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Vol. I 


Instructions to Editors. 

The Master of the Rolls desires to call the attention of the Editors of 
Calendars to the following considerations, with a view to secure uniformity 
of plan in the important works on which they are engaged : 

He is anxious to extend, as far as is consistent with proper economy and 
despatch, the utility of the Calendars of State Papers now publishing under 
his control : 1st. As the most efficient means of making the national archives 
accessible to all who are interested in historical inquiries ; 2nd. As the best 
justification of the liberality and munificence of the Government in throwing 
open these papers to the public, and providing proper catalogues of their 
contents at the national expense. 

The greater number of the readers who will consult and value these works 
can have little or no opportunity of visiting the Public Record Office, in 
which these papers are deposited. The means for consulting the originals 
must necessarily be limited when readers live at a distance from the metro- 
polis ; still more if they are residents of Scotland, Ireland, distant colonies, 
or foreign states. Even when such an opportunity does exist, the difficulty 
of mastering the original hands in which these papers are written will deter 
many readers from consulting them. Above all, their great variety and 
number must present formidable obstacles to literary inquirers, however 
able, sanguine, and energetic, when the information contained in them is 
not made accessible by satisfactory Calendars. 

The Master of the Rolls considers that, without superseding the necessity 
of consulting the originals, every Editor ought to frame his Calendar in such 
a manner that it shall present, in as condensed a form as possible, a correct 
index of the contents of the papers described in it. He considers that the 
entries should be so minute as to enable the reader to discover not only 
the general contents of the originals, but also what they do not contain. If 
the information be not sufficiently precise, if facts and names be omitted or 
concealed under a vague and general description, the reader will be often 
misled, he will assume that where the abstracts are silent as to information 
to be found in the documents, such information does not exist ; or he will 
have to examine every original in detail, and thus one great purpose will 
have been lost for which these Calendars have been compiled. 

a 6G529. ( (, 



As the documents are various, the Master of the Rolls considers that they 
will demand a corresponding mode of treatment. The following rules are 
to be observed : 

1st. All formal and official documents, such as letters of credence, war- 
rants, grants, and the like, should be described as briefly as possible. 

2nd. Letters and documents referring to one subject only should be cata- 
logued as briefly as is consistent with correctness. But when they contain 
miscellaneous news, such a description should be given as will enable a 
reader to f orm an adequate notion of the variety of their contents. 

3rd. Wherever a letter or paper is especially difficult to decipher, or the 
allusions more than ordinarily obscure, it will be advisable for the Editor to 
adhere, as closely as is consistent with brevity, to the text of the document. 
He is to do the same when it contains secret or very rare information. 

4th. Where the Editor has deciphered letters in cipher, the decipher may 
be printed at full length. But when a contemporary or authorised decipher 
exists it will be sufficient to treat the cipher as an ordinary document. 

5th. Striking peculiarities of expression, proverbs, manners, &c. are to be 
noticed. * 

6th. Original dates are to be given at the close of each entry, that the 
reader may know the exact evidence by which the marginal dates are 

7th. Where letters are endorsed by the receivers and the date of their 
delivery specified, these endorsements are to be recorded. 

8th. The number of written pages of each document is to be specified, as 
a security for its integrity, and that readers may know what proportion the 
abstract bears to the original. 

9th. The language of every document is to be specified. If, however, the 
greater part of the collection be in English, it will be sufficient to denote 
those only which are in a different tongue. 

10th. Where documents have been printed, a reference should be given to 
the publication. 

llth. Each series is to be chronological 

12th. The Prefaces of Editors, in explanation of documents in the volume 
are not to exceed fifty pages, unless the written permission of the Master of 
the Rolls to the contrary be obtained. 

Editors employed in foreign archives are to transcribe at full length 
important and secret papers. 














Vol. I. 


155 8-1 567. 




First published in 1892 on behalf of the Public Record Office 

Reprinted by permission of the Controller of Her Britannic Majesty's 

Stationery Office, London 


A Division of 




Printed in Germany 
Lessingdruckerei Wiesbaden 


PREFACE - - - - -ito Ixiii 


INDEX - - - - - - - - 691 to 708 


No period of equal length has ever been more important 
for the future of England than the first nine years of the 
reign of Elizabeth covered by the correspondence published 
in the present volume. The country was weak, divided 
and defenceless, ready apparently to fall a prey to one of 
the two great continental rivals who sought to dominate it. 
Catholics apprehensive and resentful, Protestants bitter 
and aggressive, were ready to fly at each other's throats, and 
Englishmen as a whole had no standard or rallying point 
where a common ground of patriotism might be found. 
Nothing but the consummate statesmanship of the great 
Queen, unless indeed we add her marvellous good fortune, 
would have been able successfully to play off one against 
the other the two European powers which alone England 
had to fear. Their jealousy of each other and the peculiar 
idiosyncracies of their respective rulers were taken ad- 
vantage of to the full by Elizabeth from the very first day 
of her reign, and whilst the well understood characteristics 
of her antagonists led to their policies being more or 
less continuous and consistent and so capable of being 
combated with comparative ease, her own fickleness and 
vacillation which under other circumstances would have 
been ruinous, were really so many points in her favour. 
Grim and subtle statesmen like Alba, de Granvelle and 
Philip himself playing their great game with far reaching 
insight and on certain fixed principles of conduct, were 
utterly thrown out of their calculations, outwitted over 
and over again by a young woman's apparently purposeless 

a 66539. a 


vagaries. When according to all accepted canons she 
should have taken a certain course, their deep calculations 
were apt to be thrown out of gear by her flying off at 
a tangent on a totally different tack and violating all the 
rules of the game. Elizabeth's own ministers were often 
as much at a loss to follow or understand the meaning of 
her varying moods as were her rivals. Strong and stead- 
fast Cecil, even heartsick of her changeful frivolity, was 
many times on the point of laying down his heavy burden 
in despair. The letters in the present volume abound 
with references which prove that the keen diplomatists 
who served the wily Philip were far more puzzled by the 
Queen's weakness than by her strength, and that the 
signal success that attended her policy, the splendid 
achievement of welding England into a united nation 
capable of withstanding the world in arms was not 
effected by Elizabeth's statecraft alone, great as that was, 
but also by the aid of the very qualities which her 
contemporaries looked upon as her principal reproach. 
The foreign series of State Papers of the period in the 
Public Record Office, calendars of which have been 
published under the editorship of Mr. Stevenson, enable 
us to see the hand of one of the parties to the game, so far 
as the Queen's constant changes allow it to be reflected 
in official documents, and glimpses have been afforded 
at the hands of the other players by the publication 
of the Granvelle papers, Gachard's correspondence of 
Philip II. relative to the Netherlands, the researches of 
MM. Teulet and Mignet, and the various extracts from 
the correspondence contained in the present volume, which 
have through various channels reached English readers. 
Tlie lirst attempt to lay before the public this important 
portion of the vast mass of historical documents housed in 
11 10 Castilion village of Siniancas was made 60 years ago 


by the publication of the seventh volume of the " Memories 
de la Real Academia de la Historia Madrid 1832," in 
which Don Tomas Gonzales, Canon of Plasencia, gave a 
kind of slight summary of some of the principal letters 
ranging from 1558 to 1576.* There was no attempt at 
completeness and neither the letters chosen nor the portions 
summarised were those which in all cases are of the greatest 
service in the elucidation of the facts interesting to English 
readers, but such as it was Serior Gonzales' book proved 
of important service for some years to the historians of the 
time who found in it a previously unused source of infor- 
mation, and largely availed themselves of it. Mr. Froude 
made the next step in advance by having a large number of 
copies and extracts made from the original correspondence 
at Simancas for the purpose of his history, and the letters 
of bishop Quadra particularly have been used by him 
very largely as a basis of his narrative of events. The 
numerous extracts from the correspondence scattered in 
notes through the pages of Mr. Proude's history, divorced as 
they necessarily were from their context, only accentuated 
the need for historical students to have the text itself 
before them, in order that they might form their own 
judgment as to its contents. An opportunity was afforded 
for this by the publication in Madrid in 1886 and 
subsequently under subsidy from the Spanish Government 
of volumes 87, 89, 90, 91 and 92 of the " Documentos 
ineditos para la historia de Espana" containing the 

* It was called " Apuntamieutos para la historia del Eey Don Felipe 
" Segundo de Espana por lo tocante a sus relaciones con la Reina Isabel 
" de Inglaterra desde el ano 1558 hasta el de 1576 formados con presenda 
" dc la correspondence Diplomatica orginal dc dicha epoca por Don 
" Tomas Gonzales, Canonigo de Plasencia." A translation of a portioji 
of these notes relating to the correspondence between 1558 and 1568 was 
published in English iu 1865 by Messrs. Chapman and Hall under the 
editorship of Mr. Spencer Hall, F.S.A., Librarian of the Athenreum. 

a 2 


correspondence of Philip II. with his Ambassadors at 
the court of England from 1558 to 1584*. I was honoured 
with the commission from the Master of the Rolls to prepare 
and edit a condensed version of these important State 
papers for the use of English students, but it soon 
became evident to me that so little care and knowledge 
had been exercised by the Spanish editors in the 
preparation of the volumes that much collation and 
correction would have to be done before any trustworthy 
result could be attained. In many cases the names could 
only be ascertained by an elaborate process of deduction ; 
several important letters are ascribed to incorrect dates, 
and even to wrong years, and it has not apparently been 
considered necessary that a letter should convey any 
connected sense or meaning, so that the transcribers and 
compositors between them seem to have had a free hand, 
with such a result as might be expected. Although I 
have done my best under the circumstances to render the 
present edition as trustworthy as possible, I cannot hope 
that it will be entirely free from blemishes. I have 
carefully compared the Spanish text where doubtful with 
Mr. Eroude's extracts and copies &nd with transcripts 
of many of the letters in the British Museum, and in 
numerous cases I have filled gaps in the continuity of the 
Spanish correspondence by letters from Philip's Flemish 
agents who were sent over from time to time to assist 
his Spanish Ambassadors in the settlement of questions 
concerning Flanders. "Where this has been done reference 
is given in the margin indicating where the transcripts I 
have used may be found, but it will be seen that the 
additional correspondence thus introduced lias been confined 
entirely to the letters of the special Flemish envoys already 
mentioned and to certain Spanish letters which for some 
reason or other have been omitted by the Spanish editors, 


but of which transcripts from Simancas were obtainable. 
The letters contained in the present volume extend from 
the accession of Elizabeth in November 1558 to the end 
of the year 1567, and comprise the correspondence of the 
Count de Feria, of Alvaro de la Quadra bishop of Aquila 
and a portion of that of Diego Guzman de Silva. In this 
correspondence the innermost working of the tortuous 
Spanish policy of the period is for the first time laid bare. 
It must be confessed that a careful perusal of it does not 
tend to raise our opinion of Philip's statesmanship. Over 
and over again in the course of the correspondence there 
are junctures arrived at when only a little boldness was 
wanting on his part to place England and all Europe in 
his hands. The blow was never struck. His faithful 
emissaries one after the other wore their hearts out in 
beseeching him to accept the offers of the English Catholics, 
to strike a deadly blow at the reformed religion by making 
common cause with the Guises, or by boldly marrying his 

son Carlos to the widowed Mary Stuart and favouring her 

claim to the English crown, to take up one of the other 

numerous claimants, to force the Archduke's marriage 
with Elizabeth, to help the Irish rebels, in fact to do 
anything which would have won him the game. The 
majority of the English nobles were in his pay and interest, 
the common people out of London and the southern 
counties would have welcomed any ruler who would ensure 
them the peaceful enjoyment of the Catholic religion and 
freedom from molestation in their daily lives. But whilst 
with the English Catholics their religion was their 
principal object and motive, Philip, for all his professed 
devotion, looked upon it mainly as a means to other ends. 
So he delayed and procrastinated, doubted and temporised, 
whilst one opportunity after another was lost and the 
consolidation of England went on until after thirty years 


of sluggish hesitancy he took the plunge and found to his 
dismay that he had to face a united nation under a mature 
and popular sovereign instead of a hroken and divided 
people under a new and douhtfully legitimate Queen. 
The Ambassador in whose letters the feeling of impatience 
and disgust at the King's inaction are most plainly expressed 
is the Count de Feria. His high rank and his kinship with 
Philip allowed him to speak of and to him with a freedom 
which his succcessors dared not emulate. Of all the train 
of gallant nobles, the flower of Castile and Aragon, who 
accompanied Philip to England in July 1554 to espouse 
his elderly bride, one of the most splendid and fastuous 
was Don Gomez Suarez de Figueroa, Count de Feria, an 
especial favourite of his royal relative, and who was 
appointed by Philip to be a member of his Council on his 
accession to the throne. High were the hopes of the 
Spaniards of all ranks who came over with the new King. 
England they had been told was in future to belong to 
Spain, and they bore themselves before and during the 
journey more like a victorious host going to take posses- 
sion of their conquest than a marriage party. But they 
promptly found out their mistake ; as soon as they arrived 
in Southampton water English distrust and dislike made 
itself felt. Philip thought it prudent to allow no one to 
land from the fleet but his nobles and a few of their 
servants, so the soldiers and sailors remained cooped up in 
their ships till they got mutinous and then were packed 
off to Portsmouth and thence to Flanders. On shore 
things were still worse ; scowls and black looks greeted the 
Spaniards everywhere. In London none would give them 
houscroom but the City guilds who were obliged to do 
so, Spanish nobles of high rank were insulted and robbed 
in broad daylight in the streets, and most of them made 
haste to shake the dust of the ungrateful country from their 


feet and went to fight the French in Flanders. But those 
who went and those who stayed were bitterly chagrined. 
They wrote indignant letters to Spain inveighing against 
the barbarians who were so impious as to regard monarchs 
as mere puppets to be governed by the Council, and who 
openly dared to say that all they wanted Philip for was to 
engender a son and then he might go about his business, 
and good riddance, for he should never rule in England. 
The hatred and scorn of the proud Spaniards at the insults 
to which they were subjected and their disappointment to 
find that they were no more masters of England than 
before the King made the great sacrifice of marrying the 
Queen were all the more intense because they were forced 
to keep a smiling face and suffer in silence. But they 
nursed their wrath to keep it warm, and Feria, haughtiest 
and most overbearing of them all, hated England and 
Englishmen with a fierce intensity which constantly 
blazes out in his letters. He had married Jane Dormer, 
one of Queen Mary's maids of honour, a daughter of Sir 
William Dormer of Ethrope and a niece of Sir Henry 
Sidney, and after accompanying Philip to Flanders had 
been again sent over to London in January 1558 to advise 
Mary as to the course she should take respecting the 
loss of Calais and to congratulate her on her supposed 
pregnancy. He had apportioned to him as a residence 
Durham Place in the Strand, one of the principal royal 
houses, and also had apartments in the palace as if he had 
been an English privy councillor, and even thus early, 
although he appeared to be almost paramount in the 
Queen's counsels and practically did as he liked, he breaks 
out constantly in his letters in impatient and scornful 
denunciations of English institutions, the Councillors and 
even of the Queen herself, which prove notwithstanding 
all that has been said to the contrary how far ho was from 


understanding England or Englishmen. From all his 

letters at this period there stands forth with infinite pathos 

the figure of Mary herself, weak of body, sick at heart 

and infirm of purpose, swayed this way and that, now by 

Cardinal Pole, now by her Councillors and now by Feria 

of whom she was afraid. Calais lost, Guines surrendered, 

the treasury empty, the Scotch frontier defenceless, the 

southern coast open to the enemy and her people sullen 

almost to mutiny at having to support an unpopular and 

unfortunate war, the poor Queen's one hope in the world 

seems to be the coming of her consort. The principal 

object of Feria's mission early in 1558 was to urge upon 

Mary and her Council the need for promptly raising a 

fleet to defend the coasts and for the muster of an army to 

guard the Scotch marches. Ratcliff, earl of Sussex had an 

idea that the English gentry might be ordered to bring a 

force of horse for the Queen's service, but Mary knew 

better and told Feria that all the gentry together would 

not furnish 100 horsemen and as many foot, whereupon 

Feria was confirmed in his previously expressed opinion 

that Sussex was a liar and a knave, and says he wonders 

what he (Philip) saw in the fellow to fall in love with him 

as he did. Feria worked upon the fears of Mary and the 

Council by stories of a league of the Hanse towns and 

Denmark against them and an attack projected upon the 

Isle of Wight from Dieppe, which he knew to be false, and 

at last frightened them into ordering 500 horse and 3,000 

foot to be raised in Germany and an English fleet to be 

collected in all haste. But, after large sums of money had 

been spent on them both, the infantry and the fleet were 

used for Philip's service, although Feria admits that if four 

French ships were to land men on the coast the whole 

nation would be overturned. Nothing can exceed the 

Ambassador's scorn at the cumbrous way of obtaining 


supplies from Parliament. He was for ever worrying the 
Queen to find some quicker and more abundant way of 
supplying the wants of the nation, or what is more 
probable the needs of his master. In vain they told him 
that the sum voted was the largest amount ever granted 
to an English sovereign by Parliament, and the Queen 
praised the willingness and loyalty with which it had been 
voted. Feria could not understand so much circumlocution 
in obtaining funds from subjects, and made no attempt to 
disguise his scorn for such methods and for the ineptitude 
of Councillors who knew no better. Paget came to him 
one day to say that if he were allowed a larger share 
in the management of the Queen's affairs he would soon 
set matters right. He knew of a way, he said, to raise 
800,000 crowns at once. But it all ended in smoke. 
Paget's device as might be expected was one of those 
fashionable under his old master Henry VIII. a 
benevolence but impossible now, and he was laughed at 
by the Councillors. Then they tell Feria that.Gresham 
is to go to Antwerp, as they have arranged to borrow 
100,0007. there and 60,000/. in London. When Gresham 
arrives in Flanders he can only get 10,000^., and Feria 
writes in hot scorn and indignation and advises Philip to 
punish Gresham for not going to Brussels to see him 
before doing the business and for misleading them as 
to the amount. 

On the 10th March 1558, Feria writes : " I have not 
" written before for I am at my wit's end, God knows, 
" what to do with these people. From morning to night 
" and from night to morning they are changing their 
" minds in everything and it is impossible to make them 
" understand the position they are in, the worst surely 
" in which a people ever were. If it were only for 
" them, I should like to see them fall into the hands of 
" those who would treat them as they deserve, but I am 


" afraid they would drag us down with them. The 
" Queen says she does all she can, and really her will is 
" good and her heart stout, but everything else is wrong." 

Even thus early, months before Mary's fatal illness, 
the star of Elizabeth is clearly in the ascendant. 

When the maladroit Swedish Ambassador came in May 
with an offer from Prince Eric for Elizabeth's hand and 
delivered to the Princess a letter from his master before 
mentioning the matter to the Queen, Mary's great distress 
and trouble for fear Philip should blame her for failing 
to compel her sister to marry the duke of Savoy as Philip 
wished in the previous year, touch even Eeria. She is 
somewhat tranquillised by Elizabeth's answer that she does 
not wish to marry, and Feria expresses an opinion that this 
distress was one of the causes of her miscarriage, concluding 
by these words : " In short, Sire, I believe that her Majesty 
" will not do anything to prevent her (Elizabeth) from 
" being Queen if God do not send your Majesty children." 
A fortnight later Eeria again returns to the subject, and 
writing on the 18th May 1558 says: "I wrote to your 
" Majesty that I did not go to see Madam Elizabeth when 
" I arrived because my only means then of successfully 
" carrying through the business about which I came was 
" to obtain the goodwill of the Queen, and I did not think 
" well to disturb her, particularly as I had no special 
" instructions from your Majesty. I have since sent 
" however to excuse myself to Madam Elizabeth by the 
" Admiral's wife who was brought up with her and is her 
" close friend, saying that after she left, c. courier had 
" arrived from your Majesty with orders for me to visit 
11 her on your behalf. I had already told Paget to make 
" my excuses to her but I do not believe he did so as 
*' the Admiral's wife told me that on his asking Madam 
" Elizabeth whether I had been to see her and being told 


" that I had not he simply expressed surprise and nothing 
" else. Both Figueroa and I think that the matter should 
" not be left in this way, but that I ought to go and visit 
" her before I leave. She is twenty miles from London. 
" Your Majesty knows the whole of the circumstances, 
" and if you think I should go it will be necessary for 
" you to write to the Queen." 

The proposed visit to Elizabeth at Hatfield was paid at 
the end of June, but Feria did not trust the details to 
paper. The object of his coming to England had been 
effected. He had frightened the Council into raising a 
fleet which had been placed at Philip's disposal ; he had 
worried the Queen and her advisers into borrowing every 
penny that could be obtained both in Antwerp and 
London ; Mary's hope of progeny had disappeared and her 
illness and melancholy daily increased, so Feria started for 
Brussels in July, at the urgent request of his master, who 
was very anxious, as he says, to hear by word of mouth 
all that had passed. 

Dassonleville, one of Philip's Flemish Council, remained 
in London, and on the 10th October reported that the 
Queen was then better than she had been since the 
commencement of her malady, but on the 7th November 
he wrote an important letter saying that Parliament had 
just met to discuss the then pending negotiations for peace 
and the succession to the throne in case of the Queen's 
death, which was then understood to be approaching. He 
says how beneficial it would be for Philip himself to be 
present in order to bend the Parliament to his will, but 
that if the King cannot come he urges the despatch of 
the Count de Feria to England as " it is clear that this 
" country cannot stand without an alliance with Flanders 
" against its natural enemies the French and Scotch, 
" although the common people do not understand it yet. 


" so full are they of projects for marrying Madam 
" Elizabeth to the earl of Arundel or someone else." He 
says that ill as the Queen is vulgar rumour makes her 
out to be even worse, which he fears will make the 
French more obstinate about the restoration of Calais. 
Disturbances may occur in the country at any moment. 
The important part of Dassonleville's letter however is 
a hurriedly written postcript as follows : " Continuant 
" rindisposition de la Royne ceulx du conseil d'ici le jour 
" d'hier out remonstre" a S. M. plusieurs choses pour 
" 1'enchyre de faire quelques declarations favourables pour 
" Madame Elizabeth touchant la succession du Royaulme. 
te De maniere que sa diet Majeste si est accorded et 
" s'envoyent de la part de S. M. ct du conseil les contro- 
" leurs et maitre des rolles demain matin vers la dicte 
" dame luy declairer que la Royne est tres bien contente 
'" qu'elle luy succede s'il advient qu'elle decede, la 
" requerant entre aultres de deux choses Tune qu'elle 
" voculle maintenir 1'ancienne religion comme S. M. la 
" restitute, la seconde payer les debites qu'elle deleisera. 
" Et les attendon incontinent de retour donct nai volu 
" leiser a ceste heure par ce courier partant incontinent 
" advertir V. M. ensamble que jurnellement de plus en 
" plus Ton craint la fin de ceste malladie." 

On the day this postscript was written, Feria was already 
hurrying post haste from Brussels to London, where he 
arrived two days afterwards, on the 9th November 1558. 
The Queen was partially unconscious and unable to read 
the letter he brought from her absent husband, but as 
Feria says, " always in the fear of God and love of Chris- 
" tianity." The Ambassador did not lose much time 
however over his dying mistress, but called the Council 
together and approved in Philip's name the choice of 
Elizabeth as tho Queen's successor, and then at once took 


horse the same day and again visited the coming Queen at 
Hatfield, Here the long duel in which Elizabeth was 
eventually to come off victorious hegan. So long as Feria 
confined himself to courteous commonplace, she answered 
him in the same spirit, hut as soon as he hegan to patronise 
her and hint that she owed her coming crown to the 
intervention and support of Philip she stopped him at once 
and said that she would owe it only to her people. She 
was equally firm and queenly when Feria liinted at her 
marriage with her Spanish brother-in-law, and all through 
the interview showed a determination to hold her own 
and to resist all attempts to place her in the tutelage of 

At this point the letters in the present volume commence 
and the confusion which reigned during the first few days 
of the great transition are vividly described by Feria. 
" Things are in such a hurly-burly and confusion that 
" fathers do not know their own children " If she 
" decides to marry out of the country, she will at once fix 
" her eyes on your Majesty, although some of them arc 
" sure to pitch upon the Archduke Ferdinand. I am not 
" sure of all this but only conjecture. I hope your 
" Majesty will pardon the disorder and confusion of my 
" letters, for tilings here are going on in such a way that 
" it is quite impossible to get enlightened on anything, 
" and if I wrote everything she and they say I should 
" never end. Really this country is more fit to be dealt 
" with sword in hand than by cajolery, for there are 
" neither funds nor soldiers nor heads nor forces, and 
" yet it is overflowing with every other necessary of 
" life." 

Feria's hatred of Englishmen blazes out even in this first 
letter after the Queen's death, and whilst railing about the 
falseness of the dead Cardinal Pole, the ingratitude of 


" that scurvy Lord Chamberlain Hastings " and the rest 
of the Council " who are all as ungrateful to your Majesty 
" as if they have never received anything from your 
" hands," he yet suggests that the Queen must be married 
to a husband of Philip's choosing, and that wholesale 
bribery must be resorted to in order to bring this about. 
It very soon became clear to the Ambassador that he had 
to deal with a very different set of people from those who 
surrounded Mary. Instead of being allowed to bully the 
Queen and Counsellors, as he had done in the previous 
reign, he found himself an object of suspicion. " I am 
" trying to get a chamber in the palace when she goes to 
" Whitehall, although I am very much afraid they will 
" not give me one, but I have little chance of getting to 
" talk to these people from the outside, and they are so 
" suspicious of me that not a man amongst them dares 
" to speak to me." " They are all very glad to be free of 
" your Majesty, as if you had done harm instead of very 
" much good, and although in all my letters to your 
" Majesty I have said how small a party you have here, I 
" I am never satisfied that I have said enough to describe 
" things as they really are. As I am so isolated from 
" them, I am much embarrassed and confused to devise 
" means of finding out what is going on, for truly they 
" run away from me as if I were the devil. The best 
" thing will be to get my foot into the palace so as to 
" speak oftener to the Queen, as she is a woman who is 
" very fond of argument." But Elizabeth was quite 
shocked at the idea of giving an apartment in her palace 
to a man who might represent a possible suitor for her 
hand, and Eeria had to content himself by taking every 
opportunity of playing upon the Queen's vanity and 
jealousy of her dead sister to prevent her from marrying 
a subject or indeed making a match less brilliant than 


Mary had done. For all liis suave exterior and soft words, 
he soon recognised that his pride and arrogance made him 
too impatient fittingly to deal with the new Queen and 
her Councillors, indeed Elizabeth herself said that he was 
too proud and knew too much to stay there, and he 
confessed to the King that it was useless for him to try 
and cajole them without money, and even then he must 
have someone by his side more facile than himself 
" as I am a bad hand at negotiating without a tender." 
So he asked the King to send him the bishop of Aquila 
to help him. Of all possible instruments probably the 
Bishop was the very best that could have been chosen. 
Supple, patient, insinuating and unscrupulous, "a clever 
and crafty old fox," as Bishop Jewel calls him,* he was 
the type of the ecclesiastical diplomatist that especially 
suited Philip's cautious, stealthy methods, at a time when 
religion and politics were almost interchangeable words. 
Thenceforward for nearly five years Alvaro de la Quadra, 
bishop of Aquila, was a foremost factor in English politics, 
until heartbroken and worn out by Philip's procrastination 
and neglect of opportunities he was left to die in debt and 
poverty in a foreign land by the master he had tried to 
serve so well. 

The tone of Feria's letters in the present volume would 
seem to prove that Philip can hardly have been such a 
terror to his intimates as history has usually represented 
him. We know it is true that he could strike swiftly and 
relentlessly whilst he smiled at his victim, as most of his 
favourites one after the other found to their cost when it 
was too late. But Feria makes no attempt to soften the 
unpalatable truths he has to tell, and blurts out the tale of 
Philip's unpopularity and all the London gossip about him 

* Znrich Letters, Parker Society, Jewel to Peter Martyr, 7th February 


with the thinnest veneer of ceremony. He gives his 
advice to his sovereign too in a blunt and peremptory way, 
and uses familiar and jocose expressions in his letters to 
the King in a manner which indicates that the relations 
between them were as much those of friends as of 
sovereign and subject. The most curious part of this 
is, however, the. startling frankness and hardly veiled 
contempt of which he speaks of Philip in his letters to 
third persons, particularly after his return to Flanders. It 
is quite a revelation to see when the veil is lifted, as it is 
in Feria's friendly letters to the Bishop, that the King was 
not by any means a sphinx-like hero to his friends, but 
that his indolence, his timidity and his procrastination 
were roundly condemned by them. A good specimen of 
Philip's halting and tentative policy is his letter (No. 8.) 
instructing Feria to propose his marriage to the Queen 
(10th January 1559). As will have been seen, the matter 
had been hinted at even before Mary's death and at 
intervals ever since had been approached indirectly by Feria 
in liis interviews with the Queen. From the spirited way 
in which she met these advances, it should have been clear 
that she would accept no man as a husband, however high 
his position, unless he came as a suitor, and that she herself 
would not bate one jot of her kingship for the greatest 
match in Christendom. And yet Philip seems to have 
thought that he only had graciously to consent and to 
dictate his own terms for England once more to saddle 
herself with him ; a belief which it is difficult to under- 
stand in the face of Feria's outspoken letters to him. 
Philip intimates his willingness to make the sacrifice in 
the following words : "As regards myself, if they should 
" broach the subject to you, you should treat it in such 
" a way as neither to accept nor reject the business 
" altogether. It is a matter of such grave importance 


" that it was necessary for me to take counsel and 

" maturely consider it in all its bearings before I sent you 

" my decision. Many great difficulties present themselves, 

" and it is difficult for me to reconcile my conscience to it, 

" as I am obliged to reside in my other dominions and 

" consequently could not be much in England, which is 

" apparently what they fear, and also because the Queen 

" has not been sound on religion, and it would not look 

" well for me to marry her unless she were a Catholic. 

" Besides this, such a marriage would appear like entering 

" upon a perpetual war with France, seeing the claims 

" that the queen of Scots has to the English crown. The 

" urgent need for my presence in Spain 

" and the heavy expense I should be put to in England 

" by reason of the costly entertainment necessary to the 

" people there, together with the fact that my treasury 

" is so utterly exhausted as to be unable to meet the 

" necessary ordinary expenditure .... bearing 

" in mind these and many other difficulties no less grave 
" .... I nevertheless cannot lose sight of the 

*' enormous importance of such a match to Christianity 

" and the preservation of religion which has been restored 

" in England by the help of God. Seeing also the import- 

" ance that the country should not fall back into its 

" former errors lohich would cause to our neighbouring 

" dominions serious dangers and difficulties, I have 

" decided to place on one side all other considerations 

" which might be urged against it and am resolved to 

" render this service to God and oifer to marry the Queen 

" of England and will use every possible effort to carry 

" this through if it can be done on the conditions that will 

" be explained to you. The first and most important is 

" that you should satisfy yourself that the Queen will 

" profess the same religion as I do, which is the same 

a 66529. b 


" that I shall ever hold, and that she will persevere in the 
" same and uphold it in the country, and with this end 
" will do all that may appear necessary to me. She will 
" have to obtain secret absolution from the Pope and the 
" necessary dispensation, so that when I marry her she 
" will be a Catholic, which she has not hitherto been. In 
" this way it will be evident and manifest that I am 
" serving the Lord in marrying her and that she has 
" been converted by my act." (No. 8.) 

In the meanwhile the religious innovations that were 
being made, although far from satisfying the reforming 
party, were deeply disturbing the Catholics and alarming 
Philip, who after submitting the case to Alba, B/uy Gomez 
and de Granvelle took the extreme course of instructing 
Feria to forcibly press upon the Queen the need of pre- 
venting changes in religious affairs for her own sake if 
for no other. He is to arouse her suspicion of the 
heretics, as they are known to cling to the French, and 
is told even to threaten her that if any religious changes 
are allowed she must abandon all hope of marriage with 
Philip. Feria saw how little his King realised the true 
state of affairs in England and did not venture to breathe 
a word about religion to the Queen whilst the marriage 
question was pending. He does not indeed seem to have 
pressed the marriage question very eagerly, as it must 
have been evident to him on the spot that a match saddled 
with such conditions as those imposed by Philip would be 
impossible. When he found the Queen harping on her 
usual string of disinclination to marry, he refused to take 
an answer at all unless it were a favourable one, and 
practically dropped the negotiation, for which want of 
persistence Elizabeth taunted Feria and his successors for 
years after whenever the matter was mentioned. It must 


of course have been evident to her, as it was to Feria, that 
such a match was impossible for her, but it certainly 
would have suited her to keep the matter afoot for a time, 
as a means of obtaining better terms from the French 
in the peace negotiations. Philip himself, completely 
exhausted by the war, had settled by means of his 
commissioners at Chateau Cambresis the terms of a peace, 
but Mary's death and the consequent expiry of the 
commissions given to her representatives at the congress 
had caused delay with regard to England's part of the 
arrangement. It was impossible for England to carry on 
the war alone, and although Philip for diplomatic reasons 
forbore to make a separate peace he instructed Feria over 
and over again to assure the Queen and Council that if 
peace could not be concluded without abandoning the 
demands for the restitution of Calais, then Calais must go. 
It was a bitter pill for Elizabeth to swallow thus early, and 
it must be confessed that if diplomacy and finesse could have 
preserved the town for England it would have been kept. 
Whilst Philip, who had settled his own affairs with the 
French months before, was holding out for his English 
allies and certainly doing his best to minimise the French 
demands, the English Queen was secretly negotiating with 
France for a separate peace which should leave the Spaniards 
in the lurch. Guido Cavalcanti went secretly backwards 
and forwards treating of peace and of marriage, bearing 
draft treaties and love tokens, but secret as he was, 
hidden in Elizabeth's palace itself, Philip and Feria knew 
all that was going on, and the latter in one of his letters 
(No. 13) suggests to his master that Cavalcanti might 
be quietly got rid of. No matter how or by whom the 
negotiations were carried on, it soon became evident that 
the French would keep Calais, and after frequent bursts 
of rage and empty threats about it, Elizabeth at last 

b 2 


agreed to an arrangement by which the fortress was to 
be returned to the English after six years and peace 
was concluded between all the powers. Even thus early 
Feria had recognised that he was no match in diplomatic 
cunning for Elizabeth and Cecil, and he now saw that 
with the conclusion of peace the growing popularity of 
the Queen amongst the common people, and the close 
community between the Huguenot party in France and 
the English Protestants, some bold course must be taken 
if Spain was to remain dominant in England. Whilst the 
question of Philip's marriage with the Queen was yet 
undecided and the terms of peace unsettled, the Ambassador 
sent the bishop of Aquila to the King to give him a verbal 
account of affairs in England and to urge him to action. 
In the letter from Feria to Philip announcing this 
(No. 15) he says, " If they cannot agree on terms with the 
" French nor are disposed to prepare suitably for carrying 
" on the war (which they cannot do and even if they did 
" I would not accept it unless I had your Majesty's orders) 
" I think it will be best to pick a quarrel on that question 
" and on religion and the marriage so that we can press 
" them again in that way or open the door for your 
" Majesty, if nothing else can be done, to act in your own 
" interests. When this is decided the Bishop will go to 
" give your Majesty an account of the state of the country 
" and the dissensions which are feared, and all other 
" points which may be necessary for your Majesty's 
" guidance as to your relations with these people, and in 
" the event of their ruin to provide beforehand for what 
" must be foreseen and provided for " The Bishop took 
to Flanders with him some rough notes of the points to 
be urged upon the King (No. 17), which give a vivid 
reflection of Feria's view of the situation and an indication 
of the lines upon which the Bishop was instructed to 


approach Philip. After dwelling upon the confused state 
of things, the defencelessness of the country and the evil 
it would be to Spain that England should fall under French 
influence, the notes conclude, " That his Majesty's obliga- 
" tions in these matters should be considered and in 
" sight of them and the state of things here a fit remedy 
" should be applied. To consider the perils and troubles 
" which may be feared if no such remedy is provided 
" first spiritual and then temporal." The meaning of the 
final words no doubt was that the Pope should be allowed 
to declare Elizabeth illegitimate, and that Philip should 
immediately thereafter openly espouse the cause of one of 
the pretenders to the crown other than the queen of Scots, 
probably Catherine Grey, with whom Peria was friendly 
and who is perhaps the person referred to in the beginning 
of the notes under the name of Maria Isabella. Philip is 
to be left in no doubt about his own unpopularity, and 
is to be informed that only by working upon the 
religious prejudices of the Catholics and a lavish ex- 
penditure of money in bribes can anything effectual be 
done. Soon after the Bishop departed, Feria wrote to the 
King hinting again strongly that aid should be given to 
the Catholics to revolt. " If I had money and authority," 
he says, " I would willingly rather give it to them (i.e. the 
" Catholic Bishops) than pay the pensions of these 
" renegades who have sold their God and the honour of 
" their country. I am sure that religion will not fall, 
" because the Catholic party is two thirds larger than the 
" other, but I could wish that the work were done by 
" your Majesty's hands and that God should not be 
" delivered over to the enemy." Philip's jealousy of the 
French, his love of being on the strong side, and his 
attachment to Catholicism, were all appealed to in order 
to spur him on to action which should nip the rising hopes 


of Elizabeth and the reformers, but in addition to Philip's 
caution and hesitancy there were other difficulties in 
the way of which Feria failed to gauge the importance. 
Philip was hoping to disarm Erance by his marriage with 
Elizabeth of Valois, the King's daughter, and he knew 
that his open assistance to the English Catholics to depose 
the Queen and stifle Protestantism would exacerbate 
the enmity of the Protestant princes of Germany and 
perhaps let loose the storm of which the mutterings were 
already audible in Elanders. So in answer to Eeria's 
advice and the Bishop's arguments he directs a policy 
of soft words, of pacification, of palliation, and tells his 
Ambassador again and again, " You must keep principally 
" in view by all ways and means to avoid a rupture 
" as already mentioned the importance of which is so 
" great that I cannot be satisfied without repeating 
" it so many times." And yet, as showing his constitu- 
tional indecision, he sends at the time 60,000 crowns 
to be spent "in gaining friends," and says, "I have also 
" ordered in case of necessity that money should be raised 
" to fit out a fleet in a short time, so that it may 
" be ready to carry men over to England if required. 
" I have not had it done at once so as not to 
" arouse the jealousy of the English and in order 
" that people may not think it is for my voyage to 
" Spain." This policy did not commend itself to fiery 
Eeria. He keenly felt the decrease of his influence since 
the death of Mary, and was still of opinion that the only 
way to " deal with these people was sword in hand." His 
interviews with the Queen were wordy combats in which 
Elizabeth's nimbleness and womanly wit usually out- 
matched his hot-headed arrogance. Whilst Philip was 
counselling soft words and the marriage of the Queen 
with his bigoted Austrian cousin Eerdinand, Eeria was 


only thinking of armed force with which he might 
satiate his revenge against the heretical English whom 
he hated. 

On the llth April 1559 (No. 24), he writes to the King 
in this strain : " Now that God has deigned to send this 
" great boon of peace to Christendom, and your Majesty is 
" more at leisure to attend to other obligations, I think it is 
" time to consider how things are going to end here. This 
" business is divided into two heads ; first that of religion, 
" and whether your Majesty is bound in this respect I do 
" not enquire, although the Catholics claim that notwith- 
" standing the country having been at the disposal of your 
" Majesty to be treated as you wished it has come to its 
" present pass. The other head is the question of the 
" State and the necessity of preventing the king of France 
" from dominating the kingdom, for which object he has 
" two circumstances so favourable to him, namely the just 
" claims of the queen of Scots and the great ease with 
" which he could take possession owing to the miserable 
" state in which the country is, as I have informed your 
" Majesty several times since I came hither, and I think 
" it has been growing worse every hour. I have done my 
" best to carry out your Majesty's commands to try and 
" tranquillise the country and please the Queen, and to 
" hold my hand in religious affairs .... But it 
" behoves me to consider whether with things as they are 
" your Majesty can be assured of that which is desirable, 
" because, as I understand, leaving aside God's affairs and 
" religious matters unredressed, now that these people arc 
" better able to do as they like than at any time since this 
" woman became Queen, all the time which may be 
" allowed them to carry out their heresies will be pernicious 
" to the tranquillity of the country and may give rise 
" to tumult. And besides this whenever the king of 


" France finds means in Rome to get this woman declared 
" a heretic together with her bastardy and advances his 
" own claim your Majesty will he more perplexed . . 
" than at present, because I do not see how your Majesty 
" could in such case go against God and justice and 
" against the Catholics who will doubtless join him (the 
" king of France) if lie comes with the voice of the 
" Church behind him. To let him take the country, 
" which he will do with so much ease that I dread to 
" think of it, would be to my mind the total ruin of vour 

V * 

" Majesty and all your States, and seeing things in this 
" light as I do and to fail to inform your Majesty would 
" in my opinion be a crime worthy of punishment 
" both towards God and your Majesty." 

But it was all useless; Philip the prudent was not 
to be hurried. His one idea was to get back to his beloved 
Spain, amongst a people as grave and leisurely as himself, 
and Feria begged to be relieved from his uncongenial and 
unsuccessful mission. His English Countess had, he 
thought, been treated off-handedly by the Queen, and lie 
himself was looked upon with suspicion by all the Court, 
so an excuse was invented that he was to be one of the 
hostages of peace sent by Philip to the French, which was 
untnie, so that he might lay down his embassy without 
an open confession of his unfitness for it. 

Before he left, the question of the Queen's marriage 
had assumed a new phase. The earl of Arundel had 
receded into the background and Guido Cavalcanti's 
vicarious wooing for a French prince had come to an end. 
Philip's own suit had only been tentatively put forward 
and according to Elizabeth's own avowal to the French 
Ambassador had been rejected by her on her conscientious 
scruples against marrying her brother-in-law, but really, as 
we have seen, for far more weighty reasons. Feria was 


instructed by Philip to present with accustomed caution 
the claims of his first cousin the Archduke Ferdinand ; but, 
if we are to believe his letter (No. 27), the matter had 
already been broached by the Court gossips to Count 
Helfensteyn, the Imperial Ambassador, and Feria at once 
took steps to ensure that the match if it were made at all 
should be made by Jus master and in his interests. But 
another star was already in the ascendant. Feria writes 
(No. 27) : " During the last few days Lord Robert has 
" come so much into favour that he does whatever he 
" likes with affairs, and it is even said that her Majesty 
" visits him in his chamber day and night. People talk 
" of this so freely that they go so far as to say that his 
" wife has a malady in one of her breasts and the Queen 
" is only waiting for her to die to marry Lord Eobert. I 
" can assure your Majesty that things have reached such 
" a pass that I have been brought to consider whether it 
" would not be well to approach Lord Robert on your 
" Majesty's behalf, promising him your help and favour 
" and coming to terms with him." 

A few days afterwards he writes (No. 29): -"They 
" talk a great deal about the marriage with Archduke 
" Ferdinand and seem to like it, but for my part I believe 
" she will never make up her mind to anything that is 
'* good for her. Sometimes she appears to want to marry 
" Mm and speaks like a woman who will only accept a 
" great prince, and then they say she is in love with Lord 
" Robert and never lets him leave her. If my spies do 
" not lie, which I believe they do not ... I under- 
" stand she will not bear children, but if the Archduke is 
" a man, even if she die without any, he will be able to 
" keep the Kingdom with the support of your Majesty. 
" I am of this opinion, and the reasons I have shall be 
" placed before your Majesty when I arrive. I beg your 


" Majesty to order this business of the Archduke's 
" marriage to be well considered and discussed as the 
" tranquillity of Christendom and stability of your 
" Majesty's dominions depend upon it." Feria had been 
trying for some time by threats and dismal forebodings to 
work upon the Queen's fears if she allowed religious altera- 
tions to be made, and he saw that Elizabeth was not to be 
frightened or indeed permanently influenced from without, 
and the only chance for Spanish diplomacy was to get an 
instrument of its own planted in the inner circle by the 
Queen's side whether it was an Archduke depending upon 
Philip for support or Dudley bought by Philip's gold 
mattered but little. 

Feria left London at the end of May, and, at his earnest 
recommendation, the bishop of Aquila was appointed to 
succeed him, taking up his residence at Durham Place, 
which, however, as it had been granted to the Count de 
Feria personally still remained for a time in the occupation 
of his English Countess. A letter from the Bishop to the 
duke of Alba early in May (No. 32) shows in an almost 
startling manner, as do many subsequent letters, how 
religious persecution was entirely a matter of political pro- 
cedure, and that the inner ideas of those upon whom we 
look as cruel and narrow bigots were much the same as 
those held today. Nothing is more curious indeed in the 
letters comprising the present volume than to see that 
religion, even for such men as Philip and his agents, was the 
merest stalking-horse behind which the movement towards 
civil and political freedom might be attacked. The Bishop 
says, " The heretics of our own times have never been 
" such spoilt children of the devil as these are, and the 
" persecutors of the early church were surely not impious 
" enough to dare to pass such unjust Acts as these (the 
" Act of Uniformity). To force a man to do a thing 


" whether he likes it or not has at all events some form 
" however unjust, but to force him to see a thing in the 
" same light as the King sees it is absurd and has no form 
" either just or unjust, and yet such is the ignorance here 
" that they pass such a thing as this. Religion here now 
" is simply a question of policy, and in a hundred 
" thousand ways they let us see that they neither fear 
" nor love us." The difference between Feria's rough 
methods and the gentle softness of the Bishop is soon 
apparent in a better understanding between the Queen 
and the Ambassador. A good specimen of his adroitness 
is seen in the letter (No. 35) where he relates how, on 
finding that the Queen had received reports from Germany 
unfavourable to the Archduke Ferdinand and was bent 
upon rejecting him, he pretends that the Archduke Charles 
was always the suitor they meant to present and never 
Ms brother ; and the wily Bishop not only makes her 
believe it, but in a very short time establishes cordial 
relations with her and with many of her Council, even 
with Cecil, of whom he speaks with high praise. His task 
nevertheless was a difficult one. The King was still 
apparently unable or unwilling to realise the actual 
state of affairs in England and continued to direct his 
Ambassador, to lecture and alarm the Queen about her 
religious shortcomings, a course which both Feria and 
the Bishop had found worse than useless. The new 
Ambassador, soft as was his speech to the English, was, 
if anything, more emphatic than Feria had been in urging 
upon his master the need for bold and decided action, and 
the accidental death of Henry II. of France gave him 
(No. 45) a good opportunity of re-stating the case to Philip. 
In diplomatic language hardly veiled lie hails the death 
of the French King as a providential opportunity not to 
be lost to re-establish the Catholic party by the active 


intervention of Spain. But it was all in vain. Philip 
was not to be hurried into any course of action whilst 
delay and hesitancy were possible. A real or pretended 
plot to poison the Queen and Leicester, together with 
the new state of affairs created in Scotland hy the 
accession to the French throne of Mary of Scotland's 
consort, seemed for a time likely to drive Elizabeth into 
the arms of Spain whether she wished it or not. Dudley 
and his sister .Lady Sidney were the intermediaries and 
they, well bribed apparently, confidentially approached the 
Bishop as from the Queen to urge the Archduke Charles 
to come over at once. Here was an opportunity where 
a little boldness and yenturesomeness might well have 
won the prize, and the Bishop at once wrote to Cardinal de 
Grranvelle, to the duchess of Parma, and to the Emperor, 
urging that the Archduke should be sent and the affair 
carried through with a rush, clandestinely if necessary. 
But doubt and hesitancy again conquered; the advice 
was disregarded, the danger to the Queen blew over, and 
she, seeing the quibbling there was about sending her 
Austrian suitor to woo her, again began on her part to 
temporise, and the opportunity was lost. Meanwhile 
Philip was preparing to start on his much wished voyage 
to his dear Spain, and the letters that passed between 
Feria in Brussels and the bishop in London are instructive. 
The Bishop was spending large sums in gaining friends 
and his own means were dwindling. Feria took up his 
cause in this as in other things and complained again and 
again in no measured terms of the King's procrastination. 
" It is only with great trouble that he can be got to 
" decide anything. I believe a more wretched life is 
" before the Queen than she wots of. I am only sorry 
" that it is not we who are to give her the purge, but 
" those scoundrels shall pay for it (No. 42). 


" Whatever we may do or say, we can get no further 
" than the instructions given to Don Juan de Ayala (i.e. 
" to remonstrate \vith the Queen), which will have as little 
'" effect as what has heen done before. About your 
" Lordships affairs we have had the King in labour for 
*' a month, but have not managed to deliver him yet. 
" He promised yesterday that he would despatch the 
" matter at once. I do not fail to put before him all the 
" urgency and necessity for decision, but I find no more 
" movement in other things than in this (No. 44). 

lt Do not be astonished or angry at anything you may 
" see until we have tired the King out, as he expects to 
" be tired out before he does anything great or small. It 
" is no good saying anything more about the voyage to 
" Spain, for if the world itself were to crumble, there 
" would be no change in that" (No. 51). After the 
King's departure for Spain, the Count writes still more 
frankly : "I have not written before because in truth 
" every time I recollect how the King has gone, to Spain 
" without making proper provision for your Lordship I 
" am so annoyed that I cannot help expressing it. I do 
" not wish to recount the way his Majesty treated matters 
" during the last few weeks he was here. He cared little 
" whether we paid out of our own pockets, instead of 
" he and the commonwealth. I hope he will open Ms 
" eyes now that he has gone to cure his homesickness in 
" Spain. Things are going badly there and they are 
" coming to such a pass that we soon shall not know 
" which are the heretics and which the Christians. I will 
" not believe evil of the Archbishop (of Toledo) or his 
" companion or of the Archbishop of Granada, who has 
" also been summoned by the inquisitors. What drives 
" me crazy is to see the lives led by the criminals and 


" those led by the judges and to compare their respective 
" intelligence." 

This is bold speaking about the all powerful inquisition 
which had laid hands even upon the primate of Spain 
for heresy and the Bishop is hardly less frank in reply 
(No. 70). In the meanwhile the interminable intrigues 
about the marriage with the Archduke or Leicester go on 
with varying fortunes ; the openly declared claims of the 
new Queen of France to the English throne are arousing 
resentment and a desire in the breast of Elizabeth to 
strike the first blow and the false sleek Bishop is going 
about gaining friends by money, promises and blandish- 
ments, whilst his spies are everywhere discovering the 
weak places on the coast towards Flanders, learning the 
names of the disaffected gentry, and whispering encourage- 
ment in the ears of the sullen Catholics who bide their 
time impatiently, awaiting the aid which never comes. 

Of all things the most to be dreaded for Philip's policy 
the one idea of which was the maintenance of Catholicism 
in Europe as part of a political principle was a war 
in Scotland between France and the English Queen. It 
soon became clear that it would mean the drawing 
together in close unity of the majority of the Scotch 
nation who were reformers, the Huguenots in France who 
were bitterly resentful of the Guise domination, and the 
powerful reforming party in England who would, thus 
reinforced, be able to pledge the Queen more deeply than 
ever to an anti-Catholic policy. But above all it was 
evident that the Flemings themselves would be em- 
boldened in their idea of political and religiouc freedom 
when they saw so powerful a combination as this on one 
side of them, whilst on the other were the protestant 
princes of Germany, ready if needful to aid their cause 


when they saw it strong enough to make an effectual 
stand. Quadra and his correspondents saw this plainly 
enough, and one of Philip's most trusted Flemish coun- 
cillors, Philippe de Staveles, Seigneur de Glajon, was sent 
to urge Elizabeth either by cajolery or threats to keep the 
peace. But this measure, as Quadra and Feria knew full 
well, was useless or worse. If talk of any sort, threatening 
or persuasive, could have effected any good purpose it 
would already have been done either by the Count or 
the Bishop. The latter does not hide his opinion from his 
master, but speaks quite openly to the Count de Feria in 
Brussels. Writing on 7th March 1560 he says : " The 
" coming of the personages to be sent by his Majesty 
" hither and to France will do more harm than good if 
" they are only coming to talk, as the Catholics expect 
" much more than that, but in any case they will be too 
" late, as the good or ill will be done before they arrive, 
" the army having to leave here within a fortnight to 
" attack the French. The Queen will have to take the 
** matter up more warmly than she thought, as Randolph 
" tells me the rebel forces are very few and the Scotch 
" people are making no move as she expected. She is in 
" danger and much alarmed, and this is the time to do 
" what ought to be done, but if we are to be always on the 
" defensive and to palliate such things I can only say 
" patience ! although I well know we shall never have 
" such an opportunity again. All are with us and the 
" very heretics are sick of it. I do not presume to speak 
" openly of the matter in this spirit as I am not a 
" turbulent or boasting person and do not want to 
" appear so." He said as much as he dared in the same 
sense in his letters to the King, always with profound 
professions of humility for his presumption, but Philip 
for months together hardly answered his letters except with 


bare acknowledgment of their receipt and thanks for 
the information conveyed in them. In the meanwhile the 
Catholic party in England were getting restive as one 
opportunity after the other was allowed to slip by leaden- 
footed Philip, and Quadra could only keep touch with 
them by means of continuous half promises and hints and a 
lavish expenditure of money from his own resources, for to 
his plaintive and humble prayers even for his bare wages 
Philip hardly deigned to reply, and only on rare occasions 
was an inadequate grant-in-aid sent from Flanders. As 
help from Spain and the marriage of the Queen with an 
Austrian Prince seemed to recede further in the distance 
and the union of reformers in England France and 
Scotland became stronger, the hopes of the Catholics were 
centred more and more upon a revolt in the north of 
England for purpose of raising young Darnley to the 
throne, and such countenance as Quadra could extend to 
them underhand, and without compromising his master 
was certainly given. The story of the war with Scotland 
and the desperate attempts of Philip's agents to pacify 
matters are well told in the letters of Quadra and the 
Flemish envoy De Glajon to the duchess of Parma, and 
the outcome of the struggle although favourable ostensibly 
to England and the reformers in Scotland brought home 
to Elizabeth a very unpleasant truth. As we have seen 
she had from the first day of her reign depended mainly 
upon the jealousy of France and Spain against each other, 
but Philip's threat, although it was, as the correspondence 
shows, never more than a tlireat, to help the French if she 
continued the war, showed that for the time at least 
the marriage of Philip with a French Princess and the 
domination of the Catholic Guises over the young King 
and Queen had drawn the French and Spanish courts into 
close community and that the understanding between the 


Protestant peoples in Europe and Great Britain had been 
followed by a similar movement in the Catholic interest, 
and Cecil saw plainly that the best way to counteract it 
was a marriage of the Queen with the Archduke by which 
the interest of France and Spain in England might be 
rendered divergent. Persuaded by him the Quei'n affected 
again to be willing to consent to the match, but she had 
played fast and loose too often with Quadra for him to be 
deceived very seriously this time, and although he kept up 
the pretence of treating the matter gravely, he docs not 
hide his real opinions from his master. Quadra was not 
the only person who was disgusted with Elizabeth's 
instability and levity on a subject of so great an im- 
portance as this the only means as it seemed of dividing 
the two great powers in whose division alone lay England's 
safety Cecil himself, patient and steadfast as he was, lost 
heart when he saw that the worthless Dudley, who of 
himself was contemptible, was yet able by his presence to 
paralyse the far-seeing policy of wiser heads than his own. 
A letter written by the Bishop to the Duchess of Parma 
llth September 1560 (No. 119),is of the highest importance, 
as showing the extremely critical condition of Elizabeth's 
position when Cecil was ready to turn against her. " I 
" had an opportunity," he says, " of talking to Cecil, who 
" I understood was in disgrace, and Robert was trying to 
" turn him out of his place. After exacting many pledges 
" of strict secrecy, he said the Queen was conducting 
" herself in such a way that he thought of retiring. He 
" said it was a bad sailor who did not enter port if lie 
" could when lie saw a storm coming on, and he clearly 
" foresaw the ruin of the realm through Robert's intimacy 
" with the Queen, who surrendered all affairs to him and 
" meant to marry him. He said he did not know how 
" the country put up with it, and he should ask leave to 

a 6652'J, C 


" go home although he thought they would cast him into 
" the Tower first. He ended by begging me in God's 
" name to point out to the Queen the effect of her 
" misconduct and persuade her not to abandon business 
" entirely but to look to her realm ; and then he repeated 
" twice over to me that Lord Robert would be better in 
" Paradise than here." 

But Quadra was far too wise to meddle in the matter 
and was secretly delighted at a rupture from which the 
Catholics had everything to hope, his only misgiving being 
that Cecil might declare for the Earl of Huntingdon as 
King with the support of the French reformers, and he 
again begs the Duchess to urge Philip to strike the blow 
and not to " wait until the Queen mends matters." In the 
same letter additional presumptive proof is given of 
Dudley's guilt in the murder of his wife. " He (Cecil) 
" ended by saying that Robert was thinking of killing his 
** wife who was publicly announced to be ill although she 
" was quite well and would take very good care they did 
" not poison her. He said surely God would never allow 
" such a wicked thing to be done. I ended the conversa- 
" tion by again expressing my sorrow without saying 
" any tiling to compromise me, although I am sure he 
" speaks the truth and is not acting crookedly . . . 
" The next day the Queen told me as she returned from 
" hunting that Robert's wife was dead or nearly so, and 
" asked me not to say anything about it. Certainly this 
" business is most shameful and scandalous, and withal I 
" am not sure whether she will marry the man at once or 
" even at all, as I do not think she has her mind suffi- 
" cicntly fixed. Cecil says she wishes to do as her father 
" did .... Since writing the above, I hear the 
" Queen has published the death of Robert's wife and 


" said in Italian, ' She broke her neck ; she must have 
" ' fallen down a staircase '." 

The effect of Dudley's freedom was soon seen in the 
fawning approaches made by him to the Bishop with bids 
for the support of the Spanish King, in consideration of a 
settlement of religious questions in England and the 
representation of Elizabeth in the Council of Trent. They 
managed for a time at all events to hoodwink so clever a 
diplomatist as Quadra, who believed in their professed 
wish to take part in the Council and make concessions to 
the Catholics, and a papal Nuncio was sent post haste to 
Flanders to cross over to England the moment formal 
permission was given him. But Quadra was cautious 
enough to repudiate all idea of a bargain by which Philip's 
countenance to Elizabeth's marriage with Dudley was to 
be given in payment for the Queen's acceptance of 
Catholicism. He professed in a vague way his master's 
warm attachment to Dudley and the Queen, and welcomed 
their entrance into a better frame of mind as regarded 
religion, but he was very careful to keep the two things 
separate, and when they found he was not to be caught 
they promptly cast off the mask and he saw that he had 
been befooled with regard to their religious professions a 
fact which he treasured up and bitterly resented to the 
day of his death, and from that time forward, soft and 
smiling as he continued, the breach between him and the 
English court grew wider and wider and his influence 
decreased. Its decrease however was not brought about 
by this circumstance alone. On the 4th December 1560, 
an event happened which shifted all the pieces on the 
European chessboard and the game had to be re-set. The 
boy king of France, Francis II., died after a reign of a year 
and a half, and Mary of Scotland ceased to be queen of 
France. Philip's reluctance to follow the advice of his 

c 2 


agents and aid the Catholic party in England to rebellion 
for the sake of religion had not been without very good 
reasons from a political point of view. He knew full well 
that the only logical and natural result of a successful 
Catholic rising in England would have been to place Mary 
of Scotland on the throne, or in other words to have 
handed over England to France and the Guises. Whatever 
religious bigotry Philip may have felt in his moody and 
sickly old age, his burning zeal for Catholicism at this time 
was, as I have pointed out, much more a matter of policy 
than of faith. Protestantism meant for him a revolt 
against authority, the spread of a virus that was already 
affecting his Flemish dominions. His system of govern- 
ment was summed up in the uncontrolled rule of 
sovereigns and the unquestioning obedience of subjects. 
Those who began to doubt the wisdom of their 
superiors in religious matters might to-morrow demand 
a discretion in civil government. The civil power at the 
time comparatively weak, of itself was insufficient to 
enforce blind obedience and was obliged to avail itself of 
the two other concrete forces at the disposal of despotic 
rulers, namely the power of arms and the strongest and 
most compact of all the ecclesiastical power. However 
attentive Philip may have been to the outward forms of 
his faith, abundant evidence exists in the correspondence 
in the present volume to show that neither he nor his 
agents, lay or clerical, were deeply imbued with its spirit. 
All through the letters there runs a vein of cynicism 
which hardly cares to veil by a few flimsy stereotyped 
phrases the patent fact that however much religion might 
be talked about its professed interests had always to be 
subordinated to political advantage. And so when the 
restoration of the Catholic faith in England, which might 
have been effected by Philip many times during the early 


months of Elizabeth's reign, meant the strengthening of 
the hands of France, the Catholic King temporised, snd 
religion as he understood it was allowed to go to the wall. 
As we have seen, Elizabeth's strength lay in her know- 
ledge of this fact. For a time, it is true, Philip's marriage 
with the French Princess seemed to bode ill for England ; 
but the apparent friendship between France and Spain 
thus brought about was not a real one. Philip was as 
jealous as ever of the Guise influence in Scotland and 
England. France itself was reft in twain by religious 
faction, and Catharine cle Medici, the Queen-Mother, hating 
and distrusting the Guises who had superseded her, leant 
for protection on Vendome and the Protestants, and it 
needed all the efforts of the gentle Elizabeth of Valois in 
her new Spanish home to keep up any pretence of friend- 
ship between her ambitious mother and her intolerant 
husband. French Protestants and others were persecuted 
with greater barbarity than ever by the Inquisition in 
Spain, the French expeditions to Spanish America aroused 
Philip's ire against his wife's country to the utmost point 
of arrogance, and it was soon understood in England as 
elsewhere that if the matrimonial sacrifice of Elizabeth of 
Valois had been made to cement a union between France 
and Spain that sacrifice had been made in vain. But the 
death of Francis II. changed the whole problem. The 
new King was a child and the Queen-Mother, Catharine 
do Medici, was again the mistress of France. She might 
employ the Guises or she might dismiss them, as she did 
more than once, but the Guises were not now necessarily 
dominant and the rule of their niece, Mary of Scotland, 
over England would not mean the handing over of the 
country to the French as it would have done whilst she 
was queen of France too. To add to this, Catharine do 
Medici hated her Scottish daughter-in-law for many 


feminine reasons besides those which prompted her dislike 
to her uncles, and the more Mary of Scotland and her 
family drifted away from Prance the less had Philip to 
fear from her elevation to the English throne. 

Quadra expresses an opinion (No. 132) that the profession 
of a desire by the Queen and Dudley to amend religion in 
a Catholic sense and take part in the Council of Trent were 
only prompted by a fear that under the changed aspect of 
affairs Philip might marry a member of his own family 
to the widowed Scotch Queen and assert her claim to 
the Crown. But he says that although they hoped to 
befool him by a prolonged negotiation, during which 
they could move the Protestant Scots nobles to marry 
their Queen to their liking, their hands had been 
forced by the prompt coming of the Nuncio whom they 
dared not receive. It is probable that if Philip had 
acted at this juncture with boldness and promptitude and 
forced a marriage between Mary and one of the Austrian 
Archdukes, as Cardinal Lorraine desired, Elizabeth's 
policy would have been crippled, but once more caution 
and timidity won the day; the Scotch reformers were 
strengthened and prompted by Cecil to resist a foreign 
husband for their Queen, and the opportunity was again 
lost for the time (No. 139). In the meanwhile Quadra 
soon found by the treatment extended to him by the 
Queen and her Council that the whole position had 
changed. Elizabeth had nothing to fear now from France 
or from Scotland unless Philip was allowed to get the 
latter country into his grasp, which was daily becoming 
more improbable, and she could afford to throw herself 
more boldly than ever on the support of the English 
Protestant party. Her only dread now was a rising of 
English Catholics with the support of Spanish power. 
The farcical negotiations for marriage with the Archduke 


had again receded into the background, and although the 
Queen was for ever avidly angling for fresh offers to 
refuse, Quadra saw that the only serious suitor for the 
moment was Dudley. But he was not deceived ; although 
in obedience to his halting and rare instructions he kept 
up a semi- jocose pretence of maintaining Elizabeth and 
Dudley in a good humour, and professing a desire to sec 
them made happy, in case anything came of the wooing, 
yet he never ceased to tell his master as plainly as he dared, 
that if his desire was the restoration of Catholicism in 
England or the maintenance of Spanish influence he could 
never do it through them, and that a rebellion in England 
supported by Spain was now the only hope. 

In January 1562, Dudley had applied for a letter from 
Philip to the Queen recommending her to marry him 
(Dudley), and as an inducement for Quadra to ask his 
master for such a letter, said that the French had held out 
great offers to him, but that he wished to receive the boon 
from Philip's hand. Quadra saw through the trick, which 
was only to get a favourable letter from Philip which 
they might publish and thus crush the last hope of the 
Catholics of getting help from Spain, but he writes to the 
King that unless he is really going to help the Catholics 
there is no harm in giving the letter and throwing over 
the Catholic party. In fact the Bishop was beginning to 
despair. He could get neither money nor instructions, 
not even answers to his letters, from the tardy Philip. He 
had put off the Catholics with half words and temporising 
generalities until he was at the end of his resources. The 
Catholic party was rapidly coming to understand that 
Philip's professed zeal for the faith was only a means of 
forwarding his national interest in which they apart from 
religion had no sympathy, and losing belief as they were 
in the reality of his promises in their favour, they were 


daily depending more upon their own resources and 
prospects and welding themselves into a party, Catholic 
it is true, but as patriotically English as any other section 
of their countrymen, a fact which Philip found out to his 
chagrin when in 1588, thirty years too late for his object, 
he tried the subjugation of England. The King could not 
plead ignorance for his delay. Hardly a letter of Quadra's 
fails to tell him that boldness still remains the only policy 
which offers a chance of success. 

On the 31st January 1562, when writing on the subject 
of the letter requested by the Queen and Dudley, the 
Bishop speaks thus plainly to his master (No. 150). 
"Tour Majesty will decide for the best, but I cannot 
" refrain from saying that if your Majesty does not 
" think of employing other than ordinary means to remedy 
" religion and the affairs of this pernicious Government 
" there is no reason to avoid giving the letter. Although 
" it may not serve to attach her to us or cause her to 
" amend things to any extent it may yet keep up this 
" pretended friendship and take from her the cause pf 
" complaint for which she is seeking. If your Majesty 
" should the idea that by our temporising and 
" avoiding any declaration in favour of the Queen the 
" Catholics may be encouraged with other adversaries to 
'* make a movement which might give an opportunity 
" for your Majesty to get your hand in here to help them, 
" I can assure your Majesty that this is not to be hoped 
" for. I am quite certain, and they have plainly told me, 
** that they will never move without being sure of the 
" help and succour of your Majesty, because in the first 
" place they would not know what plan or object they 
" should follow, and in the second place because they 
" have not strength enough to do anything of the 
" sort without the certainty of ruin, and especially 


" when the Queen is secured with her alliances with 
" France and Scotland. This suspension or neutrality 
" in affairs here not only harms your Majesty's interests 
" by keeping the Queen suspicious and discontented 
" and injures religion, hut if I am to tell the truth, 
" which is my obligation to your Majesty, these Catholics 
" have lost all hope, and complain bitterly that 
" through their placing all their confidence in your 
" Majesty and trusting you entirely they have failed to 
" avail themselves of the friendship of the French which 
" in the life of King Francis was offered to them, every 
" moment, and with which they could have remedied 
" religious grievances although with some danger to the 
" temporal state. They are so aggrieved at this that no 
" generalties are sufficient to console them." 

In default of aid from Philip, the hopes of the English 
Catholics were now based upon a marriage being effected 
between Mary Stuart and Darnley, and the first whisper 
of the hopes which such a match inspired put Elizabeth 
and her advisers on the alert, although she herself had been 
the first to propose it. Castelmiu de la Mauvissierc in his 
" Memoir es" says, "She exerted all her art and spared 
" no pains to promote the marriage," and asserts that her 
indignation at it was only simulated. It is highly probable 
that Elizabeth's anger at the match was for the great 
part feigned, but still when she found that it met with 
the warm approval of Philip and the Catholic party, 
it cannot have failed to arouse some misgivings in her 
mind, and she was no doubt willing enough to avail herself 
of the excuse to find a cause of resentment and complaint 
against Mary Stuart which could only end in the further 
humiliation of the Scotch Queen unless overt aid was lent 
to her cause by Philip, which Elizabeth had by this time 
ceased in a great measure to fear, as she knew that his 


hands were more than full with his wars with the Turks, 
his crushing disaster at Los Gelves and his troubles in the 
Netherlands. As the time went on, Quadra's position got 
more and more desperate. Deeply in debt, without money 
even for his daily needs, old and broken, an object of 
suspicion to the whole court, who knew that he was 
besought by every disaffected man and party in the 
country, yet knew not, as these letters show, how powerless 
he was to give the slightest encouragement to any of 
them ; his own behaviour to the Queen and her Council 
reflected theirs towards him and his sleek suavity changed 
to petulant complaint. His couriers were stopped and. his 
letters read ; spies surrounded him even in his own house- 
hold ; and at last his most confidential secretary was bought 
over by Cecil to lay bare the story of plots more or less 
real that had been hatched or helped by the Spanish 
Ambassador. Then the storm burst and the Bishop 
declared that he would bear it no longer. Entreating and 
indignant letters were sent by him to the King, the 
Duchess of Parma and the Duke of Alba praying to be 
relieved from his unhappy post ; but he was told that he 
must smooth matters over, temporise, and make the best 
of things for the King's service. The poor Bishop 
accepted his cross with tranquil resignation but with a 
heavy heart, and continued in his embassy, but thence- 
forward, although he dared not disobey his master's 
commands, he secretly gave all the countenance and 
support he could to the discontented and disaffected, with 
the hope no doubt of keeping them in the Spanish interest 
in case Philip should ever decide to move. Arthur Pole 
appealed to him for help on his madcap enterprise without 
success as Avould appear from the letters, but still one 
cannot help reading between the lines and seeing that he 
probably was more benevolent towards him than he dared 


to tell the King. The same thing may be noticed in his 
dealings with the Irish rebels who were constantly 
approaching him. The Ambassador it is true did not 
venture to compromise Philip's interests or openly act in 
violation of his orders, but he had his private wrongs and 
slights to avenge against Elizabeth and her Protestant 
ministers, and there is no doubt that Durham Place 
became a try sting place for treason. 

But a more pressing danger threatened England than 
the futile plotting of a vindictive priest. So long as the 
reforming party in France were dominant in the Councils 
of the Queen-Mother, and the Guises were kept in check, 
Elizabeth had nothing to fear either from France or 
Scotland, but the destruction of Protestantism in the 
former country and the rise of the Guises would mean 
that the whole of the French power might be used to 
place Mary of Scotland on the throne of England. So 
when Guise's hot-headed followers set the whole edifice in 
a blaze by murdering the Protestant congregation at 
Vassy, in March 1562, and Guise entered Catholic Paris in 
triumph, Elizabeth was prompt in giving armed aid to 
Conde" and his Protestants and sending an army to Havre. 
She was not at war with France, she repeatedly assured 
Quadra, but only with the Guises, who were coercing their 
sovereigns and violating the law, Both the Spaniards and 
the French tried to frighten Elizabeth by telling her of 
armed forces being sent by Philip to aid the Catholic 
cause in France, but she well knew by her agents in the 
Netherlands that religious feeling was in such a condition 
there as to make such a thing improbable, even if Philip's 
jealousy of France and the Guises had not prevented him 
from helping them to pull the chesnuts out of the fire, and 
she was never deceived for a moment. So little did the 
Queen and her advisers fear Philip's threats now that they 


chose this very juncture to adopt fresh measures of 
severity against his subjects and others in England for 
attending Catholic service in the Ambassador's house. A 
raid was made on the embassy whilst Mass was being said, 
and all the congregation marched off to the Marshalsea. 
Spies were put at the doors of Durham Place to watch 
those who went in and out, and, on a flimsy pretext that 
the Bishop had sheltered an assassin in the house, new 
locks were put on the doors and the keys handed to the 
English porter. All this was done with unwarranted 
roughness, and the Ambassador, broken doAvn with 
repeated insults, threatened by Cecil with the violence of 
the mob, yet obliged to put up with everything for his 
ungrateful master's sake, could only beg humbly that 
another dwelling might be given to him instead of the 
house from which he was to be expelled. 

In the meanwhile with the death duel between Protes- 
tantism and Catholicism in France yet undecided, the 
centre of Europeans intrigue was changed. The question 
of first importance now was not who should marry 
Elizabeth, because it was clear that she was pledged to 
the Protestant cause in any case, but who should marry 
Mary Queen of Scots and displace or succeed the queen 
of England. 

Elizabeth's main desire was that Mary should not 
marry a foreigner. She had suggested Arran without 
success and held out tempting promises if Mary would 
take Darnlcy or Leicester. But the queen of Scotland 
said she would never marry a Protestant and she would 
never take a husband of Elizabeth's choosing. Cardinal 
Lorraine had been intriguing for a long time to bring 
about a match with the Archduke Charles, but he was too 
poor and powerless to enable Mary to assert her claim to 
the English throne or to face her rival on equal terms, and 


Philip did not want his cousin to marry at a Guise's 
bidding, so she and the Scots would have none of him. 
Maitland of Lethington knew as well as did Elizabeth 
that Philip's threats to help the French Catholics against 
Conde and the English were vain words and that the 
stronger the Catholic cause grew in that country the more 
likely would he be to prevent the Guises from marrying 
Mary to a man of their own choice. This appeared to be 
a good opportunity for the queen of Scots to make a really 
great match, so she sent Lethington to London in March 
1563, ostensibly to discuss the succession with Elizabeth 
and to offer the mediation of Mary between her uncle the 
Duke of Guise and the English Queen. When Lethington 
arrived, it was known that the Duke had been murdered 
and that part of his mission, if it was ever seriously meant, 
fell through, but the probable real object of his journey 
was soon broached in long and secret interviews with the 
Spanish Ambassador, of which Quadra gives very minute 
accounts in Nos. 215 and 216. Lethington said that he 
was on his way to France to propose a marriage between 
his mistress and the French King, a child of twelve at the 
time, and as Lethington confessed an utterly unsuitable 
husband in all respects for his sister-in-law Mary Stuart. 
This was probably a mere pretence which deceived nobody 
and certainly would not deceive so experienced a man as 
Philip. Catharine de Medici knew Mary too well ever to 
let her get the upper hand in France again and thus give 
a preponderance to the Guises and the Catholics which 
would take away the source of her (Catharine's) power ; 
namely the playing cff of the two great factions against 
each other. But it was apparently considered necessary to 
go through the diplomatic formula of pretending to hold 
one winning card before playing the other. Lethington 
freely confessed to Quadra that such a match was in the 


highest degree unfitting, and pointed out how much better 
a marriage would be that of Mary and Don Carlos. Quadra 
was charmed with the idea and sent off a beseecliing 
appeal to Philip to make a bold stroke at last. The idea 
of the marriage was popular in England and the country 
might be raised easily he said, and this seemed to him, as 
it probably was, the last chance of the re-establishment 
of Spanish influence in the island. Quadra had to wait 
more than three months before an answer came from his 
tardy King. He highly approved of the suggestion, but 
instead of closing with it he halted and temporised in his 
usual way. The Ambassador was to discover from the 
Scots all the undertakings and understandings they had in 
England. " You will inform me step by step of all that 
" happens in the matter, but without settling anything 
" except to find out the particulars referred to above until 
" I send you word what I desire to be done." 

