in sowing discord 
between two souls so united as those of the Queen and myself. 
Only in consideration of his being her minister have I refrained 
from dealing with him otherwise than I have said, namely, to 
refuse further intercourse with him or permit him in my capital, 
and I therefore beg of her to appoint another person who will 
conduct himself as previous ambassadors of her's and her father's 
have done here, men whom I can respect and treat with confidence 
and kindness, as I have always done all men and matters apper- 
taining to her. Things have arrived at the present pass with thia 
man in despite of me, .and I am unable to dissemble or excuse it 
any longer, and I therefore beg of her to take in good part the 
request I make, for the reasons which the gentleman I have 
mentioned will further make known to her, and will satisfy her 
both of the reasonableness of it and of the utter falsity of the 
assertion that the ambassador's household was forced to hear mass. 
No such thing has been done. On the contrary, I am informed 
that some of the servants having entered a church without showing 
due and proper respect to the holy sacrament, they were simply 
told by those who were present either to behave themselves 
decorously or leave. Nothing but this happened as you will see by 
the depositions and investigation of this and other excesses, which 
will be despatched by the gentleman who is coming. These depo- 
sitions are only for your own guidance and information, and it will be 
sufficient for you to refer generally in conversation with the Queen to 
the just cause I have for being offended with this man, so that she 
may comply with my request and send another who will do his 
duty us he ought ; in which case I will receive him well, and will 
do everything in my power to please the Queen and preserve the 
close and ancient alliance and friendship between us and our 
respective states. You must dwell very especially upon this, with 
all the fair words and arguments you can use. It occurs to us to 
Bay to you that, when conversations are raised about religion 
(unless they are directed expressly to persuade or bring to a sense 
of the right the person with you) they should be avoided by you, 
but when you cannot avoid hearing such conversations, as for 
instance with the Queen, you should, at Jeast, excuse yourself from 
undertaking to write to me upon the subject ; although, of course, 



it will be well and even necessary to do so for my own information, 
without the Queen or anyone els knowing it. 

With regard to the conversation the Queen had with you about 
the suspicions and doubts they have aroused in her of a league 
between myself and other princes to invade her country and 
forward the Catholic cause there ; since you told her the truth and 
gave her to understand that the assertion was a groundless one, 
invented by mean and jealous people for the purpose of alarming 
her, it will not be necessary for me to write you the special letter 
you suggest on the subject. It is amply sufficient that you, as my 
minister, have assured her of the falseness of the rumour, and you 
can, if you deem necessary, repeat the denial on my behalf. 

It is unnecessary, also, to say anything more about what passed 
in the matter of the Prince between the Queen and you, nor need 
you descend to any further details of the matter except to thank 
her in my name (as I do myself in the letter) for her condolence, in 
the general terms you think fit. You may at the same time thank 
her for forbidding Hawkins and his companions from going to my 
Indian territories. Both of these acts have been proofs of our 
friendship and brotherhood, and I will always reciprocate similarly 
in matters that concern her. 

Scotch affairs seem getting into such a condition, particularly as 
regards religion, that I cannot help feeling grief at them. You 
will continue to keep me informed of events there, especially 
about the Queen's imprisonment and the result of the accusation 
against her. 

This courier will go in a smack, with orders for her to await in 
port to take him back again, and you will therefore despatch him 
as soon as possible, with advices to me as to what passes with the 
Queen, and the decision you arrive at with her about the am- 
bassador. You will also inform the duke of Alba, as you will see 
how important it is that he should know. You will likewise 
communicate to me what you hear from him and any news about 
aft'airs in Flanders and France, as I wish to hear often from all 
quarters. As the earl of Sussex has arrived, it will be well, too, 
for you to let me know whether any result of importance on the 
marriage question has been attained by his journey. I still believe 
that it is all artifice to entertain her subjects, as you have very 
cogently said on various occasions. 

With regard to your request that I should remove you from 
England (although I am very satisfied with you), the reasons you 
allege are of such weight and importance that I will give to the 
matter due consideration, having regard to your labours and 
services, and will advise you as to my decision. Madrid 6th April, 

10 April. 15. GUZMAN DE SILVA. to the KINO. 

Things here are quiet as usual and the Queen went to Greenwich 
on the 6th. As I accompanied her in the country on that day, 
Lord Robert made me a long speech to the effect that, in your 
Majesty's interest and for the welfare of your Flanders dominions, 
it was advisable to adopt some lenient aud peaceful course with 


regard to religion and the punishment of those who have mis- 
behaved themselves in the States. He instanced the course taken 
in France, and how the King had come out of the affair there. 
He pointed out how strong the new religion was in Germany and 
the States, and said that even in some parts of Spain things are 
not quite so assured as is thought ; nor in Italy either, especially 
near Rome. He spoke, he said, as a'servant of your Majesty, and he 
desired your peace and prosperity, although he knew his words would 
be of little avail as he was a Protestant. I thanked him much for 
his good will, giving him to understand that he was mistaken about 
Spain, as also, I thought, about the rest of your Majesty's dominions ; 
and said that if there had been any backsliding in Flanders, it would 
be remedied in a way that would scour it out completely, as the 
duke of Alba had got the matter in hand. Ever since the French dis- 
turbances they have been molesting Catholics here in various ways, 
pressing or relaxing, however, according to the news received from 

Three of those whom I wrote they had arrested in the duchy of 
Lancaster for refusing to attend their services have been brought 
here, and amongst them a gentleman of position called John South- 
well (Suduel), who, with the others, after the Council had examined 
them, was sent to the common jail. On the same day, the 7th 
instant, they arrested on religious grounds three lawyers of standing, 
called respectively Dr. More (?), Dr. Mitchel, and Dr. Windham.and 
they have also taken two ladies, lady Brown and lady Cave (?). It 
is reported from Berwick that the Queen of Scots wishes to marry 
a gentleman named Lord Moffat, who is connected with the Stuart 
family, and the matter has been discussed with great secrecy between 
the Regent and his closest friends ; the idea being that, as the 
gentleman belongs to his family and is connected with him by blood 
and friendship, such a marriage would add to the Regent's strength 
and satisfy the Queen at the same time, and that if she marries a 
person of her own lineage and an enemy of the Hamiltons, more 
liberty might be given her. The Regent will retain power as 
hitherto, and hopes by this means to reconcile factions, satisfy the 
Queen, and strengthen himself. He has many enemies and must 
keep a good look out. He has news from France that Cardinal 
Lorraine is procuring 1,200 harquebussiers to be placed in Dum- 
barton. The Portuguese ambassador, whose arrival here on the 
3rd I advised, has not yet seen the Queen. He is in no haste and 
is preparing for the interview. He has communicated to me his 
business, which is principally to request the Queen to forbid her 
subjects from interfering with the Portuguese Indies, especially 
Guinea, although they will consent to the English going to buy 
blacks at the places where the Portuguese sell them. He is also to 
ask for restitution of 600,000 ducats that he says English pirates have 
taken from the subjects of his King. I think he will have quite 
enough to do to get either of these things granted, but he says he 
will press very urgently the question of going to the Indies, and he 
means to put it in such a way that, if they do not grant his request, 
he will break with the Queen. I do not know what he will do/but I 
cannot believe this, It appears that he will be satisfied if the English 



who go thither do not go with the Queen's permission or in her ships, 
so that if the Portuguese fleet for the defence of the coast meet 
them, it may punish them as it punishes the French. 

A gentleman from the King of France arrived here to-day to 
give an account to the Queen of the treaty of peace between him 
and the rebels, He has audience to-morrow, London, 10th April 

19 April. ie. GUZMAN DE SILVA to the KING, 

The night before last I received your Majesty's letter of 19th 
ultimo. Thank God your Majesty still enjoyed the health that is so 
important to Christendom and your servants ! It is necessary that 
this good news should be reiterated on every opportunity to 
counteract the inventions of the ungodly, who can only produce 
according to their kind, and nearly every week set afloat a thousand 
wicked stories. The decree issued by your Majesty promising a 
good reception and freedom to those who convey bread stuffs to 
Biscay and Asturias is very wise, and, no doubt, will easily result 
in the supply of the much needed food for those countries. I 
understand that from various parts of England bread stuffs are 
already being sent by persons who have special license, and by 
gentlemen who do not need licenses from their own ports, and they 
will doubtless find it to their interests to continue to export. For 
this reason, and seeing the difficulties that usually are raised here 
when a general free export is requested, by reason of the wickedness 
of those who contrive means of putting up prices, which causes 
discontent amongst the common people and compels the Queen to 
withdraw the licenses to calm the clamour, I think best to hold 
my hand for the present and consult people well versed in the 
matter. A few days delay .will not prejudice the business, and I 
shall then be able to address the Queen on the matter if desirable. 
As an instance of what I say : in 1566 I asked the Queen for the 
export of breadstuffs for certain ports in Flanders where scat-city 
existed, and greed then reached such a pitch that her own ministers 
bought up the supplies, which they sold to the exporters for their 
own profit. The outcry of the people was so great that, not only 
was the export prevented, but great prohibitions were decreed ; 
whereas, if the matter had not been mentioned at all, the food 
would have been sent somehow, as usual, and as it is even now 
being sent to Biscay. The Queen is ill in bed with a great excess 
of bile, which I myself have been troubled with these two years 
past] by reason of the climate. I will have your Majesty's decree 
made known amongst the merchants here, and their greed may, 
perhaps, prompt them to send grain as desired. 

Secretary Cecil has told me that the King of France's gentleman 
who came hither is going on to Scotland, whereat, I think, they 
are not at all pleased, but rather suspicious. If what I wrote in my 
last about the projected marriage and extended liberty of the Queen 
of Scots be true, these people will feel it strongly, as they thought 
themselves quite safe from that side ; but if she is to be married, it 
would not be altogether amiss for them that she should marry Moffat, 



as he is on the side of the Stuarts against the Hamiltons and the 

I have not heard the peace made in France well spoken of 
here. These people have strange fancies and talk like men 
who have never left home. Some people wished the rebels to 
beat the King because of the heresy, and others that the war 
should continue, whilst they remained on the look-out to seize any 
advantage that the discord might afford them. 

The Earl of Sussex has sent to tell me that about five days ago 
the Queen had a very long conversation with him respecting the 
marriage with the Archduke, but only generalities and nothing 
decided. I think she must be as false in this matter with the 
Earl as she is with others. 

On the 14th I accompanied the Portuguese ambassador to court. 
He was well attended, and we went up to the presence chamber 
without anyone having come out to meet him, although the day 
and hour of his reception were fixed. After we arrived in the ante- 
chamber, some courtiers and gentlemen came to speak to me, 
amongst them the lord-chamberlain. I made them speak to the 
Ambassador, which they did, but sourly. I got the lord-chamber- 
lain to entertain him until he was summoned, and they remained 
thus standing for a long while, I being seated as I am ailing. After 
the ambassador had waited for about an hour he was introduced 
to the Queen's chamber, where she received him, and, after a few 
words from him in his King's name, the Queen, with an angry look, 
complained greatly of the Cardinal,* who, she said, had written her 
a letter by an ambassador sent by her to the king containing dis- 
courteous expressions which were unfit to be addressed to her. She 
turned to me and said she wished I could see the letter and I should 
agree with her that it had been written by bishop of Osorio, whose 
style she recognised from having read certain writings of his about 
religion, which had been answered by a servant of hers named 
Dr. Haddon, to whom the Bishop had again replied. The words 
the Queen mentioned as being in the letter alluded to her as a 
tyrant. The Ambassador replied that he could not believe it until 
he saw it, and I said I agreed with him, as a Portuguese was never 
yet discourteous to a lady ; and the conversation being thus turned 
into a lighter vein, I asked permission to be seated in consideration 
of my weakness. Cecil and Leicester presently came up to me and 
expressed their regret at such a letter being written. Secretary 
Cecil showed me the letter, and I took it to the ambassador tha 
he might see what it contained. I think it might well have 
been expressed in a different .way and somewhat more modestly, 
although the writer had sacrificed some of the grace of his Latin in 
doing it. I enclose copy of it. Cecil said that the presumption of 
the Portuguese was insufferable, and made them hated by all 
nations. Both he and Leicester treated the subject in such a way 
that I told them that I had no answer to give them, as your Majesty, 
although you honoured your relatives, was very faithful to your 

Uncte of the young King Dom Sebaitioo, afterwardi King Henry 



friends, and so the conversation ended. I asked them, for the love 
I bore them, to treat the ambassador graciously, as courtesy honoured 
the giver, and presently the Queen called me to her again and the 
rest of the time passed pleasantly. The Queen having recovered 
her temper, the ambassador told her she greatly resembled the 
Infanta Dona Maria.* This ended the first interview, business not 
having been spoken of. The lord-chamberlain accompanied the 
ambassador to the door of the presence chamber. The ambassador 
is a sensible man. He is hurt at their treatment of him, as well he 
may be, but they are strange people to have to do with. We shall 
see by their future dealing with the business whether this display 
has been a feint in order, as they think, to prevent him from carrying 
his complaints of them with so high a hand, but I do not regard it 
in that light myself. London, 19th April 1568. 

24 April. 17. GUZMAN DE SILVA to the KING. 

The Queen is at Greenwich in good health, and affairs are all 
quiet and calm, without thought of trouble, as are also things in 

The gentleman from the King of France, who came to give an 
account of the peace with the rebels, has already started for 
Scotland. They were suspicious of his going, and intimated as 
much to the ambassador, who had to tell him that if they con- 
sidered it inconvenient he would send him back. Seeing that 
they gave him no answer for two or three days he sent to ask 
audience of the Queen for the purpose of discussing the gentleman's 
return to France. They then gave him his passport for Scotland. 
I asked the ambassador if the gentleman would see the Queen 
herself or deal with the Regent. He answered that, if he could 
get to speak with the Queen he would negotiate with her, but if 
not, he would deal with the others. He said he bore private 
instructions from Cardinal Lorraine, which he had seen, to urge her 
to endure her troubles with patience, and await until God put 
your Majesty's affairs in a prosperous state, for he knew that aid 
could come from no other quarter. I passed this over, pretending 
that I took no notice of what he was saying, as I think that it is a 
new move of the French to ingratiate themselves here by raising 
suspicions of your Majesty. 

Hearty thanks have been given to this Queen from their Christian 
Majestys for her neutrality and expressed sympathy with them 
during the late disturbances, and the ambassador asked in the 
names of his sovereigns what she would like them to send her 
from France, as they wished to make her a present to her taste. 

In mine of the 10th I wrote to your Majesty that advices from 
Berwick of the 1st said that the Queen of Scots wished to marry 
Lord Moffat, and that her brother the Eegent had secretly dis- 
cussed the matter with his intimate friends. By the same route 
news now comes that the Queen has told her brother that she wishes 
to marry, and on his asking her whom she desired to wed she 

* Princess Maria of Portugal, who bad married Alexander Furneie, Prince of Parm, 
iu October 1969. See Vol. I. 


answered the nephew of the gentleman who has her in keeping, a 
certain George Douglas ; to which the Regent replied that he did 
not consider him a fit person for her husband, and he thought 
it would be better if she married Lord Moffat, as he belongs to the 
house of Stuart, and it was believed the Queen would do this. It 
is asserted that, on the 14th instant, the Queen exchanged apparel 
with her laundress, the latter remaining in the Queen's room 
whilst she left the castle and entered a boat with the intention of 
escaping from prison. The boatmen requested her to unveil, that 
they might see who she was, and she, whilst resisting them, 
uncovered one of her hands, which made them press her the more, 
until they unveiled her. She showed great spirit, and commanded 
them, with threats for their lives, to take her across to the opposite 
shore, where two men and three horses were awaiting her. They 
refused and took her back, although they promised they would not 
inform the keeper. The Portuguese ambassador had his second 
interview with the Queen to-day, when his business was discussed. 
He asked me to send my secretary with him, which I did, and he 
was also accompanied by Antonio de Guaras, Juan Baptista de San 
Vitores, and two other subjects of your Majesty. He was met by 
order of the Queen some distance outside the palace gates by Henry 
Cobham (who went to Germany with the earl of Sussex), a brother 
of his, and another gentleman of the chamber named Kyngesmyll. 
They led him to the presence chamber, where they entertained him 
until the lord chamberlain came out and took him to the Queen. 
As soon as he had entered, Secretary Cecil came out and called 
Baptista de San Vitores and afterwards Antonio de Guaras, and in 
the presence of the earl of Bedford said to them, " Since you are 
" helping the Portuguese ambassador, you will inform him that it 
" is the Queen's will that no one should attend mass in his house, 
" except his own servants and dependents, and that, if any other 
" persons do so, they will be severely punished." Antonio de 
Guaras retorted that surely foreigners might attend, to which the 
Secretary replied that they could not, and then entered the Queen's 
room, where the ambassador remained for over an hour. When 
he took his leave the lord chamberlain accompanied him outside 
the presence chamber, where he was taken charge of by the same 
gentlemen that received him, who went with him to the boat. The 
ambassador sent word to me that he would come and give me an 
account of what had passed with the Queen. London, 24th April 

1 May. 18. GUZMAN DE SILVA to the KING. 

Nothing fresh from Scotland. I believe these people have a good 
understanding with the Regent and his government, in spite of this 
Queen's attempt to conceal it. Their carelessness about the frontier 
and laxity at Berwick are a good argument of this, and it is 
further confirmed by a letter that this Queen has written to the 
king of Denmark (copy of which I enclose) against the earl of 
Bothwell, no doubt at the request of the Regent and his friends. 
I am till] that the details of the partition of some of the lands of 
John O'Neil amongst certain English persons have arrived in 



Ireland, and that an uncle of his, who is also called O'Neil, has 
joined with a neighbour named O'Donell, determined to resist the 
division, and it is feared that greater dissentions will result than 
in the past. This O'Neil is married to a daughter of the earl of 
Argyll, and it is said that he will therefore have the aid of the Scots- 
men of the adjacent isles. This would somewhat disturb these folks, 
but much more if the Queen of Scots should gain her freedom. I 
had an appointment for an audience this afternoon, when I intended 
to speak to the Queen about the export of bread stuffs to Biscay 
and Asturias, but when I arrived at the gate of the palace I met 
a gentleman sent by the Queen to ask me to put off the interview 
till to-morrow, as she was somewhat inconvenienced with some 
medicine she had taken. Almost immediately afterwards another 
courtier came to say that the Queen, having heard that I had 
arrived, would make an effort to receive me. I went up to the 
presence chamber where I learned from her doctor, whom she had 
sent to entertain me, and from others, what her condition was, and 
refrained from importuning her in consequence. I went to the 
Council with Cecil to despatch certain private subjects' business, 
and the Queen sent thither to say that she would be glad if I 
would return to-morrow, as I had not cared to see her this after- 
noon. After I had done my business, the Secretary asked me what 
news I heard from Flanders. I told him, in short, that the 
duke of Alba, having received information that some show of dis- 
turbance was being made on the borders of Gueldres, had sent 
troops to Maestricht and Namur, and was still continuing the 
necessary measures to punish the disturbers. It was certain, how- 
ever, that all would end as the similar attempt did some months 
ago, as it could have no support, and there was no one in Germany 
or elsewhere who would, for the sake of other people, undertake so 
dangerous and fruitless a step as to show himself an enemy of your 
Majesty's states. Cecil replied that he agreed with me, but he had 
been informed that great hatred had been aroused in Germany at 
the rigorous measures of repression which had been adopted by the 
duke of Alba in the States, as it was alleged that the Spaniards 
wished to expel all the natives therefrom and take possession of 
everything. I said it was no new thing for rebels against their 
sovereign to invent such stories as these to cause hatred and envy. 
He laughingly said, no it was not, only that the Spanish nation was 
a strange one, and wanted to be mistress of the world, and it 
was currently reported in Flanders that the Spaniards were coming 
over to this country tempted by the riches of the sea, but if they 
did, he said, they would find they had some queer cattle to deal 
with. I told him I did not believe, nor should he, that there was 
any such talk amongst Spaniards, who were a very temperate and 
modest people, especially as they had not the same amount of 
liberty as the English, who are allowed with impunity to say what- 
ever they like. He said that some persons had certainly spoken 
in the sense he had mentioned, but they were not party men. I 
replied that doubtless those who spread such tales were the 
rebel scamps who carne hither from Flanders, against whom I had 
not yet complained, as he knew, to the Queen and Council, but I 



could assure him that it was my intention to represent to the Queen 
that, in the interests of herself and her country, she should take 
care that those who took refuge here should not be allowed to 
return, alone or with others, to commit fresh offences in the 
States. I said it was quite enough, surely, to receive them here, 
without their making of this friendly country a centre from 
whence they could sally for the purpose of insults such as these, and 
then be received here again as before. I thought this should be 
altered as, from small beginnings, great troubles ensued. He 
thought that it would be very proper and just to remedy the 
matter, and the Queen ought to give it her best consideration. 
Although I do not know what will be done or how, I should be 
glad of some step being taken which would moderate somewhat 
these impudent Flemings here. A man has arrived here from 
the Regent of Scotland. Cecil tells me that his only errand is to 
arrange about the thieves that infest both sides of the border. 
He (Cecil) says that his Queen cannot endure the treatment of the 
Queen of Scots, and her imprisonment in the name of the Regent, 
and of the child they call King. I do not believe him on either 
point, and think they are still at their plots and combinations, and 
that it is all a blind, although the Queen has several times said the 
same to me as the Secretary. London, 1 May 1 568. 

8 May. 19. The KING to DON JUAN DE ZUNIQA.* 

Draft headed : Respecting the departure of the English 
ambassador here. 

Having heard that the ambassador from the Queen of England 
resident here did not conduct himself in a way fitting to his office 
and the interests of his sovereign, and that, in his conversation 
and actions, he did not proceed with due respect to religion and 
veneration to the holy see ; and, bearing in mind the difficulties 
that might arise from his presence in this court and the danger of 
contagion to others from his bad example, I have resolved to order 
him to leave my court and await outside of it the orders of his 
mistress. It seems to me needful for the service of God and the 
public welfare to banish such a person from my court and from 
conversation with my subjects, and nothing in the world, however 
great, no consideration however grave, shall ever make me waver 
in the slightest degree in my determination to avoid the least 
offence to God Almighty ; whose service and the observance of 
whose holy faith I place before all my interests and acts, and 
prefer to everything in this life, even my own existence. I have 
thought well to advise you of this, in order that you may report 
the same to His Holiness in my name, giving him the letter I write 
to him in your credence. You will tell him the resolution I have 
taken, of which I am well satisfied and am sure His Holiness will 
be so, as I desire so earnestly that my actions and proceedings 

* Hie SpanUh ambassador in Borne, brother of the Grand Commander of Castile, 
Don Lull de Kequesu y Zuniga, afterward! governor of the Netherlands on th 
recall of tin duke of Alba. 



may content one whom I love, esteem, and reverence as a father. 
Madrid, 8th May 1568. 

Postscript in the King's hand: The letter for His Holiness 
does not go, as it is unnecessary. The above says that I have 
ordered the man to leave here and wait outside the orders of his 
Queen. I have written to her and asked her by my ambassador 
to recall him, and if not, I shall be obliged to expel him. 

11 May. 20. GUZMAN DE SILVA to the KING. 

I wrote to your Majesty on the 8th, saying I had received on 
the 6th the despatch of the 6th April, and that the Queen had fixed 
an audience for me on the 9th instant. I went, and, handing her 
your Majesty's letter, watched her countenance closely whilst she 
was reading it. When she came to the latter part, about the 
ambassador, she changed colour, and seemed somewhat annoyed, 
asking me what it meant. I related the matter in accordance with 
your Majesty's instructions, in general terms, without reciting 
details, concluding by saying that, considering the man's conduct, 
he might more fittingly be called a perturber than an ambassador. 
She said she was much surprised at what I told her, but asked me 
for particular instances for her information. I replied that I had 
already told her that your Majesty had ordered a gentleman of 
your household to be despatched, who would give her such in- 
formation as would enable her to judge of the whole case with full 
knowledge, and in the meanwhile, she might be assured of the 
love and affection with which your Majesty had always regarded 
all that concerned her, and the consideration and gentleness with 
which you proceeded towards your friends. As an instance, which 
would enable her to see the way her ambassador had acted in other 
things, I might tell her, however, that a person in whom I had full 
confidence had written to me that, at a dinner at which many 
persons, Spaniards and others, were present, he presumed to say, 
publicly and impudently, that only your Majesty defended the 
papal sect, and that in the end the prince of Conoid and his followers 
would prevail ; that the Pope was a canting little monk, and other 
expressions of a similar sort. She replied that these were very 
insignificant matters, of which no notice should be taken. I said, 
in Spain, on the contrary, they were so important that, if the 
man had not been a public person and her minister, his punishment 
would have been exemplary ; to which she replied that, even if 
there were reasons why your Majesty would not receive him 
personally, he still might remain in the court as before. She said, 
when the bishop of Aquila was plotting against her and the peace 
of her realm, of which she was fully informed, she had seized 
some letters of his from the courier, but had refrained from 
opening them, except in his presence, and had shown him what 
he himself had signed, and yet she had taken no further steps 
against him. She was therefore grieved that her ambassador 
should be treated as he had been, especially as, at this time, sus- 
picious and comments would arise therefrom, and this way of 
treating ambassadors was the forerunner of greater unpleasantness, 



particularly coming, as it did, on the top of the news about the 
league, and I should hear the next day what would be said in 
London about it. I answered that, as to the comments and 
opinions which would be current everywhere, they might easily be 
disposed of by her at once appointing another ambassador, as your 
Majesty asked ; some person to whom you could show the true love 
and friendship you felt towards her, as your Majesty had always 
done, and in the meanwhile the matter might be kept secret, as it 
should be by me. She said, when she sent this ambassador, she 
considered him rather an adherent of the 'old religion than a 
Protestant, and she was therefore the more surprised that he should 
not have acted sensibly, but she had been told that some of the 
ambassadors she had sent there had not lived according to the 
English laws. I said her former ambassadors had acted prudently 
by avoiding all cause for scandal, and her servants might well 
learn discretion from her own wise moderation in these matters 
here. This man, however, no doubt, had been carried away by 
passion, or had been ruled by orders from elsewhere. The Queen 
asked me what I meant by that ; did I mean that he had acted 
under the instructions of others ? I said that, judging from his 
actions, it might be so suspected. 

Her reply was that she greatly regretted that her ambassador 
should have said or done anything to offend your Majesty, as that 
was quite against her wish and instructions to him, and, if it 
be so, that she will have him punished in a way that will prove to 
your Majesty her goodwill and friendship ; but you must allow her 
not to condemn her minister until she had the whole case before 
her and had heard him in his defence ; as until then she was com- 
pelled by her position not to condemn him or to admit that he had 
offended. Perhaps, she said, your Majesty has had a one-sided or 
untrue account given to you, as is often the case with sovereigns, 
as she well knew from her own experience. Here she stopped, and 
I continued : " And I will add in your Majesty's name that, if you 
" find the ambassador to blame, you will send for your ambassador 
" some such a person as my King suggests." She replied : " Yes, 
" yes, I say so and I will do it." She was annoyed at first, but 
became calmer afterwards, and seemed satisfied with what I said 
from your Majesty about the league. In addition to what your 
Majesty directed me to write about it on the Gth, I also showed 
what was said in your Majesty's letter of the 12th, which came 
very appropriately. London, llth May 1568. 

13 May. 21. The KING to GUZMAN DE SILVA. 

Such of your letters as require reply will be best answered by 
telling you that, on our resolution as to the English ambassador's 
banishment from here being conveyed to him, he decided to go to 
Barajas, where I ordered a lodging to be provided for him, and 
his house here is still considered to be in his occupation. It will 
be well that the Queen should learn this from you, as if casually 
on your own account, so that she may see the respect and kind 
treatment accorded to him, in his character of her minister, he 



himself having richly deserved to be burnt at the stake, as will be 
seen by the report borne by Don Guerau de Spes, a Catalonian 
knight of the order of Calatrava, whom I have appointed for the 
mission and have sent for to come here. I may tell you openly that 
I am sending him with the intention, if matters are settled satisfac- 
torily, of appointing him to succeed you there. Bearing in mind your 
services and my satisfaction with you, I have decided to send you 
to Venice to continue in that republic your duties as my ambassador. 
Don Guerau takes with him the necessary instructions and in- 
formation, so that, after he is informed of the position of things 
there, you can leave when you like. It will be well, however, for 
you to keep this secret until due time for many good reasons, and 
I have only had the duke of Alba informed of my intention in this 
respect. You will also keep him informed of what is done, for his 
guidance. Aranjuez, 13th May 1568. 

14 May. 22. GUZMAN DE SILVA to the KINO. 

At 10 o'clock yesterday morning the courier arrived that your 
Majesty sent by sea on the 6th ultimo, and at the same time 
arrived Dr. Arias Montano and Harrington who crossed in the same 
vessel. Bad weather had driven them into an Irish port called 
Youghal, which accounts for their being so long delayed. The 
despatches for the duke of Alba I will send by the ordinary 
to-morrow, as there seems no need for greater haste, the duplicates 
haying already reached him. 

On the afternoon of the llth, the person sent by the Queen's 
ambassador arrived here, as your Majesty informed me he would, 
and he was for more than an hour witli Cecil on the same evening 
in London. The next day Cecil went to Greenwich, where there 
have been many council meetings. I have been unable to discover 
the account the man brought to the Queen, although I have a 
person on the look-out for it ; but I learn that the ambassador is 
returning and begs urgently for his recall. I detain the courier 
until I see the result of this man's coming, in order to advise your 
Majesty, seeing that I have already sent by way of Flanders an 
account of what passed between the Queen and me on the matter, 
and send copy of the same herewith to Don Frances de Alava. I 
think these council meetings are about Scotland, as I am told they 
are much annoyed at the liberation of the Queen of Scots. A 
gentleman sent by the latter to visit this Queen, and give her an 
account of her successful attempt, arrived here three days ago and 
came to see me to-day on his Queen's behalf. He said he did not 
bring me a letter from her, as she was always accompanied by 
people before whom she could not write, but had instructed him to 
inform me of her deliverance, as she knew I should be glad to hear 
of it, and in order that I might convey the intelligence to your 
Majesty. Now that she is free, she says, she will take steps to 
show how blameless she was in the events which are attributed to 
her in the past, and that those who had kept her in durance were 
the principal culprits, as she will more fully inform your Majesty 
and the Christian King. She begged me to advise and enjoiu Uer, 



what she ought to do, and she would esteem it a favour as she 
always used to do. I replied suitably, as I thought, both as to the 
pleasure with which your Majesty would hear of her liberation, and 
your personal esteem of her and desire for her welfare ; and also 
as to myself, that I should be very glad to use my good offices in 
her interests in consideration of what I understood to be your 
Majesty's goodwill towards her and her affairs. This man assures 
me that she is as firm and constant in the Catholic faith as ever, 
and that she has need to be very careful now how she proceeds. 
I asked him if she had resources to stand against her enemies, to 
which he replied that she had, as a great part of the lords and 
nearly all the people were on her side, and that the earl of Argyll 
had already sent to her offering his services. If she were not so 
poor in consequence of all her jewels and property having been 
taken from her, and her having escaped with no other clothes but 
the servant's garb she wore, all would be well. This man begs me 
to write to the duke of Alba to ask him to seize and detain the 
Queen's jewels in case they should have been taken to Antwerp for 
sale. La Mothe is coming here for French ambassador but not 
until J uly. He is considered to be a Catholic. I have no reply 
yet about the exportation of breadstuffs. London, 14th May 1568. 

16 May. 23. GUZMAN DE SILVA to the KING. 

Secretary Cecil has sent to say that two places have been 
appointed where the persons who have been authorised to export 
grain for Biscay and Asturias will find most convenience for doing 
so, and he promises me a list of the persons so authorised, who will 
have to take an oath not to go elsewhere. 

The details and mode of proceeding in this business I will learn 
later. I have always been of opinion that it would be made profit- 
able to English subjects, as it usually is, but still if they carry food 
in sufficient quantities it will also be of advantage to Biscay and 

A person has arrived from Berwick who says that the earl of 
Murray the Regent has 3,000 men, and that 900 only still stood by 
the Queen. The castle of Hamilton] where the Queen is, is not 
considered strong, but the Queen of Scot's servant tells me she 
can go to Dumbarton, which is stronger and near the sea. The 
folks here are anxious about this business, and the Council ia for 
ever sitting. I do not know what they will decide to do. 

The reports about the Scots having crossed over from the islands 
to Ireland are still current, and, if true, they cannot fail to disturb 
people here. 

Secretary Cecil has sent me, by the Queen's orders, the enclosed 
copy respecting what was written by a certain Dr. Gonzalo de 
Illescas in a " Pontifical and Catholic History," and asked me to read 
it and say what 1 thought of it. I replied that it appeared to me 
to show great indiscretion and disrespect on the part of the writer, 
and I was quite sure that, if your Majesty heard of it, you would 
uot only have the book altered, but would punish the author. I 
referred the note to Arias Montano as I did not know anything of 



this Gonzalo de Illescas. He tells me that he understands he is a 
person of little prudence, and that the book had been examined by 
Father Pedro Juan de Lastanosa by order of the Council, and he 
would report upon it. As it is a question that touches the honour 
of a marriageable princess of high lineage and gifts, if only God 
would make her a Catholic, I have thought well to inform your 
Majesty, although I said to the man who brought me the note that 
if I made a grievance and wrote to your Majesty of all the 
scurrilous things they say in this country about your royal person 
I should have to write nearly every day. I said that great Princes, 
as they could not shut eveiybody's moutb, had to content themselves 
with doing their duty and taking no notice. They could not help 
difference of opinion amongst men. I expect when I have audience 
to-morrow the Queen will mention the matter to me, and, in that 
case, I shall tell her that her ambassador who sent her the paper 
might well have had the evil remedied in Spain, without troubling 
her about it, and that in matters of this sort " the reciter is as bad 
as the rhymer." 

The statement of what happened at the escape of the Queen of 
Scots made by her gentleman here is enclosed.* 

With regard to my request to the Queen that she would order 
such means to be adopted in the ports as will prevent those from 
the Netherlands who have taken refuge here from returning to tho 
States to do damage, the enclosed decree has been issued. London, 
16th May 1668. 

20 May. 24. The KING to GUZMAN DE SILVA. 

I note what passed when the ambassador of my nephew the King 
of Portugal went to speak with the Queen, and I am glad you 
accompanied and guided him in the interests of his embassy. I am 
greatly displeased that the Queen and her courtiers should have 
treated him with the coolness you describe, as the Latin letter does 
not seem to me to contain any expressions which justify such 
treatment, and I am of the same opinion as you, that they made 
this a pretext to pick a quarrel so as to avoid coming to close 
quarters with him about the demands he has to make of them. I 
had a copy sent at once to the Portuguese ambassador here, Don 
Francisco Pereira, that he might send it to the King, my nephew, 
that he may take such course as may be necessary. 

In the meanwhile, you will aid the ambassador to the best of 
your ability whenever opportunity occurs, and will promptly give 
me an account of all that is clone and happens, as I am as much 
interested in my nephew's affairs as my own, indeed I consider them 
as such, as my affection for the King is that of a father for his son. 
Aranjuez, 20th May 1568. 

21 May. 25. GUZMAN DE SILVA to the KINO. 

I have already written to your Majesty that, although it would 
have been possible for me to send back at once the courier that 
brought me your letters of 6th ultimo, as I had discussed with the 
Queen the matter of her ambassador, I thought better to delay his 

* This paper is missing. 
7 76467. C 



departure until I could see her again, and learn what she had heard 
from the man the ambassador had sent hither, and whether she 
had come to any decision. After having spoken to her on several 
other subjects and purposely avoided this one, iu order to see 
whether she would broach it first, she referred to it in almost the 
same words as when I discussed it with her before ; expressing 
re-grot that any minister of hers should have acted in a way dis- 
pleasing to your Majesty, whereas she had no greater desire than to 
gratify you. She nevertheless requested your Majesty to allow her 
to keep one ear open to obtain full information, as was her royal 
duty, and said that she would not retain a person near your Majesty 
who was unable to please you. She thought this man would have 
done so, as he was considered moderate in religion and had no love 
for the French, and this is why she had sent him. She was there- 
fore much sui-prised that he had acted contrarily, although he had 
recently sent her a special messenger to say that after your Majesty 
had appointed many audiences for him, and lie had gone to the 
palace* you had not received him, cither on the plea that you were 
indisposed or busy ; whereat he was much surprised, as he did not 
know what he had done to deserve your Majesty's displeasure, and 
assured her that there was nothing he would wish for better (if he 
were not an ambassador fulfilling a public office) than to be put into 
prison and tried, so that his innocence might be proved or he be 
punished for his offence. She said that, although he wrote to this 
od'ect, she did not learn either from his letter or the statement of 
his messenger that your Majesty had actually refused to receive him 
or had sent him out of Madrid ; and she wished you had let her 
know if you were unwilling to treat with him, rather than allow 
him to go so many times to the palace for audience and return 
without it, as she said Ice had done nineteen times. I do not knoiv 
ichetker slie made a mistaJce of ten.lf She could only believe that 
your Majesty's displeasure must have been caused by tales of 
somebody inimical to the ambassador or herself, and suggested 
that it might be the duke of FeriaJ in consequence of what 
had passed with him respecting the earl of Arundel. I begged 
lior to believe that your Majesty hid not acted without just and 
sufficient reasons, the extreme gentleness, moderation and con- 
sideration, with which you proceeded with all persons being 
notorious, and, above all, with the ministers of such a good friend 
as she was. It was quite foreign, I said, to your royal spirit and 
dignity to take offence without ample cause, and I did not believe 
that the duke of Feria was inimical to her, indeed, he had rather 
proved otherwise by the care he took to honour and entertain her 
subjects, nor would he be prejudiced against her ambassador, unless, 
indeed, he thought the latter was not serving her successfully. 

* In the handwriting of the King is tlic following note : It is true that I evaded 
audience, lint it is not true that he came to the palace for it. I saw him ccuic in once 
and thought he had conic to ask for audience, but I found it as not so as he had only 
come to speak to Ruy Gome/, as the latter told me afterwards. 

t Note in handwriting of Secretary Xayas; " Xo doubt she did MI misliikc "; to which 
the Kinp :idds in hi; own hand, " I have already suid that be did not go once, much less 
Hi ettcu times." 

J Note in the handwriting of Zayas ; " Suspicious of Feria." 


She replied that certainly he (the duke of Feria) had never been 
friendly towards her since she gave him the answer she did 
about the marriage with your Majesty, and he (the Duke) had 
told her himself that he should never in his life forget her reply. 
As for the duke's kindness to her subjects, that was owing to the 
Duchess, and she knew he was offended with her ambassador about 
the earl of Arundel's affair. I said the ambassador had shown 
a lack of perspicacity and prudence in writing as he had done, 
and that he might far better have smoothed the matter over, 
instead of making mischief between two persons of such position 
as theirs. She tried to exonerate him by saying that the earl 
had heard of it from other sources, and not from the ambassador, 
and that she had told mo herself at the time that she had been 
informed of it. I said, to convince her that the matter had not 
arisen from any ill-feeling on the part of the Duke or any other 
person, but from the fault of the ambassador, I had a letter from 
Prince Ruigomez* in which he writes to me, with his own hand, 
that the ambassador had acted in a way that made it impossible to 
treat him otherwise than had been done. She would understand, I 
said, from the reticence, calmness, and moderation, with which the 
Prince always spoke, that these words conveyed much more than I 
could venture to imagine or describe. The Queen checked herself 
for a moment and then said the ambassador had written that 
Prince Ruigomez had always shown him great kindness and a good 
disposition towards her affairs, no doubt carrying out in this your 
Majesty's wishes, and she greatly appreciated the care and up- 
rightness with which, she was assured, he proceeded. She carried 
the matter no further, and I afterwards discussed it with Cecil, who 
said almost the same as the Queen about inimical persons having 
influenced your Majesty against the ambassador. He said, perhaps 
these persons were some of the Englishmen resident in your 
Majesty's court, who may have spoken with undue freedom of the 
Queen and this country, and the ambassador may have deemed it 
necessary to reply to them. I said it was quite unnecessary, 
knowing him as I did, for me to say more than ,that it would be 
best for this man to come home, and much to the Queen's advantage 
to send another person, even if for no other reason but your Majesty's 
wish ; and if I were one of the Queen's councillors, this reason would 
be sufficient, without seeking any other, because the person least fit 
to uphold the dignity of two brother sovereigns was one who was 
hateful to one of them. Cecil said he was of opinion, and always 
had been, that it would be better to choose some other person to 
replace the ambassador, although he was sure the man had not 
misconducted himself, at least intentionally, and again cautiously 
hinted at suspicions of the duke of Feria, which suspicions I tried 
to allay. London, 21st May 1568. 

22 May. 26. GUZMAN DE SILVA to the KING. 

As soon as the arrival of the queen of Scotland in this country 
was known, the Council met to consider what was to be done with 

* Ruy Gome* de Silva, Prince of Elioli and Duke of i'aslrana. 

C 2 



her ; whether she was to be treated iu accordance with her present 
or her former position. It is said that this Queen took the part of 
the queen of Scotland, but her views did not prevail as a majority of 
the Council was of a different opinion. The duke of Norfolk and 
the earls of Arundel and Leicester were ordered to be summoned, 
so that a full Council might decide what was to be done. I think 
they must be somewhat embarrassed, as this Queen has always 
shown goodwill to the queen of Scots, and the Council, or a majority 
of it, has been opposed to her and leant to the side of the Regent 
and his Government. If this Queen has her way now, they will be 
obliged to treat the queen of Scots as a sovereign, which will offend 
those who forced her to abdicate, so that, although these people are 
glad enough to have her in their hands, they have many things to 
consider. If they keep her as if in prison, it will probably 
scandalise all neighbouring princes, and if she remain free and able 
to communicate with her 'friends, great suspicions will be aroused. 
In any case it is certain that two Avomen will not agree very long 
together. I am informed that orders are to be sent to Berwick for 
50 harquebussiers to leave there to serve as a guard to the queen 
of Scots. I have seen a letter from the earl of Bedford to the 
Regent in favour of the gentleman whom this Queen sent thither, 
named Leighton. He requests that he be very well received, and 
since the French ambassador was allowed to see the Queen, that he 
^Leighton) might also sec her. He (Bedford) recommends the Regent 
to use every effort to prevent the Queen from slipping out of their 
hands, and now that she had, as was reported, taken refuge in 
Dumbarton and was well surrounded, measures should be taken at 
once to cut off supplies. He said they should do very promptly 
what had to be done, in order that the Queen and her friends might 
not escape and join with foreigners, whose presence in Scotland 
would embarrass them, and, if they succeeded in succouring the 
Queen and remained in her service, they would certainly pull down 
religion, which must be borne in mind. Other things to the same 
effect were contained in the letter, which was very remarkable as 
coming from a councillor, as such persons do not usually speak at 
random on these matters like private people. London, 22 May 

23 May. 27. The KING to GUZMAN DE SILVA. 

After the enclosed had been written, your letter of the 19th April 
was received, and we are sorry you still continued unwell, although 
we trust in God, since you so willingly devote yourself to His 
work and the interests of religion, that He will restore you to 
perfect health. For the reasons you give it was quite right of you 
not to speak to the Queen about the export of grain to the coast 
of Spain, and the more especially as, thank God, it will be no 
longer necessary, since the season is so propitious that a very 
abundant harvest is expected everywhere. However, if any parcels 
have been sent, those who bring them will lose nothing, as it will 
be willingly bought up to supply the demand pending the gathering 
01 the new harvest. 

As to the marriage of the Archduke to the Queen, I am, 



becoming more confirmed every day in my belief that it is nothing 
but a trick and pastime from beginning to end, and that she is 
deceiving Sussex and Leicester as well as she does others. 

The English ambassador told Zayas that the audience he had 
requested of me was for the purpose, amongst other things, of 
showing me the enclosed paper copied from a book called " Pontifical 
. History," which was recently printed by a Dr. Illescas, and, as the 
book bears the statement that it was issued with my license, the 
Queen had supposed that I had read and passed it. Zayas un- 
deceived him as to this, and gave him to understand that these 
matters are disposed of by my council without my seeing them, 
and assured him that I knew nothing about it, but that if I had 
seen the expressions I would not have allowed them, which is true. 
This quieted the ambassador, and, on Zayas referring the matter 
to me, I ordered notice to be given to the Cardinal-President, who 
had already ordered all copies that could be obtained to be with- 
drawn in consequence of certain other impertinent things contained 
in the book, and that it should bo reprinted at Salamanca, leaving 
out all objectionable portions, and amongst others the contents of 
the paper, and any other expression touching the dignity and 
estimation of the Queen. It is well that you should know this, so 
that, if she or her ministers should mention the matter to you again 
you may satisfy them by telling them the truth as stated above. 
Aranjuez, 23rd May 1568. 

24 May. 28. GUZMAN PE SILVA to the KING. 

By a letter from Secretary Gabriel de Zayas I learn that, on the 
20th ultimo, he had conveyed to the English ambassador in Spain 
your Majesty's message respecting the course you had thought well 
to adopt towards him in accordance with the communication I had 
made to this Queen on the subject from your Majesty. As I 
thought the ambassador would send an account of the matter 
hither, and it was desirable for me to know what had been decided 
about it, I took the opportunity afforded by Cecil's coming from 
Greenwich last night to call upon him early this morning, with the 
excuse of asking him for particulars of the persons who were to take 
breadstuff's to Biscay, and as to the assurance they would carry it 
thither, and to no other place. I told him that I had heard that 
Secretary Zayas had conveyed the message to the ambassador, and he 
(Cecil) thereupon flew into a great rage. He said such a proceeding 
towards the ambassador of a friendly prince had never been heard 
of before, except" when a pretext for war was sought, and it was a 
great piece of disrespect and insult towards his Queen, showing 
a desire to pick a quarrel with her, as had been already stated in 
certain quarters, and it now befitted the Queen to be prepared. 
He said it would have been only right for your Majesty to have 
advised the Queen that you were dissatisfied with her ambassador 
and desired his recall, giving particulars of his transgressions before 
taking such a course as this, in order that the Queen herself might 
punish him, instead of your Majesty's doing it, as no superiority 
could exist between equals. He asked me whether I had told the 
Queen this, and said the members of the Council would take the 



matter up, as they thought it should not be passed over. He said 
it had been decided to recall the ambassador and the letter was 
already written, but he did not know now how it would end. He 
knew that the ambassador's enemies had influenced your Majesty, 
as one of them, when in a passion, had threatened him (the 
ambassador) that they would do so. He (Cecil) recollected when 
the Emperor, your Majesty's father, was dissatisfied with two 
ambassadors from the King (Henry VIII.), and with one, to such 
an extent, that he said that, but for respect to the King, he would 
have hud him thrown out of window. He nevertheless took the 
course of requesting the King to recall tham, without having made 
any public demonstration against them. He (Cecil) asked me to 
tell him what had moved your Majesty to do as you had done, and 
said that he was informed from Madrid that I had been making 
mischief from here against the ambassador, and had been instru- 
mental in angering your Majesty with him ; and asked how should 
I feel if anyone were to act in that way towards me ? He said he 
had also been told that, since your Majesty had shown your dis- 
pleasure, the Inquisitors had examined certain Englishmen against 
the ambassador, threatening them to compel them to say what was 
required of them. I let him talk on, and, when he had done, I 
waited a little for him to recover somewhat from his rage, and then 
went up to him laughing and embraced him, saying that I was 
amused to see him fly into such a passion over what I had told 
him, because I knew he understood differently, and that the affair 
was of such a character as to be only as good or as bad as the 
Queen liked to make it. She could take it as a good sister and 
friend, as I hoped she would, and had shown signs of doing which 
was the easiest, most just, and even most necessary way, since it 
was only right to take the actions of a friend in good part, at least 
until bad intention be proved, or she could, for other reasons, look 
at in a different light, which might make it more difficult, to the 
prejudice of his Queen and of your Majesty. I did not believe, 
however, that any sensible man who had the interests of the Queen 
at heart would do this, and it was for this reason, and my zeal to 
preserve this friendship, that, as soon as I heard of it, I wished to 
let him know so as to be beforehand with the mischief makers, 
and because I knew him to be faithful to the Queen and well 
disposed towards your Majesty's affairs. I meant him to make use 
of my information privately in favour of the objects I had stated. 
He asked me whether I had not told him in order that he might 
convey it to the Queen and Council, to which I replied no, that 
I had only told him privately as a friend, and with this he became 
calmer. I said, as to its being a demonstration, such things were only 
done in time of war or as a pretext for it, as he had said, but this 
was out of the question in this case with the present friendship and 
alliance and without any cause, and particularly as your Majesty 
was desirous of seeing in your Court some fitting man as a suc- 
cessor to this ambassador, as I had told the Queen and him, and 
the sooner such a man was sent the sooner would friends and 
enemies see the good reception your Majesty would give him, and 
how much you honoured and loved his mistress. As to the idea that 



the ambassador's enemies had influenced your Majesty, I said he 
was to believe no such thing, and that your Majesty was not to be 
persuaded except of the truth, as would in due time plainly appear, 
and, with regard to the Emperor's action witli King Henry's 
ambassadors, no doubt the reasons were different from the present 
case, and I thought he (Cecil) would agree with me in this, 
knowing how carefully and considerately your Majesty always 
acted, and it should suffice for the Queen, the Council, and all the 
world that 3 r our Majesty had ordered a certain course to be taken 
to be sure that just and ample reasons existed for doing so without 
my justifying it. The inquisitor?, I assured him, were not in the 
habit of obtaining evidence by threats, but with the greatest 
gentleness, and, as for the statement that I had made mischief 
about the ambassador, that was absurd. I had in fact no know- 
ledge that anything was being done against him, and knew nothing 
at all about the matter until I received jour Majesty's despatch 
ordering me to inform the Queen. I had indeed been very sorry 
that your Majesty had been compelled to take the course you did, 
more sorry, perhaps, than any member of the Queen's Council that 
her ambassador had given cause for it, being, a;s he was, a minister 
of hers. In reply to his question as to whether I had told the 
Queen when I spoke to her about it that it was your Majesty's 
intention to take this course with the ambassador, I said yes, I had, 
and him (Cecil) as well. He said he did not recollect that I had 
told him, and I replied that he must have forgotten it amidst other 

He gave me to understand that the Council regarded me with 
suspicion, and blamed him greatly for giving credit to all I told 
him, hinting that the Queen did the same. I said he knew full 
well, from long communication with me, how mistaken the Council 
was in this, how many good offices I had done, and how straight- 
forwardly I had always acted with him. As regarded the Queen 
(whom I knew they had been trying to persuade that I was 
deceiving her), if I did not know her and had not experience of 
her great talent, I should be grieved to think that she might allow 
herself to be misled by them ; but I know well that no one would 
make her believe anything about me against her own knowledge 
and experience of the attachment with which I had always served 
and advised her for the best. I said she was the best witness, and, 
in continuance of my good offices, I desired to conduct this business 
in a way to prove that nobody had been in fault except the 
ambassador himself, and so to banish any contrary suspicion. With 
reference to his question as to how 1 should feel if I were treated in 
the same way, I said, that although I should grieve, being a minister 
of your Majesty, if the Queen were to do it without any fault of 
mine, yet, if I were to blame, I would endure it with patience. 
I told him he was the only person to whom I had communicated 
the banishment of the ambassador from the court, without 
desiring him to convey the intelligence to the Queen and Council 
because I had understood already that they had decided to recall 
the man, and I did not wish that the recall should be delayed on 
this account ; but I am quite sure he will at once tell the Queen 



and Council what passed between us. In the course of the con- 
versation, he said that the English complained that they could 
never get justice done to them (in Spain), and, even though your 
Majesty issued decrees for it to be done, they were not obeyed, and 
no notice was taken of them by the officers of justice, whereat he 
said he was much surprised. I said that was new to me, and 
asked him for a statement of complaints. At last he seemed more 
tranquil. London, 24th May 1568, 

31 May. 29. GUZMAN DE SILVA to the KING. 

I have already written to your Majesty the answer given to the 
Portuguese ambassador, and do not again refer to it here except to 
say that, when he again requested audience of the Queen to discuss 
the reply, she referred him to the Council. They confirmed the 
answer previously given ; whereupon the ambassador was again 
offended, and told them that, if they did not agree to what his master 
demanded, they would have a war on their hands. I understand 
that they made light of this, in the belief that the forces of 
Portugal cannot do them much harm, in which I think they are 
mistaken, for, considering the state they are in, a smaller power 
still could make things uncomfortable for them. The warrants 
were dispatched yesterday for those who have been appointed to 
take breadstuff's to Biscay, &c., and, at the same time, three licenses 
were given for Spanish ships which are here to load food for the 
same destination. It is not much, but under cover of these permits, 
with a little scheming (without which nothing can be done here), 
they will take as much as they can ship. 

The queen of Scots is at Carlisle on the Scotch frontier. The 
Council has been considering lately what they shall do with her, 
but I do not know that any decision has been arrived at, although 
it will not be long delayed. The French ambassador, who went to 
Scotland, came the day before yesterday to my lodging, and told 
me that this Queen had asked him to assure his master, from her, 
that the life of the queen of Scots would be safe here. The servant 
of the Queen's ambassador (in Spain) is leaving from day to day, 
but still does not start. They say he benrs the ambassador's letters 
of recall. London, 31st May 1568. 

5 June. 30. The SAME to the SAME. 

The Queen informed me yesterday that she had ordered her 
ambassador to be recalled, as it was not desirable to have a person 
to represent her near your Majesty who was distasteful to you, 
although she greatly wished that your Majesty would hear him in 
his exculpation, as, by his own account to her, he had not trans- 
gressed, and it gave her pain that an ambassador of hers should be, 
as it were, banished from your Court and presence, on account of 
the talk it would give rise to. I reminded her I had previously 
asked that a" fitting person should be sent at once, and said the 
welcome and good reception your Majesty would give him would 
prove to all with what affection you regarded her, and always had 
done. I said I was glad to hear of her resolve to recall the 




ambassador, and knew your Majesty also would be pleased, 
particularly as her readiness to do so proved her goodwill towards 
you. She still wished to blame the Duke de Feria in the .business, 
as she did when I discussed it with her before, and I did my best 
to reassure her. I have not heard of a new man being appointed, 
nor did I mention it, except to remind her, as I have said, in order 
to avoid .... * entering afresh into discussion now the 
matter is settled. 

When I left the Queen, and had dispatched some private business 
with Cecil, I told him what the Queen had said about recalling the 
ambassador. He confirmed it, and said that he had received letters 
from the ambassador saying that two secretaries had been to convey 
to him your Majesty's orders for him to leave the court ; one of 
them, Gabriel de Zayas.t and another, whose name he did not 
know. He wrote, .saying that he had never exceeded what the 
duke of Feria had told him, namely, that, as to religion, he 
personally could do as he pleased, so long as he did not set a bad 
example. He had not departed from tin's course, and had not 
forbidden his people to go to mass. He said that the person your 
Majesty was going to send to the Queen to inform her of the 
reasons for your action had not left yet, and he did not know 
whether he would go. London, 5th June 1568. 

12 June. 31. The SAME to the SAME. 

The servant of the Queen's ambassador (in Spain); who came 
hither on his business, started on his return on the Cth instant, and 
no doubt took the letters of recall, as I wrote on the 5th by way 
of Flanders. I am informed that he carried also for your 
Majesty a statement of the proposals made by the Portuguese 
ambassador on the King's behalf, and of the answer they gave, 
which is, in substance, the same as I have already advised. It is 
to be supposed that their reason for communicating with your 
Majesty on this subject is that they would like to come to some 
agreement, notwithstanding their show of contempt for the 

M". de Montmorin, one of the gentlemen of the king of France 
who came, as I have reported, to visit the Queen and recommend 
to her the affairs of the queen of Scots, had audience on the 7th, 
but they have not yet given him an answer. I understand he 
asked for leave to go and see her (the queen of Scots). 

Fleming and Herries have also had audience on behalf of the 
queen of Scots. These are the men that, the Queen told me, are 
here secretly, and whom she had not decided whether she would 

* There is a word erased here, and iu the margin of the letter there is a note in the 
King's handwriting which perhaps refers to it, as follows : " There seems to be a word 
missing here. Look if it is in the cypher. I thought the same thing occurred 
yesterday in part of the letter from Don Frances, but I forgot to mention it. Lcok 
that up as well. I do not know whether it was something about those three men 
respecting whom he wrote to you, and said that he was also writing to me on the same 
subject, although I do not recollect that he did so. Look well into it so that we may 
know what it means, for I did not understand it yesterday." 

f Note in the handwriting of Secretary Zayas : " It is true that Gaitan was with me, 
but he did nothing but accompany me." 



receive or not. They begged for help to restore their Queen, and 
permission for Fleming to go to France. No answer has been given 
to them either. 

Fleming sent me two letters, one from his Queen to the duke of 
Alba, and the other from himself to me, copy of which I enclose 
with my answer, and another short note from him. Herries who, 
as I say, also came for the queen of Scotland, seeing that both he 
and Fleming were kept as prisoners arid without liberty to walk and 
talk as they liked, owing to the English guard told off to accompany 
them, spoke to the Council about it, and said that he was surprised 
that such a course should have been taken with him, whilst the 
pei-son sent hither by the Regent was free to go where he pleased, 
and especially as he (Herries) was one of those who advised his 
Queen to come to England, and not to France, whither she could 
have gone. He requested that they would give him a prompt 
answer, and let him go, as he could not suffer the long delay usual 
here, nor would the nature of the business permit it, and he wished 
to learn whether the Queen, ns she had always said, was willing to 
help his Queen. When the Chancellor asked him how or when 
the Queen had bound herself to do so, he replied, in a letter written 
with her own hand and by a jewel she recently sent to his Queen 
as a token by the hand of Throgmorton when he went thither, and 
he, Herries, had no doubt the Queen would fulfil her promise ; but, 
if she did not, he would go and beg aid from the King of France, 
the Emperor, your Majesty, and even the Pope. 

The earl of Bedford, who is the most zealous of them, at once 
exclaimed, "the Pope!" "Yes,"" said Herries, "and even the 
" grand Turk and the Sophi, seeing the need my Queen is 
in." The Council met to-day to consider the '.answer they 
would give him. They have ordered the queen of Scots to be 
brought to a castle in the county of Staffordshire, called Tutbury, 
which I am told is a mean place of small importance. They want 
to serve her and her household in English fashion, and will provide 
necessary food for them, although the number of officers and 
followers to be allotted to her has not yet been fixed. London, 
12th June 15C8. 

19 June. 32. GUZMAN DE SILVA to the KING. 

The Queen has informed me that she has ordered her ambassador 
to return. I told her that I thought she had acted wisely in doing 
so, and that, so far as I could learn, if he had been a minister of any 
other sovereign but herself, so much consideration and forbearance 
would not have been shown him. He had been provided with 
another house in a place that he himself had chosen, as well as 
retaining in his possession his house in Madrid. The Queen asked 
me whether he was a prisoner, to which I replied no, that, on the 
contrary, he was very well treated. She does not seem aggrieved 
except that your Majesty would not hear him in his defence, but 
even this grievance is now mitigated, and she is calm. She is also 
tronquillised about the League,* and, on this subject, I took the 

* The Catholic league against England aud the l'rotlnnu. See Vol. I., 646. 



opportunity of again reassuring her, and greatly praised, on your 
Majesty's behalf, the answer she gave to Count Egmont and the 
Palatine, whereat she was extremely pleased. She told me that 
her ambassador had written to her that Dr. Illescas' book had been 
reprinted, but with worse expressions than at first. I repeated to 
her what your Majesty had ordered to be written to me on the 
bubject, and the diligence of Cardinal Pacheco in calling in the 
books and having them amended, where she was referred to, in 
such a way as to prove conclusively to her the love and interest 
your Majesty felt in all that concerned her, and especially where 
her reputation was touched. She hay made much of this business, 
and will greatly esteem all that is done in the matter for her. 
London, 19th June 1568. 

24 June. 33. The SAME to the SAME. 

The Queen has sent a decided answer to Herries and Fleming, 
and has refused to give leave to the latter to go to France 
respecting the Scotch Queen's affairs. Her answer is that she has 
ordered their Queen to approach nearer to her, and has sent word to 
the (Scotch) government to send representatives to the same place, 
whither she herself will also send persons to treat with both parties. 
If she is assured that their Queen was not an accomplice in the 
murder of her husband, she will help her, and if she was privy to 
it, she will try to reconcile her to the government. Everything 
seems to be tending to what I have previously written was the 
intention in this business. London, 24th June 1568. 

26 June. 34. The SAME to the SAME. 

The Queen has replied to Herries and Fleming, who, as I have 
written, came on behalf of the queen of Scots, flatly refusing 
Fleming his passport to go to France, and saying that, as to her 
seeing their Queen, she had ordered the latter to approach nearer 
here, and had written to the Regent and government asking them 
to send persons to discuss matters, which persons will meet in the 
same place as the queen of Scots. She (Elizabeth) will there- 
upon appoint representatives who will treat with both parties, and 
if she is advised that their Queen was not culpable in the murder 
of her husband, she will help with all her forces to restore her to 
her former dignity ; and, if the contrary should be the case, she 
will try to reconcile them in the best way possible. These folks 
are a good deal embarrassed in this matter, and fear that a French 
force may be sent to Dumbarton, which would cause them some 

In spite of the threats made to the sect called the Puritans, to 
prevent their meeting together, I am informed that recently as 
many as 400 of them met near here, and, although a list of their 
names was taken, only six of them were arrested, in order to avoid 
scandal and also because they have their influential abettors. 

The Queen has sent an ambassador to the Muscovite, a brother 
of that Randolph who was killed in Ireland. This Randolph 
is as great a heretic as his brother was a Catholic. He is going 
with a good equipment which it is suspected is paid for by the 



company of adventurers they call the Muscovy company. They 
say the principal reason of his going is that the agent of the 
company there, an Englishman who is married in the country, 
refuses to come home and render accounts. No doubt other 
matters will be settled respecting facilities and security for trade, 
and, considering that the Muscovite is an enemy of the Holy 
See, some think that an alliance will be negotiated, or, at all events, 
that attempts will be made to win over his sect if possible. Two 
English merchants go with the embassy, who will proceed to Persia 
in order to see how best a trade can be opened up and established 
with that country. The company is giving them the whole of the 
expenses of their voyage, on their declaration of the amount, and 
3,000 crowns each for their trouble. It is asserted that a great 
quantity of spices could be brought from those parts if the business 
could be established. 

Since writing the aforegoing, Herries and Fleming have sent to 
convey to me the answer they had received from the Queen (which 
is the same as that which I have already written) and to ask me 
for my opinion. I replied that their Queen should show full con- 
fidence in this Queen, and should act, at present, in such a way as 
to give to the latter no reasonable excuse for not helping her and 
treating her well. She should be very careful, I said, to avoid all 
suspicion that she had any pretentions to the crown during this 
Queen's life ; and, as regards satisfying her respecting her husband's 
death, their Queen should say that she herself desired to do so, 
loving her as she did as her sister and friend, but by other means 
than by judicial action and question and answer with her own 
subjects, which would be a derogation of her dignity and \mfitting 
to her rank. 

I wrote recently that, amongst others who had been arrested for 
religion were two women, one of whom was called lady Cave (?), 
and the other the wife of a rich merchant. They were accused of 
having mass celebrated in their houses. One of them had been 
arrested previously for the same offence, and, although the punish- 
ment is now doubled, she has been pardoned by the Queen and the 
other has had to find surety. 

The lawyers of the college of Arches who had refused to take 
the oath recognizing the Queen's supremacy, in all her dominions 
in ecclesiastical and spiritual affairs as well as temporal, were 
further pressed, and, although they were somewhat obstinate, 
means were found to persuade them, the oath being slightly 
disguised in the form enclosed. They set forth the various reasons 
which they thought justified them in conscientiously taking the 
oatb. Some of the Catholics, however, have refrained. 

Herries and Fleming have pressed me to write to their Queen and 
assure me that it will be a great consolation to her in her troubles. 
I have accordingly done so and enclose copy of my letter. London, 
26th June 1568. 

27 June. 35. The KINO to GUZMAN DE SILVA. 

On the 7th instant Roche the courier returned with your letters 
of 11 th, 14th, 16th, 21st, and 22ud ultimo. Before proceeding to 




answer them I wish to inform you that, bearing in mind what you 
recently wrote respecting your desire to leave England, I have 
appointed you my ambassador in Venice, and Don Guerau de Spes, 
the bearer of this, to be your successor in your present post. I 
write to this effect to the Queen by him, for her due information, 
and you may take leave of her and come hither forthwith, in order 
to arrange your affairs, which we are informed you require to do, 
and receive personally your instructions and information as to how 
you are to bear yourself with the French ambassador respecting 
precedence, which is the principal question now at issue in Venice, 
and about which it is needful that you should thoroughly under- 
stand my will. I leave to your own discretion whether you 

should come by land or sea * Before leaving, you will 

thoroughly inform Don Guerau of the state of public and private 
affairs, and point out to him the persons whom he may trust, as 
well "as all other matters in that country and court, in order that 
he may be able to write to me fully. You will see his instructions 
and make what remarks upon them you consider will help him in 
his task. You will accompany him every time he has to speak to 
the Queen whilst you are there, taking your leave of her amiably 
so as to keep her pleased and contented for the due maintenance of 
our friendship, and to enable Don Guerau the more advantageously 
and easily to fulfil his mission with benefit to me and my subjects. 
The aforegoing, together with Dou Guerau's instructions, and 
the verbal expressions of my wishes, which I have ordered him to 
convey to you, will nearly suffice to answer the various points in 
your letters, which, notwithstanding their length, may be treated 
briefly here. First, we are glad that the Queen has come to the 
decision to withdraw her ambassador, in accordance with our 
request, and to send another in his place who will be more accep- 
table to us. We were in some anxiety until we heard how she 
had taken the demonstration made against this John Man, who, s 
you say, stretched matters to the extent of writing to the Queen 
that I had denied him audience 19 times. It is well that you 
should know that I never appointed an audience with him, nor did 
he ever come by my orders to the palace, although it is true that 
he sent to ask for audience, and I put him off as I was unwell at 
the time, and especially as I had already resolved that I would not 
see him or allow him to enter my presence for the reasons I have 
already stated. If he came to the palace it was without my orders 
and only to negotiate with Ruy Gomez, as the latter subsequently 
told me. It will be well for you to explain this to the Queen that 
she may see there has been no shortcoming on this point, and say 
that I will always extend to the new ambassador she may send the 
kind reception and treatment demanded by our friendship and 
brotherhood, on the sole condition that he acts properly, or, in 
other words, that he does not transgress the limits of his position, 
she will therefore send expressly a man who will avoid similar 

* There are several words erased here, and in (he margin in the King's handwriting 
is the following note : " I do not erase this because I do not intend to do it when 
opportunity offers, but because there is no reason to tell him so here." 



occurrences which/without any fault of hers, might disturb our friend- 
ship. I am so anxious to maintain this unbroken that I am grieved 
to see this matter of the league still being spoken of, being, as it is, so 
far from the truth that such a thing has never crossed my thoughts, 
and I am very desirous that you should inform the Queen fully on 
this point before you leave, and banish from her mind the 
suspicions she expressed to you of the duke of Feria in the matter 
of John Man. By the statement taken by Don Guerau it will be 
seen perfectly clearly that the man's only enemies have been his own 
faults and excesses, and I trust that she will look upon the Duke in 
another light and favour the relatives of the Duchess, which to me 
will be a source of great contentment, as it has been to hear of the 
measures adopted by her respecting the Flemish freebooters who 
have taken refuge in her dominions. You will thank her for this 
on my behalf, urging her to have her orders rigorously carried out, 
and reminding Don Guerau to follow the matter up in the way you 
will point out to him, and in accordance with the orders he will 
have received from the duke of Alba. 

It was well done to write to me in detail the position of the 
affairs entrusted to the ambassador of my nephew the king of 
Portugal, as I informed the King of it at once, which I thought 
necessary to do. I have no answer from him yet, but I shall be 
glad that you and Don Guerau continue the help and favour you 
have hitherto extended to the ambassador, as if the business were 
my own. I instruct Don Guerau to the same effect, as you will 
see, and have also set forth the terms in which he is to satisfy the 
Queen in the matter of those words contained in the " Pontifical 
History," which certainly have annoyed me, as will be seen by the 
order given to withdraw the books and eliminate all that appears 

This Englefield who is here is such a worthy gentleman, so 
modest and so good a Christian, tli.-it I am <|uite sorry for the 
severity with which the Queen treats him, and I should be glad, 
when you take your leave of her, if you would again mention the 
matter to her, and try to obtain from her the favour he asks, which 
is so reasonable, as you are aware. You will press her so that you 
may bring with you some good news for him, whereat I shall bo 
pleased ; but if you cannot manage it, you will inform Don Guerau 
of the condition in which you leave the affair, so that he may 
follow it up as opportunity ofiers.* Madrid (?), 27th June 1568. 

U July. 36. GUZMAN DE SILVA to the KING. 

I have informed your Majesty of the return hither on the 26th 
ultimo of M. de Montmorin, and the news he brought of the queen 
of Scotland. On the day after his arrival here he had audience of 

* In the King's handwriting: "It will be well to put the same in the instructions to 
Don Gwrau so tlmt he may keep the matter in view when opportunity offvrs." This 
was a petition of Sir Francis Eujflufield, who had been a member of Philip and Miirv'n 
icuncil, to be allowed to enjoy the revenue oi' his cMutrs during liis exile. The 
petition was refused and Sir Frauds subsequently weut to reside ill the Nctherlaudi 
with the duke of Albs. 



this Queen, in the course of which he told her about the letters 
from the earl of Murray's people, which had fallen into the hands 
of the Queen, and both he (Montmorin) and the ambassador asked 
her to see the queen of Scots and aid her restoration to the throne. 
They tell me they gave this Queen to understand that if she did 
not do this their King could not avoid assisting her (the queen of 
Scots) in her need. The Queen gave a fair spoken reply, but they 
thought it was merely words. On the same day Herries and 
Fleming went to the Queen to take her the original letters of 
Murray's agent, and good deal was said at the interview. She 
subsequently referred .them to Secretary Cecil, and ordered the 
agent to be examined before them, but he made no statements of 
importance. No doubt he had been advised beforehand what 
answers to give. 

On the 29th I went to speak with the Queen, ostensibly on 
private business, but really to hear about the queen of Scotland, 
and what she (Elizabeth) thought of doing with her after hearing 
Montmorin and the two Scotsmen. I waited for her to start the 
subject, which she did, remarking that the business was somewhat 
perplexing her, as, on the one hand, it Avas only right that the 
Queen should be treated well, and, on the other, that she should be 
taken care of. I answered that, if what the Queen sought was 
help for her restoration to the throne, and she (Elizabeth) was not 
willing to help her, I begged she would undeceive her, and let her 
go over to France, and if she was not willing to allow that, at least 
she should let her go to Scotland again and take her chance. She 
said, as regarded giving her help towards a restoration by force, not 
only were there difficulties in the way of this, but the result of such 
an attempt would be uncertain, and she therefore thought it would 
be better to negotiate some terms. These, she said, must be hard, 
because Murray and his gang would never be safe if the Queen 
returned as a ruler, even though she pardoned them now, as she 
could easily find an excuse afterwards to be revenged on them. 
On the other hand, the Queen could not return without any 
position, so that she thought the best course to adopt was for her 
to return with the title of Queen, but that the government should 
be carried on in the name of her son, as it is now, without giving 
her power to change it, or to do anything without the orders of the 
Government and Council. She said that, in order to discuss this, 
she had sent (as she had already told me) to Murray, -tusking him to 
despatch representatives with whom she might treat. She was still 
of the same mind about it as she had been from the first, and 
would not, on any account, allow the Queen to go to France ; and 
as for sending her back to Scotland alone after she had placed 
herself under her protection, that would be a great dishonour for 
her (Elizabeth) and her country. Seeing also the pretensions she 
had to the English crown, it would be dangerous, she said, to allow 
her to be free in this country, as she might take opportunities of 
satisfying people about past events and gain them over. She 
(Elizabeth) had therefore, as she had already told me, determined 
to bring her to some place in the interior of England, both that she 
might be safer from her enemies, and also in order that, if she 



attempted to escape clandestinely to Scotland, her flight should be 
made longer and more difficult ; as between Carlisle and Scotland 
there was only one small river, which could easily be crossed. I 
asked her why, tben, she did not bring her away at once ? to which 
she replied that the Queen would not leave Carlisle, and had sent 
to tell her (Elizabeth) that she would only do so under compulsion, 
by which she understood a direct and peremptory order from her. 
She (Elizabeth) said she did not want to affront her by treating the 
matter in this way, and she was sorry for her to remain where she 
was, for the reasons she had said ; which reasons, as I understand 
from Fleming, are the very ones which make the queen of Scotland 
unwilling to leave, although she says it is because she wishes to be 
near where she may know quickly what is passing in her couutry, 
and keep in close touch with her friends. I told the Queen that, 
as this was a matter of so much importance, I thought she ought to 
keep her friends informed of her acts and intentions with regard to 
it, and that she should so manage it that, whilst looking to her own 
interests, she should satisfy the other powers. She said that she 
had already done so with every one but your Majesty, but, as you 
had refused to receive her ambassador, she had not ordered him to 
communicate it to you. She asked me, however, to write to your 
Majesty what her intentions were, and again repeated to mo her 
assurance that she would not allow her (the Queen of Sects) to return 
to Scotland. She said that not even her enemies would wish that to 
be done, or to allow her to be again endangered in Scotland after she 
had placed herself in her (Elizabeth's) power. She (Elizabeth) is 
anxious about it, as well she may be, for the queen of Scots has 
certainly many friends, and they will increase in number hourly, 
as the accusations of complicity in the murder of her husband are 
Ixjing forgotten, and her marriage with Bothwell is now being 
attributed to compulsion and fear. This view is being spread, 
and friends easily persuade themselves of the truth of what they 
wish to believe, especially in this island. It therefore behoves this 
Queen, especially, to prevent the queen of Scots from marrying in 
France, to look out for her own interests by settling the business 
with all speed, and getting the queen of Scots back again in her 
own country without giving the French a pretext for going thither. 
The Hamiltons, who support the Queen, are very strong, a this 
Queen (Elizabeth) confesses ; and it would certainly suit her (Mary) 
best to go back, because, being free and in the exercise of her 
authority, she would be in a better position to negotiate. I am 
persuaded that these folks here will do everything in their power 
to delay and procrastinate, to see what time will bring forth. 

Fleming has been constantly coming and sending to convey, 
apparently confidentially, to me, news of his mistress' affairs. *I 
have shown him great goodwill, and have, in general terms, assured 
him of your Majesty's sincere affection for his Queen, as I am 
letting the Catholics, her friends, also understand. With the queen 
of England 1 am proceeding in such a way that, whilst doing the 
queen of Scots no harm, I persuade her that my main desire is that 
she shall succeed in her management of so important a business, 
cautiously pointing out to her the need for discretion in a matter 




which deeply concerns her neighbours. She tells me that some of 
her people are asking her how she finds me disposed in this 
business ; since she seems so secret with me some of them think 
that I am trying to forward the queen of Scots' interests, whilst 
others think I am in favour of those of this Queen and her 
country. I said that I had been glad to know her wishes and 
silently serve her, as I always did, to which she replied that she was 
quite satisfied of my good will, although I believe that some of her 
friends are doing their best to make her suspicious of me. 

The numbers of those who belong to the Puritan religion, as they 
call it, are going on increasing. As I understand, they are strict 
Calvinists, and are called purists or reformados because they will 
not allow ceremonies, nor anything but what is contained in the 
letter of the Gospel as they call it, although they probably do not 
believe it. They therefore avoid the churches where others con- 
gregate, and do not allow their ministers to wear any distinguishing 
garb. A few of them arc arrested as I have written, but no harm 
is done to them, and, rather than try to escape imprisonment, they 
offer themselves for it. 

So far as can be seen, most of the heretics in this country are of 
the Calvinist sect, although really they are all so mixed up with their 
various opinions that they do not understand each other, or know for 
certain how they stand, which of itself would suffice to convince 
them of their error if they were not so blinded. There are some 
suspicions that certain of the Queen's councillors tried to bring her 
over to these new views, and to weld all these sects into one, believing 
that, in such case, there would be no dissensions, and that, if all 
were of one faith, they could maintain themselves better, and they 
would try to get people in other places where divers sects existed 
to do the same. I saw how injurious this would be if it were done, 
and took a good opportunity of saying to the Queen how distrustful 
she and other princes ought to be of these libertine heretics (for 
this is their right name), as liberty and freedom from all sub- 
servience is the real aim of the wretches. I told her it was 
reported that amongst some of those who surrounded her there was 
a talk of persuading her to abandon the Augustinian creed, which 
is that which she professes to follow, and adopt this other one, and 
I begged her not to allow herself to be deceived and misled. She 
replied that there was no one near her who would dare to suggest 
anything of the sort to her ; I might be sure of that. I said very 
likely no one would openly venture to do it, as she, with her intel- 
ligence, would understand what would be the resuit ; but they might 
artfully try to persuade her by working upon her fears and repre- 
senting that their numbers were large, in order to prevail upon her 
to assist them for her own preservation, instead of which, I said, it 
would be to her ruin. She told me that, in the last few days, fifty 
Anabaptists and other evil sectarians had been expelled, and no 
doubt they tell her this, but I have heard nothing of it and do not 
believe it, nor is it to be expected that there can be concord 
amongst so many diverse and extraordinary opinions. They will 
doubtless try to attain it, but the devil is no friend to concord and 
will ouly help them for his own ends. The book of the names of 

y 70407. P 



the persons who gave alms for those in Louvain, which was in the 
possession of that good man named Wilson, now in prison, has not 
been forgotten. The names of all the donors were not contained 
in it, and those that were there were disguised ; but they threatened 
Wilson with torture, and he has declared the names of some of the 
subscribers, under the belief that no harm could be done to them 
for giving charity. They have commenced proceedings against 
some of them, and have arrested a gentleman of wealth and wisdom 
named Copley, who was formerly a heretic, but who, for the last 
five years, has been a good Catholic and a person of great virtue. 
They have also summoned Roper, who married Thomas More's 
daughter Margaret, a person of high position, and it is not yet 
known what will be done with him. 

A book has been printed here and has been sold publicly for 
the last three days (and has even been fixed in certain public 
places in this city), a quarto nearly two inches thick, called 
" Declaracion evidente de diversas y subtiles astucias de la Sancta 
Inquis icion de Espana." It was written in Latin by Reginaldo 
Gonzales Montano, and has been recently translated into English, 
but the translator's name is not given. I have only been able to 
see the prologue, which speaks very shamelessly of the Pope. 

The night before last there arrived here a gentleman named 
Douglas, who was concerned in the escape of the queen of Scots, 
and who was said to be her favourite. He is going to France, and 
lias been advised to separate himself from her, in consequence of 
the favour with which she was said to regard him. He is accom- 
panied by a young, secretary of the Queen, who passed as his 
servant, and from whom I have received a letter from his mistress, 
copy of which I enclose with my reply to a former letter of hers, 
of which also I send your Majesty a copy. The message he brings 
me from his Queen is the same as that which I wrote had been 
conveyed to me by Montmorin and Fleming. I have replied to the 
same effect as I did to them, showing sympathy and general good 
will, and did my best to encourage her without any pledge. I 
enclose copies of the letters sent by the queen of Scots to this 
Queen, and the substance of those which were taken from the 
courier despatched by the Regent's servant, who, I am told, is called 
John Hood. 

The duke of Norfolk denies that he said to Tyrwhitt what the 
latter alleges, and Cecil and Throgmorton do the same. The Duke's 
word may well be believed, as he is a worthy gentleman, only that 
he is an Englishman, and the best of them are not to be trusted 
overmuch. London, 3 July 1568. 

10 July. 37. GUZMAN DE SILVA to the KINO, 

The Queen arrived in this city on the 6th in good health and 
continued her progress which, as I have .said, will only be iu the 
neighbourhood, as she is careful to keep near at hand when troubles 
and disturbances exist in adjacent countries. She came by the 
river as far as Reading, and thence through the country in a 
carriage, open on all sides, that she might be seen by the people, 
who Hocked all along the roads as far aa the duke of Norfolk's 



houses where she alighted. She was received everywhere with 
great acclamations and signs of joy, as is customary in this country ; 
whereat she was extremely pleased and told me so. giving me to 
understand how beloved she was by her subjects and how highly 
she esteemed this, together with the fact they were peaceful and 
contented whilst her neighbours on all sides are in such trouble. 
She attributed it all to God's miraculous goodness. She ordered 
her carriage to be taken sometimes where the crowd seemed 
thickest and stood up and thanked the people. Amongst others 
there approached her a presentable looking man who exclaimed, 
" Vivat Regina. Honi soit qui mal y pense " ; whereupon she said 
to me, "This good man is a clergyman of the old religion." I 
replied that I was very glad he should show so openly the good 
will and affection with which the Catholics had always served their 
sovereigns, and that she might be sure their fidelity was advantageous 
to her, in order to check the disobedient people in the country. For 
this reason, I had several times advised her not to allow them to 
be molested and maltreated. She said she had in this followed 
my advice and would still do so, and said one of the things she had 
prayed to God for when she came to the throne was that He would 
give her grace t > govern with clemency, and without bloodshed, 
keeping her hands stainless. This gave rise to a remark from her 
about the justice which has been done in the States of Flander?, 
but not such as to indicate that she thought it so hard as when she 
spoke of it before ; indeed, my observations to her on the subject 
seem to have convinced her that it was necessary. The earl of 
Leicester also mentioned the subject to me the same day, and what 
seems to aggrieve them most is that the persons executed were not 
heard in their defence, on which point I undeceived Leicester and 
Sussex. The latter said he had been much distressed at this action 
of the duke of Alba, for your Majesty's own sake, and he would 
rather have walked to Rome and back, or further still, than that 
this execution should have taken place. I showed him how mistaken 
he was in thinking that the Counts had been condemned unheard, 
and said they had been clearly convicted of high treason by judges 
of great ability, and their own countrymen.* He replied that, not- 
withstanding this, some consideration should have been paid to 
Egmont's services and character. I said, if he had rendered good 
service it had been richly rewarded, as was well known, and for that 
very reason, and the high position and esteem in which your 
Majesty had placed him, he should have been all the more cai-eful 
to prove his gratitude and fidelity. The punishment for his not 
having done so had been most righteously awarded, to the deep 
pain of those whose duty it was to punish him. Sussex said that 
I spoke rather as your Majesty's minister than as a man, and would 
yet think very differently. I replied that he was in error, and that 
the offences of these men and the others had been notorious, and 
those who had so far been fortunate enough to escape might pray 
that they should not be caught, for, certainly, if they were, they 
would share the same fate. 

f"" - - . -' ' ' "" ' - - --...,..- 

* Counts Egtuout and Horn, 



The duke of Norfolk awaited the Queen at his house, where she 
was received. He told me subsequently that, in consequence of his 
many occupations, he had not been able to go and see me, with 
other compliments of the same sort, but said nothing whatever 
about Egmont and Horn. Two days ago there arrived here a 
gentleman of the queen of Scotland who had coma away since her 
arrival at the place where Fleming is. He brought me a letter 
written by her, copy of which I enclose. He says she remains in 
good health, and with a stout heart to face her troubles. She is 
not displeased with those who guard her, excepting with Vice 
Chamberlain Knollys, who is always mentioning religious matters 
to her. The rest treat her kindly. The earl of Murray with his 
confederates ai - c in Edinburgh. 

They say the Viceroy of Ireland will be despatched to-morrow. 
He has been hurried off lately, but I have not yet heard what 
extraordinary need there is for this. 

I wrote in my last letter that the Council had summoned some 
of the people whose names were entered in the book written by 
Wilson (who is now in prison), as having contributed charity to 
tlic Catholics at Louvain. Copley has been sent to prison, and 
Roper was told to return on the 2nd instant. When he again 
appeared they postponed the hearing until the 8th, and then 
referred him to the Chancellor and Cecil, who told him that he 
had confessed to sending money to the Queen's enemies in Louvain, 
whereat they were much surprised. He replied that it was quite 
true that he had sent them some money in charity, but that he did 
not look upon them as enemies of the Queen, but as her natural 
subjects who were in need. They said they understood that he 
had sent large sums in charity to those living abroad, but they had 
not heard that he had done anything for the many poor who were 
here. He replied that he was not obliged to render an account of the 
charities he gave, which he considered ought to be secret; but, since 
they had opened the question, they had better make inquiries 
of the poor students that he maintained at Lincoln's Inn and other 
colleges, and they would then find out whether he only sent charity 
to those in Louvain. They said then, that, as he was so great a 
friend to the poor, perhaps he would give them, (i.e., the Chancellor 
and Cecil) some charity for certain poor people they knew, 
lie told them he would willingly give them 10?. or 20., in the 
belief that they would distribute it well. They would only take 
!()/., and with this dismissed him. I understand that this good 
man gives a thousand crowns a year in charity to the Catholics 
who are in prison and at Louvain. Roper was the husband of 
Margaret, the daughter of Thomas More, and his children are 
strong Catholics. Copley has also been released and left prison 
yesterday. They have suspended proceedings against the others. 
London, 10th July 1568. 

r..tioi?'^ iba I s l>oke to your Majesty on the llth instant to the effect that, 
C. in., Origini. ^ 01 a '?" t ' Ine l' a:it ' ^ was sttl ted that many rebels from the Low 
countries, subjects of my King, who had taken refuge here from 



those parts by the help of your Majesty's subjects, were returning 
thither with arms, in order to disturb the peace of the States ; 
disembarking in places where they thought they might safely rob, 
and that they had killed some poor people who were unsuspectingly 
working in the fields, and also some priests who were performing 
their offices, as well as committing many other cruel murders which 
I refrain from dwelling upon. As these rebels have been received 
here as in an asylum from the punishment they deserved, I begged 
humbly that your Majesty would prevent them from returning in 
this guise to injure the States. When your Majesty had graciously 
heard me, you promised that a remedy should be provided and that 
all care should be taken to prevent the continuance of the evil. 1 
depended upon this promise being carried out, but I afterwards 
heard that nothing whatever had been done in the matter, and, 
consequently, addressed your Majesty several times on the subject, 
and also appealed to Sir William Cecil, your secretary, to have the 
fitting orders sent out. The latter replied that the orders had been 
promptly despatched and were being put into execution at Sand- 
wich, and I thereupon thanked your Majesty for the orders that 
had been sent, under the impression that they were official. I have 
since heard that this was not the case, and that they were only 
private intimations to the officers of the ports, and I consequently 
sent to inquire whether they were being carried out. I found that 
they were not, and that many persons with arms were still being 
allowed to leave, which is not ordinarily the case in this country. 
Many of these rebels are now making ready in London, Norwich, 
Sandwich, Southampton, and other places. I therefore again begged 
your Majesty humbly to take measures to prevent the evil, in 
conformity with the old friendship and alliance between the 
countries, and I handed to your Majesty the substance of certain 
clauses of the treaty between the late Emperor and your Majesty's 
father, King Henry, in order that you might see what were the 
obligations on both sides in similar cases. I also stated that, to 
provide for the despatch and payment of these men, subscriptions 
were being opened in England, also entirely against the treaty, and 
again begged your Majesty to prevent the passage of these armed 
pereons. I have received no answer whatever to all these repre- 
sentations, and as nothing has been done as a consequence of my 
verbal protests, I again address your Majesty in writing, and beg 
you to be pleased to give public official orders that may be effectually 
enforced. If the matter is delayed or passed over and these people 
are allowed to go, together and armed, accompanied by your own 
subjects (as they certainly will be), for the purpose of injuring the 
States, it is evident that this will be carrying on open war under 
the cloak of friendship, and as such I shall consider it, giving due 
notice to my master the King and the duke of Alba, that they may 
take such steps as may be desirable to obtain redress. I beg your 
Majesty to be pleased to reply promptly, as I shall look upon 
silence as a refusal of my request. In order that your Majesty 
may understand the reasons why promptness is so necessary in th:s 
business, I may say that, in addition to the subscriptions I have 
already mentioned as being made in the French and Flemish 



churches here, I am informed that a subsidy is being raised from 
the clergy of this country in aid of the rebels who are invading my 
King's dominions, as well as contributions from laymen of position, 
who, for their honour's sake, I will not name ; being sure that if I 
did so they would incur your Majesty's displeasure for the love and 
friendship you owe to the King my master. I should be sorry for 
this, but I cannot refrain from speaking very plainly as is my 
duty. London, 14th July 1568. 
Signed. D. Guzman de Silva. 

17 July. 39. GTTZMAN DE SILVA to the KINO. 

The Queen left here on the 12th instant to continue her progress. 
The day previously I had received notice that the Flemish rebels, 
in pursuance of their intention to return to Flanders for the purpose 
of disturbance, were purchasing arms and urging each other to 
take part in the expeditions. I had also learnt that the procla- 
mations issued by the Queen prohibiting the departure from the 
ports of any armed persons were being disregarded, and I thought 
well to speak to the Queen and tell her clearly what was passing. 
1 did this, and said that it was two months since I told her that 
the rebels were taking refuge here, and that, at that time, I had 
not wished to say anything about the way in which they were 
received and sheltered, thinking best to leave to her as a friend to 
consider what was most fitting for her to do. I said that, although 
the number of those who came was large, yet, knowing your 
Majesty's clemency and your great desire that these poor people 
should be convinced of their error and return to their loyalty, I 
had not desired to say a word against them, but only to inform 
her of their offences, which were notorious and which, being 
rebellion and disorder, would have justly deserved prosecution and 
punishment, in accordance withjalliances and treaties between the 
countries. Seeing, however, that they were not satisfied with past 
excesses and with being let alone, but that their insolence had 
arrived at such a point that some of them were returning to the 
States to rob and kill faithful subjects there whom they found 
unprepared, and afterwards to take refuge again in this country, 
whence again they would sally out to do the like, I had asked her 
to be good enough to take measures to prevent their leaving the 
ports with arms, so that they could not commit similar offences in 
future. I had said they ought to be told that they would be 
harshly punished if they committed such crimes, as it was not 
reasonable that such invasions as these should be allowed to leave 
a friendly country, and, in addition to its being wrong, it might 
bring forth other evils. She had replied at the time that the evil 
was worthy of a remedy, and she would take care that I was 
satisfied. When I had again mentioned the matter to her, for the 
purpose of agreeing what the remedy should be, she had told me 
that she had already taken the necessary steps, and she sent Cecil 
to me to say that the orders were being carried out at Sandwich. 
Notwithstanding all this, seeing that no public order was given, I 
had taken measures to discover whether the guards in the ports 
were [carrying out their instructions, aud I bad understood that 



the contrary was the case, whereat I was much surprised, pnr- 
ticularly as many rebels and even Englishmen had already left, 
and many more were arming furiously to do the same. This was 
done with so much impudence that the only thing wanting 
appeared to be the drum beat. I had, therefore, considered it 
necessary to again request her to find a remedy, not that there 
was anything to fear from such a rabble as this, but in view of 
other eventualities, especially as it was now known that they 
were helped with means in this country. The Queen said lluit she 
had sent the orders as she had told me, which would be confirmed 
by Lord Cobham, who was entrusted with the carrying out of the 
orders, and whom she said she would summon that he might give 
an account of it in my presence. She said that as for allowing 
them to come over and remain here, this she did out of pity and 
as they said that they came for conscience's sake, and she did not 
know how she could prevent them from returning if the}' liked. 
I said, " Let them return as peaceful citizens, without arms or 
turbulence, separate and not in bands, so that they could do no 
harm, and then, of course, there would be no objection ; but they 
should not be allowed to go over in warlike guise and with the 
intention of disturbing, and especially being paid, as they were, as 
soldiers." I said that the so-called churches of French and 
Flemings had contributed largely, the former 700Z. and the latter 
8001., with the help of other persons. She replied that, as regards 
the money which was given to them, she could not prevent that or 
forbid them from returning to their own country ; to which I again 
insisted that if they went separate and without arms there was no 
need for it, but that in the way they were going it was illegal and 
ought to be prevented, as otherwise it would be tantamount to 
England making war upon the States of Flanders ; and so it would 
be considered by anyone who thought upon the subject. In order, 
I said, that she might have in her mind the obligations she wan 
under with regard to the States and your Majesty, I begged her to 
read certain clauses of the Treaty of Alliance of 1542, which 1 
gave her in writing. She read them, saying that she quite re- 
collected their purport. I said I hoped she would recollect also to 
act up to it, and wished to leave her the paper, in order that she 
might not lose sight of it; she replied that she would not forget it, 
and put the paper in her bosom. I send a copy of it herewith, but 
I did not include Clause 7 of the treaty, by which she is bound, on 
40 days' notice, to provide as many captains and soldiers as could 
be paid with 700 French crowns a day, which clause I only men- 
tioned verbally in order that she might not think that this aid was 
being asked for. 

I have written previously that some persons have come hither 
from Embden, and it was said that some sort of treaty was being 
arranged to send them a certain number of cloths every year. I 
have since learnt that their principal object was to say that if 
Ludovic's business was settled they feared the Duke might send 
his army against them. The Queen confirmed this to me, and said 
that she wished to tell me that these people had come on behalf 
of the count of Embden to inform her of their fears, and the Count 



had begged her to write and intercede for them with your Majesty, 
as perhaps by an untrue report that they had helped Ludovic,* 
your Majesty iniglit be incensed against them, or might take this 
opportunity of invading their country in revenge for their having 
received cloths when the importation was prohibited in the States. 
She was assured that, although some of the people of the country 
were with Ludovic, they were men who went of their own accord 
and without the Count's order, as others of them are with your 
Majesty's force?. Her Council, therefore, was of opinion that she 
should write to your Majesty on the subject, since the Count had 
not helped Ludovic, or done anything to offend your Majesty. 
She thought better, however, to let me know before she wrote, so 
that I might report to your Majesty the causes that had moved her 
to do so. I replied that I had no information as to whether your 
Majesty was advised of this, nor did I believe that the duke of 
All>a would go forward in it, unless the rebels took refuge there, in 
which case it would be necessary to follow them up and put an end 
to them at once. I said I thought that they had conceived this 
suspicion, either because they knew they were in fault, or because 
I had said to people here, who had told me that Ludovic was being 
helped in Einbden, that they had better look out what they were 
doing, as those lands were under the sway of your Majesty in your 
capacity of perpetual Vicar-General of all Friesland, and you could 
punish them us such. This may have aroused some suspicion, but 
your Majesty was not accustomed to be angry without just cause, 
and, if they had not offended, they had nothing to fear. 

I asked her whether she had come to any decision about the 
queen of Scotland's affairs, to which she replied that she had not, 
as she could not understand it, since the Queen was so determined 
in her refusal not to leave Carlisle. She could not decide until 
she had had an interview with her, and her subjects had been 
heard against her. It was difficult to deal with these things where 
she is now, as it was so far off, and she did not consider that in 
honour she could allow her to return to Scotland in such peril as 
she would be, since she had taken refuge in this country ; she 
would not let her go to France either, as she had very distinctly 
told her, and for this she had many reasons ; amongst others, that 
the whole time she (the queen of Scots) was in France there was 
not an hour's peace between this country and that. She said the 
queen of Scotland wrote her one thing, and Lord Herries, in her 
name, said quite differently, pressing her constantly either to let 
her go to France or to return to Scotland, on the promise that she 
would give security before she left that no foreigners of whom this 
Queen could be suspicious, should go to Scotland, which under- 
taking would be further guaranteed by the signature of the king 
of France and your Majesty. I replied, as I had on former 
occasions, that this was a matter of high importance to be treated 
with great consideration, and she ought, above all, to inform 
friendly princes what she did. I always say the same thing when 

Ludwig of Nassau, the brother of the prince of Orange, who was still in arm 
against the duke of Alba. 



I speak of this matter to her, in order to sound her as to her in- 
tentions, so that if it should please your Majesty afterwards to 
take any action in the matter you may be well informed thereupon. 
She told me she had ordered a statement to be drawn up to be 
sent to your Majesty and the king of France. The next day when 
she left, I accompanied her to hear whether she would say anything 
to me about the Flemish rebels returning, but she did not, and I 
was loth to again broach the subject until I saw what she had 
ordered. She told me that she would not give me the written 
statement she had spoken about touching Scotch affairs for four or 
five days, as she was expecting a reply from the Queen, but, in the 
meanwhile, I might write to your Majesty what she had said about 
them. The way in which these people negotiate may be clearly 
seen by what passed when the queen of Scotland came to England. 
She (the queen of England) sent a gentleman named Middleton to 
try to persuade both the Kegent and the Queen's party to lay down 
arms and see whether a reconciliation could not be effected, but 
before this gentleman arrived, Cecil wrote to the man at Berwick 
to send a messenger with all speed to the Regent, giving him notice 
of the message that Middleton was bearing, and telling him to 
immediately put into execution what he had to do. This he did 
by destroying the house of Herries and those of two other friends 
of the Queen. They have their signs and countersigns, and whilst 
they publicly write and do one thing, they secretly order another ; 
and, as this Scotchman says, the queen of England uses towards 
his mistress fair words and foul deeds. I believe that she will 
treat her as I said from the first, namely, keep her in an honourable 
prison, the one object of these people being so to manage Scotch 
affairs as to keep that country friendly with them, in the belief 
that, whilst the two kingdoms are in accord, they have nothing to 
fear, and they think this could not be the case whilst the Queen 
remained free, because of religion and other reasons. 

Seeing that between the llth, when I spoke to the Queen, and the 
14th, no steps had been taken, and that the rebels were hurrying 
their departure, the time meanwhile being wasted in the ordinary 
way here, I thought well to write a letter to the Queen at Havering, 
especially as I was informed that a subsidy was being secretly 
collected of so much in the pound on all ecclesiastical salaries 
throughout the various dioceses for the purpose of helping the 
prince of Orange and Ludovic. I wrote instead of going myself, 
in the hope of getting a written answer, but they replied verbally 
in conformity with the enclosed copy. On the same day that I 
sent my letter off, I wrote another letter to the Treasurer, more to 
see what he would say than because I thought he would remedy 
anything; saying that, as he knew what the Queen had ordered 
about armed Flemish rebels leaving England, it was his duty, in 
the absence of the Queen, to see that redress was granted, and I 
was advised that many such men were still going over, and the 
Queen's orders disregarded. He replied verbally that he also had 
reports that these people were leaving, but he had no instruction 
from the Queen to act ; if he had had, he would have prevented 
their departure, and said that I should personally press the Queen 



in order that she should instruct him, as he did not know of 
anyone at Court who could be entrusted with the matter. 

The earl of Sussex and Sidney, viceroy of Ireland, have now 
made friends and have dined together. Sidney retains Ireland and 
Wales, and Sussex has been made President of York, in place of 
the Archbishop, who has died. I said that they had released 
Copley with a fine of 501. and Roper of 40& They have also 
liberated another northern gentleman, but afterwards summoned 
Roper again before the Chancellor and Cecil, who showed him a 
document containing three heads which they said he had to sign. 
First he had to confess that he had broken the law by sending 
charity to those who were on the side of the Queen's enemies ; 
second, he had to promise that he would in future obey the eccle- 
siastical lasvs now existing in this country and those that may be 
enacted ; thirdly, he had to undertake not to give any more charity 
to those who were abroad for religion's sake, or those who, for a 
similar reason, were in prison. He said that he must consider 
carefully what he had to put his hand to, and asked for time. He 
consulted the duke of Norfolk and complained of what they asked. 
The Duke told him that he thought he could not avoid doing, 
partially, what the Council ordered him, nor could he get him 
excused, but if he would meet the demand in some moderate way, 
such as his conscience would allow, he, the Duke, would help him. 
He thought that he might say, with regard to the first head, that 
he had sent money to Englishmen beyond the sea who the Council 
declare are in league with the Queen's enemies, and he, Roper, did 
not wish to contradict them, but would submit to their authority. 
To the second head he might say that he would always be obedient 
to the legitimate laws of the realm ; and to the third point, that 
he would give no charity to those outside the country, and would 
conform in future to the law. He did this and they released him. 

They have also released Wilson, who is the clergyman upon 
whom they found the book with the list of subscribers to the 
Louvain people. I have advised your Majesty what passed with 
the Queen relative to the imprisonment and ill-treatment of the 
archbishop of Armagh. When I spoke to her about it again, and 
asked her whether she had inquired into it, as she had promised, 
and asked her to do me the favour of being merciful to him, taking 
off his chains and letting him have some books and the visits of 
his friends, she replied that she had inquired and would be glad 
to please me, but this man had been a traitor and a rebel, and 
letters had been found upon him from John O'Neil, which she 
herself now had. I replied that I had heard very differently, but 
ended by saying that if he had been a rebel I had no wish to help 
such people. Some of these good men think that it is only neces- 
sary for me to speak to the Queen for everything to be settled, but 
they are much mistaken, as the greatest of care has to be used in 
these matters to avoid doing them more harm than good. 

This morning, seeing that they had not sent me a copy of the 
proclamation which was to be issued respecting the going of the 
rebels to Flanders, I wrote to secretary Cecil pressing him to have 
it published, as they were about to leave, and would have done so 



ere this if the wind had not been against them. Many have gone 
already to the place of embarkation. Cecil sent me the procla- 
mation this evening with a letter of his, copies of both of which I , 
send enclosed, and the man who brought it said that he had called 
in at the printers on his way to tell them to print the proclamation 
with all speed so that it might be sent out. I told him I wished 
it had been sent out to-day as the people were already departing, 
and it would be of little use after they were gone. It would look, 
indeed, more like a compliment than a remedy. I do not know 
whether it will be done even to-morrow, as it is Sunday, although 
if this wind lasts they cannot leave before it is published. It has 
been long delayed, which makes me doubt their sincerity. 
London, 17th July 1568. 

18 July. 40. The KINO to GUZMAN DE SILVA. 

I only write to you to say that John Man, having received an 
order from the Queen to return, and a letter for me in answer to 
that which I had written, he asked Zayas if he could hand the 
same to me and take his leave. On this request being conveyed to 
rne at the Escorial, where I was then, I ordered him to go to Barajas 
and deliver the letter, and say what he wished from the Queen. 
I promised, if there was anything in which I could please her, I 
would do it most willingly without his seeing me, as upon that 
point I did not consider it desirable to alter my determination, 
which had been arrived at after very mature deliberation. John 
Man, when he heard this, delivered the Queen's letter to Zayas, 
and told him that he had no particular instructions, only that he 
wished I would hear him in his justification. Since, however, this 
could not be, he would depart when he had received my reply and 
the passport for his safe journey. This was sent to his satisfaction, 
and he went on his road from Barajas without returning here, 
Zayas having told him to take this course. As it is desirable that 
you should see what the Queen wrote to me and my reply by 
John Man, I send you copies that you and Don Guerau may 
discuss the contents, and, if the subject is introduced or John Man 
should have told the story differently, you may know what to say. 
As I shall be very pleased for the successor of this man to be a 
Catholic, I enjoin you and Don Guerau very strictly to see whether 
you cannot dexterously lead the Queen into this road. You will 
keep in touch with the duke of Alba about it. Madrid, 18th July 

19 July. 41. GUZMAN DE SILVA to the KING. 

I have detained until to-day the enclosed despatch for your 
Majesty, in order to send advice of the issue of the proclamation. 
I sent to the man who came to get it printed, urging him to press 
the matter forward, and he replied that it had first to be published 
at the Court before it was issued in London or elsewhere. This is 
no doubt in order to give time for the people who are ready to 
get away. It is the ordinary proceeding, saying one thing and 
doing another. 



I am informed that the contribution which was being collected 
from some of the councillors and others has been postponed, because 
every one of the members was saying what amount Cecil would 
have to pay, and lie refused to give any more than ten pounds, 
whereupon all the rest of them were very angry, and the thing was 
suspended as they all thought he would give much more. Almost 
at the same time ns this happened, my letter to the Queen telling 
her about the contribution arrived, greatly to their astonishment 
that the affair should have got wind before it was executed. 
It seems it has now been dropped. The French ambassador was 
suspicious that these heretics were going over to join and help some 
(French) heretics who had got into Valery, but news came yesterday 
that the Christian King was beseigiag them and had opened his 
batteries upon them. 

I have been informed that on the 17th a letter from the Prince 
of Conde arrived for Nicholas Throgmorton, in cipher, the substance 
of which was to beg him to say to the Queen that she had no doubt 
been informed that the conditions of the peace were not being kept 
in France, whereat he, Cond^, felt injured and aggrieved, although 
he did not blame the King but his bad counsellors. He was there- 
fore obliged to take up arms, and would do so on the 21st instant, 
when he would have 1 2,000 men, Count Rochefort having already 
3,000, and he hoped with God's help to punish the King's advisers 
in such a way that not one of them should remain in France. He 
pledged his word to this, promising never to lay down the task 
except at its completion or his death. 

I am informed also that secretary Cecil has instructed a gentleman, 
who is to go from Berwick to the Regent of Scotland, to say to him 
in the name of this Council that he must moderate the severity with 
which he is treating the queen of Scotland's friends, as he will 
stir them up otherwise to a fiercer feeling against him and his 
Government. He is recommended to commence his rule by fair 
methods and to gain popularity by choosing conciliatory officers, as 
he will by this means tranquillise the country more quickly. They 
have here already gained over Lord Maxwell otherwise Lord Herries, 
who promises to be on the Regent's side if he will associate him in the 
Government, together with some of his friends, as he is not satisfied 
with the Government of the Queen and will not consent to her 
rule. The Secretary (Cecil) advises the Regent on his own behalf 
to follow this course, as everyone wishes him to remain the head 
of affairs, and if he does not adopt the advice sent him he will not 
have so many friends here as otherwise he would have. It is 
Throgmorton who has won over Herries. 

Since writing the above I sent to the Lord Treasurer a copy of 
the proclamation saying that, as it was already printed and ordered 
by the Queen, he should send instructions to the Customs houses to 
prevent any person passing in violation of it. He replied that it 
was very badly drawn up and clearly showed the animus of those 
who had the matter in hand, particularly in the delay that had 
taken place in the publication. He would, however, do what he 
could although he had no orders from the Queen about it. London, 
19th July 1568. 


1 ,568. 
24 July. 42. GUZMAN DE SILVA to the KING. 

The proclamation issued by this Queen against those who were 
passing or wished to pass over to Flanders with arms in their 
possession in order to disturb that country, was printed on the 
18th instant, but was not published until the morning of the 22nd. 
Some people think that it was delayed on purpose to give the 
people time to get away before it was issued, and I am quite of that 
opinion, as it is the usual mode of proceeding here in similar 
matters, and especially in any affair at all touching religion ; their 
usual desire being to convince all those who are treading the path 
of heresy of their attachment and support. This is doubtless to 
encourage and affirm the various leagues and understandings they 
have with each other; and everything tending in the slightest 
degree to oppose this is managed as dilatorily as if they were 
carrying it to the stake. In this matter I have had to break 
through my habitual patience and to make them understand that, 
after signing a decree, it was necessary to publish it, as otherwise it 
looked much more like a compliment than a remedy. But they 
are hard folk to force and will go their own pace. I spurred them 
somewhat when the Council sent me a copy of the proclamation by 
Wilson, who was ambassador in Portugal and is much attached to 
the earl of Leicester, by saying that I was greatly surprised that the 
Earl, such a distinguished person as he was and so grateful and 
attached to your Majesty for your favour to him, should not try to 
get the Queen to do what she ought for your Majesty, and that, 
seeing how things were going, I was beginning to reflect upon what 
some people were telling me, to the effect that he, Leicester, listened 
to these heretics and admitted them to his acquaintance, which I 
could not believe of him. I thought well, however, to let him know 
by his intimate friend, as in such cases as this even suspicion should 
be avoided, and that neighbouring princes should always be con 
ciliated where the interests of his own Queen were not jeopardised. 
Wilson went with this to the Earl and returned with very many 
thanks and excuses, giving me an autograph letter from him, copy 
of which I enclose. I replied that if I had not been persuaded of 
his kindness, I should not have sent him the message, as it was 
unnecessary to take any such course with an enemy with whom one 
has to dissemble and bide one's time. I answered his letter by 
word of mouth, saying that I was quite certain that what he said 
was true (his expressions being extremely complimentary) from 
what was known of my attachment to him. But although he wrote 
that he hoped I should not be credulous, except in his favour, I 
might well have answered him by referring in terms more plain 
than are generally used in this country to what, it is certain, he 
has been negotiating. I believe what he says about his having had 
little to do with Count Ludovic, but I do not think he is so free 
from the prince of Orange, about whom he says nothing, nor from 
French affairs either, about which he replies, although I said 
nothing except my general reference to neighbouring princes. 

The ecclesiastical subsidy is being collected apace aud, no doubt, 
the lay subsidy is also proceeding, only more secretly. There are 



people who hint that the Queen will keep the ecclesiastical subsidy 
for herself. 

The Queen of Scotland is to be brought to Lord Scrope's house, 
sixty miles this side of Carlisle, and it is even said they will bring 
her to Farnham (?). 

The French ambassador told me very secretly yesterday that she 
was not a Catholic, as lie had been assured by Fleming, who said 
that neither he (the French ambassador) nor I ought to be deceived 
about it. But this Fleming himself is a heretic although be pretends 
to be a Catholic to me, and probably the Queen is deceiving him or 
else he thinks the French ambassador is a heretic and wishes to 
please him, as he does me. This is the present way of dealing, and 
one ought to believe nothing; which is one of the greatest perils of 
heresy. London, 24th July 1568. 

31 July. 43. GUZMAN DE SILVA to the KING. 

Don Guerau de Spes who had arrived in Antwerp has forwarded 
to me your Majesty's letter of the 28th ultimo. As he had not found 
tlie Duke there, he being occupied in Friesland, he writes that he 
should be detained for some time, having to communicate with the 
Duke respecting matters in those States, and the questions with 
this country as regards commerce. There will be little to discuss 
however upon this point, as things are now settled and it would 
be better not to disturb them. 

John Alan will, no doubt, have left Spain ere this, and I will 
carry out your Majesty's instructions in endeavouring to satisfy 
the Queen entirely on the point, particularly to banish her sus- 
picions of the duke of Feria, which, I have already told her, are 
entirely without reason. I have said that it was most foreign to 
his nature to show bad feeling, especially towards an English 
minister, lie having always been so friendly t-j Englishmen. I 
will return to this subject when I spoak to the Queen from your 
Majesty in favour of the Duchess' relatives.* 

The Portuguese business is pending until the arrival of the 
King's reply, but, in the meanwhile, everything possible shall Ije 
done that these people may be brought to understand the best course 
to take. I will show the ambassador what your Majesty says, aud 
the instructions which Don Guerau brings. I have already on 
other occasions assured him to the same effect, and he ought to be 
well pleased. 

The Queen has been so hard in Francis Englefield's affair that I 
have been quite surprised. Everything has been done that was 
possible, and if the matter is not decided by the time that I have, 
Don Guerau can take a favourable opportunity of trying to 
persuade the Queen to a better decision than hitherto. 

The publication of the Queen's edict, prohibiting armed men 
from going over to Flanders, has somewhat cooled these rebels 
and others who were ready to embark. 1 believe, however, that 

* The duke of Feria who hail accompanied Philip to England, and was subsequently 
Spanish ambassador here, had married the daughter of Sir William Dormer of 



their discouragement has also been caused by the events of Friesland 
and St. Valery, and the knowledge that all parts are well prepared 
for them. They are not going over now in bodies, or in a way 
that violates the proclamation, but still they can find means to go 
over, as they do. I pressed for this edict, but it was mainly in 
order that these people should not openly appear so indifferent, 
rather than because I thought it would be a real remedy. As I 
have written on other occasions, the public ordinances here are not 
always executed, but arc counteracted by private understanding, as 
I have frankly told these people. I have assured them that I am 
having the ports well watched to see that they are carrying out the 
orders, and I am told that they are now showing more vigilance. 

The contribution of the twentieth part of the ecclesiastical 
revenues for the succour of Ludovic is being carried forward on 
the old basis. I am also advised that the aid subscribed by private 
persons is proceeding, and I have been recently told that the Queen, 
herself, is giving a considerable sum, although I cannot obtain any 
certain information upon this last point. The Councillors and 
others are constantly showing their bias and ill-feeling towards us. 
Notwithstanding their attempts to dissemble, it is clear that they 
wish nothing so much as our adversity in Flanders and elsewhere, 
and I told the Queen that I was sure they wish to bring her round 
to the belief that she could never trust your Majesty ; that being 
their great object, in the fear that, at one time or another, she 
might change the religion. I have not done anything more about 
these subscriptions and impertinences since writing to the Queen 
on the 14th instant, as I await further instructions from the duke 
of Alba. 

I do not know what decision the Queen will arrive at ubout the 
queen of Scotland. I have received two letters from the latter, 
copies of which I enclose with a letter which she sends ine for your 
Majesty. I expect that the affair will be delayed as she herself 
fears, in order to see whether the Scots can agree amongst them- 
selves. Although the queen of Scotland writes asking that her 
letter should be sent post, I have thought it sufficient to send it 
by the ordinary, as her affairs are proceeding so slowly, and it is 
as well that time should help your Majesty's deliberations as to 
what is best to be done. 

There has been a Frenchman named Dumbal (?) secretly here 
lately from the French Huguenots. He treats through Throgmorton, 
and I have been able to get a note which he wrote to him in French, 
which I have had copied and send herewith in order that his 
dealings may be seen. I think I can get Throgm or ton's answer 
to it and the other particulars of their dealings through a certain 
channel. London, 31st July 1568. 

2 August. 44. GUZMAN DE SILVA to the KINO. 

I wrote on the 31st ultimo, saying tliat the duke of Alba being 
busy in Friesland, Don Guerau would be detained in Flanders for 
some days. I see that his coming has been published here, and its 
object, by means of many letters from merchants resident in 
Flanders, and I thought best to speak to the Queen about it, 



and to discuss the other matters which your Majesty orders, so that 
she might be prepared for Don Guerau's coming. I accordingly 
left London to-day for this place, in order to be near Hatn'eld 
where the Queen is. I had sent to ask for audience in order 
that I might have the reply when I arrived here. I am to have 
audience to-morrow, as the Queen says that she wishes me to be 
present at an entertainment to be given to her at the house of a 
neighbouring gentleman. When I had nearly arrived here I met 
a courier from the Christian King on his way from the queen of 
Scotland with letters for this Queen. He handed me the letter he 
brought for me from the queen of Scotland, copy of which is 

The edict ordering no person with arms to go from this country 
to Flanders was published, and coming after the news of events in 
Friesland and St. Valery, the rush of these rebels to get across has 
ceased, although it is of no great importance, as the ports on the 
coast were well prepared for them. 

I am still advised that the contribution of the twentieth part of 
ecclesiastical revenues is proceeding, as also is the other sub- 
scription. Barnet, 2nd August 1568. 

9 August. 45. GUZMAN DE SILVA to the KINO. 

I was with the Queen on the 3rd and 4th instant, ut Hatfield, 17 
miles from here, in order to tell her of the coming of Don Guerau 
de Spes, which had been published in various parts. She showed 
more sorrow than I expected, and, changing colour, told me that 
she was grieved from the bottom of her heart that your Majesty 
should make any change, as she was so greatly pleased with my 
mode of procedure in affairs. She had, she said, always shown how 
pleased she was, and she hoped to God that there was no mystery 
behind this change. She dwelt so much upon tliis that, in order to 
banish suspicion, I threw the blame upon myself, assuring her that 
your Majesty had decided to give me leave at my own supplication 
and importunity, my sole reason being my poor health, which I 
was sure this climate did not suit. I said she knew this herself, 
and there was no other mystery behind it. She was somewhat 
quieter at this, but complained greatly of me for wanting to leave 
her. I spoke to her also respecting the league, and she seemed 
Batisfied, as she was, indeed, before, in consequence of my many 
conversations with her on the subject. She also seemed to be 
reconciled about John Man, and with regard to what I told her of 
your Majesty's orders touching Dr. Illcscas' history which she was 
anxious should be amended. 

On my return to London, I talked with Cecil and told him of 
the coming of Don Guerau and my departure, whereat he expressed 
sorrow and assured me that the Queen would be greatly pained, 
especially as it would seem to confirm what had been conveyed to 
him from several quarters, that Cardinal Lorraine had arranged a 
treaty with the duke of Alba, respecting this country and the queen 
of Scots ; which had been negotiated through me, as the French 
ambassador here could not be trusted. It was said also that (he 
queen of Scotland herself was in communication with me and sent 



me letters for your Majesty, and it was asserted that, now that I 
had arranged what was wanted, I wished to leave in order that my 
successor, and not myself, should witness the carrying out of the 
plan. It was known that I had a person at Dieppe to advise 
people in France of these matters, and that Don France's de Alava 
never left the side of Cardinal Lorraine. My own belief is that 
Cecil invented the whole of this, although he told me he would 
show me letters saying it, because I am told that the letter that 
the queen of Scotland wrote to me with the letter for your Majesty, 
together with another for the French ambassador, fell into Cecil's 
hands. I therefore replied tliat, as for arranging anything of the 
sort between the Cardinal and the Duke, I looked upon such a 
statement as a silly joke, and the vain talk of idle men, and I 
could assure him that the assertion that any such treaty had gone 
through my hands was absolutely false. If I had done such a thing 
against the Queen, I should be worthy of great punishment from 
your Majesty, and even from the Queen herself. I said that it 
would have been entirely opposed to my instructions, and that I, 
in my life, had never seen, written to, or in any way communicated 
with the Cardinal, nor he with me, and I was quite sure that the 
Queen would not believe such nonsense. It was true that the 
queen of Scotland had, since her arrival in this country, written 
me some letters and sent servants of hers to me, whom I had 
received as officers of a princess who was on friendly terms with 
your Majesty, but nothing had passed touching the affairs of this 
Queen, and I had only fulfilled my office as ambassador, which 
obliged me to receive all kinds of people. I said that he would 
recollect that when Melvin, the Scotch gentleman, was hero, he, 
Cecil himself, had sent him to me to ask me to write to the queen 
of Scotland and her husband, when they were at discord, recom- 
mending them to make friends ; and I had done this, I wish I 
could say successfully. He said it was quite true that he hoped to 
have arranged such a reconciliation through me, and that I might 
be quite certain of one thing, namely, that the Queen had so much 
confidence in me, and was so satisfied, that she had told him several 
times that she knew of no one whose opinion coincided with hers 
so well as iny own, and that she did not like to praise me openly 
in her Council, in order not to arouse the jealousy and suspicion 
of certain of the members. He did not know what sort of a 
person Don Guerau was. I praised him very much both to 
Cecil and the Queen, assuring them that he would be a gracious 
and pacific minister. London, 9th August 1568. 

of the Ambassador DON DIEGO DE GUZMAN DE SILVA, 
respecting the Ambassador's departure from England. 

I, Cristobal de Salazar, secretary of the very illustrious Senor 
don Diego de Guzman de Silva, of his Majesty's Council, his 
ambassador in Venice, et cetera, truly testify that on the 9th day of 
the month of September last year, 1568, the said illustrious 
gentleman, my master, left the house where he resided, which was 
called the house of my Lord Paget, in the parish of St. Clement's 
y J6467. E 



outside the walls of London, to go to Spain. He went first to take 
leave of the Queen of England in company with Don Guerau de 
Spes, who had arrived recently as his successor in the post of 
ambassador. After having taken leave of the Queen in the presence 
of the ambassador, Don Guerau de Spes, and without any further 
detention, he departed for the port of Portsmouth without re- 
turning again to the said bouse, and embarked for Spain in the 
said port as he had been ordered by his Majesty, in the presence of 
the following witnesses : Martin de Robles Ximenez, Alonso de 
Zufiiga, and Alonso Pantoja, servants of the ambassador. I, 
Cristobal de Salazar, notary public apostolic, was present at all of 

ICth August 1570. 

SPES* as Ordinary Ambassador in England, dated in the 
Escorial, 28th June 15G8. 

Fii-st of all you must know that the ambassador from the Queen 
who has resided here lately, called John Man, is a heretic so per- 
nicious and evil-minded that, ever since he came to my Court he 
has acted differently from what lie ought to have done, and has in 
many tilings exceeded the limits of his position, and broken the 
promise he gave on his arrival to the duke of Alba, and sub- 
sequently to others of my ministers who told him the conduct he 
would have to observe. This was only the same as had been observed 
by his predecessors, both in the Emperor's time and my own. Not 
having complied therewith, but on the contrary having very 
scandalously and indecently dared to exceed in many things, his 
insolence and boldness could be tolerated no longer ; but, as it was not 
desired to punish him otherwise, he being a minister of the Queen, 
with whom I am on friendly terms, I sent a special courier to inform 
his mistress of it through Don Diego de Guzman, my ambassador, 
in the form which you have seen by the copies of letters exhibited 
to you. I asked the Queen directly and through Diego de Guzman 
to recall John Man, whom I had declined to receive any more or 
allow in my Court, and to name some other person in his place 
who should behave with proper modesty. Pending the receipt of 
the reply, I ordered John Man to leave my Court, which he did, and 
is now at Barajas awaiting the orders of his mistress. Diego de 
Guzman delivered my letter to the Queen, and he writes to me 
that, although the Queen was somewhat disturbed at first, she 
afterwards became tranquillised and took the matter in good part, 
saying that she would recall John Man and would send another 
person more to my satisfaction, as you will have seen by Guzman's 
letters shown to you. As I promised the Queen and nlso Diego de 
Guzman to send a fuller and more complete statement of the things 

Don Guerau de Spec, the new ambassador, was a native of Lerida, and a son of 
Don .Inline ilc Spe, one of Ferdinand the Catholic's gentlemen of the chamber. He 
was a knight of the order of Calatrava, aud had reiideitd himself conspicuous in Spain 
by his strong Catholic viewi. 




in which John Man had transgressed, and the scandalous, bold, and 
disrespectful words which he had allowed himself to use in con- 
demnation of our holy Catholic faith and in contempt of the Pope 
and the holy apostolic See, you have had handed to you with this 
instruction a statement of Cardinal Espinosa, president of my 
Council of Castile and Inquisitor-General, containing the evidence 
of trustworthy witnesses against John Man. You will take this 
statement in order that you may convey to the Queen of England 
the details it contains in fulfilment of my promise. You will 
proceed in this in accordance with the advice and instructions 
given to you by the Cardinal Inquisitor-General, and will com- 
municate everything to Diego de Guzman, in order that the Queen 
may remain entirely satisfied that the action taken towards the 
ambassador was rendered necessary entirely by his own bad 
behaviour and departure from the conduct observed by his pre- 
decessors ; that his action was of such a character that I could not 
avoid doing as I did, and that it was only with great reluctance 
that I adopted this course, having regard to the respect and goodwill 
I bear to the Queen. You will set forth all this with the fair words 
and arguments which you and Diego de Guzman may consider suitable. 

As John Man is so malicious as to have signified that the duke 
of Feria, out of regard for the Duchess and her English relatives 
and friends, has been the origin of this treatment, you may know 
that this is pure malice and meanness on the part of John Man, 
whose only accusers have been his own bad deeds and evil 
conscience, which were so flagrant that they could not be con- 
cealed. It is necessary for you on every occasion to banish this 
suspicion of the Duchess' relatives from the Queen's mind, whilst 
assuring her that the Duke has never said anything to me against 
John Man, but, on the contrary, has invariably shown a desire to 
benefit and promote his interests. I ask and beg the Queen, 
therefore, to graciously show all possible favour to the relatives of 
the Duchess, which will be for me a great satisfaction. You j r our- 
self will make the acquaintance of them, and do your best on all 
occasions to help them, as you know well the claims the Duke has 
upon my thanks and affection. 

You will also try to learn what arras and gunpowder the English 
have received from abroad, because they neither make nor possess 
these things themselves, but usually provide them from Flanders 
and Germany through Etnbdeii. You will advise the duke of 
Alba of what you learn, so that he may keep his hand on the ex- 
port of these things from the States, such course being of great im- 
portance to my interests. 

When you arrive at the court of England you will go straight 
to the lodgings of Diego de Guzman, my ambassador, to whom you 
will show this original instruction and deliver my letter to him. 
He will inform the Queen of your arrival, and arrange the day 
and hour when she is to receive you. You will go together to the 
audience, and you will give the Queen my letter, saluting her 
gaily and graciously from me, saying that I have appointed you 
the successor of Diego de Guzman to reside near her as my ordinary 
ambassador, with instructions to serve and gratify her on every 

E 2 



possible occasion, as, in fact, I wish you to do ; trying to keep her 
on good terms, and assuring her from me that I will always return 
her friendship as her good neighbour and brother. In these 
generalities and compliments, giving her news of things here which 
can be fittingly told, you can pass the time of the first audience, 
without saying anything about business, unless she wishes to 
commence that subject. The first matter that you will discuss 
with her must be about John Man, giving her an account, as set 
forth in the statement, of his excesses and bad behaviour ; first 
because I luive promised her, and next because I wish her to be 
well informed of the truth, and thoroughly satisfied that all possible 
gentleness was used towards him, and that any other person she 
may send will be welcomed and well treated, if only he will 
conduct himself with the same modesty as all previous ambassadors 
have done. You must deal with this point in such a way that it 
may be smoothed over now, once and for all, and you will promptly 
advise me of all that passes on this subject with the Queen, as well 
as everything else that from time to time may occur, sending your 
letters to Flanders, whence my letters to you will also generally 
be sent. You may also sometimes, when opportunity offers, send 
your letters by way of Don Frances, or by sea when a passage by 
ship is obtainable with a trustworthy person, sending such letters 
to Juan Martinez de llecalde of Bilbao.* 

ID July. 46. GUERAU DE SPES to the KINO. 

I have written what passed on the road, to Secretary Zayas, the 
last letter being from Bayonne. Approaching Bordeaux I was 
assailed by many people, who threatened us, in consequence of 
eight (Spanish ?) sloops having endeavoured to enter the Garonne 
to burn the flotilla which had come from Florida. Crossing the 
river, my boatmen pointed out to me the six ships which they say 
had avenged the murder of their friends in Florida, and the captain 
is swaggering bravely here about it. It is said he has received 
ten thousand crowns for the artillery he brought, with other 
things of great value. The whole road has been rendered dangerous 
by the ill-will of the French, both Catholics and heretics, against the 
Spaniards, and, in some places, the King's soldiers themselves took 
arms against us and called us Spanish hogs.f In another place, on 
this side of Blois, they tried to stab Jacques, postmaster of Bruges, 
who was with me, because they, thinking he was a Frenchman, saw 
him in the company of Spaniards. Everywhere they made us pay 
extravagantly, and Spaniards are in danger all through the country. 
Even Captain Jordan de Cuellar, who served this King, was stabbed 
to death the other day. 

Lies are afloat everywhere with regard to Flanders, and these 
were brought daily by their couriers, so I was anxious in case 
there should be any truth in the reported loss of Maestricht and 
ihe defeat of Count Meghen. 

* Juan Martinez dc Kecalde was the King's commissary at Bilboa, and was sub- 
sequently one of the priucipal captains of the invincible Armada. lie was considered 
one of the first seamen of the time. 

t " Kspafioles inarruuos.' 1 This ttrni of approbriuni was usually applied to Jews 
and outcasts or unclean people. 



I arrived here on the 17th, and was well entertained by Don 
France's de Alava. I have consulted with him as to my in- 
structions, and we went, by appointment, this morning to Little 
Madrid here to salute the King, the Queen, and duke of Anjou. 
Cardinals Lorraine, Guise, and Bourbon and the dukes of Nemours 
and Guise were there. I complimented them from your Majesty 
as ordered. They recommended the affairs of the queen of 
Scotland strongly to me. 

I told the Queen of the bad treatment we had received, and who 
ordered the offenders to be punished. She also said that the 
Florida affair had been without her knowledge or wish, and the 
artillery, which is known to belong to your Majesty, has been 
ordered to be returned to Spain. She said we knew, moreover, 
that the King was not obeyed in those parts, arid they had even 
refused to admit M. de Vielleville into Rochelle. It is reported 
here that the duke of Alba was going to Friesland in great force, 
and a successful issue may now be expected. With God's help, I 
leave here to-morrow for Brussels, where I will fulfil my in- 
structions and see the duke of Alba, and will then leave to continue 
my service in England. 

Holograph postscript : The Scotch ambassador here, who is very 
ill, has just sent two gentlemen to me to recommend his mistress's 
affairs to my care. She appears to found all her hopes on your 
Majesty's favour, and I have told him that I have orders, on my 
arrival in England, to do what I can for her. Paris, 1 9th July 1 568. 

25 Aug. 47. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING. 

I wrote to your Majesty from Paris and to Secretary Zayas from 
Brussels that I was sending a special courier to the duke of Alba 
with his despatches. He was then at the extreme end of Friesland 
with his victorious army, and I informed him that I would go to 
Bois le Due, where the Council was, and consult with them Avhat 
had to be arranged, according to my instructions, and then would 
await his orders as to whether I should go to Friesland or not. 
He answered directing me to remain in Bois le Due, but afterwards 
told me to come to Utrecht, whither the Council also went. The 
Duke arrived there on the 16th and was for some days so busy 
with the affairs of the war that he could not discuss the business I 
was ordered to communicate to him. He afterwards decided to 
go to Bois le Due, where he told me he could attend to me, which 
he did ; so that I am now fully informed of the grievances suffered 
by your Majesty's vassals, both in the States and Spain, at the 
hands of those who disregard alliances, ancient friendships, and 
good neighbourship. The damage done by this exceeds the sum of 
three hundred thousand ducats a year. The Council had all its 
papers in Brussels, but as the necessary documents had been sent 
to Guzman de Silva the Duke writes to him by me, telling him to 
deliver them, or copies of them, to me. Dr. D'Assonleville will also 
draw up for me a full statement of the injuries we receive and the 
terms which were to have been arranged by the Conference at 



Bruges, and which, no doubt, would have been carried out but for 
the troubles and disturbances in the States. I have come to this 
place, and after having provided some necessary things, I shall 
leave for England in a day or two at most, whence I can write 
more fully to your Majesty after having obtained further informa- 
tion from Guzman de Silva as to the remedy to be adopted. 

I received the despatch from your Majesty, dated 27th ultimo, 
which was delayed in consequence of the death of the courier in 
Fiance, and was directed either to Guzman de Silva or myself. 
By this I learn of the death of our lord the Prince, whose soul is 
now in heaven. I pray that God will give your Majesty the rest 
and consolation that your subjects desire for you, and many other 
sons and successors. I closed the letter again and sent it on to 
London by the courier that was leaving, advising Guzman de Silva 
that I should be with him in a few days. 

Antonio de Guaras has sent me two slanderous papers printed in 
England, which the heretics of that country have made up to 
entertain their gang, and to endeavour to diminish the favour your 
Majesty extends to the Catholics, and the justice and equity which 
you maintain in your States. If your Majesty wishes, they can be 
copied and sent to you in Spanish, I shall be glad to be directed 
as to whether I should speak to the Queen about these insults, 
f-ince she seems so much offended at the " Pontifical History," or 
whether it will be better to leave it as unworthy of so great a 
sovereign. As to John Man, the road seems now clear. I read my 
instructions to the Duke and he thought they were perfectly 
sufficient, but made several remarks on them for my guidance. 
Antwerp, 25th August 1568. 

C Sept. 48. GUERAU DE SPES to the KIXG. 

I arrived in this island on the 3rd instant, and found awaiting 
me in Dover Antonio de Guaras and all the Spaniards resident 
here, who accompanied me full of love and desire to serve your 
Majesty. The ambassador Guzman de Silva received me kindly, 
and we have already begun to discuss matters of your Majesty's 
service. The Queen is making a progress, and Guzman will come 
with me when I go to salute her and give her an account of John 
Man's affair, and will accompany me until I am fully acquainted 
with the persons in the Court and all that concerns them. He 
will then leave for the Isle of Wight, where he has given orders 
that the ship in which his goods are embarked should meet him, 
and whence he will sail for Spain. 

John Man's household have arrived here by sea, from Biscay 
where their master landed in consequence of ill-health, with the 
intention of coming through France to Boulogne. A servant of the 
Marquis de Sarria accompanies him. I met the household the day 
before yesterday in Canterbury on their way to Dover, where they 
expected their master's arrival. 

There is nothing new here nor of the queen of Scotland's affairs, 
excepting what Guzman de Silva writes. London, 6th September 



15 Sept 

49. The KING to the DUKE OF ALBA. 

Diego de Guzman will have written to you an account of what 
passed with the queen of Scotland and her complaints against 
the queen of England, in view of which she begs me to help 
her to extricate herself from the trouble in which she is, which 
may be called an honourable imprisonment. She assures me that she 
will gladly die if necessary to preserve our holy Catholic faith. It 
has caused me great sorrow to see a Princess thus maltreated by her 
own subjects, and, for this and religious reasons, I am willing to 
help her in her sufferings ; but 1 have refrained from taking any 
decision or answering her autograph letter, of which I enclose a 
copy, until you tell me what you think of her business, and in what 
way, and to what extent, I should assist her. I therefore beg and 
enjoin you to write to me on this by the first opportunity, and to 
encourage the Queen from there as best you can, to persevere firmly 
in her good purpose, as it is clear that whilst she does so, God will 
not abandon her. The Escorial, 15th September 1568. 

18 Sept. 50. GUEBAU DE SPES to the KING. 

I wrote to your Majesty by Guzman de Silva, who left Newbuiy 
on the 13th, and I presume he will have already sailed. From him 
your Majesty will have a trustworthy account of all affairs here. 
On my way to London I came across u Scotch gentleman, a servant 
of the queen of Scots, who was coming post from Paris, arid was 
one of those who, when I was there, came to speak to me. He bore 
a letter for me from Don France's de Alava, and was in great trouble 
about his mistress's affairs, as, it seems, they are pressing her much 
and trying to force her and the country to entirely abandon the 
Catholic religion. This gentleman was on his way to beg permis- 
sion to go to his Queen and, after having seen her, to proceed to 
Scotland. I told him I brought a letter from your Majesty and 
another from the Queen for his mistress, but I had them in London. 
He said he would come for them, which he did yesterday afternoon, 
when I handed him the letters and told him that it was advisable, 
in the interests of his mistress, that I should not be seen much in 
the matter ; and as she was so discreet and devout I was sure that 
in this adversity she would adopt the best course to enable her to 
return to her kingdom, always excepting the changing of the 
religion. When she was at liberty, I said, her vassals would 
gradually return to their love and obedience, and she could count 
upon the support of Christian Princes. He said he would discuss 
the whole matter with her and would let me know, by a trustworthy 
person, what was decided. The deputies will go to York at the 
end of this month and I will inform your Majesty of what happens. 
By Guzman de Silva I advised the arrival of Cardinal Chatillon. 
He is accompanied by the bishop of Aries who is a son of Monluc, 
although his actions are very different from those of his father, and 
by M. de Lange. He escaped from a house of his. called Brae, and 
embarked at Tre'port. He was received by Lord Cobham, Governor 
of the county of Kent, and the Queen having been informed, she 
sent a company to meet them. The French ambassador M. de la 



Forest, also went, but missed him on the road and went straight to 
the house of Thomas Gresham, this Queen's factor, where the Cardinal 
was to stay. La Forest received him cap in hand, with much 
respect, which confirms the general opinion that he is a heretic ; 
certainly a nephew of his who is here and his secretary are so.* 
It is certain now that this ambassador is leaving here presently, 
as he told me the other day when Guzman and I met him as we 
came from an interview with the Queen. The Cardinal dresses in 
cape, hat, and sword, and has been to hear the preaching of two 
ministers, great knaves and vassals of your Majesty, one a Spaniard 
and the other a Sicilian. Yesterday afternoon the Cardinal went 
to a pleasure house that Gresham lias a league away from here. 
The Queen has ordered all the Councillors to be summoned and they 
left hero this week with the duke of Norfolk and the earl of Sussex. 
I understand the Cardinal will remain in Reading. The bishop of 
Aries went first to see the Queen, and I am informed that, im- 
mediately afterwards, they brought out from the Tower here ten 
pieces of field artillery, three hundred harquebusses, eight hundred 
bows, a hundred pikes, a hundred halberds, and many corslets, and 
a store of powder and balls. It is said that they were going to 
bring them to Windsor, but I am told that it was all shipped to-night 
in a ship which in the course of the tide was soon out of the river. 
I am also informed that fifteen of the best ships are being fitted 
out and that troops are being mustered in the north. I will advise 
what else I hear to your Majesty and the duke of Alba, to whom 
I communicated at once the arrival of Cardinal Chatillon.f 

I have just heard that the heretic bishop of London has visited 
the Cardinal and has promised him to get the Church to give two 
hundred thousand ducats for his succour, which it is thought it 
would do. London, 18th September 1568. 

24 Sept. 51. GUERA.U DE SPES to the KING. 

I wrote to your Majesty at length by Guzman de Silva, who 
left Newbury on the 13th, and embarked at Portsmouth, although 
with contrary weather. I hope he will shortly arrive, and that, 
by his report, your Majesty will well understand the state of 
affairs here and in Scotland. I wrote on the 18th, through the 
duke of Alba, informing your Majesty of the arrival of Cardinal 
Chatillon, and of the former bishop of Aries, and said how well 
they had been entertained by Thomas Gresham and welcomed by 
the French ambassador, to the great surprise of all good people. 
I have received four of your Majesty's letters to-day, ordering me 
to report that John Man had been despatched from there. He has 
not yet arrived, although his servants, who came by sea, have been 
here for some time. Guzman de Silva, before he left here, reported 
his (Man's) departure, and also the death of the Prince, who is now 
in heaven. I have nothing to say on this point as, in the matter of 

* Vulcob, the nephew of Bochetel de la Forest, was, as is here tupgelted, for some 
years a meanti of communication between the Huguenoti and the English Court. 

t Odct de Coligny Cardinal Chatillon was the brother of Gaipard de Coliguy, Admiral 
<>f France, leader of the Huguenot party. 



satisfyitig the Queen about John Man, Guzman de Silva fully 
informed your Majesty. Your Majesty's letters of 14th and 16th 
ultimo order me to endeavour to obtain restitution of a galleon 
with her cargo which was stolen last May by an English pirate 
from Domingo de Olano of Monreal de Deva in Guipuzcoa. I have 
learnt that this ship was afterwards captured by one of the Queen's 
vessels called the " Lebrela," and was taken, with all her cargo, into 
an Irish port, where she still is. The merchant-owners of the 
cargo have sent thither to recover their property, and I think they 
will get the greater part of it. I have written on the subject to 
the viceroy of Ireland, but will do so again and ask the Queen also 
to write. I will use every effort to obtain the restitution of the 
ship to its owner, if possible, and will try to discover the name of 
the pirate who made the capture, in order that he may be punished, 
and will advise your Majesty. 

Three days since the bishop of Rennes, the brother of the 
(French) ambassador here, arrived on a mission to the Queen from 
the Queen (mother) of France. He has requested audience, and I 
understand his object is to become a mediator when the deputies 
meet at York, and he is about to ask the Queen's permission for 
this. The Queen arrived the night before last at Windsor, and I 
intend to ask for audience to discuss this matter of the pirate, and 
also about the postmastership here. I will also gently ask the 
Queen her intentions regarding the queen of Scotland. 

On the day I left Madrid a sealed document was handed to me, 
drawn up by order of the fiscal of your Majesty's Indian Council, 
for me to use against John Hawkins, an English pirate. I read it 
carefully before presenting it in order to master its contents, and, 
it seems to me, that it produces very little proof against him, as 
all that it alleges has been confessed by Hawkins himself. 
Hernalde and Cristobal de Santisteban, two of your Majesty's 
officers at the ports of Montespi, Isabela, and Puerto de la Plata, in 
the island of Hispaniola, gave a written license to John Hawkins 
to trade there, and received from him 105 slaves and a caravel as an 
equivalent for the dues accruing to your Majesty. They also agreed 
to register, in accordance with yourMajesty's decrees, all the merchan- 
dise which he obtained by barter there, and consigned to Seville. 
He now claims these consignments, and alleges that he has committed 
no offence in your Majesty's seas, having only traded by permission 
of your Majesty's representatives. It therefore appears to me best 
not to show this document to the English, until your Majesty may 
have had it reconsidered and send me your orders. Since his 
voyage in 1563 Hawkins has made another voyage with a finer 
fleet and returned with great wealth. I have no information as to 
whether, during this last voyage, he did anything wrong or traded 
in your Majesty's dominions. After his return he again despatched 
his fleet, but remained at home himself, but is now there (i.e., at 
the Indies) more powerful than ever. He was to have been here 
at the beginning of this month, a-s he usually comes at this time 
of the year, but he has not arrived yet, and the Queen is very 
anxious about it, as she is deeply interested. She promised 
Guzman de Silva that he (Hawkins) should not trade any more 



in your Majesty's dominions, and I shall be glad if your Majesty 
will have me informed as to whether he has done so since 1563. 

Your Majesty orders me to proceed carefully in the queen of 
Scotland's business in conformity with your Majesty's general 
instructions. I will do so, and will carefully advise everything 
that occurs in this most important matter. 

I wrote on the 17th that a servant of the queen of Scotland, 
who had spoken to me in Paris, had arrived here with a letter of 
credence for me from Don Frances. I gave him your Majesty's 
letter to his mistress. Another Scotch gentleman arrived here 
yesterday sent by his Queen to France, Jind he has now gone to 
Court to ask for his passport. He brought me two letters from 
his mistress to Guzman de Silva, but, as the latter has not left his 
cipher, or even told me that he had one with her, I have been 
unable to read them, and therefore send them enclosed, in order 
that Guzman may decipher them if he has arrived. I understand 
they will contain very little more than what the gentleman told 
me verbally, but I have kept a copy of them, and will try to 
get the Queen's cipher. The gentleman told me of the affliction 
and distress of his mistress, and. amongst other things, that the 
English want her and all her subjects to adopt the new religion of 
this country. If the Christian Princes abandon her, she says that, 
being a woman and alone, she does not know what she can do. 
She is more distressed on this point than she is even at the 
attempts of the English to interfere with her in the government of 
her country. I have been assured here that all that this gentlemen 
tells me is true, and that the Council is trying to do aa he says. 
The arrangement made for the deputies to meet at York at the 
end of the month has been delayed by Cardinal Chatillon's arrival. 
I replied to the gentleman in general and complimentary terms, as 
he was not going straight to his mistress. I will send a letter by 
him to Don Frances giving an account of affairs here. 

Cardinal Chatillon has arrived at Reading, and has seen the 
Queen almost secretly. He has also had several consultations with 
the Council, who, I understand, however, have not yet decided to 
resolutely help the French rebels, although many people wish such 
help to be given, and, I am told, that the duke of Norfolk is 
urgently in favour of open aid being extended to them. At all 
events, it is certain that no decision has yet been arrived at, and 
that nothing has been done except to take the munitions out of the 
Tower of London, which, it is said, were shipped, although report 
still insists that they have been sent to Windsor Castle. Troops 
are not being raised, but all the houses in the country are being 
searched to see that they have their firearms in order, as prescribed 
by the law. The Cardinal has now returned to Thomas Gresham's 
house two leagues from here. The French ambassador excused 
himself to me for having gone to visit him, saying that he wished 
to dissemble with him about his being in disgrace, in order to hear 
what he would say. The ambassador tells me that he will have 
to stay here a short time longer, as M. de la Mothe, who is to 
succeed him, has been sent by his Queen to the duchess of Yendome. 
I am carefully going over the Flemish documents. If matters 



calm down in the States, it would seem best that the settlement 
arranged at Bruges should be carried out, which was not done at 
the time in consequence of the troubles there. London, 24th 
September 1568.* 

9 Oct. 52. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING. 

I wrote to your Majesty at length on the 6th, 13th, 18th, and 
25th ultimo, and on 2nd instant, and the last letter I received is of 
16th August. Juan De Castro de la Loo has been sent to Ireland 
to recover Domingo de Olano's ship and the cargo which had been 
stolen. I have an appointment with the Queen for the llth instant, 
and I will press upon her the need for punishing the English 
pirates Edward Cook and Thomas Uffal (?) who are already 
prisoners, and that the rest should be captured to root out piracy 
thoroughly, although, looking at the tendency of these people to 
rob, it will be a difficult task. I will also speak of the grievance 
of not giving the office of Postmaster to Godefredo, a subject of 
your Majesty and a Catholic, who was elected by the powers in 
accordance with ancient custom. Cecil is the obstacle, as he wants 
to appoint a heretic, and says his object is to preserve intact the 
rights of the Postmaster-General of this country, who is now 
ambassador in Muscovy, and has left Cecil in charge of his 

I sent your Majesty the letters from the queen of Scotland, and 
another servant of hers has since arrived disguised as a merchant, 
who says he is going to the duke of Alba with letters from her 
and will advise me when the boat which is to take him over is 
ready. The regent James is reported to have arrived in York with 
a guard of a hundred horsemen and all the deputies are now there. 
The Queen of Scotland knows how to ingratiate herself with her 
keepers, and has many on her side. In the neighbourhood, which 
is the part of the country where there are most Catholics, she has 
many sympathisers, and it will not be difficult to release her, and 
even raise a great revolt against this Queen ; but it will be more 
prudent that your Majesty should not appear in this, and I will 
do nothing unless I receive orders from your Majesty or the Duke. 
Cecil is much against the queen of Scotland, and so jealous in the 
matter that, as soon as he saw Beton, the Queen's servant, he asked 
him whether he had been with his complaints to the Spanish 
ambassador, and whether he came often to see me, to which he 
replied that he had no dealings whatever with me. What I am 
afraid of is that they might poison the poor Queen, although she 
has won over greatly the Vice-Chamberlain and those who guard 
her, he (i.e., Vice-Chamberlain Knollys) being a near relative of 
the queen of England. Frenchmen arrive here every day, and in 
such numbers that London is half in revolt against the foreigners 
who are so numerous. 

The Cardinal's wife has arrived with her children, a great 

* This letter, as it at present exists, is, iu places, unintelligible. I have endeavoured 
to reduce it to a connected meaning by re-arranging, but in no case altering, the 



following, and all the fittings of her house, so it is probably untrue 
that the officers of the king of France had sacked their house. No 
such thing happened. 

Captain Sores, Baron de Morbec, the president of Bordeaux, and 
many others, have arrived here, and have divulged to the Queen 
the plot they have to capture Havre de Grace by the help of the 
Governor and a Gascon Captain. I at once informed the French 
ambassador, who thanked me greatly, and I have written also to 
the Duke and Don France's. 

They have given to the Cardinal Ham House, next to Sion 
House, and they say the Queen has granted him a hundred pounds 
a month. Great efforts are being made to get the Queen to help 
them with money, which they want more than men. 

The infantry musters here are not proceeding very warmly. The 
Queen has ordered as many harquebusses as have been sent to 
Rochelle, and great stores of munitions, such as muskets, &c. 

John Man is here, and the servant of the Marquis de Sarria has 
gone back without seeing me and without hearing mass. I do not 
think it is a good sign. 

A Scotch gentleman of the house of Stuart has arrived here 
and announces that he is going to Scotland to raise 500 horse for 
M. de Condd 

I send enclosed a copy of the claims now pending judicially here, 
and, although little justice is done, I think of mentioning the 
matter to the Queen, gently at first, but afterwards more rigour 
will be necessary, for nothing else is heard of here but the 
robberies they have committed on your Majesty's subjects. 

I learned from the servant, whom I sent to request audience for 
me, that they have detained in the Court that Scotsman who first 
brought me the letters in cipher for Guzman de Silva, on the 
accusation that he was concerned in the murder of the King. 
Lady Margaret thinks that he was, and has sent to tell me so. 
This Queen wishes to make use of her to injure the queen of 
Scotland. Beton assures me that this man was not concerned in 
the murder, although he is mentioned in the pardon granted by 
the Parliament to the Earl of Bothwell. The latter is still a 
prisoner in Denmark. The deputies are as follows : For the queen 
of England, the duke of Norfolk, the earl of Sussex, Sir Ralph 
Sadler ; for the queen of Scotland, the bishop of Ross, Lord Herries, 
Lord Boyd, the abbot of Kilwinning, the laird of Lochinvar ; for 
the Governor, governor Murray, Lord Morton, Lord Lindsay, the 
bishop of Orkney, who married them (i.e,, Mary and Bothwell), and 
secretary Lethington, Master James Magill, Master Henry Balnaves, 
and the Lord Provost.* I am sure that this Queen has helped Orange 
with money, and will now help Cond^, the money being usually 
obtained in Antwerp. I have informed the Duke where he may 

* The list of Commissioners is not quite correctly given. They were, for Elizabeth, 
Ihe duke of Norfolk, the earl of Sussex, and Sir Ralph Sadler ; for Mary, Lesly, bishop 
of Rosa, Lord Livingston, Lord Boyd, Lord Htrries, Gavin Hamilton of KilwinDing, Sir 
John Gordon of Lochinvar, and Sir Jainet Cockburn of Skirling; and for Murray, 
himself, Morton, the bishop of Orkney, Pitcaim, Commemlador or Dunfermling, and 
Lord Lindsay. Magill of Rankeilor, Balnaves of Hallhil], Maitland of Lctbiugton, 
and George Buchanan were appointed to attend them ai assistants. 



learn what goes on in this matter, in order that he may take what 
measures may be necessary. Leonardo Tadeo, a Florentine, is 
the man who can secretly inform him. 

Whilst writing this, a trustworthy person has come from the 
Court to tell me that the Scots, to the number of 200, have 
managed to enter the town of Berwick, and had almost taken 
possession of it, killing Marshal Drury* and other officers and 
soldiers, and if they had been stronger they would have kept 
possession of the town, but they were few and without a head. 
In the end they were defeated, but with the loss of the English 
who were in the town. 

I am informed that the Cardinal seeks 600,000 ducats. London, 
9th October 1568. 

14 Oct. 53. The KING to GUERAU DE SPES. 

By advices from Don Frances de Alava, and by what I hear from 
the French ambassador and a gentleman of the chamber named 
Lignerolles, we have learned of the proposal which the English 
ambassador in France had made to the King. It was, in effect, to 
persuade and advise him at great length that he should not allow 
the persecution of the Protestants, but that all should be allowed to 
live in their own way without molestation. He ended by signify- 
ing, although not openly, that otherwise the Queen could not 
avoid helping them. The business was so important that I was 
asked by the King how he should treat this. I answered that he 
should treat the Protestants as rebels, as in fact they are, and 
thereupon all possible difficulty would disappear, since no Prince, 
however barbarous he may be, can countenance rebels who are 
equally against all Princes. I said I was sure that if he treated 
them in this way the Queen would not help them, and that, for 
greater certainty, I would instruct you to approach her on the 
subject ; and I now request that you will do so, without mentioning 
religion in any way, but gently reminding her that I shall Le 
pleased if she will not interfere with the king of France in this 
matter, but let him punish his rebel subjects, and that she will not 
allow her country to favour or promote such an atrocious crime as 
rebellion. She herself will see that this should be her course, and 
my advice is mainly inspired by my desire for her tranquillity and 
the maintenance of peace between her and the king of France. I 
am sure she will take it in good part that I should have given her 
this advice. Madrid, 1-tth October 1568. 

18 Oct. 54. GITERAU DE SPES to the KING. 


The Queen told me that John Man had arrived ; that he was a 
very learned and worthy man, and she understood that the English 
who are in Madrid had plotted against him, causing your Majesty 
to be displeased with him. I told her that the English had nothing 
whatever to do with it, but that he himself was entirely to blame 
for speaking so loosely of things, which need not have been men- 
tioned there. She told me that she had been assured that he had 

* Sit W illiam Urury, marshal of Berwick. The news was untrue. 



not spoken about religious differences, except to one or two 
Englishmen. I said that from the account I had, John Man was 
much to blame, whereupon she said she should like to see the 
statement to which I referred. I said that as the affair was now 
past, I did not think I need show it to her, but that if she wished 
I would give her a summary of it. I will have this summnry made, 
and if she asks me for it again, I will give it to her. If it is finished 
in time for this post I will enclose a copy herewith. She will pro- 
bably not recollect it again, but the coming of John Man has 
reopened the wound. London, 18th October 1568. 

23 Oct. 55. GUERAU DE SPES to the KINO. 

I take the opportunity of a cutter leaving for Biscay to write to 
your Majesty to say that by letters from Antwerp I learn that the 
prince of Orange, with 14,000 infantry and 0,000 horse, passed the 
Meuse the previous night to within three leagues of your Majesty's 
camp. He brought no artillery, and lost some horses in the passage. 
As soon as the Duke was informed of it, lie went with his army 
against him, and I have since received letters from Geronimo de 
Curiel, dated the 17th, informing me of the progress of your 
Majesty's fortunate anus. As the Duke could not write to me 
himself, Curiel sent me copy of a letter which secretary Juan de 
Albornoz had written to him in the Duke's name on the 10th 
instant, which is as follows : 

" The Duke has learnt that it has been decided by the native?, 
and by the Italians and Germans, to send a daily courier to learn 
news of this most fortunate army, whereat his Excellency is greatly 
pleased, and is delighted to be able to inform them, for their 
satisfaction, of the good news of the defeat of these rebels, who 
for the last three days have eaten nothing but apples. They do 
not bring enough artillery to batter an old dovecote. A nice way to 
conquer a country. It appears that to-day they are going towards 
Zantron ; it is to be hoped they are going to pay for the place 
where the meetings were held. A hundred waggons have been 
taken from them, and amongst other things have been found in 
them some custodes, with the holy Sacrament still in them. Please 
God to punish those who so wickedly insult Him ! Since writing 
the above the Duke suddenly raised his camp at Wilzen, but I had 
no time to close this letter. This was caused by information tliat 
the Prince was raising his camp near Tongeren. The Duke 
followed him so closely that our vanguard came into contact with 
his rearguard a half-a-league on the other side of Tongeren, where 
500 or 600 men were killed, but few prisoners taken, although 
100 waggons of provisions, clothes, &c., were captured. They are 
now in a very strong position between two mounds, and the Duke 
is within a league of their cam]), where, it is said, they have 
entrenched themselves and are suffering from hunger. Many 
Walloon soldiers are deserting, and though the Duke reconnoitred 
their position to-day, he did not find the country very suitable for 
coming to close quarters with them. In their quarters at Tongeren 
were found many soldiers and waggons whicli were taken, and the 
latter given to his soldiers by the Duke. Of the Prince's soldiers, 



who were naked, the Germans were turned out towards Maestricht, 
but all those who are subjects of our King are hanged." 

This is a copy of the letter, and the courier tells me that the 
enemy are hard pressed, and no men had gone to join them from 
any part of Flanders. This news is very distressing for these folks 
here, who would like to see your Majesty's army destroyed, although 
there are some good people who wish otherwise. Some, however, 
are such bare-faced heretics, that they go to St. Pauls to preach and 
spread false news, by which fictions they entertain the people, who 
are naturally of a flighty disposition. Amongst the principal of 
them is Cook,* the father-in law of Cecil and of the Chancellor. 
He and his two sons-in-law are amongst the most pernicious 
heretics in Europe. 

There are four ships here called the " Meda," the " Eyde," the 
" Gineta," and the " Phoenix," as well as a great ship loaded with 
stores. It is thought that these vessels will carry the money that 
the Queen is providing for the prince of Conde"s army. She has 
borrowed money here at 12 per cent., payable in a year, and has 
given warrants of exemption so that it shall not be considered 
usury. I do not think that they have been able to get more than 
40,000 ducats, and the rest will have to be raised in Antwerp, of 
which I have informed the duke of Alba. Hamberton, a nephew 
of the Vice-Admiral, with 30 or 40 young gentlemen, well-armed 
and mounted, accompanied by many servants and some soldiers, 
have left port, pretending that the Queen does not know of the 
expedition, whilst many ships are already asserted to be in the 
pay of the prince of Conde", and will plunder the ships belonging 
to the faithful subjects of the king of France. It will be well for 
ships coming from Spain to be prepared for thin, and to come 
several together for mutual safety. 

Cecil came to my house on Sunday last, as was agreed between 
the Queen and myself. He promised me that the pirates already 
captured should be promptly and severely punished, and that those 
who are accused should be arrested, if possible. 

I gave him a memorial about the restitution of what had been 
stolen, and he said he would try to get all restored, where possible. 
In order that he might be better posted in the matter, I appointed 
two of the Spaniards resident here to go over each item in detail 
with him. 

The business of the Postmaster is a very difficult one, and the 
passion shown about it proves how badly disposed these people are 
towards your Majesty. I have had a statement drawn up as to 
the customary usage on former occasions in these elections of 
Postmasters, and will give it to the Queen, as I do not wish to 
dicuss the matter again with Cecil. 

Cecil again mentioned the matter of the " Pontifical History," 
and, although I assured him that the portions in which the Queen 
had been disrespectfully spoken of had been burnt by your 
Majesty's orders, he insisted that the book had been reprinted. I 
told him that to reprint the book would take fully six months, and 

Sir Anthony Cook. 



I could assure him that neither that book nor any other treating 
the Queen disrespectfully, would be printed in your Majesty's 
dominions. It would, I think, not be undesirable for your Majesty 
to have a letter written to me on this subject, that I may give it 
to the Queen to satisfy her. All this, doubtless, springs from John 
Man, and Cecil takes these opportunities to make bad blood 
between his mistress and us. He declares that your Majesty 
would not allow the Queen's ambassador to exercise his own 
religion in your Court, ignoring the just limitations which your 
Majesty alone imposed upon him ; and even the man who has in his 
custody the queen of Scotland takes advantage of this falsehood to 
deny her permission to hear mass, saying that you would not 
allow the English ambassador to exercise the reformed rites in 
Spain. The queen of Scotland's affairs will, I think, be long drawn 
out. During the first few days in York the commissioners 
banquetted each other, and since then, documents have been 
produced inculpating this Queen and exculpating the queen of 
Scotland. Eveiy point is submitted to the Queen here. I have a 
person to inform me of all that goes on, and have obtained a new 
cipher with the queen of Scotland, the old one having been lost. 
London, 23rd October 1568. 

25 Oct. 56. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING. 

Whilst the French ambassador was dining with mo to-day, a 
servant of the Portuguese ambassador was sent to inform me that 
this morning at mass the agents of the bishop of London entered 
the house and arrested the Englishmen who were present, but the 
ambassador forbade them to take them prisoners, and subsequently 
the officers and a great number of people surrounded the house. 
He wishes me to see whether I can help him, and asks me to tell 
him what I think he ought to do. Tl:c French ambassador and 
myself were both of opinion that a servant of mine should accom- 
pany the Portuguese ambassador's servant to beg the Lord Mayor* 
to be good enough to go and disperse the people from before the 
house, but when the Maj'or heard that it was a question of the 
mass, he was in a great rage, and said that if the Bishop wished, 
he, the Mayor, would rather go with his men to help him. He 
said it was no good asking him t,o help men who go to mass. 1 
sent some more of my people to the house of the Portuguese 
ambassador to say that I thought he ought to inform the Queen, 
and, at the same time, some of the officials of the Lord Chancellor, 
who is Cecil's brother-in-law, arrived in great anger and demanded 
of the ambassador that the Englishmen should be given up, saying 
that they had no quarrel with him or his people. The ambassador 
replied that there was no one there but his own servants, and on 
the arrival of some more Spaniards, and Wilson who was ambassa- 
dor in Portugal, the constables retired for the present, those who 
were inside remaining there in the hiding. Probably tlie Queen 
would be glad for the Portuguese ambassador to leave after this 
affront without pressing her more about the prohibition of trade 
with the Indies and Guinea, as people here are much disturbed by 
the delay in Hawkins's arrival, and are afraid that the Portuguese 

* Sir Koger Martin Mercer. 



fleet has sent him to the bottom, as is reported by a ship which 
brings the news from Rochelle. London, 25th October 1568. 

30 Oct. 57. GUERAU DE SPES to the KINO. 

I wrote to your Majesty on the 23rd and 25th by a cutter leaving 
for Biscay, sending the letters to Juan Martinez de Recalde, arid 
since then the ordinary post from Antwerp has arrived fully 
confirming all the news, and assuring us of the small, or no, effect 
produced by the rebel arms in those parts, although it is greater 
than was at first reported. They (the rebels) hoped to unite with 
M. de Mouy and other bandits from France. The Duke acts with 
so much prudence that I hope God will give him entire victory with 
small loss to us. The heretics here are more impassioned than those 
in the camp of the prince of Orange itself. 

The four ships are ready, and William Winter who accompanied 
your Majesty when you passed from Dover to Calais lias been 
appointed captain of them. Money is being got together at a 
furious pace, and 4,000 infantry have been raised in the North. 

I enclose the demands made by the Commissioners in York. 
Two of each party have arrived here to consult with this Queen 
who is at Hampton Court. I am of opinion that this would be a 
good opportunity of handling Scotch affairs successfully, and 
restoring this country to the Catholic religion, and if the Duke 
were out of his present anxiety and your Majesty wished, it 
could be discussed. Juan Brucel who wanted to disturb Amster- 
dam, and another man, a servant of the prince of Orange, called 
M. de Dolain, arrived here recently and have gone to the Court. I 
am watching what they arrange, and I am advised that it will be 
prudent to keep an eye on what Harrington writes from Spain. It 
would be as well to seize some of his letters. 

At this moment the bishop of Ross has sent me, by one of the 
queen of Scotland's Commissioners, a letter from his mistress, 
saying that the Bishop will come and see me and give me an 
account of all her affairs. He leaves now for Hampton Court, and 
will see me at a fitting hour when he returns. London, 30th 
October 1568. 
? Oct. 58. The KING to GUERAU DE SPES. 

You will have learnt from Guzman de Silva and from Dr. Manuel 
Alvarez, a member of the king of Portugal's Council, now resident 
in London, particulars of the business which the latter is negotia- 
ting, and, as discussion had been opened for a settlement of the 
matter (of which I at once informed the King, telling him I was 
glad to hear it and hoped an arrangement would be effected on 
fair terms), I have advised him that the best course for Alvarez to 
adopt will be to make the most favourable terms possible, take 
leave of the Queen kindly and return to Portugal. As I have the 
interests of my nephew the King as much at heart as my own, and 
desire that the matter should be settled to his satisfaction, you will, 
after discussing his instructions with Manuel Alvarez, speak to the 
Queen in my name, and in the terms which you think will be most 
likely to persuade her to the object desired, or, at all events, as near 

y 7b4C7. 



to it as possible. You will also make use. for the purpose, of the 
Queen's ministers who may be favourable to a settlement of the 
business, and will assist the ambassador in every way in your 
power, so that he may return with all speed after arranging the 
best possible terms. I shall be glad to know what you do in tlie 
matter, and, in all things concerning my nephew the King, you 
will act as if they were for me. Madrid, ? October 1568. 

1 Nov. 59. The KING to the DUKE OF ALBA. 

Since we wei-e in England you will, no doubt, recollect the bearer, 
Francis Englefield, who was a member of our Council at that time 
and enjoyed the full confidence of Queen Mary, my wife, and, 
consequently, mine. He is a good Catholic, much attached to his 
late mistress and to me, and, as he refused to change his religion 
or obey the summons of the present Queen, she has sequestrated 
his property and patrimonial estates, which my intercession with 
her has been powerless to get her to restore, or even to grant him 
the revenues of, although Guzman de Silva and Guerau de Spes 
have frequently begged her to do so in my name. He now wishes 
to occupy himself in affairs of my service, and I have decided 
therefore to send him to reside near you, as I think his prudence 
and good connections will be useful in the States. In order that 
lie may be able to maintain himself comfortably, I have assigned 
him 1,000 twcnty-plack florins* a year, as you will see by the 
separate warrant he bears. I beg, therefore, that you will have 
this sum paid punctually, and cherish this good gentleman as his 
quality and good parts deserve, treating him well in consideration 
of his wish to serve me, as I know he will do in all things in which 
you may employ him. I shall he pleased at all the honour and favour 
you may bestow upon him, so that his countrymen may see the high 
account in which we hold good Catholics, and thus be encouraged to 
persevere in the true religion. Madrid, 1st November 1568. 