Philip admitted that the marriage of Mary with the 
French King would be disastrous to him and saw the 
importance of the proposed match with Carlos, yet, great 
as was the stake, he wanted to risk nothing. "With 
" regard to the adherents the Scots will have in England 
" and the increase of their number if necessary you will 
" not interfere in any way further than you have done 
" hitherto, but let them do it themselves and gain what 
" friends and sympathy they can for their opinions 
" amongst the Catholics and those upon whom they 
" depend. I say this, because if anything should be 
" discovered they should be the persons to be blamed and 
" no one in connection with us." 

But this style of negotiating did not suit Lethington. 
He was in London again in June pressing Quadra for a 
decided answer and for bold action. Elizabeth had told 
him that if his mistress married Carlos or the Archduke 


she would be her enemy, and it was evident that he could 
not afford to offend her and at the same time fail to gain 
the support of Philip. So he plainly told Quadra that 
unless a decided answer could be given to his proposals 
his mistress would have to marry at Elizabeth's bidding, 
with an agreement that she should succeed failing issue 
to the latter. Seeing the hopelessness of getting Philip 
to move, Quadra in his zeal took a very bold course. He 
wrote to the Emperor urging him to take the matter in 
hand and marry Mary to the Archduke Charles, and said 
that he had sent an English gentleman representing the 
Catholic party to the queen of Scotland to offer their 
aid " in case she will marry the Archduke and to the 
" satisfaction of the King my master." " This," he says, 
*' will be no deception, for the affection to my King in this 
" country is very great. . . . Your Majesty's fear 
' that my advocacy of this business may be unfavourable 
" is unfounded, as nothing is more likely to forward it. 
" The only thing they will insist upon in Scotland is that 
" the Archduke shall have enough money to keep himself 
" without looking to them, and also that he is strong 
" enough to establish his right to this crown." 

But Philip in his leisurely way had not abandoned the 
idea of a match between Carlos and Mary and again 
instructed Quadra to keep the matter pending. When 
the orders came Lethington had left in dudgeon and the 
poor Bishop writes to the Duke of Alba in the Netherlands 
pointing out how the affair is falling through for want of 
decision. The letter (No. 239) is dated 17th July 1563, 
and after recapitulating the steps that have been taken 
goes on to say : "In view of this grave state of things 
" I think the instructions his Majesty has given me are 
" inadequate and not sufficiently decided, not because 
" the greatness of the crisis does not call for all due 


" deliberation, but because I think the remedy a weak 
" one for so dangerous a malady. When they see 
" that instead of giving them a firm reply we come to 
" them only with halting proposals, I do not know what 
" they will think of it. 

" It is useless to ask them to give me information as to 
" the support the queen of Scots can count upon in 
" this country in order that I may convey it to his 
" Majesty with my opinion on it. Lethington knows very 
" well that all this has been done long ago, as he told me 
" what he was doing, and of course I could not hide my 
" communications from him. We have been spoken to 
" by the same people about the marriage, and those who 
" have begged me to propose it to his Majesty have 
" pressed Lethington to recommend it to his Queen and 
" have given him lists of . Catholics and others who 
" could raise troops for her service." 

Quadra said almost as much to the King himself. He 
saw that Lethington had gone back disgusted at the delay 
and more than half disposed to come to terms with 
Elizabeth ; he felt that the business had been spoiled by 
want of promptness in Philip*s replies, and in his answer 
to the King (No. 238) he was evidently not sanguine of 
re-opening the negotiations effectually or safely. "On 
" the other hand I have considered that this delay might 
" prejudice the business, and that if the queen of Scot- 
" land were to hear of your Majesty's intentions it might 
" have the effect of putting a stop to any other arrange- 
" ment these people may have proposed to her, so between 
" the two extreme courses I have decided to take a middle 
" one, which is to secretly send a person in whom I have 
" entire confidence to Scotland and inform the Queen 
" through him that I have something of importance to 
" communicate to her respecting her marriage, but that 


" as I cannot go thither and she has no Ambassador here, 
" I think it will be well for her to send to me a trustworthy 
" person who is well informed of the state of affairs in 
" Scotland and of the negotiations that are being carried 
" on in England, and to this person I will say what I have 
" to convey to her." The person so sent disguised as 
a merchant was Luis de Paz, and when he returned he 
found the Bishop already dying. " I found," he says, " the 
*' Bishop so ill that he only lived six hours after, and 
" although he understood and answered me sensibly he 
" was in great grief that he should drop from his work 
" just when he hoped to succeed. He expired with the 
" words ' I can do no more.' ' 

For a year and a half the Bishop's body remained 
unburied, held by the servants clamorous for their wages. 
Letter after letter was written by his faithful secretary 
Luis Roman, pointing out the distress of the household 
and the creditors. A small sum was sent from Flanders 
to pay and dismiss some of the servants, and the new 
Ambassador wrote in vain to the King to enable him to 
put an end to the scandal of the faithful servant's remains 
being treated with such indignity. It was not until 
March 1565 that Philip sent enough money to stave off 
the demands of the most pressing creditors. The rest of 
them were probably never paid and the body had to be 
smuggled out by stratagem and stealth to avoid seizure 
for the remaining debts. 

The new Ambassador, Don Diego Guzman de Silva, a 
canon of Toledo Cathedral, received his appointment from 
Philip in January 1564, five months after Quadra's death 
(No. 244), although he did not arrive in England until six 
months later. But his mission was a widely different 
one from that of his predecessors. Both Eeria by his 
arrogance and Quadra by his cunning had sought once 


more to make Spain paramount in the counsels of 
England and both had failed. Boldness and good fortune 
had enabled Elizabeth to avail herself to the full of her 
neighbours' jealousy of each other and to unite herself 
definitely with the growing Protestant party whilst 
Philip's hesitancy had disheartened the Catholics. In the 
meanwhile things were going from bad to worse for 
Philip in the Netherlands, where the struggle was rapidly 
assuming the form of a duel to the death between the old 
traditions of Flemish self-government and the newer 
absolutism which Philip's father in his youth had 
succeeded in imposing upon Spain by the defeat of the 
comuneros. The reformed religion was to Philip the 
embodiment of a rebellious spirit against absolute autho- 
rity and as such had to be crushed, or the system which 
alone Philip understood would be discredited. Almost 
openly the English Protestants were sympathising with 
their Flemish brethren and flocks of refugee Protestants 
were daily arriving from the Low countries in England 
to establish their industries here. It was not in Philip's 
nature to refrain from retaliation when he had it in his 
power, and the English in Spain were cruelly persecuted 
for their faith on the barest suspicion of heresy, and this 
again was resented in England by a recrudescence of the 
pillage of Spanish and Flemish ships at sea. Then began 
a retaliatory war of tariffs between England and the 
Spaniards in Flanders. An attempt was at first made by 
Elizabeth to foster the new Flemish industries in England 
by restricting the entrance of certain manufactured goods 
from Flanders, and at length at the time of the new 
Ambassador's appointment a general prohibition had been 
issued by both countries practically forbidding commercial 
intercourse at all. Envoys from both sides had been going 
backwards and forwards for months without succeeding 


in settling matters. Flanders was suffering much, more 
from the prohibition than was England, which had secured 
a good inlet to the continent through Embden, and had 
given permission for free export to all other countries but 
Flanders, so that Elizabeth could afford to stand firm as she 
did against all the efforts made to force her into an inferior 
position in the negotiations, and it became necessary if 
Flemish commerce was not to be destroyed altogether that 
an Ambassador of rank should again reside in London and 
endeavour by diplomacy and soft words to compass what 
threats and retaliation had failed to bring about. It will 
thus be seen that Guzman de Silva's position was quite 
distinct from that of Quadra. The new Ambassador came 
to ask for a redress of grievances, not to impose a policy. 
Philip had his hands too full of his own troubles to attempt 
to rule other countries than his own and his instructions 
to Don Diego Guzman (Nos. 244 and 248) are mainly 
concerned in obtaining for Flemish commerce immunity 
from attack and for the Catholics resident in England 
toleration for their religion. He is, however, directed to 
spy out all the coming and goings of heretics between 
Flanders and England and to keep a close record of all 
Spanish Protestants of whom he hears for the information 
of Philip and the inquisition. But although he said 
nothing to his new Ambassador, it is clear that Philip 
was not reconciled to his powerlessness in England and 
was only waiting for his opportunity, as he thought, when 
once Protestantism should be crushed in his own Nether- 
lands. Guzman de Silva is told to win over Dudley and the 
other Councillors and stealthily to encourage the Catholics 
" with such secrecy, dissimulation and dexterity as to give 
" no cause for suspicion to the Queen or her advisers, as it 
" is evident that much evil might follow if the contrary 
" were the case." 

d 2 


The new Ambassador was received with all graciousness, 
and the object of his mission facilitated. He had no need 
to seek Dudley for the purpose of gaining him over, for 
from the day of his arrival the favourite and his friends 
besieged him with offers of service. Cecil, they said, was 
the obstacle in the way, and if he could be got rid of by 
Guzman de Silva's help, Dudley would marry the Queen 
and restore the Catholic religion as Philip's faithful 
servant. Dudley's friend (No. 255) assured the Ambassador 
that he had already an understanding with the Pope, and 
that his intentions with regard to religion were good. 
Their very eagerness to throw themselves at the head of 
Guzman defeated their object. He was a well-meaning 
gentleman not without ability or subtlety ; his time had 
mainly been passed in cathedral cloisters and he lacked 
Quadra's astuteness and knowledge of men, but the hurry to 
identify him with Dudley's intrigue against Cecil aroused 
his suspicions and he received the advances with amiable 
banalities and forbore to pledge himself or his master. 
Things for the time certainly were looking ominous for 
Cecil. His cognisance of, if not his aid in, the preparation 
of John Hale's book in favour of the claim to the succession 
of Catharine Grey had deeply offended the Queen, and 
Dudley was only too ready to seize the opportunity of 
widening the breach between his mistress and the great 
minister who was the main obstacle to his ambition. The 
Catholics were clamorous for his removal, and came to the 
new Ambassador with the same violent counsels with 
which they had plied Quadra. They were strongly against 
the settlement of the commercial questions with Flanders 
except by a war which should stop English trade 
altogether and give an excuse for Spanish armed inter- 
vention in their favour. But Guzman knew full well 
that Ids master would not and dared not at the time go to 


war with England for the sake of re-establishing the 
Catholic religion here whilst his own dominions were a 
seething cauldron of disaffection, so he got out of the 
difficulty as cleverly as Quadra himself might have done. 
" I have had to tell them that the steps to he taken 
" against the Chancellor and Cecil and the other leaders of 
" heresy in the matter of the hook about the succession 
" have not been pushed forward because the Queen dare 
" not turn them out or take strong measures unless she 
" has peace and an understanding with your Majesty, and 
" with the Catholics through you. I say it is necessary to 
" encourage the Queen in the idea that she is free to turn 
" these people out, which she would not venture to do 
" if she thought she had anything to fear from your 
" Majesty, but would cling fast to them and the Pro- 
" testants. All people think that the only remedy for 
" the religious trouble is to get these people turned out of 
" power, as they are the mainstay of the heretics, Lord 
" Robert having the Catholics all on his side, and I tell 
" them they must take these things into consideration 
" when they were seeking a remedy, and that plenty of 
" opportunities will offer themselves if needed to raise 
" war or stop trade later on. The Catholics are much 
" disturbed, and as they have no other idea than this they 
" will not abandon it until they see some clear way 
" of gaining their point. Certainly from what I hear 
" they are very numerous if they dared to show or had 
" a leader." 

Infatuated as the Queen might be with Dudley, she 
could not dispense with Cecil's great services, and the plot 
against him failed and Dudley's hopes again decreased, 
notwithstanding the sympathy of Philip's Ambassador, 
who was instructed by his master to offer his aid only 
on a distinct promise from Dudley to fully restore the 


Catholic religion in the event of his marriage. However 
much Dudley might convey by inuendo, he dared not pledge 
himself to this, and Cecil remained unmolested. In the 
meanwhile the half serious suggestions of marriage now 
of Elizabeth, now of Mary, were made by one or the other 
representative of the conflicting interests into which the 
continent was divided. As soon as the negotiations for 
a match between Elizabeth and the Archduke assumed 
too hopeful an aspect, overtures were made for her marriage 
with the boy king of France. This was retaliated by 
a talk of marrying Mary to Don Carlos or to his uncle 
Don John of Austria. The next time perhaps the order and 
persons were reversed, but Elizabeth with consummate tact 
played with each suitor in his turn, always keeping 
Leicester in reserve. Guzman himself, who reports the 
ever changing phases of the marriage question, was appa- 
rently never greatly deceived by them, and it is more than 
probable that the French negotiations were equally lacking 
in earnestness. The combination of secrecy, swiftness, 
and boldness necessary for either party to be successful 
was impossible under the circumstances, and the various 
feints and checkmates were obviously only to keep the 
matter open until a more favourable juncture should arrive 
for one or the other party. The reconciliation between 
Philip and the Pope, the promulgation of the decrees 
of the Council of Trent and the fears of a league of 
Catholics all over Europe which were again and again 
revived drove Elizabeth periodically into the need for 
temporising, and when the news came that Philip himself 
was to march with a great army through Savoy to punish 
his revolting Flemings, it is easy to see by the letters that 
something like dismay existed amongst the English 
governing party. The Queen went out of her way to 
reiterate to Guzman her condemnation of the action of the 


Protestants in Flanders, although she only partially 
succeeded in convincing him. In every conversation 
with the Ambassador at the time, she thought to minimise 
the difference between her own creed and that of the 
Catholics, and hinted continually that for reasons of 
policy she was obliged to hide her real religious leanings. 
Her famous rebuke of the dean of St. Paul's, Dr. Nowell, 
on Ash Wednesday, 1565, for preaching against images, 
related here (No. 286), is only one of many instances in the 
present letters of the fear inspired by the dreaded league of 
Catholics against the Reformers. The interview of Philip's 
French wife with her mother Catharine de Medici at 
Bayonne, notwithstanding Guzman's earnest protestations 
that it was only a meeting of family affection, gave further 
confirmation to Cecil and his mistress that mischief was 
brewing for them. They were justified in their fears, for 
the instructions given by Philip to Alba prove that the 
underlying object of the interview was undoubtedly the 
crushing out of Protestantism all over Europe. The 
French version of Alba's instructions (Paris- Archives C.K. 
1393, B. 192) contain the following statement of the 
objects of the meeting : 

" Premierement. De faire promesse mutuelle d'avancer 
autant qu'il sera en leur puissance 1'honneur de Dieu, 
sontenir la religion sainte et catholique et pour la 
defense d'icelle employer leurs biens, forces et moyens, 

et ceux de leurs sujets. 

"Ne permettre jamais es pays de leur obeissancc 
aucuns ministres ni exercises de la religion nouvellc soit 
en public ou en particulier et faire faire comman dement 
a tous lets dits ministres sortir hors des provinces et 
terres des dits deux princes dedans cinq mois sous peine 
de la vie sans qu'il soit loisible ni permis a aucun de les 
receler, cacher et supporter, sur les memes peines, rase- 
ment de leurs maisons et confiscation de leurs biens. 


"Faire publier en cliacun de leurs dits pays gardcr 
et entretcnir le Concile general dernierement fait et 
celebre a Trente et tcnir la main que les decrcts et 
cessions d'icelluy soient reus et suivis sans aucun 

"Faire protestation et promesse de ne jainais par 
ci-apres pourvenir aucun personnage aux etats royaux 
soit de judicatures on autres quelconques sans que le 
pourvu ait preablement avoir fait profession de sa foi 
et qu'il ait premierement ete connu etre de la susdite 
bonne religion, et sera mis clause par toutes les lettres 
des dites provisions que les pourvus demeureront et 
continueront en lu susdite religion sur peine d'etre 
destitues. De purger et netoyer leurs maisons et 
justices de toutes heresies et religion nouvelle et de ne 
souffrir en icelle ceux qui en seront detaches Casser 
tous gouvernemeiits et autres grands seigneurs des 
conseils prives des dits Majestes et tous autres ayant 
charge, authorite et commandement es dits royaumes 
qui so trouveront etre de la dite nouvelle religion 
ensemble tous capitaines et autres qui sont a leur solde 
et font neanmoins profession de la religion contraire. 

"De priver de 1'Etat et honneur de leurs ordres et 
chevalleries et ny recevoir desormais personnages qui 
ne soient de . . .' la religion rcquise." 

Well might Catharine de Medici hesitate, holding her 
own power as she did only by nicely balancing the two 
religious factions, to endorse such a thorough going policy 
as this, and it needed all the persuasion of her daughter 
and promises of Spanisli aid in case Catharine found the 
Protestants too strong for her to induce her to listen to it. 
That such a league was actually negotiated is certain. 
A letter from Catharine to her Minister in Spain, 
M. dc Fourque vault, after her return from Bayonne 


(Bibliotheque National Paris Suppl. ^ 5 fol. 64 Leitres 
d'Etat) tries to make her acceptance of the league 
conditional on a marriage of the Duke of Orleans 
(afterwards Henri III.) with a Princess of the Louse of 
Austria, and contains the following sentence : " Je lui dis 
" que en faisant ces marriages et donnant quelque 
" Etat a mon fils d'Orleans qu'il nous falloit tous 
" joindre ensemble. C'est a sav^oir le Pape, 1'empereur 
" et ces deux rois, les Allemands et autres que Ton 
" avisera. Et que le roi mon fils n'etait pas sans 
" moyens pour aider de sa part a ce qui seroit avise 
" quand les dits marriages seroient faits et la dite 
" ligue concliie." 

The power of the Protestant nobles in France and the 
eternal jealousy between France and Spain, together with 
Philip's persecution of French residents in his country and 
the massacre of the French expedition to Florida in the 
following year, made the real co-operation, of the two 
countries in such a league impossible, but Elizabeth and 
her friends were not free from apprehension on the subject 
for long after. The attempts to propitiate Philip on the 
part of the English are very marked in all the later letters 
of his Ambassador in the present volume, and the Queen 
on one occasion goes so far (No. 290) as to suggest herself 
that negotiations should be opened for her marriage with 
Don Carlos. Whilst Philip was hesitating, the Catholic 
party in England had at length taken a step on their own 
account which once more altered the political problem. 
The Earl of Lennox and his son Darnley had gone to 
Scotland early in 1565, not without some suspicion on the 
part of Elizabeth that something sinister was afoot, and 
in April of the same year Lethiugton came to the Spanish 
Ambassador's house and told him (No. 296) in strict 
secrecy that his Queen had awaited for two years an 


answer to the overtures made by him previously to Bishop 
Quadra for her marriage with Don Carlos and as so long 
a delay had taken place she had arranged to marry 
Darnley. The French machinations of course were 
blamed by both diplomatists for the failure of the match, 
and of that of Mary with the Archduke, and the outcome 
of the conference was that Philip w r as to be asked to help 
the united claims of Darnley and Mary to the English 
crown supported as they were by the strong Catholic party 
in England. Now that it was too late Elizabeth saw that 
the consequences of the marriage which united the two 
principal Catholic claimants to her throne might be to 
force her hand with regard to the declaration of her 
successor, and her masterly dealing with the temporarily 
untoward circumstances arising from the match, in the 
face of great pressure from her own Council and Parlia- 
ment, is perhaps more vividly set forth in Guzman's 
letters in the present volume than in any other published 
documents of the time. 

Active negotiations were once more opened for 
Elizabeth's marriage with the Archduke, as lacking in 
seriousness as those which had preceded them ; the French 
retorted once more by pushing forward their young King 
as a suitor for her hand, and stronger efforts than ever 
were made by Elizabeth and her Council to keep the 
friendship of the Spaniards by attempting to stifle piracy 
and professing sympathy for Philip in his struggle with 
the Turk and his troubles in Flanders. Once more it 
seemed as if after years of hesitancy Philip's chance had 
arrived and a really bold policy of aiding revolt in 
England at this time in favour of Mary and Darnley 
would probably have succeeded. All the north of 
England was favourable to her claims ; the nobles were 
for the most part inclined to espouse her cause, and, with 


the exception of London and the south-coast counties, 
little resistance was to be feared. A blow struck at 
Protestantism in England at the time would have been 
felt keenly in Philip's own revolting Netherlands, and 
would perhaps have decided his doubting mother-in-law in 
Frarfce to take in hand firmly the extirpation of heresy 
there. But even when Philip decided at last to act, his 
excess of caution and avoidance of necessary risk 
frustrated his object. Mary had asked for armed forces 
to repel the pressure of her Protestant subjects and assist 
her claims. In reply (No. 327) Philip begs her to be 
careful and not to arouse the ire of the queen of England 
or to raise her (Mary's) claim to the succession. If 
Elizabeth attacks her for religion's sake, or if the Scotch 
Protestants take up arms for the same reason, then he will 
help her under the shelter of the Pope's name, but he 
(Philip) must never appear. He is full of sympathy and 
love, but still more full of cautious counsels and exhorta- 
tions against precipitancy, limiting his real aid for the 
moment to a remittance of 20,000 crowns which were sent 
by the hand of Mary's agent Yaxley. Elizabeth and her 
advisers knew of the aid as soon as it was sent. It was 
sufficient to arouse her resentment, as it did, and it drove 
her to help the Scotch lords with far more efficient aid. 
But, such as it was, Philip's remittance never arrived. 
The ship that bore Yaxley was wrecked and the envoy's 
dead body was found on the shore of Northumberland 
with much of the money on it, the earl of Northumberland, 
Catholic and adherent of Philip though he was, forebore 
not to press his claim to the treasure trove, and by the 
time Philip could again make up his mind dissensions had 
broken out between Mary and her husband and the 
opportunity to make use of them had gone by. 

Guzman in his letters makes no disguise of his belief in 
the complicity of Mary in her husband's murder, and 


iutelligence of the crime which was to be attempted 
reached him some weeks before its perpetration* From 
the arrival of the news, Guzman himself, whatever the 
English Catholics might say, never disguises from his 
master that Mary, with whose proceedings he seems really 
scandalised, will he useless to them as an instrument to 
their ends in future, his only anxiety in the first days of 
her widowhood being to checkmate the French in any 
attempt to marry her to their satisfaction. 

The familiar story of Mary's capture and her marriage 
with Both well and her subsequent seizure and imprisonment 
at Lochleven by the nobles, is told in Guzman's letters to 
his master with evident anxiety with regard to the effects 
of these events upon the interest of Catholicism in England. 
His own efforts were mainly confined to representing to 
the Scotch agents who went backwards and forwards the 
enormity of coercing a crowned monarch, but it is clear 
from the first that he considered Mary's behaviour a serious 
blow to Spanish hopes in Great Britain. On Murray's 
hurried return to Scotland after Bothwell's flight, he had 
an extremely interesting and important interview with 
Guzman de Silva. Whilst professing an intention to 
endeavour to liberate the Queen, he did not succeed in 
disguising from the Ambassador his intention of making 
himself master of Scotland and plainly expressed his 
belief in his sister's complicity in the murder of her 
husband. This remarkable interview took place at the 
end of July 1567, and Murray even thus early appears to 
have been fully cognisant of the existence and purport of 
the much discussed " casket letters " which have always 
been considered the principal documentary evidence of 
Mary's guilt. The earliest mention of the letters which 
I have met with is in the present correspondence 
(No. 431) under date of 12th July, and the many 
arguments against their genuineness, founded upon the 


long delay in their production, thus disappear. De Croc, 
the French Ambassador in Scotland, was passing through 
London and hurrying home, no doubt with the copies 
of the letters in his possession, as the Erench Ambassador 
in London told Guzman on the date already mentioned 
that he himself had copies of the letters proving the 
complicity of Mary in the murder of her husband. The 
principal, or " first " letter, as it is usually called, is 
briefly but not quite correctly summarised by Guzman 
in the account he sends to his master, and Murray told 
him that it was a letter of more than three sheets of 
paper " all in her own handwriting and signed with her 
name." Those who have disputed the authority of the 
letters have mainly based their arguments upon the first 
public mention of the documents being in an Act of 
Murray's Council dated so late as 4th December 1567, 
in which it is said that the rising of the Lords in arms 
against their Queen, taking her prisoner and detaining 
her person in Lochleven, " was in the said. Queen's 
" awin default in as far be diverse her previe letters 
" written and subscript with her awin hand and sent 
" by her to James Erie of Bothwell, chief executor of 
" the horrible murder (of the King) as well before the 
" committing as after and be hir ungodly proceeding 
" in a private marriage with him suddenly thereafter, 
" it is most certain she was previe, art and part of the 
" murder of the King."* 

A few days afterwards, when Murray's first Parliament 
met, an Act was passed concerning the Queen's detention, 
which is again ascribed to " her awin default in as far as 
" be divers letters written halelie with her awin hand." 

George Dalgleish, Bothwell's servant, in whose posses- 
sion the casket is said to have been found, was captured 

Godall vol. 2 p. 64. 


on the 20th June 1567, and was examined before Lords 
Morton, Athol and Grange, a week afterwards,* A copy 
of his examination and deposition attested by Sir John 
Ballendane, justice clerk, is still extant, and in it no 
mention whatever is made of the casket ; indeed, so 
far as I can learn, Guzman's reference to the letters in 
the present volume is the first that is recorded. If the 
documents were genuine, there was of course ample time 
for Morton, in whose possession the casket must have 
been, to have written full particulars to Murray in 
Lyons or Paris between the 20th June when Dalgleish 
was taken and the end of July when Murray saw the 
Ambassador in London, whereas it is impossible to believe 
that Murray thus early whilst hurrying back from France 
and before seeing Ids associates would venture to concoct 
such an elaborate forgery as this would have been, 
particularly since we now learn from Guzman that the 
French Ambassador in London knew the purport of 
the letters early in July at a time when it was impossible 
for Murray to have been informed of their existence. 

Great as was the blow to the Catholics struck by Mary's 
conduct, it was apparently counterbalanced for the time 
by the fall of Valenciennes and the submission of the 
Netherlands. Philip after two years of hesitation had 
decided not to make the journey thither himself, but 
to send Alba on his fell march to drown in blood what 
was left of Flemish stubbornness. But it soon became 
evident that, in despite of Alba in the Netherlands, 
triumphant Catholicism was not to have all its own way 
or to go unchallenged elsewhere. Over the borders into 
France, across the narrow sea to England, flocked the 

* George Buchanan first published the letters, and an account of their 
origin in his "Detection," 1571, but they were produced to Elizabeth's 
Commissioners at York in October 1568. 


affrighted Protestants flying from the dread avenger, and 
soon France once more was aflame with civil religious 
warfare. English reformers could not fail to he deeply 
moved at the fate of their co-religionists in the Netherlands, 
and again, as in the time of Quadra, the prosecutions against 
those who attended Mass at the Spanish embassy were 
commenced. Brit Guzman was less sensitive than the 
Bishop on the subject, and the times were altered. Indeed 
not only was Guzman obliged to temporise upon this 
matter, but he had to exert all his influence to keep up 
the apparent friendship between his master and the 
Queen and to persuade her not to help the Huguenots who 
once more were fighting for faith and freedom in France. 
This was briefly the position at the end of 1567, to 
which date the letters in the present volume extend. 






1 Nov. 1. COUNT DE FERIA to the KING. 

I wrote on the 14th, but have learnt that the courier could not 
leave Dover until the 17th. On the latter day our lady the Queen 
died. She had been unconscious most of the time since I arrived, 
but always in the fear of God and love of Christianity, indeed the 
nation soon sees what a good Christian she was, for since it was 
known that she was dying they have begun to treat the images and 
religious persons disrespectfully. The morning before Her Majesty 
died the Chancellor and the rest of the Council went into her 
chamber, and before the women, doctors and others on duty there, 
they read the Queen's will. Her Majesty was not conscious .it the 
time. The will was read by the Missioner (Master) of the Rolls, 
and on arriving at a part where there were some legacies left to 
servants they ordered the reader to pass on without reading any of 
them. They tell me that this is tlte way the wills of tlte kings of 
England are always fulfilled ; that is to say just as the Council 
likes. I think your Majesty must have a copy of tlie will, from 
what I heard when I was here last, and I have therefore said 
nothing to the Council about it and have made no inquiries except 
what people have told me. Your Majesty will send me orders if I 
am to move in this, and if you have a copy of the will it would be 
advisable to see it again, as also the marriage treaty, and although 
as I have written to your Majesty it is -very early yet to talk about 
marriage the confusion and ineptitude of these people in all their 
affairs make it necessary for us to be the more circumspect, so as 
not to miss the opportunities whwh are presented to us, and 
particularly in the matter of marriage. For this and other reasons 
(if there be no objection) it will be well to send me a copy of the 
(marriage) treaty, which, though it may not be very necessary, will 
at least serve to post me up as to what would be touched upon, 
although a new treaty would be different from the last. 

The new Queen and her people hold themselves free from your 
Majesty and wiU listen to any ambassadors who may come to treat 
of marriage. Your Majesty understands better than I hmu 
important it is that this affair should go through your hamls, 

NOTE. The words in italics in this Calendar are in cipher in the original, 
a 66529. Wt. 25438. A 



which as I have said will be difficult except with great negotiation 
and money. I therefore wish your Majesty to keep in view all the 
steps to be taken on your behalf, one of them being thai the Emperor 
should not send any ambassador here to treat of this, for it would 
be inconvenient enough for Ferdinand to marry here even if he took 
the titbit from your Majesty's hand, but very much worse if it were 
arranged in any other way. For the present I know for certain 
they will not hear the name oj the duke of Savoy mentioned as they 
fear he will want to recover his estates with English forces and will 
keep them constantly at war. I am very pleased to see that the 
nobles are all beginning to open their eyes to the fact that it will 
not do to marry this woman in the country itself. 

The day on which the Queeu died, after the customary procla- 
mation was made at Westminster and London, the Council decided 
that the Chancellor, the Admiral, the earl of Shrewsbury, the earl of 
Pembroke, the earl of Derby and William Howard, should goto the new 
Queen and perform the ordinary ceremonies, and that the remainder 
should stay behind, but everyone wanted to be first to get out. I 
sent Dasonleville to excuse me from going as I waited here according 
to her orders. She sent word that she was sorry she could not see 
him in consequence of her grief but that he was to speak to the 
Council, which he did, although he said more than he was instructed 
to say, which is his great fault. But it was all about his grief at 
the Queen's death, and congratulations OH the new Queen's accession. 
They replied to him very civilly and affectionately. He says William 
Howard made him great offers of service to your Majesty. William 
Howard has been made Lord Chamberlain ; Lord Robert, the son 
of the late duke of Northumberland, Master of the Horse, and his 
brother Lord Ambrose, Master of Artillery, the place that Southwell 
held. She has given the controllership to her late cofferer,* a 
fat man whom your Majesty will have seen at Hampton Court, and 
the secretaryship to CeciL I am told that those who have up to the 
present been sworn as members of her Council are the Chancellor, 
the earl of Pembroke, the earl of Derby, the earl of Shrewsbury 
(Xeromberi), Admiral Clinton, the earl of Bedford, William Howard, 
Paget, her former Controller, the cofferer she has now made her 
Controller and Secretary Cecil. I do not know of any more 
officials. The day our lady the Queen died Parliament was dissolved, 
and if they convoke it again forty days must pass by law. The 
commission held by the earl of Arundelt and his colleagues in 
Flanders also expired, and it will be necessary to send them fresh 
credentials. It is said the Queen will come here during this week, 
and nothing can be attended to before then, not even a passport for 
Don Alonso de Cordova, the Regent of Aragon and others who have 
come from Spain. They closed the ports as soon as the Queen died, 
and with the change ot Queen and officers things are in such a 
hurly-burly and confusion that fathers do not know their own 

* Sir Thomas Parry. 

t The earl of Arundel, the bishop of Ely and Dr. Wotton had been sent to the peace 
conference at (.'ercamp, the Spanish Commissioners being the Prince of Orange, Ruy 
Gomez, and the bishop of Arrag, and the French, Constable M ontmorenci, Marshal 
d'Andre and Secretary L'Aubespine. 



Your Majesty's servants and pensioners here arc airoady beginning 
to look upon themselves as dismissed without anything being said to 
them. / do not know what had better be done, whether to let tliem go 
thus without saying anything and pay only those we nerd, or to 
dismiss them. 1 think it would be better to say nothing, but io pay 
those we want and some fresh ones. I await coipmands. If the 
Queen does not ask for a list of those in. your pay or speak of the 
matter, I think it will be better not to stir it up, because tf slie 
should say that we are not to pay anybody, and afterwards found 
out that we did so, she would naturally be offended. I again remind 
your Majesty that it will be well to despatch Doctor Wotton in a 
very good humour and offer him a pension, or refer him to me to 
2>ay him one here, as he will be one of the most poiverful of them, 
and, I am told, he may be made archbishop of Canterbury* I am 
not sure of this ho^vever* 

The more I think over this business, the more certain I am that 
everything depends upon the husband this woman may take. If he 
be a suitable one religious matters will go on well, and the kingdom 
will remain friendly to your Majesty, but if not it will all be spoilt. 
If she decides to marry out of the country she will at once fix her 
eyes on your Majesty, although some of them here are sure to pitch 
upon the Archduke Ferdinand. L am. not sure of all this, but only 
conjecture. I hope -your Majesty will pardon the disorder and 
confusion of my letters, for things here are going mi in such a way 
that it is quite impossible to get enlightened on anything, and if I 
wrote everything, she and they say I sftould never end. Really this 
country is more fit to be dealt with swoi^d in hand than by cajolery, 
for there are neither funds, nor soldiers, nor heads, nor forces, and 
yet it is overflowing with every other necessary of life. 

The body of our lady the Queen is kept until its interment in the 
chamber outside the one she slept in, and the house is served exactly 
as it was before. 

On the night of the day of the Queen's decease the Cardinal t also 
died. He was very weak and with continual fever, and his servants 
did not take care to conceal the death of the Queen from him. He 
. was so afflicted by it that it hastened his end. Two days after he 
died the Queen sent the earl of Rutland, Throgmorton, and an uncle 
of Peter Carew (Pedro Caro) to embargo all his goods and take an 
inventory of them, as it was thought he was a very wealthy man, 
and if he received what they say he did, he must have been so. I 
have not been able to learn for certain yet. It was a mercy for God 
to take him and I do not think your Majesty loses much with him, 
according to what these people tell me, although I thought otherwise 

The people are wagging their tongues a good deal about the late 
Queen having sent great sums of money to your Majesty, and that I 
have sent 200,000 ducats since I have been here. They say that it 
is through your Majesty that the country is in such want and tliat 
Calais was lost, and also that through your not coming to see the 

* lie was appointed dean of Canterbury and Y ' f Tele. 

A 5> 



Queen our lady, she died of sorrow. The sorrow I feel, is that your 
Majesty should have allowed so much favour to be shown to this 
scurvy Lord Chamberlain Hastings, for it is he who is publishing 
these things and is the greatest enemy our country has. The 
Controller and Boxall make much of me, but they are all as 
ungrateful to your Majesty as if they had never received anything 
from your hands. It is true that as they are naturally much put 
out and nobody knows what is to become of him, they are so giddy 
and confused that we must not judge them too hastily. The people 
are more free than ever, the heretics thinking that they will be able 
to persecute the Catholics, but things in this respect are somewhat 
quieter, as on the Sunday before the Queen died the priest who 
preached the sermon at St. Pauls told them to pray for the Pope. 
They see also that the new Queen goes to mass. These people try 
to spread about everywhere that your Majesty will in future have 
no more influence here than if you had never married the late Queen 
and with this object they wish the Queen not to "be too ready to 
treat with me. She is very much wedded to the people and thinks 
sis they do, and therefore treats foreigners slightingl} 7 . For this 
reason, and seeing that neither she nor they have done anything yet, 
I have decided to go on veiy quietly until things settle down and I 
see who is to take the lead. Up to the present nothing is certain 
and everyone talks as his wishes lead him ; I wonder they have 
not sent me crazy. The whole point of it is (as I have said) the 
husband she chooses, and we must try by money arrangements that 
he shall be one agreeable to your Majesty. 

They tell me the Queen left orders that she was to be buried 
either at Windsor or Westminster, and that the body of Queen 
Katharine, her mother, should also be brought thither. They have 
not yet decided which place it shall be, but the new Queen, wishes it 
to be done with all solemnity. London, 21st November 1558. 

25 Nov. 2. The SAME to the SAME. 

After writing the enclosed the post despatched by your Majesty 
on the loth arrived with three letters, but that for the Queen, now 
in heaven, did not come. 

The Queen decided three days ago to send Lord Cobham to your 
Majesty. He is the son of the Lord Cobham whom you knew and 
who recently died. They told me nothing aboul; it until yesterday 
when Secretary Cecil sent to say that Cobham was going and had 
been ordered to visit me befoie he left. This he did last evening 
but the object of his going is only to inform yi>ur Majesty formally of 
what has occurred. He has no place in the Queen's household and 
he and his brother have not enjoyed a good reputation, but have 
always been adherents of the new C^ueen and she is attached to him. 
Your Majesty should have him well housed and treated, and a 
handsome chain or something should be <nven to him. I have 

written to my brother-in-law asking him to entertain him and to 
win 1m good graces. They tell me they are going to send someone 
else to the Emperor, but do not know yet who it will be. The day 
before yesterday the Queen came to a house of my Lord North, 



formerly a Carthusian monastery, close to the horse market, and the 
whole of London turned out and received her with great acclamations. 
They tell me her attitude was more gracious to the common people 
than to others. She will not go to the Tower till next week. I 
sent the Admiral's wife to visit her and she returned me a very 
gracious reply. I think of seeing her tomorrow or the day after 
and shall be glad to receive your Majesty's letter with the credit, 
for without that it is hopeless to try to cajole these people. I beg 
your Majesty to send me Don Juan de Ayala or the bishop of 
Aquila, as I am a bad hand at negotiating without a tender. There 
is great rejoicing amongst the common people and young folks 
and those who were persecuted for heresy or treason, but others are 
not so pleased, as I hear. Dasonleville writes to your Majesty, and 
I have told him to continue to do so as your Majesty will be glad 
sometimes to hear what he has to say, and he will be gratified by it. 
Don Alonso de Cordova will go as soon as possible. I will not detain 
him now that some of my own people have arrived. They tell 
strange stories of the bad treatment they were subjected to on the road 
from Dover hither. I note what your Majesty says about the ship 
" Miiiona " which went to the Mina and also about recovering the 
artillery and goods taken by the English out of the Portuguese 
ship " Raposa." I will attend to it as a thing that so interests 
your Majesty, but I understand this " Minona " business is a very 
dangerous one to touch. The ship sailed when Howard was admiral, 
and he must have been paid to let her go, and although they said she 
was going to Barbary her real destination was known all along 
and some of the Council were in the secret, as I heard from Figueroa 
when your Majesty wrote to him about it in April last. The Queen, 
now in heaven, ordered steps to be taken in the matter, but it all 
ended in smoke, for in fact the English deeply resented being 
interfered with in this navigation, and what was done was only out 
of respect for your Majesty. The Queen herself consented with an 
itt grace and the Council with a worse grace still as some of them 
were mixed up in the affair. Nevertheless I will do what I can, 
though I am unwilling to open up claims which will offend these 
people or rather which, they will refuse. 

I think it will be well for your Majesty to have all the treaties 
between the late Emperor and King Henry and of your own marriage 
well looked into to see whether any of them are binding o/n heirs and 
successors in England, especially that of 1542. M. D'Awas* and live, 
Flemings think that heirs and successors are included in that treaty. 

Paget told your Majesty two years ago that they were not, but I 
in conversation with the Councillors separately, and once when tJiey 
were together, told them they were obliged by the old treaties to 
declare war when they did, without going into particulars, and I 
pointed it out again receently, but I have always avoided stirring 
the matter up before Paget. It would be very convenient if these 
people were bound by treaty. 1 have copies of all the treaties here, 
_ but as they are in French I do not understand them well. If your 

* Anthony Perrenot, bishop of Arras Cardinal de Granvelle. 



Majesty wishes Dasonleville could go over them with me so that I 
might understand them better, but I do not show them to him until 
'*' I know your Majesty's pleasure, recognising the undesirability of 
opening the eyes of the Flemings in view of possible contingencies. 

I have just learned that the Queen decided yesterday to send 
Sir Thomas Chaloner to the Emperor. He is a gentleman who in 
time of King Edward was one of the three secretaries of the Council, 
and when troops were being raised a year since to succour Calais 
he went as commissary to Dover, where I saw him. He is a man 
of a little over forty, and speaks Latin, Italian and French well. 
Neither the Queen or Council has sent word to me about it. 

The bishop of Ely was dean of the Chapel, which is an office of 
high honour here, but the Queen has taken it away from him, and 
given it to an elder brother of Peter Carew (Pedro Caro) who is 
archdeacon of Exeter (I am not sure that I am quite right about 
the name of this church). He was married in time of King Edward, 
but his wife is dead. They tell me he is neither learned nor wise. 

Although the Chancellor the Lord Treasurer and Privy Seal have 
been received into the Council, they have not been conBrmed in their 
offices. Lord Robert, the Master of the Horse, is in the Council. 
A Mr. Rogers* has been made vice-chamberlain. He was a servant 
of King Henry and they say he is a soldier. 

They say that last year the Treasurer, without orders from the 
Queen, had the tomb over King Henry's grave removed, and left it 
bare, and this summer secretary tioxall, who is the dean, when he 
returned from the feast of St. George there (Windsor), told the Queen 
of it, whereupon she was very angry, according to him, but things 
remained as they were. The new Queen has however ordered the 
tomb to be restored as before, and even better. I am very much afraid 
that if the Queen do not send her obedience to the Pope or delay 
doing so, or if he should take into his head to recall {natters concerning 
the divorce of King Henry there may be a defect in the succession 
of this Queen which will help to upset the present state of things 
here more than anything else. Your Majesty will consider whether 
it will be well to write to Rome and in some good way get the Pope, 
sounded about it to see whether he will act. I think your Majesty 
ought to do it. 25th November 1558. 


Last night I despatched a courier with a long letter to the King 
to accompany Lord Cobham. I send the present to catch him as 
I have since heard that they are ordering Lord Cobham to go direct 
to Cercamp to bear a new commission to the earl of Arundel and 
"V his colleagues, as their old commission expired with the death of 
the Queen. It will be well to advise our Commissioners to keep 
their eyes on these Englishmen, in case this should be some trick to 
our detriment, as I was told nothing about his going to Cercamp till 
he had gone. London, 26th November 1558. 

* Sir Edward Rogers had been appointed captain of the Queen's guard at Elizabeth's 
first Council at Hatfield five days before this letter was written. 


14 Dec. 4. COUNT DE FERIA to the KING. 

The bishop of Aquila arrived here on the 7th, and the day before 
he sent me on the letters from Dover, so that I should not have to 
await news of ray brother's health. He suffered greatly at sea, but I 
believe the tears of the earl of Arundel floated them into port, for he 
says the Earl cried like a child. I saw the Earl at ike palace very 
smart and clean, and they say he carries his thoughts very high. A 
courier called Mendez whom I sent from here on the 25th November 
deserves punishment. He ought to have crossed with Lord Cobham, 
but went to sleep at Dover, and Cobham crossed without him. The 
other man who was sent on the 26th was more careful and crossed 
with Cobham. The day on which the Queen died I wished to send 
by land and sea, but could not as the earl of Arundel's servant who 
crossed over bore the orders to close the ports and to give him ships 
to bring his master over. I wrote nevertheless by Don Alonso de 
Cordova, but he was a half an hour too late, and although he offered 
them large sums to let him go they refused. I wrote the letter with 
great fears that they would take it from him, but I am glad your 
Majesty received mine of 21st, 25th and 27th, which answer some of 
your, questions. 

The bishop of Aquila seems to understand thoroughly the business 
of the Emperor and his sons, and your Majesty has certainly done 
me a great favour in sending him to me as he is a very discreet and 
virtuous man and may help me much. 

As I understand from him, the Archduke Ferdinand is not a man 
veijfJU for this business, but if your Majesty does not wish for him 
I do not see whom we are to put forward. 

It gives me great trouble every time / write to your Majesty not 
to be able to send more pleasing intelligence, but what can be expected 
from a country governed by a Queen, and she a young lass, \vlio, 
although sharp, is without prudence, and is every day standing up 
against religion more openly ? The kingdom is entirely in the 
hands of young folks, heretics and traitors, and the Queen does not 
favour a single man whom Her Majesty, who is now in heaven, 
would have received and will take no one into her service who 
served her sister when site was Lady Mary. On her way from the 
Tower to her house where she now is, she saw the marquis of 
Northampton, who is ill with a quartan ague, at a window, and 
she stopped her palfrey and was for a long while asking him about 
his liealth in the most cordial way in the world. The only true 
reason for this was that he had been a great traitor to her sister, and 
he who was most prominent in this way is now best thought of. The 
old people and the Catholics are dissatisfied, but dare not open their 
%js. She seems to me incomparably more feared than her sister 
and gives her orders and has her way as absolutely as her father did. 
Her present Controller and secretary Cecil govern the kingdom, 
and they tell me the earl of Bedford has a good deal to say. When 
I spoke to her at Lord North's house, she told me that when anything 
had to be discussed with me she would send two of her Council to 
me. I asked her which two they would be, so that I might know 
with whom to communicate in case I had anything to say. She said 



they would be the Controller, Cecil and admiral Clinton, and 
directly afterwards she appointed the first two, so I knew she only 
mentioned Clinton because she thought I was friendly with him and 
I satisfied myself of this subsequently. She afterwards said that 
when I wanted anything I was to speak to her personally, and I 
made an appearance of being very highly gratified with this. / 
know this is a very feeble foundation to begin with, but I was glad 
nevertheless. I am trying to get a chamber in the palace when she 
goes to Whitehall, although I am very much afraid they will not 
give me one, but I have little chance of getting to talk to these 
people front, the outside and they are so suspicious of me that not a 
man amongst them dares to speak of me, ; as the late Chancellor 
has told me plainly. He is a worthy person and she knows it, but 
he is not in the gang and will not return to office. He tells me that 
if they offered it to him he would not accept it. I think Paget is 
dying as fast as he can. He was very bad before and the Queen 
seems not to have favoured him as he expected ; indeed I do not 
think she will return him his office, and this no doubt has increased 
his malady. They are all very glad to be free of your Majesty as if 
you had done harm instead of very much good, and, although in 
all my letters to your Majesty I have said how small a party you 
have here I am never satisfied that I have said enough to describe 
things as they really are. As I am so isolated from them I am 
much embarrassed and confused to devise 'means of finding out what 
is going on, for truly they run away from me as if I were the devil. 
The best thing will be to get my foot into the palace, so as to speak 
oftener to the Queen as she is a woman who is very fond of argument. 
Everybody thinks that she will not marry a foreigner and they 
cannot make out whom she favours, so that nearly every day some 
new cry is raised about a husband. They have dropped the earls of 
Arundel and Westmorland, and say now she will ma,rry William 
Howard's son or Pickering who went to bring over the Germans that 
Wallerthum raised. The most discreet people fear she will marry 
for caprice, and as the good or evil of the business all turns on this, 
I do nothing but think how and when I can get a word in about it. 
As your Majesty tells me I am to give my opinion I proceed to do so, 
after describing the real state of affairs here, as I always do, because 
in that case the simple things I say myself are of less importance. 

At present I see no disposition to enter into the discussion of any 
proposal on your Majesty's behalf, either on her part or on that of 
the Council, and ivhenit has to be approached, it should be mentioned 
first to her alone, as she told me when I had anything to say I could 
say it to her personally. Even if this were not so, it is not a matter 
that can be spoken of to the Council until more light is obtained as 
to her own inclinations. What can be done with the Councillors 
individually, but not as a body, is to dissuade them from her 
marriage with an Englishman, and I am moving in this way as 
cleverly as I can, although very cautiously and slowly seeing how 
little I can mix ivith these people. They will look with more favour 
on the Archduke Ferdinand than on your Majesty, when they have 
made up their mind to accept a foreigner, because they think he will 
always reside in the country and will have no quarrel with France, 



and although some of them understand that the power and grandeur 
of your Majesty is of great importance Lo their security, the short 
time your Majesty could reside here and your enmity to France 
turn them against you. As to the duke of Savoy I have written to 
your Majesty to say that they will not agree to him, for in fact they 
have a great hatred of war and they are afraid he may try to recover 
his states at the expense of this country. I do not know which way 
the Queen is inclined, for on the one hand she complained to me of 
her sister's having married a foreigner, and on the other I see she is 
very vain and as much set against her sister as she was previous to 
her death. I fancy I can get at her through this feeling. We must 
begin by getting her into talk about your Majesty, and run down 
the idea of her marrying an Englishman, and thus to hold herself 
less than her sister, who would never marry a subject. We must 
tell her that one of the reasons the Queen, now in heaven, disliked 
lier was her fear that if she died your Majesty would marry her 
(Elizabeth) ; and then place before her how badly it would look for 
her to marry one of these men whilst there are such great princes 
whom she might marry. After that we can take those whom 
she might marry here and pick them to pieces one by one, which will 
not require much rhetoric, for there is not a man amongst them 
^vorth anything, counting the married ones and all. We can then 
remind her of the claims of the Queen Dauphine (Mary Queen of 
Scots) and the need for her (Elizabeth's) being allied with your 
Majesty or with someone belonging to you and so on, to the other 
reasons we can allege against her marriage here. When she is 
dissuaded, if she inclines to your Majesty it will be necessary for 
you to send me orders whether I am to carry it any further or throw 
cold water on it and set up tHe Arcfidulce Ferdinand, because I do 
not see what other person we can propose to whom she would agree. 
When your Majesty married the late Queen the French felt it very 
keenly, as they will if you marry this one, and particularly as she is 
more likely to have children on account of her age and temperament, 
in both of which respects she is much better than the Queen now in 
heaven, although in every other she compares most unfavourably 
with her. No one understands better than your Majesty the affairs 
'of this country, and indeed all others, and I do not see therefore how 
anybody cau advise your Majesty in this better than you can advise 
yourself. In case we have to put forward Hie Archduke the manner 
in which your Majesty treats with the Emperor and his sons is to 
be considered, so as to convince them of your friendsip and make 
good terms with them both in the matter of the Italian suzerainty 
and any others there may be unknown to me as I have been so 
short a time in these affairs. They may also broach the subject of a 
marriage between his (the Emperor's) daughter and your Majesty, 
and it is well to consider in time what answer should be given in 
such case. 

/ do not for the present see any way of beginning what I have 
mentioned except, in the course of conversation with the Queen, as 
she is in the habit of talking to me, to introduce the subject and 
proceed with it as I see opportune o,nd as your Majesty may order. 
I have seen her twice since site has been Queen, once in Lord North's 



house and once in that 'which belonged to the duke of Somerset where 
she is now. When I saw her at North's she began taking off her 
glove as soon as she saw me, so that I might kiss her hand, as I did. 
I did not speak of business, conjining 'myself to complements, but 
told her, as rny only reason for being here was to serve her and 
advise your Majesty JHSIV to gratify her in everything, I proposed 
also to convey to her the knowledge of things in which your Majesty 
could be gratified, and so to ftelp forward the good fellowship which 
I thought both parties wished to preserve. In pursuance of this I 
said your Majesty had ordered me to beg her to be very careful 
about religious affairs as they were what first and principally 
concerned you. She answered that it would indeed be bad for her 
to forget God who had been so good to Iver, which appeared to me 
rather an equivocal reply. When I left on that day I sent her by 
the Admiral's wife the two rings that your Majesty gave me which 
belonged to the late Queen because as I saw she was so fond of her 
jewels I thou/jht best to (jive her up even the poorest of them. I saw 
her again three days after the bishop of Aquila arrived and gave 
her an account of the position of the peace negotiations. When I 
told her about the suspension of hostilities site thought it was some 
trap against her, and that your Majesty was leaving her out. I 
could not manage to remove this suspicion. When she had gone 
in I called Cecil, the Controller and the earls of Pembroke and 
Bedford and communicated the affair to them and asked the 
Secretary, who is the man who does everything, to go in at once 
and explain it to her, which he did. I told her about the jewels 
which were in the box at Whitehall and said I would give her the 
key when I came. She accepted. I have heard also that the Queen, 
now in heaven, ordered in her will that the jewels given to her by 
your Majesty and the Emperor should be returned to you and these 
people had concealed this and kept the jewels. Seeing this 1 thought 
best to say that your Majesty would be very pleased for her to 
have them if she wanted them. She asked me whether I was 
instructed to say so, and I told her the only instructions I had were 
that your Majesty would be glad for her to take anything she 
wanted of what belonged to you as a good brother should. She is 
very fond of having things given to her, and her one theme is how 
poor she is. The ring brought by the bishop of Aquila I sent her 
by the Controller as I did not think fitting to give it to her before 
so many people. Both times I have spoken with Jter have been in 
the jyrcsence cJuimber crammed u'ith people, and what with this and 
all these gifts I think I never saiu her so carried away as she was 
to-day. She was full of fine words for me, however, and told me 
that when people said she was French I was not to believe it. I 
said I had never heard such a thing, nor did I believe anyone in the 
world was so foolish as to think so. She afterwards said she hoped 
your Majesty would not be offended if she employed some of the 
servants you had here, and I answered, that on the contrary, you 
would be very pleased thereat, and that if she wanted any of the 
servsmts or subjects of your Majesty in your other kingdoms you 
would willingly send them to her. So that she will allow us to pay 
those who were paid before which is very different from what she 



said the first time I spoke to her which was that she would not allow 
it. Up to the present time those who have been told that the pensions 
they enjoyed secretly will still be paid to tJtem, and ivho have 
accepted are the Admiral and Privy Seal (Paget). I have thought, 
that it will be well to tell your Majesty's servants here that you are 
willing to pay them their wages whilst they serve you with the 
servants of other nations, but that you can give nothing to those 
who stay at home. I have done this, and your Majesty may be 
sure that very few of them will go abroad to serve ; I can see that 
is not their idea. The Queen (now in heaven) ordered your 
Majesty's archers to be paid thirteen months from the 1st July 1557 
to the last day of July of this year, which pay amounts to 2,600?., 
and when I was here she said it would be well that Francisco de 
Lexalde should receive this money and pay the archers. I thought 
it had better be done without the intervention of any of your 
Majesty's servants, but said if the Queen wished it so, well and good, 
as I could see she was more inclined to her own way. When I had 
left she caused Don Alonso de Cordova to receive the notes and give 
them to Lexalde to keep. Lexalde now tells me that the vice- 
chamberlain Beningfield has asked him for them to settle his 
accounts, and that lie has given them to him. Your Majesty will 
advise what I am to say if they ask me for this money although it 
is not reasonable th it they should haggle over small accounts with 
your Majesty, seeing what you have done and will do for them. 
Let me know your orders also up to what date your Majesty wishes 
the archers and servants paid. I think that if your Majesty has 
them paid up to the end of last year it will more than suffice as 
your Majesty has not been here all this year nor have they been 
employed, although it is true the Queen, who is now in heaven, 
ordered the archers to serve from last April. 

I think a different course mutt be adopted with the pensioners. 
It will be best to pay them to the end of this -year and (iftenvards to 
pay those who trwy be needful, such as Cecil, ^vho I think should 
receive 1,000 crowns, the Controller, Lord Robert and the earl of 
Bedford, wlto sliould each receive a similar amount as they arc 
necessary now. I will tell them this as soon as a good opportunity 
offers. Your Majesty will consider which of those who had pensions 
are to be paid besides the above mentioned. I think the earl of 
Pembroke ought to be paid, as although he is not very well thought 
of, he is one of the best servants your Majesty has here and is a 
man of authority, and both the present and former admirals are 
his friends. Since the new Queen succeeded he has always been 
about the palace and does not leave her side. 

Councillor Dasonleville has been awaiting here the decision of 
these people about the matter that brought him here, but what 
with the late Queen's illness and then the talk of peace, things have 
remained as they were. He now wishes to leave as he does not think 
this a safe place to stay in during such times as these ; but I have 
thought it unadvisable that he should go and so cause offence to 
these people as the object to be aimed at is to persuade them that 
your Maje.sty has the same solicitude for the safety of the country 
as when the late Queen was alive. He is trying to prevent the 
breaking out of war between Scotland and your Majesty's Flemish 



States, and has spoken to the Queen who refers him to the Council. 
I have told him he had better lay before them the reasons why it is 
desirable for this country that the war between Flanders and 
Scotland should not be declared, and ask them to consider them, 
and endeavour from here to get the truce prolonged, and in the 
meanwhile to ask them for leave to go home, where his presence is 
required, and on his return he will bring new credentials, which 
they have already asked him for. If they do not wish him to go he 
must send for the credentials and await them. Really he would not 
be at all sorry to change his commission for another one. He comes 
to me sometimes with the best news and discourses in the world, 
and sometimes to tell me that all is lost, and that we shall have a 
great upset before Christinas, and he would like to be at home by 
then. At other times he comes and assures me that the Queen will 
only do what your Majesty wishes, and so on. The last time he 
saw the Queen was the day after I had spoken to her, and he came 
back delighted. He speaks to the Council to-day, and will come 
to tell me the answer they make him which, as I understand, will be 
to give him leave until they see the course the peace negotiations 
may take. If he does not depart at once he will write to your 

The day I saw the Queen at Lord North's the Swedish ambas- 
sadors spoke with her, the same man as was here before, and 
another. They still urge the marriage,* but these people take no 
notice of them. 

Boxall told me that the Queen says the king of France was at 
ivar with her sister, but not with her. I quite believe it, fen' she is a 
very strange sort of woman. All the heretics who had escaped are 
beginning to flock back again from Germany, and they tell me 
there are some pestilential fellows amongst them. 

The Queen has decided to send the Chamberlain, William Howard, 
to your Majesty, although up to the present I have not been able to 
find out for what purpose, as they are so careful to conceal things 
from me. He sent to-day to say he would come and see me, and 
nobody has made so many demonstrations of friendship and offers of 
service as he, both before and after the Queen's death. I told him 
before how often your Majesty has written to the Queen, now in 
heaven, and ordered me also to try and obtain favour for him, and 
although what they gave him was not what he wanted and I had 
asked for, I advised him to accept it and await your Majesty's 
coming, which he did, and was very grateful to me. 

Seeing now the place ilie Queen has given him, I told him that 
as I had advised him to await your Majesty's coming, and in the 
changed aspect of affairs you had not come, your Majesty would be 
pleased to continue for the future the pension you had paid him, but 
that there was no necessity for anyone to know of it, and that Luiz 
de Paz, whom, he knew, would always pay it to him. He accepted it 
with his usual profusion of thanks. When I Jieard he was going to 
Flanders I sent Luiz de Paz to say how glad I was, and that as on 
such occasions people always wanted ready money, Luiz de Paz 
would pay him what was due. He said that he was provided with 

The marriage proposed between Elizabeth and the prince of Sweden, afterwards Eric XIV. 



money for live, present, and tliat hitherto he had done no more than 
other Councillors and did not require the money. He sent to me 
to-day to say, by one of his servants, that lie could not accept what 
I had offered him previously until he kneiv the Queen's pleasure, 
but that now she had given her consent, he would be glad if I would 
send him the 'money. This is to let your Majesty see what sort of 
people these are. I think your Majesty ought to talk to William 
Howard about religious affairs. Up to the present, this man and 
the Marquis Treasurer are the only ones who have been paid, and 
a statement of what is owing to the other pensioners is enclosed. 
I am told the coronation will take place on the 1 5th of January, and 
Parliament will open on the 25th. 

The duke of Alba writes me that French people have told him 
that the Queen died on the 15th ; that the physician ivho attended 
her had written this to the King (of France) and told him what her 
malady was. The following is what has occurred. When I was 
here before, the Queen had three physicians, all Englishmen. Two 
of them died this summer, and the remaining one was a very 
worthy old man, named Dr. Wuit, who is married to Paget's 
mother-in-law, and when the Queen's malady became worse she 
caused a Dr. Ccesar, u<ho is here, to be called in ; the same who 
attended Courtney's mother, who died in Venice, and he thus 
became known to the Queen. He is a young fellow, a hair-brained 
busybody, and when I saw him in the chamber on my arrival this 
time I noticed him at once, and asked who had introduced him 
there. They told me the Queen herseif had summoned him, and as 
her bodily condition gave no hope, I did not proceed further in the 
matter. The physician I brought from Amiens afterwards told me 
that he was not at all satisfied with this man, but he told me also 
that he (Dr. Ccesar) and the Lord Chamberlain blamed your Majesty 
very much for not coming here. Although the Amiens man could 
not say for certain, yet, when Her Majesty was opened, he thought 
that indications existed in the body to give ground for belief that 
something noxious had been administered. I have thought whether 
with this and what the duke now writes we had better lay our 
hands on this man, but I am afraid that if anything is said to the 
Queen about it she would be more likely to reward than to punish 
him. Let me know your Majesty's wishes on the subject. I believe 
he is a vassal of the Pope or the duke of Urbino. London, 
14th December 1558. 

23 Dec. 5. The KING to the COUNT DE FERIA. 

Besides the general commission to visit me Lord Cobham tells me 
the Queen has instructed him to inform us that she has continued to 
the bishop of Ely and Wotton the powers they had to intervene in 
the peace negotiations. We think this must have been done before 
the Queen saw the letters written by the bishop and Wotton on the 
matter, which has proceeded so far that, although the French for 
some time were very obstinate about Piedmont and Corsica which 
we want restored to the Genoese aud in respect of the portion of 
Tuscany they still occupy, yet at last they ceded to our argument, 



and, if they do not turn back, as they sometimes do if they find it 
suits them, the French commissioners and ours are in accord. I 
was very pressing that the arrangement with England should be 
concluded, and that they (the English) should be included like the 
rest of our friends in the settlement, if they wished, but at the 
same time we insisted most positively that nothing should be done 
without the English, as is just, seeing that we are allies by virtue 
of ti'eaties, and we cannot and will not conclude any settlement with 
the French unless at the same time England is dealt with or at least 
that the English should confirm and consent to what is done. We 
have taken up the question with great warmth both in the late and 
present Queen's time, as no doubt the earl of Arundel and the other 
commissioners will have testified in their letters, but the great effort 
of the French all through has been to separate us from the English 
with whom they do not wish to deal. To annoy us the more they 
allege as a reason for refusing any concession to England that the 
latter by commencing war against them have lost all right to claim 
anything, either in respect to the restitution of Calais or the two 
millions they say are owing to them on account of the overdue and 
current pensions, but seeing how determined we were in face of it 
all, not to treat without the English the French commissioners 
refused to proceed further until their difference with the English 
were settled, and on the pretext that the changes in England would 
cause considerable delay before the Queen settled matters and sent 
her commissioners new powers and instructions they resolved to 
leave Cercamp. They sought a prorogation of the truce for at least 
two months although they wanted much more .... This has 
caused the separation of the commissioners and the extension of the 
truce to the end January with the express condition that they shall 
meet again on the 25th of that month at Cercamp, or elsewhere, 
agreed to by all. It is agreed, however, that if the answer and 
decision come from England before the date fixed, a meeting will at 
once be held to conclude the negotiations. This is the real meaning 
of what has taken place, although the French will not allow any 
mention of the English in the treaty ; the reason of this certainly 
being that they will attempt some sort of negotiations in England. 
The bishop and Wotton have been scrupulously informed of all that 
has passed and had a copy of the treaty which had been drawn up, 
but which the French for the reasons stated above, would not agree 
to, and, accordingly, so as not to break off the negotiations altogether, 
the English themselves were of opinion that the prorogation should 
be accepted and the aforegoing arrangement made. The English 
commissioners promised to give clear testimony to the Queen and 
Council of what had passed to prevent what is known to be the 
French design, to divide us to the great prejudice of both, as will be 
easily understood in England ; but we are convinced that they will 
never succeed in it after the assurances contained in the Queen's 
letter bought by Cobham, of which copy is enclosed. On our side 
there will never be any falling off nor will we cease to forward the 
good friendship and brotherhood which now exist. The further 
meeting of the commissioners, as I have said, turns almost exclusively 
on English points, and especially in respect of Calais, which the 



French are still obstinate about keeping, and we therefore urge you 
to speak to the Queen and remind her from us, if she has not already 
done so, to closely examine all that which we suppose her commis- 
sioners will have written on these points so as to decide in time 
what is to be done to conclude the negotiations in hand. Although 
it would, of course, be very hard that we should remain at war with 
France on the question of Calais alone, which the English lost 
through their own fault and carelessness, and refusing to believe 
the advice given to them of the French movements or to accept our 
timely offers of succour, yet as the English entered into this war for 
our cause the treaties which bound them to do so also bind us not 
to treat without them, and we are determined to fulfil this obligation 
and conclude no peace except with their consent. On their part we 
expect they will do their share and, in order that they may not 
throw the blame upon us before the public for the loss of Calais, 
it being desirable with us to stand well with them, you must be very 
careful that no suggestion shall be noted as coining from us that 
Calais should remain in the hands of the French or that the fortress 
should be destroyed, nor indeed any other measure or thing that 
may seem ill to the Queen, the Council, or the people themselves. 
But as peace is so necessary to Christendom it is most important 
that the English should adopt some measures which originate with 
themselves and a good way to bring them round, I think, will be for 
you, always with tact and prudence which distinguish you, to keep 
harping upon our sorrow that they should have lost Calais in the 
way they did and making very clear to them that we are only at 
war about that and nothing else, and so you can urge that if the 
French will not listen to reason about it the Queen must decide 
what share she will take with us in jointly forcing the French 
to render justice, letting her understand how willing and ready 
we are to help if they will do their share. By taking this course 
it is very likely, their need being such that they will be unable to 
appeal to arms, that they may come of their own accord to propose 
terms that the French can agree to, which is the object to be aimed 
at, and which suits us much better than arranging on our side, and 
you must dexterously try to lead the negotiation in this direction ; 
at the same time assuring them of the goodwill we always bear 
them, and our desire to fulfil to the very letter all our obligations to 
them. You must urge them to decide speedily as time is short, and 
upon them depends whether the commissioners return home or meet 
again, their business being the only one that stands in the way of 
a settlement, and, even if the commissioners meet on the day agreed 
upon, it will be useless if the English decision is not ready. You 
will advise me diligently what is done as you will see the importance 
of it. 

We have had the treaties between us and England examined, and 
it is clearly seen from them that the alliance made in the year 15-16 
and by the declaration of Utrecht in 154G are perpetual and binding 
upon heirs and successors and even guardians of princes of either 
state who may be minors, as you may sec by the treaties themselves 
which are in Latin, with councillor Dasonleville, if he lie still there, 
or with the bishop of Aquila. The Queen must be well aware of 
this, because, in addition to the contents of her letter, she even signs 



herself Soror et perpetua confederata, as you will see, so that on 
this point no doubt or difficulty need be raised. I answer her in the 
same way. 

As I have allowed the exchange and liberation of the Constable,* 
questions may be asked about it there, and I wish you to know, 
therefore, that I was moved thereto by three reasons, first by his 
years, next by his illness, which it was feared would prove fatal, 
and thirdly, if he returns to France the Guises will not have so 
much power as now that they entirely control both war and finance, 
whereas if the Constable be there the war matters will be in his care, 
and he will probably remove the ministers and officers appointed by 
the others, and thus cause divisions and dissensions amongst them, 
which will be good for our affairs. Gruniendal, 28th December 1558. 

29 Dec. 6. COUNT DE FERIA to the KING. 

By the post despatched on the 14th instant, I wrote to your 
Majesty more at length than I could have wished. Since then they 
have suspended the departure of the Lord Chamberlain and although 
the Queen and Council have concealed from me the reason of his 
voyage, when his departure was suspended the Queen sent to me to 
say that as he was so important an officer of the household the 
festivities and the coronation made it necessary to defer his journey, 
and she hoped I would take it in good part, and would not believe 
the people's gossip. I answered civilly although 1 am displeased to 
see the great care they take to hide from me everything they do, both 
great and small, which they carry to an extent that your Majesty 
cannot imagine or believe, and indeed, I am afraid that one fine day 
we shall find this woman married, and I shall be the last man in 
the place to know anything about it. And yet, whilst I do not 
know of a single thing that is going on I hear the Queen said a 
few days since that I was too well informed about English affairs 
to be allowed to stay here, and that like a true Spaniard I was very 
proud, and she would be glad if your Majesty would recall me and 
send someone else. I am sure they will try this, for both she and 
they desire it. I write this to your Majesty because I wish you to 
be well informed of all that passes here, so that in due time you 
may take such steps as may be advisable. I try to overlook many 
things and not to seem to take offence at anything or to appear 
inquisitive, but their enmity and evil consciences make them so 
cautious and suspicious that they think I know everything, and in 
return for all my wishes to please them I believe they would like to 
see me thrown into the river, that is to say, she and her adherents, 
for the Catholics and decent people are pleased that your Majesty 
should gain ground here, and there are many of this sort in the 
kingdom. The most corrupt places are London, Kent, and some of 
the seaports. Some of the heretics from Germany have come hither, 
and on the first day of Christmas-tide they began to preach in a 
church of St. Augustine, close to the Treasurer's house, which had 
been given to the Italians here. They first sent to the Italian 
Consul to ask for the ke_j s. He is a Florentine, and refused to give 

* Moutuiorcuci, who had been taken prisoner by the Spaniards at the battle of St. Quintin. 



them up so they went and broke the door in, and preached four 
sermons during the day. The Italians complained to the Marquis 
Treasurer, but he only shrugged his shoulders and begged them not 
to refer the matter to him. The Consul then went to the Lord 
Mayor to complain, who referred the case to the Council where 
the Consul also attended. After hearing him they promised to 
summon the people and enquire into the affair. 

Nicholas Throgmorton, a knave of whom I have already written 
to your Majesty, was present at the business, and the Councillors 
who attended the meeting that day were the marquis of Northampton, 
the Admiral, Monsieur Bedford, the Controller, the chancellor of 
Lancaster, Sackville who was Chancellor of the Augmentation in 
king Edward's time, Mason who was ambassador, Rogers the 
Vice-Chamberlain, and secretary Cecil. As it was not a case 
especially to dissemble about, and many were waiting to see how I 
took it, in the absence of orders from your Majesty, I adopted a 
course which I thought on the one hand would not quite offend 
them, nor on the other let them off without giving them to 
understand they were doing wrong, and exactly the thing that 
would displease your Majesty ; so the bishop of Aquila, who is my 
stay and right hand, and whose help is invaluable to me, went and 
spoke to them what is contained in the enclosed report, together 
with their reply. 

On the Sunday of Christmas-tide the Queen before going to Mass 
sent for the bishop of Carlisle,* who Was to officiate, and told him 
that he need not elevate the Host for adoration. The Bishop 
answered that Her Majesty was mistress of his body and life, but 
not of his conscience, and accordingly she heard the Mass until after 
the gospel, when she rose and left, so as not to be present at the 
canon and adoration of the Host which the Bishop elevated as 
usual. They tell me that yesterday she heard Mass said by another 
bishop who was requested not to elevate the Host and acted 
accordingly, and she heard it to the end. I should like in these 
affairs to animate and encourage the Catholics so that she may find 
difficulties in the way of doing the ivicked things she is beginning, 
but I am doing it with the utmost caution in order that she may 
not be offended or quarrel with me more than need be. This affair 
is going at a pace that, in spite of the good offices your Majesty may 
2)erform with the Pope, it will be imi^ossible to stop, and I hear that he 
(the Pope) will declare this Queen a bastard and ^uill praceed against 
her, giving the right to the Crown to the queen of Scots. It is said 
here that the king of France settled this with the Pope some time 
since, but in any case the other woman already has many adherents 
in the kingdom and every day will have more. 

They are so full of prophecies in this country that nothing happens 
but they immediately come out with some prophecy that foretold it 
so many years ago, and it is a fact that serious people and good 
catholics even take notice of these things and attach more importance 
to them than they usually merit. These prophecies are now saying 

* Owen Oglethorpe, who was the only prelate who would consent to crown Elizabeth. 
He died caqiy in 1560. 

a 66529. It 



that she will reign a very short time, and that your Majesty will 
again reign over the country, but the true prophecy is that this 
nation is very fond of novelty, and she is beginning to govern in a 
way which gives reasonable hopes of a change every hour. The 
people are already beginning to gossip about her being flighty and 
since she has been dipping her hand into the subsidies they have 
become more displeased. There were so many men too who thought 
they would be put into the highest places, and so few places in which 
to put them, that many of these men are dissatisfied, as well as 
others whom she is turning out of the offices they held, without 
regarding patents or anything else. 