6 Nov. 60. GUEHAU DE SPES to the KINO. 

A French pirate has arrived here who styles himself vice-admiral 
of France. His name is Chateau Portut, and he has seven ships 
of war, having also plundered 11 vessels, 10 of which belong to 
obedient subjects of the French King and one to a Zealand subject 
of your Majesty. He has discharged his booty and is selling it on 
shore. The Zealander escaped at Portsmouth and demands justice 
from the authorities of the place and the arrest of the pirates. 
They refused unless they had the Queen's orders, whereupon the 
Zealander came to me and I sent him to Cecil. The latter came 
and said that it was a matter that must be brought before the 
Queen and Council ; and, as he would express no opinion, and 
seeing that the merchandize was being sold and taken away, I 
sent the man with one of my servants to Hampton Court, writing 
to the Queen by them an account of the matter. They were told 
to return to-day for the answer which they are now awaiting. 

The Queen's four ships and one of Winter's, with another loaded 
with stores, are at the mouth of the river, and for the last three 

* Worth about lid. 





days all sorts of heavy artillery with large quantities of ammu- 
nition have been taken to them. Ten more ships are ready at 
Portsmouth, which, together with those commanded by the pirate, 
will make up a good fleet. It is understood that this Queen is to 
be offered by the Admiral's party a place on this side of Rochelle, 
which will be delivered to Winter. The Queen is borrowing money, 
and has even pledged a jewel in order to get together over 40,000 
ducats. She has been able to get very little in Antwerp and has sent 
to Frankfort. She has made the duke of Norfolk and the earl of 
Sussex, who were in York, return hither, and has summoned Arundel, 
although he excused himself by saying that he was unwell. She 
wishes them all to be present when a decision is arrived at about 
Scotland. I have received a letter of credence from the queen of 
Scotland for the bishop of Ross, who promises to come and see me. 
It appears as if the time was approaching when this country may 
be made to return to the Catholic Church, the Queen being in such 
straits and short of money. I have already informed your Majesty 
of the offer made by Viscount Montague's brother-in-law on con- 
dition that they may hope for protection from your Majesty. He 
still presses it, and I await your .Majesty's orders. London, Cth 
November 1568. 

29 Nov. 61. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING. 

On the 27th I informed your Majesty of the arrival here of a 
courier named Antonio de Cordoba, and that he had gone to the 
Court with a servant of mine for his passport, but as the French 
ambassador was there, it was signed very late by the Queen, and 
I have detained the man until to-day after my audience. 

The Queen is willing to give a passport for the money that camo 
in these ships to go overland, or will, at the option of the factor of 
the Genoese, lend one of her ships to convoy the vessels. She has 
appointed secretary Bernard Hampton to treat with me on all that 
concerns this business, in consequence of Cecil being much occupied. 
This is all the better as Hampton is a friend of mine. I give 
information about it to the duke of Alba, and the agent of the 
merchants reports to his principals in Antwerp. The instructions 
received from there shall be followed. I have given the Queen a 
long account of all that has happened in Flanders, upon which, in 
some respects, she was badly informed, not having had news that 
all is going so favourably as it is. London, 29th November 1568. 

12 Dec. 62. GUEEAU DE SPES to the KINO. 

By the ordinary courier to Flanders I wrote to your Majesty at 
length on the 4th inst., and advised the arrival of two cutters and 
another vessel with money on the coast of tliis island in great peril, 
and since then all the others have arrived, with certain vessels from 
Spain loaded with wool. Amongst them was one loaded in San 
Sebastian with wools by Miguel de Berroes, and this was captured 
by Courtney, an English pirate, in company with two Frenchmen. 
Besides this, two very rich sloops, on their way from Flanders to 
Spain, were taken by Hawkins, another English pirate, with some 
Frenchmen, and all these vessels have been brought into Plymouth 

F 2 



and the neighbouring ports as prizes, where the booty was at once 
sold. Up to the present two cutters and one other vessel have 
arrived safely in Antwerp, and for the rest of them Benedict Spinola 
asked me to intercede. At the same time that I received news 
of them I requested audience of the Queen, which was granted on 
the 29th, and the Queen consented to give me a passport for the 
money to be brought overland, or to lend one of her own ships to 
convoy the vessels in safety, of which I gave notice to the duke 
of Alba, from whom I have received no answer. In the meanwhile, 
I warned the captains of the vessels not to move, and had letters 
from the Queen sent to the officials of the ports, ordering them to 
defend the ships, which was highly necessary as, although in the 
cases where the ships could get shelter near to the towns they 
have done so, the pirates have attacked them, and some of our 
men have been killed in defending their vessels, with a greater loss 
still on the part of the corsairs. The Mayor himself was badly 
wounded in trying to pacify them. Many people have advised the 
Queen to seize the money, and the Vice- Admiral has written to 
this effect from Plymouth. I am in hourly expectation of the 
Duke's order for these ships to proceed on their voyage. The 
French pirates have about ten ships with 1,200 men, besides seven 
or eight more ships which will join with them. I have heard of the 
capture of the two sloops and the Biscay ship since I saw the 
Queen on the 19th ultimo, and I at once wrote to her what had 
happened, beseeching her for prompt and rigorous action as the 
case demanded. I also wrote to the earl of Leicester, who is with 
the Commissioners nearly every day at Westminster discussing 
with great fervour the affairs of the queen of Scotland. He said 
he would come and speak to me, but subsequently sent to excuse 
himself; whereupon, after having informed Cecil, and waited two 
or three days, I sent to beg that they would receive me, and 
also asked for audience of the Queen. I conversed with them at 
length yesterday about these pirates, when they promised to take 
measures at once and to write more pressing letters to the royal 
officers in those ports. These are now being sent off, but in all 
things Cecil showed himself an enemy to the Catholic cause, 
and desirous on every opportunity to oppose the interests of your 
Majesty, who is the head of all Catholics and possessor of this 
noble title. He has had to be dealt with by prayers and gentle 
threats in all this. I have also begun to discuss with them the 
king of Portugal's affairs, and, after having spoken to the Queen, I 
will see whether some settlement cannot be effected. 

Winter, with six of the Queen's ships, has left for Rochelle. It 
is not known whether he is ordered to leave the stores and money 
(although some say he carries no money), or whether he is to first 
ascertain how the rebels are going on. Although they have pro- 
mised the English to deliver some strong place to them, I do not 
believe they will be able to do it. Every day the nine Commis- 
sioners for the Queen meet in Westminster, and many of them 
want to condemn the queen of Scotland, although her agents 
protest. In addition to the criminal charge of homicide, they 
accuse her of having formerly raised this country against the 



Queen, so that there is little chance of her getting her liberty, 
excepting by some secret succour or contrivance, sucli as is being 
aimed at. The queen of Scotland asks permission to come here to 
justify herself before the peers and ambassadors, but as she has 
many friends here it will not be granted to her. Things are in 
such a form that, if this Princess could count upon support, it 
might be easy for her to change from a prisoner to sovereign of 
this country. 

Yesterday, Martin de Mellica, master of a sloop carrying a courier 
despatched on the 20th ultimo by the duke of Alba to your 
Majesty, advised me that he was at the Isle of Wight afraid to 
proceed, and I will, with the Governor of the island and the earl 
of Leicester, see what best can be done for his prompt departure. 
Whenever Flemish matters are calm, and your Majesty and the 
French King choose to stop English commerce, without even drawing 
the sword, they will be obliged to adopt the Catholic religion, and 
if the French ambassador were to notify it to them first, and 
afterwards your Majesty's ambassador and those of other Catholic 
Princes, I believe, seeing the position of the country, that they 
would be forced to come to reason by pressure from their own 
people, who are largely Catholics. I have drawn up a sketch oi' 
what might be said to the Queen in such a case, and send herewith 
triplicate copies thereof, so that secretary Zayas may correct it 
and it may be ready when your Majesty may desire it. 

With this letter I send to Newport, Isle of Wight, letters from 
the Queen to the Governor of the island, ordering the sloop to be 
dispatched in the best way possible, and her Majesty has also sent 
me the letters I requested for the captains of the ports. A man is 
going to provide for the safety of the ship that is in Southampton 
with so much money, and the letter for the sloop at Plymouth is 
also being sent authorizing them to disembark the money if they 

The Council is sitting at Court night and day about the queen 
of Scotland's affairs. Cecil and the Chancellor would like to see 
her dead, as they have ready a King of their own choosing, one of 
Hertford's children. I am informed to-day by Ridofi, a rich 
Florentine, that Gresham, this Queen's factor, has asked him for a 
letter of credit on Germany for 12,000 ducats for a gentleman 
whom this Queen intends to send thither. I expect they wish to 
raise as many powerful enemies to us in Flanders as they can. 
London, 12th December 1568. 

without g3_ DRAFT of PROPOSED ADDRESS from GUERAU DE SPES to the 
QUEEN OF ENGLAND, apparently that referred to in the 
aforegoing letter. 

I have to address your Majesty on the most important subject 
which can be in the world, not on my own behalf, but in the name 
of the most powerful of Christian Princes, a kinsman, friend, and 
ally of your Majesty and of this most noble realm. No con- 
sideration of self-interest moves him to this, but the welfare and 
tranquillity of your Majesty and your dominions, with which those 
of his Catholic Majesty are united by ancieut bonds of alliance and 


IS 68. 

friendship. His Majesty is moved to this also by the great valour, 
talent, and gentleness of your Majesty, which good qualities on a 
former occasion disposed him to act effectively for your benefit. 
He, therefore, hopes that you, the more easily than anyone else, 
may be able to judge of the true road to salvation, and will permit 
your subjects to return thereto, they having been astutely and 
violently forced therefrom by persuasion and intrigue. My own 
intention is to serve all parties and do what good I can, and I will 
not, therefore, discourse as a theologian, such not being my pro- 
fession, and this having been done already by so many learned 
Catholics. I will speak simply as a minister of my King, a friend 
and sympathiser of this kingdom, and. will propose for its benefit 
the things that my King and other Catholic Princes consider neces- 
sary for the happiness and welfare of your Majesty and the 
needful unity of Catholic Christianity, so vital to the interests of 
your Majesty and your subjects. Our fathers, grandfathers, and 
more remote ancestors were as good men as we, and desired to go 
to heaven as we do. They obeyed the Catholic universal Church, 
and recognised a supreme pastor therein. We must not condemn 
them, nor, on the strength of mere words from vain people, consign 
them to hell. A fine thing would it be, forsooth, to say that 
St. Augustine, St. Jerome, St. Gregory, and other successors of 
the Apostles, men famous for their virtue, were mistaken, whilst in 
these miserable days of ours the truth was found in the mouth of 
vile apostates like Zingler, Calvin, Beza, and others. Who would 
leave the unity of the Catholic faith, confirmed as it has been by 
so many general councils and by universal consent, to follow new 
preachers, each one of whom speaks differently from the other ? 
No maze has so many paths as the new religion has conflicting 
sects, and, to our misfortune, all these sects find followers and 
defenders, particularly the worst of them, whereby God's justice is 
seen upon our manifold sins. 

So extreme is the evil that there are sectaries who even dare to 
advocate the making of a new law, with fresh precepts and rules of 
life, on the ground that that which we follow is old. Others read 
a translation of the Koran of Mahomet with so much fervour that, 
if another Geneva were to urge them thereto, I understand that 
many of them would adopt the doctrine therein set forth. I am 
informed by persons of great position and responsibility that, by 
this means, the Protestants thought to persuade Soliman, Prince of 
the Turks, to come to their aid, showing him how little difference 
there was between his creed and theirs. For more than fifteen 
hundred years our holy Catholic Church has flourished under a 
supreme pastor, and, although it has suffered before as it does now, 
it has still remained pure and will so remain, by the grace of Him 
who founded it. Calvin and Luther, like Arrio and Donate before 
them, claimed to speak in the words of God and follow His 
scriptures, and will usurp His power as their predecessors tried to 
do. This is the vain artifice of heretics, and only used in order to 
exalt them. Omnipotent God, by His goodness and through His 
only Son, gave us this divine law, authorized by the blood of the 
Giver, preached and published through the world by Hia holy 



Apostles and their successors. For its perfect and stable main- 
tenance it pleased Him to leave the Church as His regent, 
lieutenant, and governor, without which it would be vain to hope 
that the Christian peoples themselves would agree on a common 
symbol and law of life, so that the necessity is clear and ac- 
knowledged for the existence of a supreme universal pastor as 
successor in the office and dignity of the holy St. Peter, and to 
deny it would seem to question the wisdom of Christ himself. If 
we banish from our hearts all the hatred and rancour which blind 
the human mind, if we cast out the yearning for a life of licence 
and offer ourselves in faith and good works to Him who by love 
redeemed us, the truth of this will be evident to us. It is said 
that jealousy is hard to root out, for the jealous always think that 
their suspicion has some foundation, and so it is, and worse, with 
heresy. But all the greater will be the glory of conquering an 
enemy so terrible, so subtle, and so intimate. The glorious 
Augustine, although at one time a contumacious heretic, and 
Cyprian, who was a public invoker of demons, were, nevertheless, 
afterwards saints and defenders of our faith ; and not they alone, 
but great princes and others have, many times, seen their error, and 
with sweet tears have returned to the bosom of the holy Catholic 

Truly, when my King considers the prudence and the wisdom of 
your Majesty, the eloquence, knowledge of languages, affability, 
and really royal carriage you possess, virtues so rarely united in 
one person, he has every hope that this country, by your Majesty's 
orders, may yet return to the Catholic Church, and all the new 
errors be cast out therefrom, and their promoters punished as they 
deserve. This is anxiously looked for in other Christian countries, 
and even in your own, where, I believe, the greater number of 
people are still Catholics. And so much, surely, is due to the 
memory of the pious tears of Queen Mary and of so many Catholic 
predecessors of your Majesty, as well as to the host of good just 
Englishmen who have been true martyrs of Christ. The time 
seems now opportune for such a return to the faith, and is crying 
aloud to your Majesty. In all that has passed, the moderation 
shown by you has been conspicuous, in sustaining the churches and 
preserving to the clergy their ecclesiastical vestments, as well as 
maintaining a large portion of the Catholic observances, the 
veneration on the altar of the figure of the cross on which our 
Lord died, and the checking of the mad and furious insolence of 
those unhappy men, vulgarly called ministers, but who really are 
coarse clowns and charlatans. Your Majesty is now begged to end 
this business as it deserves, accepting and ordering to be observed 
in your dominions the decisions of the council of Trent, in which 
your action will be recognized as prompted by the Holy Spirit, and 
this country, formerly so Catholic, will regain its ancient renown 
and lustre. This will be effected without scandal and without 
bloodshed, by the sole good will of your Majesty, whom I am sure 
all your subjects will willingly obey. Here are the arms of all 
Christian Princes, especially those of my lord the King, ready to 
support, defend, and aid your Majesty, whose crown will be pro- 



tected by him with as much zeal as his own kingdoms of Castile 
and Aragon, to which I pledge his Catholic Majesty's word. I will 
also promise in his name that whatever declarations, pardons, or 
indulgences may be necessary from the Holy See for the security 
and welfare of your Majesty and your country in this conversion, 
His Majesty will endeavour to have granted in such a form, where 
possible, as to be without injury to anyone, unless they be already 
conceived in general terms. If your Majesty will not agree to 
what is now requested, or should refer the question for discussion, as 
was done, on a former occasion, in a certain Parliament, which, in 
affairs of faith, should have no authority, it would be contrary to the 
confidence which my King, the other Catholic Princes, and many 
worthy people in this country have in your Majesty, and it is 
certain that communications between this country and Catholic 
countries will be fraught with much difficulty, as it is acknow- 
ledged that when the malady is at its worst it is most contagious, 
and contact must be avoided. There is no doubt that the con- 
versation of one who has left the holy Catholic faith is more 
dangerous than that of an infidel who was never beneath the 
banner of Christ. 

This, your Majesty, I beg before all these illustrious persons you 
will deign to receive in the spirit with which you are credited, and 
that you will, with your admirable talent and prudence, be pleased 
to order it to be carried into effect. Such a course is hoped for by 
my King and all faithful Catholics, and thus, by your benign hand, 
the Catholic Church will again become one solid stock, and will 
obey one supreme pastor, to the eternal glory of the uncoriquered 
house of England. 

18 Dec. 64. GUERAU DE SPES to the KINO. 

I have given advice on the 27th and 29th ultimo, and 4th, llth, 
and 12th instant, to your Majesty of the arrival of vessels on this 
coast, and as it was known that they carried large sums of money, 
it was a wonder they were not taken by French and English 
pirates, of whom there are many. As it was they attacked them, 
and men were killed on both sides. This Queen offered some of 
her ships as a guard and convoy, or a passport if the money was 
to be brought overland. This was against the wishes of many of 
her Councillors, who wanted to take the money. One ship and 
two cutters have already arrived safely in Antwerp, and I await 
orders from the Duke and parties interested with regard to the 
others. In the meanwhile the money is safe, with the Queen's 
letters and authority to land it if necessary, but, notwithstanding 
this, Courtney and Cercen (Hawkins ?), two English pirates, with 
some Frenchmen, have captured two sloops and a ship belonging to 
.subjects of your Majesty, and persons have been sent to take 
measures to recover them, if possible, although Cecil, wherever he 
can, favours the pirates, both on account of religious partiality and 
of the great profit he derives from it. He and Cardinal Chatillon 
are the judges in all these depredations, and settle everything in 
their own way. 




I received your Majesty's letters of 4th, 14th, and 15th October, 
all on the same day, and on the 14th I communicated to the 
Queen, during my audience, that God had been pleased to call to 
Him our Lady the Queen,* now in heaven. She naturally expressed 
great sorrow, and, I suppose, will have the exequies carried out in 
her own fashion. I also fulfilled your Majesty's orders in per- 
suading her not to favour the rebels against the Christian King, 
alleging the reasons, which seemed suitable. She replied to the 
same effect as at Windsor, and called to witness the late French 
ambassador here as to what she had done for his King and Queen. 
She had never declared herself against them, but said the house of 
Guise, which now ruled, were her enemies, whilst the Chatillons 
were her friends. She said that she knew that, after the King had 
pacified his country, he would turn upon her for the sake of 
religion, as she was assured by persons in her favour who were 
members of the Christian King's Council. I tried to satisfy her 
about all this, assuring her that no prince would interfere in her 
affairs if she did not provoke it herself ; that the house of Guise 
wished to serve her, and that these Chatillons.f if it suited their 
purpose, would be the first to turn against her, for, if they could 
not be loyal to their own sovereign, much less would they be loyal 
to her. She will still continue to be made distrustful, but her 
answer seems confused when she says that she will not be against 
the Christian King, and yet will not abandon the Chatillons nor 
the cause of her religion. I tried to persuade her that this wax- 
was not about religion, but was founded simply on rebellion and 
disobedience. I will inform the duke of Alba and Don France's 
de Alava of all this, as your Majesty orders, and, in relation with 
this, I told the Queen of the great objection there was to her 
allowing the French pirates in her ports, and that Englishmen 
should join them in their robberies, committed both on Frenchmen 
and on our own people. I said it would be a terrible thing to 
tolerate them, especially as they did not contribute to the principal 
object of the war, whereas the damages and robberies would be 
infinite. Whilst she let them remain here it would be very difficult 
for her to preserve her friendship witli the States of Flanders. She 
said she would punish them, although I have no great confidence 
about it. I also discussed with her the affairs of the King of 
Portugal, pointing out to her the great expense incurred by him in. 
guarding the extremes of the Red Sea and the Persian Gulf, and 
the benefit received by all India by instruction in the Christian 
faith. I said it would be very unjust to hamper the King and 
spoil his commerce, and agreed with her that, as the Portuguese 
ambassador had requested audience, she would appoint persons to 
discuss the matter with him and with me, and would give him 
audience on Sunday. I will then try to have these affairs settled 
on the best possible terms. 

I have received a letter from the queen of Scotland, in cipher, 
copy of which I enclose. I know this Queen has great connections 

* Elizabeth of Valois third wife of Philip IF. 

f Chatillon was the lordship owned by the Coligny family, and the Admiral and liis 
brothers were commonly thus called. 



here, and it is quite possible, seeing the wickedness of people, that 
some attempt may be made against the person of your Majesty, 
upon whom alone depends the preservation of the Catholic Church, 
against which and its defenders many here are furiously and 
rabidly opposed, and are capable of any perversity for their end. 
Your Majesty, in your great prudence, will have this looked into, 
and, in the meanwhile, I will manage to send one of my servants 
to the Queen, as she asks, in order to learn more of this business 
from her. The bishop of Ross has shown me letters from this 
unhappy Queen, saying that many of the supporters of the Regent 
James have gone against the castle of Dumbarton, which is in that 
part of Scotland opposite to Ireland. Their intention is to prevent 
victuals being taken in, and as the Castle is on the coast the queen 
of England's ships can go thither at any time. The Queen was in 
want of money to revictual and aid this place, from which she 
could always escape. Your Majesty will decide for the best in 
this. The factor of this Queen is taking credits here on Germany, 
and has already one for fifty thousand ducats in Nuremburg and 
Frankfort, in the name of Christopher Mundt. I do not know 
whether it is to help Orange, or to pay the troops being raised for 
Condd London, 18th December 1568. 

21 Dec. 65. GuERAU DE SPES to the DUKE OF ALBA. 

I have just received advice from Lope de la Sierra, who is with 
his ship at Southampton, that the Queen has sent orders for his 
money to be discharged. The Captain of the Isle of Wight has 
therefore discharged it, and, against Lope de la Sierra's wish, lias 
entrusted it to the keeping of the Mayor, as you will see by Lope de 
la Sierra's letter enclosed. I believe they have done similarly in 
all the ports by orders of the Council. I was in fear of some such 
pitfall as this, as they were making enquiries as to whether the 
money belonged to his Majesty or to private persons. As Benedict 
Spinola had put his own money in safety, he has been slack in the 
dispatch of these other ships, although he was authorised to spend 
a thousand pounds sterling in the transit. He thought this was not 
enough, and sent for authority to spend a larger amount, which 
authority, he said, he expected hourly, although I believe it has 
been nothing but a subterfuge. I am now sending to give an 
account of the matter to the Queen, and shall ask for audience, in 
conformity with her reply. I also write about the Marseilles 

Whilst I was writing the above, I have received your Excellency's 
letter of 15th instant. It is not for me to advise you but to follow 
your orders, but I do not like this way of beginning here, and it is 
my opinion that all English ships and merchandise should be at 
once seized in the States, and particularly in Antwerp, news of it 
being also sent swiftly to Spain as there are valuable English ships 
at Bilbao and Laredo. London, 21st December 1568. 

22 Dec. 66. GUEBAU DE SPES to the DUKE OF ALBA. 

Last night I dispatched a courier to your Excellency reporting 
that the money had been taken out of Lope de la Sierra's ship, and 



wrote to the Queen and Cecil asking them to return it to the custody 
of those who held it before, requesting audience for myself at the same 
time. Cecil was very grave about it, as also was the earl of Leicester. 
Sometimes they said they were guarding it for his Majesty, and 
sometimes that it belonged to other persons ; but they would not 
say whether they had sent similar orders to Plymouth and Falmouth. 
Their refusal to declare themselves on the point, however, proves 
that they have done so. They consulted the Queen and then said 
that the money was in safe keeping and no other answer could then 
be given. I pressed for an. audience and they told me to ask again 
after dinner, they in the meanwhile being closeted with the 
ambassador of the prince of Conde', so that I could get no reply 
from them. The Chamberlain was requested to go and ask the 
Queen which he went in to do at once, and came out very much 
irritated, saying he had not ventured to ask her Majesty for audience 
as she was not in the habit of granting it on such days. The 
affair is thus in a very bad way and these people are determined 
to do any wickedness, so this money will not be recovered. I pray 
your Excellency do not fail to seize all English property and send 
word to Spain instantly for them to do the same there. Please also 
instruct me as to what I am to do. As I am writing this in great 
haste to catch the courier at Dover, I do not write to the King. 
Please have this copied and forwarded to him, although I fear they 
will stop courier and letter too. 

Leicester said they knew your Excellency was very ill and my 
servants assured him you were quite well. They will again ask for 
audience to-morrow, and one of my men shall stay there until he 
learns about the queen of Scotland. London, 22nd December 

27/30 Dec. 67. GUERAU DE SPES to the DUKE OF ALBA. 

By my letter of 21st and that of 22nd, which I sent after the 
courier, 1 have advised your Excellency that the Queen had ordered 
the money to be discharged from Lope de la Sierra's ship at 
Southampton, and had placed it in the keeping of the Mayor. I have 
since learnt that they have also detained the cutters and have sent 
to Plymouth and Falmouth, where I have two men with a passport. 
I do not yet know how the thing happened, but I do know that, at 
the instance of many of her Councillors, and the instigation of the 
bishop of Salisbury, a great heretic, the Queen has determined to 
take the money, saying that God has sent it to defend His gospel. 
Dr. Junio,* agent of the Count Palatine, was at once dispatched, 
his errand here having been to persuade the Queen that although 
his infantry had been maltreated this year, his cavalry had gained 
great distinction. The Palatine is to be told by him about this 
money as he promises to go back to the States more powerful than 
before, and the Queen fears that all the responsibility will fall upon 
her, as your Excellency will have learnt from the prisoners of the 
help she has extended to the rebels. Cecil and Leicester tell her 

* Dr. Juniui de Jongh who tras governor of Vere and an agnt of Orange and the 



so, and she thus wishes to declare herself openly against his Majesty 
in the belief that, if she makes herself mistress of the sea, and 
another army goes by land to attack the States, the task will 
be easy, especially as they think the French will be disturbed if 
trade is suspended. I pray your Excellency do not doubt this 
determination. I again importuned for an audience, and they said 
that either to-morrow or the next day I should have one. I have 
a servant at Court to learn whether it is to-morrow and t take a 
lodging for me. I fully expect the Queen will give me a tem- 
porising answer and delay the matter until she sees how your 
Excellency takes it. This is the reason that has moved me to write 
so urgently that you should seize all English property and advise 
the King, in order that the same step may be taken in all his 
dominions. If the Queen restores the money and the vessels and 
other property stolen it will be easy to return English property to 
its owners. English merchants are already taking fright and are 
writing to their correspondents in the Netherlands advising them to 
transport all they can. These four cutters and Lope de la Sierra's 
ship are worth 400,000 crowns, and there are three more cutters 
due to arrive. The sloops and ships seized are worth more than 
200,000 crowns. 

I have received your Excellency's two letters of recommendation. 
I will do my duty in speaking bravely to the Queen and Council, 
and will convey to them what your Excellency instructs me about 
the robberies and the pirates. 

I have sent the man to the queen of Scotland and will advise 
your Excellency on his return. 

I believe that Dr. Junio has gone to the Netherlands, and, if 
diligence is exercised, he may be caught, and, whenever your 
Excellency thinks fit, the queen of Scotland's affair can be raised. 
It will be well that everything should be decided before the 

Certain Gallicians have just informed me that their ships have 
been arrested because they bring some Portuguese merchandise. 

Continuation of the aforegoing letter : The ordinary courier 
has arrived without bringing any letters from your Excellency, 
although I have letters saying you are at Mons. This Queen has 
postponed my audience until to-morrow, and many merchants of 
the city have gone to Court to beg her to return our money to us, as 
they fear that their property may be seized in the States. No reply 
will be given to them until after my audience. I pray your Excellency 
to take the usual course (i.e., of reprisal), and, if these people do us 
justice, it will be a warning to them for another time. When the 
money is recovered we may ask the Queen, in conformity with our 
treaties, to restore the sloops, of which I am told there are five nnd 
the Spanish vessel, as well as the property in the Marseilles ship. 
Your Excellency might order to be drafted the protests or demands 
that I shall have to present to the Queen, for it is really un- 
reasonable that these heretics should BO impudently steal the 
property of his Majesty's subjects. 


I send enclosed a copy of the passport which the Queen granted 
with letters to the captains and governors of all the ports on 
the very day before she ordered the seizures. I think it would be 
a right thing to seize Benedict Spinola's property, as he, being 
the representative of these merchants, and desirous of ingratiating 
himself with Leicester and Cecil, has shown to the latter letters he 
had received from the individuals, and has told them the marks 
and parcels belonging to each. He is a great spy who is kept here 
by the members of the Council to inform them of what is going on 
in the States, and it is fitting that such scamps should be taught that 
it will cost them dear to offend a sovereign so powerful and so good 
as our King. He and Giacomo Pascual are in partnership at 

Summary of another letter in continuation of the aforegoing : 
The last letter from Don Guerau was dated 30th December, and 
in it he writes that he had audience of the Queen, who made him 
a long harangue excusing her action about the money. She said 
that, in order to prevent the corsairs from capturing it she had 
ordered it to be taken care of, and other groundless things of the 
same sort. The ambassador thanked her and handed her a letter of 
credence from the Duke, by virtue of which he requested her to 
release the money and to lend two ships under a trustworthy person 
to convoy it to Antwerp. She replied that two Genoese had told 
her that the money did not belong to the King but to private 
persons, in proof of which they had shown her letters from Spain 
and she therefore had decided to avail herself of it. Don Guerau 
assured her several times that it belonged to the King, and that, if 
the marks on the boxes showed otherwise, it was owing to the 
persons through whose hands it had passed who were collectors or 
farmers of his Majesty's revenues. Notwithstanding all these 
assurances, Don Guerau says they are determined not to return the 
money, and he has heard this from the secretary of the Council. 
By the aid of this money they will equip themselves to harass the 
States by troubling us at sea, and preventing, so far as they can, 
commerce with Spain. London 27th (?), 29th (?), and 30th De- 
cember 1568. 

27 Dec 68. GCERAU DE SPES to the KINO. 

On the 21st inst. I informed your Majesty that two days pre- 
viously the Queen had had the money which came in Lope de la 
Sierra's ship taken out, over twelve thousand crowns, and that 
they were going to Falmouth and Plymouth to do the same with 
the four cutters, the Queen having given a passport on the day 
before she ordered this to be done, which passport I sent to the 
vessels. She would not give me audience until to-morrow, and I 
understand her intention to be to keep this money, as her friends 
are in great alarm and will not be reassured by anything that can 
be said to them from your Majesty or the king of France. This 
alarm is incited by Cardinal Chatillon, the agent of the prince of 
Conde", and the Count Palatine, who offers to return this year with 
a larger force against tho States of the Netherlands. As soon aa 



the money was detained Conde"s agent, a certain Dr. Junio, of 
Malines, went off post haste to his master. It is decided that this 
Queen shall molest your Majesty's states by sea, whilst Orange and 
the Palatine will return in strength to Flanders. To do this, since 
the Queen has little credit in Antwerp and Frankfort, she dares to 
show such treachery to her alliance and friendship with your 
Majesty and thus breaks her word, twice pledged to me, her own 
letters and orders in our favour and the passport which she signed 
the day before she gave this infamous order. They have appointed 
to-morrow or the next day for my audience with her, and I am 
endeavouring to get it for to-morrow. I learn from a secretary of 
the Council that she will retain the money and will declare herself 
wholly against your Majesty, so that, I have written to the duke of 
Alba, it would be advisable that your Majesty should order the 
seizure of English property in your dominions, and, when they 
return the money and the ships that these English and French 
pirates have stolen, your Majesty might restore what you had 
seized, otherwise they will have the advantage of the money, and 
will make trade with Flanders difficult or almost impossible. It is 
therefore necessary to take timely measures. After I have spoken 
with the Queen I will write to your Majesty more fully what I 
hear. I pray your Majesty do not consider the safety of my person, 
for I will suffer cheerfully any trouble or danger in your service. 

On the 14th inst I spoke to the Queen about the king of 
Portugal's business, and she promised me that her answer should 
be more favourable, and she would send some of her Council to 
discuss the matter with me. On the 19th she told the Portuguese 
ambassador that she did not see how she could improve her answer, 
and that her Council were of the same opinion, and she evidently 
wished to end the matter here. I will see if anything more can be 
done, but I doubt it, for these people are very exalted just now, and 
have lately ordered the detention of three Portuguese ships at the 
instance of George Winter, the brother of the man whose ship the 
Portuguese captured in Guinea. They have also detained two 
Gallician vessels. I will speak about this to-morrow to the Queen. 
They wish to have as much booty in their hands as possible, so as 
to be prepared for what may be done in Spain and Flanders, 
where, I understand, there are many rich English ships, as there 
are also in the Canaries. 

From the queen of Scotland I have received advice, as I have 
already informed your Majesty, of the plot being formed in Venice 
against your Majesty's life. I have a faithful servant with the 
Queen, and when he returns I will send him to your Majesty with 
the full information, and by these means and through the (|iieen of 
of Scotland, whenever your Majesty chooses, the queen of England 
can be attacked. London, 27th December 1568. 


7 Jan. 69. The KING to GUJSRAU DE SPES. 

You already have notice of the bearer, Juan Ochoa de Mongina, 
as he says that on his way from Flanders he was captured in the 
Channel by Englishmen, who plundered him of his children and 
goods ; he escaping, came hither to seek redress, for which purpose 




he is now returning with a letter from me to the duke of Alba and 
the present letter to you. I request you to help him in eveiy way 
to recover the said children, and all, or part of, the property of 
which he was robbed, helping him in his claims on every occasion, 
both because they are just and because he himself is my subject 
and a kinsman of those who have served me well. El Pardo, 
7th January 1569. 

8 Jan. 70. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING. 

The Queen has taken possession of the boxes of money brought 
by Lope de la Sierra's ship and 64 boxes from the cutters in 
Plymouth. She is going to do the same with the other two cutters 
in Falmouth, notwithstanding her promise and letters, besides the 
passport she gave. The duke of Alba has ordered all English ships 
and property to be seized, and informs me thereof in his letter of the 
29th ultimo, which was brought by a special courier, who, however, 
was careless, as with him came four others dispatched by the English. 
They arrived here on the 3rd at 11 at night, and immediately 
thereafter the ordinary post with letters of mine and others was 
stopped. They also tried to raise the mob against foreigners, but 
the aldermen and constables acted well and took possession of the 
streets, so that the matter has ended in the seizure of property of 
Flemish and other subjects of your Majesty. All the Spaniards 
came to my house at night, where most of them still remain. The 
ports are closed and orders have been issued that no post-horses are 
to be given to anyone. Cecil was here during the disturbances and 
returned next day to Hampton Court, where councils are still being 
held, but nothing yet has been said to me. The Queen was much 
upset when she heard of the affair. I meant to have sent a servant 
of mine to her yesterday with a letter, but I thought better to wait 
and see what they would do. I will try to find means to write to 
the Duke that he may arrange that my letters may be sent to 
Dunkirk or the Sluys, whither I will send for them. 

Your Majesty might also order letters to be sent through the 
French ambassador here, upon whom and his countrymen no 
embargo has yet been placed. It is true that it would be greatly 
to the Christian King's advantage to stop English trade so as to 
bring them to reason, and also that he should, in union with your 
Majesty, show favour to the Catholics, but, in any case, he should 
not take it in bad part if your Majesty does so. In the meanwhile, 
many means will be found to bring this country to its senses and 
convert it to the Catholic faith. Those who have spoken to me 
about a rising for the queen of Scotland will not fail to return to 
the subject, and I will inform the Duke, as ordered by your 
Majesty. Pray your Majesty do not consider me or my safety but 
take the best course for your Majesty's interests, as I am ready to 
suffer any danger or trouble most willingly in such a service. I 
have burnt all the drafts of my letters and everything else in 
writing that might be dangerous. The cipher is in safe keeping. 
These heretic knaves of the Council are going headlong to perdition, 
incited by Cecil, who is indescribably crazy in his zeal for heresy. 
The Duke is in Brussels and the prince of Orange on his way to 



Germany by the Bar country. Ambassadors have been sent from 
here to him and the Palatine. I have a person in the Council 
who will report all that is decided and I will inform your Majesty. 

The sloops that these pirates have taken are four, with a Spanish 
ship, all very valuable. They (the English Government) have also 
seized the property of Portuguese. I send this enclosed in a letter 
from the French ambassador, with a letter for the Duke and 
another for Don France's de A lava, and yesterday I sent almost a 
duplicate by a man who promised to carry it to the Sluys. The 
day before yesterday, Twelfth day, on the pretext of asking for a 
letter of mine which they had seized, I sent to Court with the 
intention of giving Cecil a letter for the Queen if the time appeared 
opportune. My man found him in such a rage against the duke of 
Alba that he left him with the contempt he deserves. As to my 
letter, Cecil said he had it not, but they have really sent for one 
Somers to decipher it, which will not be such an easy job. They 
are in consultation every day and I do not know how it will end. 
The French ambassador told me that they would put guards over 
me, but, in any case, when orders from the Duke arrive and this 
first disturbance is pacified, something can be settled greatly in the 
service of God, which seems, under the circumstances, very 

The day before yesterday the servant I sent to the queen of 
Scotland returned, and under a pretext I saw him. What she tells 
him is that Dulin (Alleyn ?), Cecil's secretary, who is greatly in his 
confidence, goes occasionally to inspect the guard, and, in conver- 
sation with one of the principal persons there, no doubt Chamberlain 
Knollys, or the captain of the guard (for the queen of Scotland, 
although she would not name him, said that he was still in the 
house), speaking of our success in Flanders and the bad position of 
the new religion, Dulin (Alleyn ?) consoled his interlocutor by 
saying that the greatest enemy they had was your Majesty, and 
that if it were not for you, their religion would greatly prosper. 
He then went on to say that they had therefore agreed that your 
Majesty should be poisoned by the hands of the Flemings, and the 
event would take place before many months are over. These 
knaves frequently spread news of your Majesty's death. God give 
you long life and prosperity, so needful to afflicted Christianity. 
The queen of Scotland says that she will arrange for the bishop of 
'Ross to discover the details of the plot through a friend if possible. 
She certainly seems a lady of great spirit and gains so many 
friends where she is that with little help she would be able to get 
this kingdom into her hands. I will await the Duke's orders to 
know whether I am to speak to the queen of England, and, if the 
time is not favourable, I will speak to her when she is in a tamer 
mood. She is fitting out four more ships as well as the twelve 
belonging to the corsairs. 

The Earl of Northumberland came to see me, disguised, at four 
o'clock in the morning and is ready to serve your Majesty. I sent 
a post yesterday to the Duke by an Englishman who lias secret 
communication with Flanders and enclosed him the decree published 
yesterday, which in some particulars is false, as I will more fully 



inform your Majesty, and also an answer which I propose to send. 
I am informed that they are very divided in the Council ; some 
wish the money to be returned, and others that it should be kept. 
I do not fail to complain greatly of this treatment to the duke of 
Norfolk, the earl of Arundel, and the other members, although they 
throw the blame on Cecil, who also has sent me a message as harsh 
as usual. I now send to beg an audience and will discuss the 
matter with both sides to see what will be the best way to get this 
money back. 

At midnight last night the bishop of Ross came to offer the good 
will of his mistress and of many gentlemen of this country, and I 
have reported this to the Duke. We have also agreed that he 
shall make use of a great friend of his, a Protestant and a com- 
panion of Dulin (Alleyn ?), Cecil's servant, in order to find out 
particulars of the conspiracy to injure your Majesty's person. 

The queen of Scotland told my servant to convey to me the fol- 
lowing words : "Tell the ambassador that, if his master will help 
" me, I shall be queen of England in three months, and mass shall 
" be said all over the country." 

The four Queen's ships have left the river. The men in them 
are poor creatures. There are about 17 or 18 pirates' ships 

In the part of Ireland opposite Scotland there has been a rising, 
and the castle of Dombibres (?) has been taken and its keeper 

Since writing the above, to-day the 8th instant, the servant I sent 
to Court reports that he requested the Chamberlain to ask for 
audience of the Queen, and he entered for the purpose. He came 
out very downcast, and told the servant that she said she had sent 
two of her Council to me, and they would tell me what I had to do. 
Before my servant arrived the Admiral and Cecil, accompanied by 
by a large train and most of the aldermen of the city, came to my 
house this afternoon at three o'clock. The Admiral began to 
speak, but Cecil interrupted him and spoke of the rigour of the 
duke of Alba, dwelling with great anger upon the seizure of 
Englishmen and their property. He said I was greatly to blame 
for it in having sent the statements I had, and he had to request, 
in the Queen's name, that I should not leave the house. They dis- 
missed all my Catholic servants, except one, to go on errands, ard 
they ordered that no Spaniard should leave the house. They took 
the names of all of them, and placed in possession of the house 
Matthew (Henry ?) Knollys, brother of the man who is the keeper of 
the queen of Scotland.* They have also lodged Arthur Carew and 
Lord Knyvett and some others in the house, that they may inspect 
me and all those whose names are on the list, three times a day. 
I replied to them that, as to giving advices to the duke of Alba of 
events here, particularly as to the money, it was my duty to do so, 
and it is true that I sent a courier as soon as I learnt that they had 
taken the money from the ship at Southampton. I had also sent a 

* The Vice-Chamberlain Sir Francis Knoll/8, 
y 76467. 



servant of mine when I received the reply of the Queen, and in the 
meantime the Duke had done his duty also. Cecil retorted furiously 
that I had ordered it to be done.* I said the Duke could order me 
and not I him, and that my orders would not be obeyed in Flanders. 
He said that he had not forgotten your Majesty's severity with the 
English ambassador in refusing to receive him. It would be a 
long task to write all the impertinences that Cecil said, for he is 
quite blinded by his heresy. From what I can see they will not 
return the money, and, as for the rest, although 1 have not much 
liberty, I will do my best. Your Majesty should be informed that 
they are preparing for a great war by land and sea, and it will be 
well for us to be prepared. Be assured that in your service I will 
endure any hardship. I have sent my draft reply to the pro- 
clamation to the Duke. 

The letter of mine which they seized from the ordinary courier 
they will not return, but are trying to decipher it. I do not think 
they will do it so easily as they think, although all the letters for 
your Majesty and the Duke are in the general cipher. 

They have not asked to see my papers in the house, but if they 
did they would get little from them. There was a courier here on 
his way from Flanders to Spain who was able to get away in the 
confusion of these people's visit to the house, but only with one 
letter from me to the Duke, as he is returning to Flanders. I have 
many letters for Spain which he could not take, but I hope he will 
arrive safely. When these guards about me are fixed, I shall 
perhaps find some means of sending my letters. Letters may be 
written to me through the French ambassador, and the Duke will 
devise some way of sending. London, 8th January 1569. 

B.M. cottou, ALBA. 

Galba, C. ill. 

original. ^ As I am authorized by Secretary Cecil to write this to your 
Excellency, I wish to inform you that I sent on the 8th inst. to request 
audience of the Queen and to endeavour to inform some of the 
Council. I received a reply that the Queen would send certain 
persons to me with the answer, and, accordingly, Cecil and the 
Admiral came on the same day to my lodging. The Admiral 
said a few not unamiable words, and Cecil many and harsh, blaming 
your Excellency and myself most arrogantly for what had passed. 
He took a list of my servants, rigorously forbidding any of thereto 
leave the house except one Englishman. He also refused to allow 
anyone to come and visit me and vapoured about religion and the 
mass, dragged up the matter of John Man and about Bishop Quadra's 
affairs ; and, in short, did and said a thousand impertinent things. 
He thinks he is dealing with Englishmen, who all tremble before 
him. I told him that what your Excellency ordered, you yourself 
would account for, and that the matter of the restitution of the 
goods and money seized here would have to be settled in Flanders. 
This question of the money does not suit him. I beg your 

i.e. The lenure of English property in tb Netherlands 



Excellency not to refraiu on my account from doing everything 
that the interests and dignity of the King demand ; for, whilst 
Cecil rules, I do not believe there will ever be lasting peace. It is 
a pity that so excellent a Queen should give credit to so scandalous 
a person as this. God send a remedy, for in this country, people 
great and small are discontented with the Government. Pray 
your Excellency have this conveyed to his Majesty quickly. He 
(Cecil) is having a proclamation drawn up from which he leaves 
out what is most important, and mis-states the case. He says that 
I agreed with the Queen to return for an answer, which is false, as 
her Majesty said she would send it to me in four days. I have 
drawn up an answer for your approval. 

He refused to return my packet, and these folks are getting a 
certain Somers to decipher the letters. If he succeeds I will pardon 
him. London, 10th January 1569.* 


OF ENGLAND " Respecting the Detention of the Money 
being sent to Spain." 

Her Majesty has heard that the Duke of Alba, governor of the 
States of Flanders for her brother the King of Spain, hail suddenly 
ordered the detention of all merchants and other subjects of Her 
Majesty in the city of Antwerp, and had placed guards of soldiers 
over them and had sequestrated all their property on the 29th 
' December last, and that, after some days, the same course had been 
taken generally in all parts of the States, which is a strange and 
unheard of thing for the house of Burgundy to do to the Crown of 
England, since this detention has been carried out without any 
attempt to confer or agree as to the intentions of the two Sovereigns. 

In view of this Her Majesty has thought tit to inform all her 
subjects who have any connection with the dominions of the King 
of Spain, that it is her will that they should not continue to trade 
therewith until the intentions and designs of the King are known 
and the reason of this treatment understood, whereafter Her Majesty 
will direct her subjects as to what course of action they should 

In the meanwhile Her Majesty commands all and every, her 
justices and officials within her towns, cities, ports, and other places 
under her government, to take steps to detain and arrest with nil 
their goods, chattels, and ships, all subjects born in the dominions 
of the King of Spain, in order that they may be held as security 
and pledges for the damages and loss received, without just or 
apparent cause, by the subjects of Her Majesty, and for other 
reasons which may appear. 

* This letter is directed to the Duke of Alba in the usual form and again t'n the 
tame hand to the members of the Council. It will be seen that this was subsequently a 
ground for grave complaint against the ambassador who, apparently incensed at the 
perusal of his letters by his guard, Henry Knollys, had told him to send this letter to 
the Council before despatching it, and, as will be seen, had himself directed it to them 
open. Considering the contents of the letter this was considered a very insolent 

a 2 



In addition to this, any merchants born or living under the 
allegiance of the King of Spain, who may be found in towns, ports, or 
other places under suspicion of hiding or disguise, or in any manner 
of fraud in order to prevent the detention of themselves and their 
goods, shall be called to account by the officers of justice of such 
places with the help of all justices of the peace, who shall inquire 
and examine the said merchants by all legitimate methods and cast 
them into prison, no matter to what nation they belong, including 
all those who may abet or help to hide those who practice such 
fraud (always excepting those who may have made prior confession) 
and especially those who may have concealed such persons or their 

Her Majesty having also learnt from trustworthy sources that it 
was the intention to detain her subjects beyond the sea, under the 
pretext that the Queen had detained in one of her ports a certain ship 
and three or four small boats in which were certain sums of money, 
her Majesty thinks fit to declare briefly the facts of the case, by 
which it will be seen that the detention of her subjects was unjust 
and without due cause. 

An officer of Her Majesty in a port in the west part of England 
advised the arrival from Spain of three or four small boats called 
cutters bringing a quantity of money belonging to certain Italian 
merchants, and to other persons in the States of Flauders, and, 
as on the coast there were many armed French ships of war on the 
watch for these cutters, in order to capture them when they sailed, 
and it was even feared that they would venture to enter the ports 
themselves for the purpose of seizing the vessels, her Majesty at 
once sent orders, together with special letters, to all the western 
ports that the merchants and masters of such vessels should be 
informed of this, and that the Governors of those parts should aid 
and favour these merchants and other subjects of the king of Spain 
and protect them against the attacks of the said Frenchmen by all 
means in their power. 

The Spanish ambassador subsequently asked that new orders 
nhould be given for the defence of these vessels and the treasure 
against the French, and this was granted, certain letters being 
given to him with this object and delivered to his own messengers. 

Shortly afterwards, her Majesty was requested to express her 
will upon the matter as to whether she would allow the owners of 
this money to convey it either by land or sea as far as Dover, the 
ambassador representing it to belong to his master. Her Majesty 
replied that .she should allow either of these things to be done, and 
the ambassador thanked her greatly for her permission, saying that 
he would await the orders of the Duke of Alba to know which 
course should be adopted in carrying the money. In the mean- 
while the Queen received information that the French had secretly 
entered by night into a port on the western coast and had 
endeavoured to capture the treasure by force, but that the efforts 
of her subjects and the measures taken to defend the ships forced 
the Frenchmen to retire. This fact is known in all the neigh- 
bouring ports, and the Queen herself gave an account of it to the 
Spanish ambassador. 




Having regard to this, and aeeing the heavy cost and great 
efforts necessary to defend the said treasure in the ports, her 
Majesty decided, in the interests of her own authority, that the 
money should be landed and put into safe keeping, in the presence 
of those who had charge of it, and without in any way diminishing 
their hold upon it. 

At this time the Queen learnt that the money was the property 
of certain merchants, and decided that it was not unreasonable nor 
opposed to the bonos mores of sovereigns in their own country that, 
after defending this money from the perils of the sea, she should 
negotiate with the owners thereof with their full consent and 
contentment, and not otherwise, for borrowing from them all or 
part of it upon such security and conditions as those upon which 
her Majesty has frequently raised loans from merchants subject to 
the king of Spain, as other sovereigns have done in similar cases, 
and exactly as she herself had done in the case of another ship 
near Southampton loaded with wool, and carrying certain moneys 
which were in danger of capture by the French, who had made 
great offers to her Majesty's officers to refrain from defending it. 
Her Majesty thereupon sent orders to the Governor of the Isle of 
Wight to secure the ship and defend it against the French, landing 
the money, otherwise it is certain the French would have captured 
it within four-and-twenty hours. This money also was found to 
belong to merchants. 

Whilst this was passing, the Spanish ambassador came to the 
Queen with a short letter of credence on the 29th December, 
demanding that the vessels and money under detention should be 
disembargoed, on the pretence that they belonged to the King. 
Her Majesty replied that, if they did belong to the King, she had 
done him a great favour in defending them against the French, and 
certain efforts with this object made by her officers were related to 
him. She then told him that she heard that all the property 
belonged to merchants, and that she would discover the truth of 
this shortly, and could assure him that she would do nothing to 
to displease her good brother the King in the matter, all of which 
she would prove to him on his return in five or six days. With 
this the ambassador left, apparently quite satisfied with the reply. 

Shortly afterwards, the Queen received a reply from the west 
country and wished to satisfy the ambassador, as she had agreed to 
do, not only as to the disembargoing of the ships and treasure, but 
also as to the fulfilment of her promise to give a safe conduct by 
land or sea for the money, at the choice of the ambassador. 

Before she saw the ambassador, however, she learnt that all the 
ships, goods, and merchandize of her subjects were embargoed and 
seized in Antwerp on the 29th December, the same day as that 
upon which the Ambassador had been with her, so that it is clear 
that, notwithstanding the many assurances she had tried to give 
to him on that day, her own subjects and their property had 
already been seized at the time. Her Majesty therefore leaves to the 
judgment of the public whether the pretext above-mentioned was 
sufficient to excuse a detention and embargo so sudden, so violent, 
and so general, carried out in such a way and at such a time as it 



was ; and she leaves also to public opinion the decision upon whom 
the blame should be laid for the evils which may result, her 
Majesty having no intention of displeasing the king of Spain, and 
less still to take possession of anything belonging to his subjects 
against their will or except under the just and usual conditions 
afore-mentioned. And her Majesty has thought fit to publish this 
as testimony of her sincerity and as a defence of her actions, what- 
ever they may be, resulting from the provocation given to her. 

7lB. COPY of a DOCUMENT docketted : " Don Guerau de Spes, knight 
" of the order of Calatrava, member of the Council of his 
" Majesty, and ambassador to the Queen of England, to all 
" those to whom these presents may come, health and love." 

Inasmuch as in the name of the Queen of England a printed 
proclamation, dated the Cth January, has been published in the 
city of London casting blame upon the duke of Alba for having 
made a general seizure of the persons and property of English 
subjects in the Netherlands ; in order that the blamelessness of his 
Excellency may be made clear, and that the truth may be known, 
we hereby declare that, on the 23rd of November, we were advised 
that certain vessels had arrived in the west country from Spain 
with money which his Majesty was sending to Flanders for the 
payment of his army, and that these ships were in some peril from 
the French and English pirates who jointly plundered all ships, 
French, Spanish, Flemish, and others. We therefore resolved to 
ask audience of the Queen, which was granted on the 29th 
November, and we then requested that, in accord with the alliance 
and friendship between the King and her, she would order our 
ships to be protected in her ports and give a passport, if necessary, 
to bring the money overland to Dover, or else lend some ships, at 
our cost, to convoy this money safely to Antwerp. All this was 
graciously granted by her Majesty, and was communicated to the 
i)uke who was then in Cambray, occupied in finally expelling the 
rebels from those States. Before his reply was received it was 
learned that Courtney and Herhem (Hawkins ?), two English pirates, 
jointly with some Frenchmen, had captured three Flemish sloops 
and a Spanish ship carrying rich cargoes, and had brought them 
into the port of Plymouth and elsewhere on that coast and had 
divided and sold their booty. At the sume time, in the ports 
themselves, the ships were attacked by the pirates and by persons on 
land. Seeing that these pirates went publicly about the country 
and had friends in the Court, we gave an account of the matter to 
the earl of Leicester and the honourable master William Cecil, 
principal Secretary of State to the Queen, both important members 
of her Council. This was on the 12th December, and they were 
informed of the great evils which might arise from allowing such 
piracies to continue, against public peace and the friendship and 
alliance between the two countries, and at the same time we begged 
audience of the Queen, which was granted on the 14th. On the same 
day, the 12th, her Majesty signed the passport for all this money to 
come either overland or byseawith all security. This being conn' rmed 
in the audience of the 14th personally by the Queeu, who gave 



new and more pressing orders than befoi-e for her officers in those 
parts, and to William Winter, the captain of many of her ships, who 
was then believed to be in the west country, we despatched Pedro 
de Madariaga and Pedro Martinez, both resident in this city, who 
arrived at Southampton on the 18th ultimo, and, on the day 
following, presented and registered their passport. Having informed 
Lope de la Sierra, captain of a ship in that port loaded with 59 boxes 
of money, they then proceeded on their way to Plymouth for a similar 
purpose, and to Falmouth to see Captain Winter. On the same day 
that they left Southampton, Horsey, the Governor of the Isle of 
Wight, and other officers of the Queen, arrived there with many 
boats and people in them, and, having entered the vessel of the said 
Lope de la Sierra in violation of the Queen's passport and 
assurance, and against the will of the master, they discharged all 
the boxes of money and put them ashore under the charge of 
people of their own choosing, without allowing the said Lope de la 
Sierra or any of his people to assist in guarding them, of which 
facts Lope de la Sierra at once gave us information. On the 21st 
we sent a courier to the duke of Alba informing him of this action, 
and we were assured at the same time by many persons of position 
in this country that the Queen had decided to take possession of 
the money on the pretext that it belonged to private persons, 
although subjects of his Catholic Majesty. We also wrote on the 
same day to the Queen complaining of the grievance and begging 
of her to fulfil her promise, in order that the money might be 
placed in Antwerp, as had been ordered by her letters. We also 
complained that in the port of Southampton, after the officers of 
justice had taken possession of a ship, which the pirates had seized 
with its cargo, belonging to Spanish subjects, orders had been given 
to restore the ship to the pirates. Her Majesty had a reply sent to 
us in writing, and some of her ministers repeated verbally that Her 
Majesty was safeguarding the money for the King, but that, since 
giving the passport, she had learnt that the facts were not as 
represented. My servants who requested audience but could get 
no decided answer that day nor assurance as to whether the same 
course had been adopted with the cutters in Plymouth and 
Falmouth, which, however, subsequently proved to have been the 
case, and that, in addition to this, the sails and rigging had been 
taken out of the ships. On the 23rd we again demanded audience, 
which was not granted until the 29th, when, with all due respect, 
we complained of the action which had been taken in Southampton, 
begging the Queen for redress, in accordance with her promises and 
with reason and justice and her alliance with the King. Her 
Majesty very graciously replied that the landing of the money was 
in order the better to guard it for the King, her brother, and dwelt 
greatly upon the daring insolence of the pirates, all of which we 
accepted on our King's behalf, and thanked her greatly, promising 
to hold her kindness in everlasting memory. We then begged of her 
to lend the promised ships to convoy this money to Antwerp, which 
she had previously so willingly promised. Her Majesty at once 
resisted this, signifying that two Genoese had told her that the 
money did not belong to the King but to certain merchants, and 


that, if this was the case, she wished to retain it for her own use 
paying interest to the owners. We instantly replied that, in 
respect of our office and her obligation to believe us by virtue of 
the duke of Alba's letter of credence, we assured her that the 
money belonged to his Majesty, and was destined for the service of 
his army, having been brought from Spain specially to pay his 
troops. Here her Majesty was very hard, and quite different from 
what she had been in other audiences, and we were much surprised 
that so excellent a Queen should be persuaded by any one, at such 
a time, to appropriate to her own use money destined for the service 
of our King in Flanders, in violation of the friendship due to so 
great a sovereign. We therefore left this audience without further 
decision than that, in three or four days, she would prove to us for 
certain that the money belonged to private merchants, which, up to 
the present, she has not done. We were very ill-satisfied with this 
reply, and sent one of our secretaries to inform the Duke. We 
were also dissatisfied at the frequent conferences which are being 
held here with the agents of the Flemish rebels, to the prejudice, as 
it appears, of the ancient friendship existing with our King. The 
Duke, on receiving our report of the seizure of the money, together 
with the verbal statement of certain soldiers from Lope de la 
Sierra's ship, seeing so great a grievance, which is disapproved of 
by all persons in this country, both Catholics and otherwise, and 
believing that this seizure did not spring from the Queen herself 
but from other persons, at once ordered the seizure of the persons 
and propei ty of English subjects, only pursuing therein a course 
which the Queen, without provocation, had already adopted, 
notwithstanding that his Majesty and his governors and subjects 
bad always shown friendship and kindness to the Queen and this 
great country, which had received from his Catholic Majesty much 
favour and protection. Therefore, all this being so clear and obvious, 
we publish the same to the world in order to prove the entire truth 
and fair actions both of the duke of Alba as well as of ourselves. 

11 Jan. 72. The DUKE OF ALBA to the KINO. 

Since my last of the 4th instant, advice has been received here 
that the queen of England is arresting the ships in her ports, and 
I have sent Councillor D'Assonleville to learn her intentions on the 
subject. I have thought it advisable also to write and beg your 
Majesty to order that no ships should leave your ports until you 
hear from me again, and that all English persons and property 
should be seized. To save time I have written to Don Juan de 
Acufia and to Don Juan Martinez de Recalde asking them to keep 
them in hand until your Majesty receives this letter and sends them 
orders. I have made a general arrest here as a consequence of the 
discharge, by the Queen's orders, of the money in Lope de la Sierra's 
ship and the cutters, and, although I cannot persuade myself that 
they mean to break with us, yet the entrance into English ports of 
any valuable ships might give the opportunity to the Queen and 
councillors (who are, I think, in fault) for taking further steps 
in the same direction. Brussels, llth January 1569. 



12 Jan. 

13 Jan. 

B. M. 


Galba, HI. 


16 Jan. 

B. M. 


Galba, C. in. 




It was advisable to satisfy the Queen about John Man's affair by 
informing her of the result of the action of the Inquisition in the 
investigation of the offences attributed to him, because, by what 
she wrote to me by Guzman de Silva, she seemed still to want to 
excuse him by throwing the blame on those of her subjects who 
reside in my Court, who she thinks accused him. We shall be glad 
for you to banish this suspicion of her's and particularly that against 
the duke of Feria and the relatives of his wife. Madrid, 12th 
January 1569. 

74. EXPLANATIONS of GUERAU DE SPES of the expressions used 

by him in the following intercepted letter to GERONIMO 
CURIEL, and also of those contained in an intercepted 
letter, dated 10th January 1569, from him to the DUKE 
of ALBA. 


" If you hear that I am detained here you need not be surprised, 
since the enchantments of Amadis still exist in this island, and 
Archelaus is still alive. Nevertheless, here I am, safe and sound a 
prisoner of Queen Oriana, and I have no doubt, even without the 
aid of Urgandse or other great effort, this all will end in a comedy." 

Latin. The explanation in the margin is that if they had known 
the sense in which these expressions were ordinarily used in Spain, 
they would have seen that they were meant to be complimentary. 
He is much surprised that they should take them otherwise. 

French. Touching the interpretation of the words used in the 
letter to the duke of Alba, saying that people both great and small 
were discontented with the present Government, the ordinary 
signification of the words in Spanish would be to indicate generally 
persons of all degrees, nobles and others. It is true that the 
Spanish language possesses figurative and hyperbolical expressions 
different from those of other tongues, and this particular form of 
speech is in common use to express some persons of every class or 
condition, not eveiy one of every sort universally. It is only 
necessary for the words to indicate one or more person of each 
class to be correct. It is a great mistake to suppose that the word 
" great," placed as it is in contradistinction to its reverse " small," 
can apply to the princes, lords, or nobles of the realm, especially as 
the universal distribution simply implies some of all sorts. It is 
right to say in Latin in this sense, "mi nimo ad maximum" or 
" maxima ad minimum." 13th January 1569. 


I have received a letter of the 13th instant, and am much 
surprised that such persons should have sent a reply to letters of 
mine which were not addressed to them, at all events without first 
understanding what they meant. When in Spanish it is desired to 
indicate " lords," the word "grandea" is used absolutely, whilst the 
expression "great and small," "grandea y pequenos," has an 
entirely different meaning. As you were unable to understand the 




terms of the language, you have also misinterpreted my familiar 
letter to Geronimo Curiel, which means the very opposite of what 
you say, as, if you choose, I will explain to you by means of persons 
to whom Spanish is their mother tongue. I will also prove the 
straightforwardness of my proceedings, and the zeal I have always 
displayed in preserving peace and amity between this country and 
the States of my sovereign, to whom I owe this duty. As the other 
points of your letter are also founded on the same mistaken basis, 
I have nothing to reply in respect to them ; but if, after you have 
been informed, you still think you have cause to see me, I will, as in 
duty bound, meet you. Leaving on one side the controversies that 
Secretary Cecil seems desirous of entering into with me, my ex- 
pressions do not in any way refer to the lords of this country, 
notwithstanding which I have no doubt he (Cecil) is a good and loyal 
minister of the Queen, and perhaps even not my enemy. London, 
16th January 1569. 

16 Jan. 76. The DUKE OF AIBA to the KING. 

By the enclosed letters from me your Majesty will learn the 
determination of the queen of England, and that I have sent 
Councillor D'Assonleville to learn the reason why she has seized the 
money. Before he embarked from Calais he sent me a letter he had 
received from Don Guerau, copy of which I enclose. I send also 
a copy of the Queen's proclamation and a summary of D'Assonle- 
ville's letter to me, by which your Majesty will learn all there is to 
know on the subject. I am having drafted the reply that I think 
your Majesty should give, if the English apply to you in Spain, as 
I have no doubt they will. As far as I can judge by the procla- 
mation, the Queen will not break with your Majesty on any 
consideration in the world. Brussels, 19th January 1569. 

Marginal note in the handwiting of the King : " Thia pro- 
' clamation and the statement I have not got, thy are perhaps in the 
hands of Tiznach who will send them to me, or, may be, they have 
been sent by sea. The little note you sent me is something about 
alum which I will send to Tiznach as it is a matter they are dis- 
cussing with the Treasury." 

5 Feb. 



Gslba, C. HI. 



14 Feb. 


Begs to be allowed to communicate with Guerau de Spes the 
ambassador, and requests a passport for a courier. He assures the 
Queen that if she will give audience to the ambassador he will be 
able to fully satisfy her respecting the accusations made against 
him. London, 5th February 1569. 

78. GUERA.U DE SPES to the KING. 

By several previous letters I have informed your Majesty of the 
insolence of these Englishmen in daring to detain me and in per- 
sisting therein up to the present. They have done the same with 
Dr. D'Assouleville, whom the duke of Alba sent with just and 
reasonable instructions, and who they have not allowed to see the 
the Queen. It has been necessary to consult the Duke, and we 


await his reply. In the meanwhile D'Assonleville is in the house of 
the sheriff, well guarded. Cecil does as he likes in the Council, 
and, as he is such a heretic and fears that the country may return 
to the Catholic Church, it may well be believed that he desires to 
disturb everything. Some people say that he has all his money 
safe in Germany, so that if he does not like the look of things 
here he can repair thither. The money from the west, 95 boxes, 
entered here to-day, but that from Southampton has not yet been 
moved. They have detained five or six more very rich sloops from 
Seville, and the value of what they have seized (besides the money) 
exceeds 700,000 ducats, without counting what the pirates have 
stolen, which is worth 200,000 more. It is advisable to stop the 
coming to this country of oil, alum for their cloths, sugar, spices, 
and iron from Biscay. The iron they bring from Germany is not 
so easy to work as it might be. The Queen came to London on 
the 8th, and told the French ambassador two days before, that 
when she arrived she would give me audience, but not D'Assonleville, 
who came from the Duke, and therefore she would on no account 
receive him, or, at all events, not until he had given an account of 
his object to the Council. I believe before doing either they will 
await the return of this courier who goes to the Duke. Your 
Majesty can never trust this country whilst the present Govern- 
ment lasts, and even if they now return the money and goods 
detained, which I doubt, it will be only because they are not quite 
ready, or cannot obtain from their confederates the help they 
require. They have sent a gentleman named John Killigrew to 
Germany, besides others despatched previously. 

It seems they intend to send 20,000 pieces of cloth and more to 
Hamburg and Embden, and that 1C cargo ships and four of the 
Queen's ships will go thither. The cloths are already being packed. 
I will try the best I can to keep the Duke informed, but the 
strictness of the guards has not been relaxed in the slightest 
degree. Your Majesty will understand also that, if the matter is 
settled, they will be glad to have some other ambassador here 
whom they can manage better than they can me, whereat I shall 
not be sorry, because I doubt whether the Council is well disposed 
towards your Majesty, and even if they make full restoration, I 
do not think they deserve au ambassador from your Majesty here 
at all, but only an agent, so that when they make captures, 
reprisals may be at once adopted and their commerce stopped, 
which is the only thing that alarms them. Your Majesty will 
please consider this, and order what you think fit. For my part, 
I will continue my work without thinking of the danger. I wrote 
to your Majesty that they had taken the queen of Scotland to 
Tutbury in spite of her tears and protests, the excuse being that 
they had found certain letters written to her subjects by the 
Catholics, urging them to rise against the heretics. These people 
do nothing without a highly coloured excuse, and this was the one 
the Queen gave to the French ambassador. 

I wrote to your Majesty that the queen of Scotland greatly 
wished your Majesty to take her son and bring him up properly, 



which seems as if it would be a great service to God. Your 
Majesty will please consider and instruct me.* 

Three hundred of the Spaniards who came in the cutters and 
ships that have been taken in the ports have arrived here, but the 
guards will not let them approach my door. I have tried to find 
means to give them alms, and 70 or 80 of them have been put into 
Bridewell, where a knavish Spanish minister goes to preach to them 
every day, and has given them a book and other papers in Spanish 
full of heresy. I sent for the papers, and had the men told not to 
read such things or listen to the preacher, and I gave an account of 
what I did to my guards, so that they might report it to the Council, 
the affair being so scandalous an example. To-day, the 13th, at four 
o'clock in the afternoon, they brought the 95 boxes of money here 
from the west country under a strong guard, and they have put it 
in the Tower, whereat the populace are much pleased, in the belief 
that this money will be a great thing for them, and that it will be 
coined anew. It is believed the same will be done with the money 
from Southampton. Hawkins has come from the Indies, and 
entered here with four horses loaded with the gold and silver that 
he brings, which, however, I believe, will not pay the costs. He 
left 240 men in Florida, which these people think they are going 
to colonize. 

Cardinal Chatillon has signified to the Queen that he will 
arrange for Havre de Grace and Dieppe to be handed over to them, 
and they have attempted it, but as the plot has been discovered 
they are much confused. They are greatly petting the French 
ambassador just now, because they do not wish the King to declare 
himself entirely against them. 

I have to-day, the 14th, received advice from Plymouth that 
there have entered that place 14 Flemish sloops on their way from 
Spain with rich cargoes, and some of them had fought with the 
French pirates and belaboured them sorely, but fortune was against 
them, and when they thought they were taking shelter in 
friendly ports, they found themselves in a land of enemies, and 
they have all been arrested. The Spaniards have been so ill- 
treated in the ports that it is impossible to exaggerate it. They 
could not have been worse treated amongst Turks. London, 14th 
February 1569. 

18 Feb. 79. The KING to GUERAU DE SPES. 

By your letters to me and to the duke of Alba, up to the 9th 
January, we have learnt how the ship of Lope de la Sierra and the 
cutters with the money from Spain, together with other vessels, 
Biscay and Portuguese, had been detained in England, and the 
steps you have taken in consequence, both with the Queen and her 
ministers, in order that this money and property might be allowed 
to proceed to Flanders. Instead of this, you say they had placed 
a guard over your house and detained you. Both of these pro- 

A note in the handwriting of Secretary Zaju iay>, " No luch letter has been 
received here." 



ceedings are strange, and very incompatible with the ancient 
friendship which the house of Burgundy has hitherto held with the 
English crown. The step taken by the Duke in consequence of 
your information, in detaining ships and goods of English subjects 
in Flanders, was appropriate, and a similar step has been taken 
here. At the same time orders have been given that no ship is to 
sail for those parts without my orders, and I shall be guided in my 
future action by the nature of the reply brought by Councillor 
D'Assonleville from the Queen, as this will prove whether she wishes 
to regard me as a friend or foe. Until this reply comes to hand I 
cannot give you further instruction, excepting to refer you to the 
duke of Alba, as he, being so near and informed from hour to hour 
of what passes, can the better direct you as to the best course to 
take, and you will follow his orders If what you mention about 
taking the crown away from the Queen were successful, it would be 
certainly of great moment, and I would assist it most willingly in 
order to redress religion and shelter and console the good Catholics, 
who I am persuading are very numerous. You will endeavour to 
learn all about this thoroughly and advise me very fully and in 
detail, and you will also do the same to the duke of Alba, as usual, 
who will give you my instructions. I am now writing to him my 
wishes on the subject. L8th February 1569. 

18 Feb. 80. The KING to the DUKE OF ALBA. 


Both in the matter of the seizure of the money and ships and 
the placing of guards over Don Guerau de Spes in his house, it 
seems to me that the queen of England is proceeding in a way 
which may cause me misgiving. I believe, with you, that she will 
not dare to declare war with me or acknowledge me as an open 
enemy, but that the heretics and evil councillors have egged her 
on to this action. It was, however, very desirable to clear up 
the question, and learn something of her intentions by sending 
D'Assonleville, and ordering the seizure of all English persons and 
property in the States. In accordance with your advice I have 
taken the same course in these realms, and have ordered that no 
ship shall be allowed to leave for England until further permission 
be given, which will depend upon events there. Don Guerau 
points out in my letters and yours the good opportunity which 
now presents itself to remedy religious affairs in that country by 
deposing the present Queen and giving the crown to the queen of 
Scotland, who would immediately be joined by all the Catholics. 
It will be well for you to inquire what foundation there is for this, 
and what success would probably attend such a design as, if there 
is anything in it, I should be glad to carry it out ; as it appears 
to me that, after my special obligation to maintain my own States 
in our holy faith, I am bound to make every effort in order to 
restore and preserve it in England as in former times. If there is 
any foundation for the suggestion, no time more opportune than 
the present could be found for carrying it out, and, in order not to 
miss it, I have thought well to refer it to you. If you think the 
chance will be lost by again waiting to consult me, you may at 
once take the steps you may consider advisable in conformity with 



this, my desire and intention, which would certainly give me great 
pleasure. I have so much confidence in your good sense and 
prudence that I am sure I can safely leave the matter in your 
hands. Please keep me well informed. 

It will be also desirable for you to send me the document you 
were drawing up of what I am to say if the queen of England 
sends a person here to make any representation or excuse to me, 
as she tries to do in the proclamation of which you send copy. 
As no doubt in England and elsewhere they will place their own 
construction on the punishment meted out by Don Mai-tin Enriquez 
to John Hawkins and other pirates whom they found in a port of 
New Spain, I send a true statement of what happened, for your 
information and the transmission of a copy thereof to Don Guerau 
de Spes, that he may know all about it if they mention the matter 
to him. Madrid, 18 February 1569. 

Saturday, 19 February 1569. 

He then went on to give his Excellency an account of the plot 
hatched by the queen of England in Dieppe, in which many of the 
burgesses and 40 soldiers were implicated. The commander of 
the fortress had offered to surrender it for 100,000 crowns, of which 
the Queen was to pay one half at once and the other half when the 
place was surrendered. Four of the soldiers had repented, and 
divulged the plot to the King, all the rest of them having been 
arrested and confessed. He said that the Queen-mother was 
furiously angry and grieved, and wished for nothing so much as to 
be revenged on the queen of England. By way of complaint he 
then began to talk of the dishonesty of that Queen, and said it was 
hard she could not rest satisfied with the freedom she enjoyed and 
the subjection in which she held her people, without interfering as 
she did in other folks' affaire ; but that sc metimes God allowed 
men to meddle in affairs that brought with them their own punish- 
ment, and this might happen in her case. He had seen here (in 
Flanders) such a good company that, if his Excellency would throw 
a part of his men into England, and Anjou were to enter on the 
other side, they could take away the Queen's crown in a very few 
days. He did not dwell very emphatically on the matter, but 
soon started off on another tack with his usual gestures. 

29 Feb. 82. GUERAU DE SPES to the DUKE OF ALBA. 

On the 18th instant I received your Excellency's letter of the 
9th, and that of the 14th by D'Assonleville's courier. On the same 
day, D'Assonleville was given permission to communicate with me, 
and we determined to request the Queen to send a secretary or a 
member of the Council to speak to D'Assonleville, when he would 
communicate the decision which had been sent to him. They 
replied cautiously that the Council was here and would receive 
him. A reply was sent to the Queen, and we have decided to act 

* The identity of tbii agent is not indicated in the document. 



for the best, in accordance with your Excellency's orders. I will 
not request to be allowed to be present at the audience with the 
Queen. Hitherto, Cecil has ruled the whole business, and he was 
strongly in favour of declaring war, but he could not get the 
Council to agree. Some days ago, two of the principal Councillors, 
the duke of Norfolk and the earl of Arundel, sent Roberto Ridolfi, 
a Florentine gentleman, a great friend of theirs and mine (with 
whom they have given me a safe cipher), to tell me that the money 
and ships would be returned entirely, and that they had only 
consented to my detention and Cecil's other impertinences because 
they were not yet strong enough to resist him. But, in the mean- 
while, they were gathering friends, and were letting the public 
know what was going on, in the hope and belief that they will be 
able to turn out the present accursed Government and raise another 
Catholic one, bringing the Queen to consent thereto. They think 
your Excellency will support them in this, and that the country 
will not lose the friendship of our King. They say that they will 
return to the Catholic religion, and that they think a better op- 
portunity never existed than now. Although Cecil thinks he has 
them all under his heel, he will find few or none of them stand by 
him. I have encouraged them, and I write this to your Excellency 
in order that you may promptly give me your opinion, and I beg 
you will do me the favour of sending this letter itself to His 
Majesty, as the messenger will not carry more than one. Cecil, in 
the meanwhile, is bravely harrying the Catholics, imprisoning 
many, for nearly all the prisons are full. The Spaniards are in 
Bridewell, to the number of over 150, and a minister is sent to 
preach to them, who promises them gifts if they will become 
converts to his sect ; but they are firm, and, although I constantly 
beg that the minister may be withdrawn, the matter is passed 

I wrote to your Excellency that they had brought 95 boxes of 
money to the Tower. Cecil has had it all counted in his presence, 
and put into sacks of 20,000 to 30,000 reals each, the boxes being 
broken up. He would like to have had it melted, but those I have 
mentioned on the Council have prevented it. In the meanwhile, 
he sent the governor of the Isle of Wight to Southampton to bring 
the money taken from Lope de la Sierra's ship. The reason why 
the ships which were on this coast could not get away was that, 
before your Excellency placed the general embargo in Flanders, 
they had taken away the sails and rigging from the ships, and they 
made Lope de la Sierra discharge his cargo of wool and give up his 
ship by telling him that the pirates were in league with the holders 
of the forts, and that the ship would be attacked in the night. He 
therefore relinquished his ship and took his ordnance on shore. 
What are of most value are the 14 sloops which have put in here 
from Spain since the embargo, believing that they were entering 
into friendly ports, some of them wishing to continue on their 
voyage ; but the Vice-Admiral's ship pursued them like a pirate, 
and made them re-enter the port, where they are detained. On 
the 13th instant they took away the guards posted in the wooden 
sheds they had erected in the garden here, which sheds were then 



destroyed. T think it was more in consequence of the severe 
weather than anything else. The garden gates are still fastened 
up, and the gentlemen who guard me remain in the porter's lodge 
at the principal gate, which is well guarded. I do not hear for 
certain that they have sent anyone to Spain or that they will do 
so. The Queen herself is much confused. Cecil, the Admiral, and 
Bedford urge her to war, although the Admiral's object is simply 
robbery, and he will turn round to the party that suits him, 
according as events may go. He is no lover of fighting. The other 
members and the public desire peace. These gentlemen (i.e,, Norfolk 
and Arundel) tell me not to distress myself about my detention, 
and that it was ordered to prevent any Catholic from communicating 
with me. They say the Queen knew very well I had not written to 
Bruges, and they were all quite satisfied with His Majesty. They 
cast all the blame on Cecil. London, 29th February 1569. 

27 Feb. 83. GUERAU DE SPES to the KINO. 

By many previous letters I have informed your Majesty, as best 
I could, of the insolence perpetrated on me and of the ill-will of 
these people. I have also reported the arrival of D'Assonleville, 
who has now been here for a month, but whom the Queen has 
hitherto refused to receive, although they have tried by divers 
artifices to discover what his errand was. The Marquis of North- 
ampton and Cecil have given him a contused answer, as 
D'Assonleville will write to your Majesty, the effect of which is 
that, before the Queen restores this money, it is necessary for your 
Majesty to newly confirm the treaties now in force, and settle all 
points left open at the Bruges conference ; the bad treatment ex- 
tended to me being, as they pretend, counterbalanced by the 
treatment of John Man by your Majesty. Whilst Cecil governs 
and guides these people, their policy will be to delay the affair and 
keep the money, as the Queen was in want of it. They will 
thereby be able also to detain 22 sloops, which, unfortunately for 
them, since my detention, put into these ports ; besides which, if 
German affairs turn out to their liking, they will do their best to 
inflict some great injury in Flanders, whereas, if a better op- 
portunity presents itself in France, they will try to damage the 
Christian King in a similar way. The object is to strike a blow at 
the Catholic party somewhere, so that they may still remain rich 
and contumacious heretics for many years longer. With regard to 
your Majesty sending some other person to treat on the matter, 
seeing the bad way in which they have behaved with the Duke 
and D'Assonleville, and knowing, as I do, the bad disposition of 
Cecil and the deceit of all these people, I think it will not be con- 
ducive to your Majesty's dignity to do so, as I understand that, 
whilst this Government lasts, they will continue to give the same 
answer as they have to D'Assonleville ; but your Majesty will de- 
cide, mucli better than I can, that which is most advantageous. 
There are many means here by which these people may be punished 
and this pernicious state of things reformed. As I have written, 
the duke of Norfolk, the earl of Arundel, and all their friends 
offer to serve with this end. They arc the largest party in the 



country, without counting the great multitude of Catholics who 
are preparing to strike, under the pretence of obeying the general 
order for warlike preparations which has been proclaimed. The 
stoppage of trade with Flanders is of so much importance here 
that the mere fact of its prolongation will contribute largely to 
change the present state of things. The only thing needful in the 
interim is to take care that no damage is done in Slanders, and 
the prudence and valour of the Duke will provide against this. 
The duke of Norfolk and the others who are treating with me 
advised me of the answer to be given to D'Assonleville, and said it 
would be well that we should appear satisfied with it, as that 
would enable them to open out somewhat to the Queen, and let her 
know their feelings. They are all extremely cautious in their 
proceedings, as they know that, although some of my guards have 
been removed, the number of spies has been increased, even to 
dog the steps of the servant who goes errands for me, and to 
watch all people who approach the door of my house by night. I 
shall, however, soon have better means of communicating with 
those of whom I speak, and shall be able to arrange with them 
what is best to be done. I will advise the duke of Alba of it. 
After having despoiled sonic 200 Spaniards, they have put them 
into Bridewell, and, in spite of everybody, still insist upon a 
minister preaching to them every day, respecting which there have 
been many disputes between the Council and myself through these 
gentlemen who guard me, who are a fine set of heretics, and, 
although they say they will alter it, the minister still goes to 
Bridewell frequently. 

The queen of Scotland is kept much more strictly than I am. 
All the Commissioners on Ijoth sides have been allowed to return 
to Scotland except the bishop of Ross, whom they guard closely, 
as no doubt they feared that he might go to the Continent and 
report the wickedness which is going on here. Their anxiety is so 
great that, actually, Cecil sent this evening to the French Ambassador 
to ask him to give him an assurance that he would not take letters 
on any account from the Spanish ambassador or from D'Assonleville. 
They are very anxious for the French not to stop their trade,* but 
it is of the greatest importance that this should be done, and 
especially as regards Spain, because, without oil and alum, they 
cannot carry on their cloth manufacture, by which the greater 
number of the people of the country live. If they cannot work, 
or there is any obstacle to the disposal of their goods, they usually 
take up arms ; and at the time of the Bruges negotiations, when 
the stoppage of trade was only to the Netherlands, the Queen was 
forced to buy cloths from the towns at a loss, in order to keep 
things going. They are bragging now about sending cloths to 
Hamburg, and they are packing some already, although many 
people think that they are only doing it for show. The effect will 
soon be seen. London, 27th February 1569. 

* In the King'a handwriting : " It would be well to reinforce this, so that nothing 
shall go thither. Tell Juan Vazquez to write to the ports again." 

J 764S7. 