The bishop of Winchester preached a very catholic sermon in 
memory of the late Queen, and the Council sent for him and ordered 
him not to leave his house. The sermon, in memory of our Lord 
the Emperor, was preached on Christmas eve by an almoner of the 
new Queen who was formerly her chaplain. He is a heretic, but he 
said nothing to mark him as such except that he did not mention 
the Pope, and said the Lord's Prayer in English, which is the custom 
of heretics.* The Queen has ordered certain portions of the Mass 
to be said in English, such as the Paternoster, and 1 think the 

A litany has been printed which used to be sung in the time of 
King Edward, in which no saints at all are mentioned, and she (the 
Queen) hears Mass in this way, although they tell me that the 
chaplains who perform it are some of them married, and the others 

The earl of Arundel has been going about in high glee for some 
time and is very smart. Ele has given jewels worth 2,000 crowns to 
the women who surround the Queeu and his son-in-law Lord 
Lumley has been very confidential with her. I was rather disturbed 
at this for a time as an Italian merchant from whom he has 
borrowed large sums of money, told others here that he heard that 
he was to marry the Queen, but I did not lose hope as the Earl 
is a flighty man, of small ability. The affair has ended in his 
being again made Lord Steward, whilst they have returned to the 
marquis of Winchester the office of Treasurer which the Earl wanted. 
/ think this old man is a good servant of your Majesty and the 
others respect him. He looks younger and better than I have 
ever seen him. The other Treasurer of the Household, who was 
lord of the Cinque Portsf has died, and his offices have not yet been 
filled up. They have not either appointed a Chancellor, but they 
have given the seals to guard to Mr. Bacon who is married to a 
sister of the wife of secretary Cecil, a tiresome bluestocking, J who 
belonged to the Bedchamber of the late Queen who is in heaven. 
He is a man who is not worth much. Englefield'.s office has been 
given to the present controller. 

* Dr. Bill, dean of \Yc*tniiiistcr. -f Sir Thomas Chenies. 

J She was one of the accomplished daughters of Sir Anthony Cook. 
Sir Tliomus Parry. 



There is a great deal of talk lately about the Queen marrying 
Duke Adolphus, brother of the king of Denmark. One of the 
principal recommendations they find in him is that he is a heretic, 
but I am persuading them that lie is a very good catholic and not 
so comely a gentleman as they make him out to be, as I do not 
think lie ivould suit us. 

I have only seen the Queen on the two occasions of which I have 
written to your Majesty. I have had a great controversy about 
their giving me rooms in the palace. I had tried to arrange it in a 
friendly way with the earl of Pembroke and the Chamberlain with- 
out bringing it before the Council, but these people are so cursedly 
contrary that they must all need meet, as I am told, to discuss the 
question, and the Queen sent me an answer by the Chamberlain to 
the effect that she was astonished at my asking such a thing which 
had never been granted to the minister of any prince, followed by 
words of compliment, and explaining that it was done for me during 
the late Queen's life because she was the wife of your Majesty, 
whilst she (Elizabeth) was still unmarried. This answer was given 
by the Chamberlain to the man who went to ask him for it, but I 
did not want to be beaten, and seeing it could not be done through 
the Chamberlain I bethought me to try the Secretary. The Bishop 
went to talk to him and told him how sorry I was that the Chamber- 
lain had treated the matter more as a courtier than as a man of 
business, and that since the Queen thought my request unreasonable 
I was desirous that the matter should be explained to her by him 
(Cecil), so that she should not think I had acted without due 
consideration. My view was that for the sake of convenience in 
negotiating with Her Majesty and the members of her Council, who 
were so numerous, it would be just to give me rooms in the palace 
like one of themselves as I was here for the purpose of serving her 
in all things, and because of its not having been done to any other 
minister it did not at all follow that rooms should not be given to 
me, as I was the servant of Her Majesty's brother, and such close 
friendship existed between them, and moreover that it would be 
well for our common enemies to see how your Majesty's affairs were 
conducted here. The Secretary replied that it was true he had 
heard the matter discussed, and it really did appear extraordinary 
to him as the Queen would not introduce any innovations in the 
royal household. On further discussion he went on to say that as 
the Queen was unmarried I might be one of her suitors. The 
Bishop was much surprised at this and refuted it, and Cecil at last 
said he would speak to the Queen and give an answer next day. 
Two days afterwards the Bishop went to speak with them about the 
affair of St. Augustine's church, and he was told that the Queen was 
much pleased with my message to her, but that for my convenience 
in negotiating she would give me audience as often as I wished, 
either alone or with some of her council as I desired, and so the 
matter remains. 

On Innocents day she sent Peter Carew (Pedro Caro) to visit me, 
who told me that the Queen thought I was ill as I had not been to 
see her, and that she thanked me for what the Bishop on my behalf 

15 2 



had said to the Council about the St. Augustine's affair, which had 
displeased her very much, and to prevent a recurrence of which she 
had issued a new proclamation prohibiting preaching. He offered to 
bring me a copy if I wanted to see it. I answered him very cordially, 
saying I was much obliged to Her Majesty for sending him to visit 
me, and that I had not been to see her as I had heard that she was 
very busy and I was not sure my visit would be acceptable. I was 
always desirous of doing precisely what would please her. I said I 
thought best to send and speak to the Council about the St. Augustine's 
affair, as it seemed to me a very scandalous business. I had nothing 
to say about the new proclamation, as Her Majesty would order it to 
be printed, and I had no desire to see it, but it certainly did seem 
strange to me that only a month ago she should order a proclamation 
to be printed providing that no change should be made in religious 
affairs and no\v to issue another in a contrary sense. I did not 
know what would be thought of it. I was reserved in manner and 
expressed great surprise. 

He said that in France the King had given a church to those of 
the new persuasion. I told him it was untrue. He then said it was 
at Metz which I denied, but even if he had allowed one at Metz I 
should not have been surprised as the town belonged to the Empire 
and the king of France only kept a garrison there for the better 
defence of his kingdom. I did not care to push this matter any 
further until I get your Majesty's instructions. I conversed with 
the man for some time and he said he wished to God that your 
Majesty had married the new Queen and had children. He had 
also a great deal to say about the obligation under which the English 
are to your Majesty. I did not answer a word about the marriage, 
but on the other subject I enlarged and pointed out the good offices 
of your Majesty to the Queen and country. We afterwards talked 
about the peace, and I feel sure that the last suspension of hostilities 
arranged at Cercamp was very favourable for your Majesty's interests 
because these people have at last made up their minds that your 
Majesty will not leave them in the lurch and is their true friend. 
They will come to terms even though Calais is not given up to 

1 think even that your Majesty's commissioners should side 
strongly with the English and urge them to press this point so that 
perfiaps it may be agreed to leave Calais in ruins or at least 

I am looking into the treaties with the Bishop, some of them being 
in Latin. 

Peter Carew also told me that when peace was made it would be 
well to confirm the treaties. I told him we would see about it. 
There would be time for that. I told him the news about the money 
coming from the Indies without diminishing the amount at all, so 
that he might tell the Queen, as I thought she would glad to hear 
that your Majesty was so prosperous and well off. They tell me this 
news has made a great noise in France, as indeed it has here. 

The fact is that these people are going on in a way that will end 
in their coming to grief, and your Majesty must get the affair in 



your grasp. We must begin at once to see that the king of France 
does not get in or spoil the crop that your Majesty hew sown here. 

A few days after the Queen's accession she made a speech to the 
women who were in her service commanding them never to speak 
to her on business affairs, and up to the present this has been 
carried out. 

The courier that came from Spain bears a certificate of how 
they have treated him here, and the reason of his long delay, but 
the}' have ordered the Queen's officers to despatch the passports 
more quickly in future so that couriers and others shall not be 

I humbly beg your Majesty to have my letters answered more 
promptly as the delay may cause much harm to your Majesty's 
service. The Queen and the rest of them are noticing that your 
Majesty has not written to her. I am at a loss to know why the 
delay has occurred. London, 29th December 1558. 

10 Jan. 7. The KING to the COUNT DE FERIA. 

Councillor Wotton presented to me yesterday the Queen's credential 
letter of 1st instant and in virtue of it gave me two messages from 
her. The first was her desire not only to preserve the brotherhood, 
friendship, and perpetual alliance between us, but also, if such was 
my wish, to confirm them by celebrating anew the treaties and 
capitulations which were executed by the Emperor and my 
predecessors with her country. To this I replied fittingly, saying 
I thanked the Queen for this proof of her goodwill and assured her 
that my wish always was and would be to observe the treaties we 
had with England, and indeed to serve and satisfy her in every way 
as I had written and sent verbally by Cobham. 

The second matter was to let me know that the French had made 
an attempt, although not openly, to commence peace negotiations, 
and although she thought they would not return to the subject she 
wished me to be assured, in case they did, that she would not listen 
to them nor depart from the line she had taken up, namely to carry 
on the negotiations jointly with us, and to agree to nothing with 
the French without my knowledge and co-operation. 

I replied to this also thanking the Queen for advising me as to 
what had happened, and saying I was sure she would do as she 
said, knowing, as she did, the way I had acted in "these peace 
negotiations and the care I had taken of English interests, in respect 
of which alone 1 had refrained from concluding peace with the 
French with whom I was quite agreed on all other points. . Only their 
decision is awaited to conclude peace, and although no doubt, Wotton 
will advise the Queen of this, I think well to let you know, both 
for your information and that you may thank her heartily from me 
and satisfy her on these points as opportunity offers in accordance 
with my wishes which you know. You may if you please, use for 
this purpose the letter I enclose, which as you will see, accredits you 
on these and the other matters on which you have to treat with 
them. I am sure you will have done what was necessary, as I wrote 



to you, to get these people to decide about the peace. The matter 
only awaits their answer, and as the time is HOW so short and it is 
most important that their decision should arrive in time, you had 
better press them again as if of your own accord, in the sense I wrote 
to you before, and urge them very strongly to make up their mind 
as to what is to be done and let me know at once what they resolve. 
Brussels, 10th January 15o9. 

10 Jan. 8. The SAME to the SAME. 

simancas. You will have noted what I said in my two last letters respecting 
Add 26056 ^ Q Queen's marriage, and that I highly approved of the course you 
had adopted in persuading her and her Council that it was not to 
her interest to many a subject. You will continue to do your 
utmost to prevent this. As regards myself, if they should broach 
the subject to you, you should treat it in such a way as neither to 
accept nor reject the business altogether. It is a matter of such grave 
importance that it was necessary for me to take counsel and maturely 
consider it in all its bearings before I sent you my decision. Many 
great difficulties present themselves and it is difficult for me to 
reconcile my conscience to it as I am obliged to reside in my other 
dominions and consequently could not be much in England, which 
apparently is what they fear, and also because the Queen has not 
been sound on religion, and it would not look well for me to marry 
her unless she were a Catholic. Besides this such a marriage would 
appear like entering upon a perpetual war with France, seeing the 
claims that the queen of Scots has to the English crown. The 
urgent need for my presence in Spain, which is greater than I can 
say here, and the .heavy expense I should be put to in England by 
reason of the costly entertainment necessary to the people there, 
together with the fact that my treasury is so utterly exhausted as 
to be unable to meet the most necessary ordinary expenditure, much 
less new and onerous charges : bearing in mind these and many other 
difficulties no less grave which I need not set forth I nevertheless 
cannot lose sight of the enormous importance of such a match to 
Christianity and the preservation of religion which has been restored 
in England by the help of God. Seeing also the importance that the 
country should not fall back into its former errors which would cause 
to our own neighbouring dominions serious dangers and difficulties, 
I have decided to place on one side all other considerations which 
might be urged against it and am resolved to render this service to 
God, and offer to marry the queen of England, and will use eveiy 
possible effort to carry this through if it can be done on the conditions 
that will be explained to you. 

The first and most important is that yon should satisfy yourself 
that the Queen will profess the same religion as I do, which is the 
same that I shall ever hold, and that she will persevere in the same 
and maintain and uphold it in the country, and with this end will 
do all that niny appear necessary to me. She will have to obtain 
secret absolution from the Pope and the necessary dispensation so 
that when I many her she will he a Catholic, which she has not 
hitherto '-fen. In thi.s way it will be evident and manifest that I 



am serving the Lord in marrying her and that she has been 
converted by my act. 

You will however not propose any conditions until you see how 
the Queen is disposed towards the matter itself, and mark well that 
you must commence to broach the subject with the Queen alone 
as she has already opened the door to such an approach. 

In my marriage treaty with the late Queen it was stipulated that 
my Netherlands dominions should pass to any issue of the marriage, 
but as this condition would be very prejudicial to my son (Carlos) 
it must not be again consented to. 

Nothing has been said to the Pope nor is it desirable until the 
Queen's consent has been obtained. Brussels, 10 January 1559. 

13 Jan. 9. The SAME to the SAME. 

There seems to be considerable delay in the arrival of an answer 
to my long letter of 28th December, treating in detail the question 
of peace, and giving you instructions how to proceed with the Queen 
and Council, and although I know that no time has been lost on 
your part, and that you will not have failed in diligence, I wrote to 
you again on the subject in my letter of the 10th instant, and have 
determined to send the present courier with this letter only, the 
time fixed being now so veiy short. If on the arrival of this letter 
no resolution has been adopted, you will as if of your own accord 
press them most urgently to decide what is to be done. As upon 
this matter alone depends the conclusion of peace, if their answer 
with terms of conciliation acceptable to the French do not arrive in 
time, it is useless for the Commissioners to meet on the day arranged, 
as nothing can be done without this foundation for which all is at 
a standstill. I have already written to you that the object is to 
get them, as if of their own action and without pressure on my 
part, to agree to terms which the French can accept, and in order 
to push them to adopt such terms I still think the best way will 
be to tell them that if they cannot agree to conditions of peace they 
must immediately tell you in detail and distinctly to what extent 
they are prepared to contribute for their share of the war, which 
must be carried on with the king of France, I for my part being 
willing to carry out all my treaty obligations with them. You 
must give them to understand how willing 1 am to help them, and 
how I look upon their affairs as my own; but although great 
demonstrations must be made to this effect, the object of course must 
be to persuade them with the skill and tact you possess to find some 
way of settling the question of Calais and concluding peace of which 
Christendom has so much need. From what I have already written 
you know my wishes, and I need not enlarge further, except to 
enjoin you to pivss the matter forward as much as possible, and let 
me know as speedily as you can what is done. 
Note in the King's hanchvriting : 

You will well understand the importance of a decision in this 
business as it will not suit me to have any more prorogation?, and 
I must know how I am going to stand in all my affairs and most 
of all in this. If they do not decide soon in London I am not sure 



that I shall not have to resolve as suits me, it bsing needful for my 
affairs. About the matter contained in ray last letter also I must 
have a decision so that I may act accordingly. You must advise 
me frequently of everything, as I cannot help being very anxious. 
Brussels, January 13, 1559. 

13 Jan. 10. The COUNT DE FERIA to the KING. 

Lord Grey has arrived here, as your Majesty has heard, and 
the Queen has sent two of her Council to say that she will be glad 
if your Majesty will favour him in the exchange of the baron de la 
Rochefoucauld for him. I write in obedience to the Queen's desire, 
and I have no doubt as this is a matter which will please Her 
Majesty, you will command such steps to be taken as will best tend 
to obtaining his freedom, and I humbly beg your Majesty to do so. 
14th January 1559. 

Document endorsed : Copy of letter written to His Majesty in 
favour of my Lord Grey. Dureplaz (Durham Place), 13th January 

20 Jan. 11. The KING to the COUNT DE FERIA. 

The ambassador to my very dear nephew the king of Portugal 
has complained to me of the delay that has occurred in settling the 
business respecting which I have written to you on several occasions 
and lastly on the 14th November, as you will have seen, touching 
the English ships that had arrived at Portsmouth laden with gold 
and pepper, which they had brought from the coast of the Mina,* to 
a greater amount than was covered by their sureties for 1,500 
crowns. He says that notwithstanding ail his efforts he cannot 
obtain justice, nor have they delivered to him any of the merchandise 
from the ships, or executed the bond, and he begs me to' write to 
you again and to the Queen on the matter which I do most willingly, 
as I look upon his affairs as my own. I enjoin you therefore to 
use your best endeavours to obtain a settlement as soon as possible, 
and have the share that is declared to belong to the King handed 
to the person appointed by the ambassador tor the purpose. You 
will .speak to the Queen about it in my name in fulfilment of the 
letter of credence sent herewith, and will assure her how glad I shall 
be for a speedy and favourable decision to be arrived at in the case. 
Brussels, 20th January 1559. 

28 Jan. 12. The SAME to the SAME. 

A memorial has been presented to me here by certain merchants, 
named Cristobal Pruner, Francisco Velati, Paulo Timmerman, Henrico 
Zomer, Francisco Bridon, Johan de Has, Huberto de Zande, and 
John Hoens, complaining greatly of the bad treatment they have 
received from the English, who have recently taken from them 
certain ships with their valuable cargoes as they have from many 
others of our subjects. Although the Queen and Council are well 

* This is sometimes assumed to mean ' the province of Minas Geraes, in Brazil, 
but in the present case the context clearly proves it to be Elmina, on the coast of Guinea. 



aware of the justice of the case no restitution can be obtained, and 
the merchants petition me very urgently to take some steps in the 
matter. I cannot well refuse this, and I have ordered a letter to 
be written to you which will be handed to the parties, containing 
the petition and a list of the shipa and merchandise seized. Do 
what you can in their favour, but if on receipt of my letter you 
think the broaching of the matter will be injurious to our principal 
affair you can postpone it till a more favourable opportunity. You 
can extract from the memorial what you think best, but you will 
see on reading it that it will be better not to show the memorial 
itself. I have also given the Portuguese ambassador letters for you 
and the Queen about the English ships that went to the Mina. 
28th January 1559. 

31 Jan. 13. The COUNT DE FERIA to the KINO. 

I wrote to your Majesty by a post despatched on the 20th, giving 
an account of events to that date. Since then I have only seen the 
Queen once, in the little chamber leading out of the privy-chamber. 
She conversed with me very gaily. She has not been very well 
lately and the opening of Parliament was postponed in consequence 
from the 23rd to the 25th, on which latter day she went thither 
between 10 and 11 o'clock, but would not allow the abbot and monks 
of Westminster to receive her as is usual, but went to the hall of 
Parliament itself. She returned thither some three or four days 
after in the afternoon. They have proposed three things, first that 
the religion should be reformed or changed ; secondly, that all laws 
recently passed should be revoked ; and thirdly, to ask for money. 

The Catholics are very fearful of the measures to be taken in this 
Parliament. The members of the Council who are foremost in 
upsetting things are Cecil and the carl of Bedford, and the earl of 
Sussex is the worst of those outside. I understand that the 
Councillors are beginning to be convinced that she does not wish to 
marry in the country, and this is causing them to hurry on the 
heresy business. But after all everything depends on the husband 
she chooses, for the King's vvish is paramount here in all things. 

On this occasion I did not revert to the pending discussion, nor 
have I done so since as I thought best to wait for the Parliament to 
press the Queen to marry, as I hear from her that they will, and 
she wishes to await it, although I do not believe she will declare her 
choice whilst Parliament is sitting, because if the person chosen is 
not to their liking they could use the national voice to stop the 
affair. But another reason is that she was suffering from a bad 
cold when I saw her, and has been almost ever since. I await your 
Majesty's letter to press her further on the very first opportunity, as 
I am exceedingly anxious to see the end of this business, and it is 
'most important that your Majesty should know the result as soon as 
possible. By last post I wrote your Majesty that I had been told 
that the Queen took the holy sacrament " sub utraque specie " on the 
day of the coronation, but it was all nonsense. She did not take it 
at all. The Chamberlain left on the 18th. He did not go before 
as the ship struck, and he was nearly killed. They sent a post to 



the bishop of Ely and Wotton telling them to go on to the place 
of meeting without waiting for the Chamberlain, and begin the 

The person I told your Majesty had been in hiding in the 
Treasurer's chambers in the palace, I know now to have been Guido 
Cuvalcanti. I believe the departure of the Chamberlain was delayed 
to await the answer this man would bring from France, but up to 
the present he has not returned. I am having him well watched so 
that directly he puts foot on shore they will let me know, and if 
your Majesty wishes even for some trick to be played on him it can 
be done. 

The Catholics in this country, who are many, place all their hope 
in your Majesty, and it is curious how anxious they are to know 
what I am doing. When we have to come to elose quarters they 
will all be on your side and against the king of France as they think 
they will be ruined if he gets his foot in here. The heretics 
announce that your Majesty is going to Spain, and the Queen asked 
me if it were true the last time I saw her, saying that she had been 
told you had written to that effect to the late Queen, 1 said I was 
not aware of it. In Scotland I believe they are ill-treating the 
English. I am sure they are not doing it so much as I could 

I beg your Majesty to send me the letter for which I ask. 
London, 31st January 1559. 

Endorsed : " Copy of the letter written to His Majesty." 

12 Feb. 14. The KING to the COUNT DE FERIA. 

/ received your letter of end of January and wrote to you on the 
28th of same enclosing you the autograph letter you asked for with 
which 1 am sure you will have carried fori.vard the discussion of 
this matter. In the interests of all and particularly in the cause of 
religion it is most important that no time be lost and for certain 
reasons which you know and others which you witt understand delay 
will be most detrimental. I have been pained to hear from you that 
the first thing they proposed in Parliament was to reform or change 
the religion, as I see the harm and trouble that may result from it 
both in England and the rest of Christendom, and the danger being so 
imminent, it behoves us to use all speed to obviate the evil which 
threatens unless God should ordain otherwise. I therefore wrote to 
the duke of Alba an autograph letter, of a portion of which I enclose 
a copy, asking him, Ruy Gomez, and the bishop of Arras their 
opinion on the matter, so that I should not have to decide on a 
question of such great importance on my own opinion alone. They 
answered me as you see by copy enclosed, and after deeply 
considering their answer with the rest of my Council of State I have 
decided that as soon as you receive this you will seek the best 
opportunity you can to see the Queen and tell her from me that as 
a good and true brother who really wishes her well both on account 
of our relationship and because I desire to see her firmly and 
peacefully established on the throne, I must warn her to ponder and 
consider deeply the evils which may result in England from a 



change of religion, particularly thus early in her reign, and the 
dissensions and perturbation which may arise therefrom ; and I 
therefore beg and entreat her to hold her hand and not to allow any 
innovations seeing hoiv much the preservation and stability of the 
state depend upon it. You will enforce this with all the good 
arguments and most persuasive words which you can employ so as to 
prevent such pernicious novelties being adopted to God's offence. 
You will use in this matter every mode and form, you may think 
best and all the care and diligence that such an important affair 
demands, but if notwithstanding all your efforts you see that they 
still go on with their intention, and that you can obtain no success 
in that way, you had better consider whether it will not be well to 
press the Queen by saying that if this change is made all idea of my 
marriage with her must be broken off, and if she has any thoughts 
of the marriage this may be efficacious. Of course you will be best 
able to judge if this can be taken advantage of and if so ivhen, where, 
and in what manner, as you are on the spot and probably have 
some further knowledge of the Queen's feelings. I therefore entrust 
this matter to your prudence, tact, and experience, leaving you to 
proceed how and when you think best according to the humour of 
the Queen, because from here no more precise orders than these can be 
given to you only to recommend the matter to you very earnestly for 
the service of Our Lord and the welfare of His religion. Advise 
us at once what is done. I am pleased at what you say about 
the number and spirit of catholics of England and their devotion to 
me, and you must try to keep them, the best you can. Respecting 
my going to Spain you will satisfy them as you like so as not to 
harm the principal business, as you are auure of my real intention 
and the importance of my going thither. My Commissioners met 
those of the king of France on the 6th instant, but nothing passed 
but salutations as the French would only consent to begin where 
they left off, namely, on the English question, so they were all waiting 
for the arrival of Lord Chamberlain Howard who, as the duke of 
Alba writes, arrived there on the 9th instant, and they were to 
begin to treat at once. 1 am sure we shall soon see the result 
of it. 

Respecting Guido Cavalcanti I have only to say that you must 
try to find out what he brings from France on his return, using 
any means or ways you think fit. I thank you for your care in 
keeping me well advised, and it is hardly necessary for me to urge 
you to continue to do so. 

Note in the handwriting of the King : 

Consider if it will be well also to tell the Queen, in case she should 
not give way about religion, that she should be suspicious of the 
heretical party as the French have more communication with them 
and trust them more, and that the Catholics will never trust the 
French, which is true, but you will see what arguments are best 
to use. 

Just as I was signing this the courier arrived from Chateau 
Cambresi bringing me news that after my people had communicated 
with the English they found them all as firm about Calais as ever, 



and Howard and his colleagues said that they had no other 
instructions about Calais or anything else than they had before and 
consequently my people were in fear of a rupture. I do not know 
whether these English are trying to deceive us here, or have deceived 
you in saying that they had an open commission about Calais. The 
French are as hasty as the devil, and so I fear the worst for me as 
I can hold out no longer. You must consider whether you can 
do anything more or wait to see what happens at the next meeting, 
of which I will advise you at once. They certainly must be pressed 
either to help me very handsomely or let me make peace, for it is 
most important to me. 

Draft of a, letter in cipher, indorsed IQth February 1559. 

15. COUNT DE FERIA to the KING. 

After writing to your Majesty on the 31st ultimo and before I 
received the autograph letter I had asked for from your Majesty to 
the Queen I took the opportunity of going to speak to her about 
remedying the injuries done here to ships belonging to the subjects 
of your Majesty, and then pressed the business that I had com- 
menced, and although we were in colloquy for a long time I came 
away that night without having decided anything. Two or three 
days afterwards your Majesty's letter arrived, and I went to deliver 
it to her, and we again returned to the subject when I pressed more 
than ever for an answer. After a great deal of argument she said 
she would give it me the next day. I let some days pass and then 
sent to say that I did not desire to be importunate nor to be wanting 
in my duty. She then gave me audience, and we once more entered 
on the question. She began to answer me by keeping to her old 
arguments for not wishing to marry, but seeing whither she was 
tending I cut short the reply, and by the conversation which 
followed together with what had preceded, as well as the hurry she 
was in to give me rny answer, I soon understood what the answer 
would be, namely, that she did not think of marrying, and so to 
shelve the business with fair words. It ended, however, in our 
agreeing that I would have no answer that was not a very good 
one, and so I left the matter open as I thought that, knowing as I 
did her feeling then, it would be well to have time to advise your 
Majesty of what had happened in order that your commands might 
be given as to the best course to pursue. I thought best to furnish 
your Majesty with a detailed account of ever} r thing by sending over 
the bishop of Aquila who is the person through whose hands have 
passed all things that have been done, and who has a full knowledge 
of everything which your Majesty should know, but which from 
their nature are matters that I cannot satisfactorily give an account 
of in letters. He was ready to start when your Majesty's post of 
llth arrived and two others from your Commissioners at Cambresi 
of llth and 13th, bringing me news of what was being done there, 
and seeing that we have to deal at the same time with three affairs 
of so great an importance as religion, peace, and matrimony, I 
thought that the peace question was the most pressing, and the 
Bishop deferred his departure, in order to help me, until the Queen 



has resolved what to do, when he will go. With this I went to the 
Queen the evening before last and said I heard she had letters from 
her Commissioners as I also had received some from your Majesty. 
I then waited for her to speak first as I thought better to make her 
talk and get to understand what she had in her mind after reading 
the Commissioners letters, so that I might govern myself according 
to her humour. She began by saying it was true they had written 
about the difficulties they had encountered in treating with the 
French and proposing certain means of agreement such as marriages 
and so on, of which she appeared to make small account, and having 
spent some words on these and expressed her annoyance at the 
French she said they had also informed her that the duke of Alba 
had signified to the Chamberlain that your Majesty must come to 
an agreement in any case. I answered that it was impossible in 
discussing matters in all their bearings to help saying what appears 
obvious about them, and so I smoothed her down a little, but I 
plainly see that these heretics she has about her had seized upon 
this point to incense her against your Majesty, as I know they 
perpetually do. 

She also told me she was astonished that the Commissioners had 
not written to her anything about the war with Scotland. I 
answered that I had no information about it but that I was sure it 
was a point upon which they would not fail to treat, although they 
had not yet reached it, and I then reminded her how, on the occasion 
of the two months truce at Cercamp, she had been suspicious and 
had thought that the suspension was more for your Majesty's 
objects than for hers, and would not believe me when I tried to 
persuade her to the contrary. I now rejoiced that she had been 
convinced by what her Commissioners had written to her that all I 
had said on behalf of your Majesty had been true as well as your 
brotherhood and friendship to her, for not only had the truce given 
her time to discuss and arrange her affairs with due deliberation, 
your Majesty in the meanwhile maintaining a strong force at 
enormous cost, but notwithstanding that you had reduced the king 
of France to accept all your Majesty required for yourself, yet you 
insisted upon the English questions being settled fittingly before 
concluding peace. She expressed her gratitude to your Majesty and 
acknowledged that all I had told her was true, and we then touched 
upon the pretensions of the queen of Scots which the French have 
put forward at which she is much offended, and she began to rave 
against them and said what she would do if it were not for other 
reasons. She said her subjects were not so poor that money and 
arms could not be got, and she knew what soldiers she had. I was 
glad to see her so offended and indignant about it, and I thought it 
would bring her round to our object if I told her that although she 
knew I could not fail to be pleased to see her angry with the French, 
who were enemies of your Majesty and hers, yet I must not omit to 
tell her that great princes like her had to take many things into 
consideration to ensure success in their enterprises, and should not 
enter into them rashly to the subsequent damage of their reputation, 
and to tell her the truth, in the time of the late Queen things were 


1 559. 

not in a fit state for her to undertake a war with France with a 
sufficient force as Her Majesty was very poor and the English 
unusually inexperienced in war. She said that she was even poorer 
still in consequence of the expenditure of the late Queen, which 
seemed to contradict what she bad just said when she was railing 
against the French. I went on to say that I quite believed there 
was plenty of money in the country, but that it was difficult and 
dangerous lo get it out of the people as they were so proud and 
excited, and in this she agreed with me. After this we returned to 
the great obligations under which she and the country were to your 
Majesty, and on this point I enlarged ns well as I knew how, saying 
that up to the present everybody had seen how your Majesty had 
fulfilled your part of the friendship and alliance between us, and I 
was anxious to see what she would do on her side in return, as 
hitherto all the thanks your Majesty had received for the benefits 
you had conferred upon them was to be slandered by saying that 
war was declared with France for your sake, whereas the Queen had 
many good and sufficient reasons for declaring war with them, and 
that Calais had been lost which was manifestly their own fault. 
They blamed your Majesty too for the expense of the fleet, which, 
as I had pointed out was not raised at your Majesty's instance at all, 
but for other reasons, and finally, they allege that your Majesty had 
taken away large sums of money from the country, this being 
utterly false, as I had already told her. She answered that she 
knew what I said was true and wished it made public, particularly 
as regards the money taken out of the country. I followed this up 
by asking her to consider, after all you had done for the country 
and for her personally, and seeing your dominions so wasted with 
war, and an honourable peace offered to you, whether it was not 
hard that such a necessary boon to Christendom so universally 
desired should be cast aside for the sake of one town alone. I said 
I did not know how your Majesty's subjects and allies would take 
it, seeing that so great a sacriBce was to be made for this respect 
alone, and for these and many other reasons I prayed her to consider 
very deeply the interests of herself, your Majesty and Christendom 
in general, as it was necessary for your Majesty to take steps 
speedily either to conclude peace with the French or to prosecute 
the war which must be done, however, very different!}* from what it 
was done before, enlarging much upon this as your Majesty's 
Commissioners wrote to me. She replied that she would discuss 
with her Council the instructions to be sent to her Commissioners, 
and she would have a decision arrived at speedily although she saw 
no way of agreeing unless the French returned Calais to her within 
a short time. I said that as Her Majesty had deigned to hear me 
so graciously, and seeing the good understanding that existed in the 
matter between her Commissioners and those of your Majesty I 
ventured to ask that I might be allowed to be present when it was 
discussed in the Council. The members were reported to be prudent, 
and I knew that she was as prudent as all of them put together, 
but still as I was acquainted with foreign affairs and had been 
engaged for s me time past in English matters, it might be of some 



service to Her Majesty to hear me in the discussion. She replied 
that she would do so with pleasure and would show me the instruc- 
tions that were to be sent to the Commissioners. If she does as she 
promises 1 shall try to bring them round to some settlement that the 
French will accept, and, if possible, get them to send more open 
instructions to the Commissioners so that your Majesty's represen- 
tatives there may persuade them to close the business speedily. I 
am still of opinion as I have written to your Majesty before, that 
they will make peace without Calais both on account of the state of 
things here and because I hear so from many persons of high 
position, besides the general opinion that the Chamberlain bore 
instructions to that effect. I feel sure that these difficulties and 
those about the marriage are inventions of the devil and of these 
heretics who surround the Queen who think that everything stands 
in the way of their heretical designs. If they cannot agree on terms 
with the French nor are disposed to prepare suitably for carrying on 
the war (which they cannot do, and even if they did I would not 
accept it unless I had your Majesty's orders) I think it will be best 
to pick a quarrel with them on that question and on religion and 
the marriage, so that we can press them again in that way or open 
the door for your Majesty, if nothing else can be done, to act in 
your own interests. When this is decided the Bishop will go to 
give your Majesty an account of the state of the country and the 
dissensions which are feared, and all other points which may be 
necessary for your Majesty's guidance as to your relations with 
these people, and in the event of their ruin, to provide beforehand 
for what must be foreseen and provided for, as is fitting in all things, 
but particularly on this occasion. I will not dilate upon this point 
now but will leave it for the Bishop's visit as I do not wish to talk 
out of season, and I think the first thing I have to do here at 
present is to try to get this answer sent off at once and get rid of 
the question that impedes the conclusion of peace. When this is 
disposed of I can attend to the other two questions of religion and 
marriage, which are really only one, and I can speak more freely 
about them when the peace is settled. 

I have thought best not to speak in earnest to the Queen about 
religion yet, although I see her plainly going to perdition, but it 
seems to me that if the marriage is carried out the rest will soon 
be arranged, and all will proceed in accordance with the glory of 
God and the wishes of your Majesty, whilst if the marriage do 
not take place all I could say to the Queen would be of little avail 
as she is so badly advised by the heretics she has around her and in 
her Council, and it might even greatly prejudice the conclusion of 
the principal matter. 

After talking a long time on these points the Queen wished to be 
seated and seemed to expect that I was going to re-open the former 
conversations. I did not wish to begin on that subject again, and 
only said that all these difficulties could be overcome if only Her 
Majesty would do certain tilings which I would talk about when we 
had got rid of the other affair (i.e. of the peace). She gave me no 
answer, but she understood very well what I meant, and that I was 



displeased with the result of the last audience in which, as I told 
your Majesty at the beginning of this letter, she was going to give 
me an answer to the effect that she did not mean to marty, and 
questioned the power of the Pope about the dispensation, and with 
this the conversation ended. In the meanwhile I think it will be 
well for your Majesty's commissioners to speak with the Queen's 
commissioners on this subject of religion, and express their sorrow 
at the wickedness which is being planued in this Parliament which 
consists of persons chosen throughout the country as being the 
most perverse and heretical. The Queen has entire disposal of the 
upper Chamber in a way never seen before in previous Parliaments, 
as in this there are several who have hopes of getting her to marry 
them, and they are careful to please her in all things and persuade 
the others to do the same, besides which there are a great number 
whom she has made barons to strengthen her party, and that 
accursed cardinal left twelve bishoprics to be filled which will now 
be given to as many ministers of Lucifer instead of being worthily 
bestowed. All the county sees the absurdity of what is going 
on. I may also tell your Majesty that although the Parliaments 
usually sit here in the winter for well-known reasons, yet a new 
Parliament may be convoked in 40 days at any time of the year. 
I say this in consequence of a remark I see in your Majesty's 
autograph letter to the duke of Alba. London, 20th February 1559. 

Enclosed : " Copy of letter written to His Majesty." 


Simancas, On the 20th instant I sent your Lordships a copy of the letter 
Add 26056 ^ ^ad sen ^ * ^ s Majesty, and on the 21st the Queen despatched 
' a servant of lord chamberlain Howard, but without keeping her 
promise to me to show me the despatch before she sent it. On the 
same day I went to see her, and she said as I entered that she had 
expected me the previous day as I had said I was going to supper 
with the Treasurer. She then sent her secretary for a copy of the 
despatch and told me the contents as it was in English. She declared 
the substance to be that they were to make peace with the French 
on their promise to return Calais to her within six years with the 
district round including Newnham Bridge. The King (Philip) in the 
meanwhile to appoint arbitrators to settle the differences between 
her and the king of France. That the war in Scotland shall be 
pacified within two months and hostages given to her. That your 
Lordships should propose these conditions as from yourselves, and 
she instructs her Commissioners to let the French know that they 
are acting in full accord with your Lordships, so that they may 
know they cannot separate her from the King. I wish to know 
what your Lordships think of this despatch, as until I receive that 
information I do not intend to reply on the subject, and although 
the Queen says this is the last concession she will make I still think 
we shall get her to stretch a point if necessary, which I do not think 
it will be, but that the French will be quite willing to promise to 
res-tore Calais and then keep their word in their usual fashion. 



Although the Queen was so indignant on the day I saw her, as 
you will have seen by my letter to the King, I learn that this 
morning Guido Cavalcanti arrived here from France, and the Queen 
received him at once and was with him for a long time. He brings 
with him a little Frenchman, but I have been able to learn nothing 
yet except that Guido has brought the Queen a portrait which she 
gazed upon intently. I expect to see her to-morrow and shall speak 
to her about religion, as yesterday the House of Commons decided 
that the supreme ecclesiastical power was attached to the crown of 
England. Some of the members spoke in favour of reason so strongly 
that it was necessary for Cecil to get up a wrangle in order to carry 
out the wicked plan, and the Bill then passed. To-morrow it goes 
to the upper house, where the Bishops and some others are ready to 
die rather than consent to it, as they (the heretics) wish to make all 
the country swear to respect this enactment, and those who do not 
are to be held as traitors as they were in King Henry's time. I 
understand that affairs are moving apace to the great ruin of this 
country, and not a few of the people are beginning to be dissatisfied 
with the Queen. She is wrapped up in the idea of getting popular, 
but she has no party but the heretics. 

It is a wretched state of things for a ruler, and worse here than 
anywhere, as affairs have been disturbed and unsettled so long. 
London, 29th February 1559. 


To remind His Majesty that his Lordship wrote from England last 
year how His Majesty's interests were imperilled in England. What 
might probably be feared from the incapacity of the late Queen, not- 
withstanding her excellent intentions, and the disaffection and deceit 
of the Cardinal, which were clearly seen then, but which have since 
been palpably proved to be directed against His Majesty's interests, 
and to the small benefit of religion; and respecting this to 

About Pedanke. 

The matter of Maria Isabella. 

Having left so many churches vacant. 

What has been heard about his hatred. 

What should be done with the servants who go thither. 

How, when he returned the second time he found things, as he 
said, as bad as they could be, all that was feared to the harm of God 
and His Majesty having happened; and that all the faithful and 
Catholic people, although blaming the Queen and cardinal, cast the 
principal blame on His Majesty for not occupying himself, as he 
might have done, in their affairs. 

That affairs generally are badly managed. 

Maria Isabella's affairs. 

About the Councillors. 

About Paget. 

About Lord Chamberlain Hastings. 

About the Governor of Calais. 

Traitors and heretics that have been pardoned. 

a 60529. C 



The indifference with which His Majesty treated the Queen ; to 
which cause they ascribe her illness and death. - 

To this must be added the way in which the Catholics have 
adhered to His Majesty, and the hopes they base upon him. 

How His Majesty has not a man really devoted to him in all the 
country, but that the Catholic party understand that the welfare 
and preservation of their religion depend only on His Majesty's 
nss'istance, and appear to place thereupon all their hopes. They 
understand that if the king of France gets his foot in, the country 
would be ruined spiritually and temporally, as he would only take 
care to spend their substance and keep them in subjection, without 
attending either to religion or to the good of the country. 

Of the nobility all the young men and most of the old are 
attacked with heresy, and amongst them the king of France has 
many adherents who work in his interest. It is believed that 
amongst their number are the secretary, the earl of Bedford, Nicholas 
Throgmorton, Peter Carew, M. Grey, and Mason. London, the 
seaports, and the county of Kent are very heretical. 

To this must be added what Throgmorton said, and Cecil's 

They say all the rest of the country is sound and Catholic, 
together with the few bishops there are ; so that in the aggregate 
the Catholics are in a majority. 

Since the death of the late Queen and the coming of the present 
one affairs have been directed to the total destruction of religion, and 
with this object they have thought best to keep friendly with 
both princes without binding themselves to either. They are so 
infatuated with this idea that they cannot see their weakness, and 
that if His Majesty were to step aside and leave them alone with 
the French they would eat them up, as they have been warned. 

The evils that would result from this are very serious. 

There can be doubt of their inability to stand alone against the 
French, as the country has no money, and it is very difficult to be 
got out of the people, they being so proud and disturbed, and, above 
all, divided about religion. There is nobody in the country fit for 
war, nor to govern, nor to obey. 

And again, the number of deaths this year has been so great that 
where there were usually musters of 200 men there are now but 40, 
as was advised by letter of 14th (?) November. 

His Majesty was also advised that things being in this state 
negotiations were opened with the new Queen, who, with the 
excitement of her fresh dignity, and all these thoughts and preju- 
dices began in the first two audiences to treat matters with more 
off-handedness anti independence than was to be expected, and 
showed signs thereof especially by her resolution to remain neutral ; 
in consequence of which, after advising His Majesty of what was, in 
his opinion, the best way to treat with her and the Council, the 
Count decided to absent himself from the palace for some days. This 
also gave him the opportunity of awaiting His Majesty's orders after 
consultation with his Council. The result of this was that she sent 
to the Count telling him to go and see her often, and became more 



reasonable, which change appears to have been caused by a desire to 
alter the manner of negotiation, as has since been proved. 

After His Majesty wrote his decision about these affairs nego- 
tiations were conducted by all suitable and fitting means, as His 
Majesty as been informed by letters, with the object of putting 
aside as much as possible all idea of marriage with a subject, and of 
gaining over her women-of-t he-chamber and ministers. 

After speaking with her three times since the 14th January, when 
His Majesty's decision arrived, the Count again spoke to her 
yesterday evening, and she answered : 

That she had no desire to marry, as she had intimated from the 
first day. 

That she quite understood that this marriage would be advan- 
tageous to her honour and the preservation of both States, but that 
these ends could be attained by the maintenance of the good 
friendship with your Majesty, above all seeing the obligation she 
was under to maintain it, as she well knew. 

The impediment she discovered in the fact of your Majesty 
having married her sister, and after that she denied point-blank the 
Pope's power, which she had previously only pointed out indirectly. 

That it was not by any means so clear that the queen of Scots 
would succeed her as the Count said : 

That the people did not wish hej to marry a foreigner. 

And, finally, that^several persons had told her that your Majesty 
would come here and then go off to Spain directly. This she said 
with great laughter as if she could read the Count's secret thoughts. 
She is so well informed about this that it looks as if she had seen 
His Majesty's letters. This should be taken good note of. 

His lordship answered as follows : 

Seeing what sort of answer she was going to give, he so turned 
the conversation as not to take her remarks as an answer at all, and 
left it over for another day, in order to advise your Majesty in the 
meanwhile of what was going on, and receive instructions ; 
although it must be borne in mind that though the count feigned 
not to take the answer she is not likely to reply in any other 

His Majesty must be informed of the character of the Queen. She 
is acute, depending upon the favour of the common people, detested 
by the Catholics, known to everyone, &c., &c. 

These heretics that surround her seem to influence her by two 
ideas ; first, by the heresy that she has been taught from her child 
hood ; and secondly, by persuading her that she has sufficient 
strength of her own to defend herself against the French. They are 
so carried away by their wish to effect these wicked changes that 
they do not see that their neutrality and her neglect to marry may 
open the door to disturbances in the country itself, as, indeed, might 
already have happened but for the hope that your Majesty would 
remedy it all. 

The things discussed and adopted in Parliament for the service, of 
the kingdom. 

About the declaration of her legitimacy. 

c 2 



About the power of the Pope, and the means adopted to give the 
power to her. 

About the mass they call the library (?) 

The advice given to her that she should marry, and her 

The tithes which she has again demanded of the Church.* 

The sermons preached this Lent by Cox, Capobacina.f and 

That Cobham has been, and is, so zealous with his letters from 
Brussels that it has been necessary to manage him a little, and his 
lordship has therefore thought well to promise him a pension, 
although he has not told him how much it will be. The Queen lias 
promised him the wardenship of the Cinque Ports. 

That the marchioness of Northampton, his sister, who is in high 
favour with the Queen, has served His Majesty when opportunity 
has occuiTed. 

That Wotton, who is a friend and relative of Cobham, has written 
here telling them not to trust to the French or their promises, and 
verbally requested Cobham to tell the same to the Queen. 

Money should be sent for pensioners at once, and in plenty. 

After His Majesty has been told all this, if he gives me an 
opportunity, he may be told the various things which his lordship 
indicated to me ; but not as coming from him. 

These must be entered into more fully with his Council. 

Peace question to the Council. 

Something about this to the confessor and the minister. 

The manner in which sorrow may be expressed about religion to 
Wotton and the chamberlain, in case it should be desirable. 

To give notice to Monsignor d' Arras first, about the Portuguese 

How his lordship saw the Queen after the despatch of her letters 
to Cambresi about the peace, and what passed. 

The great effect produced by these conversations. 

What has passed with Pembroke, the treasurer, and Robert. 

What passed afterwards with Cecil, the Admiral, and Mason. 

What has to be borne in mind after due consideration of all these 

That His Majesty's obligations in these affairs should be con- 
sidered, and, in sight of them and the state of things here, a fit 
remedy should be applied. 

To consider the perils and troubles which may be feared if no such 
remedy is provided ; first spiritual and then temporal. 

The business of the ships. 

Document endorsed: "Memorandum of affairs entrusted to the 
bishop of Aquila to discuss with His Majesty (1559)." 

* The Bill for restitution and annexation of the firstfruits, &c. to the Crown of this 
realm, passed the House of Lords on Saturday, February 4th. D'Eu-es' Journals. 

f David Whitehead, who is mentioned hy Strype (Life of Grindal) as one of the Lent 
preachers in 1559 in addition to Grindal, Cox, Sandys, Parker, and Bill. 


19 Mar. 18. COUNT DE FERIA to the KING. 

On the 6th instant I wrote by the bishop of Acjuila. I have since 
had a long conversation with the Treasurer of the Household* about 
the affairs of religion and the obligations the Queen and country are 
under to your Majesty, and although he is not so good a Catholic as 
he should be, he is the most reasonable of those near the Queen. 
She knew he was coining to speak with me on that day to St. James* 
Park, and told him to ask me to go with him to another park higher 
up near the execution place, so that the earl of Pembroke and other 
gentlemen who were walking in St. James' Park should not see us. 
The Earl and the others who were walking would have been just as 
shy of speaking to me where the Queen or the Treasurer saw us. I 
say this to show how suspicious and distrustful they are. The 
conversation amounted to my saying that the Queen and they would 
be undone if they changed the religion. This I said without 
mentioning your Majesty. The Treasurer at the beginning of the 
interview had promised me that the Queen would not take the title 
of head of the church. A week after I went to see the Queen to beg 
her to have a remedy found for the ill-treatment of your Majesty's 
subjects in this country. A great company of the boatmen who get 
their living by bringing over goods from Flanders came to me on 
that day to complain that many of their number had been robbed 
and murdered between Gravesend and here, their boats boarded and 
their goods taken. I found her resolved about what was yesterday 
passed in Parliament, and which Cecil and Vice Chamberlain Knollys 
and their followers have managed to bring about for their own ends. 

She said after a time that she could not marry your Majesty 
as she was a heretic. I was much surprised to hear her use such 
words and begged her to tell me the cause of so great a change since 
I last discussed the subject with her, but she did not enlighten me. 

These heretics and the devil that prompts them are so careful 
to leave no stone unturned to con) pass their ends that no doubt 
they have persuaded her that your Majesty wishes to marry her 
for religious objects alone, and so she kept repeating to me that 
she was heretical and consequently could not many your Majesty. 
She was so disturbed and excited and so resolved to restore religion 
as her father left it, that at last I said that I did not consider she was 
heretical and could not believe that she would sanction the things 
which were being discussed in Parliament, because if she changed 
the religion she would be ruined, and that your Majesty would not 
separate from the union of the church for all the kingdoms of the 
earth. She said then much less would you do it for a woman. I 
did not want to be all rigour, so I said that men did more for a 
woman than for anything else. She said she would not, take the title 
of head of the church, but that so much money was taken out of 
the countrj- for the Pope every year that she must put an end to 
it, and that the Bishops were lazy poltroons. I replied that the 
poltroons were the preachers that she listened to, and that it added 
little to her honour and was a gi-eat scandal that so many rogues 
should come from Germany, and get into the pulpit before her and 

* Sir Thomas Parry who had recently succeeded Sir Thomas Chenies in the office. 



great congregations to preach a thousand absurdities, without being 
learned or worthy to be listened to. After we had been talking 
for half an hour Knollys came in and said supper was ready, a 
new thing, and as I think arranged by those who are working this 
wickedness, for there is nothing that annoys them more than that 
I should speak to her. I took my leave saying that she was not 
the Queen Elizabeth that I knew and that I was very dissatisfied 
with what I had heard, aud if she did what she said she would be 
ruined. This was Tuesday evening and the next day there was no 
sermon at the palace as she was unwell ; and truly I do not think 
her health is good. The Treasurer of the household (although he is 
a favourite with the Queen) is not at all discreet, nor is he a good 
Catholic, as I have said, but still he behaves better than the others. 

Cecil is very clever but a mischievous man and a heretic, and 
governs the Queen in spite of the Treasurer, for they are not at all 
good friends and I have done what I can to make them worse. 
This is the history up to then. Ever since, these heretics have been 
trying to carry through what they had proposed before, and by way 
of compromise on Wednesday the loth instant, they brought forward 
the same as they proposed at the opening of Parliament, only more 
moderate. This was that she could take the title of supremacy if 
she chose, the Pope's authority beipg abolished in any case. This 
was to be sworn to by all who hold any office or benefice from tho 
Queen, and in case of refusal they were to be deprived. In the same 
manner all ecclesiastics, the graduates of the universities and the 
scholars would lose all the rights, places and profits they held. All 
agreed to this except the earl of Shrewsbury, Lord Montague, the 
Bishops and the abbot of Westminster. I believe some of the lords 
were not present, but I shall find out how each one acted and let 
your Majesty know. The earl of Sussex distinguished himself in 
being the greatest rogue of them all, as I always expected he would, 
for he never deceived me. Paget has not left his house as he has a 
bad quartan ague and is very ill. 

The same day that this was decided in Parliament the Queen 
received news of the heads of agreement arrived at in Chateau 
Cambresi. As regards this country she (the Queen) will ill repay 
your Majesty for all the benefit received at your hands, for believe 
me, she will arrange with the French without standing out about 
Calais if they will settle the Scotch business. This has always boen 
my opinion since the discussion commenced, as your Majesty will 
recollect. Nothing else could be expected of them. A secretary of 
the Queen Regent of Scotland has arrived here who they say rules 
her body and soul. He came last year and they have now given 
him leave to go over to France which was not done before. There 
has been a truce signed for two months commencing a week ago. 
Your Majesty already knows that what is decided in Parliament is 
of no effect if it be not confirmed by the Sovereign, and they tell 
me that the Quei;n will probably confirm this week the abominable 
decree they have adopted.* She told me some days since to delay 
writing to your Majesty as she had not confirmed anything yet, and 

* The Act of Uniformity. 



although I fear it will have but small effect, I purpose speaking to 
her to-morrow or the day after, as it is well to leave no remedy 
untried whilst the patient still breathes ; although in this case ho 
may be considered dead. The Catholics say your Majesty must 
help them, and they and the heretics take so much account of me 
that from having seen Dr. Velasco and the others who came from 
Spain leave here in the three boats belonging to this house, they soon 
said in London that I had gone with the Bishop of (to ?) Rome. They 
have been in great fear that if they change the religion your 
Majesty will abandon them and I think this has made them pause. 
The country is in the same state as the bishop of Aquila will have 
represented to your Majesty, only that my views have since been 
simply confirmed and things cannot last at the present rate. 

Mason, who was ambassador to his late Majesty,* left here two 
'lays after the Bishop, and the Queen tells me that he is going to 
Cambresi to see the Commissioners on certain points that can. be 
explained better verbally than by letter. 

All the Bishops here are determined to die for the faith, and your 
Majesty would be surprised to see how firm and steadfast they have 
been and are. If I had money and authority from your Majesty, I 
would willingly rather give it to them than jxiy the pensions of 
these renegades who have sold their God and the honour of their 
country. I am sure that religion^will not fall, because the Catholic 
party is two-thirds larger than the other, but I could wish that the 
work were done by your Majesty's hands, and that God should not 
be delivered over to the enemy. 

I humbly beg your Majesty to forgive me for departing thus 
from my story, but I am so distressed at what is happening here 
that I cannot help saying what I do. Three or four Spaniards have 
arrived here from Geneva full of false doctrine. It would be well to 
have some precaution taken on the coast of Flanders to prevent such 
vile rabble coming over, at least Spaniards, as the heretics greatly 
congratulate themselves upon their coming. Those who have arrived 
say that some forty more Spaniards and one Antwerp man are still 
in Geneva and are expected to come here. I have decided in accord 
with Friar Juan de Villagarcia and Dr. Velasco to try and seize 
them, their wickedness being proved, and throw them into the river. 
I must do it no dexterously and secretly as to give no ground for 
complaint t-> the Queen or her people. 

I am told also that news Las been received of the coming of Pedro 
Martin (Peter Martyrf) Friar Bernardino de SienaJ and Calvin. 

* Sir John Mason formerly English Ambassador to the Emperor Charles V. and one 
of Elizabeth's privy councillors. 

t Jewel bishop of Salisbury writing to Peter Martyr a month later (Zurich Archives) 
mentions that the Queen was desirous of inviting him to return to England, but the 
invitation was not accepted us Martvr considered he owed his first duty to the city of 

J Probably the person meant is Bernardino Ochinus, an Italian reforming priest, who 
had accompanied Peter Martyr to England in 1549, and for whoia bishop Jewel was 
endeavouring to obtain a preferment in the Anglican church about the date of this letter. 
Zurich Archives (Parker Soc.). 

It is extremely unlikely that Calvin was invited as Elizabeth was highly incensed 
with him for a pamphlet ascribed to him, but really written by Knox against the govern- 
ment of women. (Letter from Calvin to Cecil s.d., but apparently in the spring of 1559 in 
the Archives at Berne. Parker Soc.) 



I beg your Majesty to have the measures taken to remedy this as 
you wrote to me. Calvin is a Frenchman and a great heretic. 
London, 19 March 1559. 

23 Mar. 19. The KING to the COUNT DE FERIA. 

By your letters and by the bishop of Aquila I am informed of 
the Queen's decision about the marriage, and, although I cannot 
help being sorry that the affair has not been arranged, as I greatly 
desired and the public weal demanded, yet as the Queen thinks it 
was not necessary and that with good friendship we shall attain 
the same object, I am content that it should be so. I advise you of 
this that you may inform the Queen from me, and at the same 
time repeat my offers of assistance and co-operation for the good 
government of her realm, and assure her that I will preserve the 
good friendship and brotherhood that I have hitherto maintained. 
Even besides this if it should be necessary that I should render her 
any service in the matter of her marriage I will do so with all the 
goodwill that I have ever shown in matters that concern her. 
Brussels, 23rd March 1559. 

23 Mar. 20. The SAME to the SAME. 

Your letter by the bishop of Aquila received. He has related 
at great length what you confided to him, and I was glad to hear so 
detailed an account of the state of affairs in England as I was 
very anxious to know the exact position, and I am quite satisfied 
with the ^uay in which he has laid it before me. I also highly 
approve of the manner in which you have preceded in all things, 
and the prudence, moderation and seed you have shown in your 
dealings with the Queen and the rest, for ivhich I thank you, and 
charge you to continue the same care, diligence and good will in the 
guidance of affairs touching my interests. 

Tlie affairs entrusted to the Bishop being of such importance I sent 
him at once to Cambresi to obtain the opinion of my Council of 
State who are there arranging for peace. The Bishop has returned 
with their ansioer, and after consulting with those of my Council 
who reside here I have resolved as follows. 

First. Having regard to what you write and the Bishop tells me, 
there seems reason to fear that religious affairs having reached their 
present pitch, revolutions or disturbances might result therefrom 
either from the Catholics resenting the carrying out of the new 
decisions or from the discontent that is shown by some of the Queen's 
proceedings and mode of Government, or again by the incitement 
of the French, and I therefore think that, to avoid this and the 
inconveniences which might result, and which are so great and 
evident that I need not recapitulate them, that all your efforts should 
be directed to smooth matters down as much as })ossible and use 
every means that the Queen should not proceed so rigorously 
as she seemed to intend to enforce the oath that Parliament had 
determined upon. In case this cannot be managed yon will try to 
keep in the good graces of the Queen and lead her to rely upon my 
friendship implicitly so that no opportunity shall be presented for 
the French to be appealed to in case of necessity, although it seems 



most unlikely that she should trust people who have the claims they 
have on her kingdom and are only waiting for a chance to try and 
oust her from it. You will use for this object all the fair wwds, 
arguments and compliments you 'may think fitting and efficacious, 
but at the same time you must be very careful not to let the Catholics 
despair of our friendship, but rather seek opportunities offavounng 
them with the Queen, giving them to understand that you will 
ahvays do so. 

The main end and aim that you must have in view in all things 
is to obstruct and impede, by every way, form and means, any 
rupture between the Catholics and heretics in England, this being 
the best course for the pacification of the country, and. for the welfare 
of our interests, as to will deprive the French of any excuse for 
putting their foot in the country, which is the thing principally to 
be avoided. With this object you must so guide and direct things 
as far as possible to attain and preserve harmony ; making yourself 
a mediator and employing those means which you see fitting with 
your great knowledge of English affairs. 

If in spite of all your efforts you cannot obviate a rupture between 
Catholics and heretics you must endeavour by all means to let me 
know at once the state of affairs and I will instruct you how you 
are then to proceed. If however a disturbance happen so suddenly 
that you have no time to considi me, you will mediate and try to 
pacify without declaring yourself for either party until you have 
admsed me and received my reply, but if you see the Catholic 
side strong andfimily established and the heretics weak, you will 
not fail to secretly favour the former and supply them underhandedly 
with money, whilst on the other hand you will give fair woi^ds to 
the heretics to put them off their guard and prevent them from 
calling in the French. 

For this and the payment of the pensions you must have a supply 
of money, and I have ordered, in addition to the 20,000 ducats 
that were sent to you the other day, another 40,000 to be sent to you. 
20,000 at once by way of Antwerp, which will arrive as soon as the 
Bishop and the other 20,000 in a few days, as all could not be sent 
together. It will be well not to let be it known there that you have any 
more money than is necessary to pay what we owe, as it may arouse 
suspicion and distrust, and this would be inconvenient. You can 
employ it in the way you think advisable, either in paying the 
pensioners something or in gaining friends or succouring and 
maintaining Catholics and others, whom you think might be useful 
to prevent a rupture, as already mentioned, or indeed in any way 
you think best for our object in the exercise of your prudence. You 
must keep principally in view by all ways and means to avoid a 
rupture, the importance of which is so great that I cannot be satisfied 
without repeating it so many times. To help what may be desirable 
in England I have thought wise to publish that I have for the present 
abandoned my voyage to Spain, with the excuse that I await liere 
the arrival of the Prince my son for his marriage. It will be well 
for you to spread this in England so as to give more encouragement 
to our friends. I have also ordered, in case of necessity, that money 



should be got to jit out a fleet in a short time, so that it may be 
ready to carry men over to England if required. I leave not had it 
done at once so as not to arouse the jealousy of the English and 
in order that people may not think it is for my voyage to Spain. 

Men will also be got ready here, so that if it should be necessary 
they can be sent to the place where they may be wanted. 

Whilst this ivas being written your letter of the I9th instant 
arrived, and 1 was much pained to learn what you say is 
happening in the matter of religion and the resolution adopted 
in Parliament on the subject. I approve of the steps you took with 
the Queen, and 1 am very anxious to knoiv whether they have been 
of any avail, as she told you not to advise me until she let you 
know. 1 do not think that 1 need alter anything that has been 
written above except to enjoin you again very emphatically to carry 
out my wishes tvith all possible diligence and let me know what 
happens by every opportunity. As the Queen might perhaps thinl: 
I was offended at her rejection of the marriage, I thought well 
to write you a separate letter that you might show to her. Do 
so, and intimate as from me that I am quite satisfied ivith what 
pleases her, with such complimentary vvords and offers of service 
as you may see advisable and in substantial accord with the contents 
of the letter. The bishop carries this despatch bade with him and 
has been present at all the discussions on the matter. You will 
therefore hear from him full particulars as he is thoroughly well 
informed about it. I have ordered the bishop to spmk about a certain 
apology which luas written by Cardinal Pole touching the matters 
whi-ch the Pope had had laid before him and treating also of other 
things that perhaps had better not be published. I have been told 
that this apology has come into possession of the Queen amongst 
the other papers left by the Cardinal which were seized by her orders, 
and it would be well for many reasons to get hold of it. I charge 
you therefore dexterously to get it away from the Queen, or ivhoever 
may have it, employing your usual tact in obtaining it. When 
'- obtained please send it to me. 

In the handwriting of the King : 

It will be well to delay as much as possible the payment of the 
pensions except those most necessary for the success of our present 
affairs, so that this money now sent may go as far as possible, /or 
although the sum may not be large, in my present circumstances 
I shall feel the want of it, but am anxious to do nothing that shall 
stand in the way of the arrangement of my business. Gruniend;-.], 
23rd March 1 559. ' 

24 Mar. 21. COUNT DE FERIA to the KING. 

On the 19th instant I wrote to your Majesty by a courier who 
went over with Dr. Velasco. On tlie i-ame day, Palm Sunday, 
there were great rejoicings Jit the palace on the arrival of a sou 
of the Chamberlain with news of the peace, and also because Parlia- 
ment had passed on the previous day the Act mentioned in my 
former letter against iho authority of ths Pope. On the next day, 
Monday, I went to speak with the Queen, and as I was waiting in 



the presence chamber the earl of Sussex and the Admiral separately 
caught si<jht of me and fled from me, as if I were the person they hud 
iiijui*d. When I went in to speak to the Queen I said that I had 
heard she had received letters from her Commissioners acquainting 
her with the help and support they had received from your 
Majesty's Commissioners. She answered that she had, and seemed 
grateful, but was indignant with her own representatives for 
agreeing to such terms, as she appeared to think that the 500,000 
crowns to be paid by the French if they do not restore Calais within 
eight years was too little. She went on in this way, but her anger 
was all pretended, and she is really very much pleased and her 
people as well. They all see, good arid bad alike, the great service 
yo\ir Majesty has rendered them. They tell me that the common 
people laugh at the idea of the French giving up Calais to them 
again, and are dissatisfied with the agreement made, although they 
are very thankful to your Majesty. I am sure that the news of 
peace made the Parliament come to the decision I have mentioned. 
They were much afraid that your Majesty would abandon them, for 
truly they are very weak, and anyone speaking to them strongly in 
the name of the Catholics would carry them with him. I said to 
the Queen that I was surprised that she had allowed Parliament to 
go so far in the matter of religion ; but since it had come to so bad 
a decision I hoped that she would act more wisely in so far as the 
confirmation was concerned, and that as she had asked me not to 
write to your Majesty until her confirmation was given I had 
refrained from doing so, and I was now afraid that if your Majesty 
learnt what was going on from any other source you would be angry 
with me for delaying the information so loni', so that as I had 
trusted to her and the whole business was entirely in her hands, I 
begged of her to consider deeply before acting. She replied that she 
did not think of calling herself head of the church, or of administering 
sacraments, and then went on to say some false and foolish things 
about the present occurrences, and asked me scornfully whether your 
Majesty would be angry at all this and at the mass being said in 
English. I said that I thought your Majesty would be much 
pained thereat, but I did not know how you would take it, although 
I feared she would be ruined if it v. ent on as I had told her before 
ou rny own account as a pei-son who wished her well, and who would 
be sorry to see her destruction. She asked me who could bring it 
about, your Majesty or the king of France. I answered that I said 
nothing in your Majesty's name, and that you had done nothing 
more in the matter than to commend the question of religion to her 
when she first succeeded to the crown. I said she had seen hitherto 
whether your Majesty was a friend or an enemy, and that I, in 
compliance with your Majesty's orders that I should serve her, could 
not help telling her the truth when I saw her in such a dangerous 
way, as I knew what forces she had, as well as those of your 
Majesty and the king of France, and was convinced that her strength 
lay in the friendship of your Majesty. She said that she had no 
idea of making war in France, but meant to hold her own in her 
kingdom, as her father had done. I replied that they were deceiving 



her and she could not hold her own, and that it was a pity and a 
shame to hear the things they made her believe ; and, as to restoring 
religion as her father left it, she knew that king Henry burnt 
Lutherans, whilst all those who were now preaching to her were 
either Lutherans or Zuinglians. She denied this and was much 
surprised. I told her I was more astonished at the manner in which 
these religious questions were settled than I was at the decisions 
arrived at, bad as they were ; and to convince her that these 
poltroons who preached to her were Lutherans and Zuinglians I would 
give her notes of some of the abominable and bestial things they 
had preached before her. She asked me to do so, and wanted to 
know who had written the notes for me. I told her I had, and 
have wise and godly people here who are capable of stating the 
truth, and that as she wished it I would send her a paper in which 
these things were set forth, and she could have it considered and 
answered in writing. I sent her a paper that had been prepared 
by Friar Juan de Villagarcia, which I thought very good. 

I think when I left her on that occasion she was rather kinder 
than she had been the last time, but it will not be by such talks as 
these that she or they will be softened. I thought well to send 
her the paper, as I verily believe they have never told her the truth 
in these matters in all her life, except when the late Queen sent 
some of the Bishops to speak with her, and in that way she would 
have hated it, even if they had agreed with her. The next day I 
wrote to her begging her not to take any step in the Pailiament 
business until I had seen her after these holiday?. She sent to say 
she would answer when she saw me. I took this course in order to 
prevent the confirmation of the Parliament's decisions until after 
Easter, as the heretics have made a great point of having them 
confirmed before. 

Last night the Queen sent to say she would see me at 9 o'clock 
this morning, and just as I was ready to go a message came for me 
to put off my visit, as she was very busy. She had resolved to go 
to Parliament to-day at 1 o'clock, after dinner, and there, all being 
assembled, to confirm what they had agreed to in the matters they 
have discussed, although I do not know for certain what this is. 
Her going was, however, postponed till next Monday week the 
3rd April. I do not know why, but I see that the heretics are very 
downcast in the last few days. I am doing everything in the world 
that I can to lengthen the life of this sick man until God and your 
Majesty provide a remedy. 

It would be well that the Pope should be informed of the way in 
which the designs against religion are passed in Parliament now, as 
it is very different from what was done in the time of king Henry 
and Edward VI. If he decide to proceed against the Queen and 
kingdom he should leave out the bishops and others who were 
against the measure in Parliament and the ecclesiastics who assembled 
in synod in the cathedral of London, and who issued a very Catholic 
declaration proclaiming the truth and denouncing the attacks which 
were directed against it. All the Catholics in the country who had 
no voice in Parliament, the majority indeed, should also be excepted. 



It is, in my opinion, of great importance that this distinction should 
be made in the bull, both to favour and confirm the Catholics, and 
to confound and injure the heretics. It is a great pity that the 
Queen has no one near her, man or woman, to advise her, except to 
her injury, in a matter of this importance. 

I have forgotten to write to your Majesty that lady Catherine,* 
who is a friend of mine and speaks confidentially to me, told me 
that the Queen does not wish her to succeed, in case of her (the 
Queen's) death without heirs. She is dissatisfied and offended at 
this, and at the Queen's only making her one of the ladies of the 
presence, whereas she was in the privy-chamber of the late Queen, 
who showed her much favour. The present Queen probably bears 
her no goodwill. I try to keep lady Catherine very friendly, and she 
has promised me not to change her religion, nor to marry without 
my consent. She has been hitherto very willing to marry the earl 
of Pembroke's son, but she has ceased to talk about it as she used 
to. The bishop will have told your Majesty what passed between 
the earl of Pembroke and me on this matter. 

Document endorsed : " Copy of the letter written to His Majesty 
24th March 1559." 

30 Mar. 22. The SAME to the SAME. 

The bishop of Aquila arrived here before daybreak to-day, 
30th March, with your Majesty's letters. By them, and from what 
he tells me, I understand your Majesty's wishes and will endeavour 
to carry them out to the best of my ability. I do not think that, up 
to the present, any of the roads your Majesty wishes to take have 
been closed, and I will try, in any case, to do what has to be done 
with as little cost and risk as possible. I wrote to your Majesty oa 
the 24th, and since then the Queen has commanded the persons, 
whose names are given in the enclosed memorandum,! to meet on 
each side to dispute on the three articles set forth. I have been 
pleased to bring the matter to this point, and am now trying to 
devise means to avoid any trick or subtilty in the form of the 
dispute, which the heretics may take advantage of afterwards. The 
best way that has occurred is that the dispute should be in Latin 
and in writing, and that each disputant should sign what he says. 
The Queen at first had consented to this, but afterwards they sent 
to the Catholics to say that the dispute was to be in vulgar English, 
verbal and in Parliament which would be very bad. I shall go to 
the Queen to-morrow and see whether I cannot persuade her to 
return to the former conditions. I try all I can to keep her 
pleasant and in good humour, and, although sometimes I speak to 

* Lady Catherine Grey. 

t The inclosure has been lost, but the names of the disputants as given by Jewel in a 
letter to Peter Martyr (Zurich Archives), dated 20th March 1559, are himself, Scory, 
Cox, Whitehead, Sandys, Gfindal, Horn, Aylmer, and Gheast on the Protestant side, and 
the five bishops (i.e., White of Winchester, Watson of Liccoln, Baine of Coventry, 
Scot of Chester and Oglethorpe of Carlisle), with Cole dean of St. Paul's, archdeacons 
Chedsey and Harpsfield, and the abbot of Westminster. Official accounts, however, only 
recognize eight disputants on each s.ide, and Strype says the names of Sandys on the 
protestant side and Oglethorpe on the papist side were " mis-added." The flame of 
Archdeacon Langdale should also be added. 
8 * 



her very freely, as I ought to do, having right and truth on my 
side, yet I think that for this very reason she does not get tired 
of me, but likes to discuss matters with me, and to such an extent 
is this so, that she does not want her people to hear of our 
intercourse and they on their side are very suspicious that the 
coolness they discover in her about heresy is owing to my efforts 
on your Majesty's behalf, which is quite true, for if it were not 
for your Majesty all would have sunk into the pit already. 

I send this letter by Godinez, the courier, on his way from Spain, 
who has just arrived, and in order not to detain him I do not 
answer the bishop's dispatch. 30th March 1559. 

Document endorsed : "1559, copy of the letter written to his 
Majesty on the 30th March." 

4th April. 23. The SAME to the SAME. 

On the 30th ultimo I wrote to your Majesty by Gcdinez, ami the 
next day I went to speak with the Queen. She was in a better 
humour with me than I have ever seen her, and said that she had 
heard the French had not come to terms with your Majesty, and 
that I might be sure that she would not agree with them unless 
your Majesty did so too, but that she would keep to her promises. 
All this was without my saying anything. She said that the 
French had sent Guido Cavalcanti hither three times, always with 
the same thing, and that they had been answered as they deserved, 
and yet they wanted to send him again. She is rather offended 
with her commissioners ; I do not know whether because they are 
not conducting the business to her liking, or because they bear 
themselves unworthily with the French. The latter is what she 
gave me to understand, and I said that I had heard that it was so. 

About the dispute. She told me it was decided to hold it in 
English and in writing, each side signing what they said. On the 
same day, Friday, the last day of, March, there assembled in the 
choir of the church at Westminster, in the morning, the persons 
whose names I wrote to your Majesty, in the presence of the 
Council and a great number of people of all sorts who had gathered 
to hear them, and although they had been given to understand that 
discussion was to be verbal and that all could give their vote, 
Dr. Bacon, who is acting as Chancellor and Keeper of the Seals, 
then announced that they had to dispute in writing. The Catholics 
could not do this as they had been deceived: but, nevertheless, 
Dr. Cole, dean of St. Pauls, said something on the matter. As soon 
as he had finished speaking one of the heretics rose, and kneeling 
down with hi.s back to the altar <n which was the sacrament, he 
prayed that God would inspire and enlighten those present to 
understand the truth. When the pr.iyer was ended, another of them 
took out a book and read very diffusely all they had prepared and 
devised on the first point. When tin's was done the Bishops wished 
to follow up the discussion as they expected and reply to the 
heretics' arguments, but Bacon would not allow it. The bishop of 
Winchester said that as no one had spoken on their side, but Cole 



and all of them had ranch to say, they should give them another day 
so that they might reduce what they had to say to writing, since 
they would not hear them now. If this were not done to give them 
the same advantage as their opponents only one side would be heard, 
and so, with great difficulty and bad grace, they gave them till the 
following Monday when they again met at the same place and the 
Catholics then wanted to read the written answer they had brought 
according to the agreement, which answer I understand contained 
many very good arguments, as indeed their adversaries must also 
have thought and regretted, to judge from what followed. Bacon 
told the Catholics thai- they had to pass on to the second article as 
the first had already been discussed on Friday, and the Bishops 
replied that they had not given their opinion upon the first article 
as they had not been allowed to speak, but that they had now 
brought their opinion in writing and begged that it might be read. 
For this purpose Dr. Arceu (Karpsfield), archdeacon of St. Pauls, 
rose four times with the paper in his hand and was refused 
permission each time, Bacon urging them still to pass to the second 
article, and they replying that they wished to be heard on the first ; 
and as they claimed it as their right Bacon said they could hand in 
their paper without reading it. To this the Bishops replied that as 
their opponents had impressed their arguments on the minds of the 
heai*ers it was not just that they should be prevented from doing 
the sume ; and, indeed, this was the reason for the discussion being 
ordered as it was not necessary to meet for any other purpose. They 
were again pressed to go on to the second article, and told that it was 
the Queen's wish and command that they should do so, and on their 
being asked whether they would obey or not the Bishops answered 
that they could not do so without grave prejudice to their cause, and 
complained of the many other unfair and injurious things that had 
been done to them. As they remained firm in their position the abbot 
of Westminster rose and said that although the Bishops were right, 
and an injury was being done to them by forcing them to discuss the 
second article when they had only come prepared to discuss the first, 
yet, to obey the Queen's command he offered to reply to their 
opponents' arguments on the second article. Although the Bishops 
did not approve of this they would have put up with it if the 
heretics had set forth their views, but even this could not be 
arranged with them, and Bacon insisted that they (the Bishops) 
should begin and speak on the second article. At such a manifest 
injustice as this the bishops of Winchester and Lincoln said it was a 
great shame that they should be treated so badly and made to raise 
questions, they being Catholics and therefore not obliged to open 
disputes, although they would gladly reply to them and justify the 
Catholic doctrine to any who desired it, even though they were open 
heretics. On one of the adversaries telling him that they were the 
guardians of the churches, Bishop Baden (Bain) asked them of what 
Church ; English or German, since in England there was only one 
Church, with which they had nothing to do. If German, which one 
did they mean, as they had heard there were several ; and, finally, 
the matter was dealt with in a way that the heretics were routed 



and the colloquy ended.* In the afternoon some of the Bishops 
were summoned to the palace, and the bishops of Winchester and 
Lincoln were sent prisoners in a boat to the Tower, as they had been 
most conspicuous against the heretics, and their goods have been 
sequestrated. I am also told to-day that they will send the other 
six to the Tower, three Bishops and three Doctors who were in the 
discussion, only leaving the abbot of Westminster, as he said he 
would discuss the second article out of obedience. I hear also that 
the Council has discussed whether the Bishops have given sufficient 
cause to deprive them of their dignities, although others tell me 
that the question discussed was that of the appropriation by the 
Queen of all the ecclesiastical revenues in general. The Catholics 
are disturbed to see the violence and injustice with which this 
business is being treated. 