Holograph postscript'. : By the letters from me to His Majesty 
ami from D'Assonleville to your Excellency, you will know what is 
passing here. I shall not know the intention of the Lords until 
to-morrow, but will write to your Excellency when I do. By the 
memorial you will see that I have given the Council here an 
account of the robberies that have recently been committed. 
Another sloop lias just arrived at Southampton, and has been 
detained. The courier Florian comes in her, with many letters 
from the merchants of Lisbon, and some servants of Montigny 
and of Counts Egmont and Horn who were in Madrid.* Your 
Excellency should send recalling D'Assonleville, as that will be 
necessary in the interests of the negotiation. 

Note. This letter was doubtless sent open to the duke of Alba 
for liis perusal before he forwarded it to the King. 

84. DOCUMENT KNDOESKD : " Copy of a statement made to Don 
' France's do Alava by the English ambassador resident 
' in France, respecting what had passed with Don Guertui 
" de Sjies concerning the money and the arrest of his 
" person in his house. Sent by Don France's to the Duke, 
' with the letter from the Queen to His Majesty enclosed." 

At the end of November last Her Majesty the Queen received 
reports from her governors and officials in the west of England, 
namely, in certain ports of Cornwall and Devon, that some ships 
had arrived there on their voyage to Flanders, and that there were 
certain armed French ships at sea, for fear of which neither they 
nor the English merchants dared to put to &ea, particularly such 
as desired to go to Bordeaux for wine, and the said ships on their 
way to Flanders. 

Her Majesty, thereupon, seeing that she was already informed 
by petition that her subjects could not trade with Bordeaux as 
usual, ordered some of her own ships to be fitted out for the defence 
of her subjects, and she sent promptly to order William Winter, who 
had command of her ships there, to extend the same protection to 
the subjects of the king of Spain, both at sea and in the ports, as 
he would extend to her own subjects. He had previously deter- 
mined to steer his course direct lor Bordeaux, but, understanding 
that the said Spanish .ships were in certain ports of Cornwall and 
Devon, first went thilhcr and gave them promises of protection. 
After lie had been there a short time, the French ships entered the 
ports, and he ordered them expressly to avoid molesting the 
Spanish ships, and to be gone out of the ports, which they did. 
Notwithstanding which, they secretly returned in the night and 
robbed the Spaniards, but were expelled by Winter and many of 
them wounded. 

About the .same time the Spanish ambassador, having received 
notice of the arrival of the said Spanish ships, begged her Majesty 
the Queen to order her officers to defend them whilst in the ports 
and to give a passport, authorising certain monies which came in 

* In the hauilwriling of the Kiug : " Look to this, although I know nothing of such 
icrvtuiti being heie." 



thorn to bo brought over-land to Dover, or otherwise, that she 
would allow some of her ships to convoy them in safety to 
Antwerp. The Queen replied that she already had news of the 
business and had ordered her officers to look to the defence of the 
money, and said that she would give guards, and permission for it 
to be safely carried by land or sea, wherever was required. To 
this the ambassador answered that he would write to the duke of 
Alba, and on receipt of his decision, would accept one of the two 
offers made by her Majesty. The Queen, for greater security, 
wrote fresh and more pressing letters, ordering Winter and all other 
officers to attend particularly to the defence of the said ships, and 
ordered that the treasure should be put on shore, to the satisfaction 
of the persons who had charge of it. At the same time she sent 
special letters to Winter again ordering him to guard the said ships 
against all violence. A fortnight after this, Winter advised the 
Queen that it was urgent that he should sail for Bordeaux to 
convoy the English merchantmen, to the number of SO, which 
were awaiting on the coast ; but that he had taken Mich measures 
in the ports that the Spanish ships should be well protected by the 
land forces. Those in charge of the ships, seeing that William 
Winter was leaving, also petitioned the officers of the j orts and 
certain gentlemen of those parts who had been authorised to bring 
the treasure on shore, to the same effect; the money in the mean- 
while being on shore in charge of the Spaniards themselves, aided 
by certain companies of Englishmen for its greater security. Whilst 
this was passing in the West her Majesty learnt of another Spanish 
ship in Southampton loaded with wool, and some treasure, and that 
the same ship was also in danger from armed Frenchmen, who 
were near the port between the Isle of Wight and the mainland. 
She thereupon ordered the Governor of the island, who was at 
Court at the time, to go post to Southampton to see if the Spanish 
ship was in danger or riot, arid if so, to warn the owners and 
endeavour to provide against it. According to the letters writt n 
by him it appears that lie riot only enjoined the French to dep .1 b 
without molesting the Spanish ship, but also gave orders to certain 
forts in the island to lire their cannon on the French, in case the 
latter attacked the Spaniards. After this the French offered i 
large sum of money to the Governor if he would only refrain from 
helping the said ship in case they, the French, attacked it by night 
taking little account, it would appear, of the guns of the forts. 
The Governor, for the sake of his own honour, refused the proffered 
money, and, in fulfilment of the command given by the Queen to 
protect the ship, informed the master, one Lope de la Sierra, who, 
seeing the danger in which his ship was, begged the Governor, in 
writing, to help him to place the treasure on shore, which was done 
three or four days before Christmas, and it was put into a safe 
place under the seal of Lope de la Sierra himself, so that no 
portion of it could be touched without his consent. On Lope de la 
Sierra requesting that one of the boxes should be opened that he 
might take a sum out for his own expenses, this was done, and in 
this box as in other parts of the ship, documents were found 
proving that the money belonged to certain merchants, and was 

n 2 



not the property of the king of Spain. About the same time other 
documents of a similar nature were received from Devoa and 
Cornwall with respect to the monej' in the cutters that were there, 
which documents upon being examined proved also that that 
treasure was private property and not that of the king of Spain. 
This was confirmed by the statement of some of the Spaniards 
who came with the treasure, to the effect that it belonged to certain 
merchants ; besides which, letters were received from Antwerp 
dated IGth December, reporting that the money belonged to some 
Genoese merchants resident there, and that as they were sure they 
would be paid a fair interest, they were willing that the Queen 
should liavc the use of it for a year, or longer, if she desired. 
Thereupon the persons who gave this information were requested 
to negotiate with the Genoese merchants to this effect. Whilst her 
Majesty was awaiting the reply, the Spanish ambassador came to 
Court on the 29th December, asking that all the treasure should be 
removed from the places where it was ; affirming that it was all 
the property of the king of Spain, and, in order that greater credit 
should be given to his assertion, he handed to the Queen a letter of 
three or four lines from the duke of Alba, which simply asked that 
credit should be given to the ambassador, without any mention 
being made of the money or anything else. Her Majesty having 
considered this and compared it with the information she had 
received, to the effect that the money belonged to merchants and 
not to the King, replied that, what she had already done, if the 
money belonged to the King, had been done in order to guard it 
against the French, and gave him an account of some of the efforts 
of her officers with this object. She, however, was now informed, 
she said, that the money belonged to merchants, and, as in four or 
five days she would have further particulars, she assured him on 
her word that nothing should be done which could displease her 
brother the King, and she would prove what she said within four 
or five days when she saw him again. The ambassador took his 
leave without any sign of being dissatisfied with this reply. Her 
Majesty afterwards received news from the west country where the 
cutters were, fully confirming the previous information and proving 
conclusively that the money belonged to the merchants. On the 
3rd of January, which was the fifth day after the ambassador saw 
her, he having in the interim not seen the Queen or requested a 
reply, she learnt that Count Lodron had called together all the 
numerous English merchants residing in Antwerp on the 28th De- 
cember, and told them that the duke of Alba had given orders for 
the arrest of all their persons and property. This was the day 
before the ambassador had his answer, so that on the following 
day, the 29th, when the ambassador received it, as aforesaid, a 
general arrest of all English subjects in Antwerp had been ordered, 
and all of them were lodged in a house and guarded by a company 
of soldiers. It must also be noted that, after the ambassador had 
received his reply at Hampton Court on Wednesday the 29th De- 
cember, he. left on Thursday for London and immediately des- 
patched one of his servants named Marron, who is called his 
secretary, by way of Dunkirk, who had all the English of whom he 



could learn thrust into close imprisonment, and forbade all persons 
to go over to England. In Bruges also, all English subjects and 
property were embargoed and he (Marron) urged the Governors of 
the town to employ greater cruelty to the English people than was 
considered advisable by the Governors themselves, who apparently 
understood the evils which might arise from such a bold course. 

At the eame time, all over Flanders the greatest cruelty was 
used towards Englishmen, poor mariners and others, who were all 
cast into the public prisons, with less consideration, even, than is 
employed in time of war. Her Majesty was kept informed of all 
this, and being moved by her natural solicitude and care for her 
faithful subjects, ordered by public proclamation in London on the 
7th January, that all commerce and trade with Flanders should 
cease until the intention of her brother the King should be known 
in thus arresting her subjects, and sequestrating their property. 
She also ordered that all the subjects of the king of Spain in her 
dominions, and their goods, should be detained in consideration of 
the prior embargo that had been placed on her subjects abroad. 
Her Majesty in doing this, had not followed the severe example 
set by the officers of the king of Spain in Flanders, and by the 
ambassador, in sending the orders he did by his said servant, as 
may be seen by the various moderate regulations made in the royal 
decree already mentioned. Her Majesty, moreover, having heard 
of the bad opinion universally formed by her subjects of the person of 
the Spanish ambassador, in consequence of his action in this matter, 
and the cruel persecutions prompted on the other side by his 
secretary Marron, which were much more severe than those 
ordered by the duke of All a or Count Lodroii in Antwerp, thought 
necessary, both for the safety of the ambassador himself, and, at 
the same time, to tame him somewhat, and satisfy her poor subjects 
who had been so cruelly maltreated, principally by his instru- 
mentality, to order him to remain in his own house and that none 
of his people should be allowed outside, except for the necessary 
provisions. For this purpose her Majesty appointed certain 
gentlemen discreetly and prudently to arrange this, and to remain 
in the house with the ambassador, without cost or annoyance of 
any sort to him. To put this into execution she had sent the 
right honourable Lord Clinton, Lord Admiral, and Sir William Cecil, 
principal Secretary of State, both members of her Council, who 
informed the ambassador of her Majesty's resolution. When they 
saw the ambassador they proceeded as follows : The Admiral 
spoke first and briefly said in French that he and the secretary had 
been sent by the Queen, but that as he did not speak much Latin 
the secretary would communicate her Majesty's message in that 
tongue, which he (the Admiral) understood, although he had little 
practice in speaking it. With this the secretary, in fulfilment of 
the Queen's orders and the decision of the Council, told the 
ambassador that the Queen considered it very strange that a general 
arrest and embargo of all her subjects and their goods had been 
ordered in Flanders with extreme severity, and she desired to learn 
if he had any knowledge whether the duke of Alba had received 
special orders from the King to act in this way, and also whether 



he, himself, had express commands to do what he had done. 
To tliis the ambassador replied that the Queen ought not to 
consider it strange that the Duke should have acted as he had, 
as the cause of his doing so was that he considered the King's 
treasure had been wrongfully detained. As to whether the Duke 
had received special orders from the King, he thought that he had 
not done so, but had acted as Governor and Captain-General of 
Flanders. As regarded himself, the ambassador said he had no 
express command from the King, nor had he done anything in the 
matter except to report to the Duke what he had negotiated. He was 
i hereupon told that, in the first place, the detention of the treasure 
was in order to secure it against the French, as was well known by 
him and others, and to whomsoever it belonged therefore, her Majesty 
should be thanked Cor having detained it. He also knew how 
reasonable had been the reply given to him on the 29th December, 
from which nothing could be deduced which could arouse any 
mistrust, or from which any blame could be imputed to the Queen, 
since she had assured him that she would do nothing which could 
displease the king of Spain, as he would understand within four or 
five days when she saw him again. Her Majesty, therefore, could 
not help holding the duke of Alba as the author of what had been 
done, since no trace of its having been ordered by the King existed, 
and as the ambassador himself confessed that he had no special 
orders on the subject, yet, nevertheless, it was easily discerned that 
he. the ambassador, had intervened very rigorously in the affair, 
and the Queen could not help considering that, thereby, he had 
exceeded the terms of his commission, he having been sent hither 
to aid in the preservation of the treaties of friendship and ancient 
alliance and commerce between the kingdoms, and not to destroy 
them suddenly of his own action. To prove that he had intervened 
in this way, against what he asserted, he was informed that he had 
on a certain day despatched his seccretary Mnmm beyond the sea, 
and the cruelties which the said secretary had there perpetrated in 
his name were cited to him. To this the ambassador answered at 
first that he had no such secretary, but on his being told that 
Man-on was so considered and so styled in the letters, he replied 
that it was true that there was a servant of the King thus called, 
who had been here and had been despatched with letters to 
Flanders, but that even supposing Marron had used his name 
beyond the sea, his authority was not sufficient to cany any weight 
there. Notwithstanding that Marron's acts were clearly proved to 
him, he thought by answering in this way coolly to pass the matter 
over, even though letters found from Antonio de Guaras, a great 
friend of the ambassador, and other Spaniards, proved clearly that 
the ambassador had sent Marron to act as he had done. After this 
tlie ambassador was told that, for the reasons already stated, her 
Majesty had detennined to order him to remain in his house under 
her protection, in order that he might be secure against the irrita- 
tion of the people. For this purpose three gentlemen were 
presented to him, namely, Francis Carew, Henry Knollys, and 
Ikniy Knyvott. He said he was content to accept the Queen's 
decision, l-ut coidd not help protesting that he ought to In; allowed 




the rights appertaining to an ambassador. To this he was answered 
that, as this embargo and viola 1 ion of treaties had been his own 
doing, without orders from his King, ho himself had not thus 
acted as an ambassador, and the Queen did not intend to prejudice 
in any way by what she did her friendship with the king of Spain 
nor any privilege due to his ambassador. On the contrary, she 
desired to maintain such amity, so long as he did not wish other- 
wise. The ambassador, with some heat, again repeated his words 
of protest that his ambassadorial privileges should be respected, 
and he was told that much more than was now being done to him 
had been done to Mr. Man, the Queen's ambassador in Madrid, 
which action also the Queen did not attribute to her good brother 
the King, but to some of his oilieer.s or ministers. Mr. Man was 
expelled the town where lie lived and sent to a poor village three 
leagues off, where he was placed under a guard and confined in a 
very small lodging without liberty to speak to anyone, and was not 
permitted to enter the presence of the King to answer the charges 
against him, although he promised that, if he could not clear 
himself, he would be content to suffer the displeasure of his Majesty. 
The ambassador replied to this, that it was well known that Man 
had been so treated because he wished to exercise his own religion 
in Spain, which could not be tolerated, and thereupon the ambassa- 
dor was told that the queen of England's ambassador, had as much 
right to exercise the religion of his country, without interfering 
with the King's subjects, as he, the ambassador, had to attend mass 
here ; because the queen of England is a sovereign princess equal to 
any, and a subject to no other person. He was told that he was 
also to be blamed in this matter as he was not content to exercise this 
privilege for himself and his household, but connived at the attend- 
ance of the Queen's subjects at religious ceremonies which are 
forbidden by the laws of this country. Towards the end of the 
conversation the ambassador asked authority to send some person 
to Flanders for money to provide for his daily expenditure and 
maintenance, and was told that it would not be necessary for him 
to do this as he would not fail to obtain the necessary provisions, 
and would have more credit here than the bishop of Aquila had 
who was here before Don Diego de Guzman, in whose praise some 
well-merited expressions were used. Whilst the Bishop lived here 
he had bought on credit both goods and provisions from many poor 
persons, for which nothing hitherto had been paid, and these poor 
creditors had never ceased since his death to beg for payment, both 
through the Queen's ambassadors in Spain and through the King's 
ambassadors here. Although promises had been given that these 
debts should be paid, no part of them had been received, and 
many poor people had been ruined thereby. The ambassador said 
that this money had been pnid, which, being contrary to the truth, 
he was told so. He was subsequently told that if he wished to 
write to the duke of Alba or to any other person to report the 
cause and manner of his detention, he might give the letters to be 
read before closing them to the English gentlemen who remained 
with him, and if he would write a letter in his own hand, that the 
bearer of them should pass safely when he arrived beyond the sea, 



a man would at once be sent with his letters direct to the duke of 
Alba, since experience had shown that otherwise no Englishman 
could land in Flandtrs without immediately being arrested and cast 
into prison, it is presumed through the action of his secretary 
Marron. To this the ambassador only replied that he would 
consider it, and this is all that passed on that day, without a single 
word having been uttered more harsh than those set forth, as can 
be testified by various English gentlemen who were present. and 
heard all the conversation, although the ambassador has since 
written to a different effect. It is true that the admiral and the 
secretary had instructions to set forth divers things done by the 
duke of Alba since he has been in Flanders, at which her Majesty 
has cause to be displeased and aggrieved, seeing the good offices she 
has performed during the disturbed period when she might by 
many ways have injured the Duke and his affairs, which, however, 
she would not by any means do, notwithstanding the great pro- 
vocation she had receive 1. They were also told to mention to the 
ambassador the grievance done by the printing and publishing in 
Spain of certain books attacking the King, her famous father, and 
insulting her with obvious lies and falsehoods. Although complaints 
had been made of this, and redress promised, the evil was renewed 
by the printing and publishing of other things worse still. The 
bad treatment also of the ambassador, Mr. Man, was to have 
been set forth in detail, the action in this case having been effected 
with so much discourtesy that the Queen could not believe that 
her good brother the King was the origin of it. They were also 
directed to declare divers grievances which had been caused to hex- 
Majesty's subjects in Flanders recently in many ways, as for 
instance, in new taxes having been imposed upon them, in violation 
of the agreement made in Bruges within the last four years. But 
the admiral and the secretary, seeing that the ambassador was 
disturbed with what they had previously said, and they having 
to go to the Court the same night, eleven miles off, the hour being 
already late, they thought best to defer the last-mentioned matters 
for the present. All this passed on Saturday the 8th January. 
Three days afterwards, the llth, the ambassador sent to Henry 
Knollys and the other gentlemen a packet of letters directed to the 
duke of Alba, which Mr. Knollys returned to him saying, that if 
he wished to advise the Duke of anything regarding his position, 
and what he wrote was in accord with the truth, and he would 
give letters assuring safe passage to the man who took it, the said 
packet would be sent. To this he replied that, as to the first, he 
would duly think it over, and with regard to the second, his letters 
would have no authority as a safe conduct. Notwithstanding this, 
shortly afterwards he sent some of his servants to Henry Knollys 
with the aforementioned letters open, saying that after he had read 
them and had them sealed up, they might be sent to the Court as 
promised. Whilst the letters were being read he sent again to 
say that if they liked they could send them to the Court open, 
which, having regard to some expressions in them, Knollys thought 
he ought not to refuse to do. When they were seen by certain 
n.cml crs of the Council the latter were much displeased at them, 



not only in consequence of what they contained, they being written 
in a very unseemly way for a person in the writer's position, but 
especially for the insolence and presumption he had shown in 
ordering them to be sent to the Court open.* When the rest of 
the Councillors heard of this and had had the letters interpreted to 
them, they could not help being gravely offended, both at the 
contents and at the insolence of sending them open, and it was 
unanimously agreed to write a letter to the ambassador informing 
him of the reasons which they had for complaining of him and his 
letters. To this letter of the lords, dated on the 14th, he replied 
by another written on the 16th, which reply being entirely 
unsatisfactory, seeing that the best excuse he could make was that 
in consequence of their ignorance of the Spanish tongue, in which 
his letters were written, they had misunderstood what he said, 
although their Lordships had no reason to believe that they had 
been deceived by the translators, yet they caused some native 
Spaniards to read them, and found that no other meaning could be 
attributed to the words used than that which had already been 
understood. The lords therefore sent Bernard Hampton, whom it 
is believed the king of Spain will know, as he was Spanish 
secretary to the Queen Mary, and William Winter, Captain of 
Artillery in the Queen's fleet, both being discreet persons well 
versed in the Spanish tongue, that they might ask the ambassador 
what other possible meaning or interpretation could be placed by 
him on his letters than that which their Lordships had placed upon 
them, confirmed by discreet native Spaniards. The ambassador 
replied that it was true that anything, no matter how well written, 
could be twisted to an evil meaning, but, as regarded what he had 
written to the duke of Alba, saying that all, great and small, 
in this country were dissatisfied with the Government, he had 
never, for a moment, intended to allude in this to the lords and 
others of the Council ; but that when in Spain the expression of 
" great and small," having said or done this or that, is used, it is 
understood to mean that such a thing has been commonly said or 
done. He also, wishing to report that the people were generally 
dissatisfied, had used these words ; but it was not his intention 
in saying " that great and small were dissatisfied with the Govern- 
ment," to indicate that they were generally dissatisfied with the 
government of the State, but only with this affair of the detention 
of the King's money. Eegarding the letter which he wrote to 
Geronimo de Curiel, saying that he was a prisoner of Queen Oriana, 
he said it seemed very strange that their Lordships should mis- 
understand his meaning, seeing that any person who has been, or 
conversed in the Court of Spain, would have understood it, and 
taken it in good part, because when they want there to refer to 
any lady of singular and excellent person they call her queen 
Oriana, and, indeed, the ladies and gentlemen of the Court used to 
amuse themselves by calling the queen of Spain by that name, and 
other ladies by other names out of the famous table of Amadis. 
He affirmed that he had never thought of writing anything 

See Note, p. 99. 



injurious or disrespectful of Her Majesty the Queen, for whom he 
had the great esteem, which was due to so virtuous and excellent 
a Princess. As to what he said in his letter about Archclaus being 
still alive, he said he had no intention of indicating any particular 
person here, but that, only following the course of the fable, he 
mentioned Archelaus amongst other personages therein without any 
other intention than the afore-mentioned. 

28 Feb. 85. The KING to GUERAU DE SPES. 

I have little to add to the enclosed, excepting that they have 
acted very badly, after arresting you to seize the letter you wrote 
to me. Both arc acts of open hostility, but, nevertheless, you will 
not make any move beyond what the duke of Alba orders you. 
We expect advice of the reply that the Queen will have given to 
D'Assonleville in order to decide liow to proceed, in conformity with 
the intentions manifested therein. If the Queen has the under- 
standing, which 3-011 say she has, with the princes of Germany and 
particularly with the Palatine, to induce them to arm and jointly 
attack my Netherlands, it will be a decided proof that she is my 
enemy. You will endeavour to discover this thoroughly, and 
write to me by all opportunities, and also to the duke of Alba, 'as 
you will see how important it is to the intei'est of the States. 
Madrid, 28th February 15G9. 

86. DOCUMENT ENDORSED : Statement made by Councillor 
D'Assonleville of his mission to England, upon which 
he was sent by the duke of Alba. 

On the 22nd February 1509 Mr. Mildmay, a councillor, and 
Secretary Cecil, came and declared that they had been commissioned 
by the Queen to hear, in substance, what I had to say, in order 
that they might communicate it to her, to which course they said 
I had already consented. 

I said it was true, and, as the Queen so wished it, in order to 
please her and expedite matters as to my audience with her, I 
would make the statement they requested, which I did, reserving 
for myself the right of stating to the Queen personally points that 
were for her private ear. 

They said they would listen to my statement, and asked me 
whether I had any other point I wished to mention ; to which I 
replied that I had, but only in case the Queen satisfied me on the 
first matter, and they thereupon left. 

On Friday, 25th February, I was requested by Thomas Gresham 
to attend after dinner at the Chancellor's house, where some of the 
councillors awaited me. When I arrived there I found the marquis 
of Northampton, the Admiral, Mildmay, and Cecil, and the marquis 
first addressed me saying, that the Queen had been informed by 
the gentlemen now present of what had passed with me a few days 
before, and, as the duke of Alba, in whose name I spoke, had 
treated her with great ingratitude, Her Majesty was determined to 
huve nothing to say to him or to me us his representative, so that 
it would be superfluous for me to address her personally on this or 
any other matter, but that Secretary Cecil would more fully state 




her intentions. Cecil then said that Mildmay and he had conveyed 
what I had said to the Queen, and after she had heard it, she had 
directed them to speak to me as follows : 

First. With regard to the des'ro expressed for the continuance 
of the friendship existing between the King and l.heir Queen, the 
duke of Alba having stated through me that he would maintain the 
same, she was very pleased thereat, and she on her part had done 
all she could to reciprocate the good will of the King. As far as 
concerned the Duke, however, she had not heard that he had taken 
any trouble to preserve such friendship, but rather to the contrary, 
that he had done what he could to break and violate it in several 
ways, and recently especially, by violently and unjustly ordering 
the arrest of the persons and goods of her faithful subjects. It is 
true that seizures had been made on former occasions by both 
parties, but it had always previously been done in proper form, and 
in accordance with the treaties which, in this case, have been 
entirely disregarded ; the Duke having thus proved himself not 
only ungrateful for the good offices the Queen had performed, but 
had used her subjects iniquitously and unjustly. 

As regards the money which is alleged to belong to the King, he 
said that, in order to acquaint me with the matter, he would state 
fully what had occurred, which in eft'ect was in accord with what 
he had already told me ut the Council, and is contained in the 
published statement. He concluded by saying that the Queen 
never refused to return the money, but had told the ambassador 
that as she understood the money did not belong to the King but 
to private merchants, which she could prove by notes which had been 
sent to the ambassador requesting him to take steps in relation to 
the money, which he was told he could say belonged to the King. 
It was also proved by other letters and documents from merchants, 
and also by the fact that the bills of exchange for the remittance 
of the money had been paid through the bank of Leon, all of which 
evidence would te produced. But, notwithstanding this, she had 
not refused to pay the money, but promised to give a reply within 
four days. 

The treaties, and particularly that of 1495, lay down clearly 
when reprisals of seizure may be adopted, and the treaties on this 
occasion have not been fulfilled, as the arrests were made in 
Antwerp on the 29th December last, on the very day that the 
ambassador came to ask for the restitution of the money, in virtue of 
a letter of credence from his Excellency, containing only four lines ; in 
contravention of the usual form of such letters to princes. It was 
thus evident that there could have been no refusal of restitution 
before the arrests of Antwerp, and, moreover, even the previous 
<)ay, the 28th, Count Lodron had told people in Antwerp that he 
had orders to make the seizure of all English persons and property, 
so that, in any case, the order for the arrest must have been given 
by his Excellency several days before the ambassador had asked 
for the restitution of the money. With reference to my request 
that the money should be restored and the arrests cancelled, on 
condition that the same thing should be on the Duke's part, the 
Queen replied that she had been very badly and injuriously treated, 



and could not be expected to relax befoi'e those who had commenced 
the seizures. 

There were, moreover, many other grave and notable injuries 
inflicted upon the Queen and her ambassadors, and many of her 
subjects were imprisoned in Spain, as well as in Flanders, the last 
treaty of Bruges being entirely disregarded. When she had com- 
plained on this account her arguments had been contemned and 
her letters rejected, besides which, arrests of Englishmen, she learnt, 
had now been commenced in Spain itself, where the Duke had no 
power. It was therefore necessary, since matters had gone so far, 
that both questions should be settled together and not separately. 

This could not be done witli me, as I had no power or commis- 
sion from his Majesty, but if the King would authorize some one 
to deal with the whole of these differences, myself or another, she 
would willingly hear him, but not otherwise ; and this was the 
answer he gave me in the name of his mistress. Having thus heard 
what he had to say, I replied on each point as follows : First, as 
regards what the Marquis had said, I was much surprised at the 
reply, as both the Admiral and Cecil who were present would 
recollect what I had said in my last communication with them on 
the 20th, namely, that my mission could only be submitted to the 
Queen, as was customary and demanded by the dignity of my 
King and the reputation of his lieutenant-general, and even that 
of the Queen herself. All first interviews and replies, I said, were 
given by princes, or, at all events, in their presence, if they are 
minors or wards, which is obviously not the case with the Queen, 
who is so wise and prudent, speaks languages, and is in the habit 
of personally treating with ambassadors. Messieurs Mildmay and 
Cecil had only asked me for a summary of my commission for 
communication to the Queen, and on this understanding I had 
given it, that she should be the better informed before my audience 
with her. I said I had merely given a summary, reserving to 
myself the task of explaining and enlarging as well as answering 
any questions or objections which might be put to me. There was, 
I said, a great difference between making a simple statement and 
making it circumstantially, which was the reason why state affairs 
were more satisfactorily despatched by an ambassador than in 
writing, and, to prove what I said, I had not yet delivered the 
letters of credence and commission which I had offered to hand 
to the Queen in the usual way. In short, I saw that she declined 
to hear my errand and refused me international rights, adopting 
this strange mode of proceeding and declining to listen to me. As 
she had taken this course I protested that, if anything untoward 
should occur, which God forbid, between sovereigns so closely 
united, his Majesty would be exonerated before God and the world, 
as also would be the duke of Alba. 

They replied that it was true I had given them an account of 
my commission under the reserve mentioned that I would explain 
it more fully to the Queen personally, but as the substance of it 
only was the restitution of the money and the raising of the arrests 
on both sides, anything I could say in addition would simply be 
persuasion, which the Queen did not now wish to hear, as I had 



no commission from the King to deal with the matter. As regards 
refusing me audience, which I said was a new thing and against 
international rights, they said the King had first adopted this 
course, having always refused to receive the Queen's ambassador, 
although he had been requested to do so many times. It need not 
therefore appear strange, and the Queen was as much mistress of 
her realm as the King was master of his. I said I knew nothing 
about all this, and, even if were as they said, some reasons must 
have preceded it which I did not understand. I then protested 
that I did not consider what they had said as a reply, but only as 
a refusal to grant me audience, and went on to say that I did not 
understand what ingratitude they referred to from the Duke to 
the Queen, nor the bad offices they imputed to him, and begged 
that they would particularize them more, in order that I might 
give an account to the Duke, as I was quite sure they had been 
wrongly informed and that these were simply calumnies invented 
by evil-minded people. 

They said the Queen was well informed on the matter, and had, 
some time ago, given a statement to the ordinary ambassador, 
to which no reply had been given ; but I could get no further par- 
ticulars from them of the alleged ingratitude, unless, indeed, they 
referred to what they mentioned before about the welcome and 
salutation she had sent to the constable of Navarre at Dover. 

As regards the monej', I said that I had listened to the discourse 
they had addressed to me on two occasions, and as it was a matter 
which closely concerned the ordinary ambassador, I should have 
wished him to be present, in order to give an account of what 
passed. I fully believed that the Queen and Council only 
spoke the truth, but that an ambassador (such men being 
chosen for their goad sense and prudence) ought also to be believed, 
as they have to act alone and cannot call witnesses to corroborate 
them. This, I said, was the reason why I had pressed so much for 
the presence of the ordinary ambassador, as is customary. If he 
had been here he would have been able to answer everything, but 
it was evident that these innovations were only intended to confuse 

When we had got thus far, I was desirous of making it clear 
that we did not recognise that we were in the wrong, or that his 
Excellency had acted in contravention of the treaties, and told 
them that it was evident that two months had passed after the 
detention of the money in England before the seizures were made 
on our side, namely, November and December, which, being the 
months fixed for the payment of troops, the Queen might understand 
that the matter was one that did not admit of delay. 

They declared that the Queen made no detention of his Majesty's 
money before the general seizure on our side, nor refused to let it 
be forwarded. On the contrary, the detentions in England had 
been effected at the request of the ambassador to protect the money 
from pirates and Frenchmen who intended to enter the ports and 
steal it, which they would have done if they had not been pre- 
vented by the Queen. They had even offered her Vice- Admiral a 
bribe of 50,000 crowns to shut his eyes and let them do as they 



liked, and offered another captain 2.">,000. They said that the 
ambassador had never asked for the restoration of the money 
before the 29th December, but had asked them to guard it safely 
until he learnt from the Duke whether it was to be forwarded by 
land or sea. 

I replied that I had understood very differently, and that the 
ambassador had previously demanded the money, the sole request 
for which, by the treaties, and particularly that mentioned by 
Cecil, (1495), was a sufficient cause for the counter-arrest. Even, 
however, which I did not admit, if things were as they said, I asked 
them whether they thought it was a just reason why they should 
keep the King's money ? 

They replied that the money did not belong to the King, as they 
could fully prove. I said as the King my master said to the con- 
trary and his lieutenant-general the same, which statement was 
confirmed by the clearance notes, and the money was coined in his 
mint ami exported from his country, fuller credit should be given 
to him than to the other arguments they adduced. 

Furthermore to upset this reasoning 1 said that, even if this 
money belonged to private persons, which it did not, they could 
not detain it without a clear infraction of the treaties, which 
provide that subjects of both princes may enter and leave the ports 
of either country with ships and goods without any let or hindrance, 
and especially co.ild foreigners enter the ports and leave freely 
for the country of either of the two sovereigns, as in the case of 
these ships freighted for Antwerp, which they themselves 

They said I was right about the treaties, but that the money 
had not been demanded of them, except as being the property of 
the King, for which reason the Queen might refuse to restore it ; 
which, however, she had not done previous to the seizures on the 
other side. I said the money belonged to the King, for the reasons 
alleged by me now, to show that, in any case, they were doin^ 
him an injury in detaining his money which he needed for the 
maintenance of his Netherlands States. 

They said, moreover, that the Queen might receive and hold this 
money, as the bankers of Leon did, to which I replied that it was 
not for the bankers but for the King, and, in any case, the treaties 
provided that goods in transit should-not lie arrested, so that they 
ought to allow the money to go to its dehtination. I could get no 
further reply to this. 

I then passed on to the relaxing of the seizures, as they called it, 
and asked that the Queen should relax first and adding that the 
Duke would maintain that the King's money had first been seized 
in England, long before arrests had been made in the Nciherlands. 
But, I said, the way to settle the business was not to talk aljout 
who should move first or second, but the thing might be done 
simultaneously and everything put into its former position. 

They replied that it was well to know which side had been in 
the wrong, and I said that I saw very clearly in the meanwhile 
they were going to keep my master's money. They said they 
would not touch it, and it would be in safe keeping, but, said I, in. 


12 1 ? 


the meanwhile the King cannot employ his own funds, and I asked 
them whether they thought such a proceeding was worthy of a 
neighbouring princess who professed so much amity, ami if 
friendship generally produced such results as these ? 

The only reply they made to this was that things had arrived 
at such a stage that it was necessary for a general agreement to be 
come to. 

I replied that all the grievances they alleged had nothing what- 
ever to do with the matter in hand, which was a seizure of 
property on both sides, in consequence of the detention of the 
King's money by the Queen ; and, on this point, I was ready to 
expound my commission and negotiate in conformity with it. To 
this they again replied, as before, that the whole matter must be 
dealt with simultaneously. 

I then proceeded to speak of my powers, which I said were 
ample, proceeding as they did from his Excellency, who they knew 
was Governor-General with powers to deal with all matters touching 
his government, such as this was. 1 had, I said, already proved 
this so clearly by examples that the Queen had sent word that I 
was right, for which reason I was all the more surprised that they 
should again assert to the contrary. They replied that the question 
now was not simply one of the government of the Netherlands but 
of Spain, from which the Queen had received many wrongs and 
grievances which had not been remedied. I asked them what 
wrongs and grievances ? They replied that books had been allowed 
to be printed and sold in Spain, wherein the Queen had been in- 
juriously treated as regards her person, honour, and reputation, and 
redress had been demanded for this and granted by the King, but, 
nevertheless, no effect had been produced and the books were 
printed worse than ever. Many persons, too, they said, were being 
detained there, and injury was sought to be done to them without 
any just cause for such action. 

I asked them whether they referred to the Inquisition, to which 
they replied that they did. 

Various points also weio mentioned where the treaty of Bruges 
was being broken, and respecting which redress would have to be 
given at the same time. I asked them for particulars of these 
points, whereupon they said that there were so many that they 
could not recall them, but they had written about them and no 
notice had been taken. I again urged that all these differences had 
nothing whatever to do with the retention of his Majesty's money, 
which they ought at once to return, and the other questions could 
then be dealt with. 

They said that they had heard that seizures had also been 
in Spain, and I replied that if this were so (of which I was ignorant) it 
was only accessory to the sei/Aires in Fhtnders, and when the latter 
point was settled, the Spanish part of the matter would be easily 
arranged. The Duke, if necessaiy, would undertake to obtain his 
Majesty's assent. To this they replied that it was uncertain, and in 
the meanwhile the money would go out of their hands. It was 
much better to deal with all pending questions at once under the 
King's own authority, especially as they believed there were many 



things being done both in Flanders and Spain of which the King 
was unaware, and of which it was fitting he should be informed. 
This was tlie only opportunity of communicating everything to him, 
and it must not be lost. 

Seeing that all this was mere impertinent subterfuge, alleged as 
a pretext for detaining the King's money, I said, " Well, gentlemen, 
" then the Queen means to say, in short, that she will not restore 
" his Majesty's money." They replied that she did not refuse, but 
wished first that all pending questions between them should be 
settled, for whicli purpose she offered to negotiate with any person 
who was duly authorised by the King. I said that this was a very 
unjust and iniquitous reply, and I did not believe if the Queen had 
heard me that she would have given me such, an answer. There 
was no sovereign Prince in the world, however insignificant, who 
would not feel seriously aggrieved at such treatment, and she might 
well imagine how much more it would offend such a King as mine, 
when he was informed that I had protested in vain (as I did now 
again), that if anything happened, which God forbid, between such 
fraternal princes, his Excellency was exonerated before God and 
man from responsibility, he having sent me with the offer I had 
made them. This I asked them to convey to the Queen. 1 said 
that, *o far as I was concerned, I had not been listened to or 
granted an audience, which fact of itself proved the Queen's in- 
tentions towards his Majesty and the Duke ; so there was nothing 
for me but to return and give an account of my mission. I said I 
saw very well what the object was. They wished, in the words of 
the proverb, to " complain with their hands full," and I would leave 
them to judge whether their action was just or reasonable or such 
as could be tolerated by my King. 

They said they did not wish to be blamed for what they had 
told me. They had simply repeated to me the commission entrusted 
to them by the Queen, who had submitted the matter to her Council. 
The Queen, they said, had not taken the King's money to keep, but 
held it and the other goods she had seized as a net-off to the arrests 
made by the duke of Alba. I said that neither by right nor 
reason could they thus suddenly change the ground of their seizure 
subsequent to its having taken place, particularly as the seizure of 
this money had been the origin of everything that had followed. 
What had been the principal cause could not thus be made into an 
accessory fact subsequently as they wished it to be, in violation of 
all light and reason. 

They said yes, it could, and as I could get nothing else from 
them, the conference ended, after I had told them that, as I had 
determined to return home, I wished again to speak with the King's 
ambassador. They said they would inform the Queen and let me 

Continuation of D'Assonleville's Statement : On the same 
day, 27th February 1569, Gresham came to tell me that, on 
his requesting the Queen for a passport in my name, he had 
taken the opportunity of saying how sorry I was that I had not 
been granted an audience, as I had come on so g-'od an errand 
from the King, and that I could hardly believe it, aa she had on 




former occasions treated me so kindly nnd received me so frequently. 
He said I had hoped that if I had seen her Majesty I should have 
received another sort of answer, and events would have followed a 
different course. He had been discussing the matter with the Queen, 
he said, for an hour, and she had ordered him to tell me that she 
knew me well and considered me an honest man, as she had 
always been satisfied with my mode of proceeding ; I had not how- 
ever come on this occasion with a commission from the King but 
simply from the duke of Alba, who had treated her so badly and 
oppressed her subjects in the Netherlands. She said she declined 
to receive me as she had nothing to do with the Duke, and repeated 
to him the complaint about the letter of credence of three lines, 
which, she said, proved that lie did not esteem her. On the 
contrary he disliked her and was anxious for war, and the Duke's 
officers and soldiers were already partitioning her kingdom, like 
hunters who divide their prey before they capture it. She told 
Grcsham to convey this to me that I mitrht communicate it to the 
Duke and tell him that she was Queen and mistress of her own 
realm as her predecessors had been and disposed of the same 
resources as they had done. As regards the King, she was attached 
to him and would do her best to keep the peace with him. If ,she 
had wished otherwise she could easily have prevented Flemish 
affairs from passing over so peacefully, and the Duke would never 
have seen the end of them if she had acceded to the request of 
Orange, Egmont, and other?. She had acted as she had in order to 
keep the money safely, and the money did not belong to the King 
as was proved by the bills of lading and confessions of the mer- 
chants and mariners. She spoke also about the letters she hail sent 
and the treatment of her ambassador in Spain, respecting which 
point Grcsham said he had replied in accord with what he had 
heard me say, namely, that the Queen wa.s satisfied about the 
King's treatment of her ambassador. She replied that she had not 
been spoken to about it, much less satisfied. 

Finally she said that, if I had any commission from the King or 
anything else to say to her, except in the name of the Duke, she 
would willingly hear me. 

Gresham told me all this in the presence of my host, adding th.-i 1 : 
he had been talking with the Queen for an hour on these matters, 
and she wanted -nothing but peace with the King ; but if anyone 
wished to make war on her, they would find her ready ; which she 
enjoined Gresham to tell me. I asked him whether he had any- 
thing more to say to me, to which he replied that I had better 
think over what he had told me, as it was late, and he would come 
to-morrow for the answer. On the last day of February Gresham 
returned, and I told him that I was much surprised that the Queen 
should still remain under the impression that I had not come from 
the King, as I came on his business, from Lis country, for his money, 
and on account of his subjects ; that I was one of his Majesty's 
councillors and bore a commission from his Lieutenant-General in 
the King's absence, in the ordinary form employed on both sides in 
matters touching the Netherlands. 

As regards the ill-will which she says the Duke bears her, and the 
other things she alleges, I replied that these were some false tales 

y 76467. i 



told her by the enemies of peace, and ol' my King and the Duke. 
I should like to know who were the pavtitioaers of her kingdom, 
indeed, it was necessary that I should know, as I was to convey it 
to the Duke. I Legged her to be undeceived, and assured her that, 
if I had spoken to her I would have convinced her that the Duke had 
not ordered the arrests without good reason, as the King's money, 
of which lie was in .such great need, was being detained. I said 
that, even if I had come on another errand, an audience ought not 
to have been denied me, and she was doing herself great injury by 
proceeding in this way. 

I was glad, I said, to hear of the friendly feeling she had towards 
the King, and was sure nobody deserved it better than he ; but 
I should like to remind her of what she had told me to convey to 
his Majesty on former occasions, and to which I did not wish to 
refer more definitely as it was not meet that everyone should 
know it. 

As regards her late ambassador in Spain, I could only say that 
the Spanish ambassador had told me, only the day before yesterday, 
that lie had renewed the explanations which he had presented to 
the Queen and she had appeared satisfied, as I am sure she would 
be if .she would hear me. As regards the audience, I said it 
was evident the Queen saw that if I could not speak by virtue of 
my commission I could not speak without it. In answer to the 
next point I said yes, I had something else to say, but as that 
which came first in order on my instructions had been refused, it 
would be in vain for me to address her on other points. 

Notwithstanding this, I begged Gresham, on my own behalf, to 
say to the Queen that it was a poor proof of her friendship for 
the King, especially in the present state of his affairs, to keep the 
money which lie wanted to pay to his troops. 

I added that I understood that in addition to the seizures made 
by the Queen's ships of our vessels which approached or entered 
her ports, our men, after having been plundered, were maltreated 
or arrested, which were acts of hostility and not merely of 
detention. Personally, I humbly thanked her for her good opinion 
of me, and Gresham promised to convey all 1 said to the Queen, 
adding that she herself desired peace, but that the nobles and the 
people wished for war with the Spaniards. The English had a 
good and populous country, with money, victuals, and munitions, 
besides which the riches of the Netherlands were, so to speak, at 
their doors, and they could draw 500,000 ducats from Hamburg 
in a week, and if the Queen liked to borrow from her merchants 
at 12 per cent, interest, she could have at once a million sterling. 
They (the English) had in former times captured part of France 
and Spain, and had fought some great wars, and, as the Duke had 
fought France, Italy, Germany, and the Netherlands, he had better 
try his hand no-.v against the English. 

1 did not care to reply a word to all this extravagant bombast, 
excepting only to ask whether they were desirous of war, to 
which he replied no, and that war would cause differences here 
for which they would be sorrv. 

On the 1st of March Gresham came again to say that he had 
had another interview with the Queen, and, when he had abked 



her if who knew who were the Spanish officers who had discussed 
the partition of her realm, in order that they might be properly 
dealt with, she answered him that she was a woman, and had 
been told so. I said that he had also told me that she did not wish 
for war with her brother the King, and would never commence 
it, but that if she were forced to it she had means to defend herself. 

Gresham replied to this that the Queen could muster 50,000 
men immediately, that she had money, and that she was better 
supplied with men-at-arms, artillery, war vessels, munitions, 
victuals, and warlike stores, than any three of the other European 
sovereigns together. Notwithstanding this, however, she did not 
seek war, but was quite resolved to have nothing to do with the 
duke of Alba, since he had slighted her so, although all con- 
sideration would be shown to anyone who came with a power from 
his Majesty. 

Referring to my statement that I had heard that the Queen's 
ships forcibly made (Spanisli ships) which they met at sea enter 
her ports, she said she had not heard that this was done and slic 
would not allow it. He (Gresham) handed me my passport, and said 
the Queen had heard that I had caused certain Englishmen to bo 
imprisoned at Dunkirk, from which I exonerated myself, and said 
that a very false statement of the matter had been made to her. 
I begged her to tell me the author of the falsehood that I might 
make him retract it, and I urged Gresham to convey this to the 
Queen, which he promised to do. 

He then said that the Queen had instructed him to say that 
she heard that the ordinary ambassador had written to the Duke 
that Benedict Spinola had informed her that this money did not 
belong to the King but to Genoese merchants, and she assured me, 
on her word of honour, that Spinola had said nothing of the kind. 
He was, on the contrary, entirely innocent, which 1 could make 
known in the Netherlands, especially as she was willing for Spinola 
in persom to come and clear himself to me, and that Lui Lopez 
do la Sierra would inform me how she had learnt it, which 
was through certain notes being found in the boxes naming the 
merchants to whom the money belonged. In conformity with this, 
Spinola came to me together with many other Spaniards and 
Italians, amongst whom was Sierra, and, in the presence of 
Gresham, made a long speech in his justification, all of which I 
said I would report. He (Spinola) told me apart that he still had 
in his possession the passport granted by the Queen for the 
transport of the money to Flanders, which he said would greatly 
exonerate the ambassador. Gresham concluded the interview by 
urging me to use my good offices to preserve peace. I said I was 
not in the habit of using bad offices, but I did not know how the 
King would take the detention of his money at such a critical 
time as this, and the different treatment extended to his lieutenant- 
general and ambassador from that formerly employed towards them. 
He replied that the Queen had said that she could not act other- 
wise, as they had not paid any more respect to her, and the Duke 
had so gravely slighted her Majesty. 

On the 2nd of March Gresham came again to repeat the same 

I 2 



tiling, namely, that, the Queen desired peace, and would not fail 
on her part to maintain it. He also said that the Queen had 
been badly informed about me, and that it was not I, but someone 
else who had had her people imprisoned at Dunkirk. 

La Sierra and others informed me of the amount of money 
seized, and I had a note delivered to him (Gresham ?) setting forth 
that the total sum exceeded 300,000 crowns. 

I was informed that there were 150 Spaniards, Biscayners, 
and others in Bridewell prison, whose ships had been taken 
from them, and who were living on charity, and that an apostate 
Spanish heretic came there every day and preached to them for 
the purpose of leading them astray, which was a barbarous, 
cxhorbitant, and intolerable thing. I therefore addressed a request 
to the mayor of London, who has charge of the prison, that he 
would have the matter remedied, as otherwise I should have to 
complain to the Queen. 

The next day the Mayor sent me word that he had summoned the 
said Spanish proacher before him, and was assured by him that 
he had done nothing but distribute alms amongst these prisoners, 
and say the "Paternoster" in Spanish. Since, however, I 
objected, the Mayor had forbidden him to go to the prison again, 
although the consequence would be that the prisoners would suffer 
more privation than before. I said that did not matter, and that 
the Queen, who was keeping them there, would not let them die 
of hunger, but would treat them as subjects of his Majesty should 
be treated. I let the prisoners know this, whereat they were 
greatly rejoiced. 

The next morning the principal gentleman of the French am- 
bassador came to say good-bye, and to express the ambassador's 
sorrow that he could not come himself, as he had not permission 
to do so. 

I left London on 5th March, escorted by Gresham and William 

10 March. 87. The DUKE of ALBA to the KING. 

Since my last I have received the enclosed letters from Don 
Guerau and D'Assonlcville, by which your Majesty will learn all 
that is passing. I think this business is getting more serious 
than at first was believed, as I notice that the Queen has been 
complaining lately -of the alleged bad treatment of her ambas- 
sador, and those who arc disposed fco forward such movements 
have gained her ear by this means. I am awaiting D'Assonleville, 
and, when he arrives, I will make myself acquainted with his 
action in England in order to send a statement to your Majesty, 
as I think that, saving better information, your Majesty should 
act in conformity with that which we write to you from here. 
In the meanwhile I think it will be well to tell your Majesty 
what my own tendency is, so far. I do not know whether an 
open rupture with England at the present time will be advan- 
tageous, considering the state of the treasury, and these States 
being so exhausted with the war and late disturbances, and so 

ELIZABETlf. 133 


bereft of ships and many other things necessary for a fresh 
war, and it would certainly bo a grave loss of dignity, with your 
Majesty's power, to again return to the old negotiations. All 
things considered, I think it would be best to adopt a' gentle 
course, writing to the Queen that, seeing the close friendship and 
alliance that have so long existed between the countries, par- 
ticularly between her father and the Emperor, and your brotherly 
affection for her, even though she should desire to quarrel, you 
will not consent to do so, and that it shall never be said that the 
knot that binds you together has been loosened. She should be 
asked to say in what way she considers herself aggrieved, and your 
Majesty will be ready to give her every satisfaction in consideration 
of your tender love for her, and will not pursue towards her the 
same course that you would pursue with any other prince under 
similar circumstances. I thought well to set this forth to your 
Majesty in case she should send anyone to you before the definite 
opinion is forwarded to you from here, and you can thus go on 
temporising, and can, afterwards, adopt the course you think best. 
There will be means for fully satisfying your Majesty by-and-bye 
if your desire it. I much fear that the Italian who is writing to 
Don Guerau about that affair is deceiving him, and that lie is 
suborned to tempt him in this and other things, he being a new 
man.* Brussels, 10th March 1569. 

12 March. 88. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING. 

By many letters I have advised your Majesty that this Queen, 
on the 1 9th December last, siezed the money in Lope de la Sierra's 
ship in Southampton, notwithstanding her repeated promise, and her 
passport and letters already granted for its safe despatch. I advised 
the duke of Alba, and tried to gain audience of the Queen, in order 
to signify to her the injury she was doing. I found her very hard 
and harsh, full of falsehood and fictions to avoid returning the 
money, and I understood at once that her intention, and that of 
many of her Council, was to retain it, thinking thereby to in- 
convenience the duke of Alba and, by this means and others, to 
give succour to the French and Flemish rebels. Your Majesty 
will have heard how the Duke also placed a general embargo on 
English property, of which I received news here on the 3rd January 
by a courier who came over with four others, despatched by English- 
men and others there. They quite expected here that the Duke 
would do this, for, before the news arrived, they had taken all the 
ships belonging to your Majesty's subjects in the west country and 
had landed the whole of their sails and rigging. In Southampton 
they told Lope de la Sierra that the pirates would certainly attack 
him in port and that they were in league with the captains of the 
(Queen's ?) ships. By this means they got him to discharge the greater 
part of his cargo of wool and afterwards arrested him. They then 
seized all the letters I wrote to your Majesty, to the duke of Alba, 
and to Don Frances de Alava, and, on my sending to request secre- 
tary Cecil to return them, he began to abuse the duke of Alba as if it 

Rodolfo Bidolfi. 




was his business to punish him, and threatened me greatly. His 
threats were not entirely in vain for, on the 8th January, he and 
the Admiral arrested me in this house with great insolence, sending 
away all my English servants excepting one, and putting me under 
strict guard. They divided the guard into four parties, for whom 
they made three wooden houses in the garden, and posted the 
fourth detachment in the lodge at the principal gate. At the river 
gate they stationed two armed boats with many harquebussiers 
and archers, and left three gentlemen with a large suite in the 
house. They took one of my servants to the Chancellor's house, 
and, under threats of torture, made him give information about a 
courier who had already left, and the road he had taken, which 
courier they at once brought back and siezed the letters. Cecil 
used very harsh words against your Majesty, signifying that this 
insult to me was partly in payment of what their ambassador had 
to endure in Spain. This severity with me lasted many days, 
during which the duke of Alba sent Dr. D'Assonleville hither. 
They placed guards over him when he got to Rochester, and 
detained him here in this manner for a long time, without allowing 
him to communicate with me, feigning many reasons, all false, 
which the Queen had for being offended with the Duke. Neither 
the Duke, nor any other minister of your Majesty, has ever done her 
any dis-service or disrespect, not even complaining of what we and 
;ill persons know she has done to injure your Majesty's States, but 
it is the fear and remorse of a bad conscience which make her 
uneasy. They afterwards told D'Assonleville that he could see me, 
but must not speak with the Queen, either in my presence or 
otherwise, on any account. They said if he had anything to say 
he must communicate with the Council, and both D'Assonleville 
and myself thought best that the Duke should be consulted. When 
his replj- was received, D'Assonleville insisted on his request for 
audience and the Queen in her refusal. The Duke wrote that if 
the Queen would give him, D'Assonleville, audience, there was no 
great objection to his telling any members of the Council, sent for 
the purpose by her, what was the substance of his instructions, and 
D'Assonleville, tired out, did so. The next day a decided reply 
came from the Queen, by the marquis of Northampton and Cecil, 
saying that the Queen would return this money to your Majesty, 
but not through the duke of Alba, but that first all the points left 
open at Bruges, and others pending here and in the Netherlands, 
should bp (settled, and your Majesty should confirm all treaties now 
existing; ;HM I'lirrli-i-. tlitii S.-H Ist'.-i. (!<!! -li"'iM bi- givu mutually 
i'.n- tliH, |.iv:il mi-ill \t.'ii.|>-.| '.. U.lJi Hiiil>:ts.-.:i.l<ir>. Tli-iV :if- ..'th.-r 
iliiti;.'.- tli.-it, I Asxnil'-villc will Mi-it*- ;il>..ui fullx i. _>"'"' Majesty, 

.ill !' wlii.-li I bclii-v HP. s :iny J;d.seli'ls> to : j:iii. tini- tin.) *.- 

ln.w <"-niiuu :i (fail's i.urn ..ut l'i' thorn. M. ! 'Uuirdeillc li.-i* *-<>iii' 
hither, paid by Conde* and the admiral of France to effect an 
offensive and defensive league between this Queen and themselv. 
and with certain princes of Germany, and they seem very much 
set on this with the cardinal Chntillon, whom they have lodged in 
a house in the garden of the palace. When D'Assonleville received 
his reply they offered him his passports, and those who were to 



accompany him were in such a' hurry to get him gone that, 
although lie had orders from the Duke not to leave and had sent, 
with my approval, a courier to inform his Excellency of the reply 
given to him, saying that he ought not to remain here longer in 
the interests of the business, he was obliged to travel slowly to 
Dover, where he hoped to meet the courier, whose return had been 
expected for so;ne time. This courier had been sent in the name 
of the French ambassador. In the meanwhile they are busy here 
in persecuting the Catholics, and all those who have attended mass 
or who are suspected of it. They put them in prison, and have 
lately issued a harsh decree against those who may introduce 
Catholic books into England. They haVe also ordered that vacant 
lands are to be cultivated, and have placed heavy burdens upon the 
towns to see whether the people who were occupied in the wool 
industry can be thereby diverted to agriculture. They have 
forbidden, under heavy tines, trade with your Majesty's dominions, 
and are preparing a fleet to send to Hamburg with large cargoes of 
cloth, of which the Duke lias been advised. Chance has brought 
them so many vessels on their v.-'iy from Spain that they are made 
more obstinate than ever, :md must of the other vessels passing oft' 
the coast on their way to Flanders have been pursued by armed 
ships of the Vice-Admiral, and have been forcibly brought into the 
ports and detained. Others have been obliged to take shelter in 
Plymouth to escape pirates that assailed them ; others, again, have 
been taken into and robbed in Rochelle. In this way there are 
in this country, belonging to subjects of your Majesty, 25 or 26 
very valuable sloops, of which the Vice Admiral and other officers 
have plundered most, and the pirates themselves have boldly entered 
the ships lying in the ports and stolen great quantities of pro- 
perty, as even M. de Bourdeille did as soon as he arrived. On the 
IGth ultimo 91 boxes of money were brought hither from the west 
and put in the Tower, Hawkins accompanying them with four or 
five boxes of gold brought from the Indies. During his voyage he 
has lost at the rate of 50 per cent., besides the loss of his sailors, 
not 15 persons having survived. They said that he had left in 
Florida some of his men, but they tell me now that he left them in 
Panuco. I have already written to your Majesty how the French 
and English pirates, together and separately, have sallied forth 
from the ports of the west to plunder the vessels of your Majesty's 
subject*, and have brought them into the ports, selling and dis- 
tributing their booty as they pleased without any measures being 
taken to prevent it. Indeed, many of the Council receive great 
presents from the pirates. This Queen thinks that your Majesty 
should send some person here to treat with her, without considering 
how badly she and her people have behaved ; but, really, con- 
sidering the way things arc going on here, it will not be conducive 
to your Majesty's dignity to send anyone, but rather to punish 
these people in a way which shall make them realize their offence. 
It is disgusting to hear Cecil talk about his Queen being a 
monarch, and that no other Christian prince is a monarch but she. 
I have even heard that they are going to publish a decree ordering 
every person to take an oath of allegiance to this effect, which will 



mean a butchery of Catholics if God in His mercy does not prevent 
it. They do not treat the Flemings on board the vessels very 
badly, but they have treated the Spaniards worse than the Turks 
would do, taking from them everything they had on board the ships, 
and they even kept them for days without food. The Spaniards 
came hither, but they were not allowed to approach my door for 
u long time, although secretly many contrived to enter the house, 
and I provided for the others as best I could. They have put 
200 of them in Bridewell, and have had a Spanish -heretic minister 
to preach to them, which has been extremely difficult to prevent. 
They have now somewhat lightened my guard, and, although by 
means of the French ambassador, D'Assonleville, and the gentlemen 
who guard me, I have endeavoured to get the Queen to hear me, 
she has replied that it is not fitting that she should do so until 
who receives a reply from Spain. They have ordered that all 
pei-sons hero should have their arms ready for a general muster, 
which is Icing obeyed, especially by the Catholics. The other 
people, although heretics, are most unwilling to enter into this war, 
for they know thuir weakness. The duke of Norfolk and the earl 
ot Arundel have been in close communication with me through a 
trustworthy person during all this, and they write that they well 
know the oii'ence committed by this Queen and Council against 
your Majesty, but that hitherto everything has been over-ridden 
by Cecil and they have not dared to resist him, or even to point 
out to the Queen his bad government, until they have felt their 
way with the other nobles and with the people. They have now 
done this and have many sure pledges. They say they will cause 
this money and all the goods to be returned, and will change the 
Government in such a way tbat there shall be no more pirates in 
this country who will offend your Majesty's subjects. They will 
respect all alliances and treaties, and will even restore here the 
Catholic religion. They only ask that your Majesty should stand 
linn in the stoppage of trade, as well as the king of France, so that 
the English shall have no commerce with either country. The 
people are already beginning to murmur, and these gentlemen will 
find means to raise them and punish the evil doers. To add 
strength to the enterprise, they sent me the draft of a proclamation 
for me to forward to the duke of Alba for publication. It contains 
a statement of the motives which they desire the public to know, 
which are similar to what I have already written about the tyranny 
<if some members of the Government, of the non-fulfilment of the 
passport given, of the favour shown to pirates and the support 
given to rebels. I have sent it to the duke of Alba, and assured 
him of the goodwill of these gentlemen and their power here. They 
wish the affair to be conducted very secretly for the present, for the 
Queen and Cecil are suspicious, even of the birds of the air. They 
have put Thomas Cobham and many other gentlemen in the Tower 
for a simple word in favour of the duke (of Alba). These 
gentlemen desire that the Duke should sieze the ships which are 
I icing loaded for Hamburg, which will carry 20,000 pieces of cloth, 
a'id detain them <m the same grounds as those alleged for the 
detention of the sloops here. This would be of such great interest 




to the merchants and people of London that, immediately on the 
news becoming known, these gentlemen would begin their move- 
ment. I have written all this to the Duke, so that he may in his 
discretion decide what is best for your Majesty's service, and I have 
also written to your Majesty a letter, of which this is the copy, by 
the sailor who offered to take it in a boat starting from the extreme 
point of this island for Spain. I also advised how Mildmay, one 
of the Council, summoned Francisco Diaz, who came with the 
money sloops from Spain, and, after much beating about the bush, 
asked him at what season of the year the fleet from the Indies 
usually came, and what ships came with it as a convoy. He also 
asked him about the riches of the Rio de la Plata, and if the 
country was populated yet by Spaniards, and many other questions 
about the gold and silver mines there. From this it may be 
believed that they intend to attack the fleet when it comes, 
because, besides the ships which they are loading for Hamburg, 
they are fitting out the ships in the west, and have sent captains 
to raise troops, which they say, however, are for Rochelle. They 
have moved tiie queen of Scotland to Tutbury and keep her verv 
close, so much so the guards are placed on the roads for three 
miles round. The bishop of Ross is kept similarly elsewhere. I 
wrote to your Majesty that the queen of Scotland had signified to 
me that she would find means to have her son delivered to your 
Majesty to be brought up in your Court in the true religion with 
every virtue and accomplishment, and she wishes to know if your 
Majesty will favour her in this way. She also begs you, as a 
magnanimous prince, to consider her in her trouble. The duke of 
Chatelherault, since he has been in Scotland, has grown more 
powerful than the regent James, who is already asking for aid from 
here. I also sent to your Majesty the message that the queen of 
Scotland had conveyed to my servant, who was sent to her at her 
request whilst she was at Bolton, to the effect that Cecil's servant 
(Alleyn ?), who was in the habit of inspecting the guard occa- 
sionally, was consoling Vice-Chamberlain Knollys and Captain Reid 
who guarded the Queen, for the victories of the duke of Alba in 
Flanders, and told them that, though your Majesty was destroying 
their religion, they might rest easy, as an arrangement had been 
made, through his master (Cecil), with some natives of the 
Netherlands, who would soon give poison to your Majesty, whic^ 
God forbid. As this was known by me only a few days befr 8 ' 
I was arrested the plan formed for discovering the details of =uii 
business could not be carried out fully, especially as the bishop of 
Ross is in his present strait. London, 12th March 1569. 

19 March. 89. DOCUMENT HEADED : Clauses of His Majesty's Letter of 
19th March. 

Encloses an edict that he has published allowing the introduction 
of breadstuff's into Biscay and Asturias, in consequence of the short 
harvest. The ambassador is to show this to the Queen, and to beg 
her, in conformity with their mutual friendship, to allow wheat, 
&c., to be brought to Spain from England by the inhabitants of 
either country in accordance with the conditions set forth in the 
said edict. If her permission be free and unlimited, he would 

B. M. 


Galba, C. in. 





prefer it ; but, if not, the ambassador is to get a license for the 
largest quantity possible. Madrid, 19th March 1569.* 

2 April. 90. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING. 

I have given advice of all that has happened here as best I 
could, writing mostly by way of the Captain of Calais without any 
superscripture or other due form, so that the letters which I sent 
to the duke of Alba might be forwarded to your Majesty. An 
Asturian sailor, also, called Pedro de Rugala, who had his boat at 
the extreme point of England, offered to take a despatch which I 
gave him on the 12th ultimo. In future, I shall not be able to 
write so much, in consequence of the strict orders given to prevent 
any letters leaving the country, unless they pass through Cecil's 
hands. The impudence of these people has reached such a pitch 
that the Queen's ships publicly attacked a flotilla of sloops on their 
way from Spain three days ago and captured seven of them, which 
they took into the port of Hull. These people are well prepared, 
although they are downcast at the news of Conde"s rout.t I have 
already advised how the duke of Norfolk and the earl of Arundel 
wish to serve your Majesty. They have many friends and 
adherents in this country, and, when they hear that your Majesty 
will accept their goodwill, they will declare themselves more 
openly at a convenient opportunity. The duke of Alba, on due 
consideration, has written, ordering me to entertain and caress 
them on your Majesty's behalf, and said he expected shortly your 
Majesty's own decision as to what was to be done. Secretary 
Cecil pretends to be ill, so that the Councils ai'e held in his house. 
He and live or six others are getting very rich with robbery of 
your Majesty's subjects, and they think that, even though no war 
may break out, they will still be able to keep what they have 
stolen. They capture all the boats loaded with wine and salt they 
come across, and say that they will pay for them but never do so. 
On the 28th ultimo, the Queen ordered a muster of her pensioners 
and their servants, who turned out to the number of 200 horse, not 
very good. The muster was in the park of the palace, and the 
Queen was present with Cardinal Chatillon and the earl of 
Leicester. She was very free and joked much with everybody. 
The other musters of infantry have been postponed, and they have 
suspended the preparations on the fleet which they were fitting out 
for Rochelle. Captain William Rivers|(Winter?_) is to go in command. 
The ships for Hamburg are already loaded, and, on the return of a 
pink which they have sent thither, they say they will sail with 
four of HIP Qoeen'i ships in their company, as well as two Venetian 
vessels which un- fitting <'iu in Norwich. There are three 
Eaaterlingw who they say they are going to fit out four more, but they 
have great lack of sailors. Captain Jones, with four ships of the 
fleet, it is said, will sail shortly for the Azores. Hawkins is 
n ported to have brought Ixtck twenty-eight thousand dollars in 

* The letter of which this appears to he an extract is referred to on page 23 and was writti'ii in ].">() nnd not 1509. 

f Thr ilimuitniiis lialtlc of .Innim-. l.'Hli March Ijf.'j. 
t Guillcrnw de Kivas. 



gold, and a'jbox of pearls. Some'silver was also brought in a ship of 
his which was thought to bo lost, but which has arrived in Ireland 
and has on board, as a prisoner, a gentleman of Alava called Don 
Juan de Mendoza, son of Sefior de Mariota y Meiidoza. He was in 
one of the islands of the Indies, and, out of friendship for the 
English, had them supplied with water and victuals. Going on 
board one of their ships, they sailed away with him in payment for 
his simplicitj^. He is now in Ireland and thinks Hawkins will 
liberate him, in which I believe he is mistaken, as they are guarding 
the prisoners here very closely, besides which, many of the Spaniards 
are very badly treated and kept in chains. The money from 
Southampton was brought here on the 26th ultimo, and has been 
weighed and put up like the rest without any discharge yet having 
been given to those who brought it. They showed Lope de la 
Sierra everything in the Tower, but he saw nothing of the money 
they had brought from the west. It is therefore suspected that 
they have melted all or part of it, as the}' are coining money with 
frantic haste, which is unusual with them. The Secretary oi' Lord 
James has arrived here, and the Councillors now publicly state 
that James and the duke of Chatelherault have agreed that 
the former shall remain at the head of the Government and the 
latter be declared the successor of the prince. The Parliament is to 
be called together for this purpose. I doubt the truth of this, 
because not a day passes without some new tale being made up to 
comfort the people ; just as, recently, they cried up the rising of the 
Moriscos of Granada, as if it were some great thing. This Cardinal 
Chatillon goes so far as to say now, that if the news of Condi's deatli 
be true, which they do not yet believe, he will go to sea as captain 
of all the corsairs, although if the intention of his doing so is to 
commit more robberies, I do not see how that is possible. Many 
Catholics write letters secretly to me saying that the moment they 
see your Majesty's standards raised in this country they will all 
i-ise to serve you, and it is certain that if your Majesty commands 
measures to be taken for the conversion of the kingdom and the 
punishment of these insolent heretics and barefaced thieves, I do 
not think it will be difficult to bring them to subjection, or, at least, 
to change the Government and religion. If, on the other hand, the 
matter is passed over, in addition to other great evils, Flanders will 
be in continual unrest. Your Majesty will have it all considered 
and will decide for the best. I am still in durance but not so 
horribly closely kept as before. It looks as if they were trying to 
make it up with me somewhat, but as regards any principal point?. 

I will d.i Lid liing iititil i r^ceiv :>iera from your Majesty or the 

L'ukf. In dir nif.-tnu liili-, I am sending complaint** <>l th' aflsaults 
;i ii'l roliberifi*, although f !<> nul tipur ot'all of UKMII, Koine of. thesis 
people .uu under the impression ihat they will get great concessions 
from your Majesty, and amongst others, that, if the English are 
friendly, they will be exempt from the power of the Inquisition 
whilst in your Majesty's dominions. As soon as these gentlemen 
who guard me come with tficir hints of this, I tell them that in your 
Majesty's dominions a heretic, whoever he may be, will be punished, 



and they need not think that we change our religion there as they 
do here. London, 2nd April 1569. 

Postscript : I have heard that Peter Wolschart, the agent of the 
King of Poland in Madrid for a long time past, reports to a brother 
or kinsman of his, who came hither with John Man and remains 
here, all that passes. As they correspond in Polish, their secrete 
are very safe. He is a well-known man.* 

They have raised the embargo from the goods of all Flemings 
here who have declared themselves of the Anglican faith ; I mean 
the merchants who were here at the time of the Queen's proclamation. 
Many of them have therefore joined the Church and go to the 
meetings of the Flemish refugees, who have separate ministers, as 
have' also the French refugees. There is one minister here, the son 
of a Spaniard, born in Holland, who was a friar in Spain and fled 
from the Inquisition, against which he has written a blasphemous 
book which is current here in three modern languages. He 
afterwards went into Bridewell to preach to the Biscayners, although 
some of them told him that he had better go to Calahorraf to preach 
such stuff as that. He gave them a " Christian doctrine " in 
Spanish, composed, it is stated on it, by Dr. Juan Perez. It is 
printed here, although it bears the imprint of Venice and is very 
artfully written to conceal the heresy. I am told that many copies 
of these -books have been sent to Seville.} I have had him (the 
minister) brought away from Bridewell by main force. He preached 
that he disapproved of the robberies that were being committed, 
and Cecil has ordered him not to preach again without a fresh 
license, saying that he had been informed that he was an Arryan. 
Robert Etienne's little book in French is also current here, printed 
at Antwerp in the year '67. It is terribly blasphemous against the 
holy sacrament and all the articles of the Catholic faith, with a 
curious device of writing certain discourses about Herodotus. 

The other night some heretics handed it in at my door and it was 
presented to me. I at once had it burnt, and it would be well to 
have it served in the same way in Flanders and wherever else it 
may be found. I have just been informed that in agreement with 
the Queen, Cardinal Chatillon has requested to be allowed to go 
with the fleet to Rochelle, where he would help her against the 
common enemy. The Queen answered that she could not allow 
him to go against the King her brother. They at once let the 
French Ambassador know of this, and they think they can deceive 
both sides with such tricks as these. London, 2nd April 1569. 

* In the King's handwriting : " I do not know whether it is the man who left the 
other day." 

f In gome parts of Spain the grating whence bread was distributed to starving 
people in times of famine was called by the cant name of Calahorra (which is also the 
name of a town), and, as any doctrine might be made acceptable when accompanied by 
bread, it became a common expression to say that such a thing must be told in Calahorra 
to be believed, as one might say " Tell it to the marines." 

X In the King's handwriting : " Take notice. Let the Cardinal know immediately 
on his arrival." 

Robert Etienne was printer to the King of France and sent a copy of his book 
to Queen Elizabeth by Norris, her ambassador, in August 1569, when he was expellee) 
his country for his religious opinions. 


2 April. 91. The DUKE of ALBA to the KING. 

Freuch. M y letters of the llth, and enclosures will have informed your 

Majesty of the state of affairs in England and the issue of Councillor 
D'Assonleville's mission, which was that the Queen had finally 
declared that, for the present, she would not grant or refuse the 
restitution of the money which she had arrested until the questions 
pending between your Majesty and her, in Spain and elsewhere, 
have been considered and arranged. She was determined that 
this should only be done with envoys bearing your Majesty's power, 
and refused audience to D'Assonleville. I thereupon instructed 
D'Assonleville to report to me in cypher the circumstances and 
manner in which everything had occurred, in order the better to 
understand the Queen's designs and enable us to consider maturely 
the whole matter, and advise your Majesty, The roads both ways 
being, however, so insecure, D'Assonleville had left before my letters 
arrived. He gave me verbally an account of his reasons for leaving 
and made a statement to the Council here, which he afterwards 
handed me in writing and which I now enclose. 

We have commenced the discussion of the whole matter in order 
to grasp it thoroughly, but as we have received news of Comic's 
defeat, which appears very important, we defer the decision of the 
English business until we learn whether it is true or not. Brussels, 
2nd April 1569. 

4 April. 92. The DUKE OF ALBA to the KING. 

As regards English affairs, I beg your Majesty will read the 
despatch in French, D'Assonleville's report, and the decision arrived 
at by the Council and myself. It is all as full as I can make it, and 
notwithstanding what Don Guerau writes, I am not yet convinced 
that they are not deceiving him. I thank your Majesty very 
humbly for the confidence you place in me. and whenever I see that 
an opportunity of serving you may be missed by waiting to consult 
you, I will presume to act as you order. I will not otherwise dare 
to break with anybody, as I fully recognize that your Majesty's 
confidence in me is greater than my parts deserve, and I will not 
trust arrogantly to my own judgment. I have thought well not to 
send to Don Guerau the statement of what passed between Don 
Martin Enriquez and Captain Hawkins until they broach the 
subject in England. Brussels, 4th April 1569. 

Note in the handwriting of the King : " Tiznach has sent me a 
" packet, which is no doubt this, but I have not been able to open it 
" yet." 
23 April. 93. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING. 

On the 14th instant I wrote your Majesty a long letter by way 
of Flanders, with a copy of a letter from the queen of Scotland, and 
of the agreement which is under discussion between the people of 
iier country. I also send note of the ships which up to that date 
had been detained in this country, and the correspondence between 
the Council and myself respecting the robbery and piracies com- 
mitted by the Queen's own ships. In order not to make this letter 
too bulky, I am not sending any further statement herewith. I 
have informed your Majesty that I had sent a letter to the queen 



of Scotland and I am still awaiting the reply. It is impossible to 
treat with this queen of England for the present, since the duke 
of Alba has forbidden trade with this country and given license to 
carry arms. The Queen at once obtained a copy of the duke's 
placard and Cecil wished to reply to it by another, which, I am told, 
was drawn up in very arrogant terms. In answer to the duke's 
assertion that the Queen's proceedings were against the will of the 
greater part of the nobles, Cecil wished to make not only the 
Councillors but all the principal people in the country sign approval 
of them. The duke of Norfolk and earl of Brauges* (Arundel ?) 
refused to go to the Council, although many embassies were sent to 
them from Cecil. In the end, however, the Queen is satisfied with 
leaving the placard unanswered. The duke and the earl say that, 
in a very short time, they will make the Queen do as she ought to 
do, and will change the Government, restoring the property that 
has been stolen. It will certainly not be diflicult for them, seeing 
how unpopular the present Government is ; but as they act in the 
usual cautious English fashion with one another, they will not 
declare themselves frankly, and the affair drags more slowly than 
it would elsewhere. They (Norfolk and Arundel) have sent to 
me to day asking me to send to the Council by a special messenger 
when the duke is there all the points proposed to me by Bernard 
Hampton on the 19th, and to which I gave him my answer at the 
time, as the Duke knows nothing of Bernard Hampton's coining, 
and it was all managed by Cecil, Leicester, and the Admiral. I will 
do this, as a means by which they may begin to fall out amongst 
themselves. All the replies that Bernard Hampton gave me were 
illusory. He said that all the goods detained were well guarded, 
which is untrue, that the 13 sloops brought into the port of Ply- 
mouth by the new ship were not brought in by order of the Queen, 
although her standard was flown. The five sloops that-wcre handed 
over to the French, also, he said, had not been delivered by her 
order. He wished to make out that the queen of England was 
sovereign of the sea with supreme dominion, and I told him that 
this element was a very inconstant one for the Queen to wish to 
rule over. I also justified the proceedings of the duke of Alba, and 
smoothed over John Man's affair which they only use now as an 
excuse for my detention. I also touched upon their complaints 
respecting the action of the Inquisition in Spain towards Englishmen, 
and gave him a general answer on all points, in the pi'esencc of 
Captain William Winter, and he did not dare to give me n written 
reply in order to prevent me from retorting in like manner. As, 
however, the Duke and the Earl wish me to present these matters 
point by point in writing, I will do so, and will send copy of my 
statement to your Majesty. The Hamburg fleet will be ready to 
sail in four or five days, well fitted and valuable, as your Majesty 
will see by the memorial I send. To take this fleet would be to 
take all England, and even the detention of it would be giving a 
grand spur to the action that these gentlemen here wish to lake in 
your Majesty's service. News has been received here that Holland 
is arming, and, if the fleet is ready and strong, the departure of the 

* In the King's handwriting: " He must mean ArunUvl." 



Hamburg ships may perhaps be stayed. They have pilots from 
Hamburg here already. The French ambassador has promised 
Roberto Ridolfi that the king of France will issue a similar placard 
to that of the duke. 1 think, certainly, that if the Queen does not 
change her government voluntarily, there will be a rising here 
within a month, especially if any ill should befall these fleets for 
Hamburg or Rochelle, or if these people were distressed by our 
taking their ships as they do those of others. Jf any disturbance 
arises here, either by the action of these gentlemen or otherwise, the 
government can be overthrown, and if the matter is taken up 
vigorously the country may be mastered, or, at least, may be brought 
to what is desired. The Queen is abandoned by many, and hardly 
anyone really likes her. The Council only looks after its private 
ends. She is so poor that these gentlemen tell me that she had 
not 30,000 ducats before these seizures. Alleyn (?), a servant of 
Cecil, who, although he is not a Catholic, sometimes gives me private 
information, says that even if they do not keep this money, they 
wish to help the arming of the French and Flemish rebels, and have 
adopted the device of arming the followers of Cardinal Chatillon 
and the prince of Conde, together with those of three or four 
Englishmen, sometimes bearing the Queen's standard and sometimes 
that of Coride". With these they will plunder all the ships that 
come to this country, and they had already taken more than 
200,000 ducats before these detentions began, nearly all from 
subjects of your Majesty. On the top of this came the windfall of 
the money, and Benedict Spinola tells me that the reason Cecil 
gave for taking it was that the Queen had no credit in Antwerp 
or Frankfort to enable her to aid her friends. They thought that 
affairs in Flanders would not go so well for us as they have done, 
and that your Majesty would dissemble with them and let them 
enjoy the money on their promising simply to pay interest. They 
imagine, no doubt, also, that these robberies would be treated as 
those of seven or eight years ago were treated, for which they have 
never yet been called to account. The rigorous action of the Duke 
in embargoing all their goods in Flanders has grieved them much, 
as they had expected, for the reasons I have mentioned, that things 
would have been allowed to drift without an open rupture, and that 
they might, with their usual deceptions, continue to help the rebel- 1 . 
With regard to the other points upon which your Majesty instructs 
me, especially as to Montague's brother-in-law and the caution 
necessary for similar negotiations with him or others, I will take 
great care, and must leave for my next letter further news, as the 
Hamburg fleet is now leaving. London, 23rd April 1509. 

94. COPY of a MEMORIAL given to His MAJESTY respecting 
English Affairs by Merchants interested. Madrid, 
28th April 1509. 

Your Majesty already knows that the queen of England lias 
ordered the seizure in her ports of a large number of vessels on 
their voyage from Spain to Flanders, and vice versa. By our 
advices we learn that they number already over 70, with great 
sums of money which were sent from here with your Majesty's 



license for Flanders to pay your Majesty's obligations there. The 
value of the property so detained, including money and goods, 
exceeds three million and a half in gold, and although it has not 
hitherto been confiscated, the delay that has taken place already 
makes us fear that it may be regarded as lost unless your Majesty 
promptly orders measures to be adopted for its recovery, inasmuch 
as we know that much of the merchandise is being sold and 
dispersed, and we fear that the same may be done with the money. 
The queen of England has declared that she will not treat with the 
duke of Alba on this matter nor with your Majesty's ambassador, 
for certain reasons which, although insufficient, influence her, and 
which will cause the business to go from bad to worse daily to the 
great loss and injury of your Majesty and your subjects unless 
redress be promptly provided. We therefore briefly set forth 
certain things that we consider might be done to remedy matters, 
for your Majesty's consideration and decision, in the hope that your 
Majesty will be pleased to approve of them. First, we would 
suggest that your Majesty should be pleased at once to send a 
member of your council of the treasury, of experience in affairs, 
to make some agreement with regard to the goods that have been 
sold and dispersed in England, and also with regard to the money, 
in case the Queen should not consent at once to restore it all. 

Inasmuch as the sum taken is a very large one, every month of 
delay means a heavy loss for your Majesty's subjects and your 
royal treasury also. This is particularly so as regards the marine 
duties and customs dues on wool, which have all ceased in conse- 
quence of the stoppage of maritime trade, caused by the obstacles 
to navigation. It is certain that if your Majesty's subjects in 
Spain and the States, and others that have served you, lose this 
great sum of money, commerce would be nearly suspended, and 
many would be totally ruined and undone. Even though it be uot 
lost but subsequently returned, the fact of its having been so long 
detained under embargo, will cause great loss of credit and sus- 
pension of payments ; besides which it will be almost impossible to 
provide money in Flanders for want of means of transit, and 
inasmuch as credit will be disturbed, it will not be possible to raise 
funds otherwise. The loss and damage to your Majesty's subjects 
and others that will be caused thereby cannot be exaggerated ; 
especially to those who have undertaken obligations in Flanders to 
provide money and who are not only prevented from entering into 
fresh commitments, but cannot fulfil their present undertakings. 
For this reason we presume humbly to beg your Majesty most 
urgently to promptly order measures to be taken for our redress, 
since every month of detention means a loss of over 300,000 
ducats to your Majesty's subjects and other servants, except a very 
email portion belonging to the Portuguese, there being no other 
business at the present moment so important as this to your 
Majesty's interests and those of your subjects and vassals. 