A person that the bishop of Aquila told your Majesty was in the 
habit of bringing me truthful information assures me that a marriage 
is being discussed between the Queen and the Archduke Ferdinand, 
and that Count George Helfenstein or another will shortly return 
hither. I neither believe nor disbelieve any of these things, but 
think well to keep your Majesty informed. 

Guido Cavalcanti, or he who came with him, who, the Bishop 
tells me, is called Monsieur de la Marche,f gave the Marquis of 
Northampton 2,000 crowns from the king of France. 

They tell me that Mason is expected back here. I do not know 
why he went or why he returns, as they take very good care to 
withhold all their affair!: from me. I send this letter by the post to 
Antwerp addressed to the factor to be forwarded at once to your 
Majesty. 4th April 1559. 

Document endorsed : " Copy of the letter written to his Majesty." 

11 April. 24. The SAME to the SAME. 

On the 4th instant I wrote to your Majesty by the ordinary 
Antwerp post, and on the 7th Mason arrived with news of the 
peace, at the same time as your Majesty's courier to me despatched 
on the 5th, and another courier bringing me the same news from 
your Majesty's Commissioners. On the same day I went to the 
palace with the son of the Portuguese ambassador who came to 
visit the Queen. The members of the Council and Mason came out 
to us and I thought they looked downcast. We went in to see the 
Queen, who received us graciously, and, seeing that your Majesty 
had left to me in your letters the mode in which she should be told 
of the arrangement with the French I thought most convenient, and 
in keeping with my previous attitude to express my sorrow about 
the marriage J as I was so devoted a servant of hers, and understood 

* Jewel in a most minute and interesting account of the meeting wiitten to Peter Alartyf 
6th April 1559 (Zurich Archives, Parker Society), says, "At last, when a great part of 
" the time had been taken up in altercation and the bishops would 011 no account yield, 
" the assembly broke up without any disputatiou at all." 

f La Marque. 

J Philip's marriage with the daughter of the French king, which was arranged in the 
treaty of Chateau Cambresis. 


what she had lost, mid thus to throw a greater gloom over her and 
them in this respect than has been thrown over them by seeing 
your Majesty in close alliance and relationship with the king of 
France. The Queen presently began to read the letters from 
Portugal, which, being in Portuguese, she called me to help her to 
read. I answered her that I was no longer any good for a secretary, 
which she understood and smiled slightly. After this, when she 
had finished with the Portuguese, she called me to her and asked 
whether I had letters from your Majesty. I told her yes, and that 
on the next day I would give her any information she wanted about 
them, but that I could not do so then, as I was so angry with her 
and so annoyed. She said that if I wanted to go out with the 
Portuguese I could do so and she would send outside for me. This 
she did, and on my return began to say she had heard your Majesty 
was married, smiling, saying your name was a fortunate one, and 
now nnd then giving little sighs which bordered upon laughter. I 
told her that although I saw that this peace was a great boon to 
Christendom I could not rejoice to see your Majesty married to 
anyone else but her, nor at her refusing to believe all my impor- 
tunities and assurances of how desirable- it would be for her to 
marry your Majesty. To this she retorted that it was your Majesty's 
fault it had fallen through and not hers, as she had given me 
no reply, and that I had told her also that I had not written about 
it to your Majesty. I told her she knew very well what the facts 
were, and that I had not taken a reply because I understood what 
kind of answer she would give me, and that in affairs of this 
importance between two such great princes as your Majesty and 
her it was my duty, if I could not bring about an agreement, to 
give matters such a turn as to cause no anger or resentment on 
either side, and this I had tried to do, although in so doing I had 
leant more on her side than on your Majesty's, as she very well 
knew. She confessed this was so, and afterwards went on to say 
that your Majesty could not have been so much in love with her 
as I had said, as you had not had patience to wait four months for 
her ; and many things of the same sort, as if she was not at all 
pleased at the decision adopted by your Majesty. She told me that 
two or three of her Council must have been very glad at the news, 
but she did not say who they were. What I have heard during the 
short time since the news of the peace came, is that she and all the 
rest of them have been much grieved to see your Majesty, and the 
king of France so united, and they greatly fear that this friendship 
may portend evil to them. During the time the Portuguese was 
talking to the Queen and before we entered her room, I spoke 
with nearly all the councillors separately, and Cecil, who is a 
pestilent knave, as your Majesty knows, told me they had heard 
your Majesty was going very shortly to Spain ; and amongst other 
things he said that if your Majesty wished to keep up the war with 
France, they for their part would be glad of it. I told him he could 
tell that to people who did not understand the state of affairs in 
England so well as I did. What they wanted was something very 
different from that, and they were blind entirely to their rea' 
interests, and would now begin to understand that I had advised 

a CC529. I) 



what was best for the service of the Queen and the welfare of the 
country. In short I left them that day as bitter as gall. 

Paget is better and has gone twice or thrice to the palace in a 
litter. I have arranged to see him to-day. He is greatly persecuted 
and out of favour, and wishes to assure me that he is sound ir- 
religious matters. 

The two bishops are still in the Tower. He of Lincoln has a 
quartan ague, and they say they will let him go home under sureties, 
but I do not know for certain. They have not done anything with 
the others yet. They have lately discussed in Parliament the 
question of depriving the bishoprics of their valuable possessions, in 
order to enable the Queen to bestow them upon whom she pleases, 
and appoint to each Bishop a certain stipend in tithes and other 
small matters. They are very steadfast and determined to die if 

Nothing more has been said about the disputation. The effect 
has been a good one, and the matter ended in their seeing that 
they were doing an injustice to the Bishops who, however, refused 
to allow a wrong to be done to their cause, and this has greatly 
encouraged the Catholics and thrown the heretics into some con- 
fusion. Besides this the earl of Sussex (lord deputy) of Ireland, 
although he is so great a heretic, told them in the Council that if 
they try to make any change in religion there the province will 
revolt. The Welsh have sent word to the earl of Pembroke not to 
send them any heretic preacher, or he will never come back. I for 
my part believe that the Queen would be glad not to have gone so 
far in the matter of religion, and the peace which they thought to 
turn to advantage for carrying out this wicked design is, by God's 
will, that which they now fear most, and since God thas does your 
Majesty's business, it is only just to reciprocate by promoting His 
affairs. This matter of religion has been held in suspense hitherto, 
and the blow miraculously kept from falling, sometimes by rny 
softly persuading the Queen, and sometimes by frightening her, and 
urging her to give more time to the business. It was of the utmost 
importance to get over Holy-week, as she was resolved on Friday to 
confirm what Parliament had adopted. They give themselves up 
for lost if your Majesty will not back them up, and they are so 
alarmed lest the French should recall their forces from Italy 
and send them over here, that Mason told me so the day before 
yesterday, disgusted and sick of the way they had acted. He 
told the Queen that your Majesty's marriage was arranged after he 
. left, and a courier who overtook him on the i % oad brought him the 
news. They consider that the peace is favourable and honourable 
for your Majesty and the king tit France, and for them the contrary. 
I gather from certain things which your Majesty and your Council 
asked the bishop of Aquiia, and from what they write to me, that 
they would have wished me to send ray opinion about English 
affairs. Even though I had a good opinion to give I could not well 
give it without being thoroughly enlightened respecting the state 
of all other matters across the sea, and I have consequently thought 
best always to report to your Majesty the position of matters here 
as I see and understand them, and the evil effects which might 



arise from not being prepared for them in time, greater indeed than 
those which have already arisen, which are not small, as we have 
lost a kingdom, body and soul. Now, however, that God has 
deigned to send this great boon of peace to Christendom, and your 
Majesty is more at leisure to attend to other obligations, I think it 
is time to consider how things are going to end here. This business 
is divided into two heads, first, that of religion, and whether your 
Majesty is bound in this respect I do not enquire, although the 
Catholics claim that notwithstanding the country having been at the 
disposal of your Mnjesty to be treated as you wished, it has come 
to its present pass. The other head is the question of the State, and 
the necessity of preventing the king of France from dominating the 
kingdom, for which object he has two circumstances so favourable to 
him, namely, the just claims of the queen of Scots und the great ease 
with which he could take possession owing to the miserable state in 
which the county* is, as I have informed your Majesty several times 
since I came hither, and 1 think it has been growing worse every hour. 
I have done my best to carry out your Majesty's commands to try and 
tranquilise the country and please the Queen, and to hold my hand 
in religious affairs, and at the same time to push them on to make 
peace without any responsibility weighing on your Majesty with 
regard to the conditions under which it was made, and this I have 
succeeded in doing as your Majesty is more free than ever there- 
from. But it behoves me to consider whether, with things as they 
are, your Majesty can be assured of that which is desirable, because 
as I understand leaving aside God's atfairs and religious matters 
unredressed now that these people are better able to do as they 
like than at any time since this woman became Queen, all the time 
which may be allowed them to carry out their heresies will be 
pernicious to the tranquillity and quietude of the country, and may 
give rise to tumult. And besides this, whenever the king of France 
finds means in Rome to get this woman declared a heretic together 
with her bastardy, and advances his own claim, your Majis'y will 
be more perplexed what to do than at present, because I do not see 
how your Majesty could in such case go against God and justice 
and against the Catholics who will doubtless join him (the king of 
France) if he comes with the voice of the Church behind him. To 
let hirn take the country, which he will do with so much ease that 
I dread to think of it, would be to my mind the total ruin of your 
Majesty and all your States, and seeing things in this light, as I do, 
and to fail to inform your Mnjesty, would, in my opinion be a crime 
worthy of punishment both towards God and your Majesty. They 
tell rne the Swedish ambassador has again pressed the matter cf the 
marriage and told the Queen that the son of the King his master 
was still of the same mind, and asked for a reply to the letter he 
brought last year. The Queen replied that the letter was written 
when she was Madam Elizabeth, and now that .she was queen of 
England he must write to her as Queen and the would give an 
answer. She did not know whether his master would leave his 
kingdom to marry her, but she would not leave, hers to be monarch 
of the world, and at present she would not reply either ye* or no. 
With this message a secretary who came here this winter was 

D 2 



despatched, the ambassador remaining here. About a week ago this 
.secretary came back and brought a graud present of tapestries and 
ermine for the Queer), and says that his master will send very 
shortly one of the principal lords of his kingdom to treat of the 
marriage. He had audience of the Queen yesterday. I do not 
know what passed. 

The (illegible*) of Calais has come here on the same conditions 
as Lord Grey. His wife begged the Queen that he might come 
and kiss her hand, but the Queen said it was not proper for him to 
come at present. He is being kept in the Control Chamber. 

I had written thus far three days ago and have detained the post 
in the hope of seeing the Queen before despatching the letter. I 
have not seen her, but in order to keep your Majesty well informed 
I have thought best to send it off. The only thing fresh that I can 
say is that no class of people in the country, so far as I know, is 
pleased with the way in which your Majesty has made peace. The 
Catholics are grieved that your Majesty should have married away 
from here, and the heretics are in a state of great alarm at the 
thought that everybody is arming against them. The Queen has 
already declared in Parliament that she will not be called head of 
the church, whereat the heretics are very dissatisfied. Cecil went 
yesterday to the lower house and told them from the Queen that 
she thanked them greatly for their goodwill in offering her the 
title of .supreme head of the Church, which out of humility she 
was unwilling to accept, and asked them to devise some other form 
with regard to the supremacy or primacy. He was answered that 
. it was against the word of God and the Scripture, and they were 
surprised at his coming to them every day with new proposals and 

In four or five days I will send your Majesty an account of what 
is done about the ships which have been taken here in spite of your 
Majesty's safe-conducts, which in my opinion is a thing that should 
not be allowed. London, llth April 1559. 

Document endorsed : " London 1559, copy of letter written to his 
Majesty 11 April." 

12 April. 25. The KING to the COUNT DE FERIA. 

On the 6th instant I received the letter you sent by the courier 
from Spain on the 30th ultimo, to which there is not much to reply 
except tliat I am glad the bishop of Aquila had arrived safely, as 
from what he will have told you and the despatch he bore you 
will now te well advised of my wishes in respect of matters in 
England, and in accordance therewith you can with your usual 
prudence forward them as you consider most desirable for our 

I have read the memorandum you sent rne of the points to be 
discussed between the Catholics and the heretics and the names of 
persons chosen by each side. It would undoubtedly be a good way 
for the dispute to be in Latin and in writing for the reasons which 
you give. Let me know the result of your good offices with the 
Queen on the subject and the decision arrived at, as I shall be glad 

* Probably deputy of Calais Lord Wentworth. 



be such as to redound to His service and the good of religion, and 
that He will not allow wickedness to prevail and obscure the truth. 

The Count de Luna* has written to me that the Emperor having 
heard tliat I had not married the Queen of England, he had told 
him he should be very glad to treat of the matter for one of his 
sons, and His Majesty's ambassador has spoken to me here to the 
same effect to learn my will, and in the event of its being 
favourable to beg me to promote and favour his suit. I replied 
that I would do so willingly, both because I thought it would be 
very good for all parties, and because I was desirous of gratifying 
His Majesty and forwarding the prosperity of my cousins. The 
ambassador wished to inform his master of this before taking any 
step, but I think best in every respect, and particularly to upset the 
negotiations on the subject in London, to advise you at once of 
what is taking place and tell you my will for your guidance. I 
enjoin you therefore to endeavour to speak with the Queen as 
soon as possible, and tell her that as the love I bear her is that of 
a good brother, I am always thinking of what will conduce to her 
welfare and the stability of her kingdom, and that it appears to me 
that as she will have to marry a foreigner (which will be most 
fitting as she knows) she can do no better than to take one of the 
Emperor's sons for a husband, for the reasons which her good 
judgment will perceive sooner than she can be told, both for the 
good of Christianity in general, which should be the first aim of 
princes, and for the special advantage of her own country, as by 
making this match his Caesarian Majesty will hold her as a daughter 
and will thus aid and defend her with all the power of the Empire. 
I on my part would do the same and should feel myself as much 
bound to it as if she had married the prince my son, and thus by 
drawing closer the bonds of relationship between us, the goodwill 
and affection of all of us will become stronger and last for ever with 
many other benefits which will ~crue therefrom, which you can 
point out so ?,s to persuade her t'o accept this business with the 
same earnestness and good feeling which have prompted me to 
propose it. And signally will it tend to her own contentment and 
repose if she determine to marry one of the archil ukes my cousins, 
because having no states of his own he would always be with her 
and would help her to bear the burden of government of her 
kingdom whilst these states of mine will remain the more united 
to hers by reason of her husband being of our blood and of so near 
kin, and she herself will be more feared and esteemed by her own 
subjects and will have all the protection she may require. She will 
have so many connections and of such strength and power that none 
will dare to offend or vex her, whereas just the reverse will happen 
if she marry a subject, as apart from the dissatisfaction of those who 
were not related to the man she may choose, it might give rise to 
such humours that although she is prudent enough to remedy them, 
may cost her much trouble and perplexity to assuage. The afore- 
going, and as much more to the same effect as you think necessary, 
yuu will place before her with the tact and suavity you know how 

* The Spanish Ambassador to the Emperor 1-Yrdiiuunl, Philip's uncle. 



to be informed, and I hope to God (whose cause it is) that it will 
to employ, so that what you say may persuade without vexing her ; 
taking particular care always to banish any shadow of an idea she 
may have, that because she did not marry me and I have entered 
the French alliance, I shall take less interest in her affairs. You 
will on the conti-ary assure her positively that this will not be so, 
but that I am and shall remain as good a brother to her as before 
and as such shall take very great interest in what concerns her, 
and will try to forward her affairs as if they were my own. To 
prove this by acts I send you order to undertake the present task 
and propose this marriage to her as I believe no other could be so 
suitable for her, although I believe the Emperor will very shortly 
send a person specially to treat of the business. Advise me promptly 
what answer she gives, so that in view thereof the necessary steps 
may be taken, bearing in mind that any efforts you make to bring 
this business to the desired end will be very agreeable to me. 
Brussels, 12th April 1559. 

14 April. 26. The KING to the COUNT DE FERTA. 

This morning I received the letter you sent me by way of Antwerp 
on the 4th instant, by which I have seen what had passed in the 
colloquy between the Catholics and the heretics on the points which 
had been proposed respecting our religion and also the result of the 
dispute, which in truth has grieved me, although I still hope that 
God will take up His cause and aid His ministers that they may 
not be thus unjustly injured and maltreated. You will continue to 
advise me what passes in this matter as fully as hitherto, as I desire 
to know. 

Respecting the marriage of the Queen with the archduke Ferdinand 
my cousin, you will have learnt by what I wrote by the courier 
of the 12th, what the Emperor's ambassador said to me, and how 
glad I shall be that every effort should be made very earnestly on 
behalf of him or the archduke Charles his brother, and so 1 beg 
and enjoin you to do your best in this matter, which interests me 
very much. 

I am awaiting with impatience a reply to what I wrote you by 
the bishop of Aquila, as I have decided, unless your reply should 
make such a course undesirable, to order you to return hither, since, 
as matters have changed so much, there is no longer any need for 
you to remain there. As you have to leave I have thought of 
appointing the bishop of Aquila as my ambassador to reside i 
England, making due provision for his proper maintenance according 
to his office and rank, and giving his bishopric to another who will 
live in his diocese. I have understood that he wishes to leave it, 
and I shall be glad for him to do so, as I need his services, 
and this will do away with any scruples of conscience he may have. 
1 have been influenced thereto by thinking that as the Bishop is 
already employed in these affairs he will manage them better than 
a fresh person, ami also by my satisfaction with him and his good 
judgment and your own good reports of him, as well as the tact 
he has hitherto shown, which we have every reason to believe he 
will still exhibit in the future. As regards matters connected 



with these states (Flanders) it has occurred to me to send Councillor 
Dasonlcville, who, .as you know, is well versed in them and knows the 
people ; but it is understood that the bishop will have precedence in 
every way, and although as they are both my servants there will 
have to exist the necessary good understanding between them, each 
of them will conduct separately the affairs appertaining to him. I 
have not thought well, however, to decide on either point until I have 
let you know and obtained your opinion on the whole question, and 
to gain time I have sent this by special courier. Consider the 
matter well and send me at ouce your opinion as to what will be 
best for my service, so that I may then decide and give the necessary 
orders. In the meanwhile you will please me much by forwarding 
in every possible way the negotiations for the marriage of the Queen 
with one of my cousins, as in every respect it would suit us all to 
bring it alwut. Brussels, 14th April 1559. 

18 April. 27. COUNT DE FERIA to the KING. 

I wrote to your Majesty on the llth instant and on the 14th and 
17th. I received, your Majesty's letters of 12th and 14th in answer to 
mine of the 30th March and 4th April. Since then the news is that 
the Queen having sent to the Parliament to say that she did not 
wish to take the title of " Head of the Church," and asking them to 
think of some other style, they have agreed that she shall he called 
"Governess of the Church," as it appears to them that it is different 
if put in this way. The same decree declares that any persons who 
refuse, to take the oath to observe this shall lose their places and pay 
if they be servants or officers of the Queen of any kind, and if they 
be ecclesiastics or prebendaries in public schools shall be deprived of 
their dignities, benefits or prebends ; and they add, moreover, that 
anybody receiving or helping any recusant with money or otherwise 
shall incur the same punishment as the principals, and their lives 
shall be at the Queen's mercy, which is a sort of punishment con- 
tained in a charter of the kingdom which commences " Prenmnire " 
and which is now extended to these cases. The Act has already 
passed the lower house, and has been proposed in the upper. The 
archbishop of York has opposed it, and it has to be read some more 
times before it can pass. This York* is a worthy man, and England 
can never have had sucli Bishops as these before. The other Bishops 
are still prisoners, and he of Lincoln is very ill. He will be a great 
loss if he dies, as he is more spirited and learned than all the rest. 

I have seen Paget, who is better in health than he has been, 
although not free from ague and other ailments. He deplored with 
me when he came in, that this country had lost your Majesty for 
king and spoke very differently from what he had done on other- 
occasions when I had seen him. As I understand, the reason of this is 
no doubt that he is undeceived and knows the Queen will not give him 
either credit or authority. He said they considered him a Catholic 
and thought he had close relations with me, but God send him better 
health if he is ever to be of :\ny use or I have need of him. He 
joked with me about the scant service your Majesty had received 

* Nicholas Heath. 



for the pensions granted here, and says that Simon Renard* was 
the inventor and not he. lie goes to his house in a fortnight, as he 
telis me, without any office or even being a member of the Council. 
I spoke very lovingly to him and promised him I would have the 
pension paid to him which was owing, and this I have clone, and to 
show him what a good master your Majesty was, he should be better 
treated than ever now that you had no need of his help, and he took 
no part in public affairs. I thought best to keep this man satisfied 
and in good humour, as at all events he has been looked upon as a 
servant of your Majesty, end he is a man of greater intelligence 
and tact than the others. 

Enclosed I send copy of the reply of the Council to the case stated 
on your Majesty's behalf showing that the ships bearing your Majesty's 
.safe-conducts taken by the English should be restored, and I also 
send copy of what the bishop of Aquila thinks might be replied after 
consulting with the lawyers representing the merchants who are 
moving the case, in order that your Majesty may order what you 
may deem best. It seems to us here a very hard and unjust thing, 
and against the old treaties. The loss to these poor merchants is 
more than 150,000 ducats after bringing their goods over in 
dependance on your Majesty's good faith and paying money for the 
safe-conducts. Dr. Velasco has been informed of the business here, 
and a lawyer who is pleading in the case for the owners of the goods 
is going to Brussels and will explain it to whomever your Majesty 
may command. 

Your Majesty's subjects who come hither complain that the duties 
have been raised here to such an extent on the goods in which thej' 
deal that, according to them, they are doubled in violation of the 
treaties. I have thought well to advise your Majesty of this, as if 
these people here will not observe the treaties in this respect and 
your Majesty should, notwithstanding this, wish to observe them on 
your part, you may know what is happening, and will be able to 
consider whether it will be advisable to treat the English as they 
treat the subjects of your Majesty. They tell me the sum is a large 
one, so large indeed that by the acccxints the merchants give of the 
cloths and other goods Avhich are taken from here to your Majesty's 
dominions it would amount to above 200,000 ducats a year. I do 
not know whether these duties would all go to your Majesty or 
some to the places in your dominions where this trade is carried on, 
Paget tells me that this raising of duties in spite of the treaties was 
began by the Emperor although these people have done it with a 
heavier hand. 

I note that your Majesty writes respecting the marriage of the 
archduke Ferdinand with the Queen, and the same day that the 
courier arrived with the letter I was about to despatch news to your 
Majesty of what was being done here in the matter and about 
Lord Robert, which is as follows. When the Emperor's ambassador 
arrived here I understand that he had no instructions to treat of the 
matter, but as so many loose and flighty fancies are about, some 
of these people who went to and fro with him to the palace must 

* The ambassador of Charles V. in England. 



have broached the subject to him. One in particular I know of was 
Challoncr, who went to visit the Emperor on the Queen's behalf 
when she succeeded to the throne. He is a great talker, but a perons 
of no authority. At the same time the matter must have been 
brought before Count Helfenstein by the Queen's asking him whether 
he had instructions to speak to her on any other subject, which I 
believe she did cwo or three times. He must thereupon have advised 
liia master, and about a week ago the said Count sent hither a German 
who acts as his secretary, and who I am told is a lawyer, directed 
to Challoner with a letter from the Emperor to the Queen and a 
portrait of the archduke Ferdinand. The Secretary delivered the 
letter in person, and in it His Majesty says that he desires to send 
hither a person to treat with her (the Queen) of matters of closer 
friendship than these respecting which Count Heltenstein visited her, 
The Queen accepted the offer to send the person, and the German 
returned with her letter and message the day before yesterday. As 
I was assured that the matter was under discussion, and that this 
secretaiy was here for the purpose, I thought I ought to so approach 
the Queen and him that they mi'j;ht both understand that the 
negotiations had your Majesty's accord and goodwill without binding 
myself to them in a way that couM cause inconvenience from my 
having acted without your Majesty's orders. I therefore only told the 
Queen, on the day the Portuguese went to take leave of her, that since 
she had not married your Majesty I wished she would take the 
person nearest to you in kin and kindness, and so gave her to under- 
stand that I was informed of what was being discussed. I was going 
in general terms to offer the secretary such assurances as were fitting, 
seeing the friendship and relationship that exists between your 
Majesty and the Emperor's sons, but as it happened' that the courier 
arrived on the same day as I was to speak to him, I opened out 
more with him, promising help arid aid from your Majesty for the 
affair, and telling him how, by order of your Majesty, I had 
spoken to the Queen and tried to incline her towards it, and I advised 
him also as to how he should proceed. I found him at first reserved 
and close, but when he saw I was acting above board and I offered 
to show him the instructions I had received from 3'our Majesty 
he made a clean breast to me and told me what he had come for, as 
I have related above. He went to solicit his despatch when he left 
me and returned in the afternoon very much more open and extremely 
pleased to tell me how they would give him his despatch that 
night or the next morning, and to ask me if he could do anything 
for me in Flanders. 

The same day I sent to beg an audience of the Queen and spoke 
to her on this business, persuading her to it as your Majesty 
commands. She told me that the Emperor had written to her, and 
that up to the present she did not know what he wished to negotiate 
with her. All this in fair words, and I do not think she faces the 
business badly, nor indeed do any of them, although to say the truth 
I could not tell your Majesty what this woman means to do with 
herself, and those who know her best know no more than I do. 

During the last few days Lord Robert has come so much into 
favour that he does whatever he likes with affairs and it is even 
said that her Majesty visits him in his chamber day and night. 



People talk of this so freely that they go so far as to say that his 
wife has a malady in one of her breasts and the Queen is 
waiting for her to die to marry Lord Robert. I can assure your 
Majesty that matters have reached such a pass that I have been 
brought to consider whether it would not be well to approach Lord 
Robert on your Majesty's behalf, promising him your helpar.d favour 
and coming to terms with him. 

The marriage with the archduke Ferdinand appears to me not to 
be a bad expedient, as I see none better than he for matters on this 
side, and so far as regards the other side your Majesty would 
do well to attract and confirm him in his friendship, so that he 
may see how useful it will be for his aggrandizement and stability. 
I consider it of the greatest importance for your Majesty that this 
matter should be settled, as there are certain circumstances in it that 
require watching closely. The first is that the people both here and 
on the other side have begun already to try to treat without the 
intervention of your Majesty, as the Emperor's notification of it to 
your Majesty was subsequent to sending orders to his ambassador 
and writing to the Queen, and after the ambassador had sent his 
secretary hither who certainly would not have seen me nor opened 
out to me if I had not taken the steps I did. The Emperor and his 
sons apparently will not understand that your Majesty's influence 
in this matter is so great that it may be said to be in your gift, and 
it is probable that they have given rise to the same feeling here. 
To counteract this I think it will be best to buy Ferdinand's friendship 
with money, as he has none, not only finding him a sum for his 
coining hither if the affair id earned through, but also a regular 
payment every year instead of the pensions which were paid to 
these people here and which had have so little effect as your Majesty 
has seen. Besides the ancient treaties between your Majesty's 
predecessors and the kings of this country your Majesty could also 
arrange with him, in the form which may seem best to you, to bind 
himself to remedy and restore religion to which I cannot persuade 
myself that your Majesty is indifferent. This appears to me to be 
the best way for the present ; the cheapest and most convenient, and 
to neglect any effort in this direction would be a great pity. If 
Ferdinand is a man, backed up as he will be by your Majesty, he 
will be able not only to reform religion and pacify the country, but 
even though the Queen may die to keep the country in his fist, and 
if anything besides God's cause has led me to hope that your Majesty 
might a^ain get a footing here it was this. I feel sure that any of 
your Majesty's affairs will encounter great difficulty in negotiation 
with the Emperor and his sons, and as I look upon this matter as 
of the highest importance for your Majesty and your dominions, 
as well as for God's sake, I wish to leave no stone unturned. 1 
think it would be well to send a confidential person to negotiate 
with the. Emperor and his sons, and even to promise them that, on 
condition that Ferdinand settles matters here in accordance with 
the interests of God and the welfare and peace of Christendom, your 
Majesty will be pleased to marry the Prince to a daughter of the 
Emperor or of the king of Bohemia, which I think would be best and 
would smooth and attract them very much to your Majesty. If I 
could see this settled in addition to the peace I would cease troubling, 



but otherwise your Majesty must pardon me, for I cannot hold my 
peace seeing the gait things here are going. 

The Chamberlain has come back more French than an inhabitant 
of Paris. In order, as I suspect, to get off of his bad management 
of the negotiations he must have tried to set the Queen against your 
Majesty in the matter of the marriage, and has made religious affairs 
worse, for his head is full of foolish things said by the constable on 
his master's behalf. One of the things he told the Queen and me 
was that he would bet that your Majesty was going to Spain at 
once and would not be back in Flanders these seven years. The 
said Chamberlain is going to France for the ratification of peace 
with a great company of these young sparks, some of whom are 
asking for payment of your Majesty's money to go and dance in 
France with, which I intend very few of them shall do. 

They tell me that Mason goes as ambassador resident to your 
Majesty's court and Nicholas Throgmorton to France. 

Up to the present the only pensions that have been paid are those 
of the Lord Treasurer, the High Admiral, Paget, M. Montague, and 
Jerningham. In addition to these I have paid what was owing to 
the archers and other servitors and the gentlemen-in-waiting who 
complained very much, and I thought best to close their mouths. 
The servants who had board wages- were paid up to the end of 
1557, the pensioners up to end of 1558, and the archer.' the remainder 
to the day the Queen died. I should like to pay up all these small 
folks, but I would not give another groat to the lords, as it is of no 
use. Your Majesty will please send instructions in this matter, and 
also what shall be given to your Majesty's late chamberlain,* my 
question as to what is to be done with him not having been answered. 
He has gone to the Queen to complain of your Majesty and of me 
for not paying him for his service. 

\Yhat your Majesty has decided about the embassy here appears 
to me satisfactory, although there are some objections which I will 
explain to your Majesty when I arrive, and there will then be time 
to remedy them. I would, however, beg your Majesty to grant the 
Bishop sufficient money to fittingly maintain himself in his station, 
as I am satisfied of his ability and goodness as well as his suitability 
for the office : but he is so modest that if he gets 200 ducats he will 
say no more about it than if they gave him 200,000. 

The bishop ot Ely is up to the present time faithful in religion 
although they do not think much of him here. London 1559. 

Document endorsed : " London 1559, copy of letter written to His 
Majesty, 18th April." 

4 April. 28. The KING to the COUNT DE FERIA. 

By your letter of the 1 1th instant, I have learnt the discussions 
you have had with the Queen and Council about the peace and other 
affairs you had in hand, and I cannot refrain from highly praising 
the prudence and dexterity you huve displayed. I thank you also 
for the note you send me of the points which have to be borne in 
mind and provided for in my interest to obviate what ma}' happen 
in England, which I can assure you is one of the tilings that is 
giving me just now most anxiety. I have ordered it to be well 

Probably Lord Williams of Thame. 



considered and discussed at once, and after due deliberation it 
appears that at present the most advantageous course will be for 
you to endeavour to confirm the Queen and her friends in the fear 
you say they feel of the peril and danger in which they stand, so 
that they may understand thoroughly that they are ruined unless 
I succour and defend them. We have no doubt they will easily 
grasp this if they think it over, as it is so very clear. The duke of 
Alba, Roy Gomez, and the bishop of Arras tell me that in the 
conversations they had with the Queen's Commissioners at Chateau 
Cambresi the latter confessed that this was so, and it is to be 
supposed that they will have reported to the same effect and this 
together with what you have told her (the Queen) will have set 
her thinking in a matter that so deeply concerns her. When you 
have frightened the Queen about this, in the manner you find most 
suitable to open her eyes to her interests and to convince her of 
the zeal which leads rne to advise her, you will assure her from 
me that I will never fail to help her in all I can to preserve her 
realm and settle her affairs exactly the same as if they were my 
own, both on account of the great love and affection I bear her, 
from which neither the peace nor my alliance with France will 
ever estrange me ; rather will I try to bind us closer by all the 
kindness and good offices I can show, and also for my own interests, 
which would be greatly injured if her kingdom were to fall into 
other hands than hers, which God forbid. This might easily happen 
if she do not provide against it, and at once adopt the only true 
remedy, which is to forbid any innovations in religion which 
usually cause risings and turbulence in countries and in the hearts 
of subjects. If she do this and take one of the archdukes, my 
cousins for a husband, respecting which I have already written to 
you, she will smooth down and settle all her affairs and enjoy more 
tranquillity and contentment than can be described, and I will 
remain a good brother to her as she will see by my acts. You wil* 
enlarge in this sense according as you see her disposition and the 
conversation permits with all the tact and suavity you know how 
to employ as you have done in other matters. This course has 
seemed the best to follow with the Queen, because under this head 
what is proposed is so absolutely true that you can bring as much 
pressure to bear as may be needed, and that you may be provided at 
all points, I have thought well to send you enclosed the letter for 
her written with my own hand, the tenor of which you will see by 
the copy. Amongst other points you may tell her not to wonder if 
in these matters I press her more than is customary between princes, 
but as they are so important and necessary to the welfare of her 
realm, whose rehabilitation and preservation depend entirely upon 
them, and concern me inasmuch as they concern her as well as 
touching my own interests, I cannot and ought not to fail to do it 
as a good brother. 

I have been very glad (o learn what you say about the Queen 
refusing the title offered to her of supreme head of the Church, and 
delaying her sanction to what had been done in Parliament, because 
it looks as if there were still some hopes of salvation. Seeing this 
and how damaging it would be if the Pope were to declare her a 
bastard, which he might decide to do since I am not to marry her, 



I thought it time to approach his Holiness, and I sent a despatch 
on the subject to Rome advising his Holiness of the state of things 
there and of the hopes still entertained of an amendment, which I 
I was trying my best to bring about, and asking him not to make 
any change until the result of my efforts were seen, of which result 
I would inform his Holiness. This step was thought very desirable 
in order to keep his Holiness in hand and delay the matter as was 
in all respects to be desired. You will advise me of all that happens, 
so that we may act accordingly. 

A servant of mine belonging to that country advises me for 
certain that two captains named Henry Strangways (Estranquis) 
and William Wilford are arming and fitting out on their own 
authority two ships of 140 tons each in the port of Southampton 
or Plymouth, in which ships he says they have placed 50 gentlemen 
with their servants and 500 soldiers, with the determination of 
going out on a piratical voyage and to sack the island of Madeira' 
One of them has experience of this who, he says, was at the sack of 
La Palma and has been in France. As I am told these ships are to 
leave at the end of this month, I enjoin you urgently to speak to 
the Queen, and ask and beg of her from me to order enquiries to be 
made about this and act in it as my goodwill towards her deserves 

Postscript : After writing this 1 have received your last letter of 
23rd (18th ?) instant, and have been glad of your news, although in the 
matter of religion what you say about the Parliament having agreed 
that the Queen should take the title of Governess of the Church 
fills me with new anxiety, as it is so dangerous and troublesome on all 
accounts. Advise me if it has passed the upper house and whether 
the Queen has accepted it, and take the steps which may be advisable 
in accordance with what I have said. The other points in your 
letter shall be answered later so as not to detain this post. Brussels, 
24th April 1559. 

29 April. 29. COUNT DE FERIA to the KING. 

I received your Majesty's letter of the 24th instant on the 27th 
and went to the palace the next day. After giving your Majesty's 
letter to the Queen I spoke to her in conformity with what had been 
written to me. IShe heard me as she had heard me many times 
before, only that on this occasion I spoke in your Majesty's name. 
Although I tried to frighten her all I could, I kept in view the 
necessity of not offending her as they have preached to her 
constantly that your Majesty and the king of France hold her of 
small account, and she thinks that the only thing she needs is to 
get rich. I smoothed her down a good deal in this respect making 
her understand that your Majesty was prompted only by your 
great affection for her and considered her harm or advantage as your 
own. She answered amiably that she thanked your Majesty for 
your message. Subsequently in conversation with me she said three 
or four very bad things. One was that she wished the Augustanean* 

* Otherwise the confession of Augsburg which had been first presented to the Emperor 
Charles V. on June 25, 1530. It was signed by John, alector of Saxony ) George 
marquis of Bradenburg ; Ernest duke of Luneiiburg ; Philip Landgrave of Hesse ( 
Wolfgang, prince of Annault and the imperial cities of Nuremberg and Reutlingen. The 
matter wa? supplied by Luther and the document wai drawn up by Melancthon. 
9 * 



confession to be maintained in her realm, whereat I was much 
surprised and found fault with it all I could, adducing the 
arguments I thought might dissuade her from it. She then told roe 
it would not be the Augustanean confession, but something else like 
it, aud that she differed very little from us as she believed that God 
was in the sacrament of the Eucharist, and only dissented from 
three or four things in the Mass. After this she told me she did 
not wish to argue about religious matters. I told her neither did 
I, but desired to know what religion it was that she wanted to 
maintain, as I understood that even those who were concerned in it 
were not agreed one with the other, as was the case with all the 
other heretics in Germany and everywhere else, and I was terrified 
to see that whereas the other princes were laying down their arms in 
order to cope with heresy, she with her kingdom tranquil and catholic, 
was doing her best to destroy religion ; and besides this that she 
wanted to revoke the good and holy laws that God, your Majesty 
and the late Queen had enacted here. If for no other reason than 
the great obligations she owed to your Mnjesty she should reconsider 
this matter. 1 for my part had done my best that your Majesty 
should not hear of the small respect that had been paid you in 
certain things so as to maintain the good relations which i desired 
to exist between you, but that the present state of things was very 
grave and so notorious that your Majesty could not fail to hear of 
it from other quarters even if I did not inform you. She answered 
that she only intended to revoke laws that had been passed by the 
late Queen before she married your Majesty. I told her it was all 
one as they had been confirmed and upheld aiter her marriage. She 
reminded me that she was her sister, but I pointed out how different 
one obligation was from the other. 

She also said that your Majesty well knew she had always been of 
the same opinion, and the Queen as well, but i assured her that your 
Majesty had never heard such a thing. She was very emphatic in 
saying that she wished to punish severely certain persons who had 
represented some comedies in which your Majesty was taken off. I 
passed it by and said that these were matter of less importance 
than the others, although both in jest and earnest more respect 
ought to be paid to so great a prince as your Majesty, and I knew 
that a member of her Council had given the arguments to construct 
these comedies, which is true for Cecil gave them, as indeed she 
partly admitted to me. 

She then said that as these were matters of conscience, she should 
in life and death remain of the same way of thinking, and would be 
glad of three hours' talk with your Majesty. At the end of the 
colloquy she said she hoped to be saved as well as the bishop of 
Rome. I told her of the good offices your Majesty had rendered to 
her with the Pope in order that he should not proceed against her, 
and asked her not to let them persuade her that this was a small 
matter, as for a schism less grave than heresy, a king of Navarre 
had been deprived of his kingdom by a sentence of the Pope, and 
remained without it to this day. I assured her that if the king of 
France had ordered her and the Council how to govern, they could 
not have acted more favourably for his ends than they had done, 



and as I saw the ruin of her and her realm and was grieved thereat, 
I could not refrain from telling her thus clearly and openly as she 
had heard me say many times before. She now saw that your 
Majesty ordered me to say the same tilings on your behalf so that no 
effort on your part should be wanting as from a good brother and 
friend. When I said any polite words of this sort in your Majesty's 
name she expressed her thanks, the other things being said to 
me in the course of conversation and not in reply to your Majesty. 
At last she asked me when I should despatch an answer to your 
Majesty, and I told her that on the previous day a courier had 
brought me this letter, and the answer would be the course she 
pursued in these affairs, and thus the matter rested. Many more 
things to the same effect were said with which I will not tire 
your Majesty. The courier came at a very opportune moment as 
some Catholics had sent to beg me to speak to the Queen before 
Pailiament closed, which will now be soon. Indeed I thought it 
would have ended this week, and it will certainly not pass next 
week. In any case I think that when Parliament closes, your 
Majesty should recall me as it would greatly alarm the wicked, and 
confirm the godly in the opinion they hold that your Majesty has 
ordered me to remain here only for this business. It is very 
troublesome to negotiate with this woman, as she is naturally 
changeable, and those who surround her are so blind and bestial 
that they do not at all understand the state of affairs. 

They talk a great deal about the marriage with archduke 
Ferdinand and seem to like it, but for my part I believe she will 
never make up her mind to anything that is good for her. Some- 
times she appears to want to marry him, and speaks like a woman 
who will only accept a great prince, and then they say she is in 
love with Lord Robert and never lets him leave her. If my spies 
do not lie, which I believe they do not, for a certain reason which 
they have recently given me I understand she will not bear children, 
but if the Archduke is a man, even if she die without any, he will 
be able to keep the kingdom with the support of your Majesty. I 
am of this opinion, and the reasons I have shall be placed before 
your Majesty when I arrive. I beg your Majesty to order this 
business of the Archduke's marriage to be well-considered and 
discussed, as the tranquillity of Christendom and stability of your 
Majesty's dominions depend upon it. 

I also spoke to the Queen and the Admiral about the ships which 
your Majesty writes me are being armed by Strangways and Wilford, 
and they promise me that the matter shall be remedied. 

1 have not yet been able to get the Cardinal's apology. The Queen 
has promised me that she will have search made in a trunk of 
papers she has belonging to the Cardinal, and if it is found she will 
give it to me. 

The Antwerp people have written to me about the robberies and 
insults committed in this country on their merchants both in the 
matter of the safe-conducts and the duties. Your Majesty has full 
particulars of all this and will order what you think best, but I 
know that by favour we shall do nothing with these people. 



I am informed to day that a Frenchman has arrived here who 
says that two or three days ago tha eldest son of the constable* will 
have left Paris to come hither and with him Monsieur de Noaillest 
to reside here as Ambassador. I should be glad to know before they 
arrive, if possible, how your Majesty desires me to bear myself 
toward them, as pending other instructions I think of sending to 
meet them on the road and invite them to be my guests on the first 
night of his arrival, so that people may see us very united and 

With the Chamberlain J there were going to France the sons of 
some of the lords here, young fellows like lord Strange and others 
of the same sort, at which I was not well pleased, as there is no need 
of their coming and chattering here of the splendours of the French 
court, so in the course of conversation I mentioned the matter to the 
Queen, and found she had already seen it and had forbidden their 
going, although at first she had given them leave. She thanked me 
heartily for reminding her of it. 

I pray your Majesty to write me what is to be done with these 
pensioners and servants, and especially with that former chamberlain 
of your Majesty. 

The bishop of ElyJ has spoken to-day in Parliament very well 
and like a good Catholic, saying that he will die rather than consent 
to a change of religion. 

Document eiwlorsed : " Copy of the letter written to His Majesty 
on the 29th April 1559." 

8 May. 30. The KING to the COUNT DE FERIA. 

By your letter of 29th ultimo I have learnt the steps you have 
taken with the Queen in conformity with our instructions to make 
known to her the danger and peril in which she is placing herself 
and her realm by wishing to alter the religion as she is doing. All 
you said to her was so much to the point and in such good terms 
that if she had not been obstinate and hardened in her opinion it 
would have sufficed to persuade and convince her of her error. 
Since however neither this nor other previous efforts have made her 
recognize it and look out for herself and her interests, and I have 
done my part in fulfilling what was due to the brotherhood and 
friendship I have for the Queen in trying sincerely to remedy 
the evil ; and seeing also the last reply given to you and the small 
hope it gives of any satisfactory result (to my great sorrow) as 
Parliament was so near closing, I think your departure will be 
very opportune when the Parliament rises. As you point out, it 
will be a great alarm to the heretics and will make the Catholics 
understand that your long stay has been principally on account of 
religious affairs, and the excuse of your being one of the persons 
named to go as my hostages to France for the conclusion of peace 

* Francois dc Montmorenci. See an interesting account of his reception in Calendar 
of State papers, Venetian, Vol. 7. 

t Gilles de Noailles, brother of Antoine and Fra^ois de Noailles, who had been 
successively French ambassadors in England in the previous reign. 

t Lord William Howard, first Lord Howard of Effinp;hairi. 

$ Eldest son of the earl of Derby. 

i] Thomas Thirlby. He was shortly afterwards deprived of his see, and remained for 
many years until his death a primmer of Archbishop Parker at Lambeth. 



is a very good one so far as the Queen is concerned.* As soon 
therefore as Parliament ends you can take leave of the Queen and 
come here, delivering to her the letter I L enclose you for the purpose, 
and whose tenor you will see by the copy, assuring her from me 
that if I can serve her in any way I shall be very glad if she will let 
me know how by you. You will try to leave her in as good humour 
as possible, managing this with your great tact and prudence as usual 
better than you can be told from here. Do not fail however to 
speak to her about religious affairs if you see it is of any avail. 

When you go to take leave of the Queen you will take with you 
the bishop of Aquila and present him to her saying (as I write to 
her also) that I have appointed him to reside at her court as my 
ambassador and am sure ehe will be pleased to treat with him as he 
possesses so many good qualities, and beg her that on your departure 
she will give him gracious audience whenever he desires it and entire 
faith and credit in all he may propose or say on my behalf. You 
will leave the Bishop well advised of all you may think necessary 
and order him to continue and carry forward the affairs you had 
commenced, giving us due advice of what he does in this respect and 
other details of what occurs there as you have done, and I write him 
to this effect by enclosed letter. A separate letter of credence only 
will be sent to him for the first matter in which, after your departure 
he may have to present himself to the Queen, as I think that 
will suffice for the present. I will have a proper salary appointed 
for him and will shortly resolve the other points concerning him, 
and will send you advice in another letter. 

As regards the marriage of the Queen with one of the archdukes 
my cousins the person who was to be sent by the Emperor to 
negotiate it has not arrived, but he cannot tarry much longer, and I 
shall be glad for you to employ all the good offices you find possible 
in order to leave the matter in a fair way. When you happily 
arrive here I shall be pleased to have your opinion as to the points 
to be considered in this business. 

If in fact steps have not beeu taken to prevent the voyage of the 
two ships which were being fitted out for the island of Madeira you 
will again speak to the Queen and Council about them as you see 
fit. If no conclusion is arrived at before your departure the Bishop 
must take care to follow it up. 

Respecting the insults offered there to our vassals and the confisca- 
tion of their goods against the tenor of our safe-conducts we have 
ordered Dr. Emery (Emereo), who has come about it to be heard and 
the documents sent by you to be examined, and after deciding what 
is to be done, the Bishop shall be duly advised as you will have 
already left. In the meanwhile no harm can be done by keeping the 
matter in hand and soliciting redress by every course which appears 

If Cardinal Pole's apology has not already been given to you, 
which you say they were to seek in his trunk of papers, I shall be 

* From this and subsequent references to the same subject it would appear that the 
choice of Feria as one of the Spanish hostages to France was a mere excuse, although 
contemporary diplomatists considered it a verj- deep move on the part of the French to 
free Elizabeth from the Count's influence in the matter of her marriage. See letter from 
Paolo Tiepolo to the Doge and Senate. Calendar of State Papers, Venetian, Vol. 7. 
:i 66529. li 




pleased for you to get them to use diligence in finding it, and you can 
bring it with you if it can be got before you leave, and if not the 
Bishop must look after it. 

In regard to your desire to know my will about your demeanour 
towards the son of the constable of France and Monsieur de Noailles 
I have only to say that I approve of what you had decided 
to do, namely to send and receive them and invite them to your 
lodgings as, for reasons you point out, it is very desirable that they 
and others should see that you treat them as friends. 

By your letter of 18th ultimo we see the details of the various 
pereons and servants of ours to whom you had paid their dues, which 
was well done, and as regards to what you say about paying off all 
the small folk and giving nothing more to the (paper torn) no use 
I leave you to do as you think most advisable. You will order the 
Chamberlain to be paid all that is owing of his wages and for the 
sable cloak which he claims to receive every year, you will pay him 
thirty pounds for each one he should have received, which was the 
arrangement made with him. 

You will also pay what is owing of the rent of the house where 
my mules were kept, according to the statement sent herewith signed 
by Diego Maldonado. 

Postscript : (In the handwriting of Philip II.) About dismissing 
the small folk and paying them off, do as you say. Do not give 
any more to the principal people, and when you arrive we will 
see what is advisable to be done. For any good they are at 
present I do not see any reason for giving them pensions or anything 

Signed: I the King. Brussels, 8th May 1559. 

10 May 31. COUNT DE FERIA to the KING. 

On the 29th ultimo I wrote to your Majesty and have not received 
any letter from your Majesty since. 

The news here is that Parliament closed the day before yesterday, 
Monday, and the Queen having confirmed what had been adopted, 
which I wrote to your Majesty, she now remains governess of the 
Anglican church. The Bishops and others who are considered 
Catholics are as firm as on the first day, and the bishop of Ely has 
honoured himself in the sight of Cod and the world, for the Catholics 
did not hold him in high esteem, and the heretics tried to gain him 
over by presents, but he determined to remain a good Catholic and 
an honest man. It is a great pity to see what is going on here. 
From Easter they will begin to say all the service everywhere 
in English, and they have already commenced to do so in the 
Queen's chapel. They tell me that everything is worse even than 
in the time of king Edward. Lord Chamberlain Howard spoke in 
Parliament very differently from what he gave signs of when the 
Queen first succeeded. All was to the effect that it was right that 
the Queen's wish should be complied with as they were all her 
subjects, and she could very well be head of the church, as king 
Henry and king Edward had been. 

I am told, although I am not very certain, that the bishop of 
Ely replied to him that this was not at all what he had heard him 



say before your Majesty's Commissioners and those of the king of 
France. In short, what can be said here to your Majesty is only 
that this country after thirty years of a government such as your 
Majesty knows, has fallen into the hands of a woman who is a 
daughter of the devil and the greatest scoundrels and heretics in 
the land. She is losing the regard of the people and the nobles, and 
in future will lose it still more now that they have brought the 
question of religion to an end. They make difficulties about giving 
licence to Catholics who want to leave the country. In the presence 
of the Queen the acting chancellor* told the Bishops that none of 
them were to go their houses without permission. They leave them- 
selves in the hands of God. They are excellent men, and have borne 
themselves bravely and piously. I am much surprised to see the 
harmony and understanding that exist amongst the godly who up 
to the present have shown no signs of wavering, and this makes me 
think that if there is to be a struggle it will be more hellish than 
ever. The saying of the service in English and the abolition of the 
Mass passed by three votes in the upper house, although the 
Bishops and some of the principal men opposed it strongly ; it is all 
roguery and injustice. The Catholics are in a great majority in 
the country and if the leading men in it were not ot so small account 
things would have turned out differently. It is quite impossible 
that the present state of affairs can last. 

I have not heard that anything more has been done on the other 
side about the marriage of the Archduke and not even what your 
Majesty had arranged in the business. I want the matter pressed 
so as to make this woman show her hand. Sometimes I think she 
might consent to it, and at other times that she will not marry 
and has some other design. Pickering arrived here on the night of 
Ascension Day and has been much visited by the Queen's favourites. 
She saw him secretly two days after his arrival, and yesterday he 
came to the palace publicly and remained with her four or five 
houra. In London they are giving 25 to 100 that he AV 11 be king. 
They tell me Lord Robert is not so friendly with him as he was, 
and I believe that on the first day that the Queen saw him 
secretly Lord Robert did not know of it, as he had gone hunting 
at Windsor. If these things were not of such great importance 
and so lamentable some of them would be very ridiculous. 

They are now making fewer presents to the Swedish ambassador, 
and he is still very constant in giving great gifts to the Queen 
and her adherents, in order to try and forward the marriage with 
his master. 

The Lord Chamberlain left for France yesterday, and Lord Strange 
and another lad called Lord Ferrars (Feris) still go with him, 
notwithstanding what the Queen told me on the matter, as I wrote 
to your Majesty on the 29th instant. No more truth is to be found 
here. They tell me that Wotton is to go with him as well, but I 
do not know for certain. 

The son of the Constable did not leave Paris when I wrote to 
your Majesty, as has since appeared. There are to come with him 

* Sir Nicholas Bacon. 

K 2 



a knight of the order, who has been governor of Metz,* and 
M. Noailles to remain as ambassador. 

The fleet with cloth and other goods which leaves here for 
Flanders has already sailed. I am assured that it carries 30,000 
cloths more than ever went before. There are altogether 85,000 
or 90,000 cloths, besides other goods. I have already written to 
your Majesty what I think on this matter, and since your Majesty 
has shown so much liberality and goodness to these people and so 
little has come of it, as we have seen, it is only waste of time to 
pursue further the same course, unless to lose more by it. 

Your Majesty's archers came to-day with the enclosed claim. I 
beg your Majesty to say what answer is to be given to them. 

I forgot to write to your Majesty that on St. George's Day they 
gave the Order to four gentlemen, and two vacancies remain to be 
filled up. Those who received it were the duke of Norfolk, the 
marquis of Northampton, who had it before he was attainted, the 
earl of Rutland, and Lord Robert. Bedford was much nggrieved that 
they did not give it to him. He is not such a favourite as was 
thought. The secretary (Cecil) Bacon, the treasurer of the household, 
and Lord Robert rule everything. 

It is to be supposed that when the Pope knows what has 
happened he will proceed against the Queen and people here, 
and it would be of great importance for him to be informed that 
in the time of Henry VIII. the whole Parliament consented without 
any contradiction whatever, except from the bishop of Rochester 
(Rofense) and Thomas More, whereas now not a single ecclesiastic 
has agreed to what the Queen has done and of the laymen in the 
lower chamber, and in the upper some opposed on the question of 
schism, and a great many opposed the heresies. 

It is veiy important that the Pope should except the. Catholics 
from excommunication, both to confirm and uphold them, and 
also because it is not just that the godly should suffer from the 
faults of the wicked, and your Majesty owes them this diligence 
with the rest. 

I will try to get a copy of the bull that was pronounced against 
king Henry and his kingdom, as, in it no one was excepted, and it 
will be a great consolation for the Catholics now to know that they 
are excepted. It is true that, legally, they say they would not be 
comprised, but everybody does not know this. The heretics will be 
greatly annoyed at it. 

Document endorsed : " Copy of letter written to his Majesty 
10th May 1859 from the Count de Feria." 

10 May. 32. The BISHOP OF AQUILA to the DUKE OF ALBA. 

simancas, By the Count's letter to the King you will see the state of things 

Add 26 056 ^ ere which is the most miserable that can be conceived. At eight 

o'clock on Monday the Queen went to Parliamentland exactly confirmed 

what they had adopted as they read it from a book, She only left 

open for consideration the clause where she is to take the title of 

head of the Church and for the present only assumes the style of 

* M. de Vielleville, knight of the Order of St. Michael and Governor of Metz. 



" Governor." This is said to have been done on the ground that 
she may marry and her husband might then take the title. It is 
only a question of words as " governor " and " head " after all mean 
the same thing. 

Yesterday they took the sacrament away from the palace chapel 
and some sort of mass was performed in English, as they are doing 
in many parish churches. The Bishops are ordered not to leave 
London without the Queen's consent. They say the oath will at 
once be proffered to them which they will not take, and that 
they will thereupon be all deprived at one blow, and the new 
Bishops put in their seats. The decree is to the effect that any person 
who shall oppose the doctrine prescribed by the Queen shall lose 
his patrimonial property (salaries ami ecclesiastical revenues being 
confiscated for a refusal to take the oath) for the first offence, and 
the second offence is punishable by death. An infinite number of 
people would leave the country if they would let them, which the}' 
will not, and I am not sure whether they are wise in this. 

The earl of Sussex pronounced an harangue in the upper house 
exhorting the Queen to uphold this law, and saying how vain would 
be all their efforts if the new enactment were not kept inviolate. 

One of the members of the lower house compared the Queen to 
Moses, saying that she had been sent b) T God to lead the people out 
of bondage. 

The heretics of our own times have never been such spoilt children 
of the devil as these are, and the persecutors of the early church were 
surely not impious enough to dare to pass such unjust acts as these. 
To force a man to do a thing whether he likes it or not has at all 
events some form, however unjust, but to force him to see a thing 
in the same light as the King sees it is absurd, and has no form either 
just or unjust; and yet such is the ignorance here that they pas? such 
a thing as this. Religion here now is simply a question of policy, 
and in a hundred thousand ways they let us see that they neither 
love nor fear us. London, 10th May Io59. 

24 May. 33. From the BISHOP OF AQUILA* to the KING. 

I received your Majesty's letter of the 8th instant, ordering me to 
remain here for your Majesty's service, following the instructions 
to be given to me by the count de Feria. The latter took me to the 
Queen, who received me graciously, and promised to hear willingly 
whatever I had to say on your Majesty's behalf, and I will take care, 
as your Majesty orders me, to advise you fully of all that happens 

With regard to present events and state of affairs in tliis country, 
the count will be able to inform your Majesty direct, and I have 
now only humbly to salute your Majesty in gratitude for deigning 
to make use of my services. Here and -.Isewhrre I will employ my 

* Don Alvaro di- la Quadra was bon: in Kaj'ls "f n^'" Spanish parent:-, and after a 
brilliant career ir. the ranks of the lower clcrr\ , wits consecrated bishop of Vcno.-a in 
Naples, in 1542, which see he resigned in 1,">5I. Two years afterwards Charles V. 
appointtu him to the bishopric of Aquila in the kingdom of Naples. He coniiuned for 
the rest of his life to discharge 1 delicate and important missions for his sovereigns with the 
most exquisite diplomacy and tact. Shortly after his appointment sis ambassador in 
Kngland he resigned his see of Aquila, and thenceforward tin; t-lyle is gradually changed, 
as will be seen in the letters to " Bishop Quadra." 



Lest efforts to succeed in fulfilling my instructions with the care, 
fidelity, and diligence which I am bound to display in your 
Majesty's service. London, 24th May 1559. 


Simancas, The Emperor's ambassador came to this house, and was so deter- 
?J ?L^'' mined to stay that there was no resisting him, and the countess (of 

Add 26,056a. _, . % ' , 1,11 i xm. j.i_ r T j 

Fena) was good enough to lodge him in the rooms that 1 occupied. 
He hears more masses than his master. He and I had audience 
to-day as I thought better we should go together. He was dismissed 
very blankly at first, but the business was set on foot again, and 
with at least some hope that they will think of it. They will not 
hear Ferdinand's name mentioned. They have no doubt heard that 
he is not of their way of thinking. They say Charles has a head 
bigger than that of the earl of Bedford. 

The Queen says that she has taken a vow to marry no man whom 
she has not seen, and will not trust portrait painters and a thousand 
other things of the usual sort. They are very anxious to please us, 
and say that if it were not for the impediment of relationship the 
other affair would have been brought off. I answer them fittingly, 
and we are quite harmonious. It is now decided that a committee 
of the Council is to discuss the matter with us. This ambassador 
does exactly as he is told, neither more nor less, and he is quite 
a good fellow, but this must surely be the first negotiation he ever 
conducted in his life. The Queen sent Huusdori, her cousin, to see 
him to-day, and they make much of him. We shall see how it 
will end. London, 29th May 1559. 

30 May. 35. The BISHOP of AQUILA to the KING. 

The Count de Feria has left here, and Montmorency who arrived 
on the same day, Tuesday, went to visit the Queen next day. On 
Thursday, Corpus Christi, he went to the palace to take the 
oath from the Queen. The latter seated herself near the altar and 
ordered Montmorency and the others to sit by her. Several prayers 
and psalms were said in English and the terms were then read 
although the Queen ordered many of them to be passed over as she 
said she was well informed about them. When they were finished 
she and Montmorency rose and advanced to the altar, where he took 
a bible which was resting on it and asked the Queen whether she 
was willing to swear the observance of these terms as the King his 
master was to do that very day before her ambassadors. She 
answered with both her hands resting on the book that she would 
do so. and a great deal more in proof of her friendship with his 
King. They dined and supped there that day, and the usual rejoicings 
took place, and on the following day they went to worship. On 
this day three of the hostages arrived, the fourth, who was the 
Provost of Paris, having been wounded in a quarrel with his father- 
in-law, as Cecil told me. making a joke of it I do not know why. 
On the following Saturday after dinner Montmorency took them to 
the palace, where the Queen received them in the first chamber and 
they took the usual oath. Yesterday, Sunday, those who had to 
leave departed, the ambassador Noailles and the three hostages 
remaining behind. I do not think they went very well pleased, and 



are loss so now as I hear they went rather beyond the bounds on both 
sides and there were some squabbles amongst the servants in the palace, 
but of no great importance. The Catholics here murmur greatly 
that Montmorency should have been present at the solemnity and 
ceremonies with which the oath was presented, since, if the oath 
were not to be taken with the formalities of the Catholic church it 
might have been administered in a room without any religious 
solemnities at all. If they had done so and he had given more 
thought to religion lie would not have lost anything here in my 
opinion, but they have conducted themselves in a very boyish 

On Friday morning Baron Rabenstayn, the Emperor's ambassador, 
arrived here and came to lodge in this house, which belongs to the 
count de Feria, where all honour and good treatment are shown him. 
He besought an audience through Challoner and the lords of the 
Council and I solicited audience for myself to accompany him and 
give him what aid I could as your Majesty commands in your letter 
of 17th instant. We were received on Sunday at one and found the 
Queen very fine in her presence-chamber looking on at the dancing. 
She kept us there a long while and then entered her room, and I 
presented your Majesty's letter and asked her agreeably with what 
had previously been said on your Majesty's behalf, to consider 
how suitable in all respects would be her marriage with a son of 
the Emperor, with which object the ambassador came, and I begged 
her to hear him and decide the matter with the prudence and wisdom 
which God had given her, and which were so great that I had no doubt 
she would easily discern how advisable such a match would be. I 
did not name the archduke, because, as 1 suspected, she would reply 
excluding both of them, I did not wish to give her an opportunity 
of doing so. She at once began, as I feared, to talk about not 
wishing to marry and wanted to reply in that sense, but I cut short 
the colloquy by saying that I did not seek an answer and only 
begged of her to hear the ambassador and reply to him when she 
thought proper. I then stood aside a little and left her alone with 
the German. Whilst he was with her I took Cecil apart and talked to 
him about this business and others to see what he would say. I 
understood from him, although not by his words, that the Queen 
would refuse the match with one of the Emperor's sons, thinking 
that the archduke Ferdinand would be proposed, as he is only one 
that these people have any knowledge of and they have quite made 
up their minds that he would upset their heresy. He then began 
to relate the various offers of marriage that had been made, and 
wanted to draw me out about some of them, such as that of the duke 
de Nemours and tho^e of Englishmen. I told him my dispassionate 
judgment of them, and it ended in his wanting to satisfy me about 
your Majesty's offer. He said that it' had riot been for the impedi- 
ment of affinity the Queen would have married your Majesty, but 
the matter involved religious questions such as the dispensory power 
of the Pope, which it would be fruitless now to discuss as the offer 
had fallen through. I purposely avoided answering him although 
really I was glad to have the opportunity of talking over these 
matters with him to dissipate the suspicion which I think he and 



his friends have that they have iiicurred your Majesty's anger by their 
change of religion. I therefore answered him without any reproach 
or complaint, and only said that what had been done in the kingdom 
certainly seemed to me very grave, severe and ill-timed, but that I 
hoped in God, and, if He would some day give us a council of bishops 
(Concilio) or a good Pope who would reform the customs of the 
clergy, and the abuses of the court of Rome, which apparently had 
scandalized the provinces, all the evil would be remedied and God 
would not allow so noble and Christian a nation as this to be 
separated in faith from the rest of Christendom to its grave peril. 
With regard to your Majesty's marriage I said that God had ordered 
all for the best in this great and weighty matter, and I then turned 
the conversation again to the marriages. He told me the Queen had 
been informed that the Archduke had a head larger than that of the 
earl of Bedford, and was unfit to govern, and other things showing 
rather more openly than hitherto a desire that the Queen should 
many. The ambassador here ended his interview with the Queen, 
quite despairing of the business, but dismissed with great complements 
and polite phrases. When I saw this I returned to her and asked 
her pardon, but said your Majesty's earnest desire to see this marriage 
brought about made me bold, as I had good reason to be, and I begged 
her to consider that in a matter of this gravity touching the welfare 
and tranquillity of their kingdoms and those of their neighbours kings 
and queens could not always follow their own desires to the prejudice 
of those of their subjects without doing great wrong and grievous 
sin, and therefore she should not consult her own inclination about 
her marriage but should look at the ruin that would come to her 
country by her doing so. I said that when she had resolved how 
to act in this case she should treat of her intention frankly and 
sincerely with the Emperor in order that no cause of offence should 
be given to him. She knew, I said, how honestly and kindty the 
worthy Germans negotiated and should, in order to come to a proper 
decision, truly inform herself of what it behoved her to know, as I 
heard that they had represented the archduke to her as a young 
monster and the contrary of what he is, for although both brothers 
were comely, this one who was offered to her now was the younger 
and more likely to please her than the other who had been spoken of 
before. I thought best to speak in this way as I had understood in 
my talk with Cecil that it was Ferdinand they dreaded, and I wanted 
to see how she would answer about the other one and so to clear 
the ground and find out whether all this means a desire not to marry 
at all or simply to avoid a Catholic husband which in my opinion is 
the principal object of the Queen and her associates in heresy. She 
was all attention at this and asked me of whom I was speaking. I 
told her the younger brother and not Ferdinand, of whom the 
Emperor thought he could not avail himself for ihis purpose, whereas; 
Charles possessed extremely good and fitting qualities which I 
recounted at length. She was a long while demurring and doubting 
and telling me she was sure I was mistaken as they had spoken to' 
her only of Ferdinand. When she was quite satisfied about this by 
your Majesty's letter (whereat, as I thought, she was pleased) she 
went back again to her nonsense and said she would rather be a nun 



than marry without Knowing with whom and on the faith of portrait 
painters. We continued at this for some time wasting words and at 
last she said she was resolved not to marry except to a man of worth 
whom she had seen and spoken to, and she asked me whether I 
thought the archduke Charles would come to this country that she 
might see him. I said that I could well believe that he would do so 
willingly, young man as he was, but I thought his father would not 
consent to it, not on account of the danger of which there was none, 
but for his own dignity's sake, and that of the business itself. She 
repeated this several times. I do not know whether she is jesting, 
which is quite possible, but I really believe she w r ould like to arrange 
for this visit in disguise. I turned it to a joke and said we had 
better discuss the substance of the business which was after all the 
" yes " or " no " as to her own wishes, and that with regard to her 
satisfaction with the individual, I would undertake that he would 
not displease her, and that the archduke had everything to gain by 
showing himself. 

Finally it was settled that she should call the German back again 
and tell him that at my prayer she was pleased to depute some of 
her Council to hear his proposal and to give her their advice, 
although she was resolved not to trust painters, but was determined 
to see and know the man who was to l>e her husband. We there- 
upon left ; the German very well pleased that the affair had been 
set on foot again after he had been, as he thought dismissed. On 
Monday at three we were summoned and were listened to by the 
earls of Pembroke, and Bedford, the Admiral, treasurer Parry, 
Bacon and Cecil. The ambassador spoke to them according to his 
instructions, and they answered that they would refer and discuss 
the matter with the Queen, showing pleasure at the proposal. I told 
them afterwards also that I thought they should know before 
discussing it how great would be the satisfaction of your Majesty if 
the marriage could be brought about, both on account of the Queen's 
own happiness and the welfare of her subjects, arid also in the 
interest of the lasting alliance and union between your Majesty 
and her which this marriage would tend to perpetuate. They 
answered me very civilly at great length and appeared to give much 
importance to this aspect of the question, more indeed than to any 
other, and we then left on their assurance that they would inform 
us of the Queen's pleasure later on. \\'e shall see what she answers, 
and I will send a courier at once. 

It seems to me that this ambassador has instructions to take no 
notice of religious matters and is willing to let them do as they like. 
The evil of this is not in saying it, but in doing it, and on this I 
need not enlarge, but only advise your Majesty of it. 

He tells me that some of these people have asked him whether it is 
true that certain differences exist between your Majesty and the 
Emperor, and he has told them that it is not. If he had said it was 
true I do not think he- would have lost anything by it. 

Pickering entertains largely and is very extravagant.* He himself 
always dines apnrt with music playing. He asked after the ambassador 

* " hace plato y gasta largo." 



on the day he arrived, and said the Queen would laugh at him, and 
all the rest of them as he (Pickering) knew she meant to die a 

Robert is as highly favoured as usual. The Swedish ambassador 
was summoned the other day by the Queen who told him she wished 
to show her gratitude to his master who had sought her in the day 
of her simplicity, and asked him to teli her whether his ambassadors 
were coming as she was being pressed with other marriages. They 
are constantly getting presents out of him in this way. 

On Sunday last they had a procession of the holy sacrament in 
Canterbury, in which there were 3,000 people and many worthy 
people of the country round. 

Whilst I was writing this letter a German here called Dr. Martin 
came to speak to the ambassador, sent by the earl of Bedford 
and others of the Council to say that they were veiy well 
pleased with the proposal he made yesterday, but they will not 
remain so if the name of archduke Ferdinand is mentioned as they 
know he is very bad and a persecutor of those who follow the gospel. 
The ambassador says he answered that if he was to tell the truth 
he could not deny what they said, and for that reason the Emperor 
had thought that Charles would be more suitable in this country as 
he was more peaceable and docile and would be more easily directed 
by the Emperor in matters tending to the welfare of the kingdom. 
I told him (the ambassador) that he had answered wisely because 
these wicked ones have to be answered according to their wickedness. 
The Swedish ambassadors are expected here very shortly. After I 
had written thus far this afternoon the Queen sent for this German 
ambassador and he went alone, which I thought was best as she 
might want, as she did, to speak to him about religion. He says 
she plied him with a thousand silly stories. She said one thing, 
however, that I think was meant for a hint, although he did not under- 
stand it. It was that one of her fools told her that it was current in 
London that the gentleman who acted as the ambassador's chamberlain 
was really the archduke Charles who had come thus in order to gee 
the Queen. In my opinion this only meant that the archduke might 
come in this fashion to see and be seen which she hinted to me 
last Sunday. She does not want the ambassador to leave, but to 
write to the Emperor and await the reply which he has promised to 
do; she writing as well. With regard to the coming of other 
ambassadors she said she could not promise to settle anything, but 
would be willing to discuss with them any matter he wished. 

With respect to the Archduke's coining here, which is her usual 
topic, he (the ambassador) tells me she says he had better not give 
his roaster so much trouble in order to see so ugly a lady as she, and 
when he asked her whether she wished him to write this she told 
him certainly not on her account as she did not mean to marry. 

This good man, however, who is not the most crafty person in the- 
world, says he thinks she is willing. After spending a good while 
on this chat she turned to the subject of the Emperor and his sons, 
and said she heard that the Emperor was a virtuous, just and worthy 
prince, and that Maximilian was a noble and Christian gentleman and 
a lover of the true religion. She heard that Ferdinand was only fit 



to pray to God for his father and brothers as he was so strong a 
Catholic, which she laughed at, but that she knew nothing about 
Charles, and then she waited to hear what the ambassador would 
answer. He says he i-eplied that the archduke Charles was a very 
worthy gentleman and an obedient son, and he therefore had never 
departed from the path in which his father had put him, but he never- 
theless was a man of knowledge and would be able to govern his 
subjects well. I see the ambassador is somewhat embarrassed at this 
point, as indeed I am myself to hear his account of the conversation. 
For my part I believe he opened out a good deal more than he tells me, 
and, as I have said twice, in affairs of this description I do not condemn 
words but only intentions and acts as great good may be done, and 
if it fail to be done great harm may come of it. This ambassador 
up to the present is very straightforward with me and does not 
depart from the course he is advised to pursue. I do not know 
whether when Bedford sees him to-morrow he will advise him to 
avoid my company. I have warned him that he may do so. He 
appears to be very pleased with the way things have gone up to the 
present and with the good offices of your Majesty to his master to 
whom he will write in three or four days. 

Although what your Majesty has often heard from the Count de 
Feria in respect to the marriage is no doubt highly probable, yet I 
cannot help thinking that, so clearly is the need for her to marry 
being daily more understood by herself and her advisers, notwith- 
standing her disinclination to say yes, I need not despair of her 
listening to the proposal, at all events until other ambassadors 
arrive to engage the attention of her advisers, for afterwards she 
will not scruple to serve them in the same way she is serving this 
one. The whole business for these people is to avoid any engagement 
that will upset their wickedness. I believe that when once they are 
satisfied about this they will not be averse to Charles. I am not 
sure about her for I do not understand her. Amongst other qualities 
which she says her husband must possess is that he should not sit 
at home all day amongst the cinders, but should in time of peace 
keep himself employed in warlike exercises. London, 30th May 1559. 

36. From the SAME to the SAME. 

By the Emperor's servant Martin Danda I informed your Majesty 
on the 6th instant of the news here up to that date. Since then it is 
said that the disturbances in Scotland between the Catholics and the 
heretics have somewhat calmed down owing to the Regent's* having 
punished some of the rioters, and having stayed some days in the 
town of St. John (Perth) making inquiries, and also in consequence 
of the capture or flight of the preacher Knox who had been the 
cause of the rising. These heretics here say nobody has been 
punished, but that tranquillity has been obtained by a general pardon 
from the Queen by accord of all parties. However that may be, 
these people are sorry it has turned out as it has and the Catholics 
pleased, as they think that what has happened there has been 
favourable to religion, and that the king of France is not so neutral 

* Mary of Lorraine, queen dowager of Scotland, widow of James V. 



as they make him out to be here, and he therefore has not lost 
anything in the esteem of the Catholics on thai account. There 
has been a great rumour here this week that the Scots would not 
agree to the conditions made by this Queen with the king of France 
as regards the demolition of the frontier fortresses, and that the 
Queen Regent had answered the English Commissioners that as the 
English had changed their religion they need not think they were 
going to trust them or destroy the frontier fortresses, and the Queen 
Regent suspected that the disturbances had been fomented by the 
heretics here. 

Although I have used all diligence I do not know whether I have 
found out the truth. The members of the Council here declare that 
in consequence of the tumults having taken place at the time the 
Scotch Commissioners were to meet to ratify the peace with the 
English the former could not attend, but that they have now advice 
that they have met again and peace will be concluded without fail. 
They try all they can to make light of the danger, but I have good 
reason to know that suspicion existed here, even on the part of the 
Queen, and still exists ; that these were merely delays and excuses 
to avoid doing what had been promised. They were already 
beginning to say in the Council that even if these fortresses were 
not demolished peace should still be concluded notwithstanding and 
alleging that it was of small importance as soon as the fortification 
of Berwick is finished and they despatched a courier to their 
ambassador in France on the subject. It is incredible the fear these 
people are in of the French on the Scotch border, and if they were 
not so confident of the impotence of the French king to make war 
upon them for many years to come owing to the many heretics 
they say there are in France, who they hope would harass him, 
they would certainly give themselves up for lost as they well know 
their own weakness, and the many adhei^ents the Frenchman would 
have here as the legitimate heir and defender of religion. They 
have just begun to carry out the law against the Bishops, and have 
in fact deprived the bishop and dean of London, casting them out of 
their church, changing the services and doing away with the holy 
sacrament, which was done last Sunday the llth instant. It appears 
now that they find a difficulty in giving legal form to this depriva- 
tion, as the doctors here say the Bishops cannot be deprived for 
disobeying this law, whose adoption and promulgation they have 
always opposed and resisted, alleging that it cannot be enforced 
according to the custom of the realm as it is made in opposition of 
the whole ecclesiastical body. They would not take this into 
consideration, as they ought to have done, before the Queen con- 
firmed the Acts of Parliament, and it is thus clear that what they 
are now doing is through fear of disturbance in the country and of 
putting weapons in the hands of their enemies. I am assured that 
the majority of the Council are not pleased that this religious 
question has been carried so far and great division and confusion 
reign amongst them. The judges of England, as they are called, 
who have come here for the terms have refused to swear and have 
gone to their homes as they have not dared to press them about it. 
The same thing will happen to many others, and it is thought they 

1 n 



will not dare to press anyone as they had intended. They say 
Bacon has begged the Queen to give the seal to someone else as he 
fears to hold it, but notwithstanding all this the Queen and her 
partizans are more steadfast than ever, and more determined to 
carry out this undertaking. The number and constancy of the 
Catholics however frighten them, because they see that they have 
not been able to gain over a single man of them either with pro- 
mises, threats, or by any other means. They have offered the 
archbishop of York all his revenue, and will not administer the oath 
to him on condition that he consents to the appointment of heretic 
vicar-general, but neither he nor others to whom similar offers have 
been made have consented. This confused state of things still exists, 
and I do not know how it will be settled as there are difficulties in 
depriving them (the bishops) and if they do not deprive them no one 
will execute the Queen's command nor change the religion of their 
churches as they are Catholic ministers. 

The French ambassador has refused to let the subjects of his king 
pay the duties newly imposed, but only those which were paid 
formerly before the war broke out, nor will he consent that those 
who go backward or forward between France and Scotland shall be 
called upon to show what money they carry or be searched, or that 
they should pay anything for the passport they obtain. These 
people here feel these matters keenly, but put up with them all, and 
pretend to make light of them, so as not to attract the notice of their 
neighbours, and on the other hand they are grieved to hear from 
Italy that if it were not for your Majesty the Pope would proceed 
against the Queen. It is wonderful how maliciously they stand 
aloof from any of your Majesty's affairs, and how they put the worst 
construction upon everything that is done for them.' 

The emperor's ambassador is very delighted and is in high favour 
with the Queen in appearance. She makes her intimates think that 
she is favourable to the archduke's affair, and her women all believe 
such to be the case, as do the people at large, but there is really no 
more in it than there was the first day, and I believe for my part 
that she is astutely taking advantage of the general opinion to 
reassure somewhat the Catholics who desire the match and to 
satisfy others who want to see her married and are scandalised at 
her doings. 

She has told the ambassador how earnestly your Majesty has 
endeavoured to bring about this marriage with the archduke. 

She has just given 12,000?. to Lord Robert as an aid towards his 

The cloistered clergy here (religiosos) have all license to go and 
have already begun to depart. They are being given alms for the 
purpose in your Majesty's name. There has arrived here from 
Geneva a physician Tof Toledo, a great heretic. I do not know what 
sort of man he is only that he has come here to live, and was to go 
to-day to the palace -to speak with the Queen. He says he has 
come to know God. The Flemish heretics are multiplying greatly. 
Whole families are coming with women and children, and their own 
preachers who are those that principally spread their wickedness. 
I do not know whether it would be advisable to take some steps 



in Flanders to let them know that they, at all events, are being 
looked after. London, 19th June 1559. 

25 June. 37. The KINO to BISHOP QUADRA. 

The collar of the Golden Fleece worn by Henry VIII. has not 
been restored. He is instructed to apply for it and send it with 
all care, and if it cannot be obtained to inform the King thereof so 
that another collar can be made before the chapter of the order to be 
held at Ghent in the beginning of July. 

Document endorsed : " To Bishop Quadra from Brussels 25th June 

25 June. 38. The COUNT DE FERIA to the BISHOP OF AQUILA. 

Simancas My only consolation is that I see the Queen and her councillors 

Add. 26056a. w ^ ^ ^ urne( i ou t an( ^ treated as they deserve and that God will 
strike for his own cause. As for us the devil himself may fly away 
with us if that is brought about. Brussels, 25th June 1559. 

27 June. 39. BISHOP QUADRA to the KING. 

On the 14th instant I wrote to your Majesty that Scotch affairs had 
somewhat calmed down, and I now hear that they have again become 
disturbed. An Englishman called Cuthbert Vaughan* (Coubertra- 
ham) has arrived with this news and relates that the Queen Regent 
after the first encounter between her people and the heretics, in which 
some Frenchmen were killed, was pleased to pacify the country by 
giving a general pardon, leaving religious questions to be dealt with 
at the next meeting of Parliament. This divided people and 
somewhat tranquillised affairs. The Queen Regent afterwards learnt 
that the heretic preachers and some of the leaders were assembled 
in a certain place in order to take council about their affairs, and as 
she considered this a breach of the agreement she determined to 
catch them when they were together. She had troops secretly 
prepared for the purpose, but the others nevertheless got wind of it 
and gathered so many men of their own that the Queen who had 
sallied from Edinburgh to fall upon them was obliged to fly back 
again for safety. It is said that when she arrived at Edinburgh she 
found the castle closed against her, and she was then forced to retreat 
towards the English frontier and throw herself into one of the 
fortresses that were to be demolished. They say too that the heretics 
were either coming against her or would remain before Stirling. 
The gentleman says that affairs remained in this state and troops 
were expected from France with the Duke D'Aumale. The news 
has been received here with great pleasure by the Queen and her 
friends and it is publicly said that the Scotch heretics are acting 
with the favour and accord of this Queen who has instigated them 
and allowed them to receive help. They say it is also with the 
countenance of the duke of Chatelherault, who is a great heretic and a 
comely young fellow of twenty-two, with whom this Queen might.chink 

* Captain Cuthbert Vaughan had been sent back from Berwick by lord Eure for 
insubordination of which he had been guilty on former occasions also, but he had friends 
at court and was soon allowed to rejoin the forces with a grant of 200/. for his expenses. 



of marrying if by any means he were to become king of Scotland, which 
they hope, not only because the Queen Dauphiness is suffering from 
a certain incurable malady, but also by means of a rising of the people 
who conspire against the French and make the question of religion 
their pretext. This is quite current here, and the heretics and 
adherents of the Queen affirm it publicly. They are making 
extraordinary preparations besides ordering the harquebusses and 
field pieces lately, as I advised your Majesty some time since, and 
they assert that they are to raise 2,000 men as a body guard for the 
Queen, but I am not sure of my authority for this. They are also 
fitting out certain ships to go in search of the pirates called 
Strangways and Wilford, who have made some important captures 
from Portuguese merchants in Antwerp. 

The news is that in the neighbourhood of Winchester they have 
refused to receive the church service book, which is the office which 
these heretics have made up, and the clergy of the diocese had 
assembled to discuss what they should do. No mass was being said, 
whereat the congregations were very disturbed. 

Last week they summoned five bishops to the Council and proffered 
them the oath with great promises and threats as well, but none of 
them would swear and they were ordered yesterday to return to the 
house of the sheriff of London whither they brought also the two 
bishops from the Tower* and again tried to persuade them to swear, 
but they would not. They were greatly and mocked at, 
and at last were ordered not to leave London until after September, 
and to go no further away than Westminster under pain of 5QQL 
each, and they had to find bail for this amount. The two were 
taken back to prison and both they and the others deprived of their 
preferments de facto, since by law the doctors are still of opinion 
that they cannot be deprived for refusing to swear to the laws of 
the country. They themselves (i.e. the doctors) refuse to swear. 
They summoned the bishop of Ely with the other five and afterwards 
sent to say that he need not come until they sent for him again. 
It is said that he is steadfast. Dr. Wotton was summoned by the 
Queen the other day and was with her a long time. They say he 
took the oath although it has not been made public, and I do not 
know for certain. It has been suspected for some time that he 
would do so. The displeasure of the people with the Queen is still 
increasing, and the causes of it go on the same as ever, especially now 
that they are demanding with great rigour the taxes which were to 
be payable at the end of July. 

On Wednesday she (the Queen) went to Greenwich, where she is 
very solitary, as many of them have gone to their estates. She has 
ordered Pickering, with whom she had long conversations lately, 
to be given lodgings in the palace, and they say she has made him a 
member of the Council. 

They are as usual caressing the Emperor's ambassador, whereat the 
French have been, and are, somewhat jealous, and the German 
hearing of it, and that they invited and feasted him for the purpose of 
getting something out of him, I advised him to speak to the Queen 
about it to see what she would reply. He says that as soon a.s he 

* White bishop of Winchester and Watson bishop of Lincoln. 



began to speak about it the Queen answered that she knew full 
well that there were many reasons why the French should be 
annoyed at this marriage being discussed, and they were right in 
dreading it ; and she informed him that not only had they set spies 
about him, and bribed the people of her own chamber to learn what 
was being done, but they had actually discussed the matter with 
the members of her Council in a most barefaced way, saying that 
they were much surprised that the Queen had so soon forgotten the 
signal services her subjects had recently rendered her, and that she 
would not now condescend to marry one of them. The ambassador 
says she was very vexed at this, and again said to him that she would 
die a thousand deaths rather than rnarry one of her subjects, but for 
all this he does not seem to have got any further than usual with 
his master's affair. 

Since then the Marquis de Nesle, who is one of the hostages, said 
to the ambassador that if they thought this marriage of the archduke 
would result in prejudice to their King they could not fail to oppose 
it by every means in their power although the forces of the King of 
France had little reason to fear those of any other nation, and other 
things, with what foundation I know not. They, the hostages, are 
doing their best here to make friends and take great care to find out 
everything that is going on all over the country. The Queen knows 
this well and dissembles with them although she and hers are vexed 
enough at it and understand the object with which it is all done. 
London, 27th June 1559. 

28 June. 40. The BISHOP OF AQUILA to the KING. 

Last night I despatched a courier with news of the tumults in 
Scotland and afterwards the Emperor's ambassador returned from 
audience with the Queen at Greenwich, and he tells me that certain 
things passed between them which I think well to send your Majesty 
an account of at once. He says that in his business she put him oft 
with the usual excuses and delays, and that he understood from her 
that she was not really thinking of this marriage, and if she thinks 
of any it is that with the duke of Chatelherault, with whom, she told 
him, her father wished to betroth her when she was a child, but that 
she never liked him, and other things about the business with which 
the ambassador thinks she is pleased. 

At last she told him that the duke was already out of the hands 
of the king of France, and had escaped notwithstanding that the King 
had sent his portrait to many of the ports that they might prevent 
him from getting away. She said the King thought the Duke was 
hidden in England, but she believed he was mistaken, or at least if 
the Duke was here she did not know it, but she knew well that he 
was lately in a certain kingdom, and thereupon, the ambassador says, 
she smiled and looked archly. She afterwards appears to have 
repented for saying so much, and begged him earnestly not to 
repeat it to anybody,* as she knew the King of France was bursting 

* The earl of Arran to whom this referred had not arrived in England at the time 
although the Queen and her friends were busy devising means for his safe coming hither. 

Kandolph and Killigrew were successively sent to Throgmorton in Paris to plan with 
him how best to rescue Arran from the French King who had ordered his capture dead 
or alive. The Queen writes to Throgmorton under date of 17th July 1559. "Touching 



with rage at this and she did not wish to make him burst any more. 
I would not dare to write such a thing as this if I had not received it 
from this German, who is a worthy man, and seems to act straight- 
forwardly. The public talk is that she (the Queen) will marry this 
Duke and will help him to get possession of the kingdom of Scotland, 
and all this to subdue the Catholics and spread her sect. She has 
heresy so implanted in her very bones that it is certainly to be 
feared that the devil may make her his instrument for doing great 
evil. If what she now says, that the Duke is in this island, be true 
it would be well to devise some remedy and look well ahead. If it 
be a joke nothing more can be said than that this woman has not 
much sense. Your Majesty will be better able to judge what there 
is in it, and I only send news of what occurs here and what can be 
gathered from the public talk. The Queen's own manner of speaking, 
as related by the ambassador, seems to confirm the vulgar rumour. 
London : 1st July 1559. 

1 July. 41. The BISHOP OF AQUILA to the KING. 

On ihe 27th and 28th ultimo I wrote t > your Majesty. About 
three days since Thomas Randolph, brother of the Randolph one of 
your Majesty's servants, arrived here from France and at once went 
to see the Queen. He told her how the Dauphin had ordered the 
arms of England to be emblazoned with his own in many places, and 
it was said he would shortly proclaim himself king of England. 
Randolph says that after the Queen had heard all about it, she told him 
that she would take a husband who would give the king of France 
some trouble, and do him more hann than he expected. She gave 
him 200 ducats and ordered him to return to I rauce immediately. 
He was to leave last night. 

I hear that the duke of Chatelherault is in England and very near 
London. The day before yesterday Cecil after having been in and 

" the carle of Arrayne as their hearers can declare unto you we be desyroose that he 
" should be helped from Geneva into this realme or into Scotland and for that purpose our 
" meaning shall better appear in the memorial in ciphre sent you." The memorial 
contains the following : " The sauff convoying of the earl of Arrayne hithei unto this realme 
" or Scotland seemeth here a thing both profitable and needful. The doing of it cannot 
" be here prescribed but is referred to your discretion -wherein you shall deserve great 
" commendation." " It must be done secretly as well in respect of the Emperor's subjects 
" and friends and the King Catholique's iis of the French's." " Ye must needs take chardge 
" to appoint one for the expedition of the earl of Arrayn from Geneva.'' Forbes. 

The Queen writes to Throgmorton again on the 19th July " Common charity, the 
" honour of the partye and our own experience of such lyke calamities moveth us to 
" have compassion, and therefore we wold that ye should employ your wisdome how 
'' he might be safely councilied to preserve himself from the danger of the Frenche king 
" and the Guises. Wherein although there may be many other wayes deviged yet we see 
" not presently if he should be forced to depart thence (which we would not without 
" evident necessity) than ether persona dissimukta to goo to Geneva and there to 
" remain muill tyme shall reveale him furder counsell ; or els to come into our ile of 
' Jersaye, and so to I'limmouth or Hampton and so to pass into Scotland." Forbes. 
Killigrow arrived in Paris on the 22nd July but Throgniorton had already sent Randolph 
to ( hatelherault to convey the Earl, disguised, in all haste to Geneva or Zurich. They 
travelled as merchants and visited Peter Martyr at Zurich and started from Lausanne for 
England on the 6th July, Arran travelling under the assumed name of M do licaufort, 
and in a letter from Sir Kalph Sadlf-r to Cecil dated 10th September 15.VJ (_Saiilor |>:IJHTS) 
the writer says "He was safely delivered in Terydale into occ of his friend s hum!* ilmt 
" undertoke to convey him survlye and secretlye to his father, mid \\eh;nci:ow tvrtaiti 
" advertisement that he is safely in Hamilton Custell with his father." 
a 66529. F 



out several times with advices for the Queen left Greenwich suddenly 
with only two servants. I have been unable to find out whither he 
has gone although I have tried to do so in several ways but the 
accounts all differ. I am sure he has gone to speak with the Duke, 
and we shall soon have news of this marriage, for it is not to be 
believed that they would have received the Duke at such a time as 
tliis and endanger their friendship with the French unless the thing 
were settled, and he was to be something more than a guest. 

The person who says the Duke is here is John Alee, a connection 
of the Queen, who is leaving for Italy tomorrow, that he may not 
see what is going on here. He is ordered by the Queen to visit the 
duchess of Lorraine on his way and tell her that if she will come 
to England the Queen will be glad to receive her and will be grateful 
for the visit. I have not been able to discover whether the invitation 
is sent out of friendship or for some private business, but I get my 
information from John Alee himself. 

They say that the Queen has news of religious disturbances in the 
North Country where they refuse to receive the new church service. 
I know for certain that in the diocese of Winchester they have not 
received it and will not take the oath, and that all is in confusion. 
They dare not press them. There is no news from Scotland, as they 
say there is a prohibition against writing or travelling into England. 

These people are hurrying on the collection of money and are 
pressing for anticipated payments if only for a mouth before they 
are due, a sure sign thai they think they may want money before 

The French ambassador is anxious. He has sent a gentleman to 
France as well as two or three couriers in the last few days, and he 
sends people to me to learn what is going on here and to know 
what your Majesty thinks of -this Queen. He is surprisd that she 
has not sent an ambassador to your Majesty's court, and he announces 
the great severity of his King against the heretics. He even says 
that his King wants to burn all Geneva to gain the goodwill of the 

They have taken the bishop of Lincoln out of the Tower as he 
was very ill. London, 1st July 1559. 


His Majesty is about to leave, and promises before his departure 
next Wednesday to decide your Lordship's affairs. I will also 
endeavour to get him to resolve what is to be done with those 
people (the English). It is only with great trouble that he can be 
got to decide anything. I believe that a more wretched life is 
before the Queen than she wots of. I am only sorry that it is not 
we who are to give her the purge, but those scoundrels shall pay 
for it. Brussels, 7th July 1559. 

9 July. 43. The KING to the BISHOP OF AQUILA. 

All your letters to 28th ultimo and 1st instant received. I thank 
you for informing me so minutely of all that occurs, and desire you 
to continue to do so. I have not replied owing to my being greatly 



occupied, and I now very briefly touch upon the various points in 
your letters, particularly about the Bishops, as they must be kept in 
mind since they are steadfast. Respecting the marriage of the 
Queen with the Archduke there is nothing more to add, as you will 
have heard from Martin de Anda that the Emperor wishes to send 
a resident ambassador, even although nothing else may come of it. 
You will try to keep up the negotiations as you have been in- 
structed, and will let me know what else you learn about the 
duke of Chatelherault. Respecting religion, which is the principle 
thing of all I note what you say, and I greatly regret that the 
danger becomes daily greater, and that the Queen's affairs are in 
so bad a state that grave risk is caused both by the way justice 
is administered and by the conduct of religious matters the 
Catholics in the country being so numerous. Considering all this, 
and seeing of how little avail have been our kindness and com- 
pliments to the Queen, the favours she knows she has received 
from us, the demonstrations of love and friendship we have made 
to her, and the good offices of the Count de Feria in frequently 
pointing out to her in our name the evil course she was pursuing, 
which would lead her and her country to ruin, we have decided 
to approach her in a more pressing fashion than hitherto. Don 
Juan de Ayala is going over to fetch the Countess de Feria,* and 
the pressure, we think, will have more effect from him coming, 
as he does straight from here, than if it were brought to bear 
through you alone who are resident there, and I therefore write 
a very short letter to the Queen accrediting him, and have ordered 
him to be instructed to go and see her with you and tell her 
that she well knows the love and goodwill I have always borne 
her and have proved whenever opportunity has offered, and, in 
virtue of this, 1 cannot refrain from telling her clearly that her 
affairs, from what can be heard on all hands, are in a very bad 
and dangerous way, and the changes she has made are rendering 
the maintenance of her royal power extremely doubtful. I therefore 
beg her to consider the matter deeply, and, not only for her own 
sake do I ask her to do this, but also because I must say that the 
danger which will arise to me from her proceedings, if she do not 
change her ways very shortly, will force me to take counsel as to 
my action to avoid harm to my own dominions which will certainly 
be damaged without any advantage to her. This, in substance, is 
what I wish him to say to her, and he is to communicate it to 
you before he does so. As I have said, you will go together and 
I shall be glad for you to aid and forward him all you can in 
order that the Queen may hear him at a fitting season and be 
told with due calmness and courtesy, without any appearance of 
roughness or threat, that if she wants to go to ruin herself and 
refuses to change her ways and look to her kingdom and her 
safety we must take our own course to avoid falling into the same 

* The Countess remained in Durham Place from the departure of her husband until 
the arrival here of his kinsman, Don Juan dc Ayala. to convey her to Flanders, and did 
not return with the latter to England on his mission to the Queen, as Mr. Rawdon Brown 
supposes in his note to a letter on the subject, in Vol. 7. Calendar of State Papers 

F 2 



trouble. You will inform me of what she says an<l how she takes 
it without waiting for Don Juan de Ayala's return, as I desire to 
know at once. As I have to send you another letter replying to 
the other matte- s mentioned by you, and to tell you what decision 
has been arrived at in your own affairs, I only now say in this 
that I have ordered to be enclosed herewith an advice I have 
recently received from France, by which you will see the demon- 
stration the Most Christian King is making against the heretics. 
This for your information and to be made line of when you see 
an opportunity. 9th July 1559. 

Document endorsed : " England. To the bishop of Aquila from 
Ghent, 9th July 1559, by Don Juan de Ayala" from the King. 


Gamboa* arrived here on the 6th and brought me your letter. 
Whatever we may do or say we can get no further than the 
instructions given to Don Juan de Ayala, which will have as little 
effect as what has been done before. About your Lordship's affairs 
we have had the King in labour for a month but have not managed 
to deliver him yet. He promised us yesterday that he would 
despatch the matter at once. I do not tail to put before him all 
the urgency and necessity for decision, but I find no more movement 
in other things than in this. I think surely, however, the decision 
will go by the next opportunity or at least a grant in aid. The 
king of Fiance is in no danger and with hope that his eye may be 
saved. I sliould not be glad of his death, as it would, I think, be 
injurious to religious matters in every respect, f His Majesty is 
certain to approve about Guido Cavalcauti, and I will be his friend 
if he acts properly. 

The bearer will tell you the news better than I can write them. 
Ghent, 9th July 15.>9. 

12 July. 45. The BISHOP OF AQUILA to the KING. 

On the 6th instant I received your Majesty's letter of 26th ultimo 
ordering me to recorer the collar of the Golden Fleece worn by King 
Henry and send it to Ghent. The letters were delayed and these 
people lucre some time making up their mind to give me the collar 
which I have consequently not been able to send until now. They 
have also given me a cloak which I send with it. 

I have since received another letter from your Majesty, dated 
9th instant instructing m.e what to do ^vhen Don Juan de Ayala 
arrives, which instructions shall be earned out unless in view of the 
death of the king of France (of which the Queen received news to-night) 
Don Juan should think well to suspend action until receiving fresh 
orders from your Majesty. The joy of the Queen was very great, 
and she at once sent the news to the Emperor's ambassador. 

I conversed yesterday with some of the Frenchmen here, and 
tliey confess that the Scotch affair is lost. They have news that the 
Queen Regent is in a corner awaiting succour, that they have 

* The courier 

f Henry II. of France leceived a fatal thrust in the eye from Montgomery, colonel of 
the ^cots Guards, at a tournament in celebration of the peace of Chateau Cambresis, 
30th June 1559. 



attacked and taken the town of tit. John (Perth) and that the whole 
county is up. The question its not religion but rebellion, and, the 
King being dead, the remedy is difficult, faMtcatatiy as things here 
religious and otherwise will get muvh ivorse if they are allowed 
to have their way. I cannot help telling your Majesty hoiv greatly 
many of the godly here and persons well versed in piMic affairs 
are astonished to see that this Queen is allowed to proceed with her 
designs to the manifest peril to tJte faith and the neighbouring 
kingdoms. In six months she f MS revived heresy and encourages it 
everywhere to such an extent that it is recovering furiously all 
tJi,e credit it had lost for years past. I icell know that this question 
will be duly considered in your Majesty's council, and I only vent lire 
to say what I do in order that your Majesty may know the. opinion 
of the people here. At one time they expected the remedy from your 
Majesty's hand, but dad recently turned towards the king of France 
for it. Now that he fails them it seems that all must fall on your 
Majesty's shoulders again, although at the same time, his (leatn 
greatly facilitates redress as no other parties exist now in the country 
but Catholics and heretics, and no dependence will be placed on the 
new king of France for the present, your Majesty being now the 
only hope of the godly and dread of the wicked if the latter are not 
allmced time to meet and weaken the Catholic party. I frray your 
Majesty to pardon this digression, but as I have heard these views 
so often and from so many people, I have jn-csumed to set them forth, 
for if I failed to do so I fear J should, be wanting in my duty to 
your Majesty. I hare been unable to learn anything more of the 
duke of Chatelherault, Imt the jmimey* Cecil sometimes makes, 
wither no one knows, only that he does not go where he announces, 
make me suspect, that the Duke cannot be far off, and I should not be 
surprised if he were in Dover castle where the governor is a brother- 
in-law* of that Randolph who I believe came with him hither. I 
have not dared to enquire too closely so as to avoid arousing the 
Queen's suspicion, which would not be perhaps convenient. There 
is nothing new in the Emperor's business. His Majesty wrote a very 
good letter to the Queen expressing his satisfaction at her resolve 
about the marriage, and again offering his services, saying that for 
other affairs he desired to have an ambass((dor here, and in the 
meanwhile the present one sJtould remain. She was pleased at this, 
Intt gave her usual answer about the marriage. 

They deprived the archbishop of York and the bishop of Ely last 
Friday. He of Ely had words with Bacon and told him that if the 
Queen continued as she had begun to be ruled by those about her, 
both she and her kingdoni irould be ruined. 

A battle has been /might bcttcecn the earl of Desmond and the 
earl of Clanrikarde (Clikharn) in Ireland trith much daughter, 
and Clanrikarde taken prisoner. London, 12th July 1559. 

] 2 July. 46. The BISHOP OF AQUILA to the KING. 

Smiancas, J {Un assured that the Queen understood the king of France was 

Add. 26056a. intriguing against the country, and intended to deprive her of it, 

and I had an idea that the bishop of Eiy was concerned in this from 

* Sir James Crofts. 



certain indications. Nothing, however, is certain here, and Paget is 
suspected ; he will get into trouble if it be true. The death of the 
King they think puts them out of apprehension, and in order not to 
cause a disturbance they have refrained from proceeding in the 
matter till they know that your Majesty is in Spain. They are 
always afraid that the Catholics here may obtain help. The idea is 
that in September proceedings will be taken against many people. 

I understand that the bishop of Llandaff,* who is a greedy old 
man with but little learning, is wavering, and it is feared he may 
take the oath, as he is wearing a bishop's garb again lately. I had 
news of this and sent to visit him and console him as well as 1 could, 
but he has given way notwithstanding. The rest of them are firm, 
each in the place appointed for him, and they hope more than ever 
in your Majesty. London, 12th July 1559. 

47. The SAME to the SAME. 

Some days ago there arrived here in a lay habit a friar of 
Mercy who calls himself Rodrigo Guerrero. He came to me and 
wanted to make me believe that he came from Spain, and other 
things w r hich I saw were false, and as I thought him a suspicious 
man I dismissed him and had him watched to see what he would do. 
I heard that he went to the palace and often spoke to Cecil, and I 
endeavoured to reassure him and get him to come and speak to me 
again, which he did yesterday, and told me who he was, and how 
being discontented with many things (which as I consider them 
false and irrelevant I do not repeat) he had come here to join the 
heretics, although he says that in his conscience he is not one, but 
must become so for his livelihood, as they will give him a pro- 
fessorship at Oxford where he can earn his living. I treated him 
kindly and brought him here, and he says^that if your Majesty will 
order a warrant to be given to him so that neither the General 
nor Provincial of his order, who are his enemies, shall punish him 
or know of his doings, and you will grant him a perpetual pension 
either in Barcelona, Granada, or Valladolid, he will go to Spain as 
your Majesty has ordered. I have promised 'him, to inform your 
Majesty and would endeavour to induce your Majesty to listen to 
his petition, and avoid his taking so bad a step as to become a 
heretic. He was content with this and is somewhat reassured. I 
do not know, but I take him to be a man of poor understanding. 
In any case I do not wish him to remain *here, as he would form a 
school of Spaniards at Oxford, and would attract thither all the 
good-for-nothings of your Majesty's dominions to the great disservice 
of God and your Majesty, and I therefore beg for instructions. 
London, 12th July 1559. 

Note in the handwriting of Philip II. : 

Reply at once to the Bishop that he is to promise everything to this 
friar Rodrigo Guerrero, and if he wants a warrant that he shall 
have a very complete one. Ask him whether he would like to go 
over in ray fleet and a passage shall be given him, and if not he 

* Kitchin. 



shall have every favour lie now requests as soon as he arrives in 
Spain. In short, write in such a manner that he shall be induced 
to go to Spain, and for the Bishop to be able to show him the letter 
if be thinks fit. 

13 July. 48. The BISHOP OF AQUILA to the KING. 

Don Juan de Ayala arrived here yesterday, and hearing of the 
death of the king of France he thinks well to await your Majesty's 
orders before fulfilling his commission to the Queen, and he writes 
to this effect to your Majesty. This courier is being despatched by 
the Emperor's ambassador to advise his master that the Queen has 
given him notice that the duke of Wittemburg was in league witli 
the French and had received money from the King in order to 
obstruct the Emperor if he had commenced war to recover the 
lands of the Empire which he claims. The Emperor is advised not 
to trust the said Duke or send him as ambassador to France. 

The Queen is sending Thomas Challoner as ambassador to your 
Majesty. He leaves soon. London, 13th July 1559. 

17 July ? 49. The KING to the BISHOP OF AQUILA. 

I reply in a separate letter about Friar Rodrigo Guerrero written 
purposely that you may show it to him if desirable, and by means 
of it persuade him, in any case, to leave there and go to Spain and 
BO avoid the inconvenience you point out of his settling in England. 
The less sense he displayed in his discourse the more necessary is it 
that he should be got away, and you will use all and every means 
in your power to persuade him to go ; and especially to take passage 
in the fleet. If you cannot induce him to do this you must try at 
all events to get him to Spain, and if he will not go without the 
documents he asks for let me know and I will send them to you for 
him. Do not let him stay on that account, and pray use the utmost 
zeal and diligence, as your prudence and experience will show you 
are necessary in this case. 

It will be well also if you will draw up a statement of all that 
has passed in conversation with him in the fullest detail, and 
particularly what he may have said about the reasons why he went 
to England and what his intention was. Send it to me separately 
and let all letters on the subject be sent apart from other business, 
as shall be mine in reply, the quality of this affair Ireing such as to 
make this needful. Without date. 

17 July. 5O. The KING to the BISHOP OF AQUILA. 

I note what you tell me about Friar Rodrigo Guerrero, of all of 
which I approve, and I am very glad to hear that he has signified 
his wish to go to Spain, as we have ordered, and will reside in 
Barcelona, Valladolid or Granada on his being granted an income for 
life and a license, so that neither the General nor Provincial of his 
order may punish him or know of his actions. You have done well 
in telling me of his need, and I shall be glad for him to go to Spain as 
a sensible and religious man such as he ought to do, and I will do all he 



asks of me, both as regards the General and Provincial, who shall not 
proceed against him or know of his life, and also as to giving him an 
honest and sufficient income in Castile or Andalucia in any part he 
may choose, and you may promise and assure him in my name to 
this effect, and urge him to come and embark in my fleet which is 
now ready to accompany me to Spain, where a passage shall be given 
him and all requisite for the voyage. If he wishes for a private 
order of my own to free him from his enemies and provide him with 
a livelihood and you advise me thereof, it shall be given to him as 
soon as he arrives here, or it can be *ent to you at once. My 
departure being, please God, in August, get him to start at once. 
The sooner the better. Ghent, 17th July 1559. 

1 8 July 51. The COUNT I>E FERTA to the BISHOP OF AQUILA. 

Yours of 12th instant received. Although I know his Majesty 
has ordered the carrying out of what was agreed upon, I have not 
seen the despatch, and I am now going to the palace to see it and 
to find out whether any good is being done in your Lordship's 
private affairs. Do not be astonished or angry at anything you 
may see until we have tired the King out as he expects to be 
tired out before he does anything, great or small. It is no good 
saying any more about the voyage to Spain, for if the world 
itself were to crumble there would be no change in that. T wish 
my wife to come as soon as possible without seeing the Queen. I 
cannot speak of other English affairs and do not want even to 
think of them seeing the way his Majesty is treating them. Ghent, 
18th July 1559. 

18 July. 52. The KINO to the BISHOP OF AQUILA. 

Yours of 12th and 13th instant received. You have do^ie well in 
advising me of events in England. You will learn by a letter 
enclosed of the death of the king of France, which news will arrive 
late, a.s you will have heard of it already, but I send it that you 
may be kept well posted in all that happens. 

I thank you for the points you set forth on English affairs, and 
am carefully considering them in order to adopt the best course 
under all circumstances. I am not without anxiety about them. 

Respecting the question asked by you and Don Juan de Ayala as 
to whether he should carry out the commission we gave him to the 
Queen now that the king of France is dead, we have deeply considered 
and have decided that it is now more necessary than ever, and that 
the death of the King, far from being an obstacle, is an excellent 
opportunity for fulfilling the instructions we gave to Don Juan, as is 
also the accession of the new King,* who, as you know, has claims 
to the English throne through his wife. This should make the 
Queen and her friends more suspicious if they look at it as they 
ought, and I have consequently ordered the present courier to be 
sent back to you at once, with instructions to you to go with 
Don Juan, as soon as you receive this, and perform the duty set 
forth in our letter, you giving him such assistance as may be 

Francis II., husband of Mary queen of Scots. 



necessity. I send with this the same orders to him, which please 
hand to him, and let them be carried out at once, giving me full 
particulars of how the Queen takes it, which it is necessary I should 

The news about the duke of Wittemburg which the Emperor's 
ambassador writes to his master does not seem to have much 
foundation yet, but you do well to inform me of eveiything. You 
will do the same about Scotch affairs, and will try to obtain 
trustworthy information. 

I have not been able to decide about your affairs, but will do so 
soon. In the meanwhile I have ordered 1,000 crowns to be sent 
you. Perhaps they will go by this opportunity, and if not then by 
the next, so as not to detain this man, as it is most important that 
the commission of Don Juan should be carried out at once. Ghent, 
18th July 1559. 

27 July. 53. The BISHOP OK AQUILA to the KINO. 

Simancas, I have lost all hope in the affairs of this woman. She is convinced 
Add <>6 O56a ^ ^ e soundness of her unstable power, and will only see her error 
when she is irretrievably lost. In religious matters she has been 
saturated ever since she was Ixirn in a bitter hatred to our faith, 
and her one object is to destroy it. If your Majesty were to give 
her life and all in it, as you did once before, she would never be 
more friendly than she is now, and she would, if she had the 
power, sow heresy broadcast in all your Majesty's dominions 
to-da}', and set them ablaze without compunction. Besides this, 
her language (learnt from Italian heretic friars who brought her up) 
is so shifty that it is the most difficult thing in the world to 
negotiate with her. With her all is falsehood and vanity. 

13 July 
(August?). 54, The SAMK to the SAME. 

The last letters I wrote to your Majesty are dated 27th ultimo, 
and since then Don Juan de Ayala will have arrived .md informed 
your Majesty of the state of affairs here They are now carrying 
out the law of Parliament respecting religion with great rigour, 
and have appointed six visitors who examine all persons to whom 
the law decrees that the oath has to be administered, and they 
proceed against those who disobey. They have just taken away 
the crosses, images, and altars, from St. Paul's and all the other 
London churches, but encounter resistance as usual in the matter of 
the oath. In all else they do as they please, but it is thought that 
outside London they will not have it all their own way. They have 
deprived the bishops of St. David's and Exeter this week, and the 
bishop of Durham, a very aged and learned man, came up from his 
diocese solely to tell the Queen what he thought about these affairs. 
He showed her documents in the handwriting of king Henry against 
the heresies now received, and especially as regards the sacraments, 
and begged her, at least, to respect the will of her father if she did 
not conform to the decrees of the church ; but it was all of no avail, 
and they only laugh at him as he might with better reason laugh at 



them. They tell me that this Bishop will remain steadfast, and his 
opinion has much influence and weight in his diocese. 

The new Bishops complain because they do not give them the 
enjoyment and revenues of their sees, and are constantly running 
after Cecil and altering their charges. 

This Scotsman* is still in hiding. They say publicly that he is 
here and that he has lately been in the Queen's house. This cannot 
be ascertained, but it is generally believed, and that he will marry 
the Queen. I am told that the matter has been discussed in the 
Council, and that they all agree that she should marry the Scotsman 
rather than the Archduke in the hope of the former becoming king 
of Scotland. Some of them are in favour of waiting until he is 
really King, and his country is tranquil, whilst others say that as 
the malady of the Queen of Scotland is mortal, there is no necessity 
to wait, but that the marriage should take place at once, and he be 
helped to take possession of the kingdom. It seems the latter 
opinion is held by the Queen, who they say has secretly sent money 
to Scotland, and has her ships kept ready to prevent the French 
from sending troops to that country, although she says herself that 
she is sure the king of France cannot send an army to Scotland at 
present, and so say certain Scotsmen recently arrived from France. 
I believe that if she could raise a revolt about religion in France like 
that in Scotland, neither fear nor conscience would prevent her 
from attempting it, and the same thing may be said of Flanders, for 
I am quite astounded to see the flocks of heretics who come hither 
to the city and are well received and their constant sermons and 

The Queen Regent of Scotland is trying to pacify the heretics 
there, and the latter say they have arranged in accordance with th! 
statement sent for your Majesty's information ; but the document 
comes from Cecil's house, and I do not believe it. On the contrary, 
I hear by other means that the terms are not so hard on the French 
as is said here, and that the heretics have given hostages to the 
Queen so that she may go to Edinburgh and rule the kingdom, 
leaving them in their heresy. Here, however, they publish it in the 
other way, as these people lose no opportunity of terrifying the 
Catholic party. I hear on very good authority that the Queen is 
quite sure that your Majesty will not fail to persist in your 
friendship and defence of her kingdom for the sake of your own 
interest, and this opinion of hers is shared by all of them, and is the 
main foundation of all their deliberations and decisions. 

Some Florentines who reside in Lyons, France, have recently 
arrived here, it is said, with a sum of money, but I have not been 
able to confirm this, although it may well be true, as I know the 
French ambassador is promising pensions to some Catholics and 
heretics here. 

The Queen is beginning to collect the grants that have been- 
voted. They say the amount wilt not reach 4-00,000 ducats in all. 
What they have had hitherto have been the church revenues and 
some of their properties which they are selling. 

* Tfae carl of A*u, 




These Irishmen have been speaking to me again and they i?ay, in 
substance, that in order that your Majesty may be the better 
informed about their proposal, they beg you to send a person 
expressly to treat with those from whom they come, and they 
undertake that one of their number shall accompany him disguised 
as a merchant. They say he can go direct from Ireland to Spain 
afterwards, and give an account of affairs to your Majesty, and you 
can then resolve. They assure me that perfect union and harmony 
will exist about it in Ireland, and they believe that the earl of 
Ormond himself will fall in with it as he is very indignant and 
dissatisfied with this Queen. I am convinced that these men are 
not trying to deceive me, but nevertheless I have always answered 
them evasively until I know your Majesty's pleasure. 

A servant of the Marquis de Nesle, who is one of the French 
hostages here, killed an Englishman the other day, and he and the 
other Frenchmen have been in great straits as the townspeople took 
up arms against them and are pressing them closely. 

The king of Sweden's ambassadors who have arrived are being 
treated by the Queen in a manner thnt does away with any doubt 
about her marrying their master, for they are being made fun of in 
masques in their own presence. London, 13th July (August?) 

August. 55. The BISHOP OF AQUILA to the EMPEROR. 

Baron Preyner will have informed your Majesty that the affairs 
f ^ n i s country are in a very bad way, as the Queen has thought to 
weaken the French by dragging them into a war in Scotland and 
fomenting religious discord in that country and even in the State 
itself. She favours the duke of Chatelherault with whom she 
thought of marrying, and it is difficult to see now how she can 
prevent her own house catching tire. I have no doubt the king of 
France will very soon be able to dispose of this country with the 
same troops that he will send to subdue Scotland. He is at present 
submitting to any conditions for the purpose of separating these 
people from their alliance with the Scotch rebels, and then, after he 
has punished the latter, he will turn his army into this country. 

This danger is enough to decide the Queen to marry the Archduke, 
which would rescue her and give the country peace and strength, 
but her religioiis feeling runs so high that she and her Councillors 
will never dare to trust his Highness. They think it would be taken 
as a sign that they had some secret understanding with my King 
both in religion and in other matters. In addition to this they are 
so taken up with the idea of their power and strength that it is 
impossible to open their eyes although their feebleness is notorious, 
and they have neither money nor fortresses in the country, they are 
divided amongst themselves and have a wilful woman fora monarch. 

My King has had all this clearly pointed out to them, but to no 
purpose, notwithstanding that all the country is crying out that 
salvation can only come from a marriage with the Archduke. 
Perhaps time and the pressure of danger may bring the Queen to 
consent to it, and if it do not then we shall not have lost much by 
having patience and waiting six months. London, August 1559. 

Add. 2fi 056fl. 



18 Aug. 56. The BISHOP OF AQUILA to the KING. 

Since writing on the 14th instant I hear that the Queen has pent 
all along the coast as far as Cornwall ordering men to be mustered 
and those who have charge in time of war to be prepared in various 
places as cu-tomary. They s iy it is done that, in case your Majesty 
by stress of weather should be obliged to land on her coast, all 
honour should be done to you, and in order that I may believe this 
they have sent people to tell me so in the course of conversation. 
Many believe these men are being mustered out of fear of jour Majesty, 
and to have them ready to embark if necessary in the ships that 
are ready, to the number they say of 35 good vessels. The principal 
reason, however, is to help in the Scotch business and prevent the 
passag' 1 of the French thither which will be necessary if it be true 
that the i'rench are already embarking troops. There is great 
excitement in London, and they say that the French refused 
admittance into Calais to an English ship although they admitted 
the passengers who were Flemings and others. 

I received the other day a letter from your Majesty ordering me 
to ask the Queen for the restitution of a ship which certain English- 
men had stolen from some Portuguese and Flemings with her cargo 
of sugar. 

With this letter was enclosed one for the Queen herself. I heard 
that the man who made this capture was one Strangway s who has 
become a pirate, and consequently it is needless to ask for restitution 
as he is not under the Queen's control. I therefore decided only to 
speak of the safety of navigation and the punishment of pirates and 
others nnd to keep the letter for a better opportunity. The Queen 
told me that she had sent out six ships in search of the pirate in 
question, and if it cost her ten thousand pounds she would get hold 
of him and have him executed, as he had been captured on previous 
occasions but had been pardoned through the bought favour of her 
sister's chamber-women and upon this she enlarged considerably. The 
truth is that the Admiral and his companions having heard that this 
man had made captures to the extent of fifty or sixty thousand 
ducats the}' at once sent to take him, not for the sake of catching 
him but to enrich themselves with the booty as they have done. 
He was captured on the coast of France and the Admiral has taken 
part of the plunder and divided the rest as he thought best, and 
they are selling the goods publicly in London ; the Admiral mean- 
while interceding for the thief as he says he wants sailors for the 
war. I, being informed of all this, at the solicitation of these 
merchants decided to send your Majesty's letter to the Queen and 
not to go myself as I had already spoken about the subject to her. 
Bv another letter I recommended the a Hair to Cecil, who answers 
me that he has not been able to hand your Majesty's letter to the 
Queen as she is indisposed. The man who took my letters says 
that as soon he gave them to him the latter said he would take the 
letter to the Queen and try to get it attended to at once, without 
saying anything about her being indisposed, and then after being inside 
with her for two hours, the Council were summoned, and this answer 
was sent me. I have thought best to send to your Majesty copies 



of all the letters in order th;it you may see how these people proceed 
and in what fashion. Cecil told the petitioner that the Queen had 
spent so much money in sending after this pirate that what they 
found in his ship would not cover the cost incurred. In his answer 
to me he says nothing about restitution nor is it to be expected from 
them, and I have therefore thought fit to advise your Majesty fully 
so that if your Majesty pleases you may provide some redress to 
these poor merchants. It is really pitable to see how cruelly they 
are treated here. 

A servant of the ambassador Throgmorton has been arrested in 
Paris, and they are keeping him where he cannot be spoken to, and 
great complaints have been made about it. I think that Throgmorton 
is doing ill service to the king of France under the pretext of 
religious arf'airs, and I have heard the same opinion from French 
heretics here. 

I have no doubt also that he knew all about the going of the 
duke of Chatelherault or earl of Arran (for he is called by either 
name) about whom no more is known except that he is here. 

The earl of Bedford came here three days ago to tell the ambassador 
that the affair of the Archduke's marriage was in a very good way 
and he expected it would be settled, and he afterwards said what 
I have written above, namely, that the Queen has sent many 
gentlemen to the coast in order that your Majesty might be received 
in safety and honour if by chance you landed on her shores. My own 
belief is that he really only came to say this, and the talk about the 
marriage was merely an excuse for coming. What he says about it 
is nonsense. 

The said earl of Bedford sent Guido Cavalcanti here to tell me 
the same thing as if of his own accord two days before, and after- 
wards a brother of Cobham repeated it to me. As I see they are 
trying to convince me that these preparations are compliments and 
friendship I think well to inform your Majesty so that you may 
know of them, whatever they may be. 

The Swedish ambassadors are leaving much aggrieved and offended, 
as I believe it was brought to their notice that they were being 
made fun of in the palace, and by the Queen more than by anybody. 
I do not think it matters much whether they depart pleased or 

Some Flemings in business here have asked for my help to 
obtain exemption from the payment of the taxes pnid to the Queen 
by agreement and ancient custom. I have done so, but have asked 
for a list of them to see whether there was any heretic amongst 
them, and if so to take the opportunity of speaking to him, and at the 
same time to advise the others that they will be taken care of. Those 
who have obtained exemption are all Catholics oud have promised 
that if any one of them is known to go to a heretic sermon they will 
Undergo any penalty. I have learnt that the principal preacher they 
(i.e. the heretics) have is a Zealander who was a canon in his own 
country, a young and unlearned man. The bishop of Ely has sent 
to say that he has asked for leave to come and see me sometimes, 



but they have refused him.* It is certain that they all stand more 
aloof from me than from the French. I think they are vexed at 
losing their pensions and this, together with our different views 
in religion, causes genuine enmity, although I have always avoided 
opportunities when offence might be shown to me to the detriment 
of your Majesty's service. 

These Irishmen still solicit me. They say that the earl of 
Clanrikarde, who was routed by the earl of Desmond, and not 
captured as they said here, has already been reconciled to Desmond 
by means of some of the Bishops and will be of the same opinion 
as the rest in the proposed business. The earl of Sussex goes thither 
soon and has ordered Parliament to be convoked on Michaelmas 
Day when the change of religion is to be proposed. London, 18th 
August 1559. 

22 Aug. 57. The KING to the BISHOP OF AQUILA. 

I have ordered the claims of the Flemish merchants against the 
English for merchandize taken from them to be looked into, but no 
decision could be arrived at prior to my departure, and I have 
therefore commanded that the matter should again be carefully 
discussed and considered ; but I think that before any step is taken 
it will be advisable to address the Queen again on the subject as you 
will learn in detail from the letter of the Duchessf my sister, whom 
I leave as governess of these States. I command and desire you to 
fulfil the orders she may send you on the subject with the same zeal, 
goodwill and care as if I wrote myself, and to take whatever steps 
may be fitting, and she may dictate with the Queen and Council in 
the forwarding of this business, which, as it closely touches the 
interests of my Flemish subjects, I shall be glad for you to urge in 
accord with the Duchess in the same manner as if I were here. 
Flushing, 22nd August 1559. 

23 Aug. 68. The BISHOP OF AQUILA to the KING. 

Friar Rodrigo Guerrero has heard from me your Majesty's gracious 
promise and will go and kiss your Majesty's hand, trusting in your 
promise and not venturing to place any further conditions on your 
Majesty's goodness. I am sure, moreover, that he will have nothing 
to fear, as he sees your Majesty wishes to reward him for the services 
of himself and his forbears. London, 23rd August 1559. 

59. The KING to the BISHOP OF AQUILA. 

Having been absent from my Spanish dominions for so many 
years, during which time my lord the Emperor has died, we have 
decided to return to them, moved thereto by their need for our 
presence, and by our desire to repay their great love and fidelity 
towards us, and we have therefore this day embarked on the fleet 

* Thomai Thirlby. 

f Margaret of Austria, natural daughter of the Emperor Charles V. and Joan Van der 
Ghecnst. She was married to Ottavio Farnese, grandson of Pope Paul III., and brought 
him M her dowry the duchies of Parma and Placentia. 



which we had ordered to be mustered for the purpose and with fair 
weather are now about to set sail on our voyage with the help of 
God. I thus advise you so that you may know where to write to me 
in future which you will do in the same manner as hitherto giving 
me full details of all that happens. You will use the private cipher 
which you have for secret communications or else the general cipher 
which I enclose. Advise the Queen of my departure and assure her 
that wherever I may be I will look to her interests and try to please 
her in all things. 

As I leave my sister the Duchess, Madam Margaret, Governess of 
these States, you will keep her well informed of all things touching 
my interests in English affairs. You will perceive how important it 
is that she should know from day to day what happens, and she will 
take care to answer and instruct you. 

Francisco de Vargas to go as Ambassador to the Emperor, with 
whom good relations and correspondence are to be kept up, as also 
with Senor de Xansone (Chantonnay ?) Ambassador to i ranee. 
Without date. 


Simaueas, The Emperor's Ambassador and I having been advised by one of 
Add 26056a ^ ne l aa "ics f the palace, a sister of Lord Robert, called Lady Sidney, 
that this was the best time to speak to the Queen about the Arch- 
duke, the Ambassador went to Hampton Court where the Queen is 
living to see her on the subject. The lady would not speak herself, 
but urged that I should go, and said if I broached the matter of the 
match to the Queen now she was sure it would be speedily settled. 
I tried to discover what this might mean, and find that the Queen is 
much alarmed at a plot which they have told her of against her and 
Robert, the object of which was to kill him at a banquet given 
recently to the Queen by the earl of Arundel, where also the Queen 
was to be poisoned. This plot together with the French war 
preparations lor Scotland, seems to have decided the Queen to inarry, 
and Lady Sidney said that at all events I ought to be there and 
must not mind what the Queen said, as it is the custom of ladies 
here not to give their consent in such matters until they are teased 
into it. She said it would only take a few days, and the Council 
would press her to inarry. Lady Sidney said that if this were not 
true, I might be sure she would not say such a thing as it might 
cost her her life and she was acting now with the Queen's consent, 
but she (the Queen) would not speak to the Emperor's Ambassador 
about it. We were rather undecided what course to take for the 
moment, but they are now making so much of us that all London 
looks upon the affair as settled. 

Lady Sidney said the Queen wished the Archduke to come at 
once, and I ought to write to the Emperor to send him, which he 
could do on her honour and word, and she (Lady Sidney) would 
never dare to say such a thing as she did in the presence of an 
Italian gentleman who was interpreting between us (although we 
can understand each other in Italian without him) unless it were 




I said I was not quite sure what T ought to do, but I had no 
doubt the Archduke would come if his father allowed him and I 
would write at once. 

I afterwards spoke to Lord Robert, who said in this as in all things 
he was at the disposal of my King to whom he owed his life. 
Treasurer Parry also spoke to me on the subject of his own 
accord, and from him I gathered that the Queen is driven to this by 
fear, and when I said what a pity it was that the Queen was so 
irresolute, he said when next I went to the palace he hoped to give 
me good news. 

1 spoke to him about Lady Sidney, and he said the Queen had 
summoned both of them the night before, and at the end of our 
conversation he said that the marriage had now become necessary. 
London, 7th September 1559. 

7 Sept. 61. BISHOP QUADRA to the BISHOP OF ARRAS (?) 

I fear the evil is worse than I thought, and this woman is in 
g rea *' trouble, although the revelations of this lady (Lady Sidney) 
about the plot amply account for it and drive her to a resolution, 
bearing in mind the French preparations in Scotland. I am told 
there are 3,000 French troops there, although the ambassador assures 
me there are not more than 1,200. This number, however, so to 
speak inside their own doors, is quite enough to spoil their sleep. 

Lord Robert and his sister are certainly acting splendidly, and 
the King will have to reward them well, better than he does me, 
and your Lordship must remind him of it in due time. The 
question of religion is of the most vital importance, as is also the 
manner of the Archduke's marriage and its conditions and ceremonies. 
In view of these difficulties it would be better for the wedding to 
be a clandestine one. I do not know how he will get over the oath 
he will have to take to respect the laws of the land, which are some 
of them schismatic. London, 7th September 1559. 


9 Sept. 


I have only been able to find out about this plot what I ain told 
k v a great friend of Robert's, who says that at a banquet given by 
the earl of Arundel to the Queen she was to be poisoned and he 
murdered, which is the same as Lady Sidney said. 

I also hear some talk about Lords Dacre and Montague and certain 
Bishops, and I am afraid the French have something to do with it, 
as the Queen is very much offended with them, although she tried 
to hide it. 

It seems that Pickering is sending a challenge to the earl of 
Bedford for having spoken ill of him at a banquet. Lord Robert, 
who is to be Pickering's second, has promised to deliver the 
challenge. I do not believe that Bedford will ever quarrel with 
anybody. Robert professes to be the most faithful servant our King 
has here, and Lady Sidney says she wishes to write a long letter to 
the countess (of Feria) with plenty of news from here. 

They cannot make too much of me here at Hampton Court now. 
It is curious how things change. London, 9th September 1559. 



12 Sept. 63. The BISHOP OF AQUILA to the EMPEROR. 

Simancas, The earl of Arran (whom the Queen thinks of marrying) has 
^ een w ith her secretly here two or three times, and she is fomenting 
the tumults in Scotland in his interest through a heretic preacher 
called Knox. 

Some ten days ago this Earl left here for Scotland, and it is to be 
expected that he will do his best to perform the task the Queen 
has given him and uphold his party for which the Queen has found 
the money and promised to look favourably upon his suit. The 
Admiral and Cecil go with him although they try to make us think 
they have gone to their houses. They have had the management 
of Arran's affair all through. I feel certain their designs will fail 
as the French have sent 3,000 or 4,000 infantry and 500 cavalry, 
and they are receiving troops in the country itself daily. They are 
masters of the fortresses and the landing place a mile out ol 
Edinburgh, and the greater part of the people are in their favour, 
so that it may be concluded that the rebel (or heretic) force, for they 
mean the same thing, will not hold out long. Even though the 
queen of England may find them money it will not be much ; 
they have nothing else, either leaders (as this youth is no 
soldier) or people, except some labourers and country fellows who 
will not be able to suffer the hardships of the campaign for twenty 
days. London, 12th September 1559. 

2 Oct. 64. The SAME to the SAME. 

By the copies of what I wrote to the duchess of Parma on the 
9th ultimo and the letters the ambassador Preyner and I wrote 
to your Majesty on the 18th,* you will have learnt what is being done 
in the matter of the Archduke, which I confess perplexes me much. 
I can hardly venture to give an opinion on so important an affair, 
and yet I dare not refrain from doing so for fear of failing in my 
duty, and I feel I should be greatly to blame if the business were to 
fall through in consequence of my silence. Your Majesty will 
therefore be pleased to accept only what your enlightened judgment 
will show you ought to be accepted of what J say, distinguishing 
between the facts, which are all true, and the mere conjectures in 
which I must confess I may be mistaken. I said in my letter of 18th 
that I thought, if we saw the Queen determined in her wish to see 
Archduke and circumstances seemed to show that she was in earnest, 
that your Majesty should send him, and in the meanwhile he might 
be got ready to start at once, if advice came from here to that ettect 
as it was well to prove to the Queen that the affair was being carried 
on with goodwill, and at the same time to shorten the delay in con- 
cluding it. As to advising his coming I perceive now I am not so 
clear about it as I ought to be to give a decided opinion on a matter 
of so much importance, and. on the other hand, if he does not come, 
as the Queen wishes, it may give her an excuse for changing her mind 
and either resolving not to marry at all or to make another match ; 
in which case we should all be losers and your Majesty would miss 
a great opportunity to serve God and the commonwealth, and at 

* 18th August. 
a 66)29. 



the same to profit by events. Since the last letter to your Majesty, 
Lady Sidney* told the Queen everything that had passed with me 
and how she had given me hopes that this business would be carried 
through, and had assured me that the only thing wanting was that 
the Archduke should come, whereupon I had said that I had written 
to your Majesty to that effect on her word alone. It seems the 
Queen answered her that it was all well, and since things were at 
this stage, she had better leave us alone for the present as she (the 
Queen) wished to see what we should do. When I saw Lady Sidney 
again she told me that she had been bidden to say no more than had 
been said in this business, and she was obliged to obey, although she 
was sorry for it, as she knew that if she might speak she could say 
somethiug that would please me ; but this must suffice. I might 
be certain that what was necessary and would ensure success was 
to satisfy the Queen as to the Archduke's coming and not to try to 
draw her out any further, for we should never make her speak any 
more clearly than hitherto. We should leave matters as they were 
and not frighten the Queen about her need and the wars which were 
to be made against her, as it distressed her, and she fancied that we 
did so to draw her into the match by force. It appears that the 
ambassador had recently spoken to her rather more plainly than she 
liked. We have followed Lady Sidney's advice and have refrained 
from going to Hampton Court. On Thursday, when the Queen came 
to London, the ambassador went to accompany her, and I believe that 
in the barge the Queen herself began to speak about the business to 
him, and lie will write to your Majesty what passed between them. 
I think, however, she and he merely repeated the usual things, 
although Preyner says she opened out more than hitherto, saying that 
she thought she should be forced to marry. Preyner saj's that all 
her endeavour was to find out something about the Archduke's coming, 
of which he gave her no hope, unless she first signified her wish and 
summoned him, as we have always urged, and she has always refused 
to do. When she arrived I went on Saturday to inform her of the 
King's arrival in Spain and speak on other matters. After finishing 
my business I was about to take my leave when she began to talk 
about the marriage, and told me how the ambassador had spoken 
to her iii the barge, and gave me a long history of what had passed 
between them. I let her talk and quite understood that she would 
have liked to know whether the Archduke was coming, which is the 
only thing she thinks about. 

After letting her talk as long as she liked, I said that I had 
perhaps already gone further than I ought to have' done in this 
business as your Majesty had a man of your own here, but that I 
knew that neither your Majesty nor the King my master would 
regret any effort made to forward it, and therefore I would still give 
her my frank opinion, which was that she remained in so exacting a 
determination and was so very far from answering your Majesty's 
request that no arrangement was possible. The desire of your 
Majesty was to know whether she would marry the Archduke, and 

* Lady Mary Dudley daughter of the duke of Northuiuberhuul and sister of the earl 
of Leicester married to Sir Henry Sidney of Penshurst. 



her answer was that she did not want to marry him or anybody 
else, and if she married at all it would only be to a man whom she 
knew. In addition to this she said that she did not wish the 
Archduke t:> come, by any means, as she did not wish to bind 
herself even indirectly to marry him. I told her that if some 
compromise could not be come to it was not worth while to lose 
time over it. I thought the best way would be for her first to 
premise that she had to be married, as she saw she could not avoid 
it, and since she said she would not marry a man she did not know 
that she should be pleased to let the Archduke come over for her to 
see without her being bound more than she is at present, and that 
your Majesty should be informed of this, so that if you decided to 
send your son on these conditions it might be done without loss of 
time. We were at this for a long time wasting words, and at last 
she said the following words to me, which I copy here that your 
Majesty may the better consider them. She said, " Shall I speak 
" plainly and tell you the truth \ I think that if the Emperor 
" so desires me for a daughter he would not be doing too much by 
" sending his son here without so many safeguards. I do not hold 
" myself of so small account that the Emperor need sacrifice any 
" dignity in doing it." 

By these words and her manner of saying them I understood that 
she made no difficulty as to the conclusion of the business, but only 
in the procedure to bring it about. They think we are treating 
the matter punctiliously with her, and that your Majesty wishes 
your son to be supplicated and summoned, which she said she would 
never do ; she would rather die a thousand deaths. She says it is 
not fit for a queen and a maiden to summon anyone to marry her 
for her pleasure, and Lady Sidney has said the same thing to me 
many times. Seeing this, and that she made no difficulty about 
the substance, I thought we need not make any a!>out the rest, and 
I told her that if this was the only difficult}' I thought none would 
be raised by your Majesty in sending your son hither, but that 
your Majesty could not guess that she wished to negotiate in this 
way, and as the coming of the Archduke might displease her, it was 
necessary that your Majesty should be satisfied as to her wishes on 
the point. She answered that no one would ever know them from 
her, except by asking and proposing it to her in your Majesty's 
name. At first I appeared pleased at this contention, and then said 
be it so, and that in the name of your Majesty I proposed to her 
whether she would be pleased to allow the Archduke to come and 
see her without any obligation on her to marry him. She asked 
whether your ambassador or I was commissioned to propose this. 
I said that if I told her we were so commissioned she would know 
that I was not telling the truth, as she was aware that nothing had 
ever been said to us about the visit until now, that some of her 
household recommended it to me. She thought I was going to teil 
her about Lady Sidney's conversation, and drew back a little as if 
surprised; but as I saw that she did not wish to be approached on 
that side I said, and repeated, that your Majesty had never under- 
stood that it would be a good way to negotiate to send your son to 
be married in a quarter where the only answer ever vouchsafed was 

a 2 


1 559. 

that there was no idea of marrying at all Now, however, that it 
is understood that the visit may he convenient and advantageous 
he perhaps would be sent, and, with this end, I begged her to tell 
me whether she would be pleased that he should come. She smiled 
and said that she prevented no one from coming to her realm, and 
I replied that that was not the kind of license I craved, for even 
Turks could come in that manner, but that I wanted to know 
whether she would be pleased for him to come and see her as 
a suitor for her hand. She answers :i that she could give no 
reply to that unless it was asked in your Majesty's name. 
I saw th ; s was only vanity, and being desirous to obtain 
a reply, I said that as she did not wish to reply to this except it 
came in your Majesty's name, which she saw could not be done at 
present, it occurred to me (o put the question in the name of the 
King my master, who as a friend and kinsman of both parties would 
be glad to know her wishes in order to be able to advise your 
Majesty on the matter. She was pleased at this expedient, and, 
after expressing some regret that your Majesty should desire her so 
little as to need persuasion before condescending to send your son 
hither, she told me that she would be glad for the Archduke to 
come, and asked me what languages he spoke. We chatted on the 
subject very pleasantly for some time and in a vastly different mood 
from her other con versat ions about her not wishing to marry. So 
much so that I told her that if it were not that I feared to arouse 
the suspicion of those present I would kiss her hand for such a 
gracious answer, and then, to draw her out still further, I asked 
her whether she thought the Archduke should come publicly or 
secretly, as we wished to do nothing displeasing to her. She drew 
back again at this and said she did not wish to be pressed any more ; 
he should do as he thought fit, and she did not want to know any- 
thing about his coming. I said I thought it would be better for him 
to come privately, as T knew that was what she wished, and she 
replied that she hoped to God that no evil would befall him coming 
in this way. During this conversation she reminded me that we 
were to agree that she was not to be bound to marry the Archduke 
if he came and knowing that this was only dissimulation and that 
she really means to marry him, as I think, for otherwise she would 
never consent to his coming which she has always refused hitherto, 
I agreed to this condition, and said all should be as she wished, and 
I was sure the Archduke would suffer no loss of dignity by coming 
to see her Majesty even though she might not marry him. I did not 
throw any doubt upon his coming as I knew it would vex her, and, 
because your Majesty is not bound in any way by what I proposed, 
which was all conditional on your Majesty's will and was done in the 
name of the King my master as intermediary. What I have aimed 
at in these conversations is to show her that I understood her, and I 
said I conceded at once the condition she imposed, because I knew 
that the condition would become unnecessary as soon as she saw the 
Archduke with whom she would certainly be satisfied, and whom she 
would not allow to go out of England again. Sometimes she was 
silent at this way of talking, but when I pressed her much she 
seemed frightened and protested again and again that she was not 



to be bound, and that she was not resolved yet whether she should 
marry ; but this was after we had agreed about the Archduke's visit. 
At length, to give me to understand that she was serious in her 
demand, she repeated what we had agreed upon in order that I 
should put it in writing, and when I took this as a joke she said 
she would not trust me as she knew I was deceiving her, and she 
would write to the King herself tliat he might bear witness that she 
would bind herself to nothing and had not asked the Archduke to 
come. I thereupon kissed her hand and told her I was glad that 
this account would not depend upon ray recollection, and I should be 
quite easy with what she wrote. 1 expect she will write these 
protes'ations very seriously, but her letter must be explained jointly 
with mine, and her words need not cause any alarm as they are 
certainly nothing but ceremony. I might easily be deceived myself, 
but I do not believe that Lady Sidney and Lord Robert could be 
mistaken, and the latter says he never thought the Queen would go 
so far. 

This is the actual state of the affair, and your Majesty, as is 
fitting, will decide the course to be pursued with all the prudence, 
consideration, and counsel which the importance of the business 
demands. I know full well how unnecessary and inadequate I am, 
but as I cannot keep silent altogether I will give my own opinion as 
a help to others. I premise that we have to depend principally not 
on the Queen's words but upon her great necessity, and, although 
she may boast, as she always does whenever I speak to her, she is 
really in grave fear as she sees the French increasing their army in 
Scotland, and the Catholics here more steadfast and discontented 
than ever ; and she understands that she is not safe against con- 
spiracy, her own people having tried to kill her Master-of the-horse, 
and even, it is said, endeavoured to poison her. For these several 
reasons it is known that she is determined to marry, and will 
do so before Christmas according to the general opinion ; indeed, 
she told me herself that the people were troubling her about it so 
constantly that it was impossible for her to avoid satisfying them. 
The necessity being admitted for her to marry, and to marry wisely, 
there can be no doubt that she has not consented to receive the 
Archduke for the purpose of refusing him and offending your 
Majesty and the King my master, as well as injuring htrself, as she 
certainly would do, notwithstanding anything she may say. It cnn 
hardly be believed, moreover, that if she did not mean to marry she 
would condescend to such vanity as to bring a son of your Majesty 
here to no purpose. I therefore say that as the necessity is evident, 
and she is doing UOAV what she never would do before in allowing 
the Archduke to come, she is receiving him for the 'purpose of 
marrying him, and your Majesty may "well send him on this 
conjecture for, although it is no more than a conjecture, the 
circumstances are such as to make it a manifest demonstration. 
If it is objected that on these premises she would marry the Arch- 
duke without seeing him, I can only answer that in pure reason 
that is so, but, as she is a woman, and a -spirited and obstinate 
woman too, passion has to be considered, and I have heard her 
speak of the matter so determinedly that I am afraid she might 



take into her head to marry a son of the king of Sweden, or some 
other heretic, which is exactly what the people around her advise 
her to do. She is, in short, only a passionate ill-advised woman, 
and withal, taking into consideration the objections to the Arch- 
duke's visit and those winch weigh on the other side, I think that 
his Highness's coming has much less objection than his staying 
away, as his coming would involve no loss of life, danger to 
property, nor sacrifice of dignity, the enterprise being such an 
honourable and worthy one, directed as it is towards the profit of 
religion and the welfare of the commonwealth, together with the 
preservation of peace, and the aggrandisement of your Majesty's 

His failure to come, on the other hand, would be evidently 
followed by his losing this woman, and with her, all the advantages 
which I have recounted, as I am certain she will not marry the 
Archduke without seeing him. 

Your Majesty will bear in mind that this is not the first marriage 
that has been effected in this way between princes of the first rank, 
and that your Majesty's honour is not at stake, even if this repulse 
were offered, which I do not anticipate, as there are plenty of 
people, both in and out of England, who would say that the 
business was broken off by us. I am therefore of opinion that your 
Majesty should be pleased to send the Archduke with your blessing 
and the protection of the Almighty, in whose service I am sure you 
would not hesitate to send him to a war or battle where the peril to 
life and reputation would be much greater than in this enterprise. 

It might be said that he came to see his sister, the duchess of 
Blenes, and pass Christmas with her, and if this business do not 
turn out well he could return there and decide what course to take 
as circumstances might dictate. If he should come your Majesty 
might send with him some persons suitable to intervene in the 
conclusion of the marriage and advise his Highness day by day. 
From London, &c. 

Having written thus far and decided to await the letter the 
Queen was to send me for the King my master, secretary Cecil 
sent to say that if I wanted the letter I was to go and see the Queen 
to day at two. I did so and found her Avith the letter in her hand 
very merry. She read it to me and I send your Majesty a copy. 
She then spoke for some time about the letter and gave me to 
understand that she was still undecided about the business, but 
afterwards passed to other matters very different from the un- 
certainty which she would like to persuade us she feels. She asked 
me whether your Majesty would be angry with her if the Archduke 
were to return home unmarried, and I answered that your Majesty 
would not be angry Avith anyone so long as the agreement was not 
broken, although you Avould regret such an issue of the business ; 
whereupon she said God forbid that she should offer such a slight to 
a house with Avhich her ancestors had so close a friendship, and she 
said besides that she kneAv that this was the best marriage in 
Christendom for her, and I might be sure she would only take the 
best. She asked me several times whether I thought your Majesty 
would let the Archduke come, and I told her I thought you would, 



and that she would many him in less than two months, notwith- 
standing her protestations ; to which she replied that she did not 
know. Sometimes again, she said it might be so, but she was not 
decided one way or the other: in short, if I were to tell your 
Majesty that I considered the business otherwise than certain, I 
should be going against my con-. : cience. She wanted to know where 
we were going to lodge his Highness when please God he should 
arrive. I said here in my house until she received him in hers, which 
would not be long first. At lasf, catching her oft' her guard, I think 
I discover that she is really as much set on this marriage as your 
Majesty is, and I believe that she is keeping up this suspense in 
order that the Archduke may think she accepts him because she lias 
seen him, and not that she sees him because sh* has accepted him, 
and so to make his Highneas understand that it is to her and no one 
else that he is indebted for the marriage and the kingdom. She 
doubtless also wishes the King my master to write again begging her 
to be pleased to accept the match, which I hope his Majesty will do. 
She had altered and added much to what we agreed on Saturday 

should be written After taking leave of her 

I spoke to Cecil and having listened to him for some time and seeing 
that he was beating about the bush I begged that we might speak 
plainly to each other as I was neither blind nor deaf and could easily 
perceive that the Queen was not taking this step to refuse her consent 
after all. He swore that he did not know and could not assure me. 
\Ve passed from this to talk of the affairs of the country, and he 
confessed that they knew that if the Queen did not marry they 
could not avoid ruin, and he displayed the fear they have of the 
French, and how they know of the arrival of Hans Guillem to raise 
troops in Germany and the preparations they are making in France 
for the enterprise as well as the small hopes these people have of 
the disturbances in Scotland. He said that the French, in order to 
impede the marriage with the Archduke, had offered great alliances 
and friendship to the king of Sweden if the match with his son 
could be brought about ; and they well understand that this is only 
to alienate the Queen from her connexion and friendship with the 
king (Philip) and thus for the French to be able to invade the 
country more easily. The conversation ended by his saying that 
he hoped, in view of all this, that our business would be settled, and 
promised sincerely to give all his help, in return for which I assured 
him of the entire favour of the King my master and the Archduke. 
He said the Queen hoped the King would not abandon her in this 
strait, and I told him that if this marriage were brought about I 
was sure that the King would not only renew the alliance and 
unity with this country, but would do more than was expected, 
as the Archduke was his first cousin, to which he replied that if 
this were so he was sure the king of France would not at present 
attempt the conquest of the country, as both my King and your 
Majesty would defend it, which I admitted, alwaj's on condition 
that the marriage was effected, but keeping silence when this 
condition was not mentioned. He told me also that the Queen was 
sending large forces to the frontier of Scotland, and that a great 
fleet was l>eing collected ; but all this with so little spirit and in 



such a manner that it is clear they are much alarmed. This is 
what has happened to-day, and I therefore add it to my letter, as 
it confirms my former opinion, and I think that your Majesty 
should by no means fail to send the archduke. Frederico Coloredo, 
your Majesty's servant who bears this is acquainted with much 
that has passed in this business. He is an honest and prudent lad, 
and can tell your Majesty many things which I do not write, in 
order not to make this letter too long. I have written it in such 
minute detail because Preyner will not write anything of these two 
interviews, and it is precisely on what passed at them that your 
Majesty will have to form your judgment. I wrote to the ambassador 
Vargas, at Rome, that he must take care the French do not get at 
the new Pope and cause him to proceed against the Queen (Elizabeth) 
on the Scotch queen's claims. It would do much damage both here 
and elsewhere before the marriage. They will not venture to talk 
about it afterwards. 