9 May. 95. GUERAU DE SPES to the KINO 

I wrote to your Majesty on the 23rd ultimo, and you will have 
heard since from the duke of Alba that the Hamburg fleet left here 



and has been forced by contrary winds into Harwich. Seven of 
the Queen's ships were, prepared to accompany it, but it seems that 
only four of them went, as the other three were short-handed and 
it is believed they will remain to guard the coast. This fleet 
carries great cargoes of cloth, woollens and kerseys. An embassy 
has arrived from the town of Embden complaining that this 
trade was not continued with them as had been agreed, or, at least, 
that four ships with cloth have not been sent every year. But the 
fleet will nevertheless go to Hamburg where Cecil and the lord 
keeper his brother-in-law have many connections. It is notorious 
that they send much of their money thither, thinking to keep it 
in safety there. The other fleet for Rochelle, it seems, will bring 
back wines and salt. It sailed from the Isle of Wight on the 
2nd inst., and the Queen told the French ambassador she could not 
avoid its going, as an agreement had been made with certain 
merchants in Rochelle. They promised the ambassador that, in 
the treaty for restitution, both parties shall be represented, and 
they have proclaimed that all persons claiming that the French 
have robbed them are to give information to the admiral. In the 
meanwhile they are watching the progress made by the army of 
the duke of Deuxponts. In the new ship which took the five 
sloops from Plymouth to Rochelle have returned many rebel 
Frenchmen, the Vidame de Chartres and his wife, M. de Saint- 
Simon and others, who have brought letters from the queen of 
Navarre, as they call her, for this Queen and Council asking for 
help. I have written to your Majesty that the duke of Norfolk 
and the earl of Arundel have sent messages to me on many 
occasions through Roberto Ridolfi, a Florentine, and John Suygo, a 
Milanese, who have entrance into my house, expressing their wish 
to serve your Majesty. They gave me a form of proclamation 
which they desired that the duke of Alba should publish, thinking 
that, with this and the restriction of trade, the people would rise, 
and they might change the Government and restore what had been 
stolen. The duke of Alba published the proclamation in a good, 
but slightly different, form from the draft, but they say that the 
convenient time has not yet arrived when they can do what they 
wished, because, with this fleet going to Hamburg, Cecil and his 
friends have made the public believe that the damage done by the 
suspension of trade with Flanders will be made up. They (i.e., 
Cecil and his party) also exaggerate greatly the rising of the 
Moriscos of Granada and other fibs and fictions which they publish 
every day. They boast of the impossibility of your Majesty 
making war against them, and enlarge upon the alliances 
which they have in Germany, and thus the people are kept in 
suspense. Oil, iron, and spices were beginning to fail them, but 
in the sloops which they have captured large stocks of these were 
found, and they are now supplied from this source and with 
consignments which are always secretly being exported from your 
Majesty's dominions. Although they (Norfolk and Arundel) dis- 
tinguished themselves by opposing the insolent answer to the 
Duke's proclamation which had been drawn up by Cecil, they 
have not made any move, as they declared they would, towards 

jr 76467. K 



having Cecil arrested, reforming the Council and restoring the stolen 
property. They say they are hindered by the fact that many of 
the Council are deeply pledged in the robberies and fear restitution, 
90 that they dare not oppose Cecil. For my part I believe that 
they have had very little courage, and, in the English way, want 
things to be so far advanced that, with little trouble and danger, 
they may gain your Majesty's rewards and favours. They have 
hitherto done no harm whatever. It is true that for the last two 
months they have been telling me through these men how much 
they are spending, and must spend, in the business, and begging me 
to let them have a sum of money, as the Duke and the Earl are 
deeply in debt. As Lord Lumley, son-in-law of the one and 
brother-in-law of the other, is also concerned in it, I do not see 
any great objection to take their pledge. The duke of Alba, 
however, replied that it was better not to give them anything until 
the)' had done some service, but that I could offer them future 
remuneration and reward. Their importunity was such that 
Lumley, thinking perhaps that Suygo had not pressed the matter 
sufficiently, sent me a note signed with his own hand, saying as 
follows : 

" Rogo tuum dominationem ut credas istum nostram amicum 
Juanem Suygo instalibus meis negociis quod traditi tan quam tue 
ipsum. LUMLEY." 

Suygo dwelt upon the great expenditure that these gentlemen 
had to keep up, and said that if I would advance them a sum of 
money, the Duke, the Earl, and Lumley would jointly bind them- 
selves by ordinance to repay it, so that 1 might be the more secure, 
and he begged me to send him an answer in my own handwriting. 
In conformity with the Duke's orders I answered as follows : 

" Illustris Domine, Juani Suygo nomine dominacionis tue h'dem 
habui habeloque etiam ut bonus talium virorum animus catholice 
magestatis inotescant pro eo que in pendendis offitiis liberaliter 
satisfiat nulla alia cura restat nisi debiti progressus honeste que 

I do not know whether this will satisfy them much, and they 
now send to say that the Duke and Earl, or one of them, would 
like to go to Spain, but they had not yet decided. It is true that 
the Council have delegated to the earl of Arundel the duty of the 
recovery and preservation of the property stolen and detained 
from your Majesty's subjects, whilst the duke of Norfolk is to act 
similarly for French property, and they have therefore sent a 
message from the Council to me, saying that, if I like to appoint 
commissioners, the Council will appoint others in order to agree as 
to the salvage of what remains, and decide what is to be done with 
that which of necessity must be sold. This is nothing but a trick, 
because these commissioners, who have hitherto been in charge of 
the business, returned three days since, and it seems they have 
discovered both the robberies and the robbers, and say they can 
now identify all the cargoes and what is missing from them. This 
latter is a large proportion, and it lias been sold and distributed by 
order of the Council. A difference has arisen between the Council 
god the commissioners with regard to the sale, in consequence of 


each party wanting to arrange for its own friends to buy. For 
this reason, I think, the commissioners have really returned. I 
replied that what I demand is the return of all the properties 
stolen and detained, at least what was stolen before the Queen's 
decree and in contravention of it. I wish to see what they will 
do about new commissioners, and to learn the reason why they do 
not act upon the report of the others showing what was stolen and 
who were the robbers. Anything that may be in favour of the 
merchandise I will accept readily, but there must be no trickery. 
I believe that it is all contrived in order that the members of the 
Council who have had part in the robbery may not suffer and may 
yet look well in the eyes of the people. I will try to learn the 
objects, but I cannot believe them to be good. The duke of 
Norfolk told Ridolfi that it was certain the Queen had alliances 
in Germany against Flanders, and that it was true that Killigrew 
had ten thousand men ready there. Perhaps he says it to enhance 
the value of his own services when he renders them. It is true that 
they have troops ready in Germany, and it is thought that these 
ships from Hamburg will bring some back with them. It will not 
be very difficult to punish these people. It will suffice for privateers 
to be armed for the purpose of stopping trade with Hamburg, 
Denmark, and Rochelle, and at the same time, keeping watch that 
no provisions or supplies shall come hither from the continent, for 
the people themselves to rise, and no acts of the government can 
prevent them. If your Majesty were to arrange this with the king 
of France, and chose seriously to attack this island with a good 
fleet, you would find no resistance, as they have no troops, and 
they are at issue among themselves, and so much alarmed that 
they are already crying out that they are ruined because the 
French have taken four of their ships. The slightest warlike 
demonstration in Spain would prevent this Hamburg fleet from 
sailing, and even if it arrived at Hamburg, I do not think it would 
bring them much profit. In their voyages backwards and forwards 
much damage might be done to them, and I am told that even in 
the river itself they might be assailed, of which I have ;vl vised the 
duke of Alba. As Hamburg and Bremen have, against the decision 
of former diets, left the Augsburg confession and have gone over 
to Calvinism, the Emperor might surely punish them. I advised 
your Majesty that it was believed that Duke August* was to make 
a great movement in Germany, and I also advised the duke of Alba 
and Chaiitonnay. The duke of Norfolk and the earl of Arundel 
will, I believe, openly declare themselves when your Majesty pleases 
to signify your approval. The earl of Northumberland also has 
verbally promised the same. He is a very worthy gentleman, and 
there are numberless others with the same desires. All the north and 
Wales are, for the great part, Catholic, and many of the people are 
attached to the queen of Scotland, although the heretic portion fear 
her because she is a Catholic. The members of the Council here are 
well satisfied because there is not one to contradict them. I advised 
your Majesty also that the' Regent James in Scotland had arrested 

* Of Saxony, 

K 2 



the duke of Clmtelherault, and it now seems that it was an 
arranged thing, as you will see by copies of the queen of Scotland's 
letter sent herewith and copy of the earl of Huntly's letter to her. 
It appears to be very desirable that she should be helped to retain 
what little power she has left, so that the heretics may not be 
entire masters of Scotland, which would be a great evil. No doubt 
Jamos wants to make himself King, and the child will be in danger 
if God in His mercy do not protect him. On other occasions I 
have sent your Majesty copies of the Queen's letter begging you 
to receive her son, as in case of your Majesty thus favouring her, 
she would find means to get possession of him. As I have not a 
reply from your Majesty about it, I have not been able to send her 
news. I sent her your Majesty's letter by one of her servants and 
hourly expect a reply. The servant dared not trust it to anyone 
else, and it was therefore delayed a fortnight. The bishop of Ross 
is here trying to get his Queen liberated. He says that he will 
come here at night to let me know the answer. All your Majesty's 
subjects here are being maltreated and Don Lope de Ugarte has 
died in the west of sheer ill-usage. I have tried to manage the 
escape of 150 of them or more in French and other ships, and I am 
still endeavouring to do so although they are being kept very 
strictly. They are treating all Catholics with great rigour, and the 
prisons are full of them. At midnight last night many armed 
royal officers entered the house of Antonio de Guaras in search of 
him. They have seated and sequestrated in the Queen's name all 
his property, and have closed the house, after having taken there- 
from a great number of religious images and crucifixes, as well as 
figures of our Lady and the Saints beautifully carved in bulk and 
gilded. They carried them through most of the streets in the 
morning, as if in procession, with great mockery and laughter, 
saying that theae were the gods of the Spaniards. There were 
great crowds of people, as they waited until it was market-day 
before they did it. Cries were raised that all the foreigners and 
those who owned the images should be burnt. They burnt half of 
these images piled on a cart-wheel before Guaras' house, and the 
other half they burnt in the market-place. Many good people sent 
fuel to prove their devotion. If any foreigner breathed a word of 
disapproval they took him prisoner, and they arrested a servant of 
mine, the only one who is allowed to leave the house, who had not 
said a word, although these gentleman who guard me afterwards 
got him out of prison as he was not to blame. All this could not 
have been done without the Council's orders, as the bad members 
of it dislike Guaras and his house was sequestrated before, on the 
3rd of January. This is against the Queen's decree ordering that 
foreign property should not be touched. From the beginning of 
these disturbances Antonio de Guaras has been in my house with 
otheis, fur if they found him abroad they would play him some 
trick. I have just received a letter from the queen of Scotland 
advising receipt of your Majesty's letter. I had written to her 
Baying that I had received no reply from your Majesty about the 
Prince and other matters. Suygo, also, from Lord Lumley, has 
returned me the note I gave him, and has received back his own 



from me. These gentlemen are much grieved not to have received 
a sum of money at once, and it seems to have cooled them some- 
what, although I keep them in hand with promises as best I can. 
This does not satisfy them, however. Your Majesty will please 
decide what is best to be clone, and instruct me. The commis- 
sioners, who have returned from the task of identifying the goods 
detained and stolen, have also been here to-day, and promised to 
give me a written report in three days, in order that I may clecido 
if it will be advisable to appoint other commissioners, and what 
arrangements are to be made as to the sale of perishable goods. 
The Queen went on the 6th to Greenwich, and I have already 
written to your Majesty that the two Venetian ships had been 
detained here by orders of the Council, which has given rise to a 
great quarrel between Ridolfi and Benedict Spinola, the latter having 
written to Venice saying that Ridolfi had incited the Council to 
take them for its own service, of which the Signiory complained. 
The quarrel between these two men and the fears of a rupture with 
Venice have made them restore these two ships, one of which is 
of a thousand tons arid the others a little less. This will be in- 
jurious, because large quantities of cloth will be shipped on board 
of them in the names of Venetians. I do not think they will leave 
until some time in June, and if they touch in a Spanish port they 
may easily be detained. It would be very advantageous that the 
Venetians should abandon trade with this country at present, and 
that the Duke's proclamation should be respected in all your 
Majesty's dominions. Your Majesty in your wisdom will decide 
for the best. If the government is not' changed in this country 
your Majesty can only hope for treachery and wickedness, but they 
will give way on the slightest pressure, as they themselves well 
know. I have given full information of the true state of things 
in Granada, but they will not believe me, and cry out that other 
provinces of Spain have risen against your Majesty, little knowing 
the fidelity of the Spaniards. London, 9th May 15C9. 

10 May. 96. The DUKE OF ALBA to the KING. 

I have written to your Majesty the opinion of the Council here 
and myself on English affairs, and the answer that should be given 
to the Queen 'pending the recovery of the property she holds ; as 
afterwards, if your Majesty wishes to obtain satisfaction, there will 
be means of doing so. Until we get restitution and certain other 
matters of greater difficulty are settled (of which I will give your 
Majesty an account in answer to your letters now received), on no 
account should we break with her (the queen of England). Two 
men from the queen of Scotland have arrived here, with whom I am 
negotiating with much caution. After having heard them, I will 
give your Majesty an account of their mission and my reply thereto, 
in conformity with your Majesty's orders that I should manage this 
business from here. I will advise Don Guerau as to what I think 
would be best. I send your Majesty some letters of his, although 
I fear you will not gather much light from them, Brussels, 

10th Mn 15G9. 



15 May. 97. The KING to the DUKE of ALBA. 

Commencing with England, which is the most pressing matter and 
demands the most speedy remedy, I ordered the letter you sent me 
in French and D'Assonleville's report to be translated into Spanish, 
and, after the Council of State had privately read them, I ordered the 
Council to be summoned next day, and presidents Hopperus and 
Tiznach to attend. The course to be adopted was then carefully con- 
sidered and after much deliberation it was decided that it was undesir- 
able to embark upon a war with the Queen, as, however great the 
damage we may do her, she will not by this means restore what she has 
taken. We think that she should be treated with a certain show of 
gentleness, united with an attempt to arouse her fears and suspicions 
that, if she does not make the restitution, we may declare war. 
This is in accordance with the recommendations you sent from there, 
and in pursuance of this end it seems well that I should reply to the 
letter the Queen sent me (and of which I enclose copy) explaining 
away all the excuses she makes, and remonstrating with her to the 
effect that none of these pi'etexts justify her in making the seizures. 
I have therefore had the letter drawn up which is enclosed in the 
despatch sent to you in French. Both of them were first drafted in 
.Spanish, every word being weighed carefully in that intended for the 
Queen. There is nothing to add to it but to say that we think here 
that D'Assonleville should not be sent again on the business, but a 
person of more ability and standing, as I understand he is not 
thought much of there. The choice of the person is left entirely to 
you and you will instruct him as the state of affairs may demand. 

You ask for a letter of credence for yourself, and although the 
letter for the Queen, as you will see, is very full in that respect, I 
send you besides three credential letters to make quite sure, one 
for yourself personally, another for the minister you may send, in 
which it is stated that I have appointed him here in order that they 
may not have the excuse of saying they will not deal with you, and 
a third letter, also in blank, in case you should [send more than one 
envoy. I beg you will use all diligence and dexterity in order to 
recover this money as soon as possible, as otherwise the damage will 
be so wide-spread and will affect so many people that there will be a 
general collapse of credit and property, and we shall not be able to 
get a real to meet necessary payments. Pray also send me frequent 
and full reports of the progress of events. In order to anticipate any 
possible demand the Queen may make, for the purpose of settling 
the matter promptly, I am having sent to you the general power in 
the form you request ; so that we shall certainly not fail for want of 
care. Aranjuez, 15th May 1569. 

98. The KING to the QUEEN of England. DRAFT without date. 

I have received your Serenity's letter, together with the document 
in Spanish referred to therein, containing the dicourse respecting 
the detention of the money and the events resulting therefrom. The 
duke of Alba, my governor of the Netherlands, has also sent me a 
full report of the matter, and I have been deeply grieved that, in 
the face of the true friendship and kinship between us, derived from 
our ancestors, confirmed l.y n> many treaties and mutually renewed 



by so many acts of kindness, anything should have happened to 
produce just cause of quarrel or raise any impediment to the con- 
tinuance of this friendship, which is so necessary to the advantage 
of ourselves and our dominions. As the detention of this money 
has been the origin of what subsequently occurred (winch money 
was in truth destined for our service, having been borrowed from 
merchants here and sent for the service of my army in the States), 
I note your Serenity's assurance that the first intention was the safe 
forwarding of the money, but the delay in the subsequent delivery 
of it to the custody of your officers shows a change of such 
intention. From this it might be inferred that a different motive 
was beneath it, and the duke of Alba was fully justified in the 
course he took thereupon in the States ; which course has also been 
followed in the rest of my dominions. Thereupon your Serenity's 
treatment of our subjects, friends and servants, and their property 
followed ; and, subsequently, the behaviour adopted towards Don 
Guerau de Spes, my ambassador, and towards D'Assonleville of my 
Council, the envoy sent by the duke of Alba, this behaviour having 
been extraordinary and conspicuous. The foundation of our friend- 
ship being sincere, sound and firm, it is not necessary to discuss as 
to the justification or cause of dispute, nor as to the relative share 
of blame, since the remedy and redress of all difficulties depend 
entirely upon our own will on both sides to abolish the cause by 
raising mutually the embargoes of persons, money, goods, and 
merchandise, and restoring everything to its original position, as 
D'Assonleville recently proposed to you. This would bring about 
a complete cessation of the cause of quarrel and all impediment to 
our friendship, which would thereby be assured and confirmed. If, 
on the other hand, this should not be done, or any delay should 
occur in doing it, it would clearly demonstrate that another object 
had been in view, which cannot be believed of your Serenity, whose 
friendship I hold so dearly. I cannot believe, either, that your 
Serenity will listen to the advice of persons who, for their own ends 
and passions, may try to perturb public peace, and introduce division 
and difference between old friends to the prejudice of all, and only 
to the advantage of certain neighbours who desire such opportunities. 
By virtue of the powers and authorities given by us to the duke of 
Alba, our Lieutenant-General and Governor of the Netherlands, he 
is empowered to negotiate in this matter fully, as well as we our- 
selves could do, without further instructions ; but, in order ^to avoid 
all occasion for objection or delay, we send him a new commission 
authorising him to proceed without scruple or difficulty to the 
prompt, favourable, and final settlement of the dispute, and I am 
confident that your Serenity will negotiate with him, animated by 
the same friendship, affection, and brotherhood in the matter as I feel 
towards you, and in full consideration at the same time of the evils 
which otherwise would result to both parties. 

23 May. 99. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING. 

The Queen went to Greenwich without deciding as to the restitu- 
tion of the stolen property, and* the duke of Norfolk and earl of 
Arundel, who told me they expected to bring the Queen to do as 



she ought, excused themselves by saying that they thought the 
people would rise ; but that as no check has been put upon either 
the Hamburg voyage or the Rochelle expedition, and they are 
allowed to rob freely every ship that passes through the Channel, the 
people are waiting in surprise to see what will come of it all. For 
this reason, the Duke and the Earl say they have had no opportunity 
of serving your Majesty as they wish. They have constantly im- 
portuned me also for money, promising that they would have every- 
thing that has been stolen restored, however distracted and ruined 
the country might be. The duke of Alba, however, understands it 
much better than I, and is of opinion that nothing should be given 
to them until they have done something more than make professions, 
although they assert that they are in much need. They have taken 
full advantage of the fact that the Queen has not declared herself 
plainly, and they have somewhat curbed Cecil's powei\ I believe 
that when they see an opportunity they will not fail to act in your 
Majesty's service. I think that the intentions of the earl of Arundel 
arc good, both as to changing the Government and restoring the 
Catholic religion, whilst benefiting himself somewhat, as he is very 
needy. Norfolk is the same, as he spends all he has, but it is 
certain that in the matter of these robberies their hands are not 
soiled like those of the rest of the Council. The duke of Norfolk 
has not hitherto shown himself a Catholic, and seems to belong to 
the Augustinian creed, but both Arundel and Lumley, the brother- 
in-law of the Duke, believe that they will convert him. They have 
got the French ambassador to write to his King saying hew im- 
portant it would be if he would issue a proclamation like that of 
the Duke of Alba, the draft of which was sent from here at their 
request. The ambassador says that it will be published in France, 
which will greatly forward the affair, as these Englishmen want to 
be very sure of their ground before moving. 

The commissioners appointed here have been very slack in their 
task. The document they have given me, which is translated from 
English into Spanish, does not give me the particulars of the 
masters and cargoes of the ships nor the details of the crews. I 
am insisting upon this information being furnished. The Coun- 
cillors have evidently recalled the commissioners because they 
could not agree about the sale of the merchandise, all of them 
wanting to get the profit for themselves and their friends. Cecil 
is pressing me to consent to appoint three commissioners, and they 
will appoint a similar number, the object of which is to restore 
only that which now remains in hand. I have replied with all due 
caution that they must first restore all that which they have 
captured in a hostile manner, and I will then appoint commis- 
sioners to deal with the preservation of the rest, but without^ 
relieving the Queen from the obligation to a general restitution/ 
I send enclosed a copy of the reply I gave them, slightly changed 
from what I previously said I would write, in consequence of my 
having received, in the interim, the report of the late commis- 
sioners. I believe that Cecil is only doing this to make people 
think that something is being done on their side, and, indeed, the 
little negotiation they have already had with me has elated all the 



country. They also keep the people in suspense by spreading news 
to suit their own purpose. I have received no letter from the Duke 
this month, and await his instructions. The fleet for Hamburg 
has had very prosperous weather for the last three days, and I 
suppose will have sailed, especially as the brigantine " Giles Grey " 
has returned from Hamburg and the coast of Holland with news 
that the fleet was being anxiously looked for in Germany, and 
there were no signs of arming in Holland. Besides the 40,OOOZ. 
that this Queen is to receive as soon as this fleet arrives, they are 
moving heaven and earth to get this city to lend the Queen another 
40,000?., and are in constant council with the aldermen about it. 
I believe that the documents are already drawn up asking for a 
loan from the whole country. No doubt she will give good help 
to Deuxponts. Besides this money she has seized 40,000 ducats 
which came in the last four sloops, and she has some portion of 
the money that came in the others, although most of it has been 
stolen by some followers of the Admiral and by the French. It is 
believed that the money in the Tower has not yet been touched. 
They are making great efforts to get sworn declarations from your 
Majesty's Flemish subjects revealing the property of each other, and 
I am told that the oath they administer contains divers enormities, 
which I have not been able to get in writing. The Venetian ships 
have been released, but as they only offer them 500 ducats each 
demurrage, for the time they have been detained, the masters 
prefer rather to leave it than to take it. They have loaded on 
board of them the kerseys, which had been bought by the 
Venetians before these detentions and robberies took place. I will 
try to prevent anything else being shipped by them, and to get 
them gone soon. The most important thing is that the six 
Venetian ships which are expected, and which will touch in Spain, 
should be detained there or should be made to give security that 
they will not go to England or ship English goods ; and if these 
two should* put into a Spanish port, they also should be detained 
and discharged. I have no letter from your Majesty since the 
12th March, in which you order me to advise how the Crown can 
be taken away from its present wearer. I wrote your Majesty, 
that, first English ships should be attacked, and that care should 
be taken to prevent the coming hither of the things necessary for 
this country, a list of which I sent to your Majesty with a copy of 
the proclamation. This would certainly cause a rising of the 
people in spite of any attempts of the Government to deceive 
them. Privateers might also be armed in Spain and Holland, as 
numerously as possible, to attack their ships, and any others that 
trade with them. If, in addition to this, the French would only 
stop trading with them, it would bring the country to anything 
your Majesty wished. If these gentlemen did their duty, the 
successful issue would be the more prompt, although it could be 
done without them, if necessary ; and, if your Majesty thought fit 
to assail the island with a strong fleet, it is certain that all the 
Catholics would rise for your service on the spot. In the mean- 
while, it is important that efforts should be made to prevent the 
Regent James from entirely mastering Scotland, as it appears that 



many people are still attached to the Queen. I have sent copies 
of her letters and those of the earl of Huntly to the Duke, and 
copies are enclosed herewith, together with one written by the 
bishop of Ross, who is in London, to me. They are dangling vain 
hopes of liberty before this lady, although I am sure they will not 
release her, except by force. She has been ill lately, and if she 
were free it would be important for us, if only that her life, which 
is now in danger, might be safe in case of a rising. As regards 
the help she begs for, your Majesty will decide for the best and 
give me orders. If this country does not change its religion, or 
at least its government, your Majesty may in future count with 
certainty upon receiving from it nothing but evil and trouble, 
insolence, and robbery. A French ship came recently from Biscay 
with iron, of which they have much need here. Iron, oil, and 
soap arc the things which it is important should be stopped from 
coming from your States, and if they are shipped for other 
countries, security should be given that they will not be brought 
hither. The six Venetian ships should be prevented from coming 
in any case. Captain Jones, who sailed for the Azores, has re- 
turned with a Norman ship loaded with sugar coming from 
Barbary. I do not know whether he will now continue his voyage. 
The Vidame de Chartres is being entertained in the country ; he 
will shortly arrive in London, where a house has been prepared for 
him. Brissac's death has caused great rejoicing here, and tho 
fictions and lies invented daily against Spain are most notable. I 
am advised that the Hamburg fleet left Harwich on the 19th 
with fair weather. In Ireland the Viceroy, with four thousand 
men, is pursuing the baron or earl of Hereferte (Fitzmaurice ?), 
who is a Catholic, and has risen against the Queen. Francisco 
Diaz, who came in the cutters that brought the money, takes this 
letter, and can give your Majesty an account of the ill-treatment 
and robberies committed here, as he has been through it all. He 
will also say how much alarmed the heretics are, and how full of 
hope are the godly ones, although nothing stops the incessant 
robberies, and not a ship, great or small, can pass without its being 
captured. I wrote to your Majesty lately how a servant of the 
earl of Leicester and another of the earl of Pembroke had recently 
captured a valuable sloop belonging to your Majesty's subjects on 
its way from Barbary, and another pirate on its voyage from 
Canaries. There were two friars of the order of Trinity in one of 
the eight sloops they captured in the Channel. They were on their 
way to Paris to the genefal chapter, and went on board at St. Ubes. 
When attacked they promptly threw overboard their habits and 
papers, and although the English suspected they were clergymen 
they have not been able to prove it. Their names are Garcia 
Mendez de Prado and Alonso de Leiva. They have been im- 
prisoned at Harwich, and, since their arrival here, have been in 
jail. When I learned who they were I got them out on bail as 
mariners, and hid them in my house. I will try to send them to 
Flanders. The Catholics are being persecuted here more fiercely 
than ever, and the preachers are terribly anxious that this Queen 
should take up arms in favour of their religion, assuring her that 



otherwise the Papists will take the country. London, 23rd May 

23 May. 100. GUERAU DE SPES to the KINO. 

Since writing to your Majesty on the 9th instant I have no fresh 
news, excepting that the gentlemen who is here from the queen of 
Scotland informs me that he and the bishop of Koss went to 
Greenwich to learn the decision of this Queen in regard to the 
liberation of his Queen. She referred them to the Council for an 
answer, and when they met, a long discussion took place on the 
reasons alleged why the Queen should be released. When they 
thought the matter was taking a favourable turn, Cecil said that 
the Queen had received news that the bishop of Glasgow, acting 
under a power granted by the queen of Scotland, had renounced 
all her claims to the crown of England in favour of the duke of 
Anjou, and that the queen of Scotland must clear herself of this 
first. This gentleman has therefore gone to obtain letters from 
her upon this matter. I believe it is only for the purpose of 
delaying the business. I wrote to your Majesty that the Council 
is pressing me greatly on the appointment of new commissioners 
respecting the property stolen and detained. Seeing that a great 
part of the property is already lost, and that the commissioners 
they send are not over zealous in the business and do not execute 
their orders to view the property, I think it is nothing but a trick 
to deceive the people, of whom the Cuuncil are much afraid. It 
has not therefore appeared to me advisable to consent, excepting in 
such a way as is set forth in the memorial which I send to your 
Majesty, providing that the property stolen in a hostile manner 
shall be restored at once, as well as that which has been detained 
in contravention of the Queen's decree, and if they send to me to- 
morrow, this is the reply I shall give them. The Council seems 
somewhat mollified and are in great anxiety in consequence of the 
silence or dissembling of your Majesty, so much so, that the gentle- 
men who guard me go to great lengths to discover whether your 
Majesty intends to make war on them. As they are at issue 
amongst themselves, they fear that their own discord will bring 
about their ruin, and though it is true the duke of Norfolk and 
the earl of Arundel have not done so much as they said, yet Cecil 
and his friends have seen their object, which is, that there should 
be no war on any account, and that the stolen and detained 
property should be entirely restored, all deficiencies therein being 
made good by the parties inculpated, and in default of their 
property, by the Queen. I think they will soon try to make some 
arrangement, and these gentlemen (Norfolk and Arundel) have 
sent to tell me so, and that they have not been able to carry out 
their original intentions for want of opportunity, and because the 
duke of Alba had made no demonstration. They say, however, 
that they would still try to get restitution by other means, and 
will not fail to fulfil their first promises as soon as an opportunity 
occurs. Being Englishmen, as they are, we must take what they 
will give us. The fleet for Hamburg is still kept in Harwich by 
contrary winds. The weather is better to-day, but, if either going 



or coming, any misfortune of another sort should happen to this 
fleet, the people will grumble in good earnest, and may even be 
driven to make some movement. Captain Jones with one good 
vessel and another fair one, has started again for the Azores. 
Captain Franchot, a Lucchese heretic, and four or five other Italian 
merchants, are about to fit out ten ships with the support of the 
carl of Leicester. I do not think, however, that they will be able 
to do it, there being a great lack of sailors. It was said that they 
wei-e going to Madeira, but they can hardly start under three 
months. A gentleman has just arrived from the fleet in Harwich. 
London, 23rd May 1569. 

1 June. 101. GUERAU DE SPES to the DUKE OF ALBA. 

I received your Excellency's letter of the 14th on the 27th 
ultimo, although after some mishaps, as the bishop of Rochester 
seized the packet and it remained in Cecil's hands for two days. 
It was only returned on the importunity of the French ambassador, 
although the letters appeared to have been opened. The letter of 
the 7th, enclosing another from his Majesty, addressed to Eidolfi, 
has not yet arrived, nor has any ordinary post come for a month. 
I am in great need of remittances of money for special expenses, as 
the cost here is tremendous. I shall now have to move my house 
as the earl of Leicester has bought this one from Paget's heirs, and 
they do badly here in not giving lodgings to ambassadors ^unless 
they pay very well for them. London, 1st June. 

Postscript : As the passport for this courier was delayed, I have 
time to add that I have signified to many members of the Council 
that the letter written by this Queen to our King was not given to 
Don France's de Alava, and has not reached his Majesty by any 
other means. They have not taken much notice of this, perhaps 
because all the members of the Council are to blame for the letter 
not having been delivered. 

31 May 102. SUMMARY of LETTERS from DON GUERAU DE SPES to the 
and KING and the DUKE OF ALBA, dated 31st May and 1st 

1 June. June 1569. 

There had been a disturbance in the Council because Cavalcanti, 
the brother of Suygo (?), had been there to speak with Cecil, and he 
and Baptista Fortini, had taken with them a certain paper 
which they had drawn up there. The duke of Norfolk and the 
earl of Arundel had therefore had high words with Cecil who was 
much confused. 

Don Guerau had assured them that the duke of Alba knew 
nothing whatever about the matter, and would not give ear to such 
persons, even through Chapin Viteli, whereupon they were much 
tranquillized and anxious to carry through their enterprise and 
overthrow Cecil. They (Norfolk and Arundel) had requested a 
copy of the document brought by Cavalcanti and Fortini in order 
to have Cecil punished. 

Suygo had given him (Don Guerau) a paper stating what the 
duke and the earl hope to do respecting a general restitution ; Don 
Guerau being urged on his part to comply with the terms requested 



of him, namely, 6,000 crowns for the Duke, the Earl, and Lumley, 
as a statutory loan, to which Don Guerau thought it would be well 
to accede. 

Cardinal Chatillon and his wife had gone to the county of 
Leicester, and, it was thought, would go on to Bristol to call to 
account a French pirate who had failed to pay him (Chatillon) his 
share of the booty. He, Don Guerau, sends a copy of a license to 
rob, granted by him (Chatillon). The Cardinal it was stated wished 
to return to France. 

Don Guerau sends a memorandum respecting the manner in 
which England may be assailed, and of the state of the country, 
the substance of which is as follows : 

That the ports are badly fortified, and they hope to defend them 
with troops. 

That they expect to be able to repel any attack by means of their 

The Queen has 22 great ships, but with difficulty has been able 
to equip 11, it being impossible for her to fit out more. 

Subjects own about 70 ships, great and small, the vessels good, 
and the men experienced, as they are all pirates. 

The men on the fleet, although they appear bellicose, are 
really pampered and effeminate, different from what they used 
to be. 

People generally, and especially the Councillors, are satisfied with 
the government of the Queen, which is mild, and they are at 
liberty to share plunder with the Corsairs, and make use of the 
royal treasury. 

The Catholics desire a change as they are deprived of the exercise 
of their religion. 

The English hate the very name of foreigner, and they (the 
Catholics) wish the change to be made in a way that shall not 
hand them over to any other nation. 

The Council alone rules, and the Queen is occupied entirely in 
pleasure, being governed by Cecil. 

By his advice she is countenancing the rebels in France and 
Flanders, having her eye on the fact that neighbouring princes are 
engaged in war and cannot now undertake the reduction of her 
country nor force restitution of the stolen property, which is so 
great that it has enriched all the country. 

The Queen's Council fears the people more than anything else, 
and therefore deceives them with innumerable tricks and false 

If the duke of Alba will continue to enforce the proclamation 
published in April, and a similar proclamation is enacted in France, 
whilst at the same time care be taken that no merchandise shall be 
exported from Spain or Portugal to England, the people will them- 
selves overthrow the Government, and will submit to any terms, 
perhaps even returning to the Catholic faith. 

In order the more speedily to carry this out, it would be well 
also that the duke of Florence and the seignories of Genoa", Venice 
and Lucca, should order their respective subjects to have no 



dealings with Englishmen. This should be done by the authority 
of the Pope. 

Hamburg trade should be taken away from them, either by 
moving some friendly sovereign to commence war against that city, 
or by the Empire itself doing so, on the ground that Hamburg 
has departed from the Augustinian creed and embraced Calvinism ; 
or else by seizing the mouth of the Elbe or capturing the ships that 
go thither. 

It would not be bad if they (the English) could be deprived of 
trade with Muscovy and Poland and the Easterling country, through 
which they expect to find a way for the spices. 

Norfolk, Arundel, and Lumley desire a change of religion. The 
two latter may be considered Catholics, and they say they will make 
Norfolk become one. 

This will be aided by the earls of Northumberland, Derby, 
Cumberland, Montague, Dacre, Morley, and many other Catholics, as 
well as by the north-country, Wales, and Cornwall. 

If his Majesty would resolutely take the country in hand, with 
the intention of proclaiming the queen of Scotland as Queen, he 
would meet with help rather than hindrance from the French. It 
will be best, however, first to get the Queen released, as it is out of 
the question that the queen of England will liberate her. 

If his Majesty thinks well to avenge the injuries done to his 
subjects by subjecting the country to the service of God and to 
his own dominion, he being the legitimate descendant of King 
Edward, and will undertake the matter powerfully, he (Don 
Guerau) is certain of success on account of the people being divided 
in religion, and also by means of the Catholic nobles who are now 
treated narrowly and look for favour from his Majesty. The said 
earls would help. 

Seeing the affection borne by the Scotch people to the queen of 
Scotland, he (Don Guerau) is certain that if she were provided 
with money they would overthrow the Regent James. The man 
who has the prince in his keeping is a great friend of the Regent's, 
so that the prince is in danger of being murdered. 

The bishop of Ross had told him that if it had not been for 
Cecil he would have already got the rest of them to agree to the 
release of his mistress. He (Cecil ?) wishes now, that it is proved 
that the queen of Scotland has not renounced her rights to the 
English crown in favour of the duke of Anjou, that she shall make 
the renunciation in favour of the Queen (of England) and her 
heirs, a certificate being given by the Christian King and his 
brother that no renunciation has been made in their favour. The 
Bishop had replied to this, that, according to the treaty of Litt'c 
Leith,this could only be done by the consent of his Majesty (Philip), 
whereupon they (the English) said that they did not wish to 
introduce him into the matter. 

They also demand of the Scots a rectification of the frontier 
between England and Scotland, promising to favour the Regent 
James if this is obtained. Don Guerau is sure that, if the 
Queen (of Scotland) were put into possession of her kingdom 
again, she would do whatever she were asked, 


The Bishop asked him (Don Guerau) whether he had any in- 
structions respecting the marriage of his mistress in Spain, where a 
fitting match might be found for her, according to the duke of 
Alba's conversation with her gentlemen. Don Guerau replied 
that his only orders were to endeavour to prevail upon the queen of 
England to liberate the queen of Scotland. 

There is in Ireland an English Catholic named Thomas Stukeley 
who was a pensioner of his Majesty's and served him as captain at 
the battle of St. Quintin. He has been deprived of his office of 
commander of the horse in Ireland on account of his religion, the 
office having been given to a great heretic. A Venetian has spoken 
to Don Guerau on his behalf, and proposed that if his Majesty 
wished to take possession of that island he (Stukely) would under- 
take that it should be done if he were provided with 20 armed 
ships and some weapons for the natives, who have none now. 
Stukely would provide a safe port ; and, if Don Guerau thought 
well of it, the said Venetian would go and submit it to the King, 
taking with him the signature in blank of Stukely. That Baron 
Herefert (Fitzmaurice I) has risen in Ireland with 4,000 men and is 
going against the Viceroy ; and many others will follow his example 
if help is given to them by ships from Spain. 

The English say they have a league with the house of the Count 
Palatine and declare they have ready in Germany 10,000 foot and 
6,000 horse. 

1 June. 103. The DUKE OF ALBA to the KING. 

I cannot gather much light about English affairs from what Don 
Guerau writes, as your Majesty will see by his letters. I hope 
your Majesty will send me what I request in my letter of 5th April, 
because, until we have recovered the property the Queen is de- 
taining, we should on no account break with them. No arrange- 
ment should be made with them, however, without the restitution of 
what they have seized. As I say in the enclosed letter, if your 
Majesty wishes to break with the Queen or change the government, 
there will be ample opportunities for doing it after we have got 
our property back. It is true that the minute the French learn 
your Majesty's intentions, they will settle matters with their rebels 
to the great prejudice of Christendom, or will marry the queen of 
Scotland to Anjou, the undesirability of which your Majesty will 
see. I think therefore it would be better to wait a little until we 
see how things go in France, and if they turn out badly (which 
God forbid), your Majesty should allow me to enter the field with 
all the forces I have, and as many more as I can get, and go to the 
help of the King. We can then stipulate that your Majesty 
should be allowed a free hand in England and to marry the queen 
of Scotland to whomsoever you please.* If this be not done the 
Emperor may step in and ask for her hand for his brother, the Arch- 
duke Charles, and, from what I understand, the King of France 
would agree to this to oblige his father-in-law. If your Majesty 

la the King's handwriting : " I think we might ask him for more than this." 



countenances this, it may be brought about and not be merely 
imagination on my part.* The queen of Scotland has not suffi- 
cient power over her son to be able to send him to Spain to be 
brought up. The men from her who came to see me, brought 
letters of credence in virtue of which they begged your Majesty's 
help, pointing out where such help might be given and stating the 
persons in England and Scotland who are devoted to her. She 
places herself absolutely in your Majesty's hands in all things. I 
heard them kindly, and told them that to help the Queen with men 
and munitions would neither suit your Majesty nor her, as it 
would mean immediately a war with England. I said the aid that 
would be most useful to her would be money and advice, and I 
had no doubt your Majesty would send her both when her affairs 
were in such a position as to need such help for their successful 
issue. I told them to return to their mistress with this and learn 
what course she intended to adopt. When they had discussed the 
matter thoroughly with her, I told them to return to me and I 
would tell them what your Majesty would do. They went away 
satisfied. I beg your Majesty to send me instructions. Antwerp, 
1 June 1569. 

12 June. 104. The DUKE OF ALBA to the KING. 

I have received your Majesty's letters on English affairs enclosing 
me four others in Latin, one for the queen of England containing 
your Majesty's proposals for a speedy solution of the differences 
arising out of the seizures, and the others, letters of credence for 
me or the persons I may send thither with the principal letter to 
the Queen. The proposals embodied in the letters for a mutual 
release of the arrested property are in conformity with my recom- 
mendations, but the opinion adopted by us here, that a letter of 
credence might be sent for me or the person who is to go, enabling 
the terms to be raised or abated as circumstances might demand, 
has since caused me some scruple, not on account of the suggestion 
itself or because I have any doubt that your Majesty has adopted 
the best course, and less still because I have the slightest intention 
of doing anything not in accordance with your Majesty's interests, 
but as a matter of expediency. Although, primd facie, it might 
appear that your Majesty's intention was that the letter should be 
sent off at once by some special person, yet I am so sure of your 
Majesty's confidence in my life-long desire to serve you efficiently, 
that I venture to think that your Majesty will not disapprove of 
my delaying the despatch of the letter until I have considered, 
maturely, the circumstances as they at present exist. I am the 
more anxious to do this as your Majesty leaves to me the selection 
and instruction of the person who is to go. The letter itself is so 
extremely studiously worded and full, that a copy of it would be 
almost a sufficient instruction ; but as your Majesty orders me to 
manage the business so as to attain the end desired, which, I take 
it, is the principal object of your Majesty's instructions, I under- 

* In the King's handwriting : "Bat he hai a son who i her heir," 



stand that I may be allowed discretion as to the means or 
procedure to be employed. In this confidence I have deeply con- 
sidered what can be clone to bring the Queen round, dexterously 
and secretly, to the end aimed at, and three courses have presented 
themselves to me. First, to send your Majesty's letters by a special 
envoy; secondly, to let the Queen know that if she wishes to 
negotiate for the settlement of the differences arising out of the 
seizures I have sufficient powers for the purpose ; and, thirdly, 
whether it would not be better, before doing either of these two 
things, to endeavour by some means to feel our way rather than to 
give the idea that you are forced to take the first step towards a 
mutual restitution. 

As regards the first point, if the Queen could be depended upon 
to interpret the letter with the same sincerity with which it is 
written, I am convinced that this would be the best course to 
pursue in every way, and that most in accordance with your 
Majesty's usual desire to live in peace and harmony witli your 
neighbours ; but apart from the Queen's natural character, which is .so 
different from this, she allows herself to be influenced by such per- 
verse people in her Council, and by foreigners like Cardinal Chatillon, 
that it is very much to be feared that they will twist the meaning 
of the letter to their own advantage, and so influence, to an oven 
greater extent, the Queen's mind, which is already so proud and 
presumptuous. They may persuade her that this step of your 
Majesty's is a sign that you are forced to make the first approach 
to her, and that she may therefore, by standing firm, negotiate on 
a better footing. Besides this, she might produce a bad effect upon 
other princes by sending copies of the letter out broadcast, with 
her own gloss upon it that only pure necessity had caused your 
Majesty to write it. If this were done, I do not see how you could 
possibly put up with such an indignity without resenting it, and I 
see, nevertheless, that it is not the intention of your Majesty to go 
to war ; nor are things in such a state at present as to enable us to 
do so. Even if war were commenced the Queen would, at least, 
keep everything she has seized, of which the value is immensely 
greater than what we have arrested, and this is a point which 
makes our terms the more difficult to obtain from the Queen. 
If she refuses to come to terms I do not know what your Majesty 
can do. I am thus brought to the conclusion that, in order to 
obtain a mutual restitution, we should avoid declaring the contents 
of the letter at first, and should only do so after we have elucidated 
the matter. 

As regards the second point, of letting the Queen know that I have 
power to treat of the seizures, I find the power your Majesty sends 
me is drawn up generally and in conformity with that formerly 
held by the duchess of Parma, without any special mention being 
made of the particular point now in dispute. If I had to produce it 
they might object that it is not a power which is apt for purpose ; 
although, by virtue of it, I could deal with all old points of difference 
which they wish to discuss at the same time as the question of the 
seizures, particularly as I can show nothing but the power ; the 
letters of credence all speaking of her relaxing her sei7nre3 rr.i d 

y 764(57. L 



offering reciprocally to do the same, which is open to the objection to 
which I have referred. The second course therefore will not do. 

I will now pass the third alternative, which seems to be the least 
dangerous, namely, to employ some trustworthy merchant such as 
I have at hand, and send him there on the pretext of looking after 
his own arrested merchandise. He could approach some of the 
members of the Council who he thinks most likely to help him for 
a good reward, and so sound the current of opinion and discover 
what the feeling is with regard to restoring the property, if your 
Majesty will do similarly, and what they think your Majesty might 
do otherwise. He could learn whether they are tired of things being 
as they arc, whether some means could be found by which they 
should take the first step towards a restitution, of which, although 
I am not depending much upon it, I am not quite without hope, 
us I write to your Majesty in the Spanish letter. I am the more 
inclined to adopt this course as your Majesty writes that some- 
one to represent the merchants should accompany the envoy to be 
.sent. The means by which it could be carried out are suggested 
by what Don Gucrau writes about winning people over. Another 
reason why I think well of the proposal is, that it can be done in 
a few days, at the end of which, even though I may not have 
gained all I want, at least more light will have been thrown upon 
the situation and I shall be able to act with greater confidence. 
1 have also borne in mind the urgency with which your Majesty 
presses upon me the speedy conclusion of the business, and I think 
that this tliii-d course is the lesser of the evils. The date on 
your Majesty's letter (9th May) will, it is true, get daily older, but 
the road is long, and by France unsafe, so that this drawback can 
be explained away. 

It may be said that the Queen and her ministers could not make 
capital out of the assertion that we had taken the first step, as 
your Majesty's letter is in answer to one of hers ; but I cannot 
ignore the fact that not so much can be made of her letter as of 
yours, because hers contains no such request, and was not sent direct 
to your Majesty or by a special envoy, but was forwarded in an 
unusual way to Don Frances, in doubt if he would send it on or 
not, and even now they think he did not send it. 

It might also be said that the declaratory clause in the letter, 
offering to restore the arrested goods if England will do the same, 
is in substance identical with my instructions to D'Assonleville, 
and that, therefore, I am inconsistent in objecting to it in your 
letter. But there is a distinction, because I; did not put it in a 
letter for the Queen but only in a private memorandum for 
D'Assonleville, and left to his discretion the declaration of it in 
harmony with other points. I might have proceeded in this way 
with the letters now sent, if I had some in blank with which I could 
have proceeded, step by step, but the letter sent lays bare the 
whole matter. 

I have thought well to lay all this before your Majesty by special 
courier for your Majesty's decision, as to whether you will send me 
fresh letters in various forms that 1 may use them according to 
cireiuiManceH. If your Majesty thinks well also, you might write 





a letter to the Queen in the sense indicated in mine of 2nd April, 
saying that you have received her letters, summarizing their contents, 
and since she had adopted this course, your Majesty has ordered 
me to convey your intentions to her and has granted me authority 
to settle with her, or her agents, the matter of the seizures, botli as 
regards Spain and here. Some more letters of credence might be 
sent to me for any persons we might send in your Majesty's name, 
besides these I send, but none of the letters should say about your 
Majesty's offer to raise the arrests, on England doing the tame, but 
should merely speak generally of the property seized on both sides. 
I will deal with the matter as promptly as I can, using the letters 
I have, if I see a chance of doing so favourably, although those 1 
ask for now will still be desirable, even though they may arrive 
late, as your Majesty well knows that matters of such weight as 
this cannot be settled in a few days. Your Majesty might also 
consider whether you should send me a general power to treat of 
all differences with England both in Spain and here, in which case 
I will not conclude anything touching Spain without first consulting 
you. Brussels, 12th June 1509. 

13 June. 105. The DUKE OF ALBA to the KING. 

Refers to the aforegoing letter (written in PYench) as containing 
the opinion of the Council as well as his own. 

I was advised recently that two Florentines named Estriota 
Cavalcanti and Rodolfo llidolfi had some influence with the Queen, 
they having been the men who negotiated the agreement between 
her and the French. They are pensioners of both Kings. I am 
told by Chapin Viteli, who mentioned them to me, that they would 
be glad to sound the Queen and her Council, and I consequently 
ordered him to write to them, saying that he had not ventured to 
propose the matter to me, as he knew I did not like to be spoken 
to about it and had no intention of taking up any negotiations, but 
urging them to proceed in their own way and let him know every- 
thing they heard. They did so, and Estriota sent to a brother of 
his the enclosed memorandum. 

When I was at Antwerp I was told by Thomas Fiesco, a Genoese, 
merchant there, that he was very friendly with Benedict Spinola 
(who, I have an idea was the first cause of the money being seized), 
and he thought that if he went to London to see him, lie could lead 
matters in such a way that the Queen would ask you to raise the 
arrests. I was much pleased with his sensible manner and entered 
into particulars with him. He told me that he expected to employ 
some 15,000 or 20,000 ducats, part of the value of the merchandise, 
in buying over Cecil and the other councillors who are opposed to 
the property being restored, and, as I thought well of the proposal, 
in which nothing was risked but a delay of 15 or 20 days, I have 
entrusted the business to him. He is to do it as if on his own 
account and with great secrecy and speed, not going beyond the 
line I lay down for him. I hope from his manner that he will 
make no mistake, but his task will be greatly aided by the 
inclination of the Queen's councillors, who are always on the look- 
out for their own interests. I beg your Majesty to order tbat the 
despatches on this matter may pass through very few hands, 

L 2 



because, even before the courier airived, all Antwerp knew that 
you had written to the Queen, and it might prejudice matters if 
she knew that I was keeping the letters back, Brussels, 13th Juno 

14 June. 106. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING. 

In accordance with your Majesty's orders of 4th April, I will 
follow the instructions of the duke of Alba in all these affairs here, 
and give him daily information of what is going on, as well as 
writing to your Majesty as often as I can. I had learnt here of the 
letter the Queen had written to your Majesty and the excuses 
contained in it. Truly her heart and that of her people must have 
been, indeed, corrupted to have wished to disturb the tranquillity 
of the States of Flanders and to prevent the religious question 
being peacefully settled there and in France. They have now taken 
to rob so .openly under the Queen's standard, attacking and 
capturing ships of your Majesty's subjects whilst peacefully pro- 
ceeding on their voyages, that it is surprising to see. As they 
have already stolen a great proportion of the merchandise detained, 
and tho Council itself is largely interested therein, this is a point 
which makes all agreements difficult. I cannot negotiate with the 
duke of Norfolk and earl of Arundel except through other persons, 
namely, Roberto Ridolfi, a Florentine, and John Suygo, a Milanese, 
persons attached to the said noblemen. I do not know them 
(i.e., Norfolk and Arundel), and never saw them at Court before my 
detention, but I have some confidence that they will serve your 
Majesty well at this juncture, although the fact that they are 
English and not entirely Catholic, makes one always suspicious of 
them. In any case, they have already prevented, so far as they 
could, more evil being done, and have somewhat tempered the fury 
of Cecil. They promise, according to their intermediaries, that they 
will cause a general restitution of all goods detained, and they even 
thought of going further still. It would be greatly advantageous 
to settle this by their means, and after your Majesty's subjects have 
been satisfied and their property restored, in due time, when your 
Majesty wishes, punishment can be dealt out to these bad neighbours 
and their accomplices, and at the same time such measures be 
taken as shall prevent for the future any fear of your Majesty's 
subjects being ruined and your dominions disturbed by these people. 
In any other case such neigh bours as these will keep us in constant 
turmoil, since their change of religion has freed them from the 
obligation to fulfil their engagements and alliances. On Sunday last 
the usual councillors met together and they are still at it yesterday 
and to-day ; the gentlemen of whom I speak, have just sent to say 
that, although some difference still exists, they hope to arrange a 
general restitution and my entire liberation, but that, as it is a 
business which will cause some jealousy, they cannot conclude the 
business in the Council so quickly as they would wish, but they are 
sure of being able to manage it, as they have promised me in a note 
from Suygo which I have sent to the duke of Alba. Although the 
hopes of the prince of Conde" have failed, the arrival and progress 
of the duke of Beux-Pouts in France have again raised the spirits 




of the heretics. They exaggerate aifairs in Granada and the loss of 
your Majesty's galleys in Marseilles to such an extent as to make 
people wonder. On both points I give fitting information to these 
gentlemen who guard me, in order that it may be spread abroad. 
They have been much disturbed by the news from Portugal, that 
all persons and property of Englishmen in that king's dominions 
have been detained. Some ships in ballast have escaped from there 
and arrived here. I do not believe that the English will get much 
profit from their goods in Hamburg. The two smallest of the 
Queen's ships have remained there and the other five are at Margate, 
having dismissed the greater part of their crews, although this news 
from Portugal makes them think of again putting the ships into 
commission. The two Venetian ships, which are also at Margate, 
have decided to sail without waiting to take any more cargo, 
beyond the kerseys they have loaded, and they have received their 
clearances to-day. They probably will refrain from putting into 
Spanish ports, to avoid the question as to the ownership of the 
cloths they carry. It is asserted that many English goods enter 
Spain by St. Jean de Luz. They are entertaining the queen of 
Scotland with discussions about her release, and in the meanwhile 
are aiding the llegent. A ship they were sending to him with 
stores and 10,000 crowns in money has been lost. I will write to 
the queen of Scotland as your Majesty orders. Irish affairs are in a 
greater state of confusion than ever they have been, and this Queen 
has given many baronies belonging to the rebels to English 
gentlemen, on condition of their being recovered at their own cost. 
A company of 30 of the richest of the London merchants has also 
made an agreement with the Queen that they will conquer a certain 
part of the country, the lordship of which shall belong to them on 
payment of a tribute, and they are already preparing an expedition. 
The whole island (Ireland) is therefore in a turmoil, and the greater 
part of it in rebellion against the Queen. Thomas Stukeley, an 
English captain, settled there, who has been dismissed fro in Ids post, 
in which he had charge of all the Queen's horses in Ireland, because 
he was a Catholic, claims to be in favour of handing over the 
country to your Majesty or some other Catholic Prince. He and 
some of the barons intend to send to Spain to ask your Majesty to 
approve of this design. There is a Venetian there, also, who is in 
the confidence of Stukeley and the other Catholics ; he has a nephew 
here, an honest man, who is a fitting person to send whenever it 
may be needful to negotiate with these Irish gentlemen. His 
uncle gave him the enclosed document that he might hand it to me. 
It is translated from the Italian. " Waterford is a large port in the 
" east of the island, capable of receiving the largest ships at any 
" state of the tide, and is therefore suitable for this business. It is 
"12 English miles distant from the friend's house*, and there is an 
" old ruined castle there inhabited by a fisherman, which castle can 
" be taken possession of at once, and when desirable, the other friend 
" could rent it. By cutting a breadth of four paces of land the port 

* A slight slip of the original transcriber or decipherer makes it appear that Waterf'ord 
is only 12 miles from London, which gives rise to a marginal uot of surprise auU 
enquiry in the King's handwriting. 



" may be made into an island with the castle on it. This island 
" will be almost a mile in circumference, and the garrison might be 
" kept there in spite of the English, with facility for leaving when 
" they liked. The friend could immediately bring thither 10,000 
" men, but it would be needful to supply a large quantity of grain, 
" viz., three or four Flemish sloops such as usually come there in 
" time of peace. This enterprise would be easier in the winter than 
" the summer, because these people (the English) cannot stand the 
" cold so well as ours. The island is full of mines of gold, silver, 
" iron, tin, lead, alum, and glass. It is as fertile as any country ; 
" its inhabitants most warlike, and great enemies of the English. 
" They only await such an opportunity as this as the savages will 
" no doubt be molested ; the 29 merchants .and Wareham Selliger 
" having taken the lordship of the savages' country on condition of 
" their conquering it and having promised to pay the Queen 4cZ. for 
" each fanega of laud they till, and 2d. for pasture. In the west, 
" 500 of the Queen's men and another force beyond the mountains, 
" will also molest them and this will greatly enrage the Irish." 
14th June 15G9. 

15 June. 107. GUERAU DE SPES to the KlNG. 

After sealing the enclosed, on the same night, the bishop of Ross 
came to me with a letter from his mistress, copy of which I enclose. 
The Bishop told me that the duke of Norfolk and earl of Arundel 
had always informed him of their desire to serve your Majesty, 
and that I might be sure that the intention of these noblemen was, 
in April last, to arrest Cecil and give me complete liberty, restoring 
all the property stolen and detained belonging to your Majesty's 
subjects. He .said that, on three occasions, when the project was 
about to be carried out, the earl of Leicester softened and said that 
he would tell the Queen. This pr t vented the execution of the 
intention three distinct times. The days mentioned by the Bishop to 
me as being those when the arrest was to have been effected were the 
same as those on which the noblemen told me they would be ready. 
These delays gave Cecil an opportunity of discovering the plot 
against him, and he told the duke of Norfolk so, begging him and 
his friends not to do anything scandalous of this sort, offering to 
come over to his wishes and those of the rest of the Council. He 
urged the Duke very strongly that they should all unite to prevent 
the .Spaniards from scoffing at the English, and that religion should 
not be changed here. He gave him to understand that he had 
means to settle this business of the detentions, and that he, 
(Norfolk) and the earl of Arundel could go to Spain on the Queen's 
behalf to arrange everything with your Majesty, which would be 
better than treating with the duke of Alba or myself. He said 
that, if the Duke thought otherwise, he (Cecil) would entirely 
follow his opinion, and, with all these compliments and fine words, 
he softened them for the time. The idea of going to Spain also 
turned out illusory as these noblemen told me with some confusion 
and reserve ; Cecil himself having subsequently raised difficulties 
about it, saying that if they went t'ipy might be detained in Spain, 
and so the project fell through. I warned these gentlemen, through 
Ridolfi and Suygo, not to let Cecil deceive them, and they then again. 




insisted that the time had arrived to return to the grace and friendship 
of your Majesty. When they intimated to Cecil, on behalf of all the 
Council, that they desired to enter into some proper arrangement, 
through Ridolfi, to settle pending questions and release me, he told 
them that he was trying to discover the intentions of the duke of 
Alba by means of Cavalcanti, in order to see whether he would 
give way on certain points which he, Cecil, had in his mind, arid he 
begged them to wait eight or nine days, until he had a reply on 
this point. He professed to be planning a treaty which should 
redress all troubles in France, Scotland, and Flanders, and by 
which religion should remain safe with freedom of conscience for 
all. He said he thought that to have a private arrangement with 
your Majesty would not be safe at present, as you could, without 
appearing in it, by many means and ways, destroy and isolate them. 
Through his importunity they waited the eight days, Ridolti and 
Suygo telling me that the delay in consequence of Leicester's 
hunting parties. By the ordinary courier now arrived, Cecil 
received no reply from Cavalcanti, and they are all much disturbed. 
I await the decision. I have given, thus fully, an account of these 
plans, that your Majesty may be thoroughly informed of the business 
from the first, and understand that these noblemen communicated 
their intentions to the queen of Scotland. They brought the bishop 
of Ross here before the day of the intended arrest (of Cecil) in order 
that he might be a witness of it. Lord Montague and the earl of 
Northumberland, as well as other Catholic gentlemen, knew of the 
matter and came hither in consequence. Since then the duke of 
Norfolk has lost his stepson, Lord Dacrc, a boy of nine years old, 
son of his late wife, who had as fine an estate on the borders of 
Scotland as the Duke has in England. The Duke received 1,:>00 
ducats a year for his maintenance, and something else for that of 
the three little sisters, whom he keeps in his house, and administers 
the whole estate. By the laws of the country these girls are 
excluded from the succession, and only receive a eertaiu sum as 
dowry, the estates passing to the first cousin of the dead child. He 
is already called Lord Dacre, and is a gentleman of not very good 
disposition, but clever aud brave, and a good Catholic, a brother- 
in-law of Montague and Northumberland. The duke of Norfolk, 
on certain grounds, tried to question his rights to the estate, but 
Cecil and the Council openly favoured him (Dacre), and all this has 
been an obstacle to the conclusion of the plots afore-mentioned. 
This Lord Dacre is the man of whom I wrote to your Majesty as 
having sent a message to me about the marriage of the queen of 
Scotland with the duke of Norfolk, and the conversion of this 
country to the Catholic Church. He now says that, whenever 
your Majesty pleases to send an army to this country, he and his 
friends will undertake to provide 15,000 selected troops for your 
service. I have been informed that Cecil has spoken to the Duke 
about marrying a sister-in-law of his, a widow with 3,000 ducats 
income, offering him to increase her dowry if the Duke marries her. 
The Duke would not listen to it, for he has his thoughts very high, 
having fixed his eyes upon the queen of Scotland. This has not 
injured her in the negotiations, for the Council now ofler to recover 



her kingdom for her on certain conditions, and the renunciation by 
her of her claim 1o the English crown. With this object this Queen 
has sent to Scotland to request the Recent to send new commis- 
sioners to discuss it. The bishop of Ross and myself agree in our 
opinion that this was another of Cecil's inventions to delay the 
business. I am always of opinion, as I have said before, that it 
would be very beneficial to your Majesty's interests and the prompt 
despatch of these affairs, to reward these gentlemen with a sum 
of money for their services, and to encourage them to greater 
things. This can be done little by little. I may remind your 
Majesty that these people are very fond of money. London, 15th 
June 15G9. 

( J -10 June. 108. EXTRACTS from four LETTERS from GUERAU DE SPES to 
the DUKE OF ALBA of 9th, 14th, and IGth of June 

Yesterday and the day before I wrote to his Majesty and your 
Excellency by way of Calais. Since then Ridolfi came to my 
house, with a letter of credence from Lord Lumley, and told me 
that they would take the opportunity of my changing my residence 
to set mo at liberty, and that, on my leaving here, my guards would 
be removed. He also informed me of the points which Cecil had 
drawn up to be communicated to me when I am at liberty. They 
deal with the question of a general restitution, the selection of 
commissioners for carrying it out, and request that other com- 
missioners should be appointed to conclude the treaty of Bruges. 
They nl- o request that the King should confirm the treaties anew, 
give facility for the English to (rade with the Indies, and assure 
the English ambassadors and their households in his dominion of 
freedom in their religion, with other impertinent trifles, which can 
be disposed of in a very few words. A good answer can be given 
to all this in due time. I told Ridolfi that, when I had the entire 
liberty usually given to his Majesty's ambassadors, I would listen 
to them, but that now I had nothing to say. If they come to 
broach the subject again I will at once inform your Excellency of 
what they say and my opinion thereon. The gentleman who 
guards me has gone to Court to-day to learn the decision as to the 
house to which I am to move. They say they will take this 
opportunity of releasing me. 

20 June. 109. The DtJKE OF ALBA to the KlNO. 

By the enclosed letters from Don Guerau, your Majesty will see 
what is passing in England. I have not yet allowed the merchant 
1 mentioned to g<>, and 1 have no news from the other one I sent, 
except that he had crossed over. I have thought well to send to 
Don Guerau the (i,<>00 crowns he requests, to give to those 
gentlemen with the conditions he mentions.* Brussels, 20th June 

* To Norfolk, Arur.dtl, and Lumk-y. 



22 June. 110. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING. 

They are going to give me the bishop of Winchester's house in 
exchange for the one I now occupy. I am to pay for it, but the 
Bishop raised some difficulties, although the earl of Leicester 
wrote to him about it. The Council now order it, and I am told 
that I shall be liberated when I go thither. When I have been 
able to discuss with the Queen and Council the restitution of the 
property detained and stolen, I will duly advise your Majesty arid 
the Duke. Kidolfi wrote to me last night that Cecil had sent him 
an invitation to dine with him and asked him to come and see me. 
Cecil is anxious to arrange matters with mo at all events. I 
therefore expect him (Ridolfi), and shall entertain them with 
smooth words to see whether this property cannot be recovered, 
postponing the redress of other insults and injuries for your 
Majesty's decision. In the meanwhile, those who have taken 
property are in a great hurry to get it valued before the lord 
mayor, who insists on your Majesty's subjects carrying out the 
valuation jointly with Englishmen. But it is all roguery, for they 
have put aside everything that was good, and only made a 
valuation of what is spoilt. I have ordered Spaniards to have 
nothing to do with it, but to let them refer to the owners of the 
merchandize. London, 22ndJune 156!). 

27 June. 111. GUERAU DE SPES to the DUKE OF ALBA. 

They have not yet given me my liberty, as they say that they 
have not yet received any decision from the bishop of Winchester 
about his house, and these people are so vain that 1 believe they 
will not like to release me without finding some plausible excuse 
for doing so. I let the earl of Leicester know I was ready to vacate 
. this house* whenever he wished, so as not to inconvenience him, and 
he has just sent a letter to the gentleman who always gunrds me, 
whose name is George Spekc, to tell me that he will have a house 
found for me, and that, in the meanwhile, anyone who wishes to 
see me can do so without any hindrance. He has also told the 
gentleman to go home, leaving me without any other guard. 
London, 27th June 15G9. 

1 July. 112. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING. 

I expect to-day that the arrangement will be concluded with the 
agents of the bishop of Winchester about the house, and that I 
shall at once move thither. We shall then see whether I shall be 
set entirely at liberty as the councillors say. I think they have 
delayed hitherto in order to see whether any favourable news for 
them came from France. In the meanwhile, I have declined to listen 
openly to proposals regarding the restitution of the merchandise, 
although Ridolfi has spoken to me about it, and Cavalcanti the 
Florentine has tried to learn whether I wish him to continue the 
negotiation that he had commenced, through some of his friends, 

* This was Paget House, on the site of Essex street, in the Strand, which had been in 
the occupation of the Spanish ambassadors since the expulsion of the bishop of Aquila 
from the Queen's house, Durham place, in 1563, particulars of which will be found in 
the Calendar of State Papers (Spanish), 15581567. 



by which they thought they might find means dealing with the 
duke of Alba. I have endeavoured to discover the intentions of 
all parties, so that when I am free, I can, on receiving the Duke's 
instructions, take what steps may be fitting. Benedict Spinola, 
also, wanted to have a hand in it, and I hear from all of them that 
the Council desires to make restitution, although not so completely 
as they ought, and even then they expect to receive great concessions 
for doing so. I will try, when the time arrives, to get full 
restitution, and, at all events, I shall not fail for want of effort. I 
understand that the Queen has appointed new commissioners, three 
Englishmen and three subjects of your Majesty, with the 
instructions of which I send a copy. I told your Majesty's subjects 
to have nothing to do with it without my express order, as I am 
informed that the intention of those who appointed the commissioners 
was to value the merchandise very shortly, and sell it to the owners 
themselves if they wished to buy, the Queen enjoying the money, 
which they say she will restore when she comes to an agreement 
with your Majesty. This seems to me extremely undesirable, and 
the worst course that could be taken. I have, therefore, again most 
urgently told your Majesty's subjects to take no part in the matter, 
especially as they have acted so far in accord with me, and this would 
be setting a very bad example ; and, although some members of the 
Council, who thought to make a great profit out of the business, 
have put great pressure upon them, they have respected my orders 
in your Majesty's name, and your Majesty's decision on this point 
and others is anxiously awaited. I am sure that, in the end, the 
Council will do what is right, although they try by many ways to 
profit. I have advised your Majesty of the disturbances in 
Ireland, and the wishes of Thomas Stukeley. The son of John 
O'Neill is in arms on one side of the island and John O'More in 
another part. They are both Catholics. The Queen received a 
post yesterday which had come in five days from a town called 
Cork on the coast, bringing news that a fortress near that town 
had been taken from the troops of Selliger and Gieynvill, two 
English gentlemen who have undertaken to subdue a part of the 
island. It was captured by a Catholic gentleman named FitzGarret 
who beheaded all those who were in it, including a son of Selliger. 
The victors, to the number of some three thousand, went then to 
besiege Cork, and were already negotiating for the delivery to 
them of the wives of these two English gentlemen, who were in 
the town, so that with these pledges in their hands their own 
children and the property in the town should be safe. The said 
Selliger is here and is sure that by this time his wife is in the 
hands of these savages, to whom he and his comrades had done much 
damage, and some of whom he had hanged. The rising has troubled 
the Queen very much. The Council have agreed that the ships 
that went to Rochelle should be retained by the so-called Queen of 
Navarre, in order that the men in them may be used for the 
defence of Rochelle and against neighhouring places held by her 
opponents. The two Venetian vessels HIV in the Downs, and will 
sail with the first fair wind. The Hamburg business is turning 
out very badly for these people, for they have only sold 4,000 out 



of the 25,000 pieces of cloth, and these were exchanged for wax 
hemp, and hops, so that I do not think they will go there again. 
The lack of Spanish goods is being greatly felt here. Oil has 
doubled in price, and it' it were not for these sloops, it would be 
at an intolerable rate. Everything else is the same. They have 
taken large sums of money belonging to private persons from all 
the ships coming from Spain, this money having been shipped 
from Spain without your Majesty's license. Some people think 
that the sum will reach 130,000 ducats, but the owners, having 
fallen into this fault, do not dare to publish it, no that the English 
will keep the money, unless your Majesty orders that it shall be 
claimed for yourself, agreeing with the owners that they shall 
have some portion of it returned to them, and shall not be 
punished for their offence. Without their concurrence the 
necessary proofs could not be obtained, and I shall be lAd to 
know your Majesty's wishes upon Uic subject, in order that this 
money may not remain in the hands of these infidels. The four 
English vessels that are taking ammunition and other stores and 
goods to Cape Agur (?), in the kingdom of Fez, are already at the 
mouth of this river ready to sail. I will advise your Majesty of 
what happens to them. As I am closing this, I have received 
from the French ambassador your Majesty's letter of the 15th 
of May. London, 1st July 1569. 

1 July 113. GUERAU DE SPES to the DUKE OF ALBA. 


The servant of the bishop of Winchester is here, and, although 
he asked 400 crowns for the house, we have agreed that the earl 
of Leicester's valuation of it shall be accepted, and I will move 
into it. I will advise your Excellency of their action with regard 
to the taking away of my guards. I, for my part, shall ask no 
favours. In the first audience I have, if the Queen grants me one, 
I only intend to speak of complaints in general, as I am told that 
that is her wish ; but, if we come to particulars, I will give 
her details. I think it will be better to leave until a second 
audience, the subject of the queen of Scotland and the delivery to 
this Queen of the letter I have for her. Your Excellency will 
instruct me as to your opinion on this matter, and as to the 
commissioners. London, 1st July 15G9. 

2 July. 114. The DUKE OF ALBA to GUEKAU DE SPES. 


I am glad to see by your letter that affairs are going well, and 
much wish you had received the duplicates of his Majesty's 
letters, which I sent with the warrants for the 6,000 crowns you 
requested. I must again repeat to you most emphatically that 
you are not, on any account, to entertain approaches to you 
against the Queen or her councillors, or anything touching them. 
On the contrary, if people come to you with such talk, you 
must be so reticent that they shall never be able to say that any 
minister of the King has given ear to it. For your private 
information I wish to say that, knowing that Benedict Spinola 
was the principal cause of the money being seized, and that 



Thomas Fiesco has influence with him, I have sent the latter, who 
is a Genoese merchant residing in Antwerp, to negotiate with 
Spinola, on his own account, without its being known that lie 
comes from me, with the object, if possible, of gaining over Cecil 
and Leicester in return for something to be given to them to 
favour the restitution. He writes telling me that he finds on his 
arrival many people have started negotiations without my wish or 
authority, and besides this, that the owners of the detained monies 
and goods have been offering very bad terms for its recovery. 
If I knew who they were I would have them punished. 

I have also learnt that others, and even Spaniards, have tried 
to interfere in this business more then is fitting, and no doubt, as 
you will see, they, thinking that the property will after all remain 
there and be sacrificed for a low price, they will try to come to 
such terms as I have mentioned if the affair is not other- 
wise settled. I think, therefore, that you should extend no 
countenance to those who adopt this course, and thus interfere 
with my wish. 

Fiesco is a sensible man with great interests in these States, so 
that, even if he were inclined to act wrongly, I do not think lie 
would venture to jeopardise his stake here by going astray, 1 
think, therefore, that you should receive him and give credit to 
what he says, holding your hand in the meanwhile with regard 
to that other business.* To tell you the truth, I suspect that 
the reason why Cecil has turned so smooth is that he has been 
already influenced by the promises made by Thomas (Fiesco) through 
Spinola. You gave Ridolfi a very prudent reply. In case you 
should see the Queen or Cecil you will be very gentle, as, only by 
this means, can affairs be guided as we want them to be. 

I have told the Friars to go to Paris. I again press upon you 
that, on no account in the world are you to listen to any proposals 
about Ireland, or other parts, as I can assure you that such a, 
course might ruin everything, and you also would run a personal 
risk, for which I should feel truly sorry. You may, however, with 
great caution and at unsuspicious hours, listen to the servants of 
the queen of Scotland. Brussels, 2nd July 1569. 

5 July. 115. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING. 

I have moved to-day into Winchester House, and by special 
order of the Council George Speke has accompanied me hither. 
He is one of the gentlemen who have guarded me, and told me on 
the Queen's behalf that I was not to be surprised at what she h.-ul 
done, because, thinking that the duke of Alba was goiny further, 
she thought it advisable to make sure of my person in that way ; 
but since the Duke had desisted, she also had changed her 
mind, and restored me to liberty, begging me to forget all p;ist 
offences and use my good offices in favour of peace ami quietness. 
I thanked her Majesty for the favour she had done me, and 
said that although the past excesses had been unusual, I would 
nevertheless not fail in my endeavours to preserve peace and amity 

* i.e., The project he had for bribing the Councillors Cecil nd Leicester, directlv. 



between the hoMse of Burgundy and that of England. The 
gentleman told me that, whenever I wished, he would go to the 
Queen and Council for me, as they had given him instructions 
to do. After he had dined with me, he, with his wife and family 
and others, went home and left me at liberty. London, 5th July 

7 July. 116. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING. 

I send enclosed a rough draft of the statement drawn up with 
regard to the property detained. Lord Lumley has been to speak 
to me and has confirmed everything that Ridolfi and Suygo had 
arranged with me hitherto, and, after much discourse, we agreed 
that Ridolfi was to be given this draft, so that it might be com- 
municated with the members of the Council, who are his friends, 
and, in the meanwhile, that I should ingratiate myself with somo 
of them without mentioning the late annoying events. I am 
doing this, and am taking other means to let Cecil understand that 
this statement about the merchandise is a true one. The people 
who have the matter in hand are warned not to let it be known 
that they are in communication with me about it. I will send a 
special courier to your Majesty when any resolution is adopted. 
In one of the ships from Rochelle there has arrived a servant of 
the duchess of Vendome, who brings many jewels for the Queen. 
I suppose they are a recompense for the aid she has sent them. It 
is a sign that they (at Rochelle) are short of provisions, that 10 or 
12 ships are being prepared to send thither. Winter's brother 
goes to Bristol to prepare the expedition of 4,000 men they are to 
send to Ireland. News has arrived that the Catholics there have 
been reinforced by 1,500 men from Scotland and the adjacent 
islands. A packet of letters has appeared here in the possession of 
one of the commissioners. They were directed to some merchants of 
Medina-del-Campo, and it is said in them that they were carried 
by the Portuguese ambassador, who left Antwerp at the end of 
May. I suspect that they have not captured the ship in which 
the ambassador sailed, as the letters are said to have come here in 
a Biscay ship which tried to go round Scotland and Ireland to 
avoid the Straits of Dover. The Regent James had arrested the 
earl of Huntly, although he keeps him by his side as if free. 
James was going to the north of Scotland gathering money from 
the towns, and had soldiers around Dumbarton to prevent the 
entrance of provisions. The captain of the castle has sent his 
brother to this country to report to the queen of Scotland the 
position. Now that this Council is somewhat more favourable 
to the queen of Scotland, they have sent a gentleman to tell James 
to treat his Queen's affairs with more moderation, and to ask him 
to send commissioners here, as promised, to come to an agreement. 
The king of France has written to this Queen, assuring her that 
the queen of Scotland has not made any renunciation of her 
rights to this kingdom in favour of the duke of Anjou. London, 
7th July 1569. 



10 July. 117. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING. 

The French ambassador has been to see the Queen, and, as on 
other occasions, she had refused him permission to visit me, he 
wished to learn from the Queen herself whether she would now 
allow him to do so. She answered that he was not yet to visit me 
himself, but that he might send some one on his behalf. I have 
not yet requested audience, nor will I do so until I am assured by 
our friends on the Council that it will be granted. They say they 
will advise me, and they also tell me that the four sloops originally 
belonging to your Majesty's subjects which were being fitted out 
at the instigation of Cardinal Chatillon shall not be allowed to go 
to sea. London, 10th July 1569. 

13 July. 118. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING. 

I have in former letters advised your Majesty that" I am now 
free and living in Winchester House, but, hitherto, in consequence 
of the hopes these people still entertain of affairs in France, and 
also because each member of the Council is looking for his own 
profit in consenting to a general restitution, no more has been done 
in the matter of the detained property. It is desirable not to hurry 
them much, or appear very anxious, as this is the course which 
alarms them most. I have not yet requested audience, as I have 
been desirous of learning first whether it would be granted, and I 
am expecting the decision to-day. Some of the councillors think 
this is the best course, in order that the Council may appoint a 
committee to discuss tlic matter with me, and thus certain of them 
who have been mixed up in the business may be left out. News 
has arrived here of the engagement in France where Philip Strozzi 
was taken which has made them cool somewhat in the discussion 
of our business. They say the first question to be decided is 
whether I am to have audience, so the best way will be to let them 
alone for a lew days. London, 13th July 1569. 

14 July. 119. GUERAU DE SPES to the KINO. 

The courier having been detained I have had time to obtain a 
copy of the petition presented yesterday to the Council by five 
merchants, which petition was drawn up by them and secretary 
Cecil with Francisco Calvos, in accordance with Cecil's instruction!* 
that it should only be presented in the name of the merchants. 
Your Majesty will see by it the spirit of these people. 

I have only to add to-day that Cecil has raised a question 
amongst them as to whether it will be advisable that I should 
present some fresh letter from your Majesty, however short, 
about these affairs. Another invention, no doubt, to delay the 
matter. I will try to make this understood by means of the 
others, and will report the decision duly to your Majesty. A 
rising in the north is feared as some of the heretic ministers are 
ariving here, having been driven out by the people.- God dispose 
all things for your Majesty's service ! London, 14th July 1509. 



14 July. 

7 July. 


By your letters of 27th ultimo and 1st and 2nd instant things 
appear to be taking a favourable course. I have now to reply as 
to what you are to do if they release you ; whether you shall go 
to the Queen, and what you have to do, or say, to any councillors 
who may visit you. Having regard to the bad and insulting 
treatment extended to you, it would be very just that you should 
refuse to receive anyone or to see the Queen until entire satisfaction 
has been given to you ; but, things being in their present condition, 
I think you might remain at home without going to Court, and, if 
the Queen sends for you, you might go graciously to her and tell 
her, after having heard her, that you cannot answer anything 
without instructions from the King or letting me know, as I am 
charged with these affairs. If they show any desire to deal with 
you on any point beyond the restitution, you may say that, if the 
restitution is agreed upon, it must be effected before any other 
business. You will deal with the councillors in the same way, 
kindly and gently, without mentioning past events. By this I do 
not mean that Fiesco's negotiation with Cecil is to be limited to 
this point. 

You did well in ordering all merchants, subjects of his Majesty, 
to have nothing to do with the valuation of the goods, under pain 
of heavy punishment. If the English choose to do it without the 
intervention of any of our men it cannot be helped. Although 
you will have seen by my other despatches that you are not to 
entertain proposals from anybody, I must again press this upon 
you and tell you that I am informed from France to-day that the 
queen of Scotland is being utterly ruined by the plotting of her 
servants with you, as they never enter your house without being 
watched. This might cost the Queen her life, and I am not sure 
that yours would be safe. You may consider, also, what would be 
the effect on affairs in such case, and I beg of you most earnestly 
to avoid all such dealings as they are prompted by bribery in 
order to betray you. Any message from the queen of Scots you 
will endeavour to hear by means of one trustworthy person, and no 
more, and even then, not directly. As regards the money that has 
come thither concealed, I quite believe that the amount will be 
what you say. When we negotiate for the restitution we will 
consider by what means the sum can be ascertained. Your plan 
does not seem a bad one, and you may give an account of what 
they tell you to Thomas Fiesco, who is a sensible man. Brussels, 
14th July J569. 