5 Oct. 65. The BISHOP OF AQUILA to the KING. 

I have been advised by your Majesty's letters of. 25th August 
and 8th September of your Majesty's safe arrival in Spain, and 
I have communicated with the Queen as commanded. As regards 
the marriage, your Majesty will have seen what I wrote to the 
duchess of Parma on the 9th ultimo, and your Majesty will learn 
what has since happened by the copy I enclose of the letter I am 
now writing to the Emperor, which is so full that it leaves me little 
to say except upon one point which I have not thought fit to 
mention to his Majesty for fear he might feel some scruple about it, 
and so jeopardise the success of the business. 

In my last interview with the Queen, whilst I was urging and 
persuading her to consent to the Archduke's visit, she said she did 
not dare to summon him as she feared he might not be satisfied 
with her. I said that could not be as she was so well endowed by 
nature, and other things to the same effect, whereupon she replied 
that he might not be dissatisfied with what he saw but with what 
he heard about her, as I knew there were people in the country 
who took pleasure in saying anything that came into their heads 
about her. This she said with some signs of shame, and I answered 
that we who were treating of the Emperor's business were not so 
badly informed that we did not know something of what was 
necessary in deciding the affair, and Her Majesty might be sure that 
if there were anything which the Archduke should not hear or 
learn, the idea of his coming would not have been entertained by us, 
and this being so, she could understand thereby the high esteem in 
which your Majesty had always held her, and with this I tried all 
I could to change the subject, signifying that there was no need to 
speak of it. I saw she was pleased as she no doubt thought that if 
the Archduke heard any of the idle tales they tell about her (and 
they tell many) he might take advantage of them to the detriment 
of her honour if the match were broken off, and, although from this 
point of view I was not sorry, as the fear may not be without 
advantage to us, I thought well for all other reasons to say that 
I grieved greatly that Her Majesty should imagine such things, and 



should think that the Archduke was capable of any other thought 
than that of serving her in any case, whether she married him or 
not, and that such considerations were not worthy of her rank or 
that of the Archduke. The same remark had been made by me before 
in conversation by Lady Sidney, only I understood then that she 
was complaining of the rivals her brother had. At any rate the 
Queen now remains without a shadow of misgiving on the point, 
and I am in great hope that it would not have occurred to her 
unless she thought the marriage would take place. I write this to 
your Majesty that you may miss nothing of what passes in the 
business ; and on other points I have only to add to what I write to 
the Emperor, that I hope if this marriage takes place the Archduke 
will come so well prompted about religion, and so well attended 
that the principal object of his coming, which is to serve God, shall 
be attained ; without which the rest may not endure long ; and that 
the Queen may not be able to deal with him, as she hopes, in 
accordance with St. Paul's saying, that " the faithful wife often 
wins over and convinces the faithless husband," which our Lord in 
His mercy forbid in this case, as it would be the opposite to what 
St. Paul says. 

I have answered the Irishmen what the bishop of Arras wrote 
me from your Majesty. I fear that finding themselves so sorely 
pressed about religion they may have appealed to France, as I have 
heard some of these Frenchmen speak of them with great regard. 
I have advised Sefior de Chantonnay of this, that he may be on the 
look out. I humbly thank your Majesty for 1,000 ducats pension 
from the church of Plasencia, and another 1,000 on account. Pray 
consider how much I have to spend here when my permanent 
allowance is fixed. London, 5th October 1559. 


Simancas, Qn Thursday the Queen had ordered the marriage of one of her 
Ad<l 26056a ^wty sei ' van t s to take place in her own chaj el and directed that a 
crucifix and candles should be placed upon the altar, which caused 
so much noise amongst her chaplains and the Council that the 
intention was abandoned for the time, but it was done at vespers 
on Saturday, and on Sunday the clergy wore vestments as they do 
in our services, and so great was the crowd at the palace that 
disturbance was feared in the city. The fact is that the crucifixes 
and vestments that were burnt a month ago publicly are now 
set up again in the royal chapel, as they soon will be all over the 
kingdom, unless, which God forbid, there is another change next 
week. They are doing :t out of sheer f ar to pacify the Catholics, 
but as forced favours are no sign of affection they often do more 
harm than good. The Queen still pretends to be irresolute about 
the Archduke, and is on dreadfully bad terms with the Fiench, and 
says they who think themselves so clever will find themselves 
outwitted at last. London, 9th October 1559. 



14 Oct. 67. The COUNT DE FERIA to the BISHOP OF AQUILA. 

Have not written before because in truth every time I recollect 
how the King has gone to Spain without making proper provision 
for your Lordship I am so annoyed that I cannot help expressing 
it. I do not wish to recount the way liis Majesty treated matters 
during the last few days he was here. He cared little whether we 
paid out of our own pockets instead of he and the commonwealth. 
I hope he will open his eyes now that he has gone to cure his home 
sickness in Spain. Things are going on badly there, and they are 
coming to such a pass that we soon shall not know which are the 
heretics and which the Christians. I will not believe evil of the 
Archbishop* or his companion, nor of the archbishop of Granada, 
who has also been summoned by the inquisitors. What drives me 
crazy is to see the lives led by the criminals and those Jed by their 
ju Iges, and to compare their respective intelligence. The Duchess 
and 1 have written warmly to the King urging your needs. God 
knows what the result will be. I should be glad if that woman 
(Elizabeth) were to quite lose her head and bring matters to a point, 
although when I think what a baggage she is and what a crew she is 
surrounded by, there is probability enough of my wish coming true. 

It seems the Emperor up to the present refuses leave for his son 
to go, and, to tell the truth, I cannot persuade myself that he is 
wrong, nor do I believe that she will either marry him, or refuse to 
marry him, whilst the matter at issue is only his visit. Real 
necessity, however, may make her open her eyes and marry, although 
the laxity of the neighbouring princes may still allow her to deceive 
herself. As to what Lord Robert and his sister say I do not believe 
more than the first day that the only thing the Queen stickles for is 
the coming of the lad. The Countess is confined with a fine big 
boy, and, thank God, is going on well, but we cannot leave here until 
after the winter cold is over. Pray ask the Queen for license for 
the Countess' grandmother to remain another six months, and 
Clarencis as well. Ask Lord Robert and his sister on my behalf 
and tell them that Cecil will be against the business. I beg you to 
treat the matter with a high hand, and give them to understand 
that it will be well to keep me in a good humour, although it may 
be a vanity for me to say it, but I swear to you that as long as I 
live I shall try to bring about that which you know, and what is 
not done one day will be done another. This license must be 
granted at once, because the present one expires at Christmas, and 
the time is short. Please ask the Admiral and Lord Robert for the 
dogs they promised me, which I want for a present. I have no news 
for you from Spain, except the list of the books they have prohibited, 
which I enclose. Malines, 14th October 1559. 

16 Oct. 68. The BISHOP OF AQUILA to the EMPEROB. 

Since writing my long letter by Frederico Coloredo on the 6th 
instant we have inquired in all possible quarters as to the Queen's 
intentions about the marriage, and have favourable news. Your 

* Bartolorae Carranza, archbishop of Toledo, who was arrested by the Inquisition on 
the 22nd August, 1559, and whose subsequent persecution and sufferings are well known 



Majesty should send His Highness at once in the way I have already 

We told the Queen yesterday that we thought the Archduke would 
soon come and she was much pleased, although she already knew it, 
and had told Lady Sidne}', who assures us now more than ever that 
the Queen is resolved on the marriage. The truth is that her 
necessity is such that if the marriage is not brought about she may 
find herself in grave trouble. I write to the King my master again 
asking him to write to her, pressing her to conclude the match for 
reasons which are evident, and also because if the Archduke comes 
and is rejected it will be great offence to your Majesty and the King 
and all his house. I hope to God it will have the desired effect. 
The list of the household and state kept by the kings here shall be sent 
to your Majesty in my next, as I have not dared to ask for it openly 
for fear they might suspect whom it was for. The coming hither 
of the count of Helfenstein would be of but little service at present, 
or until the conclusion of the business has to be negotiated, and as 
this cannot be until the Archduke comes, we think he had better 
stay in Flanders and bring his Highness over with him disguised 
as a member of his household. I have written to the Duchess to 
this effect. Pray pardon us for taking resolutions in this way, but 
it is all done with intention and desire to serve your Majesty. 
London, 16th October 1559. 

Sinmncas, The Queen is very pleased and gay, as she thinks the Archduke is 
A<M '6 056 com i n e> but otherwise as fickle as ever, and as determined to see him 
before deciding. This woman's troubles are growing apace, and her 
house will be in a blaze before she knows it. I am sure if the 
Archduke comes she will marry him, particularly if we flatter and 
give her presents which will influence her more than her need. Not 
only are the French daily becoming stronger in Scotland, but all the 
country is so much ngainst this Queen that the catholics are not by 
any means the most suspected people now. A plot was made the 
other day to murder Lord Robert, and it is now common talk and 
threat. The plot was headed by the Duke of Norfolk, the Earl of 
Surrey, and all the principal adherents of the Archduke. The Queen 
and Robert are very uneasy about the Duke of Norfolk, as he talks 
openly about her lightness and bad government. People are ashamed 
of what is going on, and particularly the Duke, as he is Lord Robert's 
enemy. The Duke is a great friend of ours, and will no doubt come 
to receive the Archduke, which he may well do as he occupies the 
principal place in the country. For these reasons I think the 
marriage will take place, but we must touch the Queen and Council 
to the quick, as they are the only waverers, the country being with 
us. London, 29th October 1559. 


Many many thanks for the kindness and condescension shown to 
me in your letter of 14th instant, for which I am especially thankful, 
as I see your annoyance at the troubles of your poor people is 
sufficiently mitigated for you to write about them, GoJ knows that 



my own vexation has been more caused by the knowledge that you 
were in trouble about us than by the evil itself, although in good 
truth the joke has been a bitter one for me, and I do not know how 
I shall come out of it. I should rejoice to know that the affairs of 
the Archbishops and good Friar Juan was not graver than mine. I 
cannot understand, knowing them as I do, how they can have done 
anything to deserve their bad treatment. 

I have sent to the father confessor* the letters written to me by 
some of the godly men here deploring the degradation of these good 
friars that he may see the effect that this business has had on 
matters here. I do not suppose that the letters will have much 
influence, but at all events 1 console myself with the knowledge 
that affairs here are going on better, in the devil's despite, as these 
catholics are firmer than ever, and the heretics are fighting so much 
amongst themselves that they have no time to scoff at the way we 
catholics are persecuting one another. 

Bedford attacked Cecil the other day about the crucifix, and the 
Queen also insulted him for some other cause unknown to me. The 
heretic Bishops are grumbling to her about their revenues, and are 
beginning to preach against her ; in fact, if I were tc tell you all 
that is going on I should never finish. The harvest is ripe if there 
were someone to come and reap it, but I can see no hope of that 
except from heaven. Your Lordship's opinion with regard to the 
Queen's marriage would hold good in the case of a woman of brains 
and conscience with which this one is not troubled, but, as it is, I 
think she either will not marry, or, if she do, it will only be 
because she has brought the Archduke here and likes him. Her 
need cannot be greater than it is, nor does it suit us that it should 
be so, as that would mean an appeal to arms, which I believe His 
Majesty does not desire. The best feature in the match with the 
Archduke is that the French would retire from the business, and the 
minds of catholics and heretics would calm down, as both would 
think he would favour their side. In this respect all the heretics 
are quite content that he should be a catholic so long as he leaves 
them at liberty, and I feel sure the Queen would do the same, as 
she is certainly tired of the vapourings she gave way to at first. It 
will be well for your Lordship to urge the coining of the Archduke, 
as it is most important, and tbe ambassador is sending one of his 
gentlemen to the Emperor to press it. The freedom of these 
blackguards annoys me beyond measure, as the Queen says the 
most extraordinary things, and I always have a retort for every 
word which greatly offends but does not frighten her, whereas I 
should like to follow an exactly contrary course, first making much 
of her, and then give her some gall syrup in the form of news of 
leagues against her which she fears most. 

Here we are, ten or twelve ambassadors, competing for her favour, 
and now they say the duke of Holstein, brother of the king of 
Denmark, is coming, and, as they tell me, not a worse-looking man 
than the Archduke. The King of Sweden's son, who is here, is fit 

* Fresneda the King's Confessor. 



to kill the Emperor's ambassador, because he said his father was 
only a clown who had stolen his kingdom from the crown of 
Denmark, and the matter has reached such a point that the Queen 
is careful they should not meet in the palace to avoid their slashing 
each other in her presence. To crown it all they are making 
mischief with me about it. 

The other day when Pickering was going into the chapel, which 
is inside the Queen's apartments, the earl of Arundel came to the 
door and told him he knew very well that that was a place for 
lords, and he must go to the presence chamber. The other 
answered that he knew that, and he also knew that Arundel was 
an impudent discourteous knave, which the earl .heard, and went 
out without answering a word, leaving the other to enter. 
Pickering tells it in public and refrains from challenging him as 
he holds him of small account, but it is only right that he should 
refrain as the other is very weak. 

Lord Robert will ask for license for another six months for the 
Countess' grandmother, as Lady Sidney says he will do it better than 
she. If the Queen will not give it I will ask for it in a way that 

will not fail to be serviceable, as I atn now able to do* 

as I like with the Queen more than formerly, since she sees that 
all clergymen are not sheep like those of her own country. I 
will also ask the Admiral and Robert for the dogs, and will send 
them as soon as I can. 

A thousand thanks for good offices with the Duchess of Parma. 
God grant they may not forget to pluck me out of the trouble 
in which they have placed me. 

There is much talk of the present made by the Queen of Bohemia 
to my lady the Countess. The ladies of the palace here are very 
humble and civil, which is more than their mistress is. Congratu- 
lations on the birth of Don Lorenzo, who they tell me is a brave 
boy. I write to the bishop of Arras on Irish affairs, which are 
more important than we think. London, 29th October 1559. 


I write in great haste to catch the post, and have received three 
letters from you since 14th instant. Yours of 30th ultimo just 
handed to me. 

I await reply from Spain by Juan Gallego about your affairs 
before again pestering the King. His Majesty is teaching us that 
way of proceeding in spite of us. I arn still of opinion that the 
Archduke should not come, but my opinion is now of small im- 
portance as his father will not let him come. If Duke Adolph goes 
thither the Queen will have no cause to find fault either as to his 
good looks or his heresy. We expect Count Helfenstein hourly and 
shall see what news he brings. I am urging what you write to the 
Duchess (of Parma) and M. d' Arras about Ireland, which I think 
you also ought to convey to the King, so that it may not be our 
fault if so important an opportunity is missed. Madame will answer 
as she thinks best about the horses and arms, but the King ordered 

' i * * Paper torn in original. 



me to tell her not to grant any, and I have not spoken of the matter 
since. I should not object to a horse or two being given, but really 
I am of opinion that the time making presents is over. It has never 
been of any use whilst the other mode of proceeding lias. I see you 
are now acting the bland and loving with that Medea. The Countess 
is still sadly ailiug, but the boy is well. I cannot exaggerate my 
anxiety about the license for the Countess' grandmother* and 
Clareneis,t and I entreat you not to let the short time to 
Christmas slip by without sending it as the good old ladies are 
very anxious, as is my wife. In your letter you say nothing about 
Clarencis' license which I desire as much as the other, and more 
as she has entire care of the child and is wonderfully attentive. 
Pray take the matter in hand. Malines, 5th November 1559. 

9 Nov. 72. The SAME to the SAME. 

I wrote by last post and have since received letters from Spain, 
but none from the King who holds these States in so small account 
that he cares not whether they be lost or not. He left Valladolid 
on the 9th October, and the Cortes and Councils were to sit in 
Toledo on the 12th of this month. The duke of InfautazgoJ and 
Cardinal de Burgos who came to receive the Queen were to be 
on the French frontier on the same day and to convey her to 
Guadalajara where the Princess of Portugal was to entertain her, 
and the King was to go thither and marry her, and thence to 
Toledo for the festivities. You will see by copies enclosed what 
has happened in the autos of the Inquisition in Valladolid and 
Seville. The Archbishop|| was a prisoner in a housed with two 
pages and Friar Antonio** to serve him. He had answered the 
archbishop of Seville ft and they were engaged in considering the 
replies. They put Friar Juan in the prison of the Inquisition when 
he arrived from here. We shall have full news by Juan Gallego. 
The Princess of Salerno has died sudden]}' in Valladolid. I am 
very anxious about Lady Dormer's license which we have requested. 
As Christmas is drawing near I have decided to send a person 
specially, and I ask you kindly to have the license given to him 
as soon as possible as it is most important to me, more so than 
you would think. To tell you the truth the want of it may cost 
me over 20,000 ducats which this good old lady wishes to give to 
her grand-daughter, and her son will prevent it if he can. Neither 
I nor my wife want to lose what is our own, and you know how 

* La<ly Dormer. 

f The lady referred to is no doubt Mistress Susan Clarentius (or Lady Clarentiiss) who 
had been a favourite attrndant on Queen Mary, and was present at the Queen's death 
and the embalming of the body. Lady Clareuiius would appear to have entered the 
Spanish Ambassador's household soon after the death of her mistress, and accompanied 
the Countess to Flanders and subsequently to Spain. Cresham, who was in Flanders at 
the time, greatly interested himself in obtaining these licenses for the two ladies to remain 
out of England. See several letters of similar date from him to Cecil on the subject. 
Calendar of State papers, Foreign Series. 

J Inigo Lopez de Mendozu fourth duke of Infantado the first of the Castilian nobles. 

| The duke of Infantado's brother. 

|] Bartolome de Carranza, archbuhop of Toledo, primate of Spain. 

*$ In the house of Pedro Gonzales at Valladolid just bought by the Holy Office. 

** Antonio Sanchez, a lay-brother servant of the Archbishop. 

ft Fernando d* Valdez, archbishop cf Seville, Grand Inquisitor. 



ready those Councillors over there are to do a bad turn of this sort. 
They arc letting the time go on until Christmas is past, and if by 
that time the license is not despatched they will declare all of Lady 
Dormer's property forfeit. Even if she wished she could not go as 
she has been, and is, very ill. Olavarria is going over for this, and 
I do not send a more distinguished ambassador, because we place all 
our hopes in you and he will do his writing with his tongue only. 
Much as we desire this license we wish for that of Mistress Clarencis 
no less and that knave Cecil, in order to lay his hands on her 
goods, will certainly try some roguish trick, so both the Counters 
who sends her regards to you, and I, beg you with all our hearts 
to carry this matter with a high hand arid send us these licenses. 
I expect the French will be in such a hurry to open the ball there 
that we shall have to dance whether we want or not. I hope to 
God it may be so. The English ambassador in France told our 
ambassador there that it would be better for England if war broke 
out at once with the French, rather than wait until they (the French) 
were stronger in Scotland, as it was evident that war would break 
out as soon as they were. 

We know nothing of what the Emperor says nor has Helfenstein 
arrived ; we do not know even whether he has left his house. The 
Countess still in poor health and I have (he Antwerp physician here 
who I hope to God will cure her. The boy very bonny. I believe 
Monsignor d' Arras will send you copy of news from Rome. If he 
does cot I will do so in future. The dispensation for my brother to 
marry my neice was granted whereat, I am glad.* Only think if 
they were to make Pacheco pope how he would gobble. f Malines, 
9th November 1559. 

12 Nov. 73. BISHOP QUADRA to the DUKE OF ALVA. 

jj e j s struggling with the terrible fancies of the Queen, of which 
^ e ver y heretics are ashamed. 

Surprised at the steadfastness of the Catholics. Disturbances 
were expected as they were rtally driven to desperation. Begs 
for money to pay pensions and salaries, as not a man dares to 
raise his voice in the service of the King, and he i.s making 
enemies rather than friends as he cannot pay his way. London, 
12th November 1559. 

13 Nov. 74. BISHOP QUADRA to the KING. 

The matter of the Queen's marriage being in the position explained 
to your Majesty in recent letters, a position which gave hopes of its 
being brought about, I received certain news which forced me to 
try to get a definite declaration from the Queen, whatever the result 
might be, rather than the Archduke should be deceived when he 
arrived here. What moved me to ascertain her wishes was that 

* A dispensation had already been granted 10 the Count himself to marry this young 
lady with her great dowry, nud when all was arranged for the wedding the Ambassador 
fell violently in love with Miss Dormer, whom he married secretly, although circumstances 
shortly made it necessary to avow the marriage. 

f Conteniple V. S. si Pacheco saliese Papa lo que pafaria, an untranslatable play 
upon words. 



I noticed Lord Robert was slackening in our business and favouring 
the Swedish match, and that he had had words with his sister 
because she wa3 carrying the affair further than he desired, but 
principally because I had heard from a certain person who is 
accustomed to give me veracious news that Lord Robert has sent 
to poison his wife. Certainly all the Queen has done with us and 
with the Swede, and will do with the rest in the matter of her 
marriage, is only keeping Lord Robert's enemies and the country 
engaged with words until this wicked deed of killing hir> wife is 
consummated. The same person told me some extraordinary things 
about this intimacy, which I would never have believed, only that 
now I find Lord Robert's enemies in the Council making no secret 
of their evil opinion of it, so that in view of all these things, and 
as Lady Sidney instead of coining to me as usual with encourage- 
ment was alarmed, I thought I ought not to delay longer in 
ascertaining the Queen's intentions. I therefore took eveiy 
opportunity of letting her know in the best way I could that it 
would be better for her to be more open with us than hitherto, 
as we believed the Archduke might be already on the road, and 
that as she in that case was satisfied that her reasonable conditions 
had been complied with, we on our part ought now to receive some 
assurance in the matter. At first she began, as usual, with words 
full of hope, but seeing that these did not satisfy me, she drew back 
saying that she did not think of marrying, although she might alter 
her mind when she had seen the Archduke. I said that this 
intention did not justify her in giving Jeave for the Archduke to 
come and see her, and she answered that what she intended was only 
to see and know him now, for when she might feel inclined to marry. 
I told her that that was the time to see him, as I did not expect 
she would marry in such haste when she did make up her mind 
as to lack time to inform the Princes who had to be consulted. 
She answered that she wanted to act paradoxically in the matter, 
and to get married before anyone in the world knew of it ; where- 
upon I said, seeing it was useless to dispute any more, that if she 
thought of doing it in that way there was no need that your 
Majesty's servants should trouble her any more about it. She did 
not like me to be undeceived already, as she well knows the danger 
which may arise, and told me that she would think over what had 
better be done. I asked her that communications on the matter 
should be made to the Emperor's ambassador in my presence. The 
next day they summoned us, and when we three were together I 
saw she still wished to justify herself, so I determined to tell her 
what I had hitherto withheld, namely, what Lady Sidney and her 
brother and Treasurer Parry had told us, without mentioning their 
names. I said that although no one would believe that so wise and 
prudent a Princess would bring the Archduke over only to reject 
him, yet we should not have dared to write to the Emperor as we 
had if some of the principal persons of her Court had not assured 
us that she Would marry him when he came, and these persons had 
informed us that they took this step by her orders, as she had 
refrained from telling us herself from modesty ; and we therefore 
wished for a more definite declaration from her than hitherto, now 



that in all probability the Archduke was on his way. I thought 
this would have excited her greatly, as was to be expected if it 
were not true, or at least if it were true that she would have put 
on some appearance of indignation. But this was not the case, 
for without even asking who the persons referred to were, she 
answered that some one had done this with good intentions, but 
without any commission from her. We were rather aggrieved at 
this, as we saw the trick had not been played by her alone, and we 
ended by agreeing that we would advise the Emperor of what I 
have said, in order that he should decide whether to send his son 
on these conditions or not. She was very sorry to have to declare 
herself on this matter. The Emperor's ambassador is despatching 
a courier with this news, and he has been so scandalized at it all 
that he wanted to write a very bad account to his master ; but I 
have prevented it, and I believe what he will write will not shut 
the door to the Emperor's wisli if any better feature in the affair 
should appear. 1 am obliged to complain of somebody in this 
matter, and have complained of Lady Sidney only, although in 
good truth she is no more to blame than I am, as I have said 
privately. If your Majesty pleases to write about it to the Queen, 
and the conversation should turn that way in the meanwhile, I will 
tell the Emperor's ambassador what, in my opinion, should be done. 
Paget came to me the other day and said that, so far as he understood, 
the Queen was not entirely unfavourable, although she was still 
resolved not to marry until she had seen her future husband. The 
opinion of both the Council and herself was that no improvement 
in the present state of things here could be expected except through 
this marriage, and they were all favourable to it, but that I did 
well to get an assurance from the Queen, and put an end to her 
indecision. This is all that has happened, and I hope your Majesty 
will not consider my action ill-timed or injudicious, as, so long as 
the Queen's own words were confirmed by the assurance of her 
friends, I thought I could not be wrong if I followed their advice, 
but when I found Lady Sidney was doubtful and complained of the 
Queen and her brother (Lord Robert), I thought best to put an end 
to uncertainty. I also bore in mind that if the Emperor is not 
resolved to send his son, this step of mine will be apposite, whereas 
if he thinks of sending him it will still be well that he should know 
how things stand here before he starts. In case he should have 
already set out, in which event I do not know how it would look 
for him to turn back again, I will describe the position here in order 
that your Majesty may have the question considered from this point 
of view and decide accordingly. 

As I knew that the duke of Norfolk was the chief of Lord Robert's 
enemies, who are all the principal people in the kingdom, and that 
he had said that if Lord Robert did not abandon his present 
pretensions and presumption he would not die in his bed, I gol the 
Ambassador to write to him, Norfolk, and also wrote myself, and we 
sent a gentleman interpreter of ours to him with Lord Sidney (NIC), 
who is a kinsman of Robert's, and a great adherent of the Duke, with 
instructions to give him an account of all that had happened in this 
business, and the point to which we had brought it, in order 

a 66529. H 



that we might obtain his countenance and advice. He replied very 
graciously, and sent word that he should rejoice greatly if the affair 
could be brought about and was of opinion that the Archduke should 
come publicly and ostentatiously, in which case he (Norfolk) would 
stake his right arm that he would give us the votes of all the 
biggest and best in the land. He himself would come here to be 
present at the reception of the Archduke, to whom he wished to speak 
before he entered London, and asked us to endeavour to get him 
appointed by the Queen to go to meet him. I think this hatred of 
Lord Robert will continue, as the Duke and the rest of them cannot 
put up with his being King. I am of opinion if the Archduke 
comes and makes the acquaintance and obtains the goodwill of 
these people, even if this marriage of which I have now no hope 
except by force should fall through, and any disaster were to befall 
the Queen, such as may be feared from her bad government, the 
Archduke might be summoned to marry Lady Catherine to whom 
the kingdom falls if this woman dies. If the Archduke sees her 
(Catherine) he should so bear himself that she should understand 
this design, which in my opinion may be beneficial and even 

The ambassador Throgmorton came from France two days ago 
very busy, and they are making much of him, so that we should 
think he comes on various affairs of state, but the real reason for his 
journey is to hurry the sending of arms to the Isle of Wight, and to 
urge forward the fitting out of the fleet. The Queen has taken 
Count Mansfelt and another Colonel who is in Denmark into her 
service, and I understand she thinks of providing herself in this way 
with the troops she requires. If she finds herself very much pressed 
she will rather marry the son of the king of Sweden, who is a 
heretic and offers her many millions, than the Archduke. The 
kinsman of the Swedish King has left to fetch the King's son whom 
the Queen says she wishes to see before making up her mind, and 
they have told them the same as they told us. I have just heard 
that Lady Sidney is discouraged about the Queen, and she sends to 
say to me that even though she be in the Tower she will not cease 
to proclaim what is going on, and that her worst enemy is her 

I also understand that these people are trying very hard to satisfy 
the king of France and avoid a rupture. I think he will be satisfied 
if this marriage is not effected at present, Your Majesty understands 
better than I the dangers which threaten England from the French 
and the evils which may befall your Majesty by dissensions here. 
With regard to Ireland I have done what your Majesty has ordered 
through the bishop of Arras, but as the answer came late I under- 
stand they have sent to your Majesty direct. The man they have here 
has told me twice that they must have recourse - to the French if 
your Majesty does not protect them. I have tried to keep this 
man satisfied and shall no doubt hear from him what is done here 
in the business, which information I will convey to the duchess of 

Pcstscr'qjt : The sou of the king of Sweden went to-day to visit the 
Queen, and being tired of waiting in an antechamber he went away 



to his house without saying a word to anybody. I think he is 
undeceived now after scattering large sums of money amongst these 
people and showing himself off to the Queen. Endorsed 13th 
November 1559. 

18 Nov. 75. BISHOP QUADRA to the KINO. 

On the 13th instant I informed your Majesty what had passed 
with the Queen in the matter of getting her to declare herself 
about the marriage, and the undecided answer she gave us and how 
I had shown myself aggrieved against Lady Sidney although I know 
that, far from bein^ {*> blame, she is glad I should take this step, as 
she says she will make known to the Queen and everybody what 
has occurred if she is asked, I have since learnt that the coming 
of the ambassador Thro^morton has resulted after much altercation 
in the Queen and Council deciding to give overt help to the Scots 
in casting out the French and to de'iver the country to the earl of 
Arran, and although this is not entirely public yet, I understand 
that it is decided, and Throgmorton told the duke of Norfolk so 
some days ago. The question of the Queen's marriage is still 
pending, as she shows the same indecision in marrying the earl 
of Arran as with the rest, but she and they confess that if he gets 
the kingdom the match is the most desirable for the union of the 
island and the consequent advantages. Some believe, and I amongst 
them from what I see going on in her house, that she is not in 
earnest, but only wants to amuse the crowd with the hope of the 
match in order to save the life of Lord Robert, who is very vigilant 
and suspicious, as he has again been warned that there is a plot to 
kill him, which I quite believe, for not a man in the realm can suffer 
the idea of his being king. The Queen has simultaneously taken 
another step of great importance towards carrying out her designs, 
namely, in commencing this war, as she thinks your Majesty and 
the French will probably take up arms, which is exactly what these 
people want and have been expecting for a year, and, as I understand, 
nave tried to bring about by telling the French ambassador that 
your Majesty was again in treaty for the Queen's hand and meant 
to abandon their King's sister, who they thought would never enter 
Spain. That now being beyond doubt they have adopted the other 
course of commencing war with the object I have mentioned and 
are sure when your Majesty sees them in a fix that you must help 
them. They thus venture to put themselves into manifest peril, 
beginning war without forces with the sole object of setting their 
neighbours by the ears and extricating themselves from the extremity 
in which they are. They think they will then be able to do as they 
like both as regards religion and their marriages and appetites as 
well as in the other things they usually do when their neighbours 
have need of them. I do not know how to act, and in order not to err 
I adopt the plan of staying at home and signifying displeasure both 
about the war and the marriage. The duke of Norfolk came here 
yesterday, who tells me he has begun to oppose the war openly and 
to urge the match with the Archduke on the ground that since the 
epd aimed at, namely, the defence of the country, can be attained 
inuch more easily by this means there is no reason to go to war, 

H 2 



I encouraged him and gave him to unders'and that his view was in 
conformity with your Majesty s wishes and those of all who have 
at heart the interests of the Queen and the country. I do not know 
how this business will end, but I have thought best to inform your 
Majesty and the duchess of Parma at once of what has happened, 
and that they are publicly sending arms to Scotland. The captains 
who were here have gone thither and considerable numbers of troops, 
and it is said also that the Queen's ships are ready. 

Lady Sidney's husband came yesterday to tell me that the Queen 
was sending two ambassadors, one to your Majesty and the other to 
the Emperor. He, Sidney, is to go to the Emperor. He wished to 
make me believe that he still thought the match with the Archduke 
would be brought about. My own opinion is that the Queen is 
only sending these ambassadors out of compliment, and to counteract 
the reports she thinks we have sent to your Majesty, and the 
Emperor and in futherance of her design of arousing the suspicions 
of the French that the match will yet be concluded, which they 
certainly fear very much. The sending of these ambassadors is 
very opportune for her to show that the negotiations are still on 
foot and near conclusion and Throgmorton says that he will shortly 
return to France, probably to brag and threaten about the marriage 
in view of the despatch of the ambassadors of which I will give 
notice to Monsignor de Chantonnay. I do not wish to omit saying 
that if the Archduke has left Vienna, I should see no objection to 
his taking a turn in this country if this would not injure us with 
the French by arousing their suspicion that the business was settled. 
I am moved to this by seeing the inclination towards his name 
shown by the majority of the people and the ruin which, as I think 
daily threatens the Queen. She would be succeeded by Lady 
Catherine, who would be very much more desirable than this one, as 
1 have already written. 

On separate sheet attacJied to the foregoing : 

Since writing the above letter I have heard that the French have 
captured a sum of money that the Queen was sending to the Scots 
in a letter from Cecil. This is the first open rupture. The Queen 
has summoned the duke of Norfolk to make him general of the 
frontier. I do not know whether they will thus cause him to slacken 
in the other affair, or whether he may think he can do more in the 
position than without it. I understand that after he had spoken 
to several of the Council about the Archduke's match, Throgmorton 
came and asked him what conditions were offered by the Emperor 
to the Queen for the conclusion of the affair, and the Duke sent 
word to me. I answered that when the Queen had made up her 
mind we would then treat of terms, which, however, in peace or 
war, would be very advantageous to the Queen, although we did 
not know them in detail as the Queen had never allowed the matter 
to proceed so far. I believe Throgmorton wants to be able to tell 
something to the French that shall not arouse their suspicion. 
London, 18th November 1559. 


The license to hand, many thanks. The Queen has no right 
to complain of my wife for having spoken about her for really she 



has been most reticent and has never said a word. I believe I am 
the culprit for saying what I know to be true, and the Queen will 
repent of having behaved as she has to me before a year is over. I 
do not understand why the Queen should complain after treating 
the Countess as disco urteously as she has, and by God I will say as 
much to her ambassador, who came yesterday and sent word to me 
that he had .instructions from his mistress to visit the Duchess, but 
that as he heard she was not well he would do so another day. 

License has been given to Granado to take out four horses. He 
tried hard for six, but I thought even four too many, and if it had not 
been that you wrote recommending it, he would not have got them, 
as the King, who knew what Granado had come for, sent to me at 
Ghent to tell Madame not to give him a license for any. I am glad 
the Queen has undeceived us in time, although I never believed her, 
for now the Emperor will not let his son come until after all is 
settled, and I think he is right. Even though the negotiations 
may be renewed your Lordship should not again treat on this point 
as you will hear from Count Heltenstein's instructions. The French 
game is to stop this marriage. I believe it must end in war. I go 
to Spain as soon as my wife is fit. Without date. 


Simancw, The duke of Norfolk spoke out so plainly to Lord Robert the 
Add. 26 io56a. ^ Mer day ^ na ^ * ne y separated abruptly, and Robert told him he was 
neither a good Englishman nor a loyal subject who advised the 
Queen to marry a foreigner. Things are very strained between 
them, and the Duke has gone home in dudgeon and refused the 
command in chief on the frontier. 

The war is unpopular and the Archduke's marriage desired. 
London, 27th November 1559. 

13 Dec. 78. Relation of a letter from BISHOP QUADRA to the KING. 

The Queen hud sent for him and told him that seeing the injurien 
. s ^ e ' iac ^ received from the French she must defend herself, and as it 
was important that the king of Spain should know of this as soon 
as possible, and she could not safely send a courier by way of France, 
she begged the Bishop to remit the news to His Majesty pending 
the despatch of the ambassadors she intended to send. 

Her reasons were that the king of France had assumed her style 
and arms and had 8,000 soldiers in Scotland, besides which lie was 
sending 40 ships with munitions, and the Rhiengraf and Rocaudolph 
Avere raising regiments to invade England. 

Cecil brought the Queen's letter to the Bishop for your Majesty, 
and said they had news that 300 French had placed themselves in 
the fort of Eyemouth and had re-fortiried it in violation of treaties, 
and thus they have begun the offensive. The Queen had ordered her 
forces at Berwick to turn them out at once. 



The French had promised the king of Denmark te settle his 
dispute with the duchess of Lorraine in his favour if he would let 
their Germans embark from his port. 

Cecil said they would be face to face in. five days, and if they, the 
English, lose a battle the French will come right on to London. 

The Queen desired that your Majesty should be informed, as it 
was of so great importance to you, and begged for advice. 

The real object of the Queen is to set all her neighbours by the 
ears and then take advantage of it for her own ends. 

The Queen revived the subject of the Archduke, and said she 
believed he was in the country. The Bishop referred her to Count 

Cecil also wanted to talk about the marriage, but the Bishop 
would not discuss it as they will follow it up if they are in earnest, 
and we do not wish to be deceived a second time if it is only a feint. 
Some of the Council confess that the Queen must accept this 
marriage, but your Majesty, must undertake to protect the Archduke 
and the country. 

Understands that the Queen's ambassadors are going to your 
Majesty to propose marriage with the Prince (Carlos). That Drury 
of the Queen's chamber and his brother had been arrested on 
suspicion of being implicated in the plot against Lord Robert. 

He hud spoken to the French ambassador who greatly belittled 
the Queen's armaments and said if she wanted war she should have 
plenty of it. London, 13th December 1559. 

13 Dec. 79. BISHOP QUADRA to the DUKE OF ALBA. 

ifM ai \fs ^ ou w ^ see k v m y letters to His Majesty that what we have 
Add. 20 O56a. ^ ea - rec ^ so l ori g ' las a ^ l^t come to pass. It is the Queen's act, and I 
pray God that Christendom may not again be set aflame by these 
corrupt and evil appetites. I think the preparations that were to be 
made should be made at once, as delay is dangerous, and in the mean- 
while I will bear myself as 3 our Excellency ordered me months ago 
at Chateau Cambresi towards those members of the Council I 
mentioned to the Count de Feria. I am deeply anxious, and con- 
sidering the difficulties in which I am, so prejudicial as they are to 
the successful conduct of negotiations, I am at a loss to know how I 
shall carry so great a business through, as His Majesty has left me 
here without money, without any letters from him, and without 
orders for over four months. I am out of health and to do things at 
haphazard is to make success impossible. I know your Excellency 
hears plenty of such language as this, but I cannot help begging 
that at least I may have news of His Majesty's health. London, 
13th December 1559. 

simancas, This Irishman told me to-day that certain people of their religion 
A4d'l& u5Crr ' n conversation with the Queen lately mentioned the great numbers 
of Flemings and Dutchmen with the families and households who 

* Christina, daughter of Christian II. of Denmark, married in 1534 to Francis Sforza, 
duke of Milan, and secondly in 1641. to the fint duke 6f Lorraine, who died 1545, 
Sh,e died 1MO, 



were flocking into this country from the Status on account of 
religion, when she answered that they were all welcome, and th.'tt 
she at least would never fail them. She said, moreover, that when 
the Spaniards who now govern the States were all gone back to 
roast in their sweltering Indies or their burning Spain she well knew 
that her religion would flourish there as she had some of the 
principal men on her side. 

She no doubt thinks to upset all the world by this means, and 
indeed she is trying the game already in France, and her friends are 
boasting of the progress of the gospel there. 

I write this because you are no doubt the Spaniard to whom she 
referred. She will be glad enough to hear that you have gone. 
London, 18th December 1559. 


By what I write to Madame (the duchess of Parma) your Lordship 
will see what a pretty business it is to have to treat with this 
woman, who I think must have a hundred thousand devils in her 
body, notwithstanding that she is for ever telling me that she yearns 
to be a nun and to pass her time in a cell praying. I have heard great 
things of a sort that cannot be written about and you will under- 
stand what they must be by that. Count Helfenstein should depart 
at once and the matter decided one way or the other as things have 
reached a point that will not allow us to avoid jumping the ditch 
for fear of falling in. I do not hesitate to inform you that I am told 
by a certain person that if it be necessary to send troops from 
Flanders to this country there is no place so easily invaded as Lynn, 
in the county of Norfolk, which has a port and shore whence a force 
can be very easily thrown two miles in rear of the town in a strong 
position. I am told this by an experienced soldier who knows the 
country well and who fears the French may get in, having the coast 
of Holland at hand whence they can easily run over on a single 
tack. From this place to Bristol they say there is a perfect line of 
rivers and mountains dividing the land from the Cornish promontory 
to Lynn, the best part of the country. 

It appears still possible that Mr. Sidney may go as ambassador to 
Spain. He tells me that if it be only to go thither, arrange this 
marriage and return, he would go with pleasure, but he does not 
want to go and stay there and take his wife without whom he will 
not go. He has become reconciled with Mr. Robert, with whom he 
had recently been on very bad terms. I imagine Robert wishes to 
make much of your Lordship through him as he is persuaded he 
could not do so well through me, knowing that I am anything but 
pleased with his dissimulation. 

They tell me the Queen is displeased that some of them are greatly 
caressing a nephew of Cardinal Pole, uncle of her brother (sic) and 
she suspects all of those who surround him and particularly Lord 
Hastings ; but let her take what care .'-he may, she cannot prevent 
the river overflowing its banks one of these days, and, on my faith, I 
think that her own co-religionists may bring this about before tho 
Catholics, For the love of God I pray your Lordship not to for.^t 



affairs here, for I sde what good opportunities are presenting 
themselves for remedying the evil. London, 27th December 1559. 


Simancas, Ambassador Throgmorton leaves for France to-morrow, but his 
S oin S abates not a jot of the preparations for the war in Scotland or 
the raising of troops to send to the duke of Norfolk who is awaiting 
them at Newcastle. I think Throgmorton's journey is the outcome 
of the visit of La Motte to France who, as I have already written, 
was sent by the French Ambassador here. God grant that it may be 

I hear the French are doing much damage to the rebel places in 
Scotland, and it is said have broken Stirling bridge, which will be a 
great hindrance to the communication of the rebel forces if the news 
be true. It is reported that the loss of the Marquis d'Elbceuf s ships 
has been very great, and enormous quantities of wreckage have been 
cast upon the coast of Norfolk. It is said that some of their vessels 
stationed in Scotland have been taken by the enemy. One of the 
Queen's ships there was also lost at the same time and others much 
injured. The French general of infantry sought safety in one of 
the ports, and the French say that a number of cavalry will shortly 
be sent, and the Marquis himself may come back if they will let 
him pass, which might be of importance seeing the illness of the 
Queen Regent who is very bad. 

The duke of Norfolk has not so many troops as I wrote last week 
to His Majesty, but they say that by the middle of February he will 
have all his forces together, including 1,000 horse, which he already 
has, most of which have been contributed by gentlemen who were 
taxed for them according to their incomes and bear the cos,t of them 
until they arrive at the place of muster. 

There are great complaints about this. 

The Duke (Norfolk) has written to me expressing great desire 
that the Archduke's matter should be carried through, and I have 
replied showing how small is the hope of success. 

Duke Adolph of Holstein has accepted an income from this Queen 
as he has from our King, and they say he will shortly be here, not 
quite without hope that the Queen will marry him although he 
comes ostensibly as her mercenary soldier. No doubt advantage 
will be taken of this to stop the French from shipping troops in 
Denmark for Scotland. The marriage of the Queen with the earl 
of Arran is more talked about than ever, no doubt because the 
Archduke's suit is looked upon as at an end. Your Highness knows 
how much hope I have left on the subject, although in a discussion 
I had with the Queen lately, speaking of the alliance between the 
French and Scots, she said she thought it would not succeed for 
two reasons : first, that no one would dare now to offend the earl of 
Arran, who is so near the throne as the Queen is ill ; and secondly, 
because every man in the country hoped to join the two crowns by 
means of the earl's marriage, which would be impossible if the Scots 
turned their backs on him. It is reported that your Highness is 
fitting out some ships in Holland and that others are being armed 



in Spain, which causes a good deal of anxiety here. The purpose of 
Vi-count Montague's embassy is, I understand, to propose a renewal 
of the alliance between this Queen anrl our King, which Cecil tells 
me will be much more advantageous to the King than formerly, as 
the English have nothing to lose now on the continent, and his 
Majesty would only be called upon to defend them against invasion 
of the island which they consider an almost impossible contingency. 
Although I know that Throgmorton's visit to France is more at 
the request of the French than the wish of the Queen, it inspires me 
with a good deal of alarm as I know how close is the understanding 
between these people and the French heretics which Throgmorton has 
brought about. He sent one of his servants on ahead six days ago, 
pretending that he was one of Preyner's servants. The French are 
fully aware of the bad turn he played them in getting the earl of 
Arran away, and all through this Scotch business, and I consider 
him a man ready to do any wickedness. The French no doubt 
know this, but are willing to seize at any excuse for delay to give 
them time to send their cavalry and the rest, and they also think the 
Queen may thus be gradually weaned from the idea of turning them 
out of Scotland. In this they are much mistaken, as preparations 
were never so actively math here as they are now, and 1 am told 
that money has been sent to the Scotch rebels, ivhich is a great thing 
for this Queen to do, as she is not inclined to waste her money. I 
am told by a merchant who knows that 10,000 crowns have been 
sent. Your Highness may be sure that if this wickedness here 
is carried forward the neiu religion will be a means of destroying 
all the neighbouring states, and no one will be safe.' London, 
21st January 1560. 

27 Jan. 83. BISHOP QUADRA to the KING. 

The ambassadors that the Queen is sending to your Majesty came 
yesterday, and treasurer Parry with them, and asked me on their 
mistress' behalf to write to your Majesty recommending them, as I 
have done, and they will deliver my letters to your Majesty. 

The Viscount* sent me a note to-day complaining that they have 
never allowed him to come to my house except in company with 
those who came, and he added that if he were not forced he would 
never undertake so troublesome and unjust an embassy as that 
which he bears, but that as he is accredited to your. Majesty, on 
whom the hope of the country rests, he endures it all with patience, 
his only sorrow being that he is accompanied by a man whose sole 
office is to spy upon him. I think he will take it well if your 
Majesty will hear him sometimes privately, and I believe this can 
only tend to your Majesty's advantage. All the favour your 
Majesty can show him is well deserved by a man who has acted as 
he has done, which is undoubtedly the most honourably of any man 
of his quality in our time. I know your Majesty will for this 
reason extend all consideration to him, and there is no need for me 
to remind your Majesty of it ; but I have not liked to disappoint him 
by failing to give him this letter, which will go safely as he bears 

3 * Montague. 



it himself. I also send letters from Paget who makes great pro- 
fessions of service to your Majesty. I hope to receive your Majesty's 
instructions as to what is to be done with him and others. 

The Queen's army is to be in Scotland within a fortnight, 
respecting which and other matters I write by way of Flanders. 
London, 27th Januaiy 1 560. 

January. 84. BISHOP QUADRA to the COUNT DE FEKIA, 
Simancai, Everything here is in an incredible state. Every one sad and 
Add 26 O56o discontented with what is going on. 

The bishops of Winchester and Durham dead, and many others 
also, but all were as steadfast as saints. 

Many masses still said in London. 

Cecil is the heart of the business and determined to carry it 
through until they are ruined, as they will be. The Queen calls 
Lady Catharine her daughter, although the feeling between them 
can hardly be that of mother and child, but the Queen has thought 
best to put her in her chamber and makes much of her in order to 
keep her quiet. She even talks about formally adopting her. On 
the other hand Cecil tells me that neither she nor any other woman 
will succeed in order to exclude also the Countess of Lennox, whose 
son if he were taken to France might disagree with their stomachs. 
They signify that Hastings* would succeed. He loves Robert as he 
loves the devil, although he is his brother-in-law and walks in his 
shadow. The duke of Norfolk has arrived. In fact, things are in 
such a muddle that they can only be written about confusedly. 
London, January 1560. 

3 Feb. 85. The BISHOP OF AQUILA to the KINO. 

I received your Majesty's letter of 24th December some six days 
since enclosing another for the Queen, to whom I sent it at once, as I 
was indisposed, in order that she might, if she pleased, reply thereto 
by her ambassadors, who were leaving. In accordance with your 
Majesty's instructions I have again told her how undesirable it is 
for her to remain unmarried, and how great is the danger which 
results to the tranquillity of her country. I then showed her the 
advantage that might be expected from a match with the Archduke, 
seeing how much your Majesty desires it. She replied that she had 
very good reasons by which she could prove to me that it was not 
desirable that she should marry at present, but that the reason why 
she did not marry was really only because she could not incline 
herself to change her state, and she did not know how long this 
condition of mind would last, but she was quite certain she would 
never desire to many until she had seen the person who was to be 
her husband, and so we are brought back again to the old position 
of which your Majesty treats in the last part of your letter. Since, 
however, we know that the Emperor will not send his son until 
she is willing to treat of marriage, nothing more can be done than 

* Henry Hastings Baron Hastings son of Francis ind earl of Huntingdon by 
Catharine Polo. Ho succeeded to his fiitWs earldom in 1561. He rnarrie4 Lady 
Catharine Dudley, 



to urge her afresh to consider how desirable it is for her to come to 
a decision. I reminded her that I had never proposed to her in 
your Mnjesty's name that the Archduke should come, either officially 
or as a settled thing, and this she admitted. I manifested dis- 
satisfaction at her reply, and said that as the Emperor was content 
not to bind her until she had seen and approved of the person of 
the Archduke, I did not think any excuse was left to her, and she 
again answered me that nothing would suffice to make her think of 
marrying, or even treating of marriage ; but the person she was 
to marry pleasing her so much as to cause her to desire what at 
present has no wish for, and if this was not the case it was no good 
thinking that she would ever marry at all. If the Emperor thought 
it did not suit him to send his son until she had expressed her 
desire, she, for her part, did not choose to declare it until she had 
seen the person she was expected to love. Notwithstanding all this 
she still thought she would consider the matter, and ordered me to 
wait whilst she entered her chamber, where she remained an hour 
with Cecil. When she came out she repeated what she had already 
said, but in such a way as to try to persuade me that, in any case, 
the visit of the Archduke might not be altogether fruitless. I see 
no other course than to leave this question to the Emperor as your 
Majesty does in your letter, but with small hope of good result. I 
said I would inform your Majesty of her answer. I have considered 
this with Count de Helfenstein, who is very well pleased, and has 
said as much to his master. He still thinks the Archduke might 
come, as he is of opinion that on his arrival he would have so many 
adherents that the Queen would have to marry him, whether she 
liked him or not. He says the duke of Bavaria has written to him 
saying that he also is of opinion that the Archduke should come, 
and he has offered the Emperor to accompany him and spend 
100,000 crowns on the voyage. I also understand that the king of 
Bohemia is of the same opinion, and urges strongly the Archduke's 
visit. In the letter I wrote to your Majesty on the 15th of October, 
although at the time we did not know the Queen's decision, I pointed 
out her way of proceeding, and I understand now every day more 
clearly that her intention was solely to embroil your Majesty with 
the French. I ventured to say that the way to ensure our business 
and decide the Queen to this marriage was to keep her in doubt as 
to your friendship, and even in a state of fear and alarm. I dared to 
write thus, because I thought that we who are on the spot are bound 
to say all we feel, even though we may be called imprudent, and 
thereafter strictly to obey and fulfil the orders we receive. I have 
tried to act in this way all through the business, and I do not 
think the Queen or anyone else can say that a word has come from 
me against your Majesty's wish and intention to keep her in a 
good humour, although really affairs have sometimes assumed such 
an aspect that I have not been able to refrain from speaking out 
and showing discontent of her words and actions. My zeal for 
religion and your Majesty's sei-vice will never cause me to contravene 
your Majesty's orders, because I know that you will command mo. 
to do what is best for both of these objects, but I cannot refrain 
from remarking that for the attainment of your Majesty's present 



aim, which is the preservation of the actual state of things, I do not 
think that anything would be less conducive than to let them drift 
loose as they are doing now. This course may produce very ill 
results, besides having allowed these people to bring public affairs to 
their present pass, and to have misdirected the religious question in 
Scotland in such a way as to have brought about the relations which 
now subsist between them and France. There are 2,000 Flemish 
heretic householders in Scotland (?) where also all the Spaniards 
who come are well received, and a remedy will soon have to be found 
for all this. I do not think the remedy is a difficult one, consider- 
ing the small resources of this country and its present condition, 
nor do I think that there is much danger of their being able to 
unite with your Majesty's enemies. I dare to say this that your 
Majesty may not lose your gracious opinion of my desire to serve 
God and your Majesty to the best of my ability, on which account 
I beg your Majesty to pardon my boldness. The Queen's ambassadors 
have left to embark at Plymouth. The instructions they bear are 
to propose to your Majesty a renovation of the league, and if they 
are approached on the religious question to fence and temporise as 
I have written on former occasions. They are to answer in the 
question of the marriage as if the delay had all been through the 
fault of the Emperor in not sending his son. The sum of it all is 
that if they could turn the French out of the island and join the 
' .', kingdoms, either by marriage or a union of religion, they think the 

alliance with your Majesty might well be dispensed with ; but if 
that cannot be brought about they want to have these negotiations 
pending with your Majesty, so as to make use of you in good time. 
The Catholics here cannot believe that your Majesty will renew the 
league with this country, unless the religion is restored, and I think 
Viscount Montague will try on his part to effect this. Doctor Cole* 
sent two days since to tell me that if your Majesty abandoned 
them they would appeal to the French, or even to the Turks, rather 
than put up with these heretics. They never gave the Viscount 
leave to see me alone, but he is very desirous that your Majesty 
should receive him privately, and he says if it were not for going 
to offer his respects to your Majesty and informing you about things 
here, he would rather lose his head than accept an office from the 
Queen. I dismissed the Irishman as soon as he told me of the 
despatch of the prior to Spain, and I expect nothing more will be 
heard here of the business ; but even if they should hear of it I am 
not likely to suffer, as I have said nothing that could thought 
suspicions. I have merely used general expressions to avoid his 
having recourse to the French, who I think would hear him willingly, 
as it would suit them in their Scotch enterprise. The Queen 
perseveres diligently in her design to turn the French out of 
Scotland, and things have recently been going badly with them, 
both in the wreck of the Marquis d'Elbceuf and the losses they 
have suffered on land. As soon as M. de Martigues, a general of 
infantry, had landed, the sailors went over to the enemy with the 
ship und all his property. Four more ships have been seized in an 

* The Catholic deau of St. Paul's. 



English port, two of them loaded with wheat and barley, one with 
wine, and one with soldiers, who therefore can neither go to 
Scotland, nor return to France. La Marche,* one of the king of 
France's grooms of the chamber, arrived here some days ago on his 
way to Scotland. The Queen gave him a passport, but notwith- 
standing this the Scotch captured him as he passed Berwick, it is 
supposed by orders from here, as they made him wait a day in 
Berwick. The French ambassador complained to the Queen, and 
she appeared surprised. 

George Howardf has gone as general of cavalry, and Lord Grey 
as adviser of the duke of Norfolk. They say there will be over 
1,500 horse and 15,000 infantry, but they will have to make haste 
in what they are going to do, as I understand that such is the 
scarcity of victuals in all that country that they cannot keep the 
h'eld over a month. The Queen is providing herself with money 
very diligently, and her factor in Antwerp sent her this week a 
part of 200,000 ducats they have raised there, and the rest is 
coming in daily. 

The Queen has just sent to France an Englishman called Tremaine, 
a great heretic who was to disembark in Brittany. I understand 
that he goes backwards and forwards with messages to the heretics 
in that country, between whom and those in this country a close 
understanding exists. They have ordered 15 more ships to be got 
read)' here to guard the coast on the continent side, and I also 
understand that the French have sent for 12 galleys to go to Calais. 
The Marquis d'Elboeuf will soon be ready with another fleet to go 
to Scotland, but I do not know whether he will be in time. 

The Queen the other day ordered a servant who was here of 
Lady Margaret Lennox to tell the Council what his mistress had 
instructed him to say. Directly they had heard him they had him 
arrested and sent for his mistress. I understand that what she 
represented was that as she (Lady Margaret) was the nearest 
relative to the queen of Scotland and next in succession to the 
crown, she sent to beg the queen of England not to favour the duke 
of Chatelherault, nor his sons, and not to enter into war with the 
French on this account, as she was sure that if the queen of Scots 
were to die without sons the French would certainly give her (Lady 
Margaret) possession of the country. 

These people are cleverly making sure of all the Catholics of 
whom they have any suspicion by summoning them hither on 
various excuses. The earls of Shrewsbury and Northumberland are 
already here as well as a gentleman called Leonard Chamberlain, 
who is governor of Guernsey. They are keeping him here and 
depriving him of the governorship which your Majesty bestowed 
upon him for his life and that of his heir. 

I thank your Majesty for the 3,000 crowns ordered to be paid for 
my maintenance. 

Since wiiting the above I am assured that Tremaine is going 
about a certain treaty of great importance, although he declares he 
is going on other matters to the house of the Marchioness de Nesle. 
London, 3rd February 1560. 

* + * La Marque. f Sir George Howard, the Master of the armoury. 



7 Feb. 86. BISHOP QUADRA to the DUCHESS of PARMA. 

Brussels I wrote to your Highness three days since by a courier named 
B. Af 68 ' J nn Xquipens, who brought me some letters from certain 
French MB., Hollanders respecting reprisals. By him I replied to your 
Add. fl,i 73a. Highness' despatches on 15th and 23rd ultimo, and advised you 
of all matters here. Since then I have learnt that on the day of 
the Purification the Queen ordered all the English people who were 
attending mass at the French Ambassador's to be arrested. This 
was done with very little respect for the ambassador, and in the 
presence of a multitude of people who had collected before the house 
to witness the arrests. On the same day an Englishman came to 
my house whilst Mass was being said and entered the chapel to see 
those who were present. He left with some threatening words 
against them, although no one in my household took any notice of 
it at the time, and no mention of it has been made since. The 
reason of this step was that the Queen had heard that there were 
many people in London who attended mass, as indeed there are very 
many, and she feared that this might be a means of their carrying 
on clandestine communications with the French Ambassador. She 
has therefore ordered that great vigilance should be exercised in 
future in this matter, and I expect they wish in this way also to 
hinder the congregation of catholics who meet together where Mass 
is said. On the other hand she is trying to please them somewhat 
by ordering the restoration of the crosses on the altars which would 
have been already ordered buf; for the confusion and dissension 
amongst the heretic bishops themselves and others who have charge 
of religious matters. 

On the same day, whilst the earl of Aruudel and the Admiral were 
in the Queen's presence chamber they began discussing this question, 
and on the Admiral saying that those who were disobedient in 
religious matters ought to suffer an exemplary and severe punish- 
ment, the earl of Arundel replied that such punishment would be 
inexpedient and unsafe, and might result unfavourably to the 
Queen's interests. They thereupon not only came to rough words, 
but fell to fisticuffs and grabbing each other's beards. The Queen 
passed it over and pretended not to have seen it, calliqg them to her 
to play before her so that they might be obliged to talk together and 
BO ipake peace, This was done, but with a great sacrifice of the 
Queen's dignity, and really everyone here does now what best 
pleases him, and at the very gates of London robberies are com- 
mitted in broad daylight. Only the day before yesterday one of 
Paget's servants took one of his master's daughters from the house 
and carried her to his own. They say he will marry her, and I hear 
that the affair was not done without the connivance of powerful 
people who bear ill will to Pnget. He is so grieved that I really 
think it will kill him. The duke of Holstein is expected here, and. 
Somerset House has been set apart for him. They say also that the 
son of the king of Sweden is expected, and that he will come with a 
large number of ships and a great sum of money. I have not 
written about this as I have considered it a piece of gossip, and also 
that he cannot arrive in time to influence the matters which now 
absorb them, namely, the turning of the French out of Scotland 



before any more troops can be sent thither by the king of France. 
If His Majesty (the king of Spain) do not interfere the help of the 
Swedish fleet will not be of much use to them without the aid of 
those who can divert the French forces on land. 

The English ships have had a brush with some French before 
Leith. The affair is related in different ways by both sides, but it 
is certain that although no great damage has been done as yet, they 
have come to blows. The English say the French were the aggressors 
and bombarded them from an island opposite Leith, and the French 
assert that the others went to steal the island from them under the 
guise of friendship. All concur in saying that the French have left 
the open and retired to their fortresses where they are mucli pressed. 
The Queen received a post yesterday, but they are more guarded 
with me even than with the French so that I have not yet been able 
to learn the facts. London, 7th February 15 GO. 


Simancas, The Catholic religion has been suppressed in Ireland, although not 
Add 26 O56a. w ^hout great opposition. I cannot write about this as I should like 
as I am so troubled and, perhaps, it would make your Lordship 
more troubled still if I were to tell you what I suspect about it. 
Suffice to say that if we are content to let God's cause go by the 
board it will not take much to drag us down with it. 

The Queen rides out every day into the country on a Neapolitan 
coqrser or a jennet to exercise for this war, seated on one of the 
saddles they use here. She makes a brave show and bears herself 

In short, the people here are full of warfare and armaments. 
London, 12th February 1560. 


Qn the 6th instant I wrote to your Elighness by the regular 
B. M GS> courier from Antwerp- The news since then is that the Queen has 
French MB. ordered more troops to be raised, and they say she will fit out as 
Add. 38,173. many as five-and-twenty ships besides those she has already. This 
work has been commenced with all haste, and [ also understand 
that she has obtained 300,000 ducats on the credit of the king of 
Sweden, which are being brought from Bremen or Liibeck. J do 
not know whether these preparations are made out of fear that 
these being made by the French may be for the purpose of the 
invasion of this country on the Cornish coast to divert these people 
from Scotch affairs. The news from Scotland is the same as 
I wrote to your Highness last week, namely, that the Queen's ships 
had maltreated and even captured some French ships, and had 
stationed themselves at the mouth of the Frith on an islet called 
May, so that it would appear impossible that succour can reach the 
French that way. The duke of Norfolk was to leave in the middle 
of the month with the land forces, Lord Grey going in command of 
the cavalry as lieutenant of the duke, and George Howard as 
colonel of a thousand horse. 



There arrived here this week two sloops, one belonging to Henry 
Cornels and the other Mathias Gorjas, Flemings, loaded with arms, 
which are being landed at the Tower of London. 

Rigorous proceedings are being taken against those who are 
discovered to have attended mass, and in Ireland the Parliament 
passed the same decree about religion as here, although against 
great opposition, and in spite of the refusal of the earl of Desmond 
and others to take any part in it. Preachers and books are being 
sent there, whilst on the other hand the Queen insists that the 
crosses shall be again restored, and the altars placed in the 
churches ; but on these points there is very great division among 
these bishops. 

Count Helfenstein is in great trouble because, he says, Preyner 
has written to him that he had given your Highness an account of 
affairs here and had received no reply, as he expected. He also 
tells him privately that he had heard that His Majesty was going 
to send his son here, but I think Preyiier must be mistaken in this, 
as does the Count. 

A new French ambassador has arrived here, the former one being 
a creature of the Constable not having been satisfactory. I have 
learnt that two Scotsmen of rank are hidden in Cecil's house, but 
I have not been able to discover who they are, although some 
people think the earl of Arran is one of them. I hear also that two 
men arrived here from Sweden three days ago with letters for the 
King's son here, and I am told they do not bring favourable news 
about the prince of Sweden's coming. He spoke to the Queen alter 
he had received the despatch, and was apparently dissatisfied. 
I think they are treating him in the same way as they did the 
Archduke Charles, and that the king of Sweden does not care to 
send his son on so uncertain a business as this is, seeing the answer 
the Queen gives to all who approach her about her marriage. 
Last night a courier was despatched to the duke of Norfolk, and 
I understand he is instructed to enter Scotland with the troops he 
has without waiting for the whole force to be collected. They say 
that two of the principal of the Scotch rebels have gone over to the 
Queen Regent's side. If once they begin to do that these people 
will find themselves very much deceived. London, 12th February 

19 Feb. 89. BISHOP QUADKA to the KING. 

Since mine of 3rd instant, the following has happened. Three days 
ago I was talking to the Queen on other matters when she turned 
the conversation to the marriage again. I had no desire to avoid 
the subject, but I did not wish to deal with it formally, so I begged 
her to think over what I had so often said, and if she had anything 
fresh to say to send for Count Helfenstein, which she said she 
would. Her one theme is to complain of the Emperor, and make 
out that the difficulty arises from him. Yesterday she sent for the 
Count and for me, and gave us to understand in a roundabout way 
that the fault of the business not being concluded lay with the 
Emperor for not sending his son. The Count thought well to show 



her the last instructions he had from the Emperor, in which His 
Majesty agrees to send his son if she only wants to satisfy herself 
as to his person. In si<;ht of this she said that although she 
thought the needs of her kingdom and the pressure of her subjects 
would render it necessary for her to marry soon, she will not say 
that she is determined to marry the Archduke, even though his 
person should satisfy her, until she has seen him. The Count was 
not satisfied with this, and they agreed that she should again write 
to the Emperor about it, and show the letter to the Count before it 
was sent. If he approves of it the letter is to go, and if not it is to 
be withdrawn. He told her plainly that if she did not promptly 
make up her mind, and that in a better way than hitherto, he 
expected orders to return home, which seemed to trouble her 
exceedingly, as she perceives that her tricks are being seen through. 
The son of the king of Sweden wants to go home too, and she 
understands that if the Count departs, not only will the French 
despise her but her own people a-s well, and. in the event of the 
Scotch business turning out badly for her, as it probably will, 
she will be left helpless. I do not treat this matter with her as 
I formerly did, as I want her to understand that I am not deceived 
by her, and shall not fail to let your Majesty know what I think. 
The Count also does his duty with a sufficiently high hand. He 
thinks that if she could be got to write to the Emperor in such 
a way as would allow him to risk sending his son, the Archduke 
should come post at once, before she or anyone else knew of his 
coming or expected him, and she would then be forced immediately 
on his arrival either to accept him or reject him, which it is 
impossible she would dare to do, seeing that all the country desires 
him, and knows the match with him would bring honour and 
defence as well as the favour of your Majesty. It would seem also 
that she could not possibly make use of this unexpected and sudden 
visit of the Archduke either as a screw on the French or as a 
stopgap for her own people, nor, indeed, for any of her purposes ; 
but on the contrary would find herself outwitted if she thought to 
use it for any such end. I, for my part, still believe that she will 
not write to the Emperor in such a way as to allow him to send his 
son. The French are very anxious to know what is being done in 
this marriage, and their newly arrived ambassador here, the Queen 
tells me, has spoken to her about it very artfully. He has also 
asked me a good many questions about it, by which I understand 
that he means to upset it if opportunity occurs. 

The other day the Queen's ships which went to Scotland entered 
the Frith and arrived off Leith fort, whence the French opened fire 
upon them and damaged two of the ships. The English shot at 
them and placed their artillery on a small island near the fort, but 
they could do no damage as they were too far off. In the meanwhile 
three French ships came up with munitions and stores, and the 
English went at them and drove them ashore on the land held by 
the rebels who sacked then), and they were afterwards taken by the 
English ships which still remain at the same place and provide 
themselves with what they require from the Scotch by purchase, 
having refused to accept supplies without payment. The Queen 

a. C6529. I 



Regent sent a trumpeter from Edinburgh to ask the English whether 
they came as friends or foes, and if they had been sent by the queen of 
England and meant to help the rebels. The Queen says that Winter, 
the vice-admiral, answered that they had come there as friends, but 
had found enemies, and that the queen of England having sent them to 
Berwick, the weather had forced them to the place where they were 
and that they did not mean to help the rebels, only in so far as they 
were unjustly treated by the Queen Regent. The Queen Regent sent to 
ask the same questions of the duke of Norfolk who was at Newcastle, 
and who answered that he came to the frontier only to protect the 
realm of England. Five or six days ago both the French ambassadors, 
the old one and the one that has just arrived, went together to the 
Queen and showed her a letter from the Queen Regent of Scotland 
in which, as this Queen avers, there were certain injurious expressions 
about her. The rest of the letter contained an account of what had 
passed with the ships, differing however from the English account in 
saying that the vessels had arrived there in perfectly fine weather in 
no need or danger, and they had replied to the trumpeter to the 
effect that it was true they had come to help the Congregation as 
persons who were being oppressed and aggrieved by the French. 
After the ambassadors had shown this letter, they said the Queen 
Regent would send hither a herald to ask on what terms this Queen 
wished to be with her, as friend or foe, and on the Ambassador 
Noailles leaving, he asked her to decide on this point as he wished 
to send word to his master. She answered them very confusedly 
and at last said she would send her decision. The next day she 
sent Cecil and Mason to them to say that she would be friendly or 
otherwise with the French according as they gave her cause to be. 
They then wanted to know whether the cause was already given or 
whether it was only feared it might be given in the future. The 
answer was that they could best judge of that by their own actions 
and intentions. I think they have discussed here all the various 
grievances and complaints that both parties have against each other. 
So far as concerns the arms and title assumed by the king of France, 
there would probably be no great difficulty in the French abandoning 
them, but as regards withdrawing their troops from Scotland and 
leaving the country to the natives, which is the point upon which 
all turns, they say they will never consent to it. The English on the 
other hand set forth that without this they shall never be safe, and 
the people whom the French call rebels the English regard as true 
and faithful subjects of their Queen, as they only seek to free their 
country from the tyranny of the French, In short they could not 
agree, and the ambassador sent a courier to France to be followed 
by the Ambassador Noailles. They feel sure that the marquis of 
Elboauf, who will leave Diep|>e this week with 10 ships will be 
attacked by the English, and I believe they are not mistaken as the 
Queen first and Cecil afterwards told me about it, and said that they 
will use every effort to turn the French out of Scotland and to 
prevent help reaching them, especially victuals, of which they are 
certainly iu sore need. I do not see how she can deal with the 
French in any other way, or satisfy the Scotch whom she has 
promised not to come to terms unless they do so first. 



There have lately been here two Scotsmen, a secretary of their 
Council and another gentleman. The French think it was the earl 
of Arran himself. They came to bring the treaties signed and scaled 
by all the members of the Congregation, and have taken back the 
Queen's signature. Twelve hostages will be sent to the duke of 
Norfolk who will select six. They say that the earl of Huntly has 
sent his son, Lord Gordon, to the duke of Norfolk to assure him 
that he, five Earls and four Barons will go over to the side of the 
Congregation on receiving certain assurances and help from the Queeu. 
The latter says she does not think of sending any land forces at 
present as the Scotch do not need them, but only artillery and stores, 
but when it may be necessary, she will send 2,000 veteran troops she 
has at Berwick, besides some 5000 more scattered along the frontier, 
and 1,600 horsemen for her safety. The Queen also says that the 
French will send one of the three ships they have taken with means 
to fortify a town which she thought was Eyemouth, although the 
French say they were only going to fortify St. Andrews. I replied 
to this relation made to me by the Queen and Cecil by showing 
great disapproval of what is being done on both sides, and I have 
not been silent about the evil which may arise from the delay of 
Viscount Montague who left here 20 days ago, and has not embarked 
yet for want of a vessel. All this shows how small is the desire of 
the Queen to consult your Majesty on her affairs. The Queen and 
Cecil answered me that they devoutly wished your Majesty would 
consider them and mediate. I told the Queen I thought it late in 
the day to talk about meditation and settlement, as the question 
would be decided by the end of March, to which she answered that 
she well knew that even though they turned out the French now 
they would remain in constant war with them, and the French 
would bring all their power against this country as she had heard 
they were preparing to do. I did rot care to give any reply to this 
about the mediation, but I tried to find out what preparations she 
referred to as being made by the French. The Queen says she has 
seen letters from the Rheingraf to a certain colonel in the pay of the 
king of Denmark, to the effect that he is to try to fit out 40 vessels 
in Hamburg to embark cavalry and infantry for Scotland, and that 
he promised to land his soldiers where there was plenty to be gained 
and good quarters to be had. In addition to this they have learnt 
that the Duke d'Aumale is getting ready a great fleet with wai'like 
material to be sent to this country. Both the Queen and Cecil 
assured me of this, and it is plain they are now really alarmed, so 
that those who advised the Queen to begin this war are very uneasy 
about it. The earl of Arundel and the Admiral came to blows on 
the subject in the palace the other day ; Arundel having said that 
those who had plunged the Queen into war were traitors to her. 
Certainty there is not a man high or low in the county who is not 
dissatisfied, and their only hope rests on this marriage with the 
Archduke ; but the Queen must hear but little of it, for I see no 
attempt at improvement, either in action or appearances. In fact 
her carelessness increases, and ruin to her and others is the only 
result to be expected. 

I 2 



The Parliament held in Ireland ended in the issue of a decree 
changing the religion to that of England, but they only passed it 
with so much opposition and tumult that five bishops have been 
arrested, and a great number of the knights and noblemen of the 
island, amongst whom are the earl of Desmond and Grand O'Neil* 
would not take part in the passing of it. The decree has been 
carried out in Dublin, and the rest of the country has been given 
until May. 

Duke Adolph is expected here soon. It was he who sent the 
Rheingrafs letters I have mentioned, and he is coming to try to 
marry the Queen. 

It is said here that Hans Guillem of Saxony is raising troops and 
declares that he is going to war against the king of Denmark, but I 
am not sure whether this is not another French trick if they have 
not succeeded in doing what the Rheingraf wanted, shipping troops 
at Hamburg. 

6 March. 90. The KING to QUEEN ELIZABETH. 

Brussels Letter of credence for Seigneur de Glajon. He affectionately 

IJ^M'^MS satotes his dear sister and kinswoman from whose letters of 14th 

Latin. ' December he learns that she and her council desired to refer certain 

Add. 26,056. matters of the highest importance to his consideration. He thinks 

better to avoid long written communications that might give rise to 

delay and misunderstanding, and to send Seigneur de Glajon for 

whose words he bespeaks credence and attention on a subject so 

important to the future prosperity and tranquillity of her country. 

Toledo, 6th March 1560. 


Hi 3 urgent need of money beseeches help. The Emperor's 
o am bassador has been my guest for six months, and I must feed 
him and those who come to visit him. Besides this, not a day 
passes that I am not besieged by poor clergymen and students whom 
they have turned out of their benefices and colleges and who come 
to beg for charity. I cannot help relieving them, and when I can no 
longer do so, I will gladly give place to anyone who will come here 
and go through what I have to suffer. I gave Rastelo (Rastell ?) 
twenty-five crowns the other day for clothes. He is preaching 
secretly in the desert like an apostle. Every day I have to find 
money for somebody, and I am deeply in debt. 

The coming of the personages to be sent by His Majesty hither 
and to France will do more harm than good it' they are only coming 
to talk, as the Catholics expect much more than that, but in any 
case they will be too late as the good or ill will be done before they 
arrive; the army to leave here within a fortnight to attack 
the French. The Queen will have to take the matter up more 
warmly than she thought, as Randolph tells me the rebel forces are 

* Shan or John O'Neil, who was Irequently called by his friends in Ireland O'Neil the 



very few, and the Scotch people are making no move as she expected. 
She is in danger and much alarmed, and this is the time to do what 
ought to be done, but it' we ;irc to l>e always on the defensive and to 
continue to palliate such things, I can only say patience ! although 
I well know we shall never have such an opportunity again. All 
are with us, and the very heretics are sick of it. I do not presume 
to speak openly of the matter in this spirit, as I am not a turbulent 
or boasting person, and do not want to appear so. Lord Robert has 
sent Sidney to speak to me, and I have spoken plainly to him, and 
have even let the Queen see how pained I am. Sidney says some- 
thing about \ our Lordship's writing to Robert about the licenses 
(for the Countess and Clarentius), but I told him I had forgotten all 
about that, and was dissatisfied with his brother in-law for other 
reasons. He (Lord Robert) is the worst and most procrastinating 
young man I ever saw in my life, and not at all courageous or 
spirited. I have brought all the artillery 1 can to bear upon him, 
and, by my faith ! if it were not for some fear of our own house I 
would soon give the historians something to talk about. Not a man 
in England but cries out at the top of his voice that this fellow is 
ruining the country with his vanity. 7th March 1560. 

7 Mar. 92. BISHOP QUADRA to the KING. 

By copy of a letter which I enclose, your Majesty will learn what 
the queen of England's fleet did in Scotland on the loth ultimo, 
since when the French have maltreated the Scots in some engage- 
ments of small importance in which the English took no part. The 
English are not quite satisfied as they have not yet received the 
hostages they asked for and especially since the French have 
announced that their King would pardon the rebels, who on their 
side will be glad to have forgiveness and to separate from the league 
they have entered into with this Queen. 

Four days since the Queen Regent of Scotland sent a herald here 
for the purpose of asking the Queen whether the action of her ships 
in Scotland was taken by her orders, and if not to demand restitution 
and redress for the damage done. The day following this demand 
letters arrived here from the king of Fnmce to his ambassador and 
from Throgmorton to the Queen. The King writes nearly the 
same as the Scots herald had said, and Throgmorton advises that 
they have asked him the reasons for the Queen's action, and on 
his declaring them Cardinal Lorraine had promised him that 
satisfaction should be given to her. The French ambassador her,; 


has made the same otfer to the Queen and Council aii'l a committee 
has been appointed to discuss the questions at issue. As regards the 
usurpation by the King of the arms and .style of England he offers 
to abandon them on condition that the Queen shall appoint, a pei-son 
to meet a representative of the king of France and decide whether 
he has a right to them or not. This the Queen is disinclined to do 
as she does not wish to bring her rights into question. As to the 
withdrawal of the French troops from Scotland, which is the real 
difficulty, the ambassador proposes that when the rebels and the 
English have laid down their arms both by land and sea and ivtunu><l 
to their homes, the French will withdraw all their forces except 



five companies of 300 to 400 foot soldiers each, and a pardon shall 
be given to all. The government of the county will be handed 
over to the Scots and the French will only retain possession of four 
or five strong places. There is a great deal of difficulty about this 
which has been increased by Throgmorton's letters urging them on 
no account to believe what is said here as he knows for certain that 
the real aim of the French is to victual their fortresses and stand 
firm, with the object, when opportunity offers, to catch these people 
unawares and invade this country. The discussion is still proceeding, 
but I think it will come to nothing, as it seems to me as if the Queen 
were determined to try whether she cannot turn them out altogether. 
The French persuade themselves that a settlement will be effected, 
and with this end they are bearing themselves with extreme 
solicitude and humility although outside they still flourish about 
and make as many friends as they can, both Catholics and heretics. 
What will be most likely to influence the Queen is the laxity of 
the rebels and the fact that the people of the country make no move 
;is it was assured they would do as soon as her fleet arrived there. 
I have urged both sides to make peace, and, whilst preserving my 
ordinary demeanour towards both of them, I have shown a little 
more leaning towards the Queen but telling her still how badly she 
is acting. She persists in her resolve and says that she not only 
desires to protect hei'self, but also to be avenged, and is providing 
herself with ships and money and sending the principal gentlemen of 
the country to the ports, some of which are to be fortified. She is 
expecting Duke Adolph, who has offered her 24 standards if she need 
them, The French ambassador says that the troops which the Count 
of Oldendurg was trying to raise in Saxony were on account of fears 
about Metz and the Empire although it was published that they 
were to be sent hither. The idea, however, is now abandoned, and 
the ambassador confesses that the Queen had good reasons for 
distrust, as he says his master had no right to question her legitimacy, 
seeing that King Henry, her father, had acknowledged her. So far 
as I understand the Queen and her Council do not believe any of 
this, although I do not see how they can persevere in the path they 
have taken. 

The Queen tells me that the son of the king of Sweden will soon 
go to Flanders, where he will wait until it is time for him to return 
to his own country, but the French have an idea that it is to raise 
money that he is going, and if nothing else can be done, to arrange 
his brother's marriage. With regard to the match with the Archduke 
there is no news and in my opinion will be none. The letter she (the 
Queen) promised to write to the Emperor has never been written 
and will end like the other letters, a copy of one of which (that 
taken by the ambassador Preyner) I send to your Majesty that you 
may see what she says about the late Queen Mary of sainted memory 
having tried to force her into marriage and imprisoned and ill-treated 
her in consequence, which if it were true your Majesty would know. 
I also send copy of the Emperor's reply, by which it would seem 
that he withdraws from the negotiation although he instructs 
Count Helfenstein to stay here. The latter has not yet delivered 
the letter as he waits to see what she will write to the Emperor. 



The king of France told Throgmorton he was surprised that 
his mistress should try to disturb his Kingdom by means of religious 
dissension, and the ambassador here said the same thing to the 
Queeo, as five or six principal people can testify. It is asserted here 
that the Pope is inclined to proclaim her and place an interdict on 
the kingdom, whereat she is somewhat concerned, as she fears it may 
estrange your Majesty from her, and she tells me that she is desirous 
that a coiwilio should be held and that she is not so fond of this 
new theology as I think, and other things of that sort, which if I did 
not know her character, might perhaps convince me ; but it is all 
compliment. Count Helfenstein was present at this conversation 
and on one occasion was going to write to the Emperor about 
the c&ncilio, but she stopped talking about it as soon as she saw he 
took her at her word. 

I understand that if any disaster happens to the Queen's life or 
estate the Catholics will raise to the throne a son of the countess 
of Lennox, and this talk, a?cording to what Payet tells me, is well 
founded. Both the lad and his parents are strong Catholics, and 
they say he is very promising and of good parts. The Queen signifies 
her intention of declaring Lord Hastings as her successor, but he 
himself is quite of a different opinion and goes in constant dread of 
being sent to the Tower. 

So great is the common dissatisfaction with the Queen and her 
mode of life that it is quite marvellous that so much delay should 
occur without some disaster happening to her, and it will not be 
from any fault of the French if it be not attempted. 

If a settlement is not shortly arrived at I think they will propose 
that during the Queen's life their claims shall not be pressed, 
but that if she die without children it will not be considered 
unreasonable that the rights of the queen of Scots should prevail. 
The French ambassador has just been here telling me this and giving 
me an account of what he is doing. I answered him that, as both 
the Queens are young and without children, it is useless to discuss 
what may happen after our time, and we had better look to the 
preservation of the State and the public peace. He is so suspicious 
of the marriage of the Archduke that I think it gives them more 
anxiety than the question of Scotland, although they pretend to the 
contrary. I have heard that he has said that the peace between 
your Majesty and the King his master was made by men who were 
prisoners, and if it had been made by others your Majesty would not 
have got such good terms. I ain sure he has said this, and I think 
his aim is rather to show strength and confidence than to sound the 
Queen and her friends. He is a man of ability and I cannot believe he 
speaks at random. He also declares that all the trouble in Scotland 
arises from their objection to the change of religion there, whereas 
the Queen says that neither she nor the Scots care anything about 
it, and it has never been mentioned. In short they are trying to 
win over people here, and it' the natural enmity of the two nations 
do not prevent them, they certainly will not fail through any want 
of diligence and urbanity of their own. On the other hand the 
name of your Majesty is generally venerated to an extraordinary 
degree. I say generally, because, with the exception of the Quern 



and those who surround her, particularly the heretics, everyone else 
is caliin? out for and desiring your Majesty. I do not like to omit 
telling your Majesty this as T think you should know the state of 
affairs. The French ambassador also told me that if the}' did not 
come to terms with the Queen they would probably get the Pope 
to proceed against her, and he wanted to know what your Majesty 
would do in such case. I evaded the subject, although I said that the 
kings of Spain had never failed to obey the apostolic See in things 
that were just. As I have said, I am sure they are alarming the 
Queen very much about this?, and she thinks probable that in such 
case your Majesty would withdraw your friendship from her. 
Yesterday, when she was giving me an account of her affairs and 
came to this subject of the Pope's declaration, she said that at all 
evenis she would be victa sed non ftuplex and thus consoles herself 
whatever happens. Every possible preparation is being made for war, 
and they have already eight or ten armed vessels to sen'] to the Cornish 
coast as they fear the French may send that way some reinforcements 
which they might disembark at Dumbarton and march to Leith 
through a friendly country. They have also ordered troops to be 
raised to provide against any attack of the French on the coast. 
Captain Randolph tells me he thinks that the present state of 
things is doomed, and if it were not for leaving his home he would 
go and serve your Majesty in Spain. He came from Berwick the day 
before yesterday and says that 12 days ago the French gave the Scots 
a good trouncing, and if the Queen does not send troops from here 
the rebel foi'ces are insignificant. The troops now on the frontier do 
not exceed 10,000 men. In Leith there are 3,000 harquebussiers and 
GO pieces of artillery. He says the fortification is not very good, as it 
is of sand, of mean construction and is situated in a flat country, and 
he assures me that unless those who capture it are very good soldiers 
they will waste their time. He says that so great is the Queen's 
need of competent officers that he does not know three in the whole 
army who are fit to command 200 foot. I do not think the duke 
of Norfolk is included in these, but the lieutenant-general Lord Grey 
is. It is to be hoped they will speedily be confounded 

I have kept this letter open to learn what has been arranged 
between the Queen and the French ambassador. The following are 
the terms. 

Respecting the title assumed by the king of France and his wife 
of king-* of England, thev abandon it entirely. Respecting the arms, 
it is to be investigated if the Queen of Scots, being heiress apparent 
on thn death of Elizabeth without children, can assume the arms by 
right quartered with her own in the lower sinister quarter of the 
escutcheon. The Queen will not enter into any compromise or send 
representatives to discuss the question elsewhere, and the Queen of 
Scots will be urged to send a person here to allege her claim. 

Respecting the withdrawal of French troops from Scotland, which 
is the difficult point, the ambassador has promised that whenever 
the English withdraw their ships and army and the Scotch rebels 
lay down their arms and beg for mercy from the king of France he 
will pardon them and withdraw his troops, leaving only four 
companies of 250 men each to garrison four fortresses which the 



King holds there, and in future all government offices are to be given 
to natives. 

The English are not content that any French shoxild remain, and 
the king of France is be to consulted on this point. With regard 
to the withdrawal of troops, as the French say that they have no 
preparations made the English offer to let them come by land in 
small numbers or will furnish ships to take them to France and will 
give hostages that they receive no ill-treatment. 

As there is a difficulty as to which side shall begin to disband 
the English promise that if the French will first send away one third 
of their force they, the English, will disperse an equal number of their 
men and fleet. So that in three operations the disarmament will be 
concluded. The great difficulty, however, is still the demand that 
no French should remain and as it appears that both sides are firm 
on this point much still remains to be done. 

The Queen appears very dissatisfied, and Cecil too, and I assume 
from this that they are not pleased with the arrangement, but as the 
Scotch business is turning out so badly for them, and they have never 
been able to get the hostages they expected or to do any solid work, 
they will have to take what terms they can get from the French 
for the present. The French are very accommodating in everything 
so long as they keep the fortresses with sufficient troops to hold 
them, and the disturbances in the country cease, which will enable 
them, if they desire, to invade this country whenever they think fit, 
and catch it unawares and disarmed. The only way the Queen can 
prevent it is to change her mode of life and opinions. I have told 
her so many times, and she now sees it like everybody else, but I 
cannot hope that God will move her to mend matters. 

Count Helfenstein has gone to give her the Emperor's letter, of which 

I enclose copy, withdrawing totally from the negotiations for the 

marriage unless something clear and definite is agreed upon. This 

is an advisable course considering the state in which things are. 

London, 7th March 15GO. 


Samancas, The Queen has not more than 8,000 infantry in order, and will 
4<M 2G 056a no ^ em P^y ^ ne people living near the frontier, as they are mostly 
Catholics. Captain Randolph thinks the English will not succeed. 

The Queen is in great doubt of the duke of Norfolk, and is sorry 
she gave him the command. 

They have 25 ships ready, but the crews are only on paper. 
Cecil says the Queen will never consent to marry the Archduke, in 
consequence of the difference of faith. They are all so obstinate 
that they will sacrifice everything for this. 

The people in the country are so anxious to have Lady Margaret's 
son for King, that not only would he be universally accepted if the 
Queen were to die without issue, but I am told that at the first 
opportunity, even now, many Catholic lords would proclaim him 
King. In any case they will not have any more women to rule 
them as they are so afraid of foreign influence. He has the best 
right of any of the claimants, and is the best in every way, but it is 
1 k 



feared that the French want to get hold of him. London, loth March 

26 Mar. 94. The SAME to the SAME. 

By the letter enclosed for His Majesty your Highness will see the 
haste with which the Queen is carrying out her intentions with 
regard to the war, and of how little avail are all efforts made to 
detain her. She has gathered fresh encouragement from the tumults 
in France, which tumults the people here wish to answer by a 
declaration of war, and to add fuel to the fire, the neutral Scots 
have, many of them, gone over to the heretics. On the other hand, 
things here are not so quiet as they look, and there are men whom 
they dare not summon hither, and who would not come if they did. 
I am astonished, as things are going, that a general rising should 
not take place. I think M. de Glajon's coming would be very 
opportune, and that he should not be so meek as we have all been 
this year. 1 hope His Majesty has given due orders. 

I beseech your Highness to pardon me if I venture to l>eg that 
you will sometimes order my letters to be answered, but, placed as 
I am here, I am obliged to be troublesome, as His Majesty has 
ordered me to communicate with you. London, 2Cth March 1560. 

28 Mar. 95. BISHOP QUADRA to the KING. 

On the 7th instant I sent your Majesty the heads of the negotia- 
tions for peace between the Queen and the French ambassador, and 
two days afterwards I sent to Madame de Parma a special messenger 
to tell her privately the present state of affairs and the danger 
which I think threatens. I have since written to her Highness 
again, and I am sure a full account will have been sent to your 
Majesty up to the 13th instant. Since then the bishop of Valence* 
lias arrived here and has laid down four propositions to the Queen ; 
firstly, that the King is desirous of keeping the peace with her and 
all the world ; secondly, that certain injuries, which he specified, 
had l>een done to Frenchmen by her agents ; thirdly, that it was 
necessary for him tc know whether these injuries had been done 
by her orders, not so much for purposes of redress or treating of 
past acts as to take measures for the future ; and fourthly, that if 
the Queen had any cause of complaint against him they should be 
remedied to her satisfaction, and if they were such as are covered 
by the treaty of Cambresi they shall be investigated and redressed 
at once, but if they were matters that required new discussion and 
inquiry, orders should be given for an inquiry to be held in a 
friendly way, as is provided oy the treaties, without recourse to arms. 
For this purpose he said the personage who would be sent by your 
Majesty to mediate on both sides would be available, which personage. 
. . . . f I believe the Queen answered very bitterly .... 
but at last they got to the discussion of the heads, whereon the 

" Jeuii ile Mouluc, bishop of Valeuce, the most adroit of French statesman of his time, 
with the exception perhaps of Cardinal Lorraiue. 
f Original torn. 



main difference exists. With regard to the arms some alteration 
was made, as Throgmorton writes that the promise made here by 
Ambassador Seurre, that they should be abandoned at once, was 
not ratified by Cardinal Lorraine, who said the ambassador had no 
authority to promise it. But the alteration in this does not amount 
to much, as the Bishop would not stand on the point if a fair 
answer were given to the rest. With regard to the style there was 
more trouble, as the Bishop alleged that at Chateau Cambresi the 
English commissioners knew that the queen of Scots used the title, 
and they made no objection whatever. The Queen was very angry 
at this, and said he did not tell the truth. 

As regards the withdrawal of the troops from Scotland the Bishop 
began by making very large promises, but as the end of it all was 
that the fortresses were to remain in the hands of the French ; the 
Queen stopped the discussion and referred him to the Council, which 
ti-eated him no better than she had done. He asked them to let 
him pass on to Scotland promising if they did that he would pacify 
all the rebels in accordance with the treaties which exist between 
France and Scotland, especially with regard to- the withdrawal of 
troops, for which, he said, he had full authority, which they there- 
upon asked to see. He showed them his instructions in which he 
is directed, in case the Scots themselves request the departure of 
the French troops, to tell the Queen Regent to dismiss the greater 
part of them. This ended the interview, both he and they being 

The next day the Queen sent a man to the duke of Norfolk to 
order him to enter Scotland with the army. The two following 
days, Saturday and Sunday, were spent in comparing instructions, 
and yesterday, Monday, Secretary Cecil and Dr. Wotton came to 
me from the Queen to say that as she had heard that the object of 
the bishop of Valence's visit was only to waste time and pass on to 
Scotland and no reply having been sent, as was promised by the 
24th instant, either to the communications to the King through 
Noailles, or to those by the present ambassador, she and the Council 
had decided to order the duke of Norfolk to enter Scotland with 
the army and join the Scots. She had advice that they had taken 
the field on the 20th instant, but as she was desirous that all the 
world should see that she was a friend of peace, she had instructed 
the duke of Norfolk to send word to the Queen Regent that if she 
would dismiss the troops she had with her and let the natives hold 
the fortresses and li\e in freedom according to their own laws and 
customs he would not bring his army in to molest her. For her 
greater justification she said that against the French nation she had 
no complaint to make, but only against the house of Guise, which 
had tyrannised over France and was the mortal enemy of the 
English, and she conveyed this to me that all the world should see 

how this war began. I answered that having * 

I thought, as indeed I had told her personally, that she might have 
awaited his arrival, which perhaps might have altered her decision. 

* Torn in original. 



Cecil then said that the decision could not be altered or delayed. 
I answered that no doubt they knew their own business best, I nit 
that I could do no more than hear what they had to say, and await 
the arrival of M. de Giajon to fulfil your Majesty's commission. 
They asked me whether the person your Mnjesty was sending 
to France was going from Flanders or from Spain, and seemed to 
attach some importance to this. I told them I did not know who it 
would be, although I thought that for convenience he would 
probably go from Spain. We spoke about their preparations for the 
war which they say are on a very large scale, and that they could 
keep 15,000 men at sea for 10 months with the stores they have 
ready. As regards land forces they have money enough to furnish 
as large an army as they want. Speaking of the recent tumults 
in Fiance against the King, they seemed to approve of the object of 
them, which they said was only to obviate the tyranny of the house 
of Guise. As it is publicly said here th;it these tumults are 
suspected by the French to be fomented by the queen of England, 
they gave me explanations in that respect and said that there was no 
Englishman in France, except such as were rebels against England. 
I took good note of this because the man Tremaine, about whom I 
wrote to your Majesty, is there as a rebel since the rising of 
M. Remut. They then left. I was not inclined to tell them that I 
knew that they had sent to the duke of Norfolk three days before, 
as they have been so full of compliments to me lately. To-day 
Doctor Wotton and Mr. Cave* came apain to tell me from the 
Queen that she had told the bishop of Valence that she was willing 
for him to go to Scotland and try to pacify them as best he could, 
since he said he had authority to do so, and secret instructions in 
addition. The Queen had also said that she would have a procla- 
mation published declaring that she had no wish to begin war 
against the French, and that she gave leave for them to come to 
this country and to go backwards and forwards to Scotland ; and 
tins without mentioning a word about what they said yesterday 
touching the war, although to me they repeated the same things. 
The Bishop will take leave to-morrow and will start for Scotland 
the next day. They seem to have told me all this to justify 
themselves, and I gave them the same answer as yesterday. 

The Queen and Council were averse to the Bishop's visit to 
Scotland, and this caused them at first to refuse him license to go. 
They think he is a man who will do very little good there, and they 
say that he formerly went about Ireland in disguise trying to get 
the country handed over to the French. They are not free fram 
fear that he may have the same idea still, as the Queen herself 
signified to me. Although I said nothing to her about it I do not 

know what t island ; but they think best to 

let him go in order not to appear t determined. 

Still what they say is exactly the reverse of what they do, which is 
to try and embroil your Majesty with the king of France and turn 
the French out of Scotland at the same time. They think that, 
even if they fail in both objects, peace will nevertheless be pre- 

* Sir Ambrose Cave, a member of the Privy Council. t Torn in original. 



served to them by your Majesty's favour. I think matters will not 
be settled until the Queen is undeceived as to what she can do in 
Scotland. I understand that this Bishop brings a letter from your 
Majesty to the king of France, by which it appears your Majesty 
promises him your favour and support. It is quite marvellous how 
this country remains tranquil considering/ the condition in which it 
is. If any disturbances take place I still believe that the Catholic 
party will turn to your Majesty. 

I have understood Lord Robert told somebody, who has not kept 
silence, that if he live another year he will be in a very different 
position from now. He is laying in a good stock of arms, and is 
assuming every day a more masterful part in affairs. They say that 
he thinks of divorcing his wife. 

The duke of Holstein is expected here this week, and, however it 
may turn out, your Majesty may be certain that what they have in 
view is to cause war and disquiet to all the world by means of the 
religious question. These heretic preachers, even, are already saying 
from their pulpits that, since the gospel has a power like England 
on its side, there is no need to preach witli the tongue but the 
sword, and that this is the only way to resist the power of 
Antichrist. There is never a sermon preached without some 
reference to the multitude of brethren they say they have in Spain 

Having kept this letter back until to-day, 28th, 

I can now add thereto the declaration of wa,r enclosed. It is drawn 
up in the crafty way in which all things are done here, but the 
army has orders to enter Scotland. I believe the duke of Norfolk 
will not go with it, but Lord Grey ; the reason being that the Duke 
is suspicious of the Queen and her favourites as she is of him, and 
therefore he has not cared to offer to enter with the army, fearing 
that if the enterprise should not succeed it might cost him his head, 
and the Queen on her side has not ventured to order him expressly 
to go, but has left him to do as he pleases and either enter with the 
army, or remain, on the frontier in charge of the province. The 
proclamation is in accord with the cry of the heretics who have 

disturbed France. Please God that * times 

written * more thau Christianity. The bishop 

of Valence took leave of the Queen yesterday prior to setting out 
for Scotland, in the belief that what they had told him about the 
Queen's wish for peace was in earnest. When he afterwards saw 
the proclamation, however, he was quite in despair of being able to 
effect what he had hoped in Scotland, and is now in doubt as to 
whether he shall go thither or return to France. He came to ask 
for my advice on the point, but I would only say that he must 
do as he thought best in his master's interests and in accordance 
with his instructions. When he saw that I would not express an 
opinion he told rne he thought best not to go to Scotland as he 
feared the journey would be fruitless. He also thought now that 
M. de Glajon's coming would be useless, and expressed displeasure 
at his delay. Still I think he will go. London, 28th March 1860. 

* * Torn in original, 



96. DOCUMENTS taken by M. DE GLAJON concerning his Commission 

in England. 

Brussels His instructions from the Duchess (of Parma.) 
j/M. 68 ' Copy of instructions in Spanish- given by the King to the 
French MS. personage sent to France. 

Add. S8,i73a. Copy of letters from the King to the Duchess of 3rd March 1559 
concerning English affairs. 

Another copy of similars letters from his Majesty to Madame on 
the same, dated 6fch March aforesaid. 

Copy of Spanish letter written by his Majesty to bishop de la 
Quadra his Ambassador in England. 

A proposal made by Ambassador Throgmorton to the king and 
queen of France and their Council on behalf of the queen of England 
his mistress on the 13th March aforesaid. 

Copy of letter written by the Queen Regent of Scotland to Sieur 
de Noailles on the 28th January 1 559. 

Copy of a letter from Cardinal Lorraine and the duke of Guise 
to the duke of Alba of the 23rd February. 

Credential from Madame to the queen of England. 
Another letter of credence in his favour from her Highness to his 
Majesty's ambassador bishop de la Quadra. 

7 April. 97. DE GLJLJON to the KING. 

Brussels Following the letters of your Majesty prior to the 27th ultimo I 
A^ 1 ^ 68 ' received froni her Highness instructions to take steps to prevent a 
French MS. rupture between the queen of England and the French in consequence 
Add. 28,i73a. o f i ier desire to aid the rebels in Scotland. I started out the same 
day and after about nine clays' delay through bad weather I arrived 
here on the 5th instant in the evening. Having communicated my 
commission to Bishop Quadra, your Majesty's ambassador here, I 
found tilings in a very different position from what your Majesty 
had been informed, as eight days before my arrival the Queen 
had sent her forces towards Scotland and five days afterwards they 
had entered the country and joined the 'rebels. This caused me 
the greatest perplexity as to how I ought to proceed in the 
execution of my commission, as my instructions contain no 
mention of such an eventuality ; but as I knew that to waste any 
time would be prejudicial and contrary to your Majesty's intention, 
I considered after several consultations with your ambassador that 
since your Majesty's orders could riot be carried out owing to the 
Queen's having already joined the rebels and commenced war, and 
also that this step of hers might bring about results that would 
make a reconciliation more difficult than ever, whilst if the Queen 
turned the French out of Scotland a l<mg and severe war might occur, 
and the Queen's spirit raised by her success might cause evon greater 
annoyance to your Majesty ; whereas, on the other hand, if the 
French were victorious the Queen might be in danger of losing her 
crown, and your Majesty also forced to interfere and declare war 
with the French, we at last came to the conclusion that I had better 
watch an opportunity of endeavouring to obtain a suspension of 
hostilities from the Queen and the withdrawal of her troops from 
Scotland. In the interim some means of reconciling the differences 



between this Queen and the king of France might be devised both 
as to the bearing of the arms and style of this kingdom which the 
king of France has usurped and the other subjects of dispute. I 
hinted at this to-day before introducing formally the subject of my 
commission to her, and on presenting your Majesty's letters to the 
Queen. When she had read the letters she said they only answered 
a letter sent to your Majesty some time ago, and that since then 
she had sent her ambassadors to you and written other letters to 
which she was expecting answers. She seemed to convey by this 
that she would not enter into any new communication until she had 
received a reply, but I nevertheless persevered in my purpose and 
pointed out to her that I did not think it true that she was awaiting 
the reply to her said letters complaining to your Majesty of the king 
of France, and that she had not even held her hand until 1113* coming 
though she knew I was on my way and would arrive shortly, 
but had even hastened to begin war a week before my arrival. 

To excuse herself from this the Queen answered that she had been 
awaiting the reply for two or three months from your Majesty and 
and seeing it still tarried she could not avoid taking advantage of 
certain opportunities which were offered to her. She asked me 
whether I came straight from your Majesty or from the Netherlands, 
to which I replied tliat I came from the Netherlands, and as to the 
delay that had taken place in your Majestj^'s reply your ambassador 
told her it was her own fault as she had not advised your Majesty 
of her complaints against the French until she had resolved to make 
war on them, and she had commenced to annoy them at once of which 
the French had made many complaints to your Majesty and many 
difficulties had arisen therefrom. It was your Majesty's wish to 
allay these difficulties first, and as you had to obtain information and 
advice on the matter the iinswer had thus been delayed. The Queen 
answered with some anger that it was too late to withdraw her 
troops or to talk about reconcilation except sword in hand, and she was 
thereupon told that your Majesty did nob desire to mix yourself in 
the affair as judge, but only in consideration of fraternal friendship 
and alliance and out of a desire that she should maintain her position 
She had also requested your Majesty's intervention both by her own 
letters and her instructions to your ambassador, but that if she 
nevertheless did not further desire it she had only to say so to me 
and we would do as she ordered. She then said that she would 
willingly hear us but that before giving any answer about the 
suspension of hostilities, she would like to know what means your 
Majesty suggested to ensure her against the French. I then made her 
a long detailed speech respecting my commission, in fulfilment of 
instructions. I first reminded her of the fraternal friendship your 
Majesty had for her at all times, and the good advice and counsel 
you had always given her both through the Count de Feria and your 
present ambassador and particularly by Don Juan de Ayala, the 
whole object of which was to preserve her kingdom in peace and 
tranquillity. Notwithstanding all this she had voluntarily gone to 
war with the French and had given help to their rebels, and the 
French had complained very much to your Majesty of her proceeding 
and had even begged your assistance in so reasonable and just a 
cause, aud asked that the Queen sLouid not Ije 4 upheld in so scandalous 



an action. Although your Majesty saw the French had right on 
their side you had nevertheless defended her and made excuse for her 
by saying that she had armed on great suspicion that the designs of 
the French went beyond the punishment of the rebels, and after long 
disputes between your Majesty and the Ambassador and other 
Ministers of the king of France you had found means of relieving 
her of all suspicion or fear of the king of France and at the same 
time saving his dignity and punishing the rebels. The troops to 
chastise the rebels would be sent by your Majesty from your own 
subjects, of whom the Queen, of course, could feel no doubt although 
they might be in the service of the king of France and no jealousy 
could be engendered. I said I did not on this occasion propose to 
enter into the numbers of such troops or other details until J heard 
from her whether she wished to avail herself of this plan, but seeing 
that it would be the means of abolishing all suspicion, your Majesty 
wished to persuade her to it and to abstain from helping the rebels. 
I said she ought not to refuse, seeing the state of her affairs and the 
difficulties she was in at present which would continue to increase 
as sin* had to do with so powerful a prince as the king of France 
who could assail her in many ways. Your Majesty, I said, did not 
doubt that after mature deliberation she would accept the expedient 
proposed, but you did not mean that she should disarm entirely and 
should keep her frontiers well guarded until the French had retired 
from Scotland and affairs in that country were settled. She answered 
at some length, accusing the French of bad intentions towards her 
which obliged her to be on the alert both as regards Germany and 
the French themselves, and as to helping the rebels (although she did 
not consider these as such and would help to punish them if she did) 
she thought these people were only defending their Queen and the 
rights and liberties of their country and by helping them she 
considered she was assuring her crown and dignity. 

I pointed out to her in reply that your Majesty considered them 
as rebels as they had risen against their sovereign and had changed 
the religion which could not he excused in any way. 

As regards the state of her affairs and her difficulties and expenses 
she replied that she hoped our Lord, whom she called upon to witness 
her sincerity in this matter and who had upheld her in worse 
perplexities and reverses, would sustain her in the future, and she put 
her whole trust in Him. 

Finally respecting the expedient proposed by your Majesty to send 
your own people to Scotland for her security she answered that 
she thought no other forces should be sent to Scotland except by the 
king of France although hose he had there at present should be 
withdrawn, leaving the country at peace, and she asked me whether 
the king of France was willing that your Majesty should send your 
troops and subjects to Scotland. Thinking that she asked this question 
with no good motive or desire to accede to the proposal, but rather from 
curiosity, I answered that at present that was not the question, but 
only to obtain her views on the matter. We were not able, however, 
to get her to declare herself, although she showed no surprise. She 
began to tire of the long interview which had lasted about an houf 
and a half, and on seeing this we asked her to be pleased to appoint 
another time to meet us and discuss the matter in the presence of 



her Council and give us her final decision in order to advise your 
Majesty. She fixed to-morrow. We send information to your 
Majesty, and as the affair is of so much importance we also inform the 
duchess of Parma, as your Majesty will see by my copies of letters 
enclosed. At the same time I have begged her Highness to instruct me 
how I am to proceed in case the Queen will not listen to a suspension 
of hostilities nor accept the proposal made to her by your Majesty 
for her security. My own belief is that she will not agree to either 
as she appears so animated and confident of being able to shortly 
achieve her end, but that she will endeavour to keep us temporising 
with words whilst she works her will, which I cannot prevent except 
by advising her Highness (the Duchess). London, 7th April 1560 
(before Easter). 

9 April. 99. The SAME to the SAME. 

Brussels Since writing the enclosed we have received a visit from Secretary 

"B M* 8 ' Cecil on behalf of the Queen to hear from us more fully what we 

French M.S. had communicated to Her Majesty. We repeated the same argu- 

Add. 28,173. ments, to the effect that your Majesty desired above all things that 

the Queen should withdraw her forces from Scotland and abstain 

from helping the rebels there, allowing the Most Christian King to 

chastise them as they deserve, or at least that she should agree to a 

suspension of hostilities for 40 or 50 days, to enable your Majesty to 

be informed of the difficulties that had arisen here, and seek for 

a means of reconciling the differences between her and the Most 

Christian King. 

After a very long conference, lasting about five hours, the said 
Secretary gave us his opinion on three principal points. First he 
excused the Queen for not awaiting your Majesty's reply, throwing 
the blame thereof on the long delay in sending the answer which 
she had awaited for three months, and then in order not to lose an 
opportunity that presented itself, it had been necessary for her to 
take measures for her own safety, in order not to be forestalled by 
the French. He then recited at great length the injury the Queen 
had received from the French by the usurpation of the style and 
arms of King of England, and the great clanger to which she was 
exposed through the preparations made by the French for the 
invasion of her country with the object of deposing her. 

She had, he said, received trustworthy information of these designs 
both from Germany, France, and elsewhere, and the machinations were 
so evident that she could not ignore them. Finally, Cecil tried to 
persuade us by many reasons and arguments that it was not to your 
Majesty's interest that the French should make themselves complete 
masters of Scotland, which they easily might do if the Most Christian 
Queen should die without heirs, seeing the forts they now hold. 
Affairs in this country also were in such a condition that, although 
whilst the Queen lived she would peacefully enjoy her kino-dom 
with the aid of your Majesty, yet if the Queen were to decide not 
to marry (as she certainly had no great desire to do) the cl;se 
neighbourhood of the king of France in Scotland would enable him 
to take possession of this country also at her death. 

A 60529. K 



We answered him on each article, first pointing out and clearly 
proving that the blame for the delay he wished to cast upon your 
Majesty should really be laid on the Queen herself, as she had said 
three months ago that she was going to send her ambassadors to 
your Majesty to treat of the contents of the letters in question 
whereas they (the ambassadors) cannot have arrived until last 
month at the earliest. At about the date of the letters, also, she 
began to assail the French as we fully stated to the Queen herself. 
With regard to the complaints against the French, we said that it 
was not licit to avenge verbal injuries otherwise than verbally, and 
that the matters were easy of settlement if they would consent to 
submit them to your Majesty as we had no doubt the French would do. 
We said that the Queen ought not to cariy the affair of Scotland, so 
far as to exclude the king of France from his country, and that by 
giving so bad and dangerous an example as helping the rebels with 
so little reason, she was encouraging other States to rebel against 
their lawful rulers. As regarded the alleged preparations, she had 
no reason to fear, as your Majesty by the means you would propose 
would ensure her against them. On the third point we said that 
your Majesty did not consider it just or reasonable that for the 
purpose of avoiding or providing against very remote and distant 
dangers, she should trouble the common tranquillity at the present 
time as she was doing at such great expense and pains, and above all 
by such unjust and dishonest means against her own honour and 
conscience, as it was to help the rebels and heretics in Scotland. 
We said that a long war might bring evils and injuries innumerable 
to her subjects, and these would be caused without the slightest 
necessity or obligation on her part, and seeing that she was com- 
mencing the present war wilfully on an insignificant pretext 
which could easily be settled without an appeal to arms, we believed 
your Majesty would not countenance it unless, indeed, she would 
consent to a reasonable suspension of hostilities to allow of an 
agreement being effected. 

We had throughout our long statement constantly repeated that 
your Majesty wished as earnestly as ever to assist the Queen in all 
that concerned her real interests and the preservation of her kingdom, 
and would do so as usual in this negotiation. 

It was quite clear to us, however, from our interview with the 
secretary, that the Queen will not by any means withdraw her army 
from Scotland. 

With regard to the English forces, we learn that they have 8,000 
infantry and 2,000 cavalry with 32 ships of war with 4,000 foot 
soldiers on board. The Scotch infantry was of similar strength 
without counting those who are flocking to them daily. 

The Secretary gave us to understand that on no account in the 
world, notwithstanding any persuasions that might be used, would 
the Queen decide to marry yet, which we thought he said in case 
we wished to bring on the question. Wo only replied that from 
this fact it was quite clear that thu fault of this country being in 
lunger arid trouble, as well as neighbouring countries, wa.s entirely 



owing to his Queen, as by her refusal to marry she gave rise to all 
the evils that might be feared. 

After the interview we saw the Council, the Queen being absent 
in consequence of slight indisposition, although we were told she 
would come. We repeated briefly what we had told the Queen and 
Secretary Cecil, and begged them to persuade the Queen to comply 
with your Majesty's wishes put forward for her own good and the 
repose and tranquillity of her country, and to suspend hostilities and 
withdraw the troops from Scotland, abstaining from meddling in the 
affairs of that country in a cause so unjust and unseemly. Other- 
wise, your Majesty could not refrain from aiding the Most Christian 
King, whilst assuring them nevertheless that your Majesty would 
willingly intervene in the matter, both to assure the Queen against 
the suspicions she might feel of the French, and to aid the Most 
Christian King to punish the rebels. 

After some private discussion among themselves on the matter, 
the Council instructed Dr. Wotton to tell us that as the affair was 
of so much importance they could not give us an answer at once, 
especially as certain Councillors who had had the management of 
these affairs were absent from London. These Councillors would, 
however, shortly return, and the Queen would then communicate 
to us her will and pleasure. 

Although, Sire, we have in our letters to your Majesty given a 
minute and prolix account of occurrences here and of our own task, 
we venture to lay before your Majesty a fresh statement in order 
that you may be fully informed of the state of affairs, and be the 
better able to decide your course in view of the necessities of the 

On the 7th of last month, the French were in communication with 
the Queen on this business, the Ambassador Seurre being present, 
and expressed their willingness to extend a general pardon to the 
Scotch rebels, and to withdraw all their troops from the country 
except four standards, and offered as regards the bearing of the title 
and arms of king of England to fully satisfy the Queen. The 
difficulty between them therefore is reduced simply to the retention 
of these four standards, as not even the fortresses would remain in 
1 . the hands of the French. The people here think therefore that your 
Majesty's proposal to punish the rebels with your own troops is less 
advantageous to them than the terms offered by the French as Cecil 
told us yesterday. He also pointed out to us that, as the Queen's 
forces had joined with the rebels : if she were to withdraw them 
now the rebels would become her enemies, and as they would be 
unable to resist alone the 5,000 French troops, they would be 
constrained to join them and together attack this country which 
your Majesty would be unable to prevent in the present state of 

There is another difficulty also, namely, that although the Queen 
might be willing to ab:mdon the rebels and leave them in the 
bauds of the French if she could be sure they would not turn 
against this country, .she does not know how many French are to 
ntay in Scotland, or in whosi) hands the fortresses would remain. 
If they were to remain in the occupation of tho French, she feels 

K 2 



that the danger to her would be too great (if not for this year at 
least ;>t some future time) as tliese fortresses are the key of the 
kingdom, and the French could at any time send sufficient troops 
in a fortnight to over-run her country, especially if any German 
cavalry were introduced. We therefore came to the conclusion 
that, as your Majesty's proposal does not remedy the difficulties 
thus presented, we had better talk on the matter in general terms 
and not specify the number of troops to be employed, or the 
manner in which your Majesty intends to carry out your idea, but 
simply to insist upon the Queen's allowing the Most Christian King 
to punish the rebels, as the number of his troops in Scotland is 
small and should not give rise to any misgivings on her part. If 
however, a larger number of troops should be required for the 
chastisement of the rebels, your Majesty would furnish troops of 
your own, whereby she would not only be freed from misgivings, 
but would be secured against the French if necessary. On finding 
this and all other similar suggestions unacceptable for the reasons 
already set forth, we confined ourselves at last to pressing the 
Queen to withdraw her forces and consent to a suspension of 
hostilities leaving her sea forces in the port they now occupy, and 
thus ensuring that the French shall not succour or reinforce their 
troops during the truce. When we saw that she was unwilling 
even to agree to this, we pointed out to her by the best arguments 
in our power that your Majesty could not refrain from favouring 
the just cause of the French, and thus endeavoured to frighten her 

We tried hard to justify this determination on the part of your 
Majesty, not only by showing the enormity of the acts of the 
rebels, but also by the small respect the Queen paid to your 
Majesty's advice, but notwithstanding all this, we think i^t will be 
necessary for your Majesty to order us what we are to do without 

The means adopted by the French to arrive at a settlement with 
the Queen and their diligence in trying to bring it about, quite 
convince us that your Majesty's proposal is far from being to their 
liking, and they evidently wish to look after their own affairs 
without the aid or intervention of anyone else, and so to get a 
better opportunity of overcoming this "Queen to the probable great 
prejudice of your Majesty's interests. We understand this to be 
their intention by the instructions which the Ambassador Seurre 
brought here with him, and also by the subsequent arrival of the 
bishop of Valence, who went on to Scotland after conferring here 
respecting the matters under discussion. We may add to this 
suspicion the fact that they (the French) have not thought fit to 
await the arrival of the person your Majesty was to send hither 
at their request, although they have always announced that your 
Majesty would help them against the Scots. 

We think necessary to advise your Majesty of this in order that 
you may have all possible information of what occurs here, and 
whilst negotiating with the French, keep a sharp eye on them, 
although seeing the enmity that exists between them and their 
mistrust of one another, there is not much chance of their being 



able to come to terms without help. At the same time to do 
away with any distrust they may have conceived of your Majesty, 
we have told them that your Majesty will be quite satisfied with 
any good and peaceful solution of their disputes, however it may 
be brought about, as your only object is the public peace of both 
parties and harmony between them. We have sent a copy of tliis 
to the duchess of Parma for her information. 


Brussels By letter of ours of the 1 5th instant, enclosed, we advised your 

2 ^ es ' Highness by special courier of our news here current for some days 

French MS., previously, namely, the arrest of the ships belonging to Flemish 

Add. 28,173. subjects throughout this country. The courier came back to us 

yesterday saying that they would not give him either horses or 

boats at Gravesend, and that he had been forbidden to leave on his 

journey by any means, although they allowed one of their own 

couriers to leave the country presumably for the purpose of 

advising the English residents in Flanders to sell out the stores 

and merchandise they have there so as not to run any danger of 

losing them in the event of breaking out, which it appears 

these people look upon as certain. 

Bishop Quadra, His Majesty's ambassador, yesterday, at the 
request of the Flemish subjects here went to complain to the 
Queen of the seizure. Her Majesty assumed an appearance of 
great surprise, and promised that the embargo should be raised 
immediately and, in fact, gave letters with this object. 

This morning after we had heard the statement of the courier we 
sent to Secretary Cecil to learn the reason for the stoppage of the 
said courier or any fellow countryman of ours. Cecil sent word 
that he could assure us he knew nothing of such prohibition, and 
that neither the Queen nor the Council had ordered it. If we 
desired to send anyone he would himself give a passport, which 
offer we accepted to ensure the same courier reaching your Highness. 
This instant M. de Seurre, the French ambassador, has visited us 
and given us to understand that he has received letters from the 
King his master, by which he was instructed to learn from us the 
reply and decision we had received from the Queen in answer to the 
remonstrance made by his Majesty (the king of Spain), and in case 
the Queen should have refused to listen to this remonstrance or 
those presented by the said ambassador from his King he was to ask 
us to accompany him (de Seurre) to the Queen's presence and 
witness the protest lie would make in the event of the Most 
Christian King being fcn-ced greatly against his will to take up 
arms against her : she being the sole cause of the same. He 
would thus notify to the whole world that he was not to blame 
for the war. We told him we would see M. do Glajon's instruc- 
tions and would willingly be present at the protest if we found 
Glajon's commission went so far, although we have no intention 
of being present. We have thought well to inform your Highness 
of this in order that you may be fully in possession of all that 
happens. We fear that our presence at the protest might be 



interpreted here as a testimony of a declaration of war to which 
we were parties, and we do not know whether such an attitude 
on our part would be advantageous to His Majesty's service, or 
whether de Glajon's commission covers such a case. We also think 
that Seurre is not proceeding in the matter with as much straight- 
forwardness as ha might, seeing vhat he had already communicated 
with the Queen on the matter without informing us, and, finally, 
we are of opinion that all the actions and proceedings of the 
French are directed to bring us into hatred and distrust with the 
English, in order to have the course clear for themselves, and then 
arrange together without our intervention. London, 17th April 
Signed : El Obispo Alvaro della Quadra. Philippe de Staveles. 

23 April. 101. The SAME to the SAME. 

By our letters of the 15th and 17th instant, your Highness will 
B^M 68 nav e learnt the news here, both as to the seizure of the ships and 
French MS., sailors some days before, and as to certain advances made to us 
Add. 28,173. by M. de Seurre, the French ambassador, respecting a protest he 
wished to make on his King's behalf to the Queen in our presence. 
Although, up to the present, we have received no reply to any of our 
letters to your Highness, it is still our duty to keep your Highness 
fully informed of what occurs daily here. 

We must give your Highness to understand that in our opinion 
the cause of the seizure of the ships was the reading of certain letters 
by the Queen which had been written by the king of France to 
M. de Seurre, and captured at sea before Easter by some pirates who 
these people say are Scotch, although really they are English. In 
these letters the King mentions the help His Majesty (the King of 
Spain) was to give in the present war in Scotland, the carrying out 
of which assistance His Majesty had entrusted to your Highness. The 
Queen fell into most vehement suspicion at the idea of a rupture 
both with France and your Majesty, and ordered the said seizure in 
order to advise her subjects in Flanders of the apparent imminence 
of war so that they might save themselves from loss and damage 
therefrom. In consequence of this many Englishmen have already 
come over with great sums of money. The letters were afterwards 
sent on to de Seurre, and he informed us with a show of annoyance 
that they had been opened and read. 

In accordance with the contents of the letters de Seurre and count 
de Koussy (one of the French hostages) returned to us and requested 
our presence at the aforementioned protest to which request we 
replied, as we have already informed your Highness, that we did not 
consider de Glajon's instructions justified him in attending. They 
tried to persuade us to the contrary, but we kept firmly to our 
intent ion, although excusing ourselves as courteously as we could, 
and, in compliance with their King's commands de Seurre, accom- 
panied by the hostages, went to the Queen on Saturday last and 
presented the protest contained in the said letters in the presence 
of most of the members of the Council. The protest contained in 



effect a request that the Queen would listen to a courteous com- 
munication with the object of arranging the disputes between tho 
King and her, and that she would withdraw her army out of 
Scotland, and in case she would not agree to this, he protested that 
if any war resulted no blame could be attributed to his master. 
The ambassador tells us that he told the Queen that, she being the 
assailant, Avould lose her right to recover Calais according to the 
terms of the treaty of Chateau Cambresi. 

We understand she took the protest in very bad part, and although 
she at once replied fully respecting the seizure, she said she did not 
intend the answer she then gave to be considered definite, but would 
communicate her reply by the following Monday, which we have not 
heard, as yet, that she has done. 

In presenting the protest de Scurre told the Queen that he had 
been instructed by his master to request our presence, and that 
although he had begged our attendance we had excused ourselves 
from coming. 

Last Sunday, between eight and nine in the morning, the Queen 
sent Secretary Cecil to us to inform us of the protest made by 
de Seurre, and to thank us warmly for having declined to be present. 
We replied that we had not wished to exceed de Glajon's instructions, 
which were only directed to endeavour to prevent any act of hostility 
on the part of the Queen against the king of France in favour of the 
Scotch rebels, and in this endeavour we still persevered and requested 
Cecil to again urge the same upon the Queen, whilst assuring her 
that the aid His Majesty thought of giving to the king of France 
was for the purpose of assuring her stability, and not in any way to 
damage her. 

We think that the reading of the letters and the fact that 
dc Seurre wished to deal with her without our knowledge (which 
proved his small trust in us) have had the effect of reassuring the 
Queen and making her better disposed towards us than she was. 
We have reproved de Seurre, and let him know we do not think his 
conduct courteous or conducive to the success of the affair in nego- 
tiating secretly without communicating with us. He could not deny 
it or find any excuse for himself, but assured us that he would not 
do so any more. 

We understand the bishop of Valence is still at Berwick, and dares 
not proceed to Scotland, as he can obtain no assurance of safety. 

A courier arrived here last evening from the duke of Norfolk, by 
whom we learn that the French are at Little Leith strongly fortified 
and without any fear. They lately made a sally and entirely 
defeated a company of footmen, killing the captain and capturing 
the standard, and it would appear that the town cannot be taken 
by force but only by hunger or other similar means, which is quite 
different from the design and hope hitherto entertained by the 
Queen. The rumour asserts that the town is well provisioned for 
three or four months. London, 23rd April 15GO. 

Signed : " AJvaro della Quadra." Philippe de StavMcs. 



8 May. 102. The SAME to the SAME. 

Brussels Since ours of the 6th instant we received yesterday your 
B. M*' Highness's letter of the 1st, replying to our despatches of the 
French M.S., 23rd and 24th ultimo, with duplicate of certain letters from the 
Add. 28,173. King. Your Highness will have learnt by our said letters the steps 
we had taken to carry out His Majesty's commands, and we will 
only now add that we will not fail by communications and 
interviews with the Queen and Council, and otherwise to forward 
the wishes of your Highness and His Majesty, although the ambas- 
sador Seurre is of opinion (as is also Count de Roussy, one of 
the hostages,) that we should limit ourselves to the efforts we have 
hitherto made and not importune the Queen any more for fear of 
rendering her more obstinate than ever, but wait until perchance 
she recognises her fault, and request our aid and support. We very 
much doubt whether she will ever do this unless she is pressed to it 
by urgent need because, as we have written several times to your 
Highness, we do not think she desires our intervention, nor do the 
French either, as we saw more clearly than ever yesterday in the 
interview we had with Admiral Clinton, Dr. Wotton, and Secretary 
Cecil, who, on the pretext of discussing with us the complaints 
made by His Majesty's subjects came to see us. After a long 
conversation on this question they wished to read to us the answer 
the Queen had had drawn up in answer to Seurre's protest, which in 
our opinion was the real object of their coming. As the answer was 
very prolix, in order not to tire us, as Cecil said, by reading the 
whole of it, he wanted to read only the conclusion. We asked him 
thereupon why, and with what object, he wished to read it to us, 
whether for the purpose of making us witnesses and giving us an 
account of the Queen's action with de Seurre. or because she desired 
our intervention to inform iSenor Garcia Lasso of the answer, in 
order that the Most Christian King might be by him made aware 
of her excuses and complaints, and that the said Garcia Lasso might 
endeavour to arrange the dispute between the King and her as we 
had recently offered the Queen our good services with that end, and 
she had told us that as she had news from Scotland that she wished 
to communicate to us, she would send her decision on the point at 
the same time. Cecil pretended to be surprised, and said he had 
heard nothing of this from the Queen, and his only instructions 
were to read the end of the answer to us, because in it the Queen 
called upon our King as her judge, and he (Cecil) knew of no other 
intention of the Queen, but would willingly speak to her about it. 
He also gave us to understand that at the moment he left the 
Queen de Seurre was with her, and had informed her that the 
brother of M. de la Rochefoucauld was coming to her with full 
power to settle matters, and that he had already arrived at 
Boulogne. He asked for letters of safe conduct for him, which 
the Queen had immediately and gladly given, and had even sent 
some of her ships for his further security. We therefore think that 
in view of the coming of this personage she will temporise with us 
on the chance of their coming to terms without other aid, which God 
grant Cecil also told us that they would have already agreed if 
the bishop of Valence had had full powers, and we think well to 




inform your Highness of this, so that you may be in possession of 
all that passes here. London, 8th May 1560. 

Signed : El Obispo Aivaro de la Quadra. Philippe de Staveles. 

May 11. 103. DRAFT of letter from the KING to BISHOP QUADRA. 

Yours of 27th March to hand, and the duke of Alva has shown 
me what you wrote to him on 6th April. Your and M. de Glajon's 
joint letter is answered separately as regards Scotland, and instruc- 
tions as to what is to be done with the queen of England. 1 
approve of your conduct of affairs. Continue to act in harmony 
with the Duchess, my sister, pending other orders from me, but 
keep us fully informed of all that happens. For all else I refer you 
to the letter sent jointly to you and M. de Glajon. 

Endorsed: Toledo, llth May 1560. 


Brussels Qn Thursday evening last Cecil sent us word that the Queen 
BM CS wished to see us on tho following morning at nine, and at that hour 
French M.S., we were with her. She began by remarking how tardy she had 
Add. 28,173. been in fulfilling her promise made to us on the 1st instant to let 
us know when she had news from Scotland of the negotiations for 
a settlement which were being carried on by the Queen Dowager 
of Scotland and the bishop of Valence on the one hand, and her 
(Elizabeth's) ministers and the Scots on the other, and that at the 
same time she would communicate her decision with respect to the 
offer we had made to use our efforts to effect an agreement between 
her and the Most Christian King by means of Senor Garcia Lasso de 
la Vega. Although she had received no news since then of the 
negotiations, she wished in fulfilment of her promise to point out to 
us the cunning and bad faith of the said Bishop towards her 
ministers whilst he was in the Scotch camp. For the purpose of 
leading them astray and gaining time he had pretended to desire a 
settlement, and after some remonstrance had proposed terms. When 
these were on the point of conclusion the Bishop had been asked to 
show his authority, and had declared that it was in the possession 
of the Queen Dowager, but when she was asked for it she had 
replied that she had not it. This had immensely irritated the Scots, 
who were now more bitter than ever, although their only desix-e was 
to become obedient and faithful subjects of the Most Christian King 
whilst safeguarding their own privileges, and she herself had been 
greatly annoyed at this action of the Bishop and seeing herself thus 
befooled by the King's ministers. Since she could see no hope or 
probability of a settlement being arrived at by means of the French 
representatives here, or even by the coming of M. de Randau,* 
brother to M. de la Rochefoucauld, who de Seurre had told her had 

1 5 

Charles de la Rochefoucauld, Count de Randau. 



already arrived at Boulogne on his way hither with full powers to 
arrange their differences, but in whom she had no more confidence 
than in the others, she would be glad to avail herself of our offer, 
and declared to us that for the purpose of pacifying matters she was 
willing to withdraw her troops from Scotland and render the 
country loyal and obedient to the Most Christian King, on condition 
that he would first withdraw all his French men-at-arms, leaving 
the fortresses and the government of the country in the hands of the 
natives to be dealt with as they liked according to their privileges 
and the treaties ; and on his undertaking not to molest or trouble 
them in any way for the past. In any other case she could never 
feel secure against his sending as many troops as he thought fit 
into Scotland (if the fortresses remained in his hands), and from 
there invading her own country. The second condition was that 
the King should at once cease all warlike preparations now being 
made in France, and break up the forces that may have been got 
together already there or elsewhere. Thirdly, that he should 
abandon the arms and style of king of England now usurped by 
him, revoking and annulling all letters patent or other acts bearing 
such seal or style. Fourthly, that he should give redress for the 
injury done to her by the usurpation of such arms and title, and 
recompense her for the expenditure she had been obliged to incur 
in consequence of his act. She requested us to convey these 
conditions to Sefior Garcia Lasso for the object mentioned, and that 
we would use our best endeavours towards the end in view. She 
promised to hand us a written copy of the conditions, and would be 
very glad to do so immediately. We asked her what was the use 
of this, as she was already in treaty with the French, and even was 
expecting the arrival of Randau for that very purpose. After she 
had consulted on this point she said she thought it would be better 
to defer sending the conditions to Garcia Lasso until she had heard 
the instructions of Randau, and saw whether it was possible to 
come to terms with the king of France without other intervention. 
In case this could not be done she would have the articles handed 
to us in writing for us to take the steps agreed upon. As Randau 
has not yet arrived she has not sent these articles up to the 

On this occasion, as usual, we continued to press her to withdraw 
her troops from Scotland, and hold herself simply on the defensive. 
She gave no answer whatever to this, but declared that she had a 
great wish to communicate on this affair directly and personally 
with His Majesty (the king of Spain), and said if the road were 
safe and open for her she would like to make a journey in disguise 
to meet him, and expressed great sorrow at the absence of the King 
from the Netherlands. As we have already written to your 
Highness, we are of opinion that neither the Queen nor the French 
really desire our intervention; and all we have done therefore 
hitherto has only been with the object of showing your goodwill 
and the desire of His Majesty that the public peace should not b<' 
disturbed. London, 13th May 1000. 

Signed : Obispo Alvaro de la f^wdra, Philippe de Sta voles, 




Brussels Certain couriers arrived from the camp in Scotland on Saturday 
g^ es by whom we learn that on Monday last the English assaulted the 
French M.S., town of Leith and had been very bravely repulsed with the loss of 
Add. 28,173. ^500 men, the French having pursued them and spiked some of 
their guns, such was the disorder. The English have therefore 
been obliged to withdraw their head-quarters and have informed the 
Queen that they have no hope of being able to take the town by 
force. This news is kept so secret here that no trustworthy details 
are obtainable and they try their best to put a good face on it. The 
Queen is making an extreme effort to reinforce her troops both by 
land and sea. We suspect that on Friday last when she sent for us 
she must already have received the news, although we found her in 
better spirits than before. We are afraid the affairs of this country 
are in a very bad way, and if anything evil happen or in case they 
collect their forces as they are striving very hard to do, things may 
get into such a condition as to be irreparable. Count Helfenstein 
took leave of the Queen yesterday. She very willingly gave him 
license to go, and made him understand, as she has done on other 
occasions, that she had no intention of marrying. The Count is 
making preparations for his speedy departure. 

The duke of Holstein also leaves to-morrow on his journey home. 
He tells us he is going by way of Antwerp. 

The bishop of Valence arrived here on Saturday. He advised 
us of his arrival, and we sent twice to him to-day to inform him of 
our action with the Queen and offer him our help to arrange peace 
if possible. He thanked us and informed us in return that the 
reason the treaty arranged in Scotland had not been carried through 
was not through the lack of the authority, as the Queen had told 
us, and he had clearly signified this to the Queen this morning in 
the presence of the English gentleman who was present on her behalf 
at the negotiation of the said treaty. He had accorded the three points 
demanded by the English, namely, that the French troops should be 
withdrawn from Little Leith and the place demolished, but he would 
not tell us the main point at issue. With regard to the five points 
required by the king of France, that to the effect that they (the 
Scots') should separate themselves from the alliance with the Qaeen, 
they had after some consultation refused without first hearing the 
other points. He therefore had to retire and has decided at the 
request of the ambassador (Seurre) to await here the arrival of 
M. de Randau, and in the meanwhile to send a courier to his King 
giving an account of his proceedings in Scotland. 

Postscript : After writing the foregoing we learnt that in the 
above-mentioned assault the English were entirely defeated and lost 
all their artillery. For this reason the Queen has ordered 6,000 
footmen to march towards Scotland, most of those who were already 
there having fled or been wounded or died, although we are not able 
absolutely to assert the truth of this. If it be true the loss must 
necessarily be very great, and this gives rise to some mistrust on 
our part, as the French dissemble about it, 



Add 260560 


The reason of the sudden departure of the duke of Holstein is, we 
understand, to bring for the Queen's service three regiments of 
infantry and some black arnauts.* 

We are also informed that an English gentleman named Brigantynet 
who was sent to Germany by the Queen has gone to beg help for 

The preparations of which we have spoken are very extensive and 
even several ships belonging to the Flemish subjects have been 
seized for service in this war. London, 23rd May 1560. 

Signed : Obispo Alvai o dc la Quadra. Philippe de Staveles. 


Simancaa The Queen has expected for some days that her forces would take 
* a ^ e keith as Lord Grey said they would. They assaulted the place 
on the 7th without having silenced the lower defences or battered 
the forts much. They attacked with 22 scaling ladders, and those 
who got into the fortress were killed by the French artillery, 
whilst those outside suffered greatly from the volley firing of 
2,000 harquebussiers. In the meanwhile 200 curassiers and 500 
harquebussiers with 60 horse sallied from the place and completely 
cleared the trenches. The Scots who were stationed on the 
other side of the place did not move a hand not without malice 
as is thought and people believe that the alliance will not last long. 
To this end the French are directing all their efforts, making use of 
our supposed assistance. In short things are going badly, and we 
shall one of these days find ourselves at war without knowing why 
or wherefore. Since His Majesty warned the Queen not to help the 
rebels the Catholics have been persecuted worse than ever, and all 
those that are known have been cast into prison. Oxford students and 
the law students in London have been taken in great numbers. They 
have also arrested those who came to my house on Easter day to 
hear mass and have declared my house suspect. I do not wonder 
at this, for the Queen told Glajon and me that she did not like 
hidden enemies, by which she meant his Majesty the King, to which 
I fittingly replied. 

They are only hoping that we and the French may fall out, and 
they evidently think that it will not be long first, or they would not 
be so bold as they are. 

I am suffering the trouble you know of and am so slighted that it 
it is shameful. Pray help me if you can. London, 23rd May 1560. 




the day following the date of our last of 22nd instant, 
a^dau, the bishop of Valence and the ambassador (de Seurre) 
French M.S., came to tell us that they had been on the previous day with the 
Add. 28,173. Queen at Greenwich, to learn from her whether she had decided 
upon the place of meeting and who should represent her for the 

* " Des noirs harnatz." 

f See letter on this subject from John Brigantyne to Cecil 8th June 1560. 
State Papers (Foreign). 





discussion with them on the differences between their King and her. 
She told them that the matter was so important that she had not 
resolved, but that in a day or two she would do so and let them 
know. They told us that the Queen would not discuss the differences 
in this city, and they thought she was not very desirous of a 
settlement. They also complained that, contrary to her promise to 
cease hostilities when she received the King's deputies, she now 
refused to do so. 

Very late on Friday the Queen sent to tell us that she had seen 
the authority of M. de Randau, and was much pleased thereat, and 
if what Randau and the bishop of Valence told her was true, she 
liad great hope of the success of the negotiation. In order that 
nothing should be wanting on her part, she had appointed Dr. Wot ton 
.and Secretary Cecil to conduct the aff<iir, and would appoint tliree 
more when these had arrived in Scotland. Wotton and Cecil start 
to-morrow, so as to be on the 5th of June at Newcastle, where they 
will decide with the others where the conference is to take place. 
She assures us that it will not be her fa-ilt if a settlement be not 
effected. We still think, nevertheless, that neither she nor the 
French have any intention of making friends together, as the only 
object of the French is to separate the Queen from her alliance with 
the Scots, as we have said before, and it would appear by her delays 
that the Queen hopes to take Leith by famine, as the rumour runs 
that there is a very small store of provisions there, and it must fall 
in a few days. 

The French at the last meeting veiy clearly gave us to understand 
that they did not intend by any means to discuss with the Queen the 
disputes in Scotland, and she shows no desire for our intervention 
or presence at the discussion of their differences. We should have 
been able to give your Highness an account of the conference if it 
had taken place in this city, but as it will be held a hundred and 
sixty miles off it will be difficult to obtain news. We will, however, 
strive by all possible means to obtain information for your Highness. 
By what we have said, your Highness may see how little use I 
(de Glajon) can be in future here. London, 27th May 1560. 

Signed : Obispo Alvaro del la Quadra. Philippe de Staveles. 

3 June. 108. The SAME to the SAME. 

Brussels On Thursday last we received your Highness's letter of 27th May 

Archives, and those of His Majesty and Messieurs Chantonnay and Garcia 

Frenches -^ asso w ^^ enclosures. We have for the present nothing further 

Add. 28,173. to reply to these beyond what we wrote in our letters of 23rd and 

27th ultimo, which will have informed your Highness of the state 

of affairs here and the uselessness of my (de Glajon's) continued stay 

since the conference is to take place about two hundred miles from 

here, and the parties expect to be able to come to terms without our 

presence or intervention as we have written on several occasions* 

We have also expressed our own opinion to yt.ur Highness that they 

will not agree at all as we do not believe the Queen will ever 

consent to a rupture of her alliance with the Scots, nor would the 



latter allow it, and we think that this point alone is sufficient to 
render the conference abortive. 

We are anxious, for our own part, to assure your Highness that 
in all our conferences on the subject we have tried as diplomatically 
as possible to bring about a just and honourable understanding, and 
have offered both the Queen and the French with this end our 
presence and mediation. We see, however, that neither of the 
parties desires to avail itself of our good offices, and we have 
consequently agreed to preserve His Majesty's (the king of Spain's) 
dignity by henceforward simply persuading and expressing the 
King's great desire that an understanding should be effected on the 
best terms possible and trying to reconcile both parties. As they 
will not admit us to the conference we can give no information to 
your Highness except that contained in our former letters. 

M. de Randau and the bishop of Valence left for Newcastle on 
Wednesday last and Dr. Wotton and Secretary Cecil will follow 
them next Thursday, Cecil having had himself bled before starting 
in consequence of a sudden return of fever. We do not know 
whether this was a device to delay the meeting in order in the 
meanwhile to take Leith by famine, as the rumour is that the 
besieged are suffering greatly from want of provisions, and the 
Queen told me (Bishop Quadra) two days ago that " they were 
keeping their Lent." 

It would seem by this that the copies of letters given by Cardinal 
Lorraine and the duke de Guise to Messieurs Chantonnay and 
Garcia Lasso saying that the besieged are well victualled to the end 
of August are a fabrication. We have made every effort to discover 
whether anyone had left Leith who could have written such letters, 
but have been unable to find that any person had gone out of the 
place since the departure of the bishop of Valence from Scotland 
and the assault on the town. 

We send a short reply to the letters of Messieurs Chantonnay 
and Garcia Lasso referring them to the present letter of which your 
Highness may be pleased to send them copies. 

We have thought well to retain here for a few days the courier 
who brought your Highness's letters in order to be able if necessary 
to advise your Highness what we hear of the negotiations between 
the French and English representatives. London, 3rd June 1560. 

Signed : Alvaro della Quadra. Philippe de Staveles. 


J'mj"cas, The Commissioners have left for Scotland. The French are the 
bishops of Valence and Amiens, Randau, La Brosse and D'Oysel ; and 
the English, Cecil and Wotton from here, and Henry Percy,* Peter 
Carew and Sadler appointed there. I expect they will do no more 
than hitherto, as the Queen expects to reduce Leith by hunger, and the 
French are not in earnest, but hope to arrange with the rebels, and then 

* Henry Percy, brother of the earl of Northumberland, who commanded the English 
cavalry in Scotland. 



try their designs on this country. I expect the French will succeed 
in their plans before Leith is taken by hunger as they (the French) 
say it is provisioned till August, but this is all a trick of the Ambassa- 
dor's as was that letter they showed to Chantonnay and Garcilasso 
in France as no one has left the place who could bring the news. 
Cecil has been sent to encourage the rebels and hinder the French 
attempts at an arrangement with them. 

When I spoke to the Queen last, she did not seem so offended 
with us as she had been, and to help this feeling I mixed my 
scolding with as many complimentary and friendly words as I could. 
I see that her plan is that, in case her visions succeed and she 
manages to embroil us with the French and so establish her power, 
she shall not be more beholden to us than she is now, whilst if she 
fail she shall not be quite alienated from us. The Catholics are being 
persecuted more than ever, and when I begged the Queen to cease 
this, and pointed out how cruel and impious it was, she said she 
knew they (the Catholics) wanted to rise against her, and she could 
show me proofs of it. She said those who looked the meekest and 
most sanctimonious were the worst. I want to keep in her present 
good humour, as neither our threats have frightened nor our 
persuasions softened her towards us, but still I managed, without 
exasperating her, to repeat to her all her errors, and pointed out 
the danger into which her fancies were hurrying her. I said her 
plans looked very easy, and she was always ready to blame some 
of her councillors if they failed. She yielded so far as to try to 
justify herself to me on the principal points, namely, the war and 
marriage. She talked all manner of nonsense, as usual, and although 
she tried to treat things seriously, I only ridiculed everything she 
said, and told her I knew she did not believe what she was saying, 
and I was fully informed that her real object was to make herself 
monarch of all Britain by marrying the earl of Arran. After a long 
discussion on this subject and the war, we spoke of the news from 
Italy, that the Pope was sending hither the abbe' de Saint Salut, at 
which she seemed surprised and somewhat alarmed, and thought he 
was after no good. I said the Pope only sent to admonish and 
advise her like a loving father for her good, and no doubt had been 
moved thereto by hearing from the King (Philip) that he was 
always in hope that a woman of her talent would embrace the 
universal Catholic faith. I said if the King had failed to protect 
her at Rome, any declaration the Pope might have made against her 
would have done her much harm. (Repeats a long homily he gave 
lier on her duty towards her subjects in the matter of religion.) If 
the Pope is really going to send an envoy hither, I wish it were 
anyone rather than this abbe*, who is a staunch Frenchman and is 
considered tricky here. He is unpopular, as he was a servant of 
Cardinal Pole, and they ought to send a learned modest man, 
without ostentation or show and without much preliminary talk. 
Your Lordship might advise Vargas of this without saying that I 
had written it, as 1 am not inclined to be bail in Rome for what 
I write here of this Queen's conversation. If your Lordship thinks 
Well, also this letter might be sent to His Majesty, as I cannot write 
to Spain by this post London, 3rd June 1560. 



13 June. 



Strange news is current here of the rout of our army against 
Tripoli, and Seurre has told us that for the last twelve days the 
French M.S., fact has been known in the court of France, and that only twenty - 
Add. 28,173. five of our galleys have escaped. This pains us greatly, and 
especially as nothing has been written to us about it. London, 
13th June 1560. 

Signed : Alvaro della Quadra. Philippe de Staveles. 

17 June. 111. The SAME to the SAME. 

Brussels The day after writing to your Highness on the 13th instant we 

B M 68 ' rece i ve< i your Highness's despatch of the 3rd, with extracts of letters 

French M.S., written to Monsignor D'Arras by Secretary Courteville respecting 

Add- 28,173. hi s action with the French and English ambassadors about our 

negotiations. We thank your Highness for this, and will make 

use of the extracts when opportunity offers. We told your Highness 

in our last that a courier had arrived here from Cornwall with the 

news that a great number of French ships of war were on that coast, 

and we have since learnt that this was the new army that was on 

its way to reinforce the others. 

The Queen sent to say yesterday that she had received letters on 
the previous day from Cecil saying that the sittings of the conference 
had commenced (although she could not tell us in what place) with 
so much amity that she hoped very shortly that a successful result 
would be attained, and at all events that nothing should be wanting 
on her side to effect an agreement. She said she would not fail to 
let us know when she had any news of the issue, and asked us to 
inform His Majesty and your Highness. We humbly thanked her, 
and assured her that both the King and your Highness would 
receive the news of a settlement with pleasure. 

She also sent word that she had heard from the duke of Norfolk 
that there was a report in the camp and on the frontiers that the 
queen regent of Scotland, mother of the queen of France, was dead, 
but she (Elizabeth) has made no reference yet to the packet of 
letters received from her ministers in Spain. We enclose copy of the 
protest which, as we have written to your Highness, was presented 
in April last by Ambassador Seurre to the Queen, and the Queen's 
reply thereto lately printed here. London, 17th June 1560. 

Signed : Alvaro della Quadra. Philippe de Staveles. 

27 June 112. BISHOP QUADRA to the KING. 

Duke Adolph of Holstein sent some days ago to M. de Glajon and 
me to say that he wished to have some conversation with us before 
he left, and he asked us to be his guests at Greenwich where he was 
staying with the Queen. I went alone as M. de Glajon was unwell. 
What he had to say was that having recently received a letter from 
your Majesty conveying to him the intelligence of your marriage and 
good health, and begging him at the same time to help in the 
preservation and defence of your Majesty's states in the Netherlands, 



he thought well to inform me that, as to the first, he humbly saluted 
your Majesty tor deigning to inform him of your marriage and 
health. With regard to the second he will ever be ready to serve 
your Majesty in Flanders or elsewhere your Majesty may command, 
as he has written to you and I might convey the same to the duchess 
of Parma. I send the Duke's letter enclosed in this. He appears 
not very well satisfied with the Queen about the marriage, and even 
respecting other affairs, although he tries hard to hide it. As M. de 
Glajon and I have written at length to Madame and the bishop of 
Arras 1 do not refer to other matters here. London, 26th June 1560. 
Endorsed in the handwriting of Philip II., " The letter of Duke 
Adolph of Holstein has been sent to Phinzing." 