121. GUERAU DE SPES to the KINO. 

I wrote to your Majesty on the 5th, 7th, 10th, 13th, and 14th 
instant, giving an account of what had happened up to that time ; 
but as people here are so changeable and venal something new 
turns up every day and much patience is necessary in dealing with 
them. They are much disturbed about French affairs. They have 
fitted out ready for sailing the four sloops, three large and one small, 
belonging to your Majesty's subjects, and they only await the 



return of John Brug, a native of Amsterdam, who lias gone in his 
ship to reconnoitre the coast of Holland. The Council lias given 
me but slack replies when I have pointed out the evil which may 
arise from the sailing of these ships. The judge of the Admiralty, 
moreover, has not done his duty in refraining from forbidding it. 
They have now seized all the boats belonging to your Majesty's 
subjects which were detained in the river, taking them from their 
owners, whom they have turned out from their lodgings on board, 
which have been occupied by certain Englishmen armed with a 
patent from the Council. They have been valued at a quarter of 
their value, and even this price ha? not been given to the owners, 
but has been deposited with the Queen. The mariners appealed to 
me at the time when I was treating with Cecil and the Council 
through a third person, to bribe five of the members with good 
presents to get them to adopt a general restitution at once. Cecil 
signified that he would be satisfied with 10,000 ducats for his 
share, and this sum was promised him, but the affair was hindered 
by the commission they have given to six good-for-nothing men to 
appraise and sell, on certain pretexts, all the merchandise detained 
which is still in stock. This is a road to a host of robberies and 
rogueries, and has been devised by some of the Council in order to 
gain great riches for themselves. They have induced some poor 
and insignificant subjects of your Majesty here to join the 
commission, in the hope that they may be allowed to share in the 
plunder. I have ordered them all in your Majesty's name to have 
nothing to do with it, and many have obeyed me. I will try to 
stop this infamous course, if possible. If they persist, I will inform 
the duke of Alba, and when I told Cecil this I said that the real 
way to remedy the affair was for me to give an account of it to the 
Queen, who would not deny me audience for the purpose. The 
answer was given by the earl of Leicester who said that the Queen 
thought it desirable that I should bring a fresh letter authorising 
me to negotiate with her, seeing what had passed between the 
Duke and her. Cecil and the other members say that this reply 
was given without their consent, and the}' will have it altered, but 
I believe that it is only another pretext for delay to see how affairs 
will go in France. Your Majesty will see what is best to be done 
and order me accordingly. I requested a passport to send a courier 
to Flanders, and a servant still awaits it at the Court. If the 
detention is with the object of sending me a better reply I will duly 
advise your Majesty. The present letter is taken by a servant of 
the queen of Scotland, who is being sent to the duke of Alba. 
They are preparing to send another flotilla to Hamburg. The 
brigantine has brought news from there that all the goods have been 
sold, although with little or no profit. To get some of their goods off 
their hands they will again send an expedition now, and another in 
September. This does not look as if they were so anxious to come 
to terms with your Majesty. When George Speke brought me the 
answer about the audience, he told me that, although he had no 
instructions to tell me so, yet he could say that no treaty would be 
arranged with your Majesty without first an understanding having 
been come to as to the security of English subjects in your 



dominions with regard to religion, and that as to the restitution, if 
it be carried out, they want to bring into account certain con- 
fiscations of English property decreed by the holy office. I think, 
however, that if good news for us comes from France, they will 
deal more gently in the matter. We must also have patience, 
although the business is greatly hindered through Cecil's having 
got the upper hand in the Government, and without fear now that 
the other members may overturn him, knowing, as he does, that 
they could not agree together to oppose him. 

Postscript : The servant who is being sent by the queen of 
Scotland to the duke of Alba is going to treat for aid to be sent 
to her castle of Dumbarton, which is in extreme need. As it is .so 
important, it appears desirable, by this means and others, that 
we should help this poor Queen now she is so hard pressed, 
especially as these folks here are acting falsely with everybody 
as I write to the Duke. London, 17th July 1569. 

19 July. 122. The KING to the DUKE OF ALBA. 

Yours in French and Spanish of 1st, 3rd, 4th, and 14th have 
been considered by the Council of State with presidents Tisnach 
and Hopperus, respecting the seizures in England, and I have 
ordered the letters and powers you request to be sent, literally as 
you desire, as I am convinced that you, being on the spot, have 
thoroughly considered the matter. I do not, however, wish to omit 
to write you why the documents were sent before in the way that 
they were. The reasons were mainly three : First, it was most 
important that the money and merchandise detained should be 
promptly recovered and trade re-established, in the interests of the 
royal revenues and of the people at large who had dealings with 
the States, many of whom now have been utterly ruined. 
Secondly, we thought that if I wrote setting forth the whole 
matter fully, as I did in the long letter to the Queen, she would 
have no excuse for delay. If her letter to me was written in' good 
faith I gave her a good opportunity of proving it, whilst, if the 
contrary was the case, I justified my cause by my letter. The third 
reason was to come to the point, to avoid circumlocution aud take 
away all excuses from her. As she said she would not treat with 
you, but only with me, she had there with my own signature clearly 
set forth everything which had to be asked for or proposed, and thus 
she would have had no pretext to fall back upon, as she would have 
had with a simple credence which she might always think came 
from you and not from me. This would enable her to temporise 
and delay the restitution which is the end they are aiming at. 

It was also considered that, as I was asking her to restore so great 
a sum, I could not avoid offering to return the small amount I have 
sequestered. The advantage being so enormously on her side, it 
could not be said that it was out of fear that I had acted moderately. 
Rather might it be said of them for returning so large a sum for so 
small an equivalent. 

The other arguments you use were rather belated, as my 
ambassador, DOB Guerau de Spee, was a prisoner, and she had sent 
y 7467. M 



D'Assonleville back without receiving him. Even if she had sent 
my letter to other princes, we think it would only have redounded 
to her own confusion. But still, you can do as you like with the 
despatch now sent, although I must urge you again most forcibly to 
use every effort to recover promptly the money and property 
detainee), as the evil is growing hourly. I have little hope of any good 
being done by the Florentines you mention, considering the sort of 
men they are, interested in France and the Queen. Fiesco perhaps, 
by means of money, may do better, as people there are so much 
influenced by it. Although you have the matter fully in view I 
wish to urge you again, on no account, to enter into any other 
question with the English beyond the seizures, as it is quite clear 
that they will want to bring up any, and everything to hinder the 
settlement of the really pressing point. Besides, the questions they 
raise about Spain arc simply nonsense. First about my having 
expelled that dogmatizing scamp of an ambassador ; the Queen has 
expressed herself satisfied with my explanations both to Guzman 
do Silva and to Guerau de Spes. The second point was about the 
" Pontifical History," which spoke of the Queen disrespectfully, and 
tliis was remedied long ago by the books being called in and 
reprinted without the objectionable paragraphs. The third claim 
is that English heretics should not be punished here by the 
inquisition. You will judge what sort of attention we should give 
to such claims as these, which, after all, are nothing but tricks and 
subterfuge-, and as such you must brush them aside and come to 
the main point, which is restitution. Madrid, 20th July 1569. 

22 July. 123. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING. 

I wrote to your Majesty on the 17th that they wanted to set 
about selling the detained merchandise, for which purpose they 
had appointed as commissioners some very low people, a silver- 
smith, a brewer, and a draper, all Englishmen, besides two 
Milanese, subjects of your Majesty, one of whom, in consequence of 
my orders, has retired, but the other persists. The sixth com- 
missioner is a Lucchese go-between. My expressions of regret 
about it and about the sloops they have taken at a low price from 
their owners, four of which are being fitted out, have resulted in 
their unbending somewhat ; inasmuch as at first they required a 
new commission from your Majesty to authorise me to treat of this 
and^other affairs, which I told them I did not think necessary ; but 
George Spoke came yesterday from the Council to tell me that if I 
would assure them that I had letters from your Majesty, even 
though I did not produce them, as they might be in cipher, they 
would negotiate with me if your Majesty ordered it, and that the 
Queen would give me audience as usual. I assured them that 1 
had many letters from your Majesty written since my detention, 
and that I would listen to whatever they said, and after consulting 
with your Majesty would send them a decided answer. The 
Queen went to Richmond yesterday, and the Council will meet 
there with her to-morrow, when George Speke will go with my 
answer. I gave him a memorial for the Queen setting forth the 
injury which might result from the said Commission if they 




proceeded to sell the merchandise, and that I should hold her 
responsible for the losses incurred. What with this, and with my 
pressure on the earl of Arundel to get the commission revoked or 
altered, they have held their hands, and nothing is now being 
done. I will try to put it on a firmer basis if possible. The Queen 
is to make a short progress this year as far as Southampton. I am 
told, according to Arundel's statement, that the effect of what the 
Council will communicate to me is, that if your Majesty will 
appoint me, either alone or with others, to decide all pending 
questions between this Crown and your Majesty, including 
restitution of the goods now detained, the Queen will appoint 
similar plenipotentiaries, and all points may be settled. I have 
sent to say that I do not think this will be a good course, but that 
we should first inquire as to the restitution, and thereafter the 
other questions can be dealt with, as between two friendly princes. 
He says that the decision they have arrived at is the afore- 
mentioned, but that, perhaps, after discussion with me, they may 
gradually come round to my view. George Speke has told me 
nothing more than this, and I will punctually consult the duke of 
Alba, London, 22nd July 1569. 

Postscript : Arundel tells me that they are sending shortly, for 
the succour of Rochelle, a large quantity of victuals, and will bring 
back salt and other things in exchange. In addition to this, the 
Queen would send 1,000?., part of which she has already in cash, 
and is pawning the Vendome jewels with various merchants to 
raise the rest. They are sending a credit of two thousand (?) crowns 
to the Queen's agent in Germany in order to help Duke Casimir to 
enter France. The Queen dined yesterday at Lambeth, Cardinal 
Chutillon being present. It was declared in letters that were then 
made known, that the French king's army was becoming weaker 
every day, and that the Protestants had taken Chatelhorault, as 
well as raising the siege of Sanserre and Xainte ; , and had gone 
against Poitiers. They said that Casimir would enter France and 
go to Normandy or Picardy. In the county of Suffolk, at the 
instance of certain ministers, the heretics had planned to kill all the 
Catholics. Many of the conspirators have been arrested, and strict 
orders were sent from here yesterday for their punishment. It is 
strange that the heretics should begin these disturbances in a part 
of the country where they have it all their own way. This may 
give rise to other movements. 

Since writing the above, I learn that the Suffolk business, although 
they profess here that it is a religious rising, is really a revolt of the 
people against the royal officers, in consequence of the want of 
outlet for their cloths, which are made in great quantities there. 
In addition to this, they have not enough land for agriculture, as 
the royal and private parks there are very spacious. They 
attempted to kill the keepers of the Queen's parks and the owners 
of the private ones. It would appear that they must have some 
agreement with their neighbours in Norfolk, because some of the 
latter have come hither to learn whether the Duke has been 
arrested ; he having promised them frequently to go thither this 

M 2 



summer to witness the evils under which the country is suffering 
in consequence of the want of outlet for the cloths. His people, 
thinking the Duke might be detained, sent these men as a deputa- 
tion to see him. I do not know whether the Duke himself 
arranged this. The French ambassador received an affront from 
the Queen at Lambeth yesterday. He had been given an appoint- 
ment with her, and was awaiting her in the presence chamber ; 
Cardinal Chatillon and the Vidame in the meanwhile going in and 
out of the Queen's private room, when she sent out to tell the 
ambassador that she was busy and that the audience would be 
postponed to another day. He says he was going to speak to her 
about the fitting out of these sloops. On the same day I gave a 
servant of mine a great number of petitions from the owners of the 
detained boats, and sent him, in company with the petitioners, to 
Cecil. The latter returned the petitions to my man, and told him 
to take them to the four commissioners who manage maritime 
affairs. As the number of documents was very large, and Cecil 
had them mixed up with other papers, the enclosed writing was 
found amongst them, which reveals the negotiations which this 
Queen has with the Count Palatine. I suppose they will not 
understand how they have lost it. I know Cecil's signature very 
well. The earl of Ormond was leaving Ireland, but the Queen has 
ordered him to be stopped. London, 22nd July 1569. 

25 July. 124. GUEUAU DE SPES to the KING. 

As something fresh occurs every day, I have to write constantly. 
The Queen is at Richmond, and they have kept George Speke there 
two days without letting me know if they are going to give him an 
answer to the message I sent by him to the Queen, setting forth 
the injury which these pirates may cause if they proceed to sell the 
detained merchandise. Everything at Court is in such confusion 
that I cannot hope they will come to a good decision in this or 
anything pise. 

This Queen sees that all the people in the country are turning 
their eyes to the queen of Scotland, and there is now no conceal- 
ment about it. She is looked upon generally as the successor, and 
much is publicly said about her, such as, " that they want to raise 
Absalom against David," and other things of that sort. She has 
sent Captain Drury to Scotland in all haste to urge James (the 
earl of Murray) to send his commissioners here as promised, and to 
say that, if their coming is delayed, she will send the queen of 
Scotland thither with armed force ; swearing that she will not have 
her here any longer or she will raise the country against her. She 
said yesterday publicly that she would many at once, either to 
Leicester or the Archduke Charles, although I feel quite sure she 
will do neither. 

Cardinal Chatillon was in conference with her and Leicester for 
over three hours, and the duke of Norfolk sends me word that they 
are remitting 50,000 crowns to the Duke Hans Casimir to enable 
him to enter France with 4,000 horse and some foot. The help for 
Rochelle is also being pushed forward. 




The Admiral and Vice-Chamberlain Knollys, who are the men 
that have stolen most, went yesterday to entreat the duke of 
Norfolk not to advocate a reconciliation with your Majesty. 
Knollys said that otherwise their religion would be ruined. A 
minister named Sampson,* the most pernicious heretic in existence, 
also went yesterday to exhort the Duke on the same subject, 
admonishing him as an apostle of God, as he calls himself, not to 
support the queen of Scotland. The general opinion is that these 
risings in Norfolk and Suffolk have not been undertaken without 
the Duke's knowledge. The latter is now somewhat suspicious, 
and goes about surrounded by f riends, in order that he may not be 
easily arrested, although the Queen has no officer who would dare 
to do it. I believe that there will be another change soon. Both 
sides, each for its own interests, thus delay an agreement with your 
Majesty, and the Queen goes to-morrow from Richmond to Oatlands 
in order to avoid giving me a reply, but I expect that by waiting 
a few days some great event will be seen. 

The bishop of Ross came to me at three o'clock this morning to 
assure me of the wish of the duke of Norfolk to serve your Majesty. 
He said he was a Catholic, and has the support, even in London, of 
many of the aldermen and rich merchants. I will report every- 
thing to the duke of Alba and follow his instructions. 

As it is acknowledged here that the disturbances in Suffolk have 
arisen in consequence of the lack of outlet for the cloths and the 
want of materials for the industry, the Council has agreed with 
the Easterlings who come hither, for them to go to Spain with 
their ships, and bring back cargoes of oil, alum, and soap. These ships 
will therefore sail soon, and it is desirable that they should obtain 
none of these things in your Majesty's dominions, even though they 
profess that they are for France, unless they give full security that 
they shall not be brought hither. London, 25th July 1569. 

30 July. 125. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING. 

Since my letter of 25th George Speke came to me from Rich- 
mond with a new device, namely that the Council wished me to 
send my secretary with the letters I might have from your Majesty, 
even though they were in cipher, that he might point out in what 
portion of them the matter of these negotiations was referred to. 
I told him that such a demand would better not have been made, 
and that I had orders from your Majesty to listen to what they 
said, which was sufficient. He repeated that, if I liked to go to 
the Council to say anything in your Majesty's name, he begged 
that I would let them know, to which I replied that I had no such 

* This was Thomas Sampson, who had refused the bishopric of Norwich in 1560, and 
had officiated at the burial of the duchess of Norfolk in 1564, being then dean of 
Christchurch. He was deprived of his deanery for refusing to conform to the orders 
with regard to clerical vestments in 1566, and Grindal (in a letter to Bullinger, Zurich 
Archives, Parker Society) pays a high tribute to him at this time. He says that of 
" those who have been deprived Sampson alone can be regarded as a man whose learning 
" is equal to his piety." By the intercession of Archbishop Parker, Sampson was 
afternards appointed a prebend of St. Paul's, Master of the hospital at Leicester, and 
theological lecturer at Whittiugton College, London. He was either chaplain or an 
intimate friend of the duke of Norfolk. 



order, but that, if they wanted to speak to me, I would reply with 
all courtesy. I then begged him to speak to the Queen respecting 
the four sloops which are beiDg fitted out, and to hand to her, in 
pei-son, the statement that I gave him, which he did. At this 
moment he has brought me the reply saying that the Queen left 
Richmond for Oatlands yesterday, and on her departure, lie 
handed her my reply and statement, which she read several times 
and said that she would have orders sent in writing to the captains 
of the sloops, telling them to desist from their voyage. She also 
said with regard to the commission, that no injury would be 
done to the merchandise thereby, although, he says, she was not 
very positive about this. The protest which I made upon this 
subject I now enclose. George Speke asked leave to go into the 
country, and the Queen again entered into discourse with him as 
to whether I had fresh letters from your Majesty telling me to act 
in these negotiations. Speke assured her again that I had, and she 
then called the secretary to her. It would seem that she only 
mentions these matters in conformity with the secretary's inten- 
tions, as she said to him, " Look, ye ! the ambassador has fresh 
letters from the King," and thereupon they decided that Speke 
should return to Oatlands. The Queen questioned him as to 
whether I would again ask for audience, to which he said, ns I 
had ordered him to do, that it was (not ?) necessary to do so, but 
that when she summoned me I would go and kiss her hand. 

I tell your Majesty this that you may decide if it is advisable to 
write anything to the Queen, a credence or otherwise, for me to 
use it only as occasion may appear to demand when it arrives, or 
whether it will be better to let things go their own course. French 
affairs make them rather hopeful, but the people are murmuring 
greatly for want of trade, and this may alarm them. 

I have written to your Majesty about the risings in Norfolk and 
Suffolk, and there must have been some controversy in the Council 
about it yesterday, as, in presence of the whole Council, the duke of 
Norfolk told Speke that it had been asserted that he, the Duke, had 
urged me to stand firm. He told him to ascertain from me if he, 
the Duke, had ever sent such a message. I assured Speke em- 
phatically that neither the Duke, nor any other member, had done 
so, and if he had, I should not be guided by the opinions of others, 
but by what I myself thought was just and right. 

This is the position at the moment. The voyage they had 
planned to Hamburg seems to be dragging, in consequence of the 
merchants declining to ship goods unless the Queen's men-of-war 
go to convoy the cargo ships, as they did before. It would be very 
desirable for this voyage not to take place, and also that the 
ships the Easterlings are sending to Spain for oil, alum, and soap 
should not get their cargoes there, or, at all events that they should 
give security that they will not bring the goods to England. This 
letter is taken by Juan Perez de Torreblanca, a Biscayner, who 
promises to carry it in his boat to Spain, although I am anxious 
about another letter I sent on the 28th ultimo, by Lope de la 
Sierra's sailors, as the ship was detained very long on the coast and 
was overhauled several times. I am sending to the Court to ask 




for a passport for whenever I wish to send a courier. London, 30. h 
July 1569. 

1 Aug. 126. GUERAU DE SPES to the DUKE OF ALBA. 

By my letters to his Majesty you will see that, in preventing the 
sailing of the sloops and deciding to restore the badly sold boats, 
the Government have taken favourable action. I am sendiri"- to- 
morrow to Court to know on what day I can go and salute 3 the 
Queen. I will speak gently to her, as your Excellency orders, and 
will report the result. They say that orders will be given that my 
letters may come in safety, I believe that they will do as I ask in 
my memorial, namely, to bring them under cover marked O, with 
a certificate from Antonio or Leonardo Tasis that they are for me. 
All these matters are referred to Mr. March, formerly the governor 
of the English in Antwerp. He was at Court when my servant 
was there and was consulted about my request, but has not yet 
returned to approve of it. In the meantime please send letters by 
Calais or by the ordinary post. 

I have disposed of the six thousand crowns in the way I wrote 
to your Excellency, and I see they will produce great fruit, and this 
much and more, which we can promise and pay, will be gained on 
the merchandise. Norfolk and the other adherents of the queen of 
Scotland are very busy trying to get her declared the Queen's 
successor, and this Queen is already somewhat suspicious of the 
Duke. There certainly will be some turmoil about it. The Duke, 
the earl of Arundel, and Pembroke, are pushing the business 
forward, with the support of Northumberland, Cumberland, 
Westmoreland, Derby, Exeter, Montague, Morley, and others, and 
they all assert that if they succeed, religion shall be restored. 
Leicester says that he will be with them in the matter of the 
succession, and Cecil says he will not prevent it, but these two are 
not trusted by the others. The earl of Huntingdon, if he were a 
bold man, would greatly profit by the support of the heretics in the 
Suffolk risings. 

The Hamburg people have arrested John Brug of Amsterdam 
for piracy, as he had even robbed the English themselves. 

The prior, Don Hernando, writes to mo in favour of Hernando de 
Frias, asking me to try to get his merchandise away from here, in 
exchange for a similar service that he will do to an Englishman 
named Smith in Antwerp. It is not a bad idea if the matters 
cannot be otherwise arranged ; and if a general power could be 
given for all merchandise to be exported under security, in case of 
war breaking out, it would be convenient. The Queen, however, 
will not trust to security at all, but insists upon ready money 
which is a very bad way. London, 1st August 1569. 


SPES to the KING and the DUKE OF ALBA of 10th, 

17th, 22nd, 23rd, 25th, and 30th July, and 1st and 2nd 

August 1509. 

Although he had ordered his servant not to discuss the question 

of giving hi'ii audience, but to answer, if they men ioned it to him, 


that, if the Queen ordered him to go he would go, Cecil asked him 
if his master had received letters from the King since his detention, 
and, upon his answering that he had, Cecil said that wheneyer he 
wished to see the Queen he could do so. On the following day 
Don Guerau decided to send and ask for an appointment. Don 
Guerau understands that the reason of so much gentleness is that 
they know that the duke of Norfolk, and the greater part of the 
nobles are united for the purpose of getting the queen of Scotland 
declared successor to the Crown, and it was said that when the 
reply came from the Regent they would openly tell the queen of 
England so. She and the duke of Norfolk have already had words 
about it, when he replied fittingly to her and is now suspicious and 
surrounded by friends. 

2 Aug. 128. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING. 

Since my last letter of the 30th ultimo, I sent to Oatlands, where 
the Court is, a servant of mine with George Speke, to make sure 
that the four sloops which have been fitted out should not be 
allowed to sail, and that the boats which they had taken here at so 
low a valuation should be returned to their owners, and also 
that the commissioners should not be allowed to proceed to sell 
anything. I also desired that passports might be given whenever 
I wished to send despatches, and letters to me should be properly 
secured against being opened. All this, with the aid of adherents 
of your Majesty there, with whom I had arranged, was fortunately 
granted as I desired. I gave orders to my servant to say nothing 
about asking for audience, and if they mentioned it to him he was 
to say that, if the Queen sent for me to kiss her hand, I was ready 
to go. Cecil Asked him whether he was sure that I had letters 
from your Majesty since my detention, and when he said that I 
had, Cecil said in the Queen's name that it was at my own option 
when I came to see the Queen, and that I should be very well 
received. I shall ask my friends to-morrow to arrange an appoint - 
inent for me. I think the hurly-burly here about the duke of 
Norfolk and the nobles wanting to declare the queen of Scotland 
heiress to the throne is at the bottom of all this gentleness. With 
this object the nobles have united, and have mutually given each 
other their signatures. When the reply comes from the Regent, they 
have decided to tell the Queen firmly, and to request her to summon 
Parliament for the purpose stated. London, 2nd August 1569. 

2 Aug. 129. GUERATT DE SPES to the DUKE OF ALBA. 

I will go to see the Queen, as she has sent me orders to do, but 
I will not enter into any details with her, and, if the Councillors say 
anything to me afterwards, I will at once advise your Excellency. 
Thomas Fiesco thought that I ought to speak to the Queen, so that 
her Ministers should be obliged to answer me, but I will follow 
your Excellency's orders. Cecil and the others seem more agreeable. 
I believe this arises from the fear they are in that this country will 
revolt on the question of the queen of Scotland. London, 2nd August 



5 Aug. 130. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING. 

I wrote to your Majesty on the 2nd instant by the duke of Alba, 
and soon after the courier had left I had a letter from Spinola, who 
had come from the Court with secret orders to the commission 
here to sell merchandise belonging to your Majesty's subjects, to the 
value of 3,0007., which I was very sorry to learn, seeing that few 
hours before, the Council had assured me they would act quite 
differently. These commissioners were so willing that they began 
to sell and deliver the goods to the buyers on the spot. I sent the 
same servant of mine to Court in all haste, where they detained 
him a whole day. The end of it was that the Queen sent for him 
to the park, and put aside the question of merchandise by saying 
that they would not proceed further with the sales, and that they 
had sold what they had merely because they were informed that 
the goods were being spoilt. Cecil said, by the Queen's order, that, 
if I liked to come to Guildford on Wednesday, I could, but 
that, before I spoke with her, I must confer with the Council, and 
prove to them that your Majesty had ordered me to treat on these 
affairs. My servant said that he had no instructions to reply to 
the proposal, whereupon Cecil detained him and came hither with 
him. I informed him that I had power from your Majesty to 
listen to whatever they liked to say, and what was necessary to be 
considered I would communicate with the duke of Alba, to whom 
your Majesty had referred all this business. As for the rest, I said, 
as the Secretary himself and the Lord Chamberlain had told my 
servant that I could go and kiss her Majesty's hand whenever I 
wished, I would go when her Majesty ordered me to do so, and that 
nothing else was necessary. Cecil returned this morning. I have 
not heard that he did anything else whilst here, except speak with 
certain aldermen ; but on his way he called to see the earl of 
Pembroke, who is suspected of belonging to the duke of Norfolk's 
party. They are full of meetings and conferences. The Duke's 
party and those who favour the success of the queen of Scotland are 
incomparably the greater number. The Duke and the earl of Arundel 
intended, after I had seen the Queen, to take me to Nonsuch, but 
now that my visit has fallen through, they will take some other 
course ; but in any case I believe there will be some great event 
soon, as the people are much dissatisfied and distressed by want of 
trade, and these gentlemen of Nonsuch have some new imaginations 
in their heads. 

I have given leave to those who hold powers of attorney from 
merchants to petition the Council, and endeavour to persuade them 
to desist from disposing of merchandise, on condition of security 
being given, and to prevent, as much as possible, the injury which 
may be done them if these commissioners continue their pro- 
ceedings. As your Majesty knows full well, affairs here are like 
the rising and the falling tide, fluctuating from one moment to 
another. This is the reason why I write so differently in my 
various lettters. 

The Council is pressing forward the Hamburg voyage, although 
they have not yet begun to load the ships, which, however, they 
say, will be loaded on the 18th. Cardinal Chatillon ia asking that 



the four sloops and three other ships which are fully armed on the 
coast, mostly commanded by rebels from France and Flanders, 
should be allowed to sail, and says that they will not do any 
damage to your Majesty's subjects. As he rules Leicester and 
Cecil, he will settle it all with them. Winter has taken the sails 
away, and promises to do all he can to prevent the vessels from 
leaving. If they sail they can only make any profit by plundering 
your Majesty's subjects. Three ships from St. Jean de Luz have 
put into Bristol loaded with Biscay iron, and are now leaving for 
their own country with a cargo of cloths, pewter, and other things, 
all of which are destined to be taken into Spain. The want of oil 
here is so pressing that they are getting oil from rape seed to dress 
their wool, and they say they can manage with it. There is little 
of the seed, however, yet, and no matter how active they may be 
in sowing it, the out-turn of cloth by means of it will be small and 
poor. They are trying also to utilize the oil which they obtain 
from boiling sheep's feet. Their great hope is to get soap and oil 
from Spain through France, and from the Easterlings, who, I am 
told, have already left for the purpose. 

The Catholics in Ireland have reached the neighbourhood of 
Dublin, spoiling the country on their way. The heretics have 
caught an Irish bishop coming from Italy, and have put him in 
prison. They say they will put him to torture, to learn whether 
lie has spoken to the Pope. 

They have ordered Winter to cease the sales of Portuguese goods, 
and they want by this means to arrange their differences with the 
king of Portugal, in order to try to import spices into this country. 
London, 5th August 1569. 

8 Aug. 131. The DUKE OF ALBA to the KING. 

Your Majesty will understand, by the enclosed letters from Don 
Guerau and Thomas Fiesco, the state of English affairs ; which, in 
my judgment, is very unfavourable, and I have no doubt whilst 
they (the English) hold the booty in their hands, as they now do, 
they will delay matters as much as they can to avoid restitution. 
I have written several times to Don Guerau to suspend negotiations, 
as I plainly see that they are tricking him, so as to get all they can 
out of him, and then to say they have negotiated without authority. 
When I receive the letter your Majesty is to send me, I will try to 
settle the business in the best way in my power. Don Guerau is 
zealous in your Majesty's service, and wishes to end the questions 
at issue, but, as he is inexperienced, he allows himself to be led 
away, and is ruining the negotiation. I earnestly wish he had not 
said that there was a letter from your Majesty, or gone beyond my 
instructions, but he will not do as I tell him. 

In the meanwhile, I beg your Majesty to order that no English 
goods are to be received in any port of Galicia, as I am informed 
that there was a ship in Vigo selling cloths and buying things 
which are beginning to fail in England. I wish also your Majesty 
would order the arrest of all ships in Spanish ports bringing 
English goods, as they have recently taken to shipping their cloths 




in Venetian atid Ragusan bottoms, and I am told that some of the 
Portuguese in Antwerp are in secret league with those of their race 
in England, to whom they will transfer the spice trade thither, and 
so encourage the English in their evil intentions. 

If your Majesty thinks well you might speak a word to the 
Portuguese ambassador, so that the King may order his subjects to 
desist from such negotiations. I have no doubt many of them 
would like to go thither (England) to live in the law of Moses. 
Brussels, 8th August 1569. 

8 Aug. 132. The DUKE OF ALBA to the KING. 

I advised your Majesty some time ago of the coming of a 
gentleman sent by the queen of Scotland to discuss matters with 
me. He and another secretary of the Queen have returned hither, 
and they both beg your Majesty to help her with 30,000 or 40,000 
ducats, and although I have no commission to do so from your 
Majesty, I have ventured to send her 10,000 ducats, seeing the 
great need in which her affairs are, in order that some at least 
of them may be attended to. I beg your Majesty to send me 
instructions. Brussels, 8th August 1569. 

10 Aug. 133. GUERACJ DE SPES to the KING. 

I wrote to your Majesty on the 5th, and the only thing now to 
add is that the duke of Norfolk and the earl of Arundel have sent 
a gentlemen to inform me that the decision of the Queen with regard 
to the audience was different from what I had been told, and that 
she was desirous of seeing me. I have sent Luiz do Paz to them to 
let them know that I am still, as I have said, willing to go and kiss 
her Majesty's hand, whenever she commands me to do so, but that 
it was quite unnecessary for me to speak to the Council first or 
anything of the sort. London, 10th August 1569. 

3 Aug. 134. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING. 

The day before yesterday a gentleman arrived at Court from the 
Regent of Scotland bringing his master's answer, saying that on no 
account will he or the nobles enter into any discussion for reconcilia- 
tion with the queen of Scotland, and he was sure that what had 
been written to him had not originated with the queen of England, 
but had come from certain friends of the Papists in her Council. 
He said that the Queen and the majority of her Council had told 
him, when he was here, what was best to be done in the matter, and 
that he would follow it. He also refused to raise the siege of 
Dumbarton and to return the property of the bishop of Ross and 
other subjects who have been deprived of it in consequence of their 
attachment to the Queen. He has, on the contrary, sent certain 
important gentlemen to more strongly enforce the blockade of 
Dumbarton. The bishop of Ross went to Court to-day to learn the 
resolution that this Queen will take in the matter, and what are the 
intentions of his mistress's friends. 

The greater part of the ships which were expected from Hamburg, 
together with some others belonging to the Easterlings, have arrived 



loaded with goods, on the north coast, and no sooner had they done 
so, than they began to ship cargo for a new voyage. All this sea is 
crowded with pirates. Luiz de Paz has returned with the Duke of 
Norfolk's gentlemen, and bringing word from Cecil, in the Queen's 
name, that she will be pleased for me to go and see her, but she 
would like me to show some of your Majesty's letters, written since 
my detention, to certain members of the Council whom she will 
appoint. I refer this question to the duke of Alba to learn his 
opinion upon it. London, 13th August 1569. 

13 Aug. 135. GUEKAU DE SFES to the DUKE OF ALBA. 

Just as Fiesco was leaving, Luiz de Paz and the duke of Norfolk's 
gentlemen arrived, and it seems that Cecil interposed in the con- 
versation with them. It was resolved that the Queen should say 
that I could go to Basing, a pleasure house of the lord treasurer, 
but that some of the Council thought I should show letters from the 
King in order that they might satisfy themaelves that they were sent 
after my detention, but they would do this simply as a point of honour 
and nothing eke. Luis de Paz told them that he had not come with 
that errand, and your Excellency will therefore do me a great favour 
if, as soon as you receive this and have heard a personal account 
from Fiesco, you will send me a courier with your opinion upon this 
point. If the letter, come addressed to me they will let them pass. 
In the meanwhile, I intend to answer the Queen thanking her for 
the favour done me in offering an audience, and excusing myself 
from going so soon on account of indisposition, and also in order 
that she may, if she wishes, learn anything from me in the interim, 
as I do not intend to discuss business with her on that occasion. In 
the meanwhile, your Excellency's orders may arrive. On the one 
hand the audience may be useful in stopping the injury they are 
doing, and on the other, it would be perhaps more dignified and 
likely to alarm them if no notice were taken of the offer. Your 
Excellency will decide what is best for his Majesty's service. News 
from Ireland is that affairs are in a very bad state, and they are 
raising 800 men here to go thither. London, 13th August 1569. 

27 Aug. 136. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING. 

In my last letter of the 20th, I reported that the sloops were going 
down the river to join three other vessels on a piratical voyage. I 
have since heard that the bastard of Brederode was to join them 
with three other ships. By a spy I have amongst them, I learn that 
they were talking of doing some damage in the islands of Zealand, 
but I expect they will find them prepared, and that their designs 
will fail. The Eftsterlings resident here have drawn up a statement 
of complaint, because the people on these sloops are denouncing them 
and the Hamburgers for having beheaded John Brug of Amsterdam 
there (at Hamburg). They have petitioned the Queen to detain 
these sloops, but still, I expect, they will sail, because the earl of 
Leicester is much in favour of the expedition. 

The rest of the ships from Hamburg have arrived, with others 
from Muscovy, bringing a quantity of whale-oil, wax, and skins. 
From Hamburg they bring a great stock of merchandise which was 




much needed here. Randolph, this Queen's ambassador in Muscovy, 
has returned, and with him comes a Muscovite ambassador. They 
entered London to-day arid were received with great discharges of 
artillery. I understand their business relates to merchandise and 
the duties thereon. The Queen is at Basing, intending to go to the 
Isle of Wight, although it is believed for certain here that she will 
go direct to Windsor in consequence of the affairs of the queen of 
Scotland. She took a fortnight to consider her definite reply, and 
hopes in the meanwhile to receive that of the Regent. 

The Council has decided, at the instance of the duke of Norfolk 
and his friends, that the queen of Scotland shall be set at liberty, 
on condition that she marries an Englishman, and the signatures of 
all the principal people in this country have been obtained to this 
effect. The matter of her marriage, also, is so far advanced that the 
French ambassador has been reconciled to it, and, within a day or 
two, I understand that the Duke himself, or some other leading 
personage, will come and request me to write to your Majesty to 
learn your wishes on the subject. The bishop of Ross, on behalf of 
his mistress, is to come and see me about it, and has already com- 
municated to me by John Hamilton. The business is so forward 
that it will be difficult now to prevent it, but I think it will be 
better that it should be done with your Majesty's consent, which 
cannot fail to be of great advantage, as it will bind them more 
closely than ever to your Majesty's service. 

The queen of Scotland says that, if she were at liberty or could 
get such help as would enable her to bring her country to submission, 
she would deliver herself and her son entirely into your Majesty's 
hands, but that now she will be obliged to sail with the wind, 
although she will never depart from your Majesty's wishes, either 
in religion or other things. I believe this, and that the affair will 
be conducive to the continued respect of 3 our Majesty here, and also 
to the recovery of the stolen and detained property. I will advise the 
duke of Alba of all that happens, and will follow his instructions. 
They are constantly springing upon me some new plan to sell the 
goods belonging to your Majesty's subjects here, I put them all off as 
well as I can by artifice, but, as Leicester and Cecil are the only 
councillors now at Court, they had ordered all to be sold by the 
commissioners themselves, although I have been able to stop it until 
the Queen's return to Windsor ; where the question is at issue 
between the two queens of England and Scotland will be considered. 
They have loaded 30 ships for Hamburg. They carry 30,000 or 
40,000 pieces of cloth and other goods, and so much haste has been 
made that I believe they will sail from here to-morrow, two of the 
Queen's ships accompanying them. To extend their trade the more, 
they have arranged with the French ambassador that certain com- 
missioners should value the (French) goods that have been stolen, 
and that in the meanwhile commerce should not be stopped. They 
are therefore loading five or six ships for Rouen with cloths, which, 
I understand, are promptly to be introduced into Spain by way of 
St. Jean de Luz, or some other route. 

The 25,000 crowns received by the queen of Scotland come from 
certain confiscations in France, valued at 100,000 ducats. London, 
27th August 1569. 


5th Sept. 137. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING. 

I have advised your Majesty that four sloops had been com- 
pletely equipped in this river, the captains of which are M. de 
Dupin and Dembise, French rebels. The Queen promised George 
Speke and a servant of mine that they should not sail, and ordered 
Captain Winter to take their sails away, but, subsequently, by 
great pressure from Chatillon and Leicester, they have received 
license to leave, and are now outside. They cannot fail to do much 
harm, especially if they join three English ships on the coast 
which have been fitted out, and also with the bastard of Brederode, 
as they declare they will. I have informed the duke of Alba, and 
in order that the coast of Biscay may be prepared I have advised 
Juan Martinez de Recalde, to whom this letter is sent. It is 
carried by William Merrick, an Englishman living in London, an 
honest man, well known in Biscay. He goes in a tiny vessel 
of his, and I have authorised him to carry with him 80 or 100 
pieces of coarse cloth, for sale, with your Majesty's permission. 
He also takes the Biscayners, who were in my house ; the rest of 
them, who were mostly married, having gone first. He is to 
consign them to Recalde and to await your Majesty's orders before 
leaving ; bringing back any despatches that may be given to him. 

Your Majesty will see by my letters to the duke of Alba an 
account of all that is passing here. I await hourly the reply of 
the Duke as to the best way of dealing with these people. They 
arc so cautious that one must needs consider very deeply how to 
approach them, particularly now that they are hopeful of French 
affairs and are consequently very far from being reasonable. Their 
dissensions amongst themselves may perhaps upset them, although 
disturbances have not yet commenced, but they can hurdl}- be 
avoided, and the Queen must then come humbly to beg your 
Majesty's protection. 

The Hamburg business is turning out well for them, and although 
they feel the stoppage of trade with Flanders, this outlet prevents 
the people from raising a disturbance. 

The lack of trade with Spain they will redress with what the 
French bring from that country hither, and, as your Majesty's 
dominions are so broad, it is difficult to watch them as closely as 
this country, being an island, is watched. Still it seems that a 
somewhat stricter guard might be kept than hitherto, and, if this 
were done and the Hamburg trade prevented or disturbed, the 
English could not get on at all. If, on the contrary, it is to your 
Majesty's interest to treat them softy, an arrangement can easily be 
effected, especially with the humours now prevalent here. The 
less anxiety, however, we manifest for an agreement, the better 
terms we shall get. London, 5th September 1569. 

12 Sepl. 138. The DUKE OF ALBA to the KING. 

Is very ill. I will therefore only say what I have done about 
English affairs, in which I see the urgent need for remedy, both for 
*.ht> reasons your Majesty mentions and many others which are 
evident here, but until I receive the letters it has not been possible 



to proceed further. As soon as I received them I immediately sent 
a courier to Don Guerau with a letter he could show to the Queen, 
in which I said that I had letters from your Majesty and intended 
to send them by some persons who might speak with her, and 
desired him to ascertain whether she would receive them. I have 
prepared the instructions for the man who is to go and I have 
resolved to send Chapin Viteli* and a man of the long-robe called 
Junglo, a native at Utrecht, who has resided for a long time in 
Rome. Cardinal de Granvelle thought highly of him and I find 
also very gcod parts in him, which I think of turning to your 
Majesty's service, as there is a great dearth of (such) men. The 
councillors and myself thought it best to take this step, first as no 
time was lost thereby (the instructions being drafted the while), in 
order that the Queen might have no opportunity of offering us any 
insult. As soon as her reply is received, these two men will start, 
unless any change of view occurs between this and then. The 
matter has been hindered with no advantage to your Majesty's 
dignity by their (the English) listening to all the busybodies who 
have thought proper to interfere. Brussels, 12th September 1569. 

14 Sept. 139. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING. 

At daybreak on the 9th, a courier arrived with orders from the 
duke of Alba for me to endeavour to have the original of the letter 
which he wrote to me handed to the Queen herself for her answer. 
I therefore sent a servant of mine in haste to Southampton, and 
she was pleased to give him the passport requested, copy of which 
I enclose, as also of the Duke's letter, and I am now despatching 
the same servant to the Duke with the passport.t Thinking that 
Merrick's ship will not have left the mouth of the river, in conse- 
quence of contrary winds, I send this despatch out there to try to 
catch him, so that your Majesty may learn this news without 
delay. The sales of merchandise are being secretly stopped, at my 
instance, by the Judge of the Admiralty, although the fears of 
these people of dissensions amongst themselves also operate in this 
direction. The Queen has declared her will that the duke of 
Norfolk should not marry the queen of Scotland, notwithstanding 
that the Council had decided that the interests of the country 
would be served thereby. As the majority of the Council is on 
the side of the Duke in this, I think that certainly there will be, 
in a short time, great turmoils here. I will give ' prompt intel- 
ligence thereof to your Majesty and the duke of Alba. They have 

* This famous Florentine soldier, who had beaten Barbarossa from the coasts of 
Tuscany and had secured the duchy of Sienna to Cosmo de Medici, had been made 
marquis of Cetona by Cosmo, and had been requested to accompany the duke of Alba 
to the Netherlands as chief of the staff. He had been an unflinching lieutenant of the 
Duke during the years of terror which succeeded his arrival, and was extremely un- 
popular in consequence. His tremendous obesity attracted much satirical notice in 
England during this mission, and was, in 1575, indirectly the cause of his death. He 
was too fat to walk, and during the long siege of Ziericsee, where he commanded, had 
to be carried about in a chair. By accident or design (it is believed the latter), he was 
overturned and fell down a slope, causing injuries which proved fatal to him. 

( The permission and passport for Chapiu Viteli and his associates to come to 



sent in the Hamburg fleet a large sum of money to Germany, and 
a part of the duchess of Vendome's jewels. A bishop who was 
here with Cardinal Chatillon, whom they call M. de Lisy and 
M. de Cavannes, formerly president of Toulouse, both of them 
belonging to the faction, .also went with them to Germany. 

The French ambassador sends me word that he had discussed 
three subjects with the Queen ; the marriage of the Christian king 
elsewhere, of which the Queen did not approve, the third matter 
being the release of the queen of Scotland to which she replied, 
that the time had not arrived for it, and that she did not much 
feel the want of her liberty, for she was able to find a husband even 
as it was. 

The ten thousand crowns which the Duke sent for the queen of 
Scotland have just been handed by me to her representative. 
London, 14th September 1569. 

17 Sept. 140. GUERAU DE SPES to the KINO. 

By the duke of Alba's orders I sent a letter he had written to 
me on the 25th ultimo to be delivered into the Queen's own hands, 
and sent a copy thereof to your Majesty on the 14th by William 
Merrick's ship, bound for Laredo. On the same day I sent my 
servant in haste to the Duke with the passport granted by the 
Queen to insure safe conduct for the persons who were to bring 
your Majesty's answer, and I am now awaiting the Duke's decision 
as to their coming. 

The four sloops equipped here by some French and Flemish rebels 
were still, a few days ago, at Sandwich, where they were joined 
by Launcelot, bastard of Brederode, with a fine well-armed ship. 
It seems that he had already taken some vessels and had discharged 
the wines he found in them. They have been reinforced by five 
or six hundred Englishmen and they will go now in great array on 
their evil voyage. It is asserted amongst them that they have 
some understanding in Zealand. The Queen has already returned 
to Hampton Court, whither she has summoned all the members of 
her Council for this day week; she has let the duke of .Norfolk 
know her will that he should not marry the queen of Scotland, 
but I do not believe the Duke will desist from his enterprise in 
consequence. A stronger guard has been placed around the queen 
of Scotland, although I have understood that she will, nevertheless, 
soon find herself at liberty, and this country itself greatly dis- 
turbed. All the north is ready, and only awaits the release of the 
queen of Scotland. The latter is anxious to give your Majesty a 
very full account of everything, as events are now coming to a 
head, but I wait until I see the affair commenced before writing 
at length. Your Majesty can then decide what will be best for 
your service. Perhaps God is now opening a wide door which shall 
lead to the great good of Christendom. 

I wrote to your Majesty that Cecil was arranging an agreement 
with the Portuguese as to commerce with that country, and now 
Antonio Fogaza, a Portuguese, who came from Lisbon lately, 
although he has resided here for a long time, is leaving. He says 
be will only endeavour to obtain a modification of the terms, but the 



wish of Cecil and some of the merchants who are concerned in the 
business is not confined to this point, but to bring the spice trade 
to this country, which, it is believed, the king of Portugal will not 

The Queen has detained all the ships that were going to 

The plague is beginning to show itself in London. Perhaps the 
cold weather will stop it. London, 17th September 1569. 

18 Sept. 141. ANTONIO DE GUARAS to the DUKE OF ALBA. 

I wrote to your Excellency on the 14th instant by the person sent 
by the ambassador, and since then a great flotilla of ships is heing 
fitted out here, it is said for Rochelle, as munitions, ordnance, 
money, and other stores are going. Cardinal Chatillon and the 
people here have understood that affairs at Poitiers are not going 
to their liking, and they are trying to send secretly what succour 
they can. News has arrived that the French bishop who, with 
some Englishmen and Frenchmen, were sent by Chatillon in the 
Hamburg fleet from here to German}' to raise troops, had reached 
Embden where he was to disembark. 

It is said also by Englishmen who have arrived on this coast 
from Spain that 18 galleys, 12 French and (5 Spanish, had arrived 
at Bordeaux, as your Excellency will have learnt overland. 

There is much talk about the marriage of the queen of Scotland 
with the Duke (of Norfolk), and those who think they understand 
the matter best suspect that much evil may come of it, both to 
the parties themselves and those who are concerned in it, as 
neither this Queen nor those who rule are pleased with the idea, 
and as they have the upper hand, they can, in time, do as they 
please with those who are against them. I pray God to protect 
the queen of Scotland, and that meddling ambitious busybodies 
may not bring evil to her, which may be feared, as this Queen will 
not tolerate the suggestion. The Portuguese I wrote about has 
gone, and, as the matter is most important, I presume your 
Excellency will have given orders about it. 

The Court is coming to Hampton Court in 10 days from 
Southampton, where it has been lately, but will not come to 
London where the plague is raging, and Hampton Court, whither 
it is to go, is, as you know, isolated. Everbody here is talking of 
the coming of the persons said to be sent by your Excellency, and 
lodgings are being prepared for them by orders of the Court. 
Opinion varies greatly about it, but the rumour runs that those 
who are coining are Senor Cbapin Viteli and the Licentiate Vargaa, 
with a great following. 

As I have said, it will be difficult to get the people here to agree, 
as their every action hitherto has shown a desire for discord, and, 
as your Excellency will see, it is very important that the gentlemen 
who are coming should be warned that these people are fully armed 
with tricks, with the object of preventing an agreement which, 
although they may pretend they earnestly desire, they abominate 

Tnore tVan anything, 

t re<67, 



The first thing they will maintain, although falsely, is that 
your Excellency ordered the arrests first without reason ; their 
contention being that they were entitled to detain the money 
on Lope de la Sierra's ship because they falsely allege it to 
have belonged to private persons and was not for his Majesty's 
service. They say their intention never was to give rise to 

The second contention, more unfounded still, is that they deny 
having, by order of the Queen, taken away the rudders and 
sails from the four cutters carrying money, lying in Dartmouth 
and Falmouth, which they did in pursuance of their evil designs 
on the 1 5th December last. On the 1 9th of the same month they 
discharged all the money from Lope de la Sierra's ship and deprived 
him of the keeping of it. 

In conformity with these sinister purposes of theirs they after- 
wards gave orders, without any provocation on our part, that all 
of our ships on the west coast should be deprived of their sails, 
and placed under the guard of Englishmen. This was done on 
the 29th December, which was the any they gave the ambassador 
the passport for the delivery of the money, and our goods, although 
they had previously, in pursuance of their malicious designs, 
ordered the seizures I have mentioned. This was done without 
the slightest provocation, as they could not have heard of the 
arrests made in Flanders on that day by your Excellency's orders, 
in consequence of their bad action here, which you will have 
learnt no doubt from the owners of tlic merchandise, whom I had 
promptly advised, as 1 was in charge of the interests of most of 
them, as well as from the ambassador. They will profess 
great willingness to restore what they have seized, but nothing 
is further from their thoughts, as they cannot do it at present, 
and never mean to do it, and yet your Excellency will see they 
will be impudent enough to say they are willing to come to a 
mutual agreement. 

It will be found that they will afterwards claim all manner of 
ridiculous sets-off, such as that John Hawkins, who has been three 
or four times to the Indies with a great fleet, has been plundered 
of at least 500,000 ducats there. 

They also allege that the property confiscated from Englishmen 
by the Holy Inquisition reaches, a large amount, nnd they will 
claim that this shall be restored. 

They also demand a great sum for the ships and properly 
detained at Seville by Don Alvaro de Bazari, and very justly 
detained, because they resisted the officers of justice and en- 
deavoured to cut out a French ship from one of his Majesty's 

All these claims will amount to more, as they themselves say, 
than the value of the property they have seized from me and the 
money of ours they have taken. Thn least they demand is that 
Englishmen abroad shall enjoy their liberties, and that we here 
must put up with all the insults and injustice we have suffered 
for year.. They also demand that they shall be free to go with 
b.- to the Indies, and that, neither in J: landers 




Spain, shall they be molested in person or property, for their 

When the negotiations are undertaken, it will be found that 
these and other absurd pretensions will be advanced, and they 
will insist tliat his Majesty shall swear to leave them in the repose 
they desire, and forget all about the robberies committed by their 
pirates, supported by the favour of those in high places. 

It must first be noted that they will never discuss the resti- 
tution nor settle the questions that have arisen since January 
last, without first assuring themselves of being able to end all 
pending questions, with the intention of thus avoiding restitution 
and all peace and quietude unless on their own terms. Your 
Excellency will find that I am right, for such is the feeling here, 
unless, indeed, French or other affairs force them to come to reason 
God grant that I may be mistaken, being, as I am, an imprudent 
and ignorant man, and that all things may turn out well. London, 
18th September 1569. 

22 Sept. 142. GUEBAU DE SPES to the KING. 

William Merrick's ship for Laredo left the river yesterday with 
two packets of mine for your Majesty. Afterwards, a servant of 
the duke of Northumberland, whom I know, came to me, and made 
me the sign which his master and I had agreed upon. He said 
that his lord and his friends in the North had agreed to liberate 
the queen of Scotland, as, thereby, they would assure the Catholic 
religion, and return to amity and alliance with your Majesty, 
which they so much desire. His master wished to know if your 
Majesty would approve of this, as he would undertake nothing that 
was not to your interest. I told him that these matters were so 
weighty that I could not reply to them. I would send an account 
of ihem to the duke of Alba, but that it was generally known that 
your Majesty's desire was to help religious matters. 

He told me also that the Queen had sent the earl of Huntingdon 
with other gentlemen to guard the queen of Scotland together with 
the earl of Shrewsbury. She had strongly resented this, as the 
earl claims a right to the Crown, and the bishop of Koss is coming 
to this Court in her name to protest. He is expected to-night to 

The duke of Norfolk is here preparing all his friends. I will 
advise the duke of Alba hourly. I await a reply to the letter taken 
by my servant on the 16th instant, with the passport I have 
written about. 

The armed sloops appear to have gone in the direction of 
Frie^land. Other English pirates have brought some more 
captures from your Majesty's subjects to the Isle of Wight where, I 
am informed that the three Venetian vessels which were so 
anxiously looked for and desired have arrived. John Killigrew 
came from Germany lately ; it is said that he wants more money 
and credits for negotiations there. When the Queen is at 
Windsor I will try to find out more details about it. London, 22nd 
September 1569. 



25 Sept. 


The DUKE OF ALBA to the KINO. 

I learn from Don Guerau that he at once showed my original 
letter to the Queen and he has sent a servant of his to me with 
the passport for the persons who are to go. Chapin and Junglo 
are now getting ready. I am anxious about the business, because, 
although there are certain means which might be used, placing 
dignity aside, those who surround the Queen are so greedy, and 
they have been promised so much by those who, without authority, 
have meddled in the affair, that I am sure they will be very unwilling 
to agree to a restitution, and, if they refuse it, I do not know how we 
shall be able to avoid a rupture, which would be most prejudicial 
to your Majesty's interests at present. I am resolved to send 
Fiesco again, without letting anyone know his errand, to try 
to gain over the earl of Leicester and Cecil, who entirely govern 
the Queen and do and undo as they please. He is, at the cost 
of the interested parties, to try to dispose them towards 
the negotiations, urging upon them, at the same time, that, 
on no account in the world, should any of your Majesty's agents 
there know that they (the parties interested) arc offering them 
anything, as it would ruin them (i.e., the parties interested). I 
have no doubt that if this tiling is to go on, it will be necessary 
to arm a fleet to protect commerce between these States and Spain ; 
but there are so many things to be considered (besides the great 
danger it would run of being caught in a tempest and driven to 
England) that until I have consulted experienced people I cannot 
send your Majesty an opinion as desired. Brussels, 25th September 


Letter of credence for the marquis of Cetona (Chapin Viteli) who 
is sent to negotiate about pending questions. He is accompanied 
by M. de St. Severin and Secretary Jacques de la Tour. Brussels, 
September 1569. 

27 Sept. 146. GUEIIAU DE SPES to the KINO. 

Since my letter of the 22nd, through Dou France's de Alava, 
the duke of Norfolk, who was in London, having learnt that the 
Queen desired to have him arrested, suddenly departed for his 
country, and on the road sent a letter to the Queen, a copy of 
which, translated from the English, I now enclose. As soon as 
he arrived in his country, men flocked to him, both horse and foot. 
The Queen is greatly alarmed about it, and has summoned to 
Windsor, where she is, all the members of the Council, sending 
Master Garret, captain of the pensioners, with her reply to the 
duke. I am told that she writes gently in order to tranquillise 
him. The greater part of the Council favours the duke. They are 
meeting to-day to consider the situation, and I will try to discover 
the result of their meeting for the information of your Majesty and 
the duke of Alba. I did not like to raise any doubt as to your 
Majesty's favour iu my conversation with the earl of Northum- 
berland's servant, or to discourage the duke of Norfolk's party, but 


B. M. 


Galba, C. in. 






have referred the question to the duke of Alba. They were about 
to despatch some one to inform the duke fully, and the queen of 
Scotland intends to do the same, although there will be a difficulty 
now in getting passports. In the meanwhile, the queen of Scotland 
has sent me the enclosed letter for your Majesty, and another for the 
duke of Alba. She dwells strongly to me upon her alarm and 
suspicion at the earl of Huntingdon, her rival in the claim to succes- 
sion, having been sent to guard her, although the earl of Shrewsbury 
was there. The bishop of Ross is at Windsor praying for audience, 
which has not been granted. He wrote to the Queen complaining 
that Huntingdon should have been entrusted with the care of his 
mistress, and Cecil replied that Her Majesty would be in no danger. 
They have put a double guard in the Tower here. Perhaps these 
things portend something favourable. I cannot think otherwise, 
although, on the other hand, I observe that Cecil and his fellow 
Protestants on the Council are still very much deceived, for, even 
now, with their peril before them, they will not come to reason, 
EO firmly have they got it into their minds that their religion will 

John Killigrew, the queen's agent in Germany, returned recently. 
With him came a gentleman from the duke, Hans Casimir, pressing 
for a larger sum of money than has yet been paid to him, to 
provide for his entry into France. But with these signs of revolt 
I expect that neither this nor the fleet for Rochelle will be so 
readily pushed forward. I desired to send a special courier to the 
duke of Alba to advise him of all this. I await the return of the 
servant I sent to him with the passport for the persons who are to 
bring your Majesty's reply hither. There is no 'great change in the 
health of London since I wrote. 

Two out of the six Venetian ships have arrived, and the others 
cannot be much longer delayed. On the coast of Granada they 
met a band of your Majesty's galleys, which saluted them in a 
friendly way. They entered the Tagus, but touched in no other 
part of Spain. They found there the other Venetian ships which 
had sailed from here. The arrival of these vessels will be of great 
benefit here. London, 27th September 1569. 

30 Sept. 146. GUERAU r> SPES to the KING. 

I despatched a courier on the 27th with the enclosed letter, and 
with a passport granted by the Committee who always gives them. 
The courier was sent back from Dover, notwithstanding the passport, 
but, even thus, they paid him more respect than they did to another 
courier sent on the same day by the French ambassador who was 
assailed as he passed Rochester by masked men, and robbed of his 
papers. My courier returned, and I have sent to Windsor to ask 
fora passport signed by the Queen herself; but as they are delaying 
sending it, and things are of such importance, I despatch the bearer 
of this in a boat to inform the duke of Alba of what is going on, 
although I am afraid that they will discover it. 

When the earls of Pembroke and Arundel and Lord Lumley 
arrived at Windsor, they were very warmly welcomed by the 
Queen, but when they got to their lodgings they were ordered not to 



leave them without the Queen's permission. This lias caused great 
consternation in the country, nnd everyone casts the blame on to 
Secretary Cecil, who conducts these affairs with great astuteness. 
The duke of Norfolk would not receive the captain of the 
pensioners, who had been sent to him ; but despatched a servant 
of his to excuse himself to the Queen, saying that he was indisposed, 
but that if some members of the Council would come and confer 
with him, he would meet them at a place to be mutually agreed 
\ipon. It appears the Queen, in order not to alarm him the more, 
has again sent the same captain and another gentleman, with 25 or 
30 horse, with orders not to lose sight of the Duke. I do not 
know what will happen ; but I understand, considering the number 
of the Duke's friends in England, he cannot be ruined, except by 
pusilanimity, and the queen of Scotland has sent to urge him to 
behave valiantly, and not to fear for his life which God would 
protect. She and the Duke wished to send a person to the duke of 
Alba, but it has not been possible as the ports were closed. I, in 
any case, refer them to the duke of Alba, as your Majesty commands. 
They are equipping here four-and-twenty vessels and are shipping 
cannon on board of them, as well as sending artillery to Windsor 
and Nottingham, whither they have taken the queen of Scotland, 
having transferred her from Wingfield to Tutbury, and thenca to 
Nottingham. They 1-ave relieved the earl of Shrewsbury from 
guarding her, to her great sorrow, and she is now in the power of 
of the earl of Huntingdon and Viscount Hereford with 500 
Englishmen. The bishop of Ross had audience without the presence 
of a secretary, and he was told that the Council would give him an 
answer. The Queen lias removed the captain of Berwick because 
he is a friend of the duke of Norfolk, and has summoned most of 
the nobles to Court. 

I have no news from Flanders, other than the arrival there of my 
servant with the passport. I will advise your Majesty of every- 
thing ; but if any delay should occur, it will prove that the coast of 
this country is so closely guarded as to prevent intelligence leaving it. 
God open a road for the recovery of what has been plundered from 
your Majesty's servants, and punish some of these bad councillors, 
as otherwise they will continue their evil deeds. London, 30th 
September 1569. 

8 Oct. 147. GUEKAU DE SPES to the KING. 

On the 30th ultimo I sent Medina, a Spaniard, to the duke of 
Alba with letters for your Majesty, advising fully that Arundel, 
Pembroke, and Lumley were detained by the Queen at ^'indsor. 
They were judicially interrogated by Cecil and four other commis- 
sioners as to who had initiated the plan of marrying the queen of 
Scotland to the duke of Norfolk, and they replied jointly that it 
was the unanimous wish of all the Council. The interrogation 
was mostly directed to inculpate the queen of Scotland, but they 
all rightly exonerated her, although the commissioners showed 
great desire to blame her, and passionate words passed between the 
prisoners and them. In the meanwhile couriers and protests were 
Lfing fuiiatuiitlj- dcapau-hod by the Queen to the duke of Norfolk 




urging him unceasingly to come into her presence. The Duke, 
either to avoid the first fury falling upon his own head, or with the 
idea that his friends were not yet ready, or else, as he himself says, 
to avert the evident peril of the queen of Scotland, who is in the 
hands of her enemies, or possibly confiding in the great promises 
made by Leicester, to the effect that if he would pacify the Queen 
by a show of obedience all his adversaries would promptly be 
overcome and perhaps the road to his own marriage thrown open, 
has abandoned, for the present, his attempts at revolt, and returned 
with a few horse, and the gentlemen who accompanied him, to the 
house of Thomas Selliger three miles from the Court, where nearly 
all his servants took leave of him and where he is now detained. 
He has been interrogated like the others. The prisoners expect to 
be free shortly, and to take possession of the Court, although Cecil 
and the Lord Keeper, his brother-in-law, do not agree with the rest 
and want to send them to the Tower. 

The friends of the prisoners, who ;ire the earls of Northumber- 
land, Westmoreland, Cumberland, Derby, and many others, all 
Catholics, are much grieved at this cowardice, if such it can bo 
called, of the duke of Norfolk, and they have sent Northumber- 
land's servant, who spoke to me before on the matter, to say that 
they will by armed force release the Queen and take possession of 
all the north country, restoring the Catholic religion in this country 
and effecting a general restitution of the goods of your Majesty's 
subjects within a year. They only ask that, after they have 
released the Queen, they should be aided by your Majesty with n 
small number of harquebussiers. To all this I have answered as 
I did at first, without taking hope away from them, but referring 
them to the duke of Alba. 1 feel sure that they will attempt the 
task, and it will be better carried through by them than by the 
duke of Norfolk as they are more fit for it, and the queen of 
Scotland will have more freedom afterwards in the choice of her 
husband. I advised them to send a person to the duke of Alba, 
but I do not know whether they will soon have a chanre of doing 
so, or if they will resolve to attempt what they say first, the only 
danger of which would be that those who have charge of the 
queen of Scotland might make an attempt against her person. 
I am advising the duke of Alba of this that he may instruct me 
about it, as it really seems that great good may come to the cause 
of God and your Majesty thereby. They have allowed the earl of 
Shrewsbury to take part in the care of the Queen, whom they have 
brought back to Tutbury, but by the copy of the letter from the 
bishop of Ross enclosed, your Majesty will see the calamity and 
miser}" in which she now is. They have granted me a passport for 
this courier ; please God that it may not be to deceive me ! I 
have no news about the bugler they sent to Gravelines to request 
the captain there to inform the duke of Alba that the persons 
who were to be sent hither should not come for the present, nor 
have my servants heard of him from the Council. 

Whilst Cecil governs here no good course can be expected, and 
the duke of Norfolk says that he wished to get him out of the 



government and change the guard of the queen of Scotland before 
taking up arms. It is thought that they will not dare to take the 
Duke to the Tower, although in this they may be deceived, because 
they who now rule are all Protestants, and most of them creatures 
of Cecil. Notwithstanding all this, the fleet for Rochelle is still on 
the west coast. 

Certain German gentlemen have landed in Dover coming from 
the castle of Chatillon, and have gone to-day to the Court. 

I heard yesterday that they have ordered the commissioners to 
go and sell all the merchandise in the west country, which will be 
a great evil, and I at once sent a letter about it to Cecil by a 
servant of mine. I have no answer yet, but I have sent to the 
duke of Alba asking for instruction, and whether your Majesty's 
subjects are to be allowed to buy. 

In a port in the north called Lynn one of the ships from the 
flotilla of sloops has arrived, and is selling the plunder taken by 
all of them. I am informed that amongst it are some silver 
custodes taken they say from tlte isle of Texel and another island 
near. London, 8th October 1560. 

14 Oct. 148. GUERAU DE SPES to the KINO. 

Having an opportunity by this ship to St. Jean de Luz I have 
despatched the present letter. They brought the duke of Norfolk 
to the Tower on the llth inst. He was very foolish, they think 
here, to return to Court after having left it against the Queen's 
will. He never thought to come to his present pass, and upbraids 
himself for having believed the letters of Leicester and Cecil. 
The councillors are puzzled to know what to do with Arundel, 
Pembroke, and Lumley, who did no more than the rest of the 
Council in approving of the marriage of the queen of Scotland 
with an Englishman, and subsequently approving of Norfolk 
himself. They are afraid that if they let them go the disturbance 
will be all the greater. 

They are trying to give the post of Lord Stewart, which 
Pembroke filled, to the earl of Bedford, as he is such a great 

I heard yesterday that the}' had arrested Nichola* Throgmorton, 
late English ambassador in France, a heretic, but such an onemy of 
Cecil's that on this account he belonged to the queen of Scotland's 

I do not know what is being done by those in the north. I 
have avoided encouraging them until I receive the duke of Alba's 
orders. I also await the arrival of the marquis Chapin Viteli, 
who is already at Gravelines, but I believe that in consequence of 
the bugler having been sent from here to the governor of that 
town to request that the Marquis should not come, and also of 
events here, the duke of Alba may wish to hear further of the state 
of feeling before sending him. 

Antonio Fogaza, the Portuguese of whom I wrote, goes with 
certain treaties to Portugal, and they have let him load a ship witl 
cloth under passport from the Queen and Cardinal Chat-illon. 




23 Oct. 

23 Oct. 

These rebel sloops have captured over thirty ships belonging to 
your Majesty's subjects, mostly loaded \vith grain. London, 14th 
October 1569. 

149. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING. 

The marquis Chapin Viteli arrived in this island on the 15th, 
although captain Leighton who had been sent by the Queen made him 
leave all his company at Dover. He proceeded to Greenwich and I sent 
some people to Canterbury to conduct him, and had a servant of 
mine sent to Court to know what was the order to be observed with 
regard to him. We were told that we could come to Kingston, and 
there confer as to what was best to be done. The Queen would not 
allow me to be present at the first audience of the Marquis with 
her, saying that she first wished to know what your Majesty had 
written to her about the detention of the merchandise, and as the 
Marquis and I agreed that it would be best for your service, we 
thought we would let her have her way in this, so that \ve might 
proceed to the more important question of restitution. We also 
agreed that it would be best to speak to her mildly, smoothing 
over what she might say against the duke of Alba. Yesterday was the 
day of the audience, and the Marquis addressed her very prudently, 
diverting her as much as possible from her complaints against the 
Duke, and assuring her of the good wishes of your Majesty, and the 
confidence you had in her, that she would not allow herself to be 
withdrawn from your old friendship and alliance ; all of which may 
be seen by your Majesty by the letter in French, which the 
Marquis sends to the Duke. The decision of the Queen is that she 
will appoint persons to examine the Marquis' powers, and in the 
meanwhile, we are not to move from this place, both in order to 
await her reply, and in consequence of the present unhealthiness of 
London. We shall soon know whether these people will come to 
reason. It may well be that the bad news they have from France 
and the fear of further revolt here m:iy make them do better now 
than they have hitherto done. 

The dukeof Norfolk is still in the Tower. The Earls of Arundel and 
Pembroke, Lord Lumley, and Nicholas Throgmorton, are prisoners 
at the Court, or near to it, and the queen of Scotland is in the castle 
of Tutbury, guarded by the earls of Huntingdon and Shrewsbury. 

The earl of Northumberland's servant returned last night to 
assure me that, whenever your Majesty wished, they would release 
the queen of Scotland, would marry her to your Majesty's liking, 
and (ry to restore the Catholic religion in this country. They only 
want to be favoured by your Majesty. Your Majesty's orders now 
received shall at once be carried out. London,* 23rd October 1569. 


By my last letters, your Excellency will have learnt of my arrival 
at and departure from Dover, and what happened between me and 
captain Leighton, a relative of lord Cobhani, who was sent by the 
Queen to conduct me to Kingston fifteen miles from the Court. Last 

* Xote in the King's handwriting: "This cannot be from London, hut from the 
place whence Chapin writes to the Duke " (i.e., Colebrook). 



Monday I arrived at Rochester and at once wrote to Don GueraU de 
Spes saying tliat, as in consequence of the plague, I could not go to 
London to see him, I begged him to kindly meet mo at Greenwich 
the next d.iy, in order to discuss my mission. I found him there 
next morning and, after we Irid discussed together my instructions 
and documents, we decided to meet again at Kingston, and, in the 
meanwhile, to consider maturely the best course to take, whether 
to proceed gently or otherwise. 

Captain Leighton received letters from the Queen at Greenwich 
conceding me six of my people, who had stayed behind at Dover, 
and to Junglo and Secretary Latorre one servant each, the rest of 
my people being allowed to come to Canterbury with the expectation 
that, when I had seen the Queen, they might all be allowed to join 

On the following Wednesday the ambassador met us at Kingston 
and we came to the conclusion, unanimously, that it would be best 
to proceed gently. When this had been agree to, the ambassador 
wrote to Cecil advising him of our arrival and begged him to say 
when the Queen would giant us audience. On Thursday the m.-m 
came back with an answer welcoming us warmly from the Queen 
and saying I hat she would willingly give us audience on the fol'owing 
Saturday. In the meanwhile, so as to be nearer to her and 
more comfortable, we could come and lodge at Cdlebrook, a league 
from the Couit at Windsor, she being very sorry that owing to the 
smallness of her palace, s-he could not offer us a lodging at Windsor 
itself; but that, on my arrival at Colebrook, she would send me some 
of her gentlemen to accompany me and conduct me to her, although 
she did not wish the ambassador to be present at the first inter- 
view with her, as she had complained of him to his Majesty for his 
bad proceedings about the arrests, for which she was sure his 
Majesty had given her satisfaction in the letters I brought, and 
when she had seen them, she would decide what should be done in 
subsequent audiences. 

I asked the ambassador's opinion on this and in order not to 
delay our audience, he agreed that it would be well to do as the 
Queen wished, and for us to go without him. He accompanie I us 
however to this place, in order to be nearer to us and to be able to 
consult with us afterwards as to the best way to forward our object. 
We therefore arrived all together the day before yesterday here at 
Colebrook and the ambassador has made every effort to facilitate 
our audience. He has also allowed me to be accompanied by ne irly 
all his household. 

At two o'clock yesterday afternoon, captain Leighton, accompanied 
by some of the principal gentlemen of the household, was sent to 
conduct me to the Court, where we arrived at about 4 o'clock and 
were received at the entrance by Lord Hunsdon, governor of 
Berwick, a cousin of the Queen. He led us to the council chamber 
to unboot and refresh ourselves a little, and he and many 01 her 
gentlemen then conducted us to the presence chamber, \\here we 
found the Queen accompanied by the earls of Leicester, Bedford, the 
Lord Chamberlain, Clinton, Admiral, the Lord Keeper, the Lord 
Privy Seal, L^rd Strange, Secretary Cecil, and many others. After 




we had made due salutation to the Queen, I handed her in order his 
Majesty's letters and that of his Excellency, which she read and 
expressed her pleasure at receiving them, at least those from the Kinjr, 
although they had arrived later than she could have wished. "l 
excused the delay and stated my errand to her in the best way I was 
able, in accordance with the course we had agreed upon. When she 
had heard me, she showed some disappointment that his Majesty 
had referred the negotiation to your Excellency, and had not signified 
his wishes in his own letters to her. She then went on to complain 
of your Excellency, saying that although you were a valiant captain 
and had pradeutly governed the Netherlands, as well as your own 
household, you had, nevertheless, failed in the respect due to her 
position and dignity, as you had, without provocation, arrested the 
persons and property of her subjects, and had thus almost brought 
about a quarrel between princes so friendly and closely united. 
She added that she cast no blame upon the King, as she was 
certain it had all been done without his knowledge, and that he was 
innocent and she trusted him as she would herself. After much of 
this talk, in which she showed that she took this injury much to 
heart, she said she was determined not to do as we asked until all 
the world was informed who had been the origin of these arrests 
and where the blame really lay. She (-aid, for her part, she had 
never dreamt of touching his Majesty's money and she had not done 
so. On the contrary, she had promised to give all help and favour 
.in conveying it to its destination, which she would have done with 
her own ships, only that the ambassador had requested her to 
retain it in order to prevent it from falling into the hands of the 
French pirates. She, however, had been informed that the money 
did not belong to the King but to certain Genoese merchants which 
statement she wished to verity, and for this reason alone had she 
deferred its departure for three or four days, and for no other reason, 
as she did not want the money. 

To this and all her other objections we replied modestly, as 
instructed, especially as regards the complaints of your Excellency. 
I tried my best, by many arguments and persuasions, t > banish 
from her mind all sinister impressions on this head. 

Finally, after some little irritation on both sides ; seeing that the 
Queen was somewhat getting over her anger, we ceased to retort, in 
order not to incense her again, and she then brought the audience 
to a close by saying that she would send some commissioners to us 
to leain what powers we had from his Majesty to negotiate for the 
restitution which \ve requested. We then took our leave. I have 
thought well to send this account at once, in order that your 
Excellency may fee the exact state of our negotiations to date. I 
will duly send accounts of all that may happen. Colebrook, 
23rd October 156!). 

24 Oct. 151. ANTONIO DE GUARAS to .* 

As you will learn, the letters were detained and afterwards 
recovered. I received mine dated the 1st, and I will endeavour to 

* This letter was probably written to Albornoz, Secretary of the duke of Alba, 



deserve by my zeal the favour done to me in ordering me to write. 
It is said the duke (of Norfolk) is so closely guarded that he is not 
allowed to leave the one room in which he is, and that he is only 
served hy a single page in the Tower. His relatives and friends 
are greatly scandalised. It is believed for certain that they will 
take Lord Lnmley to the Tower, and they have moved the earl of 
Arundel to another house, where he is guarded by a gentleman. 
Pembroke is in no more liberty than before. They have examined 
the queen of Scotland's ambassador, the bishop of Ross, on several 
points of this business, and particularly as regards certain sums of 
money, but he is free. They have also examined Ridolfi, although 
I have not been able to discover upon what points. He is still a 
prisoner, but I hope will soon be released. Luis de Paz and 
Cristobal de Amonte were at once released on bail. They have not 
yet been examined. There are ten or twelve rooms in the Tower 
prepared for prisoners, although who the prisoners are to be is not 
yet known. It was said lately that they would be persons of great 
position, but it has since been rumoured that for the present they 
will not be arrested. Some of the Duke's friends and his secretary 
are detained in the Court, and another of his secretaries has fled. 
Throgmorton, who was ambassador in France, is also detained. He 
is a great friend of the earl of Leicester, and although for several 
reasons Leicester is no friend of the Duke's, he has been in his 
favour in the matter of the marriage with the queen of Scots, and 
he is suspected on this account by the rest of those who govern. 
The total number of councillors who govern is sixteen. The Duke, 
the Lord Treasurer, the earl of Pembroke, the earl of Arundel, and 
the Lord Chamberlain, uncle of the Duke, five of them, do not 
agree in religion or other things with the remaining eleven, who 
are the archbishop of Canterbury, the Lord Chancellor, the marquis 
of Northampton, the enrl of Leicester, the earl of Bedford, the earl 
of Sussex, the Admiral, Secretary Cecil, sir Walter Mildmay, sir 
Ralph Sadler, and Vice-Chamberlain Knollys, who all oppose the 
others, especially on sectarian points. Some months ago the Duke 
transferred all his estates to his son the earl of Surrey, which has 
made him all the more suspected, particularly as the Master of the 
Rolls, who is a person of great account here, advised him how he 
might do it in accordance with the law. The Master of the Rolls 
himself may be said to be under arrest, and he is being examined 
on the subject. It is certain that they are coining money from our 
treasure in the Tower lately. Four commissioners left here this 
week, it is said, to sell what is left of our merchandise detained 
here, for all the rest is stolen and sold before now. Fifty ships aie 
being prepared to go to Rochelle for wine and salt, and will take, 
it is believed, artillery and stores thither and some money with 
three of the Queen's armed ships. The jewels sent the other day by 
the mother of Vendome, whom thoy call the queen of Navarre, were 
pledged for some 60,000 crowns although they say they are worth 
120,000. It is said that the queen of Scotland is in good health 
God be thanked, and that all the armed men who were recently 
put to guard her have been taken away, although she is not 
allowed to leave her one room, and is still in the hands of the earls 



of Shrewsbury and Huntingdon. A person has come from Hamburg 
with letters for the English, and relates that since the flotilla 
arrived they have not been able to sell anything and had no hopes 
of doing so all the winter. They are all much dissatisfied with 
trading there, recollecting their former business in Flanders. 
Twenty German gentlemen have arrived here from the army in 
France, and went to Court to offer their services. They went away 
without Arranging anything, and people at Court are now downcast. 
They say the news from France is disappointing to them. The 
Queen is tired of these changes, and the people so wonderstruck at 
them that no tranquillity can be expected, although it is presumed 
that matters will be dissembled during the winter. The summer 
is usually the time when these people are disturbed. Lately they 
have begun to equip 14 of the Queen's great ships, and it is said 
they will complete the armament of them unless circumstances 
should render it unnecessary. In the audience granted to the 
Marquis, the Queen expressed her dissatisfaction at the action of 
her ministers, to cover over her own share of faults in the business. 
It is quite probable that the good news from France will make them 
change their proceedings. The Queen said that the merchandise 
should not be sold. She would not allow the ambassador to be 
present, although since then the gentlemen who came over with the 
Marquis have been allowed to come to Court. 

This letter is very badly arranged, but I trust it will be excused 
and taken in good part. 

Postscript. The letter that accompanied your worship's letter is 
dated the 1st. My desire is to serve well, but the danger causes me to 
write in this confused manner. Pray excuse it as the object is only 
to acknowledge receipt of the letters and cover the memorial for his 
Excellency. London, 24th OctoU-r Io69. 

31 Oct. 152. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING. 

Since my last letter the Marquis was given to understand that, 
before any thing was done, Cecil wished to see the power he brought, 
in order to try to find some flaw in it or to allege its insufficiency, 
his intention being to de'ay matters in order tLat they might carry 
out their designs. On the 26th the Marquis went to see the 
Queen, when she gave him the reply which your Majesty will see 
by the enclosed letter in French. The Marquis met the Queen's 
representatives yesterday at a house near here, but they could come 
to no agreement and refused to allow me to be present, saying that 
the Queen was not yet reconciled with me, and moreover that the 
substitution of the duke of Alba's power was only in favour of the 
Marquis. They would not allow either Dr. Junglo nor Secretary 
Torre to take any part in the business, but made them sit apart 
from the Marquis. The decision arrived at was not to proceed to the 
question of the restitution until they brought under consideration 
all questions left open at Bruges and others of subsequent date. The 
Marquis insisted that a reply should be given to the point he had 
submitted to the Queen, but, as they refused him, he will take 
steps to get another audience. In the meanwhile I send this 
report to your Majesty and the Duke, in order that instructions 



may he sent. I am not sure that the councillors of this Queen 
are coming to reason even yet, although the king of France lias 
gained so great a victory.* Those who usually oppose Cecil in the 
Council are prisoners, whilst he is free, and can, with the help of 
his brother in-law, the Lord Keeper, do absolutely as he pleases. 
They have reason to fear, but they do not understand it, or else 
they desire to delay this settlement with the idea that they can 
always come to terms by making some sort of restitution. All else 
is without change. Colebrook, 31st October 1569. 

31 Oct. 153. The DUKE OF ALBA to the KINO. 

When Chapin arrived at Calais they received information that 
Cobham, who is in charge at Dover, had written to the Governors 
of Gravelines and Dunkirk saying, that if any gentleman of these 
States was embarking there he was to be told that he (Cobham) 
had orders from his Queen that no one was to pass. I at once sent 
word to Chapin to stay his departure, and send over to Cobham 
to ask whether the Queen had revoked her safe conduct, and if the 
answer was yes, that he was to remain quiet and ascertain from 
Don Guerau the cause of the revocation. Whilst this was going 
on, Cobham sent over to Chapin saying that he could come and he 
would be welcome. He at once advised me and I told him to go. 
I have now just received news of his arrival at Court and of his 
aud ; cnce with the Queen, as your Majesty will see by his letter 
and those of Antonio de Guaras enclosed. By one of these your 
Majesty will learn in detail what took place at the beginning of 
the arrests. Thomas Fiesco was informed by the Genoese, Benedict 
Spinola, by means of whom, by my orders, he was trying to gain 
Leicester and Cecil, that they had promoted Chapin's coming, and 
that he found them ready to forward the negotiation in considera- 
tion of a present. I have resolved to order Thomas to gratify 
them and give them a handsome present, on account of the in- 
terested parties, in order to get them (Leicester and Cecil) to 
consent to the restoration of what is left of the property seized, 
and that some earnest may be given on account of the rest. He 
will also try to get the English whose goods are seized here to pay 
some of these expenses, without their knowing that it is done with 
my cognizance. Thus the matters remain and every effort will be 
made to settle the differences. Brussels, 31st October 1569. 

4 Nov. 154. The BISHOP UF Ross to the KINO. 

French. 1 doubt not your Majesty will have received from Don Guerau 

de Spes the letters dated 13th September written by the queen of 
Scotland, my mistress, in humble gratitude for your sympathy for 
her affairs. The jealousy against my mistress conceived by the 
queen of England, in consequence of the attachment to her of 
many Englith nobles and a great part of the people, has caused her 
to be transported from the castle of Wingfield, where she passed 
all last summer, to a strong castle called Tutbuiy, where she is not 
treated as a free princess, but simply as a prisoner, and kept BO 

* Ihe battle of Moncontour, 3rd October 1569. 




straitly and with so strong a guard that she can neither write nor 
send any of her gentlemen to your Majesty, as she wished to do. 
Since my mistress has been at Tutbury she wrote me an open 
letter enclosed in one for the queen of England, in which I am 
ordered to ask in all humility her good sister the Queen for aid 
and support in her release and restoration to her Crown and 
authority in Scoltand ; which the accursed rebels in their godless 
ambition have usurped, or else that she shall be allowed to go over 
to her good brother, the king of France, or to your Majesty's Flemish 
dominions with the Queen's permission, there to remain until God 
shall dispose of her. If this were not granted I was to appeal to 
all the Catholic princes, her friends and allies, for help an'l succour, 
and especially to your Majesty and the Christian King, who she 
doubts not will come to her aid. Notwithstanding all my pr.iyers 
and entreaties to the queen of England for help, 1 have not been 
able to obtain even a reply, but have been put off from day to 
day, so that it is evident no help may be hoped for from her, 
and I therefore humbly beg your Majesty to cast your eyes 
mercifully on this noble princess, sovereign of Scotland and my 
mistress, who for so many years has suffered such constant 
persecutions for the sake of the Catholic faith, in which she was 
born and bred, and which she will hold through life in spite of all 
tribulation and persecution which may befall her, from which 
resolve no mundane honours shall move her. She hopes for your 
aid, countenance, and support, which I supplicate that you will not 
refuse her, and with the help of God she will soon be free and out 
of this trouble. London, 4th November 156D. 

8 Nov. 155. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING. 

The courier that the Marquis Chapin Viteli and I despatched on 
the 31st ultimo was stopped at Dover, and three of the packets of 
letters he carried were taken away from him. He was allowed to 
embark with one packet only, and the other ones therefore go by 
the present bearer. I came from Colebrook to my house in order 
to send off, secretly, ;i gentleman who had to go to the duke of 
of Alba, taking ship from a Northern port, and also in secret to 
see the bishop of Eos.*. I left the Marquis at Colebrook troubled 
with the gouc, after which, he being somewhat better, he went to 
learn the Queen's answer, intending to come thence to London. 
The answer was, as the Marquis writes to me, different from what 
he expected. It was to the effect that the substitution of power 
in the Marquis's favour was insufficient for the general negotiation 
which these English desire, but th->t it covered the point of the 
restitution of what had been stolen and detained. They have 
therefore taken another day to consider, and I will go at once to 
Colebrook the better to learn what is passing. I see that these 
Englishmen have no good intention, and that they have nut been 
so alarmed as they ought to have been, at the result of French 
affairs. Such is the ignorance caused by this heresy which they 
have so deeply implanted in their hearts. They have just sent 
John Killigrew to Germany again, and three vessels left the river 
two days ago, equipped by Flemish and French Protestants against 



the Catholics. It appears that they wish to detain the Venetian 
ships and are making plans to fortify Margate and the banks of the 
river. As those who are now in the Council are all of one way of 
thinking there is no one to oppose them in anything. 

The duke of Norfolk is in the Tower but the earl of Pembroke 
is allowed to remain in his house, near here, but only permitted to 
communicate with his servants. Arundel is in the College near 
Windsor under guard, and the rest of them are similarly disposed 

The Queen has ordered the earl of Northumberland and others 
from the north country to come to Court, they however, have no 
intention of doing so, as they are suspicious that they might be 
detained like the rest. They say they will release the queen of 
Scotland and take possession of this country if your Majesty only 
will favour them. They are sending a person to the duke of Alba 
about it, and I have given him a short letter in cipher. I think 
this will be the safest way, but your Majesty will decide for the 

The discourse of what has passed in the queen of Scotland's 
aftiiirs, which has been given to me by the bishop of Ross, is 
enclosed.* The Queen is now very closely kept, and desires to send 
a servant of hers to the Duke in order that he may be present 
when the gentlemen sent by the Catholic Lords, arrives there, but 
she has no means of writing, excepting with great delay and in 
cipher. She will do all she c<m to assure your Majesty that, both 
with regard to her marriage and all else, she will follow your 
wishes. London, 8th November 1569. 


Very illustrious sir. I have received to-day two letters from 
you for which 1 thank you. You are right in having the con- 
fidence you express in my great desire to serre you, and I can 
assure you of the esteem and goodwill of the Duke towards you. 
I will at once endeavour to do as you request. What I now have 
to urge upon you is that you should dissemble on all those points 
which seem to touch your dignity, for, even though it should be 
touched, it will certainly not be with any desire to offend you, but 
in the interests of the business itself. The most important point 
is that you should be convinced that there is no desire to do any- 
thing to your prejudice, which really would be an attack upon 
your dignity. Matters being as they are, you must firmly insist 
upon smoothing them over. I beg you will take what I say in 
good part, as I am only moved by my desire to serve you. 

If anything untoward were to happen at this juncture it would 
be attributed to you, and as your servant I again supplicate you 
to put up with things, according to the times. Brussels, 13th 
November 1569. 

18 Nov. 157. The KINO to GUERAU DE SPES. 

I have received many letters from you by land and sea, the last, 
being dated 25th September, arriving here on the 5th instant. I 

Original note, " It ii very long, in French and badly written. It it being translated," 




thank you for the diligence you show in reporting to me all that 
happens there, but I have nothing particular to say until I know 
what arrangements have been effected by Chapin Viteli and Junglo 
with the Queen respecting the restitution of money and property 
detained. As she gave the passport for them so willingly, it seems 
that there may be some hope that she will have been brought to 
do what is right, that being the course which at present will suit 
us ; but if she still desires to stray from it as she has hitherto dene, 
I shall have to consider for my part what steps should be taken. 
You will in any case follow the orders that the duke of Alba will 
send you in my name from time to time. 

If the marriage of the duke of Norfolk with the queen of 
Scotland is effected in the way, and with the objects of which you 
are informed there is no doubt that it would be of great moment 
and importance for the restoration of our true and ancient religion 
in England, and would console the good Catholics who are at 
present so oppressed. I desire these objects very warmly as you 
know, but they must be very careful how they undertake the 
business, for if they make a mistake they will all be ruined. You 
did very well in referring them to the duke of Alba, who will 
know how to advise them for the best. You will also confine 
yourself to this, according to your orders, which you will not exceed. 

If the matter which John Killigrew is planning in Germany 
for the Queen is a question of alliances, I feel sure you will have 
taken measures to find out the whole particulars, and will advise 
me. I hope so, because it is a matter which may very deeply 
concern my interests and those of my dominions, both spiritually 
and temporally. 

I also desire to have full information with regard to the state 
of things in Ireland, and what forces the Catholics of the country 
have against the heretic English. I also wish to know if they 
would be parties to expelling them, and what leaders the Catholics 
have who could be made much of. Make every effort to investigate 
this thoroughly, and report to me by first opportunity. Madrid, 
18th November 15G9. 

18 Nov. 158. The KINO to the DUKE OF ALBA. 


Your choice of Chapin Viteli and Junglo to go and treat with 
the queen of England about the restitution is a good one, and it 
was well to send also Thomas Fiesco to gain over the earl of 
Leicester and Cecil, as these two are doubtless the principal leaders 
of the dance. I have only to say that I am most anxious for the 
success of the negotiation, as the matter is holding in suspense all 
the trade between Spain and the Netherlands, to the great loss of 
my revenue and grave damage to my subjects. It is most im- 
portant that the matter should be speedily settled. If it be nob 
done in that way it is most necessary that measures should be 
taken that flotillas should come and go in safety, in accordance 
with the note I sent you before. Until this is done the SO or 40 
ships that the merchants of Antwerp told you they would send 
will be very useful, and it was well to give them the license they 

y 76467. 



requested when you were there, although, of course, the proper and 
best way will be to settle with England both for the present and 
the future. 

Don Guerau has written me some letters via France and by sea, 
but I cannot give him precise orders from here, and as you have 
the whole matter in hand, you will give him instructions from 
time to time as to what he is to do. As you will see by my letter 
to him, I merely tell him to carry out your orders as if they were 

Ho has given me a very long account of the plots there to 
marry the duke of Norfolk with the queen of Scotland, and, if 
what he says be true, that it would have the effect of raising the 
Catholics and restoring our ancient and true religion, it will be of 
great moment. In any case the 10,000 crowns you sent to the 
queen of Scotland were well spent, and any other favour you can 
fittingly send her from there also will be veiy appropriate in 
comforting and consoling that poor princess, who so firmly and 
sincerely expresses her wish to live and die in the Catholic faith.* 

The other day the archbishop of Cashel in Ireland came here 
with a letter from the earl of Desmond, written to me in his own 
name and that of other principal Catholics there. Two other 
messengers came afterwards to him, and the substance of their 
demand is that I shall help them to expel the heretic English who 
wish to force their new religion upon them, and they offer to 
accept as leader any person 1 may name ; in short, that they will 
recognize me as sovereign. Although, on religious grounds, I 
should like openly to embrace the business and help these good 
men effectually, the noise the tiling would create, and the jealousy 
it would arouse in France, as well as the obstacle it would present 
to the carrying through of the present negotiations with the Queen, 
has made me decide to entertain this Archbishop here with fair 
words and money for his expenses, until I see the outcome of the 
negotiations. If she (the Queen) acts as she should do about the 
restitution, and will return to our old friendship and alliance, it is 
evident that it will not be desirable for me to help the Irish against 
her, but I might intercede for them to prevail upon her to treat 
them well and let them live in the liberty they have hitherto 
enjoyed to practice the tenets of the holy Catholic faith. I will 
try by these means to send the Archbishop back as well satisfied 
as possible. If, however, the Queen should be shameless enough 
to force us to break with her, I think it would be well to seize 
Ireland, as they are constantly begging me to do, and it could be 
done easily with troops sent from Spain. If once she saw me in 

* The King was apparently dissatisfied with thin paragraph in the draft and wrote the 
follow ing in ihc margin against it : " If what Don Guurau writes about the marriage of 
" the duke of Norfolk and the queen of Scotland has any serious foundation, it would 
" he very appropriate and for them to have the kingdom, as I believe this would men 
" the re-establishment of religion and the overthrow of the Queen. It will also prevent 
" a marriage in France, as they would not then be able to make the offer. It would be 
" necessary, however, to make sure about religion with Norfolk. You will do your 
" best to promote it with thii object." At the bottom of this paragraph there is a note 
from the Kiug to Secretary Zavai, telling him that the above it, in substance, what be 
wishes to y, but that it is to be put into better form. 




possession of that island it would give her something to think 
about. I wish you to consider this well, and if a settlement with 
the Queen is not arrived at you will send me your opinion to help 
me in my decision. M idrid, 18th November 1569. 

20 Nov. 159. GUERAU DE SPSS to the KING. 

The Queen has given her decision to the Marquis Chapin Viteli, 
as your Majesty will see at length by the letter in French written by 
him to the Duke. Although she says that she will send her 
ambassador to your Majesty in two days, it is not believed that she 
will do so, so soon. It is understood that her object is to complain 
of the Duke and of myself, and to await the answers from Spain, in 
which much time will be consumed, and, in the meanwhile, she can 
declare her will with regard to the money, which she insists upon 
treating as the property of merchants. The money is now being 
coined, and more than half of it, as the people in the Tower them- 
selves say, has been spent. The Queen herself told the Marquis 
that she wished the merchandise to be sold, and dismissed him after 
the audience of the 17th, although he asked for time to advise the 
duke of Alba, as he does by this post. 

These heretics in the Council are corrupting the Queen's mind ; 
and as all of them, without exception, have stolen vast sums and 
will rather risk any uncertain danger than restore their booty, 
which they have already converted into flesh and blood, I am 
sure that softness and mildness are thrown away upon them, and 
will result in nothing. It makes them, on the contrary, more 
boastful than ever. They think that the affair of the Moriscos is 
a much greater matter than it is, and no doubt they have some 
hopes from the Germans, although nothing will be clone in that 
quarter without plenty of money. I have advised your Majesty 
that John Killigrew had been sent back, but he has stayed here for 
some days seeking credits from Easterlings and others. He will 
now leave in three or four days unless they detain him in conse- 
quence of this new rising in the north. The earls of North- 
umberland, Westmoreland, and Cumberland, with 5,000 men and 
400 horses entered the city of Durham, where, after having pulled 
down the wooden table used by the heretics in the cathedra 1 , they 
had mass performed with great ceremony, and now intend to go to 
York with a similar object. The earl of Sussex, the Queen's 
governor in that province, has been a friend and follower of the 
duke of Norfolk, but, as he is a Protestant, they had their doubts 
of him. I will advise your Majesty of what may happen, but I 
am afraid the ports will soon be closed. 

I have on several occasions written to your Majesty as to the 
goodwill of these noblemen, and I gave a letter in cipher to a 
gentleman whom they were sending to the duke of Alba to ask for 
aid. They would be very glad to have a reply to their requests, as 
communication will soon be stopped, but 1 am sure the Duke will 
consider the matter with his accustomed prudence, and will decide 
for the best. It is certain that there never has been so good an 
opportunity, either of punishing those who have so gravely and 
unreasonably opposed your Majesty's interests, or of restoring the 

Q 2 



Catholic reliyion, in which consists the maintenance of our old 
alliance and friendship with this country. Your Majesty will 
please instruct me what 1 should do if the kingdom should be 
plunged into civil war, and, as it is in your service, I will not 
flinch from incurring dangers as great, or greater, than the past. 
In the meanwhile, I will follow the orders of the duke of Alba as 
your Majesty commands. 

They have relieved the earl of Huntingdon from guarding the 
queen of Scotland, which is a great thing gained. The letter 
enclosed for your Majesty was given to me by the bishop of Ross, 
but I dared not finish the superscripture. There is a gentleman 
here from the queen of Scotland making ready to go to the duke 
of Alba as soon as he hears that the other man, who is being sent 
from those in the north, has left. Now that Huntingdon has been 
relieved from his guard, the earl of Shrewsbury is not so rigorous, 
and there is a better chance of releasing the Queen, and even of 
much greater things being done. It is advisable that whatever is 
undertaken should be with your Majesty's consent and favour, 
especially the raising of the queen of Scotland, upon which the 
tranquillity of these parts entirely depends. All the Catholics 
seem determined to serve your Majesty, and the earl of North- 
umberland snys that the queen will not fail to follow your Majesty's 
wishes with regard to her marriage, the Queen herself, by her 
letters and the statements of the bishop of Ross, says the same. 
Your Majesty will see what is most desirable for your service, zeal 
for which alone moves me to write this whilst I see such marvellous 
facility. I will go through any danger t) serve your Majesty in 
this without thinking of myself, so long as I live. 

Sores, a French pirate, captured a week ago four valuable sloops 
belonging to your Majesty's subjects on their way to Spain. He 
hails from and resides usually at Portsmouth, and took his booty 
int'i that port for sale. 

Winter and Cook (?) are equipping five very fine ships in this 
river. It is said they are to go to the Indies. They will join 
three more which arc being fitted out in the north, and will all sail 
next month. 

The Easterlings have letters saying that the new king of Sweden 
has restored the Catholic religion in his country, which will be very 
good news if true. 

The cause of the hurried rising in the north was the enclosed 
proclamation of the Queen, and also because all the Catholics were 
forced to go to their (Protestant) services. 

Most of the pensioners left the palace to-night, and it is believed 
that they are going to join the revolted Catholics. The duke of 
Norfolk is guarded closely. The earl of Pembroke has given a 
thousand pounds to a favourite of the Queen, and left his two sons 
as hostages, and has therefore been set at liberty. He is now at 
his house, on the road to Wales, but Arundel and Lumley are 
guarded as before. 

We have agreed that the Marquis Chapin Viteli shall come here, 
and he writes to say that we shall be safer together. 

The sloops captured by captain Sores and other French and 




English pirates are four, loaded with grain. The pirates carry 
thirteen sail, and when they unite with M. de Dupin, they will 
have a fleet strong enough for greater things. London, 20th 
November 1569. 

1 Dec. 160. GUERAU DK SPES to the DUKE OF ALBA. 

I have not heen able yet to get a passport for a courier to your 
Excellency, so that the Marquis and I have thought well to send 
Rafael Barberino, in whom he has confidence. He will only take a 
line of credence and can give a verbal report to your Excellency of 
all that has happened since the 20th ultimo, when the last courier 

The people in the north are strong and have 12,000 infantry and 
3,000 horse together. They intended to go towards Tutbury to 
release the queen of Scotland, but as they hear she has been con- 
veyed to Coventry they have stopped with the intention of giving 
battle to the Queen's forces, for which purpose the northern people 
will gather 30,000 men. 

No movement has been made by any of their confederates, as they 
are scattered, but they are consulting as to means for a rising. 

The Queen has appointed as her general the earl of Warwick, 
brother of Leicester, and they say they intend to raise 15,000 men 
and 5,000 horse, although few horses can be got. 

This city contributes, by its wards, a thousand men of a mean 
sort, who will leave in two days to join the general muster in the 
county of Leicester. Great efforts are being made on behnlf of 
the Queen to borrow money from all the merchants, particularly 
foreigners. They ask Spinola for 5.000Z., Velutelli for 3,000/., and 
Donato for the same. All of them will have to lend something, on 
the security of the city and of Thomas Gresham, who says that he 
can raise five and twenty thousand pounds in this way. 

The French ambassador has been here to say that if I could 
help these people (i.e., the Catholics) in their just cause he would 
be a faithful comrade to me on his King's behalf without jealousy 
or suspicion. I excused myself by saying that I had no orders 
from his Majesty on the subject. 

The Marquis thinks that, if these people in the north were to 
march straight here there would be nothing to withstand them, 
seeing the confusion of the Court, whilst their other friends would 
have greater chance than at present of moving. I will do nothing 
without orders from your Excellencj r . 

The earl of Leicester sent Velutelli to tell the Marquis that the 
Queen and Council considered his stay here very suspicious, and 
that he ought to leave without further delay. The Marquis 
sent a reply by his nephew, Juan Bautista de Monte, giving as his 
reason for staying that he had to await a reply from your Excel- 
lency. She seemed to be tranquillised by this, but when we asked 
for a passport for Barberino, the Council sent Henry Cobbam to 
tell the Marquis to leave the island immediately, to which the 
Marquis gave the same reply. At last with a bad grace they have 
consented to await the arrival of the courier. They have said 
nothing to me yet. 



Not a word is said now about sending anyone to Spain. It was 
nothing but a fiction from the first, and the Council only wishes to 
see the Marquis gone in order that no one shall stand in the way of 
the Queen's purpose. She is now so completely in accord with 
them for the defence of their sect that she seems to have lost sight 
of the danger of ruin, both for her and them. I expect, as soon as 
the Marquis has gone, they will give me but little chance of taking 
part in any affairs. 

Lord Montague and the earl of Southampton have sent to ask 
me for advice as to whether they should take up arms or go over to 
your Excellency. 

I told them I could not advise them until I had due 
instructions to do so. I said my letters hnd been seized because 
there were rumours about them lately, and I therefore did not 
know what they ought to do. London, 1st December 1569. 

3 Dec. 161. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING. 

By the duplicates enclosed, your Majesty will see all that is 
happening, both in the unfavourable way in which they have dis- 
missed the Marquis Chapin Viteli as also in the matter of the 
Catholic rising in the north. I enclose a copy of their (i.e., the 
Catholic) proclamation, and of that of the Queen. The Catholics 
in Wales and the west have not yet followed the example of those 
of the north, although it is said they are about to do so. I 
received letters to-day from the duke of Alba dated the 23rd ulto., 
and although he did not know at the time what had happened 
here, he must have learned a few hours afterwards, and in view of 
the present opportunity and the small hopes of restitution he will 
provide what he thinks most desirable in your Majesty's interests, 
and will decide whether the Marquis should stay here or leave. 

The thousand men from this city are beginning to leave, and the 
muster in the county of Leicester will gradually be got together. 
The Catholics appear to be waiting in their own country, where 
they have fortified themselves on the banks of the Trent, to be 
attacked by the troops from here. In the meanwhile they will see 
what their friends do and what aid can be sent them. 

The Queen is making some preparations in Windsor, and has 
ordered some infantry to go there. They say that they are going 
to convey the queen of Scotland to Kenilworth, a fortress belonging 
to the earl of Leicester. They have again sent the earl of 
Huntingdon and Viscount Hereford to guard her with the earl of 

The ambassador who was said to be sent to your Majesty in 
two days is quite forgotten at Court, and there are no signs of 
softening in regard to the restitution. 

These French and English pirates who infest the ports, since 
they plundered the four sloops full of grain belonging to your 
Majesty's Flemish subjects, have captured another ship, which, I 
believe, came from Spain loaded with alum and spices. They have 
her now in the Downs, but will not allow a man on board of her 
to go ashore. They are selling the booty in the river. M. de 
Dupin is ravaging the coast of Friesland. Six or seven private 




ships have left for the coast of Guinea, and thence will go to the 
islands as Hawkins did. They are neither large nor well armed. 
[ have sent this letter by St. Jean de Luz in hopes that your 
Majesty may receive it, as they would not allow another courier 
to go by way of France. Henceforward I shall only be able to 
send with great difficulty. Our Lord send redress for all this. It 
seems now there will be the best chance of it since the apostacy 
of Henry VIII. London, 3rd December 1569. 

C Dec. 162. GUERAU DE SPES to the DUKE OF ALBA. 

I have had great difficulty in sending information to your Excel- 
lency of occurrences here. They have sent back the courier who 
was going to Calais for me and the French ambassador, although 
he bore a passport. A copy of the despatch sent by him is 
enclosed, which, with this letter, your Excellency may be pleased 
to send to his Majesty in order that the bearer Rafael Barberino 
should have fewer papers to carry, according to his passport. The 
Marquis, who has every confidence in him, has had him infoimed 
of the contents of the letters in case his packets should be taken 
away from him. He can therefore inform your Excellency of the 
people in the north, and assure you of the goodwill of the rest of 
the Catholics and the opportunity which now presents itself to 
serve God and his Majesby. He will say how desirable it is that 
they should be helped, and, if the people in the north have not 
already sent to your Excellency, how beneficial it will be if you 
would send them some person experienced in warfare. The port of 
Hartlepool is in their favour, and others nearer Scotland. London, 
6th December 1569. 

11 Dec. 163. The DUKE OF ALBA to the KING. 

On the 1st and 23rd ultimo I gave your Majesty an account of 
the state of affairs in England, and send enclosed a duplicate of my 
letter of 18th. Since then I have received the letters from Chapin, 
in Italian and French, of which I now send copies with my 
despatches in French. From the first hour that the Queen made 
these seizures the unwillingness of herself and her councillors to 
consent to a restitution has been evident. The tendency to oppose 
your Majesty's interests had been clearly shown, even before then, 
by her reception into her country of the bandits from these States, 
allowing the French and English pirates to enter her ports and sell 
the plunder taken from your Majesty's subjects, and by the extra- 
ordinary pretensions and claims put forward to D'Assonleville and 
now to Chapin, she having gone so far as to throw doubt upon 
your Majesty's own signature. Having in view the result of 
Chapin's last interview with her, I have decided, after consultation 
with the councillors here, to instruct him to take leave, in the 
form your Majesty will see by the enclosed copy of my letter to 
him. I will then have your Majesty fully informed by him of 
what has passed and of such intelligence as I can gain of the 
Queen's intentions, together with my opinion and that of the 
Council on the whole matter, in order that your Majesty may 



the bettor decide whether to break or dissemble. The Queen, 
being a greedy woman, thinks that the property and money she 
holds will place her in a strong position and enable her to extort 
her own terms, demanding conditions so extravagant that your 
Majesty's dignity (or even that of an inferior sovereign to the 
Queen) would not admit of their being accepted. This shows a 
design to drag the matter out, as she says she is going to send 
a person to treat with your Majesty, and that the discussion must 
be commenced from the old questions pending from the conference 
of Bruges which, as your Majesty will see by the enclosed despatch 
in Frem-h, are nearly all in favour of the States, unless they (the 
English) intend to bring forward the capitulation forced by King 
Henry on to Don Philip in the year 1506, when the latter put 
into an English port by reason of stress of weather.* I send 
enclosed a copy of this treaty which is called here the " bad 
treaty," as its observance would mean the total ruin of these 

If the Queen sends a man, I think your Majesty should on no 
account allow old differences to be opened up ; as you will see 
more fully liy the French despatch, I having rejected all attempts 
to re-open them in accordance with your Majesty's instructions. 
Whilst the question is pending it would be well for the ports and 
navigation to be open to your Majesty's subjects, and I have 
written to Ch;ipin directing him to use his efforts to attain this by 
any means he thinks best, without its appearing to be done by my 
orders. Your Majesty's present urgent need is better known to 
you than to anyone, and here the pressure is very great. The past 
wars, the moving about of the people, the cessation of trade for 
the last year, the suspense of affairs in anticipation of the general 
amnesty, the absence of many men and the retirement from 
business of others, owing to the general want of confidence ; all 
these facts convince me that a rupture with England would be 
very inappropriate at present, but, if the English force it upon 
us, we cannot avoid it. In view of the evil intentions of the 
Queen and the demonstration they have made on several occasions 
of their intention to sell the property still in existence (which, in 
fact, consists of wools and other things for which there is no 
demarid there, all the rest having been sold and consumed), I have 
given permission, accompanied by an instruction as to their method 
of proceeding, to the merchants to go and make the best arrange- 
ments they can to obtain their goods, without its being known 
that they do so by my leave. This particularly refers to the 
wools, which are much wanted in these States for manufacturing. 
I have also told the persons interested in the money that they are 
to make arrangements for the shortest periods they can for its 
repayment. When this is done and navigation is reopened, your 
Majesty will be in a better position to await a favourable oppor- 

* This refers to Philip the Handsome, who in January 1500 was on his way from 
Flanders to Spain with bis wife Dona Juana (Crazy Jane), and was driven by tempest 
into an English port. lie had an interview with Henry VII., who extorted from him 
the treaty in question. 




tunity to avenge the slights put upon you by the Queen. If, 
however, she will not even agree to this, her hostility will be 
openly shown and your Majesty will by no means be able to 
avoid seeking redress, because if she refuses to open her ports even 
for refuge, it will be quite impossible for things to remain as they 
are. The idea of a fleet coining and going between the States and 
Spain with merchandise would be feasible enough for two or three 
voyages, especially going from here, as they would start with a 
favourable wind that would allow them to stand off from the 
island and, if it failed, they could return hither ; but it would be 
different on the return voyage from Spain, the voyage being a long 
one they might be driven into an English port as an alternative to 
being wrecked. Brussels, llth December 15G9. 

11 Dec. 164. The DUKE OF ALBA to the KING. 

Since writing the enclosed I have had letters from Don Guerau 
of 1st and 6th, together with a letter from Chapin in French, all of 
which I send to your Majesty. The letters were brought by a 
gentleman of Chapin's, who verbally confirms the contents of the 
letters, that the rising in the north of England is increasing. I 
have answered the queen of Scotland's servant as your Majesty 
will see by the despatch in French enclosed, and although I expect 
the business will all end in smoke, I have thought best to send the 
present courier in great haste, going and returning, so that your 
Majesty may know what is going on and send me instructions, as, 
without knowing your wishes, I will not act, even though your 
Majesty refers the decision to me. I therefore beg your Majesty 
to let rne know speedily what I am to do. Brussels, llth December 

16 Dec. 165. The KING to the DUKE OF ALBA. 


English affairs are going in a way that will make it necessary, 
after all, to bring that Queen to do by force what she refuses to 
reason. Her duty is so clear that no doubt God causes her to 
ignore it in order that, by these means, His holy religion may be 
restored in that country, and the Catholics and good Christians 
thus be rescued from the oppression in which they live. In case her 
obstinacy and hardness of heart may continue, therefore, you will 
take into your consideration the best direction to be given to this. 
We think here that the best course will be to encourage with 
money and secret favour the Catholics of the north, and to help 
those in Ireland to take up arms against the heretics and deliver 
the crown to the Queen of Scotland, to whom it belongs by succes- 
sion. This course, it is presumed, would be very agreeable to the 
Pope and all Christendom, and would encounter no opposition from 
anyone. This is only mentioned now in order that you may know 
what is passing in our minds here, and that, with your great 
prudence and a full consideration of the state of affairs in general, 
you may ponder what is best to be done. What you say is very 



true, that we are beginning to lose reputation by deferring so 
long to provide a remedy for the great grievance done by this 
woman to my subjects, friends, and allies. Madrid, 16th December 

18 Dec. 166. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING. 

Although despatches sent by sea usually arrive late, yet some- 
times they meet with fair weather. I therefore write on every 

The earls of Northumberland and Westmoreland tarry in their 
own country in the north, preferring to await there the arrival of 
the Queen's troops under the earl of Warwick and the Admiral. 
They keep the port of Hartlepool. Their Catholic friends, from all 
of whom they hold signed pledges, have made no movement yet. It 
is true that they are much disturbed, and it seems that, if they can 
count upon some foreign aid, they, too, will rise. 

Lord Montague, and his son-in-law, the earl of Southampton, 
had embarked for Flanders, but contrary winds drove them back 
and they had to land. An order thereupon arrived from the Queen 
and they did not refuse to go to Court in order to clear themselves, 
which Montague having done, he received the governorship of the 
county of Sussex, but he was able to send George Hamberton, a 
kinsman of the duchess of Feria, to the duke of Alba to assure him 
of his good intentions and of the sympathy of many nobles and 
others here. 

The troops collected by this Queen amount to some 7,000 men 
and 2,000 horses, miserable fellows, and the contingent from this 
city, 2,000 men, has nearly all returned, slashing and cudgelling 
Captain Leighton, one of the leaders, who has come back to Court 
badly wounded to complain of his own soldiers. He was the man 
that was sent to receive the Marquis Chapin Viteli at Dover. 

On the 9th instant, the duke of Alba's despatch of the 3rd was 
received, and in accordance with his orders, measures will be taken 
for the interested parties themselves to arrange with the Queen as 
best they can about the money and goods detained. She has been 
approached also by the Marquis to know what course will -be 
pursued towards your Majesty's ships, and those of your subjects, 
with regard to trade in her ports. She promised a reply on the 
point, and the Marquis is staying for it, although, seeing the 
composition of the Council, it is not expected to be a good one. 

Nothing is said about the ambassador who was to be sent 
to your Majesty. The Councillors think only of afflicting the 
Catholics, who are being taken to prison in great troops, where 
they are made to take part in the heretical suppers, to the great 
sorrow of beholders. The French and English pirates have taken 
the Venetian ship " Justiniana" on her way from Spain, which, 
with her cargo, is valued at 1 30,000 crowns. The pirates hoisted 
the Queen's standard and pretended to be her officers. The Italian 
merchants here have begged for the restoration of the vessel, but, 
up to the present, they get nothing but fair words. 

The count of Mansfeldt has arrived hero, brother of Count 
Volrad, who is in France. He comes from there on his way to 




19 Dec. 

Germany, and has been well received. He is accompanied by 
M. de Lumbres, a native of Artois, one of the Flemish exiles, who 
comes nominally as an ambassador from the duchess of Vendome. 
They request more money to bring further German aid into 

The Marquis and I sent a man to the duke of Alba lately to 
represent to him the opportunity now presented here for serving 
God 'and your Majesty, and we await his reply. They are very 
anxious here for the success of the Moriscos, and of any other sect, 
so that it be not Catholic. London, 18th December 1569. 


I had decided to despatch the present courier with an account 
of what passed at the audience granted to me by the Queen on 
Thursday last, but as on the following day Her Majesty requested 
that I should again see her on the 18th, yesterday, I thought best 
to detain the bearer until to-day, in order to give your Excellency 
a full and later report. When I arrived at the Court I was 
received by the Lord Keeper, Chancellor, the marquis of North- 
ampton, the earl of Leicester, and Secretary Cecil on behalf of the 
Queen. They, having seated themselves on one side, and we on 
the other, the Secretary began briefly to sum up in artfully chosen 
words what had passed in my last discussion with the Queen, and 
concluded by signifying that he had her orders to ascertain more 
clearly what my intentions were before I again had audience of Her 
Majesty. When I understood the course he wished to take I 
decided to state in detail what my intentions were, and told him 
that, when I was taking leave of the Queen, in my last audience, I 
spoke, amongst other things, of the Corsairs and their robberies, as 
I thought on my return home, I might be asked what was going 
to be done in the matter for the future. I had, therefore, out of 
curiosity 'and of my own motion, broached the subject, and the Queen 
had listened to me and admitted that it was a reasonable thing 
that navigation, which had so long been interrupted, should be 
reinstated into its former condition, signifying her intention to 
reinstate it, if the King would do the same for her subjects. The 
Queen having entered upon the subject of the security to be given 
to her subjects I almost casually, and in the way of conversation 
suggested means by which this might be done, and Her Majesty 
decided to take a few days to consider the mutter, after which she 
promised to let me know her decision. As she had yesterday 
requested me to come there, I had nothing to say or do but to 
present myself before the Queen, and hear what her decision was, 
in order that, on my return home, I might know what to say if I 
were asked about the matter. 

After the Secretary had communicated my answer in English to 
the other councillors, he said that the Queen was determined to 
accept no assurance but that which came direct from the King, 
and that the welfare of her subjects absolutely forbade her to be 
content with any other. He said that a power necessary for the 
purpose and for the settlement of old pending questions as well, 
might be obtained by way of France in a month, and repeated that 



the Queen desired nothing more than that some such arrangement 
might be come to, and her friendship with the King perpetuated. 
I replied emphatically setting forth the fulness of the powers 
granted to me by your Excellency, and pointed out how great had 
been tho injury to subjects caused by the cessation of commerce for 
so many months and assured him (Cecil) that a new general power 
could not arrive from Spain in less than two months, and even 
after that, some months must necessarily pnss before all the old 
pending questions could be settled. Notwithstanding this and 
many other reasons which I adduced, the Councillors remained firm 
in their decision that no arrangement could be made until a new 
general power arrived from Spain when, they said, the Queen 
would be glad to give all possible satisfaction. They said, more- 
over, that if the goods and merchandise detained were deteriorated, 
or any were missing, it was entirely the fault of the resident 
ambassador, who had always refused to allow anything to be done, 
and they protested that, in case any further deterioration should 
occur, the Queen and Council would be free from blame, by which 
I conclude that Thomas Fiesco's business is ended. 

The councillors thereupon went to give an account of the 
conference to the Queen, who shortly afterwards summoned me to 
her presence and repeated briefly the substance of the previous 
conversation. I then asked for her decision, which she prefaced 
by a declaration of the reasons that had moved her to send her 
Councillors to me before she gave me audience ; saying that, as 
her answer was to be a negative one, she thought it had better 
come from the mouths of others than from her own. She expressed 
great sorrow that I should have such insufficient powers, as it would 
have been a great consolation for her to have settled the matter 
with me, but the only thing to be done was to await the arrival of 
more ample powers from Spain. I took the opportunity of 
replying on various points, and, amongst others, on the sufficiency 
of my powers, which I said were founded on letters written by her 
to the King, as I said she would see by the copies of the letters 
themselves which I thus forced her to read in open audience. I 
saw, however, that she was only dwelling on subsiduary points, 
and it was a waste of time to proceed any further, and therefore, 
to avoid any loss of dignity, dexterously brought her back again 
to the nerve of the business, getting her to promise publicly that 
when the general power arrived from Spain, she would re-instate 
navigation before she began the discussion of other matters. 

When I took leave, she again repeated the answer clearly, and, 
in accordance with your Excellency's instruction, I, as if of my 
own accord, gave her some hints which I do not think she will 
forget very easily. I said that as, on my departure, no one else 
would bo here to represent the King she should be good enough to 
receive the ordinary ambassador, and that, even if she thought she 
had reason to be offended with him, she ought not to be so ready to 
listen t > his detractors, but should at least hear him in his own 
justification. She replied that she was determined not to receive 
him on his own account or on the matter of the merchants, but if 
he brought letters from the King, she would not fail to listen to 




20 Dec. 


him. This brought the audience to a close, and I have tried to 
strictly follow your Excellency's instructions in my proceedings. 
M. Junglo will also give an account. 

I am now leaving this Colebrook Tower and shall arrive in 
London to-rnorrow morning. I shall then start on my return, in 
order to give your Excellency a verbal account of my mission. A 
Queen's ship will escort me across. Colebrook, 19th December 


Your Serenity's letter of 20th July by the Marquis de Cetona 
(Chapin Viteli) came to hand in October, and we learn by it 
that our letter of January hist, with the statement of what had 
passed between us and the duke of Alba, had been received by you. 
Your Serenity writes that you are much surprised tliat, notwith- 
standing your always having shown yourself so good a brother to 
us, I should have allowed myself to be persuaded by my ministers 
to take a course so much opposed to our reciprocal friendship. 
You say you are even more astonished that, against the custom of 
friendly princes which we have al\va\ s scrupulously observed, wo 
should have refused to receive the person sent to us by the duke 
of Alba, under the pretext that we would only treat with one who 
brought a letter from your Serenity, and that, moreover, we had 
excluded from our presence the ordinary ambassador from your 
Serenity. To this letter I wish to reply that there is nothing in 
the world we have desired more than to preserve our friendship in 
every way, both personally with you and with your subjects. This 
having been always my firm desire and intention, such was the 
inconsiderate inhumanity, or rather temerity, of your ambassador 
here and the cruel vexation that the duke of Alba, without any 
just cause, inflicted on our subjects in the Netherlands, and so great 
the injuries done to them in the other dominions of your Serenity, 
that we feel sure, knowing your natural goodness and justice, it' 
you had well understood the whole business, as you might have 
done by our statement of January last, and by the account of the 
discussion between our councillors and the duke of Alba, that you 
would not only have absolved us from doing anything against our 
friendship, but would have praised our constancy in maintaining 
it, after having been provoked by so many injuries, although we 
refrained from exercising any cruelty towards your subjects. We 
should certainly have been much pleased if you had sent a man 
more fitting for the maintenance of peace and amity than the 
ambassador who has succeeded Diego Guzman de Silva, who w;is 
always a good minister desirous of preserving harmony between us, 
which was proved by the calm and quiet which reigned whilst he 
was here. When the illustrious Marquis de Cetona arrived, sent 
by the duke of Alba in virtue of powers conceded by yoia- 
Screnity, we were in hope that you would have recognised our 
causes of complaint and that the M;>rquis would have brought full 
and ample powers to settle all questions and put an end to our 
differences, which would have been the means of restoring our old 
friendship and the reciprocal commerce carried on ly our subjects, 



With this hope, strengthened by the good accounts we had received 
of the Marquis' prudence and high standing, we admitted him wil- 
lingly to our presence, but the result was a disappointment to us, 
as we believe it was to him. We instructed certain of our principal 
councillors to verify his powers and discuss the business, and they 
found that the only power he brought from your Serenity was to 
demand a certain sum of money and certain merchandise which 
were being detained in our realm ; the reason of the detention 
being, first to protect the property from being plundered by certain 
foreigners, and secondly for other good and sufficient reasons. Our 
councillors represented this fact to the Marquis and pointed out to 
him how limited his powers were, asking him whether he under- 
stood that they went beyond the demand for such monies and 
merchandise, seeing that I had made so many grave complaints 
and claims, and demanded redress on behalf of my subject*, where- 
upon he replied frequently (in accord with the two persons who 
were associated with him by the duke of Alba) that he had no 
other power and did not understand that his mission extended 
beyond treating of the detention of the money and goods. Seeing, 
therefore, that the hope we had entertained from his coming was 
frustrated, arid being grieved that more care and foresight had not 
been employed in drawing up the power sent to the duke of Alba 
and transferred by him to the Marquis, contrary to custom, we 
have been forced to defer the agreement upon the p Ant, as there 
are many cumplaints outstanding on the part of ourselves and our 
subjects which could not be resolved, owing to the insufficiency of 
the Marquis' powers. We requested the Marquis to advise the 
duke of Alba of this as soon as possible in the hope that he would 
endeavour to obtain fresh powers in more ample form. We gave 
this reply in the middle of last November, less than a week after 
we first saw the Marquis, and it appears that he sent a messenger 
to the duke of Alba, as, in the middle of December, he told us that 
the Duke had replied that, at the present time, a more ample power 
could not be sent ; whereupon the Marquis requested leave to 
return home, which we gave him. When he was leaving, he spoke 
to us privately as to whether we would give licence for all shipn 
belonging to your Serenity to enter and leave our ports without 
hindrance. We would very willingly give this licence if we could 
be convinced by your Serenity's posvers that the same course 
would be pursued towards us in your dominions. But, as we 
learnt that the Marquis had no power to assure us on this point we 
told him to despatch a courier to your Serenity (which courier could 
be back again here in about thirty days, by way of France) in order 
that he might bring him full powers from you, not only to settle 
the arrangement about the ships, but all other questions and 
grievances between us. We think well also to say in writing what 
we have said to him verbally, namely, that he appears to be a person 
of so much talent, nobleness, and prudence, to judge by the manner 
in which he commenced the discussion of the affair, that we have 
every hope that, if sufficient powers are granted him, he will soon 
settle the differences now existing between us and our subjects on 
both sides ; which I greatly desire, as I see how advantageous it 




will be to us and to our subjects' welfare. Although you have 
been told differently, we can assure you that none of our ministers 
have endeavoured to dissuade us from this course, but that they, 
on the contrary, are as anxious to do right as any minister of your 
own can be, however intimate he may be with you personally. But 
we are extending this letter to an unusual length and beg you to 
excuse us for this, as we, having no ambassador near you, are 
desirous of declaring the matter clearly to you which can only be 
done in detail. Windsor Castle, 20th December 1569. 

20 Dec. 169. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING. 

The day before yesterday the Marquis Chapin Viteli had his last 
audience without any successful result, either as regards the former 
proposals or as to the security of the ships, which he dealt with on 
present occasion. All points were left open until your Majesty 
should send another fuller power, or the Queen should write to 
your Majesty as she had promised to do in previous audiences. 
She said that, when the full power came from your Majesty, the 
first point she would deal with would be regarding this security of 
the ships, and it appears that Cecil indicated, as the Marquis 
understood, that the Queen would send to the Marquis the letter for 
your Majesty, in answer to the one brought by him from you. The 
Marquis comes to-day to my house, arid will leave at once, as it is 
important that he should inform the Duke of the hopes of these 
people, of the malignity of the councillors, of the particulars of the 
present movements, and of what may be looked forward to for the 
future. The Queen said that before I could negotiate with her she 
would await a letter from your Majesty to that effect, as she had 
said before. London, 20th December 1569. 

24 Dec. 170. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING. 

Since writing on the 20th instant, through the duke of Alba, I have 
received to-day letters from him of the 13th, setting forth certain 
reasons to induce the Queen to restore what has been taken, and to 
prove to her how unreasonable it is to request a general treaty ; 
but as she has given already a definite reply upon this point, the 
Marquis and I await the Duke's reply to our last letters. 

The rising in the north is growing, and Lord Hunsdon, who went 
to York, has returned, as the whole country is up as far south as 
Doncaster. This Queen has sent the Admiral to Lincoln, and Ralph 
Sadler of the Council goes with him to offer pardon to the people 
who have risen. 

The Queen is making ready some infantry, and is equipping 
three ships, as well as having given orders for the fitting out of 
seven more. It is feared that Wales will also rise, but the roads 
are so strictly guarded that trustworthy news of what is happening 
is difficult to get. 

The gentleman that the queen of Scotland is sending to the 
duke of Alba has left in the disguise of a servant to an 

Killigrew, who was prepared to leave for Germany, and had already 
many letters of credit, has been ordered to stay. I send this by 



way of France so that your Majesty may receive news by various 
roads. London, 24th December 1569. 

26 Dec. 171. The KINO to GUERAU DE SPES. 

On the 21st ultimo, your letters of 27th and 30th September, 
Sth, 14th, and 24th October, and 1 1th instant were received together. 
By them I see, and also by Chapin Viteli's letter to the Duke, what 
had passed with the Queen and her ministers, and as it is clear 
that their object has only been to gain time by vain generalities, 
and to avoid coining to the point, I have no more at present to 
say on the subject, excepting that I a:n sure that you will have 
done what you could towards the settlement of these questions. 
You will in all things, and at all time*, follow the instructions of 
the duke of Alba, as you have been told before. 

I am much annoyed at the imprisonment of the duke of Norfolk, 
the earls of Aruiidel and Pembroke, and Lord Lumley, because as 
there are several of them and they will certainly be closely pressed, 
they will be sure to reveal the object which they had in view as to 
the marriage of the Queen of Scotland, and the whole business will 
fail, and even probably, their own safety be endangered. As to the 
offer made to you by the other earls, their friends, to set them at 
liberty, and release the queen of Scotland, restoring what has been 
stolen and re-establishing the Catholic reliion in the country ; 
however goxl their intention may be, we doubt their daring to 
undertake the enterprise, or that they can succeed in it if they do. 
It was, therefore, well for you not to open out with them or make 
them any promises, but to refer them to the Duke, who will have 
thoroughly examined the matter and sent a fit reply. You will 
proceed in future in the same way, as this is a matter that requires 
great consideration and foresight, particularly as you have to deal 
with Englishmen, who are naturally suspicious, and especially at 
sucli a time as this. 

Antonio Fogaza has arrived in Portugal, and has commenced 
negotiations with Don Fernando Carrilo, my ambassador, on the 
matter entrusted to him by the Catholics of the north, but he has 
not yet openly declared himself yet as to their objects. If these turn 
out to be well founded and with any hopes of success, I will not 
fail to help them as much as I can, and in due time information 
will be given to you as to my decision. 

I have decided to go to Cordoba, to hold a Cortes of Castile, and 
also to push on matters in the kingdom of Granada, so as to end, 
as promptly as possible, the rising of the Moriscos. I have never 
yet been in that province, which is another reason for my go'ng. 

You will watch closely the doings of John Killigrew, as it in 
important to know the result of his journeys to Germany. You 
will advise me and the Duke of the same with your wonted care 
and diligence. 

News has arrived in Seville of Hawkins having passed Cape St. 
Vincent with twenty-two vessels, although there is no certainty 
about it. It will be well lor you to discover what truth there is in 
this, and in all similar cases to advise me so that redress may be 
provided. Madrid, 26th December 1569. 



1 570. 
9 Jan. 

172. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING. 

On the 4th instant I received your Majesty's letter of the 18th 
November, written in answer to mine up to the 21st of September. 
Shortly afterwards your Majesty will have received many of my 
letters reporting the imprisonment of the duke of Norfolk, and the 
unfavourable issue of affairs, resulting in much injury to many 
persons. His great friends, the Catholic earls of Northumberland 
and Westmoreland, had been conspicuous in encouraging him not 
to return to Court, but to take up arms, and, as the Queen already 
bore them no great good will, they were summoned on many occasions 
to appear before her. They excused themselves and delayed in 
various ways, and, in the meanwhile, raised the Catholics with the 
help of their friends, intending to restore the Catholic religion and 
reform the Government. The Queen lost no time in ordering their 
arrest, and Westmoreland, being surrounded in a castle by the 
royal officers, Northumberland went with a larger force to relieve 
him. Thereupon all the people of the northern province began to 
rise, and they published their intention by the proclajnation which 
I sent your Majesty, thinking by this means to raise the other 
Catholics, many of whom had already pledged their words. No 
movement, however, was made to aid them, and less still when 
their second proclamation was published announcing their intention 
to free the duke of Norfolk and the other imprisoned lords. The 
Queen mustered her army promptly, and, on their approach, 
although Westmoreland wished to fight, the other earl and many 
gentlemen, seeing their troops were few and badly armed, and that 
they were without artillery, decided to take refuge in Scotland. 
Northumberland went to the house of Lord Hume, and the other to 
that of the earl of Argyle. It is thought that, as these noblemen 
are powerful and friendly to the earls, they will not deliver them up 
to the Queen, who is pressing the Regent with great urgency to 
capture them, and hand them over, offering him, it is said, in return, 
his sister the Queen. The Regent, by order of this Queen, came to 
the border of Scotland with three thousand men and six hundred 
horse, to forward matters, but as he is a Scotsman, they are not 
without fear of him, and have reinforced the castle of Berwick and 
other border fortresses. The Catholics are somewhat ashamed that 
their enterprises should have turned out so vain. The earl of 
Warwick is ordered to return, and Sussex remains there in. 

If the duke of Norfolk had been kept informed, or these earls 
could have stood firmly, it would have gone badly with the Queen, 
as the people of Norfolk and Suffolk were preparing to rise and 
come in force to London to liberate the Duke, having made an 
uncle of his their captain, though against his will. But the con- 
spiracy was revealed by two of them, and many there are now being 
arresttd. If they had been able to join with the northern people 
they might have' succeeded. All these enterprises are lost by bad 
guidance, and although they are undertaken with impetu, they 
are not carried through with constancy. 

Irish affairs have been going badly for the Queen this summer. 

7 7646?. 



The brothers of the earl of Ormond, a son of John O'Neil, and 
many others, had disturbed the greater part of the island and 
taken many places which were under the Queen's rule. The pre- 
tended cause of the rising was the bad government of the country, 
in which they include the question of religion. On the arrival of 
the earl of Orinond there, who had been sent by this Queen, his 
brothers decided to submit to the Viceroy on certain conditions, 
and one of them remained a prisoner, with the expectation of a 
prompt release. As soon as he obtained more freedom the other 
Catholic brother went forth again with his followers and is now 
raiding his friends in revolt. Thomas Stukeley, of whom I have 
written to your Majesty, had sent word to me that he wis'ied to 
serve your Majesty, and would he a party to delivering the island 
to you, but he was arrested with many others by the Viceroy on 
suspicion, and was subsequently liberated. He served in the 
German wars under the Emperor, and, I believe, under your Majesty 
afterwards. He is a Catholic of high position in the island, and 
sent a Venetian merchant resident there to me in order to arrange, 
through a nephew of his, to whom he gave a cipher, to learn 
whether your Majesty would accept his services in such an enter- 
prise. This is also pressed upon me by le.tteis from the archbishop 
of Armagh in prison, who knows nothing of Stukeley. He con- 
siders it a very easy thing, but as the duke of Alba prudently gave 
me orders to leave all such negotiations for the present, 1 have 
not proceeded further in it, and as the arrival of the earl of 
Ormnnd caused a suspension of the disturbances, there has been 
nothing fresh to report upon the subject. The said Earl is expected 
here, it is said, to complain of the Viceroy. The Catholics are very 
numerous there, and heresy is weak except in Dublin and tlie 
fortified places. 

They have returned the queen of Scotland to Tutbury under the 
guard of the earl of Shrewsbury, and some Englishmen say that 
the duke of Anjou wanted to marry her, which your Majesty 
knows better than anyone might be inconvenient. 

The French ambassador has promised to favour the earls of the 
north, and tells me that the King will shortly send a special am- 
bassador to di inand the release of the queen of Scotland, and who 
will then proceed to Scotland to try to arrange favourable terms 
for her with the Regent. 

A French ship recently arrived at Colchester, and her crew have 
been arrested on the charge that they were sounding the port and 
reconnoitring the coast by order of the king of France and the 
duke of Alba. It was said by a sailor in joke, but the greater part 
of the crew have been brought to London for it. 

The queen of Scotland has written me a letter asking me to try 
to carry into effect your Majesty's instructions to me of the 12t!i 
of January last year, and deliver to the queen of England the letter 
which your Majesty wrote regarding her release. I replied that 1 
would willingly do it when I could. 

John Killigrew has been twice to Germany since I have been 
here. His principal negotiations are with the elector Count 
palatine, although he h;;s seen all </f the other electors. Ue is 



accompanied by Dr. Christopher Mundt, an Englishman resident in 
Germany, of whom I wrote to your Majesty on the 24th August. 
He is a medical man, and lives in Strasburg. Out of the money 
obtained for the goods in Hamburg, the portion which the Queen 
desired for the purpose of aiding the Duke de Deuxponts to enter 
France was paid there. It is understood that Killigrew's last 
return was in consequence of an offer made by the Duke Hans 
Casimir that, if this Queen would give him a large sum of 
money paid in cash down, he would enter France, which offer 
they decided here to accept ; but when Killigrew was ready to 
go, he was ordered to remain, in consequence of the rising of the 

A Secretary of the Council informs me that they have engaged in 
Germany 6,000 foot and 10,000 (?) horse in case they should I c 
required here. The Secretary says that this league of Princes is, up 
to the present, only defensive, and there is no talk in the Council 
of openly offending the Netherlands States, but only to harass them 
with the pirates. It was certainly very extraordinary for the 
Queen, after she had promised so decidedly not to allow M. De 
Dupin to leave, to subsequently give him liberty to do so with 
full warlike equipment for land and sea, with the apparent in- 
tention of fortifying himself in the isle of Texel, or in the gulf of 
Embden, as he attempted to do. The said Secretary also assures 
me that there is no agreement with their friends in Germany to 
invade your Majesty's dominions. 

They have given the post of Controller to James Crofts, a very 
honourable Welsh gentlemen, who received a pension from your 
Majesty, and is believed to be a Catholic. He will be a member of 
the Council in virtue of his office. He sends to say that in what- 
ever thing he can honestly serve your Majesty he will do so. 
They have chosen him for the office because he understands more 
than the others of warlike affairs, and because the earl of Pembroke 
urged it greatly, not much to Cecil's satisfaction. 

The bishop of Ross has just sent me copy of a letter from the 
queen (of Scotland) advising him that the earl of Westmoreland had 
arrived at her castle of Dumbarton, in Scotland, where he will 
be safe, and that the earl of Northumberland is a prisoner of the 
Regent on parole, but will not be given up to this Queen. 

She also says that the earl of Huntingdon has informed her 
that, if she will marry the earl of Leicester, arrangements shall 
be made for her release, to which she has replied that she will 
not have anything to say about her marriage with anyone until 
she is free. 

She affirms that Huntingdon assures her that this Queen has 
offers from many people in the Netherlands to the effect that, if she 
will send 10,000 men, they will all rise and murder the Spaniards. 
It may be brag and yet lie true. 

The Corsairs have left this coast, taking with them the Venetian 
ship. They have also captured three Easterling sloops on their 
voyage from Flanders to Spain. 

The negotiations being carried on by Thomas Fiesco and the 
parties interested, as regards the rescue of the merchandize here 

1- 2 



tliat remains, which is a very small portion, have not yet resulted 
in any decision, and the same may be said with regard to the 
money and tlie attempt to settle some form of carrying on trade ; 
but as it is a matter of great profit to the English, I think they 
will come to some agreement, at all events partially. London, 
9th January 1570. 

14 Jan. 173. GUERAC DE SPES to the KING. 

Since my long letter of the 9th, news has arrived that the pirates 
have captured another Venetian ship called the " Vergi," ol a 
thousand tons burden, which left here with a cargo of kerseys 
worth a hundred thousand crowns, as well as much lead, tin, or 
pewter, and I have taken this opportunity of reporting it to your 
Majesty by a ship leaving for St. Jean de Luz. It is feared that 
tliey will capture the other two Venetian vessels, which are valuable 
and ready to s;iil, although they are trying to get an escort of two 
of the Queen's ships for them. 

Nothing more is known of the Earls and gentlemen who escaped 
to Scotland. Leicester has received 15 days leave to go to his 
estates, and it is suspected that he wishes to make some arrange- 
ment with the q;ieen of Scotland, who is there. I believe I shall 
know what is done and will immediately report to your Majesty. 

A secretary of the Count Palatine has arrived here, and lias had 
secret audience of the Queen, it is believed for the purpose of 
seeking aid for the Duke Hans Casimir to enter France, but they 
have not yet decided to give it him. Count Charles Mansfeldt, 
brother of Volrad is here, and presumes to say that as soon as the 
western sea is navigable he will go home that way, and will, with 
the prince of Orange, again enter France to aid Admiral Chatillon. 
It seems, however, that they are not vapouiing against the States 
of Flanders, but only ngainst the Christian King. 

According to the duke of Alba's orders I am dissembling aliout 
the rescue of the merchandise, and Cecil and Leicester are both 
favourably inclined by reason of the presents they hope to get for 
it, although the English merchants somewhat hinder the matter by 
their complaints that the cloths siezed in Antwerp have been sold 
and delivered by order of the duke of Alba. London, 14th January 

18 Jan. 174. GuERAU DE SPES to the KlNG. 

I wrote at length in previous letters, and am now hourly awaiting 
the return of the courier sent on the 9th, bringing me the duke ot' 
Alba'* instructions. Diego Pardo, one of the merchants here who 
are dealing for the ransom of the merchandise, leaves with this 
letter to consult with the Duke on certain difficulties that have 
arisen in the exchange or ransom, in consequence of their having 
heard here that the cloths belonging to the English have been sold 
or consigned to certain merchants in Antwerp. Pardo will return 
when he learns what truth there is in this, and obtains the Duke's 

As the Queen is about to leave for Hampton Court, and Leicester 




lias not returned from his journey, there is Jittle to add in thia 

The Queen has sent urging the Regent to make great efforts 
to capture the earl of Westmoreland and the other gentlemen who 
escaped with him, offering very good rewards for thorn. It is 
understood that all the Scotch nobles are determined that North- 
umberland shall not be delivered, and that the rest of the fugitives 
shall not be pursued. 

Henry, the brother of the earl of Northumberland, who, with 
the son of Secretary Cecil, married two sisters, daughters of Lord 
Latimer, has been strongly opposed to his brother in this business. 
He has come to Court and has been very well received. He begs 
the favour of being allowed to take charge of the two sons of his 
brother, which has been granted, and it is believed that he will be 
well rewarded. 

The bishop of Ross informs me that most of the principal 
Catholics in this country have sent him word not to desist from 
his first intention, for that as soon as they learn that they will 
have the help of foreign princes, and a good arrangement is made 
for help to reach them, they will all rise in a day and persevere 
until this country is again Catholic, and the succession is assured 
to the queen of Scotland. 

The Bishop also tells me that the Catholics here wish that his 
Holiness would publish a Bull in some place whence its purport 
would reach here, absolving them from the oath of all-glance they 
have taken to this Queen, as she is not a Catholic and calls herself 
head of this Church. This, they think, would be desirable, and 
would add prestige to their claims. 

It would have the same effect in Ireland, where, I am informed 
by the archbishop of Armagh, the English entered by virtue of a 
grant given by a Pope to Henry II. of England, and that the 
conditions of this grant instead of being fulfilled are entirely 

The queen of England, although she will not declare a successor, 
is bringing up with much more state than formerly the two 
children of Hertford and Catharine. Cecil even proposed lately to 
call the eldest the duke of Somerset, which has not yet been 
decided upon. 

The earl of Huntingdon is greatly damaged by having no 
children, and but little following, whilst Lady Margaret, who 
deserves every good thing, has less still. Lord Strange is another 
claimant for the succession. He is the heir to the earl of Derby, and 
his claim is founded on that of his wife, from whom he is separated, 
although he has children. He is therefore a Protestant against the 
wish of his father and brothers, and is a man of small personal 

The nephews of Cardinal Pole are thought very little of, and the 
rest of the people turn their eyes to the queen of Scotland, 
although the heretics fear from her a change of religion, which 
makes many of them her opponents, or at least very lukewarm 

A captain has arrived from Ireland, bringing news that the 



Viceroy bad subjugated all that part of the island towards the 
south, and had sentenced to death three or four gentlemen, many 
more being kept prisoners, although they were persons of small 
account. He requests more troops and money to go against the 
west and south, which are both in revolt The brother of the 
earl of Ormond is still in prison, and the other brother is with 
the enemy. 

I advised your Majesty of the arrival here of a secretary of the 
Palatine in search of money. The Queen would only give him 
30,000 crowns, which he thinks very little, although many of the 
Council advocate his having more, and even the Vidame de 
Chartres, who is here, produced recent letters from the Palatine, 
asking him to solicit a large sum of money, as he could not hope to 
enter France with a small amount. 

A servant of the duchess of Vend6me arrived here two days ago, 
it is thought on the same errand. 

It is true that the capture of the two Venetian ships may be of 
gre-it advantage to the Protestants, the vessels having already 
arrived in Rochelle. The Venetian consul here has a letter from 
this Queen to the duchess of Vendome, pressing her very urgently 
to get these ships returned, but I expect it is all double dealing. 
Great fear is entertained for the other three ships. The pirates 
carried into Rochelle with the two Venetians four Easterling sloops. 

The Council have not yet given any reply to Thomas Fiesco 
about the re-opening of trade, nor is there much hope that they 
will give a favourable one. 

Two ships have arrived from Cape Arguim in the kingdom of 
Fez, loaded with sugar, and the King of the country writes to the 
Queen that he had arranged the dispute that he had with some 
English merchants, and had assured them of safety for their 
dealings. English ships will, therefore, shortly sail thither. They 
usually cany large quantities of arms in exchange for merchandise. 
London, 18th January 1570. 

22 Jan. 175. The KING to GUERAU DE SPES. 

Your various letters have been received by which, and by Chapin 
Viteli's letter to the Duke, I have been informed of the progress of 
events and negotiations up to the Cth of December last. As I am 
sending my will and determination on all points to the Duke, it will 
not be necessary for me to give you any particulars here, excepting 
to enjoin you to scrupulously follow the Duke's instructions. It 
will hardly be necessary to urge upon you to give us the most 
detailed account of what happens as often as possible, as you already 
do so to our satisfaction. 

A letter from the bishop of Ross accompanies yours of 4th 
November. I was glad to learn that the queen of Scotland was 
firm and in good heart. The answer to the letter is not sent as it 
could not go in cipher, but you may tell him, if he be still there, to 
assure the Queen that I desire, and will try, to secure her release 
and happiness as much as if she were my own sister, as she will 
already have been assured from the duke of A'ba and yourself, 
Talavera, 2'2nd January 1570. 


23 Jan. 176. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING. 

M. de Monluc sent by the King of France, as .the ambassador had 
already told me, arrived here to-day. He comes to be^ the Queen 
not to favour the French rebels as he did not help the English ones ; 
and also to request the release of the queen of Scotland. I am to 
see the two ambassadors to-morrow, and I will report to your 
Majesty what I hear. With the same object the bishop of Ross 
lias seen me with a letter of credence from his mistress to ask me 
to write to your Majesty begging you to send a gentleman to this 
Queen to intercede for the queen of Scotland, isince I had no 
authority to explain yet your Majesty's wishes nor to give a letter 
on the subject. He also requested troops from your Majesty to 
deprive the Regent of the Government, in which the king of France 
would help. In answer to both of these requests I told him that there 
would be difficulties in the way, seeing the present state of affairs, 
but that I would write. It certainly appears a most desirable thing 
to depose the Regent, but it would be better that it should be done 
by native enemies, and the Bishop thinks there are good means of 
effecting it. Your Majesty will order what is best for your 

The Council is determined not to let the queen of Scotland go for 
any exchange, and I do not believe they will do so at the intercession 
of anybody. They offer money to the Regent for the c:ui of 
Northumberland, and the former, finding the nobles of the province 
opposed to the delivery of him, is taking measures to capture him 
by force, by means of some armed ships which will approach the 
castle. Westmoreland and the others are free. 

Cardinal Chatillon went to Hampton Court two dny.sago. He is 
very pressing that the Queen should give a sum of money to Hans 
Casirnir and the prince of Orange to enter France, but she, on the 
plea that she is short of money, does not yet offer more than fifty 
thousand crowns. 

It is said here that Orange went to Heidelburg to forward this 
project, and thence went post to negotiate on the subject with duke 
August. On the other hand, there are hopes that an agreement may 
be come to in France, of which their ambassador is very 

They have commenced the sale in Rochelle of the Venetian 
property, so I suppose the letter from this Queen to the duchess of 
Vendome asking for the return of the ships, arrived there too late. 
The third ship escaped the Corsairs, thanks to its cannon. London, 
23rd January 1570. 

30 Jan. 177. GUERA.U DE SPES to the KING. 

On the 23rd instant, Hamilton, a kinsman of the duke of Chatel- 
hcrault, who is a prisoner in Scotland, knowing that the Regent was 
leaving Edinburgh with one hundred and fifty lv and that he 
had to go through a narrow pass, stationed himself in a house 
convenient for the purpose and fired upon him with a harquebuss, 
loaded with several balls, and wounded him in the stomach. It 
at first thought that the wound might not be mortal, but 



according to the news this Queen has received, the Regent has since 
died. Hamilton escaped by a back door of the house, where he had 
horses in waiting. This Queen was much grieved, and yesterday 
broke forth in great exclamations, saying that this would be the 
beginning of her ruin. She has sent a gentleman thither to 
endeavour to get the Protestants and other enemies of the queen of 
SL'O land to select persons of their own faction as governors, and 
offers to provide a sum .of money, if it be necessary, for them to 
defend themselves. Westmoreland, Markinfield and other English- 
men to the number of GOO horse are free in Scotland, only North- 
umberland having been taken, in consequence of his having returned 
to fetch his wife who had entered Scotland after him. He is now 
in the cjistle of Lochleven, as I have already written. 

As this news is of the greatest importance, and may turn out for the 
good of Christendom, knowing that I should not be able to obtain 
a passport as soon as I wished, I send this despatch by a boat to the 
duke of Alba, that he may give me instructions. 

They have sentenced a hundred and fifty persons to death in the 
north, but none of them persons of any account ; they are pursuing 
Leonard Dacre who is a powerful person there, although he did not 
take up arms against the Queen. He is guarded by a troop of 
horse, and it is believed will pass over the border. There are 
means by which the queen of Scotland may be released, and her 
wish lias always been to take refuge in your Majesty's dominions. 
If Scotland is not pacified with this last event, I expect she will 
persevere in that intention which it appears might be fertile of 
good results for your Majesty's interests. 

This Queen has offered Hans Casimir and the prince of Orange 
fifty thousand crowns for troops with which to enter France, and 
the Council is trying to devise means to get her to give more without 
prejudicing herself. Cardinal Chutillon himself has been round the 
French Protestant churches lately to ask for aid, and has received 
promises of so much from each. I also understand that certain 
Flemings allege that large sums for the purpose will be secretly 
sent from Flanders. The Cardinal took with him when he went on 
his errand, a letter, which he said was from the prince of Orange 
himself, assuring the return of what they now gave, as well as their 
former contributions as soon as he had received two payments in 
the Netherlands. I am trying to discover who are those in Flanders 
that will give such help as they say. 

The Cardinal is well guarded here, the Corsairs being sixteen sail 
strong and well equipped, divided into two equal squadrons, one 
on one side and one on the other. Orders have been given here 
that no goods, excepting those which were usually shipped thither 
before these detentions should be despatched now through any of the 
custom houses. 

They have also ordered by letter to the Flemish and other foreign 
churches that no bills of exchange shr.ll be given for your Majesty's 
dominions. The merchants are told to have the cargo ready for 
Hamburg during next month, so that they are in full preparation, 
and seeing the lack of zeal to prevent them, they will doubtless sail 
this year as they say. 



The going of Leicester to his country was with the object of 
fortifying a place of his called Kenilworth, for which purpose he has 
taken with him a certain J ulio Spinelli an Italian who was recently 
in the castle of Antwerp. Leicester told him that he greatly feared 
civil wars in this countrj r . 

A week ago there entered into this river six Breton ships loaded 
with oil, coming from Andalucia. They arrived very opportunely, 
and, by interesting the commissioners, they have obtained license to 
sell. I am told that similar cargoes have arrived at Bristol. 
London, 30th January 1570. 

9 Feb. 178. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING. 

I send your Majesty enclosed a copy of the Queen's answer to 
M. de Monluc and the French ambassador. The former returns 
with the answer. 

Cardinal Chatillon continues his great efforts to obtain the sub- 
scriptions for the expense of the Germans who are to be raised, 
and the Flemish rebels living here promise him that if the army is 
to be against their country they will at once give thirty thousand 
crowns, and eight thousand crowns a month for eight months. If 
it is against France they offer twenty thousand crowns, and the 
Frenchmen here a similar amount. All this is being discussed with 
great warmth and impudence, and I believe it has been settled. In 
the meanwhile the Queen has arrested the bishop of Ross, and he 
is well guarded in the bishop of London's house. 

They talk of a Parliament here with the object of legally con- 
fiscating the possessions of the northern people, and in order to 
get the usual grants voted, although the Queen is much afraid of 
havinf members sent from all parts of the country. In the mean- 
whilethe people are being hanged in the north daily, and the 
number will certainly exceed seven hundred. Four brothers, 
gentlemen named Norton, who are strong Catholics, are believed 
to be in danger. 

As they have captured the man that the bishop of Ross despatched, 
I have not been able to learn what has happened in Scotland 
since the death of the Regent, although I understand from the 
Court here that they have released Lord Herries and Lethington, 
but that the duke of Chatelherault is not yet free because of his 
relationship to Robert Hamilton who killed the Regent. 

This Queen would like the earl of Morton to be Governor, as 
he is a great heretic and an enemy of the queen of Scotland. 
Neither side trusts the other bastard brother of the dead man. 
I am without letters from Flanders for the last six weeks, although 
I send hourly reports of what happens here. London, 9th February 

13 Feb. 179. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING. 

I have given your Majesty in previous letters full information 
of events here, but as I have received no letters from Flanders for 
some time and the couriers have not returned, I have been 
uncertain as to whether my letters had been received there. I 



have, with your Majesty's permission, given license for some mer- 
chandise belonging to Dr. Nunez, a Portuguese resident here, to 
be conveyed to Biscay, so that this despatch with duplicates of 
former letters may be freely left in one of the ports there, and your 
Majesty may thus have news. 

The principal point is that the Regent of Scotland has been killed 
by a musket shot, fired by Robert Hamilton two days previously, 
the murderer escaping. 

This Queen has many envoys there trying to retain the go- 
vernment in the hands of the Protestants, and in those of the 
greatest enemies to the restoration of the Queen. I have given 
full information to the duke of Alba, knowing how important it is 
that the government should be in your Majesty's interests. The 
bishop of Ross has sent to exhort the friends of his mistress with 
this end, and although the bishop is now detained closely in the 
house of the bishop of London, which hinders affairs greatly, 
they may, perhaps, after this affair blows over, relax his guard 

I am informed to-day that the Queen has ordered the earl of 
Sussex to return to the north with three hundred horse and five 
hundred foot, with twelve captains, to raise the troops necessary to 
encourage the Scotch Protestants. 

These Englishmen think that the Duke Hans Casimir and the 
prince oi' Orange will be able to enter Flanders by aid of the 
money which M. de Dupin took from the ships stolen from your 
Majesty's Flemish subjects, from the proceeds of the goods sold 
from the Venetian ships at Rochelle, the fifty thousand crowns 
which the Queen contributes, and the sums subscribed by the 
Flemish rebels, the churches, the English and other aids from 
England and Geimany. The Cardinal is energetically at work 
about it. When the forces are ready, and they find there is little 
chance of doing harm in Flanders, they may fall upon France, 
especially if the Queen helps them with the money detained here, for 
which they are pressing much and perhaps will succeed in obtaining. 

They are putting off Thomas Fiesco with empty words about 
the safety of this money as they are doing with the merchants 
about their goods, so that those who were here with the Duke'a 
leave to deal in the matter have gone back to give an account to 
him. English goods in Flanders and Spain at present are of more 
vlue than what is left of the goods here, apart from the cash. 
The plague looks as if it were breaking out again here, but nothing 
will persuade them to restore what they have stolen. London, 
] 3th February 1570. 

25 Feb. 180. GUERAU DE SPES to the KINO. 

On the 21st instant I received your Majesty's letter of the 
26th December, to which this is a reply. The earl of Morton, the 
earl of Mar, the earl Marshal, and others are in Edinburgh con- 
triving to settle the Government to their liking. They are on 
the side of this Queen, and are working in accord with Mr. Randolph 
and other envoys who have gone from here to Scotland. The 



duke of Chatelherault and the earl of Northumberland are still 

The earl of Huntly and others are at Dumbarton opposite 
Ireland with many troops, ami the earl of Westmoreland and other 
English exiles are with them. These men wish the Government 
to be in the name of the queen of Scotland. It had been suggested 
that all should agree to the appointment of the earl of Lennox who 
is now here, father of the late King, for Governor, but the queen of 
England does not like him. 

The earl of Sussex, who has to go to the north with troops, has 
not left yet, as the Queen is always slow in giving money ; but he 
will go soon. In the meanwhile Leonard Dacre has occupied a 
castle almost on the border line inland, and although Lord 
Hunsdon from Berwick, and Lord Scrope from the other side came 
to besiege him, they found him so well placed that they returned. 
Sussex has orders to try to drive him out, and afterwards to enter 
Scotland to favour the friends of this Queen. 

Some troops are being raised for this purpose here, and I am 
advised by my friends in the Council that the Queen has news 
from her ambassador in France that a fleet is being equipped there 
to aid the Scots, as she also has been advised by the men she lias 
sent thither. They therefore wish to prepare here all their sea 
forces, particularly now they have learnt that the duke (of Alba) is 
equipping fifteen vessels in Holland. 

They sent a courier yesterday telling Count Charles Mansfeldt 
to make ready six thousand foot and five hundred horse, and 
decided with Cardinal Chatillon that the Queen would give a 
hundred thousand crowns within three months, and security in 
Germany to pay another hundred thousand in two years, on con- 
dition that Admiral Chatillon should not accept the treaty of peace 
and should persevere in his enterprise. The Cardinal is therefore 
sending to his brother about it, and is writing to him the list of 
contributions promised here. He exaggerates it a great deal, 
because he adds the money obtained from the sale of the stolen 

My friend on the Council tells me that if the Queen's fleet 
could take some places in Scotland they would do so, and that 
negotiations were being carried on with the Regent James before 
his death for him to give up the province, on payment to him of an 
income of fifty thousand crowns from England. Although his death 
stopped the matter Cecil is still much set upon it. 

They are greatly in want of money, and will not restore what 
they have detained except by force. They hold up their hands to 
heaven at the offers made by the Genoese through Thomas Fiesco, 
and with regard to the merchandise no good will be done. 

The Cardinal is very proud of the plan he proposed to the 
Council, by which, without cost to themselves but to their profit, 
they might become masters of the Channel. The privateers land 
unmolested every day, and have recently captured a Flemish sloop 
with a cargo of fruit from Portugal. 

The sentences against persons and property in the North are 
being carried out with great rigour, which will again force them 



into revolt. All the other Catholics are on the watch for help 
from abroad, but so much alarmed that they dare not trust one 

What would probably be a very successful enterprise is to 
capture the queen of Scotland, and take her to your Majesty's 
dominions, as she herself suggests. I am sending the man who 
wishes to undertake it to the duke of Alba shortly, in order that 
the Duke may, if he thinks well of it, take su -h measures as may 
be desirable. 

The depositions and interrogatories administered to the duke of 
Norfolk, the earls of Arundel and Pembroke and Lumley will, I 
nm informed by their agents, give but little proof of their intentions 
to the Council, as they wei'e extremely cautious in the answers 
they gave. Hitherto the bishop of Ross alone has inculpated one 
of those in the north, and on this ground, or rather because of his 
cleverness and diligence, they keep him prisoner. 

Five days ago a servant of the prince of Orange arrived, and is 
lodged in Cecil's house. I should not have known who he was but 
for my friend, who tells me that he is pressing urgently for large 
help to be given to his master against Flanders. The forces here 
are not sufficient for this purpose, particularly with these Scotch 
troubles, and they are therefore keeping him while they discuss 
ways and means, announcing that he is a servant of the Count 

John Hawkins is here, and came to see me the other day, to seek 
my intercession for the liberation of his hostages and the rest of his 
company left in Florida. . 

No fleet has left this country for the Indies, except three medium 
sized ships which sailed for the Guinea coast, where they always 
go on their way to the Indies. Two others have gone to Capa 
Arguim so that the 22 sail which were sighted at Cape St. Vincent 
were not from here. I will always advise your Majesty as fully as 
I can on this point. 

Antonio Fogaza has returned from Portugal with the three ships 
he took with him, bringing spices and other goods. Although he 
concealed from the ambassador Don Fernando Carillo the object of 
his voyage, I knew it well, and for that reason, refused to give him 
letters in favour of the treaty of commerce between England and 
Portugal. He brings with him certain clauses, and the members 
of the Council await him with impatience. They have gent him 
instructions that he is not to speak to me whilst his illness confines 
him to his bed, and prevents him from seeing them. I will report 
all I can learn. He had but little acquaintance with those in the 
north and only knew some private Catholics. 

The brother of the earl of Ormond has been set free in Ireland, 
and, with the other two, is now routing and robbing on the roads 
without being able to get a body of troops together. The Queen 
has imposed a heavy fine or tribute on the place, but this may turn 
out to be an advantage as the road to greater things. The island 
lacks husbandmen, and is short of food. London, 25th February 


27 Feb. 181. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING, 

By an English ship bound for St. Jean de Luz, I write this letter 
to your Majesty, consigned to Juan Martinez de Recalde. Leonard 
Dacre has fought with Lord Hunsdon ; the killed on both sides 
being 400 men, most of them, say this Queen's friends, being tlieir 
opponents. After the encounter, Dacre passed over the border 
to Scotland with 300 horse, and there are now there 2,000 English 
horsemen and many footmen against the queen of England. Orders 
to equip have been given here and sailors are being got together, 
but I am informed from Rochester that nothing fresh is being 
done with the ships. They are, however, making ready at their 
own homes large numbers, both of cava'ry and infantry. 

They cannot persuade the Queen to call Parliament together, as 
she fears they will compel her to appoint her successor. They are 
seeking money. 

I reported in pi-evious letters the arrival here of seven French 
ships loaded in Cadiz and its neighbourhood with oil and soap 
which were very welcome. As I understand that the English have 
arranged with the masters to make another similar voyage, I send 
the names of ships and masters in order that your Majesty may 
take such measures as you think desirable. 

The " Phoenix," of Havre de Grace, Master Andreu Hencliare. 

The " Ventura," of Havre de Grace, Master Jaques Lucas. 

The " Charite," of Havre de Grace, Master Jean Lie. 

The " Esperance," of Quilvit, Master Roger Pautoe. 

The " Robert," of Havre de Grace, Master Pierre Godin. 

The " Geneta," of Havre de Grace, Master Nulet Martelet. 

Orders have been given to the merchants who are to ship goods 
for Hamburg to have all their cargo loaded before Easter. The 
corsairs have captured and plundered a great Dantzig ship of 
1,300 or 1,400 tons on her voynge from here to Portugal. London, 
27th February 1570. 

11 March. 182. GUERAU DE SPES to the KIXG. 

By my previous letters I have given information of events here, 
and the present is being taken by Pedro Spinelli, with the letters 
from the queen of Scotland and the bishop of Ross, respecting tl.e 
means which have been devised here for her release, so that the 
Duke may, at his discretion, choose that which will be best for 
your Majesty's service. The Queen wants the earl of Sussex to 
enter Scotland with the troops which are now being raised, but he 
finds good excuses for not doing so, and the gathering of Ins forces 
and the equipment of the fleet go on but slowly. I think they are 
probably waiting to see whether the French go to Scotland, as 
report says they will. The ships which Vandenberg saved from 
the wreck are seven, five large and two small, and they are now in 
the Dawns and at Sandwich in very bad case. The other ships 
belonging to Sores have plundered a very valuable Dutch sloop>. 
loaded with woad, and a small fruit ship. A few days before, they 
took a sloop with a cargo belonging to Germans. They would not 
let the crew go ashore, and it is believed they were thrown over- 



board in the hope that the robbery would thus not be heard of. 
An English ship has come from Cadiz which was ransomed by 
Frenchmen for her owners. She is loaded with fruit, and left there 
on the 5th ultimo. The contributions for the prince of Orange are 
now being collected here, although most of the exiles either absent 
themselves or appeal to the Court, saying that there is no news yet 
that the Prince is raising troops, and that their subscriptions will 
be useless. But, at all events, Cardinal Chatillon will get as much 
as he can out of them. 

I send enclosed two little books which are being scattered here, 
one being against the Catholic faith, and the other against the queen 
of Scotland, which I understand has been answered in another 
book by the French. I believe it all comes from Cecil. Lord 
Lumley sends to say that if the English in Scotland can re-form 
the army they had and push on, friends will not be lacking here. 
London, llth March 1570. 

20 March. 183. GUERAU UE SPES to the KING. 

In my previous letters I have informed your Majesty of what 
had happened here since the death of the regent of Scotland, and 
this Queen is now persevering in her attempts to keep the govern- 
ment of that country in her hands. Besides the money she has 
provided, she is mustering 4,000 foot and 1,200 horse, which 
are to be in York on the 1st proximo. The earl of Sussex left 
Court for that place on the 10th by post, on the understanding 
that they will send him a thousand foot within a week. They 
gave him 20,0001., and promised him as much more for the entry 
into Scotland, for which purpose he will require to raise there 
5,000 more infantry, s 3 that, altogether, he will have 10,000 foot 
and 3,000 horse. 

The earl of Westmoreland and others recently crossed the border 
and came 30 miles into England, burning nearly 40 villages, 
and after stealing great quantities of cattle, returned to Scotland. 

The government of Scotland is still in the same discord ; the 
party opposed to the Queen having selected eight persons with the 
title of councillors, in order to govern through them the part of the 
country obedient to them, and thus to keep them more securely in 
hand. This Queen promises to divide 1,500?. a year amongst them. 
She has also made a present to the Earl,* who has possession of 
the prince of Scotland, as it was thought that he was likely to go 
over to the other side, that party being powerful round Dumbarton 
and the western provinces. 

My acquaintance, the secretary, has been to the Tower to witness 
the taking out of the money which had to be given to the Earl of 
Sussex. He assures me that the whole of the treasure which still 
remains in the Queen's hands does not exceed 1G,OOOZ. He s;iy.i 
that they have already taken more than a third of the money they 
have seized, and their only resource now will be to borrow. 

In consequence of this shortness of money and the news that 
there are no facilities in France for the succour of Scotland, they 

The arl of Mar. 



are delaying the equipment of the fleet, especially now that they 
think the corsairs could provide them with a considerable number 
of vessels. 

Vandenberg returned to his ships in order to continue his 
business, which he does by robbing everybody, and afterwards, 
investigations are made before the Cardinal as to who are Catholics 
and who are not. 

It is said that the other captain, Sores, went in pursuit of the 
Venetian vessel and a sloop, and it is not known whether he 
captured them, although heavy firing was heard in Portsmouth, 
and it is feared that he will have done so. 

The negotiations here about the earl of Lennox have been quite 

The queen of Scotland received the letter from his Holiness, 
copy of which I enclose, as also copy of the letter she writes 
to me.* She remains always with the same intentions as 

The bishop of Ross was summoned to Court, and the burden of 
all the interrogations was whether his mistress had a cipher and 
any dealings with your Majesty or the duke of Alba, and to 
impress upon him that little advantage could be gained by foreign 
aid, as they could act with such rapidity here. In this way, more 
by threats than questions, they sent him back to London, promising 
that they would consider shortly the question of his release. 

They have conferences every day with the Cardinal, and the 
Queen went yesterday to visit his wife at Han?. It is thought 
here that no agreement will be effected in France. The ambassador 
went yesterday to Court to give explanations and excuses to this 
Queen from his master about the little book published in France 
about the risings here and their objects, and at the same time he 
complained of the books published here, copies of which I have 
sent to your Majesty. 

They are negotiating, by means of commissioners appointed by 
the Council, with Antonio Fogaza respecting the abolition of the 
marques, so far as Portugal is concerned, and the restoration of 
trade with that country. 

A Portuguese vessel loaded with salt and sugar has arrived here 
from Vigo under a safe conduct. In her comes Bartolome' Bayon, 
a Portugupse pilot, who was arrested in Porto Rico, and taken to 
Seville, where he escaped from prison two months ago. He has 
been received by the English merchants with great rejoicing, and I 
believe that, trusting in him, they will again fit out ships for the 
Indies, although he says he wishes to serve your Majesty. I wi.l 
keep an eye on what he does. 

The earl of Pembroke is dead, and leaves the property, of which 
I enclose a note.t and two sons, of whom I hear the younger is a 
Catholic, and the elder doubtful. 

It is thought here that if the Queen do not assure the post of 
Lord Steward to the earl of Sussex, which it is not expected she 

* The original note says : " These did not come." 

f An original note in the margin suys ; " Tbio -lid not come." 



will do, he will be lukewarm about the war and will return to 
his old friends, the outlaws, which would end the war on the 

The countess of Westmoreland is here for the purpose of begging 
for a maintenance. She is the sister of the duke of Norfolk. 
London, 20th March 1570. 

25 March. 184. The KING to GUEKAU DE SPES. 

Your various letters, sent direct to me and through the duke of 
Alba, have informed me of the state of things in England and 
Scotland. It was well to give me detailed reports, although I am 
deeply grieved to learn that the Catholics in the north have failed 
in their honourable enterprise, which I have no doubt, if it had been 
carried forward, would have had most important results in re- 
dressing religious evils. As regards what you should do in these 
matters, I cannot give you more precise instructions than those 
which I have already given, namely, to refer you in all things to 
the duke of Alba, and order you to proceed entirely by his advice 
and instruction. You will also act in the same way with regard 
to the negotiations with the Queen about the restitu'ion of the 
property detained, and the release of the persons and vessels of 
my subjects, as also respecting the freedom of navigation and 
restoration of trade on both sides. Now powers and letters are 
sent to the Duke on these subjects, and he will inform you as t' 
what you should do. You will continue to report to me by every 
possible opportunity what results are attained, and all that happens 
both in England and in Ireland, as I wish to be thoroughly well 
posted in it. San Geronimo, near Cordoba, 25th March 1570. 

27 March. 185. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING. 

I write the present letter through Don Frances de Alava, to be 
taken by Pesaro, who goes to Rochelle with letters from the Queen 
to investigate about the two Venetian vessels which have gone 

On Holy Thursday they brought out from the Tower 12 field- 
pieces and 19 wagons of stores, which went towards the North, 
whither also is going the cavalry, which has been got together 
with great trouble, accompanied by a captain of pioneers. The 
Admiral has gone to Lincoln in order to be near, if anything should 
befall the earl of Suasex. 

The letters from Lord Privy Seal are being delivered through 
the country requesting loans of monej*. This is a great annoyance 
to the people, and truly, if this heavy expense continues, the Queen 
will become very poor, and her subjects also. 

The fear of some trouble here has caused the Queen to send for 
the earl of Arundel to Hampton Court, when, with many excuses 
and bland words, she told him that she would restore to him his 
liberty, and hoped to make use of his services, leaving subsequent 
discussion for this week. The Earl has sent me word that he will 
not be tricked, and he believes that, as they are growing more 
alarmed, they wish to find some means of making sure of the duke 




of Norfolk, and release him, because both in Norfolk and in 
Suffolk the people are much incensed and disturbed, and if the 
Northern people could join them in force, they would all rise 

Letters have been received from the commissioners in Antwerp, 
saying with what kindness they have been treated in those parts, 
and how ruined they consider the country to be, and how great is 
the need in it of trade with England. People here are anxious to 
know what they have been able to arrange with the Duke. 

In the meanwhile, they are very busy with Antonio Fogaza and 
other Portuguese, trying to mutually balance the seizures of 
property, and the Controller and Knollys have been appointed 
commissioners to settle the business. They are very anxious, at 
all events, to re-open trade with Portugal, if they cannot settle with 
your Majesty's dominions. I will do what I can to hinder a settle- 
ment by the means of the Controller,* who is my friend, or in any 
case, to delay it until I have the Duke's instructions or your 
Majesty's orders. They would be able if it were settled to get 
what Spanish goods they wanted and send through Portugal thither 
what was profitable to them. 

Although the coming of Bartolome Bayon made them think of 
fitting out ships for India, there have been no signs of their doing 
so, excepting that Hawkins has been buying much rice and other 
things, which might bo stores for such a voyage. 

Great suspicions are entertained here of the peace in France, 
especially now that the Queen has received a letter from there 
saying that the duke of Anjou privately told the envoys of 
Admiral Cliatillon to have no misgivings about the securities 
promised to them, which would be faithfully fulfilled, and that 
they would all join together to go to England and release this 
captive princess. The French ambassador here is now smoothing 
this over. 

The French Court awaits Chatillon's reply by Biron, La Chapelle, 
and another man who was sent subsequently ; and this Queen, who 
would not promise the French ambassador here to be neutral in 
case Chatillon refused to accept the terms granted by the King, 
wanted to intervene in the agreement, either the better to hinder 
it, or else to watch her own interests, but the ambassador would 
not admit her intervention. 

They have delayed the release of the bishop of Ross for this 
week, and, in order to have some persons in York who will urge 
the Catholics to heresy, the Queen has appointed the bishop of 
London to be the Archbishop there.t 

The archbishop of Armagh has been released on bail, and has 
gone to Ireland. . , 

Eight ships have arrived from Hamburg, with large quantities 
of merchandise, mostly Flemish, and the cargo is now being 
prepared to send back thither. 

* Sir James Croftn. 

Archbishop Grindal. 

y 76467. 



The warrants for the 50,000 crowns to induce the Admiral* not 
to accept the King's terms have been handed to the Cardinal.f 

At this moment I have received news from Rochester that orders 
have been received for two of the Queen's ships which were ready 
to sail, ns they will do to-morrow, and 12 more are to be made 
ready. London, 27th March 1570. 

10 April. 186. GUEUAU DE SPES to the KINO. 

As I have informed your Majesty, the army of this Queen now 
amounts to 5,000 infantry and 1,500 horse, without counting tiie 
garrisons in the castles. The army is now at Newcastle, and all 
the stores have been sent thither by sea. The earl of Sussex has 
dismissed some cavalry in which he had no confidence, and he has 
consulted the Queen with regard to certain difficulties concerning 
liis proposed entry into Scotland. One of these is that the arrival 
of the French envoy here had excited somewhat the friends of the 
Queen (of Scotland), iind he therefore thought it would be dangerous 
to enter with so small a force, and to take a very much larger one 
he would need great stores of provision. He also says that he had 
received news, although not through the English ambassador, that 
four French vessels with infantry and stores had arrived at 

Orders have been sent to him from here to raise the troops he 
thought necessary, and to ascertain the truth of the news about 
the French troops, as, in case of its being true, it would have great 
influence on the decision to enter Scotland. It appears that the 
earl of Sussex has some hope that they will deliver the earl of 
Northumberland to him. He writes that Westmoreland had 
wounded himself in the hand carelessly with a pistol. 

The excitement and annoyance caused to the gentlemen of the 
countiy by Privy Seal's letters of demand are remarkable, but still, 
most of them find the money, and it is thought that more than 
four hundred thousand crowns will be collected, notwithstanding 
that less than a year ago sixty thousand pounds were obtained. 

The nobles are also dissatisfied, and the people, for other reasons, 
are the same, as they will prove on the first opportunity. But 
Cecil goes his way, and it is even feared that he will have Lord 
Montague arrested. The latter has been advised of this by some 
of the members of the Council. 

The departure of the Hamburg fleet is being pushed forward. 
Cardinal Clmtillon complained that the 50,000 crowns had not 
yet been paid in Germany, and the Queen said, " If there be no 
" peace in France I will give that and much more, so that want of 
" money shall not stand in the way of the cause : but if an agreement 
" is come to, I shall have need of my money." 

) have been informed that the Council was discussing the 
selection from amongst the corsairs' ships of some to go out and 

Coligny, leader of the Huguenot puity in France. f Chatillon, his brother, 




meet the fleet from the Indies," and although 110 decision has been 
come to, it is possible that Captain Sores may do this on his own 
account, as he is not now in the Channel, although some of his 
followers are, and bring prizes every day into the Isle of Wight. 
They took another cargo of salt from the sloops which came into 

I have, reported the arrival here of Bartolome* Bayon, a Portu- 
guese.f who has been made much of by the merchants and some 
of the Councillors, as no one could have come more apt for their 
designs. They invite him to return with a good number of ships 
to Guinea, and some of the Council have communicated with him 
about the project which was discussed here before, to occupy and 
colonize one or two ports in the kingdom of Magallanes, in order to 
have in their hands the conr.nerce of the sou! hern sea, and that of 
Guinea and the coast of Africa, as well as getting as near as they 
wish to Peru. It is a matter of much importance, and as this is friendly with a doctor who comes to my house, I 
have consented to see him, and now recognize that he is a good 
cosmographer with regard to those parts. He is a man of good 
judgment, who might either do good or evil, and I do not think it 
would be bad to attach him to your Majesty's service, unless there 
be some reason to the contrary of which I am ignorant. If nothing 
else was done by this it would take him away from here, which 
would be something gained. He is in debt and asks for aid to carry 
negroes to the Indies, as your Majesty may see by the copy of his 
letter to me enclosed, some portions of which letter, however, might 
have been expressed more moderately. Your Majesty \\ill order 
me what is fitting to do. I also send copy of a proclamation of 
this Queen respecting the present war against Scotland, in English 
and French. London, 19th April 1570. 

25 April. 187. GUERAU DE SFES to the KING. 

In my previous letters I have reported the arrival of a French 
ambassador in Scotland who is called M. de Seurres, a knight of 
the order of St. John, who was formerly ambassador here. Bj r 
means of promises of companies-of-horse, pensions, and the order of 
St. Michael, he has won over many of those who were opposed to 
the queen of Scotland, so that, by common consent, the earl of 
Westmoreland and other English of the same party were welcomed 
in Edinburgh, and the English ambassador was obliged to return 
at once, he having been placed in safety at Berwick by the earl of 
Morton, or otherwise they would have captured or killed him. 
Discussions are now going on in Edinburgh with regard to the 
Government, and it is believed that in future it will be carried on 
in the name of the Queen. In the meanwhile the earl of Sussex 
penetrated a few miles into Scotland to see whether adherents 
would join him, but as he saw no one, he retired to Berwick, and 

* In the King's handwriting, " Let Vasquez have a copy of this and all similar 

f In the King's handwriting, " And of this also, and the Portuguese ambassador may 
be given a copy of what oouceius him," 

Q 2 



awaits instructions from here. The members of the Council here 
are much confused to see how badly their undertaking has 

The considerations which occur in connection with this is that 
the queen of Scotland might be liberated by the French, and upon 
her marriage subsequently would very greatly depend the evil or 
good of the Catholic faith, the security of the Netherlands, and the 
trade of the Indies. Your Majesty will consider and give such 
orders as may be best for your service. 

The duke of Norfolk has all the Tower for a prison, and four of 
his servants have access to him, so that, with little difficulty, he 
could be liberated. If he wishes to raise the country it would be 
in his power to do it, seeing the discontent alike of nobles and 
people, both on account of the forced loans and for other reasons. 

I have pointed out to Cecil, Leicester, and the Controller, in 
accordance with the Duke's orders, how bad it appeared for them 
persistently to welcome here the piratical rebels against your 
Majesty, and allow them to sally forth from these ports and return 
hither with their plunder. I will report their reply duly to your 
[Majesty. They have letters from the English ambassador in 
France saying that the hopes of peace have now disappeared, 
whereat these people are very glad. 

Postscript. I have received a letter from the queen of Scotland, 
copy of which I enclose. I will reply in general terms as your 
Majesty orders. All the printed copies of the proclamation 
respecting the troops for Scotland have been taken from the 
bookseller by Cecil's orders. The Hamburg fleet is going down 
the river. London, 25th April 1570. 

13 May. 188. GTEHATJ DE SPES to the KINO. 

I leain by a letter from the duke of Alba, dated 3rd instant, 
that he had just received a packet from your Majesty for n;e, 
which lie could not trust to the courier who brought his own 
letters. I have therefore nothing to answer, and limit myself to 
giving an account of what is happening here. The Council is 
puzzled by the duke of Alba's answer to the English commis- 
sioners, to the effect that when the demands of your Majesty's 
subjects here were entirely satisfied, the English there should be 
met in the same way, and that if they would not do this they 
should declare what property is detained here in order to sue 
whether it is an equivalent exchange for what is detained on the 
other side. The Council thought that, by making this small 
restitution and receiving in exchange property of larger amount, 
they would not be called upon to restore any more. 1 will 
jour Majesty what is decided. 

Cardinal Chatillon is still keeping this Queen in play. He 
assures her that no agreement will he made in France, in which 
Ca>c they will have to hand him ^">0,000 ducats in Hamburg from 
the proceeds of the goods now. being sent. Seventy -two sail have 
gone, although with hopes of but small profit, so that, even 
without this drain of money, the English would not have been too 
well off. 


24 J 


The Portuguese trade will be very welcome to them, and I am 
hindering the business in accordance with the Duke's instructions. 

This Queen's party is still the stronger in Scotland, thanks to 
her army which is in Berwick. They have taken some castles, 
and it is believed will enter Edinburgh to join their friends there, 
although the duke of Chatelherault, who is now at liberty, will be 
able to help the queen of Scotland greatly. 

His Holiness truly seems to offer succour like a good shepherd. 
Roberto Ridolli tells me he has already a commission to pay 
twelve thousand crowns, and, if these English Earls behave properly, 
his Holiness will give a hundred thousand crowns. Although not 
a breath of either this or the Bull is whispered here yet, they are 
speaking more mildly of the duke of Norfolk's release. They do 
not, however, seem to hit upon a plan for making sure of him, and 
yet they fear some great disturbance if they keep him as lie is. 
It is known that there are two thousand soldiers ready in France 
to go to Scotland, if the troubles in Scotland give them a chance 
of doing so. 

Ireland is quiet, although I am told that a bishop from there and 
an abbot were recently in Calais on their way from Rome, and, 
according to what they told a Catholic of my acquaintance, they 
were the bearers of the Bull from his Holiness against the Queen, 
although they did not speak very clearly about it. If this be 
published, it will cause great excitement both here and in Ireland. 
In the meanwhile the Catholics are much oppressed, and the 
heretics here cannot hide their disappointment at the good news 
from Granada. London, 13th May 1570. 

1 2 June 189. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING. 

I wrote previously that they were preparing to send ships to 
meet the fleet from Spain, and I thought well to send Bautista tie 
San Vitores to the Isle of Wight to see what was going on there. 
There are sixteen ships at the island, not very good but well manned 
with English and Frenchmen, who, however, are for the most part 
low scamps. In a town on the island called Medol (?)* there is a 
great fair of spices, wines, wool, saffron, oil, soap, woad, and a great 
number of other goods stolen from your Majesty's subjects and some 
from French and Portuguese. The other pirates were absent, except 
Sores who is going on this enterprise with four vessels which were 
still there. It was said that Hawkins was preparing the bread for 
the voyage at Plymouth, and that many English seafarers were 
arriving at that place. The total number of pirate ships is 
understood to be about forty-five, ten of which are of importance. 

The Protestants here are providing arms against their enemies 
and books against (he Pope's Bull, whilst the Catholics are biding 
their time to do their duty, and, in the meantime, suffering bitter 
servitude. As things are going here and in Ireland, it looks as if the 
enterprise might be effected in both islands at the same time, as in 
Ireland most of the nation will rise as soon as they see your 

* The town may probably be Yarmouth and the name given to it a perversion of the 
" Needles " which are uear that town. 



Majesty's standard borne by ships on their coast, and no resistance 
would be made excepting in Dublin and some other fortresses. With 
the advice of Stukelcy and others, who are now with your Majesty, 
and of Selliger if your Majesty will accept his services, a commence- 
ment might be made where success would be easiest, and at the 
same time fifteen or twenty thousand infantry, and the necessary 
cavalry, might enter this country with the English outlaws, and 
raise all the Catholics. If the person of the Queen were assured the 
business would be practically ended, and even the immediate capture 
of Cecil, Leicester, and Bedford, would be very advisable, as also 
would it be to take the fleet at Rochester, all of which would be 
very easy to do. The only thing wanted is some leading person to 
direct the enterprise, although there will be Catholic gentlemen 
reuly, better than any of the lords, as time will prove, it being 
difficult to speak clearly to them as to what can be done before the 
hour strikes. It is most important that the name of the Queen of 
Scotland should be kept in the forefront, as being that which 
commands least opposition in the country, and arouses least suspicion 
in the neighbouring countries. I am sure that unless by this means, 
the Protestant Queen of England will never cease to trouble Fknders. 
The passage of the Queen, our Lady,* comes at a happy moment for 
this business. 

Postscript. Bartolome' Bayon, the Portuguese of whom I have 
written, has been talking to me about the continued trade carried on 
by the French and others with the island of Hispanola and other 
neighbouring islands, to the injury of your Majesty's subjects, and 
assures me that he would take measures to stop it, binding himself 
thereto by security, with eight armed ships, four of them to cruise on 
that coast whilst the other four return with their cargoes. For this 
purpose lie begs authority to bring some negi'oes, all of which he 
would do at his own cost, even to supplying the ships themselves. 
Your Majesty will order what is best for your interests. London, 
12th June 1570. 

18 June 19O. GUEHAU DE SPES to the KING. 

I send your Majesty herewith copy of the proclamation made on 
the 13th instant against the pirates. The Queen afterwards wrote 
four letters to her officers, ordering, in conformity with her previous 
decree, that all property that had been stolen from your Majesty's 
subjects should be detained ; but as the pirates are forbidden entrance 
into the ports and all connection with the shore, it is nothing but a 
trick, especially as they will not acknowledge as pirates the English 
and French who are authorised by the Duke of Vendome and 
Admiral Chatillon, nor those who take the name of the Prince of 
Orange. They only regard these as people engaged in a just war, 
and yet they have all been armed here. I expect this has only 
been published to throw dust in the eyes of the people, who were 
murmuring greatly at such practices being allowed. 

* Tliis wan the fourth wife of Philip, his niece the Archduchess Anue of Austria, who, 
in the autumn of this year 1570, was to Bail from Flanders to Spain. 




On the loth ultimo, the last day of term, the Lord Keeper made 
an artful speech to the judges and people in Westminster Hal], 
enlarging upon the sorrow caused to the Queen at the unrest of the 
people he called Papists, as her wish was only to maintain the law 
with regard to them. He said that they (the Judges) were to publish 
this in their several circuits und, for the present, not to force the oath 
on anybody pending further orders from the Queen. He exhorted 
them all to unity of opinion, and dismissed the congregation without 
giving them any further assurance. This speech was delivered by 
the wish of the Queen, and the Council hud resolved upon it at the 
instance of the Lord Keeper himself. 

News has arrived here of the going over (to Flanders) of Lord 
Morley and of the earl of Westmoreland , and that many others 
are on the point of going. The Queen has also received a letter 
from Stukeley who was sailing for Spain. All these events, together 
with the passage of our Queen and the Pope's Bull have greatly 
alarmed this Queen, which alarm is much increased by what is 
written to her by Robert Huggins.f an English gentlemen living- in 
your Majesty's Court as her spy. Hug-gins sent a servant of his, 
an Englishman named Matthew, who was captured in St. Sebastian 
but was released, as they did not understand the messages he 
brought, which were falsely interpreted by John Burton, an English- 
man living in Bilbca.* This man, Matthew, brought news that 
the affairs in Granada were going very badly for the Christians at 
the end of March last, and that your Majesty was in want of money, 
of which you had borrowed much at heavy interest. He said that 
on the advice of the achbishop of Cashel and other Irishmen you 
were about to arrange to seize the island of Ireland and had sent 
certain persons thither to reconnoitre the land, guided by a Irish 
page of the marquis of Cerralvo. He also asserted that the ships 
which came from the Indies were old, ill-found and rotten, and could 
easily be taken, whilst the English might do damage on the coasts 
of Galicia where there was not a single strong place. All this arid 
other things, I am assured by Matthew himself, were contained in the 
statement that he brought, and as they have not, as he thinks, 
fittingly rewarded him, he came to make a clean breast of it to me, 
paying that, if it were necessary for -the punishment of Robert 
Huggins, that he should return to Spain he would do so, and if he 
was sent back by the people at Court here he would give me an 
account of everything and follow your Majesty's orders when he gets 
there, although he thinks that Huggins writes by other ways as 
\vell. He is a short young fellow, who was in the butlery of his 
late Royal Highness, and afterwards in the pantry of the Prince of 
Eboli, where he picked up what news he could. He thinks that 
Huggins is most probably already a prisoner, as he heard in St. Jean 
de Luz that a courier had come after him (Matthew) to capture his 

In order that your Majesty may know the aims of these people, and 
so the better deal with them, I will write what I have heard from my 

* In the King's handwriting: " See whether it will be well to catch and punish then." 
f This man appears to have been called indifferently llogan and IIu^giiiR. 



friend,* whom I have always found true, and who has undertaken 
to make a note of all that passed in the Council for me, keeping 
himself as free as possible from other thiugs in order the better to 
remember. He said that they had intended to send help to the 
Moriscos by means of the king of Fez, whom they would supply 
with arms, ships, and stores, carrying his Moors over to Spain, 
and paying them. If they had not had some hope that the 
commissioners would have arranged for the Turkish fleet to 
do this they would certainly have carried out the intention, 
and they are very sorry now they did not do it, as they 
have decided that it will be necessary to give your Majesty 
something to do, as they are in great fear of you when you are 

They are carrying on some negotiations with M. de Serran,t the 
equerry of tlie prince of Orange, who has come here and with the 
resident a<jent, but they have no great opinion of the Prince seeing 
how vilely he has behaved. These agents are asking for money 
from the exiles here, for the new, and to enable their 
master to go to the Diet, where they say he can do much through 
his Mends in the Empire. They have had no favourable answer 

They have brought Hawkins from Plymouth to consult him 
about the voyage to the Indies, and there is news of the illness 
of Sores in Rochelle. Many of the members of the Council are 
opposed to the ships leaving the Channel. They have approached 
Antonio Santa Cilia, a Majorcan, to ask whether he would accept 
the captaincy of some unpaid troops who would go to damage 
your Majesty's dominions. This has been done through Baptista 
de la Camara, sm Italian ex-friar, who is now in the service of 
this Queen, and has done many knavish things. Santa Cilia 
refused, and consequently they did not open out more to him, but 
I have told him to endeavour to discover in what parts they mean 
to do the damage. 

The Queen's cnly thought for the present is to raise money, 
and it is said that, what with her loans and other sources, she 
will have, in the month of September, 300,000., which sum is being 
now gradually taken to the Tower, and this is the most she can 
hope to do. In order to economise she has ordered all the ships to 
be dismantled, and will content herself with the protection given by 
the pirates. 

In the meanwhile, I await the intelligence of what the bishop of 
Ross has arranged with his mistress, of whom nothing here has 
been heard, except that the earl of Shrewsbury writes to this Queen 
that the queen of Scotland has sent to her country, and that pass- 
ports will be requested here shortly for certain Scotsmen who will 
come to treat about hostages. 

The French ambassador went to Court lately to beg the resti- 

* This was probably Sir James Crofts, although the Secretary, Bernard Hampton, 
also pave information. 

t Thi.s was Jerome Tseraets, who wa n member of the Prince's household, and was 
in Kuglaiid at tiie time ou such a mi--iun as that indicated. 





tution of the castle of Hume, and the other one taken by the earl 
of Sussex, but the Queen deferred the consideration of this until the 
other matters were discussed. 

The earl of Arundel thinks he has won over the earl of Worcester, 
who is now a knight of the Garter. 

They have given the duke of Norfolk the run of the Tower, 
and the earl of Southampton is a prisoner at Kingston, only 
because he was seen speaking in the country to the bishop 
of Ross. 

They have willingly concluded the agreement with Portugal, 
and have ordered Winter to be satisfied with 8,000 crowns for his 
marque, one half in merchandise, and the other half to be paid in 
money by the English merchants who are anxious for the trade, 
but the capture of this sloop containing much Portuguese property, 
of which I give an account on the enclosed statement, will prove 
some obstacle.* If it be insured by subjects of your Majesty the 
matter will be more easily arranged. 

The plunder lately taken from ships belonging to your Majesty's 
subjects has been carried to the island, and some taken to 
Hamburg. The cochineal and other merchandise forming part of 
the goods that have been detained were found in Hawkins' own 
flag.ship when he went to Hamburg, and the English commis- 
sioners were bold enough to take an account of it. The rest was 
taken by his brother, James Hawkins, to Rochelle. 

Baptista San Vitores was badly wounded with a dagger yester- 
day at the Admiralty Court, because he was proceeding in the 
cause against M. de Schonvall. I have sent to let Cecil know about 
it. This will make it a bad business for those who have to claim 
the goods that the pirates have stolen. London, 18th June 1570. 

GUARAS, dated respectively, llth, 17th, and 22nd of June, 

The English demand of the queen of Scotland that she should 
deliver her son and four Scotch noblemen, to be chosen by the 
Queen of England, to her. 

That no French troops be received in Scotland. That the earls 
of Northumberland and Westmoreland shall be expelled, with the 
rest of the English outlaws. That the position of religion shall 
remain as at present On these conditions the Queen of England 
will restore the Queen of Scotland to liberty, and withdraw her 
troops from the countiy. The queen of Scotland and her people 
will not agree to these terms, which would be their ruin, as the 
object of the queen of England, it is suspected, is to at once kill the 
Prince, and place on the throne the eldest son of Catherine, sister 
of Jane, who was beheaded, he being a heretic. She would at once 
do this if the queen of Scotland were to die. 

They much fear an agreement in France, and Councils are 
held every day in order to provide funds for the Admiral, whom 
they urge not to come to terms. M. de Lumay, a Flemish 

* In the original : " This did not come." 



outlaw, and an equerry of Orange, had arrived there (in England), 
and since his arrival the English were threatening the States, and 
it is believed that there is a close understanding between them and 
the Flemish rebels. 

The object of the queen of England in sending the fleet witli 
merchandise to the value of a million to Hamburg, is mainly 
to place funds there, in order to raise troops whenever they may 
be wanted by her, or whenever she may decide to help Orange, 
under the conviction that in due time through him something may 
be attempted in the States. 

If the Hamburg voyage had been prevented, as it might have 
been ~by his (Guaras 1 ) timely advice, England would have been in 
great confusion and begging mercy of his Majesty, whilst they would 
have been more moderate respecting religion, and the Catholics 
would have been less oppressed. 

That two gentlemen named Norton had been drawn and quartered 
in consequence of their steadfastness in the Catholic faith. This 
has greatly scandalised and alarmed the people. 

That the treaty which Antonio Fogaza ia arranging between the 
king of Portugal and England would be very undesirable for us as 
the English intend through Portugal to provide themselves with 
what they need from Spain, and would therefore be indifferent as 
to whether they were at peace with us or not. They would 
consequently continue to rob Spanish subjects and ill-treat 

The proclamation made by the queen of England is simply a 
trick with the object of satisfying her people and entertaining his 
Majesty and the Duke, since under the Hags of the Admiral, 
Vendome, and the prince of Orange, the whole channel, from 
Falmouth to the Downs, is infested by ships to the number of 
forty, and twelve frigates, each one of which contains a dozen or 
fifteen Englishmen. They assail every ship that passes, of what- 
ever nation, and after capturing them equip them for their own 
purposes, by this means continually increasing their fleet, with 
the intention, on the part of tlie Queen, thus to make war on his 
Majesty through these pirates, without its costing her anything, 
and under the specious pretence that she is not responsible, since the 
pirates carry authority from Chatillon, Vendome, and Orange. He 
(Guaras) asserts that the damage they do is very great, and if these 
robberies are not stopped the fleet will grow to such an extent that 
it will be impossible to deal with it. 

Those who are anxious for his Majesty's advantage can think of 
no better remedy than that his Majesty should order ships to be 
fitted out in Flanders, Biscay, and Galicia, and that they should 
join in a large fleet with the sole purpose of destroying these 
pirates and stopping the robberies, or at all events making them 
difficult. This fleet might also prevent trade with Hamburg, 
Portugal, or other places, so that, if both robbery and trade were 
prevented, the English would soon be killing each other, or coming 
to beg mercy of his Majesty. 

The English commissioners have returned from Flanders. 
Although they pretended to wish for a settlement, such was never 




their real intention, as he (Guaras) has always informed the Duke. 
They did not steal the property for the purpose of returning it, 
but for their own bad ends, thinking that the Moors in Granada 
and the Grand Turk would place Spain in such a position that 
they (the English) might do the same in Flanders. The few 
remaining goods are diminished every day, and the commissioners 
have therefore rejected the Duke's terms, to the effect that all that 
had been detained on both sides should be restored. They claim 
that, whilst they should receive back all that belongs to them, 
they should restore only what they have still on hand, which is 
much less than half of what has been stolen. He is certain that 
the value of the English goods arrested in Spain and Flanders is 
much greater than what remains in stock in England belonging to 
subjects of his Majesty. 

It is useless, therefore, to treat for a settlement with the English 
since, however just may be our demands, they will claim absurd 
terms. They demand that his Majesty should again assure them 
the following conditions, namely : That they may have freedom to 
trade in the Indies ; that the English property confiscated for 
years past by the Holy Office should be restored ; that the English 
pirate Hawkins should have returned to him the property taken 
from him by the Viceroy a year and a half since, and that which 
was captured from him in the Indies, valued at a great sum, 
which they wish to put against the account of what they have to 
restore ; that the English should have security for person and pro- 
perty on account of their religion whilst trading or living in his 
Majesty's dominions. They demand that his Majesty should 
guarantee them all these absurdities, because they know very well 
that such terms will not be even listened to. The councillors, 
indeed, do not wish that they should be conceded, and only profess 
to desire peace in order to appear well before the people, their renl 
object being war and disturbance for their own personal profit. 

That which has most encouraged the Queen and the Council in 
their insolence has been their firm conviction that his Majesty will 
pass over all the offences committed without seeking vengeance 
in the fear that the king of France might intervene to pi-event 
him : whereas the latter is so exhausted and short of money that 
he could hardly do so, and an opportunity is thus given to his 
Majesty, especially now that the Christian King is offended with 
the queen of England. 

The declaration of the Pope against the Queen has been posted 
on the bishop of London's gate,* which has caused great sorrow to 
the bad people and much delight to the godly, who are convinced 
that, as a consequence of it, a redress for their evils will follow by 
the arms of Christian Princes, since this declaration can only have 
been made by the consent of such Princes, and especially of his 
Majesty. The first result of the declaration had been the per- 

* This dariug deed had been done by John Felton, who was subsequently executed 
for it, and canonised by the Komisli Church. A copy of the Bull is giveu at length in 
Cmden'i Elizabeth. 



secution and imprisonment of Catholics ; but the Council finding 
them constant, and that some people of position were passing over 
to Spain and Flanders to escape the ban of his Holiness, the Queen 
had ordered that the Catholics should not be persecuted for their 
religion. This, however, was only the result of fear, as her heart 
is much corrupted, and she herself hud answered the Pope's 
declaration in Latin verse, scoffing at the apostolic authority, 
saying that the boat of St. Peter should never enter a port of hers, 
and other heresies of a like nature. 

The Queen, finding herself surrounded by so many enemies, all 
her thoughts are directed to the raising of funds. She had 
demanded loans from the country to the amount of six hundred 
thousand crowns, besides two hundred thousand crowns from 
private pereons, who are obliged to give it, so as not to appear 
disloyal. These loans had greatly diminished the Queen's popu- 
larity amongst all classes, who are indignant against her and her 
government. He (Guaras) then gives his opinion, supported by 
that of other experienced persons, that if his Majesty would now 
attack England he could conquer it without drawing the sword if 
the force sent were of sufficient extent, because in such case all 
the Catholics would at once join him, whereas if the forces were not 
equal to that of the English it is feared they (the Catholics) would 
join their fellow-countrymen on the defensive. 

The Queen is also in trouble in Ireland, as few people there obey 
her. Two brothers of the earl of Ormond, both valiant gentle- 
men, have recently risen against her, and are determined to resist 
her power. 

The Queen and Council have been thrown into alarm by 
hearing that an English gentleman named Thomas Stukeley had 
gone to Spain, carry ing. with him much information about Ireland. 
Guaras says he knows him for an excellent Christian, much 
attached to his Majesty's service, and as the Irish are nearly all 
Catholics, and attached to the King, being the natural enemies of 
the English, his Majesty might more easily begin war there than 

The passage of our Queen through Flanders so well equipped, 
also arouses fear and suspicion, as does the knowledge that the 
French were sending 2,000 harquebussiers to Scotland. They have 
therefore sent the earl of Sussex to Berwick, but this trouble is 
nothing in comparison to what they expect may come at the hands 
of our King. This greatly disturbs them, and it is said that the 
Queen will at once order the equipment of twenty of her own 
ships and as many private ones, to be prepared to resist his 
Majesty's fleet. 

Experience shows that the Queen becomes more proud, cruel, 
and insolent when shu is treated mildly, whilst strength and bold- 
ness bring her to her knees, as she is naturally extremely timid. 
She has thus issued the proclamation against the pirates, and has 
softened towards the Catholics, as well as done other things against 
the opinion of the Council since the Pope's declaration was 




published and she heard of his Majesty's fleet* being prepared in 

22 June. 192. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING. 

The bishop of Ross arrived here on the 18th at night, and has 
sent me a letter from his mistress, copy of which I cut-lose, 
together with eopy of the instructions which he bears, by which 
the Scotch Queen's demands may be scen.f The Bishop went to 
Court at once, and they told him that the Queen was rather unwell. 
The Council questioned him about his conversation with the earl of 
Southampton, arid they seem to have been satisfied. They deferred 
their reply to his last errand by saying that the Queen would give 
it to him personally. He is therefore at Kingston, awaiting 
audience, which he will soon get. 

In my recent letters I wrote that the French ambassador insisted 
upon the surrender of the castles the English had taken in Scotland, 
but as he could not obtain this, lie churned that her troops should 
not enter Scotland, on condition that the king of Frame should 
not send soldiers thither. They agreed to this ; but two days 
since, the Queen sent word to him, withdrawing from the arrange- 
ment, assuring him that she was informed of the embarkation of 
two thousand harquebussiers in Biittany, for Scotland. The 
ambassador thereupon requested audience, but it has not been 
granted, on the pretence that the Queen is ill. 

Perhaps this negotiation has been upset by a letter written by the 
Admiral Chatillon, to the Queen, saying that he had arrived at 
Rouenville on the Loire, where the river becomes navigable, which 
place he intends to fortify and victual for a year. He has received 
from Xaintes and Sanserre, twelve hundred horse, and the Prince 
de la Rochefoucauld, with eight hundred more was coining from 
Rochelle to join him. He was gathering the flower of the sol- 
diery in Langucdoc, and all those from iJauphiue had flocked to 
him. He had with him the Gascon Viscounts,! and all the Reiteis, 
_so that he had now a finer force of cavalry and infantry than ever, 
and Marshal de Cosse would not dare to attack him, even though 
M. d'Aumale were to join him. The Admiral said that, if the pro- 
mised aid from Germany came, he would guarantee that throughout 
France there should be no other religion than theirs. This letter 
on the one hand encourages them, and on the other annoys them, 
as they know that it means a payment of money from them. 

Hawkins has been sent post haste to Plymouth to finish the 
equipment of his three ships, with a like number of others, which, 
it is believed, will go to towards the Indies. 

The servant of the prince of Orange, who came lately, has gone 
to Rye to hasten the despatch of two fine ships, which are being 
fitted as corsairs, and supplied with guns and stores from here. 
Sonic parcels of woad, taken from Frenchmen, and other goods 

* i.r., The fleet to escort the new Queen consort to Spain, 
f Original note " None of this came enclosed," 

J This was a Huguenot force so called because it had been commanded by the four 
Viscouuts of Moutelair, Bruniquel, CaumoDt, and Rapin. 



belonging to your Majesty's subjects, have been sold for cash very 
cheaply, Cobham's brother having a hand in it, to his great profit. 
They have released M. de Schonvall on the bail of a poor Flemish 
exile, and Schonvall is now in his ship again. 

One of Winter's ships which went to Guinea has returned, and 
the other two, if they can escape from the Portuguese fleet, will go 
to the isle of Hispaniola. 

This friend of mine tells me of two letters written by this Queen 
to your Majesty, one in April and one this month, without the 
Council's knowledge, complaining greatly of me. He says that 
Cecil and the Chancellor say frequently that I am a greater papist 
than the bishop of Aquila. The said letters were to be delivered 
to Don Frances de Alava, if he would receive them, in order to 
serve as a feeler as to your Majesty's intentions. The Queen 
thinks that, by expressing her approval of the agreement discussed 
by her commissioners in Flanders, without declaring herself as 
regards the restitution of the remainder of the stolen property, she 
will fulfil her duty, and will see by your Majesty's answer whether 
there is any artifice in those who are negotiating on the other side. 
London, 22nd June 1570. 

30 June. 193. The KINO to GUERAU DE SPES. 

I have not written to you for some time, because I have been 
continually on the road, and answers are due to many letters from 
you. Although the latter contain much information which it was 
well to send me, there is little to answer in them, because, as I have 
said previously, English affairs depend so entirely on those of 
Flanders, and the duke of Alba is managing them with so much 
prudence and consideration, to the benefit of my interests, that you 
will continue to follow the instructions he may give you. What 
I have to say now is, that the copies I received from you of the 
two briefs (bulls) despatched by his Holiness, one declaring the 
Queen schismatic, and depriving her of the throne, and the other 
written to the earls of Westmoreland and Northumberland, were 
the first information I had received upon the subject. His Holiness 
has taken this step without communicating with me in any way, 
which certainly has greatly surprised me, because my knowledge of 
English affairs is such that I believe I could give a better opinion 
upon them and the course that ought to have been adopted under 
the circumstances than any one else. Since, however, his Holmes:; 
allowed himself to be carried away by his zeal, he no doubt thought 
that what he did was the only thing requisite for all to turn ovit as 
he wished, and if such were the case, 1, of all the faithful sons of 
the Holy See, would rejoice the most. But I fear that, not only 
will this m.t be the case, but that this sudden and unexpected step 
will exacerbate feeling there, and drive the Queen and her friends the 
more to oppress and persecute the few good Catholics,still remaining 
in England. You will advise me, with your usual diligence, of every- 
thing that passes in this matter, as I am very anxious about it. 
You will, for this purpose, keep in communication with Ridolfi, in 
order to discover from him what his Holiness's instructions are, 




30 June. 

since he has been the channel through which the money was sent 
to the Earls. 

I have seen the copies of the two letters from the Queen of 
Scotland to you, and am glad to see her firm resolve to live and die 
in the Catholic faith. This obliges me to desire her freedom and 
happiness as if she were my own sister, and I thus write anew to 
the duke of Alba to bear this in mind, and help her by word and 
deed when possible, and forward her marriage with the duke of 
Norfolk, or some other English Catholic, which, in my opinion, 
will be the best way by which redress may be found for England 
and Scotland. You will proceed in this as the Duke may inst.ruct 
you, .and assure the queen of Scotland that I will never fail to do 
all I can for her as a good brother should. 

As regards the negotiation for the restitution of property 
belonging to my subjects, I have nothing more to say until I see 
how the discussions in Antwerp will end. The Duke advises me 
fully with regard to it and you will follow his instructions. 

The king of Portugal has been informed of the treaty under 
discussion there touching English trade with his country, and in 
view of his answer orders shall be sent to you what to do in the 
matter. Respecting what you .say of Bartolome Bayou's offer to 
enter my service, contained in a letter which he wrote to you 
(which, however, you did not send to mo), you will on the iirst 
opportunity report the contents of the letter for my consideration 
arid reply. 

You will use every effort to discover the names of the Englishmen 
living here, who you say are spies, because, although \ve suspect 
some persons, we have not enough proof to make an example of 
them until we get further information. 

When Guzman de Silva was there, he told me that Luis de Paz 
was so forward in my service as to merit some reward being granted 
to him. Although I have long had intelligence, of his services, I 
should like you to report to me again how he: is behaving, and what 
sort of reward could be given to him. You can inform the duke of 
Alba of this that I may the better decide, but you need not say 
anything to Luis de Paz about it. The Escorial, 30th June 1570. 


On the 22nd I wrote to your worship last. Since then we learn 
that Northumberland is a prisoner in Scotland, and that West- 
moreland, Dacre, and the other Englishmen who were on the point 
of leaving for Flanders as I wrote, have been detained in consequence 
of the want of certain things which were not ready. It is thought 
that Dacre left subsequently, and that the rest will contrive to go. 
They arc not at present in arms, but both sides have taken refuge 
in their respective countries, although at open enmity. 

It was arranged that two thousand men should be sent from 
France, but it has since been agreed between the Christian King 
and this Queen that she would withdraw her forces if he would 
refrain from sending his troops. The Queen has fulfilled her 
promise, and the ambassador here promises that the French shall 
therefore not go. The Queen has dismissed the troops she had 



raised on the border, except 3,000 men who are in garrison at 
Berwick and elsewhere. She had also ordered the preparation of 
six ships to resist the coming of the French, but on the strength 
of the French ambassador's promise this order has been 

Since the bishop of Ross came back from his mistress, this Queen 
has refused him audience, in consequence of his affair with the carl 
of Southampton, who is still detained. 

Norfolk is still a prisoner, and his guard has been closer since the 
attempt of the people of his county to rise again. The Queen wan 
angry at this, and has had fo'ir or five people of high position 
arrested, which has greatly disturbed the public mind. 

I have reported that the Queen and Council are in great alarm 
for fear of some ti'ouble in the State, and the Queen has been three 
days without leaving her room, exclaiming publicly against 
secretary Cecil and others, who, she declared, were bringing her into 
great trouble which would end in the ruin both of her and them, 
since it was proved now that nothing turned out as they anticipated 
cither in France, Scotland, Granada, the coming of the Turk to 
Spain, or anything else. They cannot persuade themselves that 
the great fleet being fitted out in Flanders is only for the passage of 
our Queen, and pnblicly say in the Court and in London and all over 
the country that the transports of the fleet were being fitted with 
mangers for over 2,000 horses, and that 6,000 Walloons, and a body 
of Spaniards were ready, which facts were not a proof of good 
neighbourship. They are so much alarmed here that they fear the 
very shadows, and as they have learnt of the success which God 
sent to us in Granada, and that the Turk is not coming to Spain, as 
they hoped, they are quite beside themselves, seeing the many 
enemies they have of their own nation here and abroad. They 
clearly understand that, if we were to declare ourselves openly, the 
majority of the English themselves would come over to us. Although 
they find themselves in this danger, they are not arming the Queen's 
ships or others, in the hope that perhaps the preparations in Flanders 
are really only for the passage of our Queen, and it is understood 
that they will not take to arms except under extreme necessity, iti 
order not to spend money, and because they are satisfied for tlie 
moment by having in the channel a fleet of over forty fail under 
the flags of Orange, the duchess of Vendonie, and Chatillon, which 
are going in and out all the ports and carry many Englishmen. 
They are therefore the declared friends of our enemies the pirat< H, 
whom they help, welcome, and regale ; robbing our ships daily on 
their way through the channel which ships, to make matters worse, 
they then proceed to arm and add to their own fleet. 

They are in great fear also that some trouble will come to them 
through Ireland, for it is certain that the whole of that island is 
deeply attached to our King, all the people being Catholics excepting 
the English whom the Queen has there, who do not amount to 1,500 
men, scattered in various places, few of whom have any experience 
in defence. In all Ireland there is no force of importance. It is the 
best soil in the world, with excellent ports, and if the people were 
only in subjection, it would be a very rich aud flourishing country, 




The whole of it could be overrun and subdued, especially by the 
great help that our people would receive, as your worship will bo 
better informed by Thomas Stukeley, an English gentleman who 
is going to Spain from Ireland, and by many well-informed 

The man who is acting here for the king of Portugal has tried 
several times to come to terms witli the English for mutual freedom 
to trade for both countries, and as the people here fear they will 
not be friendly with us, they have made up their differences 
respecting the (Portuguese) merchandise, and they are expecting the 
authority from Portugal, in accordance with the agreement, by 
which they may come and go to trade as formerly. As this would 
be so prejudicial to his Majesty, it is to be supposed that the 
arrangement will be hindered or nullified. Trustworthy news has 
come from Rochelle that ten very powerful ships well armed and 
found have sailed from that and other ports. The commander of this 
fleet for M. de Vendome, to whom it belongs, is M. d'Ipres, and on 
its departure the object of the voyage was announced to be the 
meeting of our fleet coming from the Indies, but if they did not 
meet it they would land in Florida or some other place near. This 
news may be depended upon, as a person who was an eye-witness 
says he saw 2,000 well armed men embarked on the ships. These 
heretic traitors are ready for anything, but it is to be hoped that 
Melendez will keep his eyes open and give them no rest. Captain 
John Hawkins is also fitting out in Plymouth. This is the man 
wl'.o has so often been to the Indies, and he has now four or five 
ships which are certainly bound on a similar voyage. As he has 
so much experience of this navigation he might cause us some 
extraordinary injury if he joined the Frenchmen, although it is to 
be hoped that measures will be taken to prevent his succeeding. 
The commissioners appointed by the duke of Alba to inspect tlie 
(detained) merchandise are expected here. Those who judge simply 
by what they hear, think that something is being done, but those 
who understand the drift of affairs feel that it is all deception. 

In consequence of the fears entertained by the Queen and her 
Council, they are beginning to show some outward favour to the 
Catholics, some of whom have been released from prison, where they 
were for conscience sake, whilst others in the Tower have been given 
more freedom. The Queen even went so far as to say publicly that 
she thinks, if need should arise, she will adhere to the Catholics and 
abandon the heretics. They are in so much confusion that there is a 
constant appearance of great fickleness in these rulers. 

Many persons are being prosecuted on account of the ex- 
communication (i.e., the Pope's bull), and, as passion is principally 
directed against his Majesty, it is openly declared that the brief 
came to this country by our hands, which people have the impudence 
to say the}- can prove. They are treating with great severity those 
who have been apprehended on suspicion of being concerned in this. 

Postscript : 1st July. I have just heard that Hawkins is to be 
accompanied by the Portuguese pilot, who I think was arre&ted in 
Porto Rico and brought to Seville, whence he escaped and c;>rr.e 
hither. They leave in August. London, 30th June. 

y 76467. 


1 July. 195. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING. 

I have reported in former letters respecting the ships that were 
leaving Rochelle to meet the Indian fleet and do other damage. 
Tliis Queen lias received news of the expedition, although they 
speak of only ten ships from England. Persons who saw them, 
however, affirm that there were fifteen, and Hawkins is being 
hurried in his preparations for a similar voyage. He will have six 
fine ships ready in a fortnight, and asserts that he will be revenged 
for the injury the Spaniards have done him. The other pirates, to 
the number of forty sail, are round about the Isle of Wight, and 
mostly before Dover. They stop in port for days together, sallying 
forth whenever they see a sail. Their fleet is largely reinforced by 
English harquebussiers, so that the Queen depends upon them to 
defend her coasts, and told the Council that she had no need of other 

The illness of the Queen is caused by an open wound above the 
ankle, which prevents her from walking. She has received the 
present sent to her by the queen of Scotland, of two little caskets, 
and told the Scotch and French ambassadors that when she was 
assured of the wishes of the Scotch people she would arrange about 
the Queen's release. To persuade her to this M. de Rambouillet 
is coming from the Christian king, and will go on to Scotland. I 
expect this Queen wants an excuse, in case the settlement should 
fail through, to throw the blame on the Scots themselves. She 
has withdrawn her troops, and dismissed the northern men, putting 
the rest in garrison. This has been done on the promise of the 
French ambassador that his King will not send soldiers. There 
seems now a better chance of the peace in France being effected, as 
Cardinal Chatillon complains that, in consequence of the necessary 
money not liaving been provided in Germany for the Reiters to go, 
his brother will be obliged to make peace, though Cecil says it will 
only be for six months. They are pressing on the settlement with 
Portugal, and seem to be agreed about the marques. Forgaza 
claimed that they should abandon the Guinea trade, which they 
refused, and I understand that he is sending to Portugal to consult 
on the matter. It is most important that this settlement should be 

It seems that it had been arranged in Norfolk that at a certain 
fair on St. John's day, the people should meet in great numbers and 
take up arms. Tlnve gentlemen, servants of the duke, have been 
arrested. They say their rising was to have been against the 
Flemings, who live there, and who deprive them of all their gains. 
It is thought they will bring them here. John Wyatt, an English 
pirate, lias arrived here, who, liaving had some of his people killed 
on the coast of Hispaniola, ami si.viug that he could not trade there, 
came hitherward, and on his way back captured a ship which had 
belonged to Hawkins, with a cargo of wine from Jerez. He says 
that three other English ships were trying to trade in those 

I have craftily obtained a copy of the treaty made by Antonio, and will send it in Spanish if possible by this courier. 
My friend warus ine to !. \-i-ry circumspect, as Cecil and the 




Chancellor are dealing very treacherously with me. I shall not be 
able to find out very well to what he refers, as they are very close 
there (i.e., at Court), and vigilant. London, 1st July 1570. 

3 July. 196. GUEEAU DE SPES to the DUKE OF ALBA. 

The queen of England told the French ambassador that she had 
a letter from the Emperor informing her of the marriage of our 
Queen, and saying that he was still in hopes of seeing her 
(Elizabeth) married to the Archduke Charles. He snid also that 
13,000 horse were in Casimir's country, which he would try to 
prevent entering France. I have endeavoured to discover whether 
there is any truth in this letter, but can find no signs of it. I believe 
the Queen invented it all to frighten the French. Your Excellency 
will learn of it through other channels. 

People here will not believe in events at Granada, nor anything 
else that is favourable to us, because they think that everything 
must necessarily go according to their wishes. They are saying 
now that the foundations of the fortress at Antwerp arc wrong 
(mined ?), and are talking of the murder of one of the gentlemen of 
your Excellency's chamber. It is necessary to observe the greatest 
caution in living here, and I have ordered all my servants to 
refrain from walking in the streets. My house is surrounded with 
spies, and they are even turning me out of it because it has too 
many doors. London, 3rd July 1570. 

26 July. 197. The KLVG to GI/ERAU DE SPES. 

I have been informed of events in England by your letters to 
me, and others sent thiough Don France's dc Alava and Znya*. I 
thank you and am satisfied with your diligence in this respect, 
particularly as to the pirate nhips which were to go to the Indies, 
this being one of the things of which you must be most careful. 
If Bartolome' Bayon fulfils his promise, he shall be willingly 
supplied with what he asks ; but as matters of this sort are generally 
very easy to say and more difficult to do, they usua'ly turn out 
vain, and it will be well for you to come to closer quarters with 
him, and find out the exact way in which he thinks to do what 
he promises. You will send full particulars of this for my 

Although you do well in trying to discover the state of things 
in Ireland, and in sending your views with regard to what might 
be undertaken in that place, which is important, yet nothing must 
be said about it until we see what will be the result of the 
negotiations for the restitution of the property se'zed. If they do 
not act properly in this, other steps must be taken, and it is 
consequently very desirable that you should continue to advise rne 
minutely of events in England, Ireland, and Scotland. You will 
urge the queen of Scotland, on no account, to allow herself to be 
deceived by the queen of England, or to agree to the terms which 
you saj' they'propose, which are of such a nature that, if she accepts 
them she will lose much of the esteem with which, hitherto, 
Christian princes have regarded her, whilst, if she perseveres in her 



noble and holy determination, God will extricate her from all 
trouble, and turn it into great happiness. 

When you speak of Ireland, you say that Thomas Stukeley had 
written a letter to the Queen, but you do not tell me what it 
contains. It will be well to find out and let me know, and also 
whether tliey have taken his property or made any declaration 
against him. Also, what they think there of his coming to 
Galicia, where he is now. You will also advise the duke of Alba 
of all this. 

What your friend tells you of the two letters written recently 
by tlic Queen to me is probably a fiction, as I have received no 
such letters, and you can say as much to your friend, if you think 
it necessary, to get more out of him. 

You did well in reporting what the man Matthew told you about 
his master Robert Muggins, as we have had a very poor opinion of 
the latter for some time. Steps shall be taken in the matter, but do 
not trust Matthew with this or anything else of importance, but 
humour him with generalities in order to get from him what he 
may know. 

I cannot well understand from your letters what negotiation it 
is that is being arranged by the English with the Portuguese 
regarding trade. The statement which you mention did not come 
with your letter, and it would be well to find out the whole 
particulars, with terms and conditions, as it is important that I 
should have full information.- Madrid, 26th July 1570. 


The ambassador who has come hither from France is called 
M. de Poigny, and comes to beg this Queen to release the queen of 
Scotland, in which it is understood he will be unsuccessful. He 
has been at Court, but they have delayed his reply, and it is 
considered certain that he will shortly leave without having effected 
anything. This arises from the fact that the Queen has been able 
EO to influence the Scots, that those of her way of thinking will 
shortly meet in Parliament and appoint the earl of Lennox, grand- 
father of the Prince, as Governor. Lennox is now in Scotland, nnd 
the meeting will take place at once. 

The Earl is, as you know, a Catholic, and if at any future time 
we have any claims, we could not wish for a governor more suitable 
for us, because, although this Queen wishes to make him and his 
wife, Lady Margaret, her creatures by the appointment, she has 
kept them always imprisoned and in disgrace for the cause of 
religion and other reasons. She can do no more against them, and 
is forwarding his appointment as governor to disarm any future 
enmity from him. She thinks that because ho has his wife, son, 
and estate in this country, .she can be assured that he will govern 
as her instrument. 

The queen of Scotland is well, but with only liberty to go 
beyond one doorway, and even then must be well accompanied. 

These French, Flemish, and English pirates unite to capture 
their prizes, and have recently taken three very valuable sloops 
going from Spain to Fl uders, which, haviug stood upon tlie 



defensive, have in consequence lost all their crews, and their 
cargoes are now being sold in these ports. They have armed these 
sloops, together with two other prizes, captured since, so that if 
they be not hindered they will soon have a powerful fleet, which 
will not only make them masters of the Channel, but will enable 
them to molest us elsewhere. 

At least 50 sail are now anchored in these ports as friends and 
helpers of the English, and to give a further confirmation of the 
bad intentions of these people, I may say that Hawkins is pushing 
forward the arming of more ships in which he will embark over 
800 men. His object is to join the French fleet which has gone to 
Florida. He takes with him the Portuguese pilot Bay on, and will 
leave next month. He carries no cargo, but victuals, guns, and 

The man who represents the king of Portugal here has agreed 
about the conditions fi.r trade with his coun'ry, subject to the 
King's approval. The English demand liberty to go to the king of 
Portugal's Indies to trade, but he told them that it was simply 
waste of time to discuss it. 

As they have been greatly disturbed here by the excommunica- 
tion they continue to cast into prison with great severity all 
persons who they think were concerned in it, and have oven put 
some to the torture who have declared certain things which are not 
easily understandable. The Catholics are being greatly persecuted. 
God comfort them. 

Persons of weight and authority here were formerly much 
concerned at the possibility of the country being troubled by 
foreign powers, but lately all classes of people, and in every part of 
the country, are expressing the same fear, and publicly at the 
Court itself, nothing else is spoken of. They say that his Majesty 
is going to revenge himself upon them in such a way that they will 
be utterly undone, and they speak as confidently about it as if 
they already saw a great fleet of armed ships on their coast and 
foreign squadrons on land. Their fear is such that they do not 
even discuss their means of defence, although in order to do what 
they can, six of the Queen's ships are being fitted out, and 500 
men-at-arms are being raised in this town to put on board of 
them. A great muster of 2,000 mariners is beiug made here for 
these and other ships, and fearing trouble, as people should who 
know how they have offended his Majesty, they have sent _ to 
Ireland 2,000 harquebusses, aad much ammunition, all of which 
have gone to Chester and Beaumaiis for shipment to Ireland. 
Such is their alarm that the first defence they think of is to wreak 
their vengeance on the ambassador and us few subjects of His 
Majesty here, but God will be pleased in due time to give us 
the satisfaction of avenging ourselves on these wicked enemies 
of ours. 

These people thought to receive the help of the king ot 
Denmark, but despatches have come from him saying that he 
would never take up arms against the King, or break his alliance 
with him, We since learn that this Queen who thought to collect 



300,000?. by loan and revenue before Michaelmas has not received 

The fleet being prepared in Flanders for the passage of our Queen 
greatly alarms them, as they fear the fate which, please God, will 
come to them. 

The duke of Norfolk is still imprisoned, and, since the attempted 
rising in his county, they keep him more closely guarded. They 
have arrested about 20 of the principal people of the county, whom 
they are examining. They are still in Norfolk. 

The Cardinal is still at Court, persuading them that his brother 
will prevail, and urging them to find money for .him, whilst he, the 
Cardinal, encourages the soldiers to rob with the same object. 

They gave a reply to Poigny, saying that there was no reason 
either for them to release the Queen or for him to go to Scotland, 
but that they would give him a safe conduct to visit the Queen and 
return to France by way of London.* 

They have arrested the Scotch ships, which they found here, 
although the cause is not known. 

In future we shall know little in London of what goes on at 
Court, because, in consequence of the plague, they have given an 
order forbidding, under pain of death, any one going from London 
thither. London, 28th July 1 570. 


Aug. 1. 199. ANTONIO DE GUARA.S to ZAYAS. 

Since my letter of the 28th, great haste has been made in 
completing the equipment of the Queen's ships, and many sailors 
are passing through here from the south coast to man them. Some 
of the ships are already going down the river. There are seventeen 
in all, aud, although the Queen lias five others armed in various 
ports, there is a great lack of seamen, and they will consequently 
be badly manned with extra hands instead of seamen. 

The Admiral is in Kent, raising men for the ships, and it is said 
that he himself will go on board of them. 

They have placed two hundred soldiers in Dover Castle in 
addition to the ordinary garrison. 

They have brought twelve gentlemen here prisoners from Norfolk, 
who are again being examined. 

There is a rumour here to-day that the duke of Alba was 
embarking soldiers on his fleet. They are spreading this news in 
order to incense the people against us as much as they can. 

M. de Poigny who went to the queen of Scotland has returned 
here and we shall soon learn something about her affairs. 

The adoption of the earl of Lennox as governor of Scotland is 
now fully confirmed. 

The plngue is increasing here, and last week 96 deaths occurred 
from it besides two in the Tower. The duke of Norfolk has, 

-* Mary wrote a letter in October to the Duke de Nemours saying that the Utter she 
hail | written to him with the intention of Rending it by Foigny had not been sent as she 
could get no mean* of conveying it to him whilst he, 1'oigny, was in 1/ondou. See 
Lettrei inedites de Marie Stuart, Labanoff. 




Aug. 5. 

therefore, petitioned that they will either release hiir. or change bis 
prison, but it is understood that the afore -mentioned arrests will 
prevent his being released at present. 

The alarm publicly expressed by the people here, and their fears 
of being ruined, are perfectly incredible, and the whole t ilk at 
Court consists in discussions as to how they will defend themselves 
or how they will perish. 

It is certain that Secretary Cecil, on returning from the Queen's 
rooms to his own a fortnight since, said, in great distress, to his 
wife, " Oh, wife, if God do not help us we shall all be lost and 
" undone. Get together all the jewels and the money you can, so 
" that you ma}' follow me wLen the time comes, for surely trouble is 
" in store for us." Although this seems improbable, yet it is certain 
that it took place. It is thought that at the last extremity they 
will abandon the whole business and escape to Italy, Vienna, or 
some other place, as both they and the bishops have placed for years 
past great sums of money in Germany, as they did when the late 
Queen Mary came to the throne. This suspicion also has caused 
most of them to sign deeds of gift of all their property to their 

A gentleman from the duke of Saxony and another from duke of 
01ff(Holstein ?) have arrived here, it is believed to offer their services 
to the Queen. 

It is reported that John Hawkins has increased his fleet to 
twelve ships for a voyage to our Indies, taking no cargo but stores, 
lime, stone, and wood, and it is to be presumed that the hit ntion is 
to land at some place where they may cause us trouble, building- 
forts for the purpose. He will unite with Captain Sores, a 
Frenchman, who has 800 men with him, Hawkins having 1,600. It 
is to be hoped that some measures will be taken to prevent this. 

The pirates are gathering at the Isle of Wight, and it appears 
that the pirate who was arrested will be released. 

The earl of Lennox, the new governor of Scotland, has sent a 
gentleman to this Queen, asking for help in money and men. 
It appears he is going against Westmoreland and the Scotch friends 
of that Queen. 

Postscript : The Portuguese pilot Bayon has left for Plymouth to 
go with Hawkins, who will sail some time this month. They have 
been entrusted with large sums of money by people here. This bad 
pilot, who knows much and has great experience, will certainly 
do us some grave injury if means are not quickly devised to 
prevent it. 

The gentleman I said had come from the Duke of Olff (Holstein?) 
really comes from the Count Palatine, but the other man comes as 
I said, from the duke of Saxony. London, 1st August. 

200. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING. 

I have reported in previous letters the preparations being made 
here, and, although I have a person of my own on the watch at 
Plymouth to inspect their ships, I have learned from my friend at 
Court that the earl of Bedford was recently in that port for the 



purpose of arranging for the despatch of this expedition, in which 
will sail 1,500 Englishmen with all requisites for colonisation. They 
will first try to meet our Indian fleet, and Bartolome" Bayon, the 
Portuguese pilot, will go with them. They have provided him 
with money for an outfit, and he has left here taking with him two 
Spanish rogues, who were astray in London. The first idea was to 
colonise some place near the Straits of Magellan, but they now tell 
me that the intention is to go to the Rio del Oro, near New Spain. 
They take with them pinnaces to enter the river, at the mouth of 
which there is a good port which they intend to colonise, after 
having stolen all the gold they can lay their hands on in the interior, 
which they think will be a large amount The second ship that 
Winter sent to this place has returned hither, and they have 
bartered their goods there, at Cape de la Vela and Jamaica, for hides 
and silver of which they bring large quantities. Since the arrival 
of Fitzwilliams, the English commissioner, the Queen expresses 
dissatisfaction at the result of his negotiation with the duke of 
Alba, and is now hastening the equipment of all her ships, 23 of 
which are large. They are being provisioned for three months, 
and will be ready in a fortnight with five thousand five hundred 
mariners and soldiers, with instructions to sail for Scotland, even 
though the duke of Alba should disarm. The principal object will 
be to take possession of the castle of Dumbarton, and Sussex has 
been ordered to re-assemble his army to the number of 4,500 men 
and the cavalry which he now has, for the purpose of crossing over 
the border to help the earl of Lennox. In these two enterprises, I 
am assured that the Queen is spending all the cash she possesses, 
and, in order to calm the minds of people, she has ordered, the duke 
of Norfolk to be sent to his own house under arrest, on the 
pretext that people are dying of the plague in the Tower. The 
Queen has promised the gentlemen from the king of France who 
came about the queen of Scotland's affairs that she will send in all 
haste a messenger to ascertain the reason why Livingstone had been 
detained on the frontier. This man had been sent by the queen 
of Scotland to endeavour to reconcile the Scotch nobles to receive 
her as Queen when she was set at liberty, so that when this was 
arranged in Scotland, the negotiations for her release here might 
have been undertaken. 

All these things are simply tricks of Cecil's, who thinks thereby 
to cheat everybody, in which, to a certain extent, he succeeds. I 
have news from the Isle of Wight that the pirates are there in great 

The servant of the Count Palatine, who is here trying to arrange 
an alliance with his master and other princes of the Empire, is 
being put off, because the Queen is afraid of incurring further 
expense. London, 5th August 1570. 

5 Aug. 201. GUERAU DE SPES to ZAYAS. 

As I know that Cecil instructed Fitzwilliams to complain of me 
to the duke of Alba, saying that the (northern) rebels had escaped by 
means of a passport from me, and that I was a party to their rising, 
it is well that his Majesty should know with what intention this 




7 Aug. 

complaint is made. The object is to expel me, now that they 
think I understand better than before the affairs of this country, 
and Cecil thinks that I, in unison with others, might make such 
representations to the Queen as would diminish his great authority. 
There is no need for me to specially write to his Mnjesty to this 
effect, but I wisli to point out to your worship that Cecil is a 
crafty fox, a mortal enemy to the Catholics and to our lord the 
King, and that it is necessary to watch his designs very closely, 
because he .proceeds with the greatest caution and dissimulation. 
There is nothing in his power that he does not attempt in order to 
injure us. The Queen's own opinion is of little importance, and 
that of Leicester still less, so that Cecil unrestrainedly and 
arrogantly governs all. So far as expelling me from this country 
goes, that, indeed, would not distress me, because it is necessary 
one way or another that these affairs should be settled, and my 
wish is that they should be settled in a way which will increase 
the power of our King, so that the English in future may pay him 
more respect. Your worship may be certain that, if Cecil is allowed 
to have his own way, he will disturb the Netherlands. London, 
5th August 1570. 


Since my letter to your worship of the 1st instant, the news is 
that the new governor of Scotland, the earl of Lennox, has taken 
up arms against the good Scotsmen who are faithful subjects of 
their Queen, and against the Englishmen who are with them. 
Lennox has sent here for help in money, but there is no news yet 
of its having been granted, although posts are despatched to him 
every day. It is said that the earl of Northumberland is still a 
prisoner, and that the queen of Scotland, although well in health, 
is being guarded more closely than hitherto. 

As I wrote in my last, the earl of Bedford went to the west 
country, Plymouth and Falmouth, and six thousand crowns have 
recently been sent him for the despatch with all speed of Captain 
Hawkins and his fleet of 12 ships for the purpose of meeting 
our Indian flotilla. The wicked Portuguese pilot, Bayon, is in 
Plymouth, and he has contrived to seduce and take with him some 
of your Majesty's Spanish subjects. We suspect that he has 
tricked Damian Dela, who was a servant of mine, and one 
Barrientos, and others. I was shocked to hear about Damian,* 
and, if it be true, I hope he v/ill be the first to suffer. Their object 
is to unite with Captain Sores, and land in some part of our 

They will together form a great fleet, and it really is to be hoped 
that some measures will be promptly taken that the Indian fleet 
may come safely, and that these knaves may not succeed in their 
evil designs. 

All the Queen's ships, to the number of 22, are being equipped 
here, and the pirates are collecting at the Isle of Wight by orders 
of the Council ; but, although the Queen's ships have gone to the 

* I lamiau de Delft was a Valenciau taiior, who had lived in London for many years. 



mouth of the river to make an appearance of being ready, it is 
certain that they will not be so for some time. It is understood 
that they will be sent off, as they are equipped, to Scotland, and 
the Admiral will go in the last detachment. Their object is to 
seize the port of Dumbarton, which they think will ensure them 
against the possibility of either the French or Spanish setting foot 
in England or Scotland. From the Thames to Berwick the coast 
is guarded on land as if an enemy were in sight, and for defence 
on the Scotch side they have three thousand soldiers in Berwick. 
It is reported that six thousand men, soldiers and sailors, will go in 
the Queen's licet, which is provisioned for three months. They 
have sent twenty thousand crowns to the governor of Berwick in 
order that he may be ready with his three thousand men. 

The duke of Norfolk has been brought out of the Tower and 
confined in his own house under guard. There is much discourse 
on the matter, and it is believed that they have done this for fear 
of the people of his county. If lie were at liberty, much harm 
might come to them thereby. The prisoners from Norfolk have 
been lodged in the Tower, and seven or eight of them were 
summarily condemned to death. 

The man who fixed the Pope's ban upon the bishop of London's 
door was condemned to death two days ago. He has made many 
statements, which are related diversely, but with great firmness 
he publicly repeated all the contents of the brief, to the effect 
that his Holiness was by divine law the Supreme Pontiff, the 
Queen illegitimate, the excommunication sacred, and those who 
disregarded it members of the devil. 

M. de Poigny, who came from the queen of Scotland, is leaving 
for France. The English commissioner who recently came back 
from Flanders is again shortty returning thither. 

It is said that a new fort is to be erected on this river. 

Two boats, one of forty tons and the other twenty-five, have 
been sent from here to the coast of France to watch if the, fleet 
there makes any movement and report to this Queen. 

All over this country great unrest exists in consequence of the 
arming of these fleets, and nothing else is spoken of. They nre 
doing what they can to provide for defence, but they are as much 
alarmed as if they knew they were going to be conquered. As I 
reported in my first letters, I have, since the beginning of these 
troubles, continued to report to the duke of Alba both what I 
write to your worship as well as other things which it is fitting 
that lie should know in his Majesty's interests. London, 7th 
August 1-570. 


Since my letter to your worship of the 7th, these people have 
changed their plans, and Hawkins will not leave with his fleet 
until they see what is going to be done in Flanders, so that they mny 
not find themselves without that force on the west coast. Under 
the pretence that he had no intention of accompanying the fleet, 
the Portuguese pilot, Bayon, has returned to London. The pre- 
parations for defence are being very busily carried on, and the 




12 Aug. 

general fear is that the country is to t>e attacked, although they 
see that no preparations are being made excepting those for the 
passage of our lady, the Queen. They executed to-day the 
gentleman who nailed the Pope's ban on the Bishop's door.* He 
remained firm, saying that all that the declaration contained was 
sacred. They quartered him with great cruelty whilst he was 
still alive. The day and the hour of the execution were unusual 
ones, for fear of the people. It took place before the Bishop's house. 
They have just sent two aldermen of the city to the ambassador 
in the name of the Queen's Council, ordering him to meet certain 
representatives of the Queen on Friday next at a place 20 miles 
from liere.t We presume that this extraordinary step means no 
good, and that the intention may be to order him to quit the 
kingdom, although it may be with some other object. God rescue 
us from these terrible folks ! London, 9th August 1570. 

204. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING. 

By various channels I have reported to your Majesty that this 
Queen was equipping her 23 ships, which are now at Queenborough 
on the Thames, and will be ready to sail in 10 days. The governor 
of the Isle of Wight recently asked the captains of the pirates 
whether they would be willing to serve against your Majesty's 
fleet if necessary. They were united in saying that they would do 
so, and would serve better than Englishmen. They have 35 ships 
there, well armed and manned. Hawkins has been ordered not 
to sail ; it is understood because they wish to wait until the fleet 
carrying our Queen shall have passed, although Hawkins is 
pressing greatly to be allowed to leave. In the meanwhile 
Bartolome Bayon, the Portuguese, tells me that he will not go in 
that fleet, but wants to take other ships and another route, unless 
your Majesty will acccept his services. He says that Hawkins will 
not colonise the Indies, although most of the pirates may stay 
there, but that Hawkins will go direct to take possession of the 
island of San Junn de Ulloa, in order to be master of the fleets which 
may come and go. He threatens to revenge himself well for the 
past injuries done him, and if he should fail in consequence of 
finding the island fortified, he will do the worst damage he can. I 
learn tliat he has 12 ships ready, although the man I sent there to 
inspect them has not returned. 

The commissioners are at Southampton inspecting the mer- 

The answer that commissioner Fitzwilliams brought from the 
duke of Alba has not given much satisfaction here, as they thought, 
with all this show of armament, that things would have been dealt 
with more gently. They are therefore in a bad temper, and say 
that I am not a suitable person to stay here, the intention being 
to get rid of me, on the grounds that I am not confining myself to 
my own duties, and that I tried to hinder the appropriation of the 
money which the Queen asserts belonged to merchants. With 
this object, two aldermen came to tell me that if I would go to 

John Felton. 

St. Albans. 



St. Alban's, eight miles from the Court, certain members of the 
Council would meet me there to discuss matters. As I was 
warned of their intention, I replied that I could not troat privately 
with any of them until the Queen would receive me, at least 
without the express order of the duke of Alba. It appears that 
the earl of Leicester railed a good deal about it at the Court when 
my servant took the reply, saying that it was a very great annoy- 
ance that I should remain so long in England, considering the way 
in which I was behaving, as I was only here to spy out what was 
going on. The letter whicli they wrote to me afterwards, and my 
reply thereto, are enclosed herewith. I do not believe that they 
will stop here, as the determination of Cecil and Leicester is, as 
the former's own secretary tells me, to turn me but of here, as 
they say that at such a time as this it is not fitting that your 
Majesty should have an ambassador in England. The duke of 
Norfolk is under guard in his own house, and it is believed will soon 
be released, as the Queen wishes to make use of him. London, 
12th August 1570. 


Since my last letter of the 9th instant, the only trustworthy 
news of importance is that the new governor of Scotland is in 
arms against the faithful subjects of the Queen, and the English 
have provided the governor of Berwick with money to keep 3,000 
men on the frontier. 

The earl of Northumberland is still a prisoner, and Westmore- 
land and Dacre, with their Englishmen, are with the queen of 
Scotland's friends. 

The pirates have collected at the Isle of Wight 31 sail besides a 
few others in the ports and at sea. 

At the mouth of this river all the Queen's ships are being 
armed and provisioned. Nine of the best of them are fully pre- 
pared, and anchored in the Downs, bound for Scotland, for the 
purpose of capturing Dumbarton. The other 14 cannot be ready 
under a month for lack of mariners, and because neither the biscuit 
nor the meat is ready. They have only taken the ships there to 
make an appearance of preparedness. Hawkins is ordered not to 
leave, and is lying off Plymouth until our fleet shall have passed. 
The pilot, Bayon, has returned here, and is passing his time until 
Hawkins has orders to sail. 

The news of peace in France is confirmed to-day, which makes 
these people all the more anxious. 

The president of Brittany has come here to try to get some 
money from this Queen on behalf of the woman who calls herself 
queen of Navarre, to help the Admiral and the Huguenots. He is 
being forwarded in his efforts by the Cardinal. 

The members of this Council are determined to annoy the am- 
bassador. They have recently written him a very discourteous 
letter, confirming their request that he would appear before certain 
representatives of the Queen within two days at a place 20 miles 
from here. It is expected that the object is to declare to him the 
Queen's request that he will leave the country. For good reasons 

feLIZABETH. 269 


his lordship lias replied that he would not attend, as lie had no 
instructions to negotiate, but it is to be presumed that in order to 
carry out their intention they will not scruple to come to his own 
house shortly. 

The agent of Portugal continues to negotiate about the treaty, 
and botli lie and the English are persuaded that they will come to 
terms, so that the trade between the two countries may be peace- 
fully carried on as in ordinary times. 

The rancour they show against those who knew anything of the 
Pope's excommunication is astonishing. Many persons are in 
prison in connection with this, and some are in danger of suffering 
the fearful cruelty which was perpetrated on the man who fixed 
the paper to the Bishop's door. The Admiral has taken, leave of 
the Queen to go with the fleet. He passed through London yester- 
day, accompanied by five Englishmen of high station, who are to 
serve as his lieutenants and councillors. 

Postscript : It is now said that they have summoned the ambas- 
sador in order to arrest him, and keep him under guard in his house 
until further orders. We shall know all in a few days, and 
I, myself, am expecting ill-treatment from them. 12th August 


I wrote to your worship on the 1 2th, and I now have to report 
that the Council has just sent a reply to the ambassador's letter. 
They say that as he has not attended they should not consider him 
henceforward as an ambassador, or treat him as such. The answer 
was criven verbally to the man who took the ambassador's letter, 
and we are expecting every moment that the Queen and Council 
will send an armed force to take the ambassador to the Tower, or 
give him into the custody of some gentleman who will guard him 
closely. If they take me too, it will not be so bad, but we fear 
they will separate us, and molest each of us according to our degree, 
showing to us in our own persons the feelings they entertain 
towards his Majesty's subjects. I leave this letter written m order 
that it may be sent through a friend for your information, as it is 
believed that neither the ambassador nor myself in future will have 
a chance of writing. It is not to be supposed that they would treat 
us in this extraordinary manner, and yet leave us free to write, 
but I have verbally begged a friend to let your worship know what 
may happen to us. London, 14th August 1570. 


The letter which goes herewith was already sealed, but as the 
messenger was detained I may continue by saying that we have 
been awaiting hourly sonic news from the Court respecting the 
ambassador, but nothing has yet arrived, although 1 have learned 
from a trustworthy source that they are determined to arrest him, 
and it is presumed that the English Commissioner who recently 
returned from Flanders is going back thither to-day to inform the 
Duke of the matter ; although this will not be his only object, but 
also to spy out what is being done about our nect. 



Scotland is all up in arms, and the Queen's friends are deter- 
mined to give battle to the new governor and others. He is 
begging for men and money here. This news is certain. Although 
it is quite incredible, it is generally affirmed that when our fleet 
passes, the English fleet will force it to salute. This absurdity 
sounds like a joke, but it is asserted by persons of weight, 
who assure us that the Admiral bears orders to do all manner of 
wonderful things if our fleet does not salute. 

The French nmbassador has gone to Court to announce to the 
Queen the terms of peace, and M. de Poigny is going back to 

The plague, (hank God, is not increasing, but there is great 
sickness of fever all over the country. The Queen is in poor health 
with her malady in the leg. 

The Admiral has returned to Court to discuss their intentions, 
and afterwards left in all haste to push forward the preparations 
on the fleet. Reviews are being held all over the island, and they 
are on the watch day and night. These people are saying that the 
Moors of Granada are resisting more than ever, at which they say 
they rejoice. London, 16th. 

Postscript : Whilst I was writing this, the Queen sent a gentleman 
to tell the ambassador that they are dissatisfied at his not having 
attended the appointment with the Queen's representatives as 
requested, but the ambassador excused himself, and he was then 
asked for a passport for Harry Cobham, whom this Queen i? 
sending to welcome our Queen. There are reports of some dis- 
turbance in the province of the earl of Derby. This Queen would 
not believe the settlement of peace in France until the ambassador 
showed her a letter from his King on the subject. This news of 
peace has caused them to send to-day to the Isle of Wight ordering 
the Englishmen who are on board the Walloon and French ships to 
come ashore, and to no longer accompany those pirates. 

These people are in great fear of the return of our fleet from 
Spain to Flanders, and dread lest the king of France should have 
made peace with his rebels on such bad terms only to turn upon the 
English. Closed 18th August 1570. 

16 Aug. 208. GUERATJ r>E SPES to the DUKE OF ALBA. 

By the ordinary post I wrote to your Excellency what had passed 
with the Council, sending you copies of their letter and my reply. 
After that, Cecil said to my secretary, Cipres, in the presence of 
another servant of mine, that he gathered from my letter that I 
wished to consult your Excellency, and this being so, the Queen <1M 
not consider me any longer an ambassador. My secretary, not 
wishing to take such a reply, Cecil said with great arrogance that 
he himself would send it to me either before the secretary got back 
or afterwards. I have therefore been expecting some piece of 
impertinence from him, but no one has come yet. I am told, 
however, that Fitzwilliams is being despatched to your Excellency, 
perliaps with the object of giving an account of this. They have 
refused to grant a passport for a servant of mine to go to your 




17 Auc 

Excellency about it. I send this advice as best I can, and if your 
Excellency thinks fit, Fitzwilliams may be spoken to about the ill- 
treatment meted out to an ambassador of such a sovereign as ours, 
at the sole instigation of Cecil, who has done so much to offend 
the King, and is trying to break the old friendship between the 
countries. He fears that, if the Queen hears it from my mouth, 
(and I can affirm it because I know) it may cause him to lose his 
place, and he misses no opportunity therefore of preventing it, 
feigning anything lie thinks best ; just as he did in the case of the 
bishop of Aquila, to whom it is notorious that he ordered poison 
to be administered. 

I have been informed that his brother-in-law, the Lord Chan- 
cellor, was going to interrogate me at St. Alban's, his house being 
near that town, and what with the gout and his fear of the plague, 
he dares not come nearer London. I am told that the inter- 
rogation was to take the form of a general inquiry, they thinking 
that I should be sure to fall into some expression which they could 
seize hold of, and make an excuse for my detention as I should 
have been tnken unawares. Cecil drew up the memorandum for 
it with his own hand, although the Queen was not very urgent 
about it, as she entertains some suspicions in consequence of the 
duke of Chatelherault having gathered a much greater force in 
Scotland than the. earl of Lennox, whom he is going to meet. If 
the English cross the border to help Lennox they will break the 
treaty with France, and Cecil therefore wants the Queen to send 
two councillors to the queen of Scotland to see whether some 
reconciliation cannot be made with her, without intervention of the 
French or Spaniards. The bishop of Ross will try to accompany 
them if they go. 

I also have to report that the letter that these four councillors 
wrote me was not written with proper courtesy, but I replied in 
the customary form in order to deprive than of any opportunity 
which might give Cecil a better chance of succeeding. London, 
16th August 1570. 

209. GUEUAU DE SPES to the KING. 

As affairs here are changeable, so also will be the reports I send 
to your Majesty. On the 13th instant Cecil sent his reply, as I 
stated in my last, to the effect that this Queen did not consider 
rne as an ambassador because I had to consult the duke of Alba. 
Cipres, my secretary, would not receive this answer. Since then 
matters have changed. The certainty of the peace in France, the 
news that Lennox is not obeyed in Scotland, doubts of the earl of 
Derby and his part of the country, as well as other fears, have 
caused them to alter their intention, and yesterday Walsingham, 
the man they have appointed to go to France, came to me from the 
Queen to complain mildly that I have not been to meet her repre- 
sentatives, pretending that my intentions were not good ; to which 
I replied that the duty of ambassadors was to treat with the 
sovereign to whom they are accredited, although points are often 
referred by them for discussion with councillors or representatives, 
but that tli-j. point was easily settled by my o:Tering to