Brussels By our letters of 17th instant your Highness will have learnt that 

^B M^ 68 according to the Queen the peace conference was in a good way. We 

French MS. have since received your Highness' letters with the copies enclosed 

Add. 28,1 73. by which we have been fully informed of the proposal to his 

Majesty made by the Bishop of Limoges,* and his Majesty's reply to 

the three points contained therein and our action shall be governed in 

accordance. We have also learnt what had passed between your 

Highness and M. de la Forest,t and the cause of the coming hither 

of the Abbd de Saint Salut and the reasons for detaining him in 

Flanders. We also thank your Highness for the news of the success 

of our army at Gelves, which doubly rejoices us as the news spread 

broadcast here was very different and greatly against his Majesty's 

interests. We will publish the truth everywhere, and when it is 

known we hope those who have been glad will be ashamed of 


Your Highness will be pleased to hear that the Queen and Council 
have informed us that by letters from the deputies written on the 
29th instant from Edinburgh they learn that the differences between 
the Queen and the king of France were in fair way for settlement, 
and there was not now much left to conclude, and she therefore had 
great hope that very shortly all would be arranged in good peace 
and concord. She also hoped the same would be effected by the 
Scots and would not fail to send us news as she received it. In 
confirmation of this we have heard from the secretary of ambassador 
Seurre that the French representatives have sent a gentleman to 
their King who bore letters of credence for de Seurre. The latter 
however had only told him, the secretary, that the gentleman had 
said as he was leaving that on his return from France (which he 
expected would be within a week) all would be easilv arranged. 
The Queen also said the same thing to me (Bishop Quadra) when 
1 was recently with her on private business, and added that all the 
points on her side was arranged except only that referring to the 
repayment of the expenses she had incurred, for which she demanded 

* Sebastien de L'Aubespine bishop of Limoges, French ambassador at the court of 
Philip II. 

t Bochetel <lc la Forest, the French ambassador iu Flanders for several years. I It- 
was subsequently accredited to England (July 1 5015) and frequent mention is made of 
him iii the Liter Jotters in the present serie*. 
a G6529. L 



500,000 crowns und the restitution of Calais, although I do not think 
.she will stand out about that. With regard to the rest the French 
will agree to demolish Leith and withdraw their troops from Scotland, 
sending them back to France in ships that she (the Queen) would 
grant them by public edict. They will consent to annul and cancel 
all letters and charters in which the style of king of England may 
have been usurped and abolish the use of the arms of England 
quartered with those of France for ever henceforward. 

By this your Highness will see how little reason there was for the 
bishop of Limoges in Spain to beg his Majesty for the succour 
promised to his master and the use of sending another gentleman 
to this Queen to negotiate, which would probably only throw matters 
back again and irritate the Queen more than ever, as she would 
believe he came to declare war rather that anything else, and if 
the peace is concluded, as is hoped, your Highness may consider 
whether the coming of this new envoy would be either fitting or 

With regard to the peace itself it is probable that the French, 
seeing the impossibility of relieving Leith, which is hard pressed for 
victuals, will accept such terms as they can get. We are daily 
expecting letters from Scotland from a certain person we have sent 
thither and we hope to learn from them the truth about the peace 
negotiations which we will duly convey to your Highness. 

Regarding the coming of the Abbe' de Saint Salut I, (Bishop Quadra) 
have been recently informed by the abbot of Westminster, now 
a prisoner in the Tower, that his coming is at the solicitation of a 
certain Englishman named Englefield, now in Rome, who was a 
member of the Council of the late Queen Mary, and of the late 
ambassador of that Queen in Rome who have laid before his Holiness 
the state of religious affairs here and attribute the present changes 
rather to certain ministers now in favour with the Queen than 
to the Queen herself. In my opinion the coming of the Abbd 
will please many people and displease those of the contrary faith. 
If we are asked the cause of the delay in the Nuncio's coming we 
will dissemble as your Highness directs. If his Majesty had not 
been fully informed of my (de Glajon's) proceedings, and had 
himself not deigned to exculpate me from the complaint made 
by the bishop of Limoges that I was lukewarm, I could bring 
ample evidence and proof to the contrary, but since his Majesty 
is satisfied with me I will for the present pass the matter over ; but 
I cannot refrain from saying that the reason why the French desired 
so much warmth and vehemence on our part was not by any means 
that their affairs should therebv be forwarded (for we had clone 
everything possible and even more than was necessary) as may be 
judged from the fact that they always tried to negotiate apart from 
us and exclude us from their conferences, but only for the purpose of 
injuring our King's interests by irritating the Queen against him. We 
quite clearly saw this and the malice that prompted it, and we have 
thought best to conduct our negotiations in a moderate way that, 
whilst doing everything that his Majesty and your Highness ordered, 
could not offend the Queen. We recall that we said to Seurre in the 
presence of the bishop of Valence and M. de Randau that he was 



acting wrongly in conducting his negotiations with the Queen in an 
underhand way and with soft words whilst we were to importune 
and press her unceasingly. He excused himself at the time, and said 
he could not do otherwise as he must dissemble with her. I 
(de Glajon) cannot see therefore what reason he has to complain 
of me as it is quite notorious here that the haste and failure of 
the assault on Little Leith proceeded from the pressure we brought 
to bear upon the Queen, and we can assure your Highness that if 
the affair had been for his Majesty himself de Glajon could have done 
no more than he did. 

M. Florent,J whom we have often mentioned in former letters, 
returned here this week, and we greatly suspect that he comes to 
negotiate something not dealt with by tlie peace deputies. He was 
ill on the road for a long time, nearly a month, and not being quite 
recovered he was carried from Paris to Boulogne in a litter. We are 
informed that he had audience of the Queen yesterday, and we fear 
he is trying to negotiate something to his Majesty's (the king of 
Spain's) disadvantage. We will use all diligence in finding out. 

With regard to the affair of the Dortrecht men I (Bishop Quadra.) 
have after great difficulty obtained their release, and even the 
restitution of their ships without cost, and there now only remains to 
claim the payment of interest and expenses of their keep and others 
incurred in the prosecution of the claim. It has been impossible to 
press for this yet as the judges of the Cinque Ports against whom 
the claim must be made (for having given letters of reprisal wrongly 
and without cause) only meet thrice a year. The next term is on 
St. James' Day and the men have therefore left, but will send and 
claim these expenses when the time comes. I will help them all 
I can, but it will be a long and difficult affair to recover the claim, 
and if I were consulted by the Dortrecht men I should advise them 
to be satisfied with getting back the principal and avoid further 
expense. London, 28th June 1560. 

Signed. Alvaro della Quadra. Philippe de Staveles. 

8 July. 113. The SAME to the SAME. 

Brussels Since our last of 28th ultimo, we have received your Highness's 

.. of 2ud instant with copies of others from your Highness to 

French MS. MM. Chantonnay and Garcia Lasso with their replies. 
Add. 28,173. With regard to the settlement between the French and English 
we have no other news except that after the seven days' truce which 
expired on the 22nd ultimo, hostilities were recommenced and 
skirmishes took place as before. Notwithstanding this the deputies 
met on the following Sunday, in Edinburgh, at the lodging of 
Secretary Cecil, where they stayed five hours. We were told this 
by the person we sent, as your Highness will see by the enclosed 
extract of letters. Since then the gentleman who was sent to 
France (M. de Bueil son of the Count de Sinserre) has arrived 
here, and after communicating the decision of his Kins; to the 
Queen in the presence of Ambassador Seurre and the Count de 

J He is called Florencio Ayaceto in a letter from Quadra to the King dated 4th August 
1560 in the present volume t 

L 2 



Roussy, he left for Scotland on Thursday afternoon, where by our 
calculation he may have arrived OH Saturday last, or at all events, 
yesterday. The only thing that can be learnt of the coining of this 
gentleman is that both sides declare that if peace be not made it 
will not be their fault. Count de Roussy came to see us yesterday, 
and amongst other things lie told us that the people in Leith had 
received a supply of provisions from two French ships that had run 
the gauntlet of the English forces, and the place was now victualled 
for six weeks, besides what they had before. We asked the Count 
what he thought of the peace negotiations, and he said he had not 
much hope, as the Queen was not so anxious for peace as she was 
before. We asked him how that was, since they were willing to 
withdraw their troops from Scotland, and give satisfaction as to 
the anns and title. He said it was quite true they were willing to 
withdraw their troops, except a small number to occupy certain 
insignificant castles which could not offend the Queen, and they also 
gave her satisfaction as to the arms and style, and promised to leave 
the government in the hands of Scotsmen, but notwithstanding this 
she must have some secret designs or claims for reparation of damage 
such as are not usual amongst princes. 

He also told us that the Queen had sent the Admiral to her forces 
at Plymouth (Pleve), and sent 12 more companies to her camp, which 
diminished his hope of peace. He said that there was a man in 
Boulogne who staked his life that he would always run small craft 
into Leith to revictual the place, and, speaking of the health of the 
queen of France, he said it was true she was very ill and not out 
of danger, and also that the queen regent of Scotland, her mother, 
before she died, had asked pardon of the rebels who came to visit 
her, arid they did likewise of her. The earl of Arran was amongst 
these rebels. In addition to this conversation we have other reasons 
to believe that the peace is extremely doubtful, but we shall know 
something certain one way or the other by the end of this week, and 
will advise your Highness with all diligence by the courier you 
have sent us whom we have detained here for the purpose ; but have 
thought well to send the news contained herein by the ordinary 
post who leaves here this midnight. We have read the accounts 
given by MM. Chantonnay and Garcia Lasso to your Highness of 
their conversations with the Ambassador Throgmorton, respecting 
the marriage of the Queen with the eldest son of the Duke de Nevers, 
and from many indications we think that Florent must have come 
here about this business, and the Treasurer of the Household* must 
have referred to this matter when he spoke to me (bishop of Quadra) 
recently in the palace, about the friendship of our King, and asked 
me if I had observed that Florent was deep in the confidence of the 
Duke de Never?. The Swedish Ambassador is spreading a report 
that the prince of Sweden ia making preparations to come hither 
with a great train of nobles and a quantity of uncoined silver, and 
that he will arrive within five or six weeks. 

Signed : Philippe de Staveles. El ObisjK) della Quadra. 

* Sir Thomas Parry. 



13 July. 114. The SAME to the SAME. 

Brussels By the regular courier leaving Tuesday last we replied to your 
F B M* 5 ' Highness' letters of 2nd instant, and gave our opinion respecting 

French MS. the French and English agreement in accordance with the news 
Add. 28,173. then current. Since that date Lord Cobham, Warden of the Cinque 
Ports, has spread news among the merchants that the said agreement 
is entirely settled and concluded, but without his being able to say 
on what conditions. We went to see the Queen at Greenwich 
yesterday to obtain trustworthy intelligence of it. She appeared 
very glad of our visit, and after certain friendly chat said that even 
if we had not come she would have sent us the news she had 
received from Scotland two days before informing her thnt the 
accord between her and the Most Clmstian King was now complete, 
excepting some insignificant points, and she believed that proclama- 
tion to that eftvct. had already been irade in Scotland. She then 
descended to particulars, and said that the French wo:ild abandon 
Leith, which would be demolished, and that only GO (French) 
soldiers would remain in Scotland, facilities being given to the rest 
to return home by sea and safe conducts provided for those who 
wished to go by land. She thought that the alliance between her 
and the Scots would continue, and for this reason hostages would 
be sent her and renewed every six months during the life of the 
queen of France, and one year after her death. The style and arms 
of king of England hitherto usurped by the king of France would 
be entirely abandoned, and all documents, &c.. bearing the arms 
would be renewed with those of France alone. She will by this 
treaty be recognised queen of England and the government of 
Scotland is to remain in the hands of natives who will choose 
24 Scots nobles from whom the Most Christian King will select 
seven and the Scots five, who shall together administer the govern- 
ment from which the French shall be excluded. She freely confessed 
that she liad not obtained all she demanded, but said that the treaty 
would nevertheless be concluded. We think, however, that she is 
not quite satisfied with it, and that things generally are not going 
to her liking, nor are we sure that the agreement is certain to be 
effected even now. 

We briefly repeated what we heard to Ambassador Seurre to 
learn whether he had received the same news. He told iis that he 
had learnt as much by common rumour, and had started to visit the 
Queen for the purpose of speaking about it, when he met the Vice- 
Chamberlain,* who, when he heard the object of Seurre's visit, said 
if he had nothing else to go for but that he need net go any further 
as he would tell him himself. He had then told him that George 
Howard,! the Captain of the Queen's Guard, had told her that at the 
time of his departure from Edinburgh everything had been settled 
verbally, and there only remained to put the treaties in writing 
which Seurre believed to be true, although he had no letters himself, 
and he seemed to think that as the French had put some immitions 
into Leith (which the Queen coxild not entirely deny yesterday). 

Knollys. I Sir George Howard. Master of the Annoiirv. 



and the Scotch Catholics declared against the rebels, the Queen was 
moved to more haste in concluding the agreement for fear of its 
falling through altogether. 

During our conversation the Queen said she had heard that the 
queen of France was very ill a fortnight ago, and if she died without 
an heir the duke of Chatelherault would be glad for his son the 
earl of Arran to succeed to tbe throne, and this gave us ground for 
suspicion that her marriage with the said Earl might be arranged at 
some future time. 

She also said that the Swedish Ambassador had assured her of the 
coining of the prince of Sweden who would he here next month. 

We have thought well to inform your Highness of this by the 
courier we had kept back from one day to another in hope of decided 
news about the agreement. London, 13th July 1560. 

Signed : Alvaro della Quadra. Philippe de Staveles. 

15 July 115. The SAME to the SAME. 

Brussels I n our last of the 13th instant we conveyed to your Highness the 
A B M* 8 ' news f the agreement between the English and French as we had 
French MS. received it from the Queen's own lips, and since then we have 
Add. 28,173. received your Highness' letters of llth and 12th with enclosures, &c. 
As we expressed some little doubt about the agreement in our last we 
think well to lose no time in advising your Highness that we have 
since received further information. Ambassador Seurre sent his 
secretary to us to-day to say that he had letters from the French 
deputies in Scotland by a gentleman they had despatched to their 
King with the object of obtaining his sanction to the agreement and 
explaining its provisions. He had also brought the details to the 
ambassador, and amongst other points the French had abandoned 
Leith which was being dismantled. One hundred and twenty 
French soldiers would remain to garrison the castles of Dunbar and 
Inchkeith (Yuschif) sixty in each, and as to religion, everybody 
would be free to enjoy whichever he liked best. The secretary told 
us also that the deputies were already on their way back, so that 
although we consider the matter now quite settled, I (de Glajon) 
still propose to stop here for a few days longer to learn further 
particulars of the treaty, when, in accordance with your Highness' 
letters, I will at once return to give an account of all that has 

Your Highness will clearly see by the aforegoing that the 
endeavours of the French to obtain the aid promised them were 
entirely unnecessary. 

We take note carefully of the instructions given to Don Juan 
Pacheco, of whose coming we have not up to the present received any 
news. Since, thank God, affairs here are in a very different condition 
from what they were when he left Spain, we will instruct him what 
he is to say in accordance with your Highness' letters in case he 
arrives before I (de Glajon) leave, and if not I (Bishop Quadra) will 
do what is necessary, since it will be superfluous to use the same 
mode of proceeding now, and particularly if the Queen has been 
informed of the object of his journey by her ambassadors at His 



Majesty's court. As your Highness is pleased to order H, the 
congratulations on the conclusion of terms of peace may be taken in 
good part and give us more advantage than we think. Respecting 
the complaints of certain fishing towns in Holland against some 
English ships of war, we will go to the Queen to-morrow to make 
the fitting protest, and demand punishment and restitution if possible, 
or at least provision against such pillage for the future, and I, 
de Glajon will make due report to your Highness on my return. 
London, loth July 15GO. 

22 July 116. The SAME to the SAME. 

Brussels By our letters of 13th and 15th instant, your Highness will be 
1 Tj.M. eS> frdty informed of our certainty about the agreement, and that 
French MS. I (de Glajon) would leave here on my return shortly. I should 
Add. 28,173. have done so at the end of last week but for the coming of Don 
Juan Pacheco, who arrived here on Thursday last, not having been 
able to come sooner, owing to adverse winds that detained him at 
Boulogne. On Saturday we went with him to the Queen to present 
his credentials and instructions, in which he proceeded in accord 
with your Highness' orders, sent to us in your letter of llth instant, 
in case the agreement should be effected as it was. After the 
customary salutations and congratulations to the Queen, on the 
conclusion of the peace, he remarked to the Queen that he had 
been instructed (in case the treaty had fallen through) to urge the 
restoration of all things to the state they were placed in by the 
treaty of Chateau Cambresis, for which, and for the great interest 
the King had shown in her affairs, the Queen thanked him with 
exceeding cordiality, saying that she was more and more obliged to 
His Majesty, whom she not only looked upon now as a brother but 
as a father also. After several things of this sort, she said that with 
regard to the last point, the same was settled quite in conformity 
with His Majesty's opinion, and she also gave us to understand with 
regard to her claim for 500,000 crowns indemnity, and the resti- 
tution of Calais, that within two months commissioners would be 
appointed to decide the question, and if they failed to agree it would 
be submitted to His Majesty's arbitration. 

She also told us that the deputies were now occupied in deciding 
with the Scotch parliament certain questions submitted to the latter, 
and Admiral Clinton told me (de Gl;i jon) that the French infantry 
in Little Leith had already embarked on their return to France, 
and the said parliament had to decide if the 120 soldiers who 
were to garrison Dun bar and Inchkeith were to be French or 

With regard to the pillage of certain Dutch ships, we remonstrated 
with the Queen very emphatically, and left her a memorandum of 
the affair, whereupon she appeared much surprised, and promised 
that strict inquiry should 1-- ma-Se in order to punish the authors 
and obtain due restitution. I (^Bishop Quadra) will advise your 
Highness of what is done. ( )u Saturday last I (de (Jlajon) took 
leave of the Queen, ami shall start after dinner to-day, embarking 
at droveaend, in the hope, if it shall pleo>o God, of belli;* with your 



Highness next week. Don Juan follows me in two or three days. 
London, 22nd July 1560. 

July 25. 117. BISHOP QUADRA to the KING. 

The duchess of Parma will have informed your Majesty of the 
conclusion of peace between the king of France and the queen of 
England and the Scots. The settlement and terms have only been 
told me by the Queen tardily and piecemeal, and I have not yet been 
able to get a copy of the treaty, which I will send as soon as I 
obtain it. 

What has been leamt hitherto is that the French (so far as regards 
their differences with the Scots) have agreed to leave the country 
with the exception of 120 men, who will remain to guard Dunbar 
and the island of Inchkeith. It is also agreed that the Parliament, 
which will assemble on the llth August, shall appoint 24 persons 
of the country, from whom 12 shall be chosen, five by the States 
and seven by the Queen, to assist the Governor whom the Queen 
may appoint, the Governor being unable to do anything without 
the 12. It is settled that every person in future shall follow the 
religion which he prefers, and that no one shall be punished for 
what has passed in this respect. The castle of Dumbarton is to 
remain in possession of the duke of Chatelherault so long a.s the 
queen of France may remain without children, and one year after a 
child is born. This is for his own security, as he is to succeed to the 
throne if the Queen die without heirs. All other differences and 
claims on both sides are to be examined in this first Parliament. 
News has arrived that the French soldiers have already embarked 
in English ships, and hostages have been given for the return of 
these ships and the dismantling of Leith. As regards the 
differences with this country it is agreed that the queen of Scots 
will discontinue the style and arms of Queen of England at once, 
and proclamation is to be made both in Scotland and France that 
anv person possessing documents of any sort bearing this style or 
seal must, renew them within two months, failing which all such 
grants and documents shall be held invalid. Besides this the Queen 
says there is another clause in which the French declare her to be 
the legitimate sovereign of the realm, and that all other matters are 
restored to the condition in which they were at the time of the 
peace of Chateau Cambresi. As the Queen also alleges that the 
French have damaged her and been the cause of the war, and there- 
fore should make some amend towards the costs she has incurred, 
on which account she claims 500,000 crowns and the restitution of 
Calais at once, it is agreed that Commissioners shall meet here 
with regard to this. If these Commissioners do not asrree within three 

months the case is to be referred to your Majesty for decision within 
one year, with power to defer the question for another year by 
consent of the parties. A French gentleman named Lignerolles who 
took the treaties over some days since is shortly expected back with 
the ratifications. The Queen was dissatisfied with this peace, 
believing that the Scots will join the French as before, and with 
this fear Cecil concluded the arrangement in great haste, seeing 
some signs of it. Since then, however, I think they have again 



renewed the league, and ambassadors are expected here from Scotland 
to put it on a new and better footing. The French are I think 
displeased at this, and even at all that has been done. The 
Ambassador Sen ire toLl me that the Scots wanted to break up the 
league, but the Queen would not allow it, and, as she has hostages, 
they have been obliged to do as she wished. The Queen says just 
the contrary, and I believe her, although I do not think the league 
will last long, and that the French will undo it by negotiation. 

The French have agreed to the conditions, because their object was 
not to offend the Scots and carry on a war which might spoil their 
chance of occupying this country, as this war would have done if 
they had had your Majesty's troops in Scotland, and therefore this 
settlement seems to them the best way out of it. It has enabled 
them to save the people in Leith and leave Scotland in peace, 
although on terms both onerous and dishonourable, and has ako 
allowed them to avoid the heavy cost or war and saved them from 
incurring the indignation of the Scots without being able to work 
their will in English affairs. To aid their cause they have made 
use of your Majesty's name, and spread reports that you would 
assist them. On the other hand the Queen, finding herself without 
money or men and the winter coming on, with no hope of taking 
Leith, and in fear that the Scots might fail her, has thought well 
to do as she has done before the weather and necessity compelled 
her to withdraw her troops and lose all. 

In my opinion the French are dissatisfied and the Queen displeased, 
and, it may be feared that on the two points of the renovation of 
the league with the Scots and the indemnity she claims of the 
French, affairs may again become embroiled, unless indeed the 
displeasure and grievance they both feel against your Majesty 
may lead them to think of something worse. I say nothing of 
French affairs, as your Majesty understands them better than I, 
although I do not like what I see of these ministers here ; but, as 
regards this Queen, I can assure your Majesty she is so angry and 
offended at the thought that not only would you not help her, but had 
offered to aid her enemies that it is to be feared that she will do all 
the harm she has strength to do. M. de Glajon is aware how 
inconsiderately she one day showed her ill-feeling to him and me, 
saying that your Majesty was her secret enemy, and Glajon also 
knows how these people regard us, although the Queen uses extreme 
artfulness in trying to make me believe she is devoted to your 
Majesty. God knows I should like to say this was tine, but as I 
do not think it is I am forced to make known to your Majesty the 
real position, so that any steps your Majesty may take should be 
founded on true information. The Queen told me the other day 
that we should see in two or three months how affairs would look 
here. I do not know what she expects to happen of so much 
importance in that time. 

With regard to the marriage they think here that if the Queen of 
France were to die this Queen would marry the earl of Arran. 
Others say she will marry the prince of Sweden who is shortly 
expected here, and they say brings large sums of money. She 
laughs at both of them, but I do not know whether she is 

1 O 



dissembling or not. I, for my part, do not think she will many, at 
all events for the present. 

Don Juan Pacheco arrived here on the 18th instant and saw the 
Queen two days afterwards. He told her that your Majesty, having 
heard that a treaty of peace was proposed between her and the 
king of France, you had thought well to send and beseech both of 
them to be pleased to come to just and honourable terms, for which 
object he (Don Juan) was here ; and that your Majesty's ministers 
in. France were urging the same very earnestly on his Most Christian 
Majesty. He said also he had orders to congratulate her heartily in 
case peace should already be concluded, and also to say from your 
Majesty that although you had no doubt the Queen would perceive 
how important it was, both for the restitution of Calais and for 
other reasons, that in the new treaty the convention of Chateau 
Cambresi should be declared perfectly firm and valid, your Majesty 
thought well to point out to her that the preservation of peace 
largely depended upon it. She thanked him very much and said 
peace was concluded, which is true, as the French ambassador tells 

Your Majesty will have learnt from Madame's letters about the 
Nuncio who was coming here. By Madame's orders I write to the 
Nuncio dissuading him from coming. In accordance therewith I 
also write to Her Highness and to the ambassador Vargas, so that 
the letters may be read in the congregation in Rome, as Vargas 
advised that his Holiness had announced was to be done. I send 
your Majesty copies of all these letters, and also of a separate letter 
I write to Her Highness informing her of certain things that had 
passed with the Queen about the Nuncio's coming, and on religious 
affairs, the substance of which is that she is very dissatisfied with 
the person of the Nuncio, and knows that he is coming at the 
instance of the French and in league with some of the Catholics here, 
all of whom have consequently been arrested. As regards religion 
she is so determined that in my opinion nothing is to be hoped for. 
She wasted much time in trying to persuade me that the difference 
between Catholics and Lutherans was not of much importance in 
substance, and she thought that when I had heard her opinion fully I 
should be satisfied. 1 answered that none of the things she had 
told me caused me any surprise, as I knew the masters who had 
taught her, but one thing alone shocked me greatly, which was to 
see that she would not acknowledge the power of the general Councils 
by means of which our Lord had preserved His church for 1,500 
years, and had cleansed it of many greater errors than those which 
now exist in it. I enlarged on this somewhat, and when the con- 
versation ended she said we would return to the subject. I will not 
fail to tell her what is right, although so many preach to the 
contrary that I know it is waste of time, particularly as she is so 
badly inclined. 

I am compelled by my conscience,* and in order not to fail in my 
duty to your Majesty to say that the Catholics here complain that 
your Majesty should sustain this Queen in her dominions, and so 

* In the margin w th King'i hn4\rriting " Jt *iU b? weU to look into tW 



cause heresy to strike its roots in the realm. They are very down- 
cast about this and will be more so when they hear that the Nuncio 
is going back on my advice, which he will be very glad to publish. 
I well know how much your Majesty has done to redress matters 
here, but seeing that it is of no avail, it is to be considered whether 
more can be done than hitherto, especially as the evil is reaching 
your Majesty's own States, and that beyond any doubt, for I can 
certify that there are in this country over 10,000 of your Majesty's 
subjects, with such a store of preachers and ministers, that in a very 
short time they may consume what remains of goodness in the 
States. I have always refused to discuss these matters with the 
Queen, thinking that the leas I said about them the more alarmed 
she would be, but she is so determined, and I perceive so clearly the 
danger to your Majesty's interests done by the alienation of these 
Catholics from their devotion to you that I cannot refrain from 
begging your Majesty to consider the question and order how I 
should proceed with regard to it. London, 25th July 1560. 

4 Aug. 118. The SAME to the SAME. 

I wrote to your Majesty by Don Juan Pacheco, and since then 
Secretary Cecil, the bishop of Valence, and M. de Randan, have 
arrived in London, and I have spoken to them several times. The 
French have told me lately how dissatisfied they are with what has 
been done about Scotland and say, in effect, that their King will 
never consent that the Queen of England shall have any influence 
in that country, either as ally and friend of the people or even as 
intercessor which is the character they have been forced to grant her 
by the provisional treaty. They refer to a clause in which they 
agree with the Queen that by her intercession the king of France 
promises certain things touching the freedom of the country, and 
the Queen wished that the King's promise in this respect should 
also be pledged to her, in order that she might be able to call the 
king of France to account in case the promise were not fulfilled to 
the Scots. I understand that the Queen wrote to her Commissioners 
when they were in treaty, that, in any case, she wished the French 
distinctly to acknowledge the open union and alliance which existed 
between her and the Scots, but the Commissioners seeing that this 
would cause the whole agreement to fall through, Cecil devised this 
other plan which will have the effect of enabling the Queen as trustee 
and next friend to make the Frenchman keep his word to the Scots, 
so that indirectly she has got the alliance she claimed, and hus 
entered into some arrangement with the Scots for mutual defence. 
Although the French saw through Cecil's design they thought best 
to dissemble and pretend not to see ; so as to enable them to say, as 
they do now, that they knew nothing of this alliance, and will not 
agree to it. In the meanwhile they have withdrawn their troops 
from Leith, which is exactly what they wanted to do, as they (the 
; : troops} were without food, and there was no intention of relieving 
them by force, whereas, on the other hand, the English desired 
nothing better than that the Scots should crush these troops, so 
that the h%te a^id distrust between them should be perpetual and 



irreconcilable. They have given me many reasons why the King 
their master is not bound to agree to what the Queen claims by 
virtue of this clause, namely, an alliance with the Scots. The first 
is that, as they were y.risoners under guard all the time they were in 
Scotland settling the terms of peace, and were not allowed to speak 
a word with the Scots or anybody else, they negotiated as prisoners 
and are not now bound by anything they agreed to under duress. 
The second reason is that at the end of the afore-mentioned treaty 
there is a clause saying that the French bound themselves to the 
queen of England to fulfil all they promised to the Scots in this 
treaty on condition tliat the Scots obeyed the King implicitly, and 
carried out all their obligations towards him. The French say they 
have failed in many respects to do this, both before and since their 
departure from Scotland, and in one particular instance, they say 
that a Frenchman, who was bringing them 4,000 crowns to Leith to 
pay, in part, what their soldiers owed in that place, was robbed a 
mile from Edinburgh, although a herald and an escort of Scots 
accompanied him. On a complaint having been made of this by the 
factor of the queen of Scotland there to the Deputies of the Con- 
gregation, they answered that they had no means of redressing it. 
They pile up many other things of the sort, and they have made up 
their minds in consequence that the King will not ratify the treaty. 
It seems to me that they still hope to pacify the Scots and calm their 
distrust and suspicion, in which case this Queen would be finely 
outwitted, and would see her folly in interfering in what does not 
concern her instead of looking to her own safety. She is not so gay 
as usual lately, and is veiy suspicious since the French Commissioners 
spoke to her. She asked me yesterday if I knew how the French 
were pleased with the agreement as, for her part, she thought they 
seemed ashamed of themselves and with but small desire to give her 
the satisfaction she claimed or even to discuss it as they had 
promised. With regard to this indemnity I hear that the bishop of 
Valence and M. de Handau, who are those who had to remain here 
to discuss the affair, have asked her leave to depart, and, on her 
reminding their; that they had to stay to arrange her claims 
according to promise, they said the King would send others to do so, 
or commission his ordinary ambassador. 

She allows them to depart on condition that within three weeks 
they return or the King sends others, and they therefore leave 
to-morrow, but, in fact, they jest at the Queen's claims as they say 
that they did not cause the war, ami that it is not customary for 
princes to impose this sort of penalty except on a vanquished foe. 
The bishop of Valence sa} 7 s that he expects to be sent at once to 
give an account to your Majesty of events here and to reply to 
this Queen's claims, which they say are only made so as to enable 
her to break with them when she thinks fit, and,- for this reason, she 
has put in this bone of contention in order that, if your Majesty 
gives no decision in the case within the year she will still possess 
the right to force her claim in the be^t way she can. This way is 
to go straight into Scotland, and for this purpose they say she will 
keep 2,000 soldiers in Berwick although she has made the French 
not only disarm on the frontier but leave Scotland altogether, and 



they say finally that they are sure she will not rest until she has 
taken the kingdom away from them if she can. 

He (the bishop of Valence) also told me, although jestingly and 
as if he did not believe it, that the Scots congratulated themselves 
that your Majesty had sent them an assurance that you would 
never be against them or against the queen of England and even 
said they could show it in writing. They say the evil of the whole 
business has been the absence of any person to represent your 
Majesty in the making of the treaty who might have seen which 
side was asking for justice and which side was making unreasonable 
claims. They say they solicited this from Newcastle, and have 
shown me copies of letters sent from there to the King (of France) 
begging that the person whom the bishop of Limoges had asked 
your Majesty to send should be despatched at once. I answered 
that your Majesty had been willing to do anything to forward the 
business either by sending a representative or otherwise, but as 
the Queen had not solicited the visit of the person in question, 
and the French themselves had only done so once when the bishop 
of Limoges spoke about it, your Majesty's orders had not been 
carried out, as they would most willingly have been if the French 
had requested it. 

What the Queen told M. de Glajon and me as to the French having 
declared this kingdom to belong of right to her and not to France, 
appears to have been declared not expressly or formally, but by 

Certain Germans have arrived here sent by some of the princes of 
Germany to the Queen and amongst them one from the duke of 
Cleves, which duke I understand has become a pensioner of the 
Queen, and the agreement has already been concluded between them. 
She also has some dealings with the Master of Prussia, and it may 
be believed that, to avoid having recourse to your Majesty, she will 
seek what help she can from other quarters. 

Florencio Ayaceto, a man who has been backwards and forwards 
to France lately trying to arrange a marriage between the Queen 
and a son of the Duke de Nevers (for which the King offered to 
restore Calais to her) came the other day to take leave of me, and 
told me that he knew a way by which the marriage of the Queen 
and the Archduke Charles could easily be brought about. I answered 
him coldly, as I thought he came to find out something from me, 
but he said that if the Emperor caused the king of France to restore 
Ciilais to the Queen (which he knew could be arranged easily) she 
would certainly marry the Archduke, and the people of this country 
would be delighted. Yesterday I was talking with the Queen, and, 
as 1 had heard from Cecil and Treasurer Parry that she had now 
made up her mind to marry, I thought I could tell her, as if in joke 
what Florencio had said, to draw her out. She at once suspected 
that this idea had been conveyed to me by the French with the 
object of gaining the goodwill of your Majesty, and she said she 
was surprised that they should make so light of her claim which 
was that Calais should be restored to her as part of the indemnity 
1 f * she demanded. 



We afterwards spoke of her marriage and she said she thought 
she could not any longer delay it, although she would wed with the 
very worst will in the world. I asked whether she meant to keep 
her promise to Count Helfenstein to let the Emperor know when 
she had resolved to marry. She answered Yes, she would do so 
when the time arrived. I asked her permission to inform your 
Majesty of this resolution of hers, and she answered that she could 
not give it to me yet, but she hoped to do so soon. I think she 
would like to make me believe that she is not averse to the match 
with the Archduke, but I fear that it is with the hope of gaining 
your Majesty's favour for the decision of her cause, as she calls it, 
with the French. The truth is that, as she has to ask Parliament 
by Michaelmas for a new grant to defray her debts, she thinks they 
will give it the more easily if she promises them to marry ; but 
what she will do afterwards I know not. Her affairs, however, are 
in such a condition that if she do not marry and behave herself 
better than hitherto she will every day find herself in new and 
greater troubles. Religious matters make me believe that in case 
she determines to marry she will rather lay hands on any of these 
heretics than on the Archduke. I understand the earl of Arran 
is excluded as being poor and of small advantage to this country, 
and also because he is not considered personally agreeable. They 
all favour the prince of Sweden, as he is both heretical and 
rich, and especially Secretary Cecil, who would expect to remain at 
the head of affairs as at present if the prince of Sweden became 

Affairs here being so important to the welfare and the 
preservation of your Majesty's dominions, I am of opinion that 
at this juncture it is necessary to use every diligence to lead them 
in a direction favourable to your Majesty by overcoming the 
obstacles which exist in the minds of the Queen and her advisers 
by the means which may appear most desirable. I beg your Majesty 
to have this considered, and provided for in good time, and to 
instruct me how I am to bear myself, and to what end I am to 
endeavour to lead matters. I am here in such need that I am 
obliged to supplicate your Majesty to be pleased to relieve it. Up 
to the present I have worked hard to do the best I could for your 
Majesty's service. This is no longer possible ; my poor strength is 

Since writing the above I have learnt the terms of the peace and 
send them to your Majesty. London, 4th August 1560. 


Simancas, Since writing, news of importance is current here which I convey 

to VOUr Hi g hness - 

The Queen told me she was sure the French did not lark the will 
to injure her but only the power, and that they (the French) had 
not dismissed any of their troops. 

She had promised me an answer about the marriage by the third 
instant, and said she was certain to marry, but now she coolly tells 
me she cannot make up her mind and will not marry. After this 
I had an opportunity of talking to Cecil, who I understood was in 



disgrace, and Robert was trying to turn him out of his place. After 
exacting many pledges of strict secresy, he said the Queen was 
conducting herself in such a way that he thought of retiring. He 
said it was a bad sailor who did not enter port if he could when 
he saw a storm coming on, and he clearly foresaw the ruin of the 
realm through Robert's intimacy with the Queen, who surrendered 
all affairs to him and meant to marry him. He said he did not 
know how the country put up with it, and he should ask leave to 
go home, although he thought they would cast him into the Tower 
tirst. He ended by begging me in God's name to point out to the 
Queen the effect of her misconduct, and persuade her not to abandon 
business entirely but to look to her realm ; and then lie repeated 
twice over to me that Lord Robert would be better in Paradise 
than here. 

I expressed sorrow at what he said, and reminded him how 
earnestly I had always tried to advise the Queen to act aright and 
live peacefully and marry. He knew how little my advice had 
availed, although the Queen willingly listened to me. I would not 
tire of well-doing however, but would take the first opportunity of 
speaking again, although I understood that it was hopeless to expect 
a peaceful settlement of her quarrel with the French. Cecil answered 
me in a way that seemed as if he would like to excuse the French. 
He said the Queen did not like foreigners, and thought she could 
do without them, and that she had an enormous debt which she 
would not think of paying. She had, therefore, lost her credit with 
the London merchants. 

He ended by saying that Robert was thinking of killing his wife, 
who was publicly announced to be ill, although she was quite well, 
and would take very good care they did not poison her. He said 
surely God would never allow such a wicked thing to be done. I 
ended the conversation by again expressing my sorrow without 
saying anything to compromise me, although I am sure he speaks 
the truth and is not acting crookedly. 

This mishap of the Secretary must produce great effect, as he has 
many companions in discontent, especially the duke of Norfolk, 
whom he mentioned. 

The next day the Queen told me as she returned from hunting 
that Robert's wife was dead or nearly so, and asked me not to 
say anything about it. Certainly this business is most shameful 
and scandalous, and withal I am not sure whether she will marry 
the man at once or even if she will marry at all, as I do not think 
she has her mind sufficiently fixed. Cecil says she wishes to do 
as her father did. 

Their quarrels cannot injure public business, as nobody worse 
than Cecil can be at the head of affairs, but the outcome of it all 
might be the imprisonment of the Queen and the proclamation of 
the earl of Huntingdon* as King. He is a great heretic, and the 
French forces might be used for him. Cecil says he is the real 
heir of England, and all the heretics want him. I do not like 
Cecil's great friendship with the bishop of Valence. Perhaps I 

* Baron Hastings bad mow succeeded his father as 3rd earl of Huntingdon. 



am too suspicious, but with these people it is always wisest to 
think the worst. The cry is that they do not want any more 
women rulers, and this woman may find herself and her favourite 
in prison any morning. They would all confide in me if I mixed 
myself up in their affairs, but I have no orders, and am temporising 
until I receive your Highness' instructions. Your Highness should 
advise the King not to wait until the Queen mends matters. 

Since writing the above I hear the Queen has published the 
death of Kobert's (wife), and, said in Italian, " She broke her neck." 
She must have fallen down a staircase. London, llth September 

15 Oct. 120. MINUTE of LETTER from BISHOP QUADRA to the KING. 

Contents of the letter from Bishop Quadra to His Majesty of 
15th October 1560. 

It relates the manner in which the death of Lord Robert's wife 
happened, the homage immediately paid to him by the Councillors 
and others, and the dissimulation of the Queen. 

That he had heard they were devising a very important plan for 
the maintenance of their heresies, namely, to make the earl of 
Huntingdon King in case the Queen should die without issue, and 
that Cecil had told the Bishop that the succession belonged of right 
to the Earl, as he was descended from the house of York. 

They fear that if the Queen were to die your Majesty would get the 
kingdom into your family by means of Lady Catharine, and Cecil, to 
sound the Bishop on the subject, said to him one day that it would 
be well to treat of a marriage between her and one of your Majesty's 
relatives ......* would succeed by virtue of the will of 

king Henry, and although the Bishop passed it over without 
appearing to attach any importance to it, yet he asked him if, in 
such case, the Queen would declare her (Lady Catherine) heiress to 
the Crown. Cecil answered, " Certainly not, because, as the saying 
is, the English run after the heir to the Crown more than after the 
present wearer of it." 

That Lady Margaret and her husband had complained to the 
Bishop, that not only did the Queen treat them as prisoners because 
they were Catholics, but she was trying to injure their claim to the 
succession by helping the duke of Chatelhe'rault. They begged that 
your Majesty would help them, as they were sure, with your 
favour, to recover what rightly belonged to them, and restore 
religion in that country by the aid of their friends. The Bishop 
listened to this as if they referred to what might happen in case the 
Queen should die, but they did not mean it in that way, but to 
attempt to overthrow her at once. The French have been in treaty 
with them, but they do not trust them, and he (the Bishop) fears 
that they may be led by passion to do something rash. 

They asked him, if in case they were pressed hard, your 
Majesty would allow them to go to Flanders, to which the Bishop 

* Tom in original. 



replied, thnt he would write to your Majesty and get your 
answer on the point. He begs that this answer may be sent 
without delay. 

He encloses a genealogical tree of the kings of Scotland, with a 
statement of the rights of the various claimants to the succession. 

That the prior of St. Jo(hn)* of Scotland had arrived here 

* to France, to beg the King to ratify the * 

but he does not know how he can do it as regards the * 

they wish to have with the Queen * change of 


He sends copy of the treaty between the French and Scots, and 
that between the English and Scots. He sent the other, between 
the Queen and the French, some days since. 

That certain Germans had returned to negotiate with the Queen, 
and he fears all their designs are directed against your Majesty, and 
to try to disturb Flanders by means of religion. They think some 
of the cities will declare themselves free and others will be occupied 

by Germany ; and although he does not know for * 

he learns beyond doubt that this is what the Queen thinks 

* besides having become insolent on account of 

past * she has gone so far as to say that whilst 

she has a drop of blood in her body she will not cease to seek 
revenge on your Majesty, and that she has something settled with 
the Germans. This information is given in order that your Majesty 
may take necessary steps. 

That Cecil had told him that, seeing that the Queen had decided 
not to marry Lord Robert, as he had learnt direct from her, he 
thought the Archduke's matter might be proposed. The Bishop 
replied that when the Queen returned to London he would remind 
her of what she had promised Count Helfenstein, to the effect that 
when she had resolved to marry she would inform the Emperor. 
Cecil was in a hurry to do it, and that did not serve his turn, as the 
Bishop understood that his only object was to arouse the suspicion 
and jealousy of the Frsnch. The cardinal of Lorraine told Throg- 
morton that if the Queen did not marry an Englishman the best 
match for her would be the prince of Sweden. 

That Cecil having told him that some people suspected that the 
Spanish folk were going to send a fresh army in favour of the 

French, he satis * on the point. They all ask him 

about your Majesty's return to Flanders, and other things, which 
clearly indicate that their designs are making them suspicious and 

Endorsed : London, 14th October 1560. 

(This document, which is much mutilated, is called by the Spanish 
archivists a minute or draft of letter, all in the handwriting of and 
signed by Bishop Quadra. It appears to me, however, to be rather 
a summary of a letter drawn up in Spain for the King's use after 
the receipt of the original.) 

* Torn in original, 
a 66529. M 


20 Nov. 121. BISHOP QUADRA to the KING. 

The Queen is making a league with the Germans. The Scotch 
em bassy respecting the marriage with the earl of Arran has been 
very well received. 

The English fleet is arriving, and important events pending. 

The Queen has found out a new way to get money from the 
people who are very discontented thereat 

The design of Cecil and the heretics is to make the earl of 
Huntingdon King, and Cecil has given way to Robert, who they say 
was married to the Queen in the presence of his brother and two 
ladies of the Chamber. 

Begs instructions how he is to act with Lady Margaret and her 
husband who have spoken to him about it and have begged leave 
from the Queen to retire to their home. Notes of letter dated 20th 
November 1560, 

22 Jan. 122. The SAME to the SAME. 

Since writing the enclosed letter Henry Sidney, who is the brother- 
in-law of Lord Robert, came to see me. He is a sensible man and 
better behaved than any of the courtiers. He began by beating 
about the bush very widely, but at last came to his brother-in-law's 
affairs and said that as the matter was now public property, and I 
knew how much inclined the Queen was to the marriage, he 
wondered that I had not suggested to your Majesty this opportunity 
for gaining over Lord Robert by extending a hand to him now, and 
he would thereafter serve and obey your Majesty like one of your 
own vassals, and a great deal more to the same effect. I told him 
that what I had so far heard of this matter was of such a character 
that I had hardly ventured to write two lines to your Majesty about 
it, nor had either the Queen or Lord Robert ever said a word to me 
that I could write. I said, moreover, that your Majesty had no 
more need to gain over the kings of England than they to gain over 
your Majesty, although, in matters of courtesy to you friends your 
Majesty always exceeded, but in this affair your Majesty had no 
means of guessing the thoughts of the Queen, and she had not 
hitherto taken the advice you had given her, so that there was no 
opportunity of offering advice again. We discussed this for some 
time and he entirely agreed with everything I said, being well 
informed of what had happened in the past, unblinded by prejudice 
and a man who sees things in their proper light. He said that if I 
was satisfied about the death of Robert's wife, he saw no other 
reason why I should hesitate to write the purport of this conversa- 
tion to your Majesty, as, after all, although it was a love affair yet 
the object of it was marriage, and that there was nothing illicit 
about it or such as could not be set right by your Majesty's authority. 
As regards the death of the wife, he was certain that it was acci- 
dental, and he had never been able to learn otherwise, although he 
had inquired with great care and knew that public opinion held 
to the contrary. I told him if what he said were true the evil was 
less, for, if murder had been committed, God would never help nor fail 



to punish so abominable a crime, whatever men might do to mend it 
but that it would be difficult for Lord Robert to make things appear 
as he represented them. He answered it was quite true that no one 
believed it, and that even preachers in the pulpits discoursed on the 
matter in a way that was prejudicial to the honour and interests of 
the Queen which had prevented her from taking steps to remedy 
the religious disorders of the country and reduce it to a better 
condition, in which task Lord Robert would help her. I replied that 
although your Majesty would be very glad to see religion restored 
in the country and elsewhere, this was a matter which the Queen 
ought not to mix up with temporal affairs but treat it simply as a 
question between herself and her God to be diligently undertaken 
by ber whether she was married or single, if she were a Christian at 
all. He agreed with this also, and although he is not at all well 
informed on religious questions, he did not fail to admit that the 
state of the country was very bad, and a way must be found to mend 
it. He told me a number of things in this respect which grieved 
me and endeavoured to persuade me with solemn oaths that the 
Queen and Lord Robert were determined to restore religion by 
means of a general Concilia. He then pressed me still further to 
write to your Majesty and forward the business so that Lord Robert 
should receive the boon from your Majesty's hands. I said he knew 
what happened with his wife in the matter of the Archduke when 
the Queen had deceived both of us, and that I could not venture to 
write unless the Queen authorised me to do so, and told me what to 
say in which case it would be my duty. He said the Queen would not 
mention the matter to me unless I began the conversation, but that 
I might be sure that she desired nothing more than the countenance 
of your Majesty to conclude the match, and that Lord Robert himself 
would come to me and beg me to write to your Majesty what I 
heard from him and assure you of his desire to serve you at all 
times and in all things to the full extent of his means and abilities, 
and more especially regarding religion, as is his duty. I told him 
again there was no need to bring the religious question into these 
transactions, and that if Lord Robert wanted to open his heart on 
this point to your Majesty I did not prevent him, but at the same 
time, although it was just and necessary that he should try to relieve 
his conscience, yet, if he wished to negotiate with your Majesty and 
expected to be believed and held as an honest man I thought it 
improper that he should bring in the question of religion at all. He 
(Sidney) also asked me whether I thought that the Queen should 
send a person of rank to treat of this matter with your Majesty and 
satisfy you as to any points in which your Majesty desired satisfac- 
tion. The antecedents of the present ambassador were such that 
the Queen could not trust him in this business and particularly as 
regarded religion as he is a very great heretic. I said she could do 
as she thought best, but we would consider the matter, and I would 
tell Lord Robert my opinion when I had heard what he had to say. 
I imagine that Sidney himself is desirous of going so as to take the 
opportunity of seeing the Countess de Feria who is his niece. We 
parted with the understanding that they would both come and see 
me in a few days. 

M 2 



The above is exactly what passed, and for some days I had 
suspected that the Queen had some such idea, but as the business 
is altogether such a bad one, I did not venture to broach the 
subject to them, and simply remained quiet and gave the answers 
I have related. I thought best moreover to listen to what they 
said and to advise your Majesty thereof, so as not to arouse any 
suspicion in their minds, or perchance to cause them to take some 
bad course in their business. It is for your Majesty to decide, 
but I have no doubt that if there is any way to cure the bad 
spirit of the Queen, both as regards religion and your Majesty's 
interests, it is by means of this marriage, at least whilst her desire 
for it lasts. I am also sure that, if your Majesty's support fail her, 
your Majesty could easily turn her out of her kingdom by means 
of her own subjects. I well know the state of this affair and the 
feeling of the people, and I am certain that if she do not obtain 
your Majesty's consent she will not dare to publish the match, and 
it is possible that if she finds herself unable to obtain your 
Majesty's favour, she may throw herself to the bad and satisfy 
her desires by which she is governed to an extent that would be a 
grievous fault in a person of any condition, much more in a woman 
of her rank. Things have reached such a pitch that her chamber- 
lain has left her, and Axele of the Privy Chamber (Yaxley ?) is in 
prison for having babbled ; indeed there is not a man who has not 
some tale to tell. Cecil is he who most opposed the business, but 
he has given way in exchange for the offices held by Treasurer 
Parry who died recently of sheer grief. I must not omit to say 
also that the common opinion, confirmed by certain physicians, is 
that this woman is unhealthy, and it is believed certain that she 
will not have children, although there is no lack of people who say 
she has already had some, but of this I have seen no trace and do 
not believe it. This being the state of things, perhaps some step 
may be taken in your Majesty's interests towards declaring as 
successor of the Queen, after her death, whoever may be most 
desirable for your Majesty. 

I pray your Majesty to or.ler an answer to be sent to me quickly, 
so that I may know how I am to reply in this important affair. 
Endorsed, 22nd January 1561. 

23 Feb. 123. The SAME to the SAME. 

On the 22nd ultimo I informed your Majesty of Henry Sidney's 
interview with me in Lord Robert's business, and I have delayed 
givirg them an answer about it because they, on their side, have 
delayed addressing me further on the matter, the cause of this being, 
as far as I can learn, that the Queen does not commend her affairs 
to your Majesty out of any wish or good will of her own, but forced 
thereto by the persuasion of Lord Robert, who knows the peril in, 
which they stand, and sees clearly that, without the favour of your 
Majesty, they can hardly ensure themselves against a rising in the 
country, or suppress one should it occur. I believe the Queen would, 
nevertheless, have done ere this as Robert urges her if it had not 
been for the interference of Paget, who, knowing her humour, has 
advised her to hold her hand until she can make a firm peace and 



alliance with France, when she could treat with your Majesty more 
advantageously. This has been the reason for her having changed 
her mind about sending Peter Mewtys, who was to have gone to 
France simply with a message of condolence for the death of the 
King, and she has now decided to send the earl of Bedford with 
instruction* to ask for the ratification of the peace, and, when this 
has been obtained, to endeavour to bring about a good understanding 
and alliance with Veudome and the heretics of the French court. 
I do not know what will come of this, but Guido Cavalcai.ti, who 
left Paris on the 1 oth with a despatch from the earl, says that lie 
expects that this time the misunderstandings between the French 
and the Queen will be ended for ever. These transactions have 
thus delayed the affair about which Sidney spoke to me at the 
instance of Lord Robert, and as he (Sidney) believes, with the 
connivance of the Queen. Finally, however, on the 13th, Robert 
and I met in the presence of Sidney, and, after he had repeated all 
that Sidney had told me, and thanked me with a great many com- 
pliments and humble words for the answer I had seiit, he besought 
me, in your Majesty's name, to recommend the Queen to marry him, 
and he would promise to render your Majesty all the .service his 
brother-in-law had told me, and very much more. I answered him, 
that as your Majesty had had no information on this subject until 
now, you had not had an opportunity of giving me instructions with 
regard to it ; so that I could not address the Queen in your Majesty's 
name without grave error, but what i could and would do with 
great pleasure was to act under my previous instructions and 
request the Queen to make up IKT mind to marry and settle the 
succession, and, if during the conversation any particular person 
should be discussed, I would speak of him (Lord Robert) as 
: ; favourably as he could wish, and I would venture to do this 
for him, knowing the affection and good will your Majesty has 
always borne him. He seemed very well satisfied with this, as he 
must have expected that I should not answer him in this way, 
and he begged me to speak to the Queen, at once. I did so two days 
afterwards, and told her she already knew how much your Majesty 
wished to see her married and her Government firmly and tranquilly 
established, and the various efforts you had made to that end, and 
that as I now heard that the matter was under discussion, I could 
not refrain from expressing to her my pleasure thereat. I also said 
that whenever she thought necessary to consult your Mnjesty on the 
subject I would use all diligence to carry out what was entrusted to 
me, and if on this occasion I did not particularize more clearly, it 
was because I had no special orders from your Majesty who had not 
been informed of what was passing. After much circumlocution 
she said she wished to confess to me and tell me her secret in 
confession, which was that she was no angel, and did not deny that 
she had some affection for Lord Robert for the many good qualities 
he possessed, but she certainly had never decided to marry him or 
anyone else, although she daily saw more clearly the necessity for 
her marriage, and to satisfy the English humour that it was desirable 
that she should marry an Englishman, and ;she asked me to tell her 
what your Majesty would think if she married one of her servitors 



as the duchess of Suffolk* and the duchess of Somersett had done. I 
told her I could not say what your Majesty would think, as I did 
not know and had not thought of asking, but that I promised her I 
would use all diligence to learn as soon as she told me to write to 
your Majesty about it, and I quite believed that your Majesty would 
be pleased to hear of her marriage with whomever it might be as it 
was so important to her and her kingdom, and I also knew that 
your Majesty would be happy to hear of the advancement and 
aggrandizement of Lord Robert, as I understand that your Majesty 
had great affection for him and held him in high esteem. She 
seemed as pleased at this as her position allowed her to be. She 
told me when the time arrived she would speak to me, and promised 
me to do nothing without the advice and countenance of your 
Majesty. I did not care to carry the matter further for fear of 
making a mistake, although she would have been glad to have done 
so. I had no instruction from your Majesty on the subject, and I 
did not wish, knowing her character, to refuse to give her this little 
pleasure and hope for fear otherwise that she might be impelled to 
rush into some foolish course, seeing that she is so infatuated, and 
the heretics of Germany, France, and Scotland are busy here with 
their insolence and their combinations, and above all because your 
Majesty's neighbouring States are so pressed that a froward decision 
of this woman might prejudice them, although she herself might 
be ruined by it. Robert came the next day to thank me and 
repeated to me all the details of what I had said to the Queen, 
who, he told me, was much pleased, and he begged me in the 
next interview to revert to the subject as he knew that it was 
only fear and timidity that prevented the Queen from deciding. 
He again made me great promises and assured me that everything 
should be placed in your Majesty's hands and even as regarded 
religion if the sending of a representative to the Cuncilio did not 
suffice he would go himself. I again repeated to him that I would 
do everything I could, as indeed I had done, to forward his suit, so 
far as was justified by your Majesty's commission to me, but with 
regard to religion I begged him not to speak to me about it on any 
account as that should not be dependent upon other matters, 
and what he and the Queen did about it did not concern your 
Majesty but their own conscience. It was true, I said, that as a prince 
who is Catholic both in style, and in fact nothing would give your 
Majesty greater pleasure than to see the end of these divisions and 
dissensions in religion. I am thus cautious with these people because 
if they are playing false, which is quite possible, I do not wish to 
give them the opportunity of saying that we offered them your 
Majesty's favour in return for their changing their religion, as they 
say other similar things to make your Majesty disliked by the heretics 

* This may refer either to Frances duchess of Suffolk, daughter of Charles Brandon 
by Mary Tudor, Dowajjcr Queen of France ; who, after the execution of her husband, 
Henry Grey, marquis of Dorset and duke of Suffolk (1554), married her steward, Adrian 
Stokes ; or to Catharine Lady Willoughby d'Eresby in her own right, widow of Charles 
Brandon, who married a gentleman in her household, Hobert Bertie. 

t Anne Stanhope, second wife of the Protector Somerset, who was married to 
Mr. Francis Newdigate. 



here and in Germany. If they are acting straightforwardly, a word 
from your Majesty in due time will do more than I can now do with 
many. Your Majesty knows these people and the individuals, and 
has learnt from my letters and Dr. Turner's statements in Flanders 
the real state of affairs here. I therefore beg that your Majesty 
may be pleased to send me orders as to what I should do, and I 
cannot refrain from saying that for reasons which are notoriously 
in your Majesty's interest affairs here must be mended one way or 
another, and this can be more easily done now than at any other time 
either by your Majesty showing favour to Robert and bringing him 
to some terms advantageous for your Majesty's objects and the 
stability of the country or else by protecting their opponents 
and helping them against these people who have been such bad 
neighbours to your Majesty and who will every day become worse. 
To let these affairs drift at the mercy of chance neither secures nor 
punishes and cannot fail to produce evil disservice to your Majesty. 
If in saying this I trangress the bounds of my duty I crave your 
Majesty's pardon for allowing my zeal to make me forget my 
prudence. I am not alone in my opinion, as this is the universal 
theme of all the goodly people in the kingdom and all who wish for 
your Majesty's advantage. 

The duke of Norfolk is on very bad terms with the Queen, and 
Lord Robert sent word to him the other day that he had heard that 
the Duke's servants were declaring that he was Robert's enemy, and 
he wished to know whether this was true, and if it \vere not that 
the servants should be punished. The duke sent a gentleman of his 
household named Nicholas Stranger with his excuses, and the affair 
has been patched up, but there is no certainty that some trouble may 
not arise from it. It appears to me that the Queen is angry with 
him (Norfolk) alone and is determined to humble him when she can ; 
and indeed she gave me to understand as much herself without 
naming the duke. He on his side is full of boasts, although I do 
know how it will turn out when he has to carry them into effect. 

Lady Margaret Lennox is trying to many her son Lord Darnley to 
the queen of Scotland, and I understand she is not without hope of 
succeeding. The Parliament in Scotland has decided to recommend the 
Queen to marry the earl of Avran, and if she will not do so to withhold 
from her the government of the kingdom. The earl of Huntly and 
others opposed this and things are in great confusion. They only agree 
about destroying religion which they have completely abolished. 
Monsieur de Noailles who was here as ambassador arrived here on 
his way to Scotland to try to pacity and reconcile them to the union 
with the French as before. 

Seurre awaits the arrival of another ambassador owing to the 
change of government in France. The Queen does not cease to 
provide herself with ships, and is now building some new ones. She 
has given all the churches of the imprisoned bishops to the greatest 
heretics, which is a very bad sign for the fulfilment of Lord Robert's 
promises, although these people are so artful and prone to crooked 
courses that it is quite likely that they do this to please the heretic 
party whilst they think to satisfy the Catholics by what they ar.; 
discussing with me, which is known already in London and is much 



talked of. I cannot prevent this as it appears best for me to keep 
them off their guard and not to let them think that anything is being 
arranged against their interests so as to avoid their being urged into 
inopportune action, as I have said. I am doing the best I can with 
the Catholics, but it is time for me to know into what direction your 
Majesty wishes matters here to be guided if you may be pleased still 
to employ me in them. 

Lord Morley, the son-in-law of the earl of Derby, sends a brother of 
his to your Majesty to serve in the war, whenever it may be, and has 
obtained the Queen's license for three years to that effect. The youth 
is of good parts, and his brother is one of the best and most Catholic 
gentlemen of this kingdom and much attached to your Majesty's 
.service. He has another brother a clergyman studying in Paris, a 
.stanch catholic, as they all are. He asked me for a letter of 
recommendation, and I crave your Majesty's pardon for having 
presumed to give it and for informing your Majesty about them now 
for your Majesty's guidance. 23rd February 1561. 

17 Mar. 124. The KING to BISHOP QUADRA. 

The bishop of Arras has sent me your letter of the 27th January 
and copies of what you had written to him. I had previously 
received other copies, and the statement made to the Duchess, my 
sister, by Dr. Turner on your behalf respecting English affairs, 
^vhich I have not answered hitherto, as so important a matter had 
to be deeply considered. The principal points in your letters will 
be ans^uered in this after thanking you in the first place for the 
care you, have taken to learn all that was going on, and inform 
the Duchess thereof from whom ive ordinarily hear it. We have 
been much pained to see how religious affairs are going there, 
and the bail course the Queen has taken both in this respect and in 
the Scotch business, and also in tlie matter of her claims against 
the French, ivithout a thought of tJte bad condition of her affairs or 

recollecting ivhat so many times * declare. You do 

^^}ell in advising us of everything, and in using what diligence you 
can to prevent tJie evil from going further or producing the troubles 
which might be feared, and we desire you to continue to do so, 
as your prudence and knowleJge of English affairs will (show you 
to be needful, upholding and encouraging the Catholics all you can, 
until God shall open a way by which the evil that has befallen the 
country may be radically amended. As I am so deeply concerned 
in this and wish so earnestly to Jind a remedy for the religious 
evils of the country, I was glad to read the account you sent of 
what had passed between Sidney and you about Lord Robert, and 
the benefits which might arise to religion if we were to favour and 
protect him in his suit with the Queen, and although, so far as we 
can see, the discussion did not rest upon much foundation, and we 
do not know what had passed between Lord Robert and you, yet, 
as our principal aim is directed to the service of our Lord, the 
maintenance of religion and tlie settlement and pacification of tlce 
country, and as ive see that Sidney's proposals tend to this end, and 

* Torn in original. 



further bearing in mind that God, if He so wills, can extract yood 
from great evils, we have decided that lite negotiation suggested by 
Sidney shoidd be listened to. You will not only listen to him and 
willingly enter into the subject when he speaks of it. but try also to 
lead the matter on to a more solid basis, as for instance, by bring- 
ing the Queen and Lord Robert into it, and getting in writing 
and signed by her whatever the Queen may wish to be pi^oposed to 
you. This is necessary, as her words are so little to be depended 
upon, and you know by the experience you have had of her that this 
is always the course sJie pursues when she has no intention of 
fulfilling what she says, and only wisltes to use our authority for 
her own designs and intentions. You will therefore be very alert 
and cautious in this negotiation, warned by what has been the 
result of previous negotiations. 

When the discussion is in progress it will be well to maJce them 
understand that, in order to gain our good will and obtain our 
aid in what they so much desire, it will be necessary that tlie Queen 
should give some signs of what she wants and aims at. Since she 
has been Queen she has never yet done anything according to our 
advice or for our satisfaction towards the amending of religion, or 
the pacification of her kingdom, and wluit she might now do is to 
liberate the prelates and other Catfiolics she has imprisoned, agree 
to send her Ambassadors and Catholic bishops to the Concilio, and 
submit herself unconditionally to its decisions. Besides this she 
should, pending the resolutions of the Concilio, allow Catholics to 
live as they please without coercion or violence, and in view of such 
action we should soon see whether she was sincere in this business or 
only sought her private ends. 

When the Queen is sending persons here to treat of the business, 
since Sidney says that the present Ambassador is not a man whom 
the Queen can trust, you must try to get her to send whoever C'>mes 
as ordinary Ambassador to reside here and to recall the present 
man, because if this is not done, but .... * persons are sent, 
it would be an attempt to interpose and take advantage of our 
influence to help her in her objects, and would great'y damage and 
dcshearten the Catholics and so fail to attain the ends we have in 
view, which are to restore religion and liberate the prelates and 
other Catholics who are in prison. We think, therefore it will be 
best to prevent the formation of a special embassy, if it is intended, 
and let an ordinary Ambassador be sent, who can explain and 

There is only to add that if on opening the discussion they desire 
to know whether you are treating with our knowledge and consent, 
you, must judge if the affair looks solid and promising; and, in 
such case, or if you think necessary in order that they may make 
the preparations required to carry their intentions into effect, you 
may opportunely tell them that you give ear to them with our 
full authority and goodwill. 

This is tlie course we think shoidd be followed in the negotiations, 
and ive leave the manner and form of carrying out our wishes to 

17 * Torn iii original. 



your prudence and zeal, which we are sure will enable you to fulfil 
the task fittingly. In the conversations you may have with Sidney 
and Lord Robert you had better give them to understand that I 
have the same good wiU towards the latter as I ever had, and take 
every opportunity you may see to express affection and attachment 
to him, so as to forward the affair by this means. 

Besides the aforegoing .... * that his Holiness, knowing 
of the need of the imprisoned Bishops, wishes to send them some 
succour by your hands, and has asked us to instruct you to receive 
the money which will be sent for this purpose, and help them with- 
out its being known, there that the money comes through you. We 
therefore direct you, if any money is sent to you from his Holiness 
for this purpose, to receive it and distribute it in conformity with 
his orders, and with all due secrecy to avoid unpleasantness, and 
I shall be greatly gratified thereat. 

His Holiness writes us that he has appointed the Abbe" Martinengo 
to carry the bull of the Concilio to the Queen, and has given him 
orders, when he arrives in Flanders, to be governed by the directions 
of the bishop of Arras. I have ivritten to the latter not to let him 
pass until he sees wJuit progress is being made with Sidney's 
negotiations, because if these look promising preparations could 
duly be made for giving it (the bull) a better reception, and with 
hope of more fruitful result. You will therefore keep the Bishop 
well advised of the progress of the negotiations, and he can, in sight 
thereof, write to us what steps are to be taken from here, and the 
orders to be given respecting the entry into England of the said 
Nuncio and the fulfilment of his embassy. Advise me also oj 
everything that happens in this matter, as we await your reply 
with the utmost solicitude. 

Respecting your remarks about your coming hither, you are so 
m,njch required in England, Giving to your knowledge of affairs 
there, that we shall be glad for you to remain for the present at 
a post where you are so useful to us. We shall bear it duly in 
mind. Toledo, 17th March 1561. 

25 Mar. 125. BISHOP QUADRA to the KING. 

On the 23rd ultimo I wrote to your Majesty that the going of the 
earl of Bedford to France was not alone to condole for the King's 
death, and endeavour to obtain a ratification of the peace, but also 
to try for a close alliance between the heretics there and the Queen. 
Since the Earl came back I have learnt that what has been done is 
to propose to the Queen-mother and the King's Council that, as 
there is a diversity of opinion on religion in England, and various 
counsels have been given to the Queen, she begged the French 
Queen to send her opinion and advice as to how she should act. 
They answered, that nobody's opinion on so clear a matter could be 
very needful to one so wise as the Queen, who knew perfectly well- 
how Christian and Catholic the kingdom of England had always 
been, nd how obedient to the dictates of the Church. The earl 
replied, that the Queen's intention was to end these differences by 

* Torn in original. 



sending her theologians to the general Concilia, but that she 
thought, in order that the Concilia should be held with all fitting 
security and freedom, it was necessary that it should meet on this 
side of the mountains ; and if the most Christian King would look 
to this and endeavour to have some such fitting place named, the 
Queen offered to unite with him and form a firm alliance in order 
that the business might be carried through with liberty and 
security, and without coercion being resorted to. They answered 
this lukewarmly, as before, pointing out that as they had agreed to 
Trent as the place of meeting, and your Majesty and the Emperor 
had concurred, there was no opportunity now of speaking of any 
other place, and on the contrary, they were hastening their Bishops 
departure for Trent. This alliance, and the object of it, as I have 
already written to your Majesty, were Paget's idea ; the design 
being for the Queen to unite with the French with the pretext of 
obtaining a good Concilia (which it was likely the French would 
concur in, seeing how much they need it,) with the sole end of 
gaining credit by the new alliance and intimidating her own 
subjects, both Catholic and heretics, and so ensure herself 
against disturbances in the country. At the same time they would 
be able, up to a certain point, to dispense with your Majesty's 
friendship, which appears to them obligatory now, and trammels 
them so that they cannot do as they would like in their own 
country, seeing the confidence and affection with which the 
Catholics here regard your Majesty. I am learning that this 
voyage of the Earl has not been without result, as a man has 
arrived after him from the duchess of Ferrara,* who has made 
herself the chief of the heretics, and, as the Earl himself says, they 
expect other gentlemen to visit the Queen and offer their services in 
the cause of religion. 

Regarding other affairs Robert is very aggrieved and dissatisfied 
that the Queen should defer placing matters in your Majesty's hands 
and sending a person to Spain to negotiate as he told me at first, 
and as he has fallen ill with annoyance the Queen resolved to please 
him by taking the following step. She sent Cecil to me to say that 
it would be a great service to the Queen and a help to this business 
if your Majesty, as soon as possible, would write her a letter saying 
that in the interests of the tranquillity and welfare of this country 
(which your Majesty desries as much as those of your own kingdom) 
your Majesty advises her not to delay her marriage any longer, and 
if she could not accept any of the foreign Princes who are her suitors 
by reason of her disinclination to marry a person whom she does not 
know, then your Majesty thinks she ought to many a gentleman 
of her own country to the satisfaction and on the selection of her 
nobles, and your Majesty advises that this should be done at once, and 
promises to be a friend to whomever may be chosen for a husband. 
Cecil told me this not as from the Queen but as from himself, in the 
presence of Sidney who had come to see me just before, I believe in 
order that I might tell your Majesty what the Queen sent to say to me. 
He (Cecil) said also that this was very important in your Majesty's 

* Renee of France, daughter of Louis XII., and widow of Hercules duke of Ferrara. 



interests and in the interests of the friendship between the two 
houses, because if these negotiations fell through the Queen might 
marry a prince less friendly to your Majesty than Robert would be. 
I answered that all this was very well, but I desired to know whether 
it was the Queen who sent word for me to write this or whether 
it was a discourse of his own ; because this point was most important 
if your Majesty was to be persuaded to write, and if it were not 
the Queen's own wish I did not know whether your Majesty would 
be disposed to give her any more advice, bearing in mind the small 
avail of all previous counsel to her. In reply he begged me, seeing 
that the Queen was a modest maiden and not inclined to marry, not 
to press her to propose these means and expedients herself, which 
would make her look like a woman who sought to carry out her 
desires and went praying people to help her, but he urged me to get 
your Majesty to write. I did not think fit to answer him further, 
so as not to seem unwilling to do what he asked me. I turned the 
conversation to Sidney, and asked him whether Lord Robert would 
be pleased if your Majesty did this service for him. Sidney answered 
seriously that he would be grateful for all your Majesty might be 
pleased to do for him, and he begged me on his behalf to take up his 
cause warmly. 

Conversing further on the matter Cecil declared to me the object 
of this expedient. He said that the Queen was resolved to do 
nothing in the business without the consent and goodwill of her 
people, who have the right of controlling the public actions of their 
sovereigns, and she did not wish to prejudice this right by marrying 
without their consent. She desired your Majesty's letter to give her 
an opportunity for calling together some members of the three 
estates of the realm and placing before them yours Majesty's 
communication with the reasons for coming to a decision, and so 
with the accord of these deputies to arrange the marriage with 
Robert. The deputies would be three Bishops, six peers, and ten 
or twelve deputies of cities, all of them confidants of Robert and 
informed of the Queen's wish. This is now being arranged and 
they have already ordered to be called together in some provinces 
the people who usually have the management of public affairs in 
order to form this deputation. The sum of it all is that Cecil and 
these heretics wish to keep the Queen bound and subject to their 
will and forced to maintain their heresies, and although she sees 
that the heretics treat her very badly, especially the preachers, and 
that Robert is more disliked by them than by the Catholics, she dares 
not go against Cecil's advice because she thinks that both sides 
would then rise up against her. Robert is very displeased at all this, 
and has used great efforts (persuaded thereto by Sydney) to cause 
the Queen to make a stand and free herself from the tyranny of 
these people and throw herself entirely on your Majesty's favour. 
I do not think, however, that he has been able to prevail upon her, 
and as he is faint-hearted and his favour is founded on vanity he 
dares not break with the Queen as I understand he has been advised 
to do by the earl of Pembroke who is of the same opinion as Sidney, 
and says that Robert should ask her either to marry him before Easter 
(which she might well do with your Majesty's favour) or give him 



leave to go to the wars in your Majesty's service. But he is carrying 
on the negotiations as the Queen wishes, although he thinks she is 
mistaken, and in the meanwhile he is waiting to see what can be 
done by means of your Majesty's reply whilst Cecil is arranging 
this deputation as he pleases. I would beg your Majesty to 
instruct me how I should act if no reply has been sent to my 
last two letters. 

As Cecil is entirely pledged to these unhappy heresies, and is the 
leader of the business, he has often tried to engage me in the discussion, 
in order, no doubt, to discover my views and doubting perhaps 
whether I had not made some private arrangements with Robert 
or with the Queen herself. I, having no hope of arriving at 
anything good through him, have always refused to enter into the 
discussion of the matter with him. The other day he asked me 
whether it would be well to have some theologians sent here on the 
Pope's behalf to confer on the Christian doctrine with these people. 
I told him I did not think it a wise expedient or one likely to give 
any good result, but rather to cause greater offence and obstinacy, 
since in the colleges where there is no one to judge it had never 
produced any fruit but had simply multiplied points of dispute. He 
afterwards asked me whether I would consent to meet the archbishop 
of Canterbury to open negotiations for conciliation. I answered 
him yes, if he pleased, and in view of this, which I said in the presence 
cf Sidney, he again asked me recently what we can do about religious 
affairs as the archbishop of Canterbury did not dare to come and 
speak with me for fear of being noted as suspicious by the other 
bishops. I told him I did not know what to say, but that if he or the 
Archbishop or the Queen herself were to ask my opinion (although 
I had not charge of spiritual affairs here) I should 'not fail to tell 
them the truth as I understood it. He said the Pope had other cares 
and had enough to do in maintaining his pomp in Rome without 
caring for the unity of the Church or remedying its ills. This was 
said in not too respectful words, and he complained of the style of the 
bull of the Concilio and the insulting words which were constantly 
being said and written about them as if they were not Christians and 
did not believe in God. The end of it was to beg me as a bishop 
and minister of so pious a Prince as your Majesty to endeavour to 
open a way to some fair understanding, and he urged me to give him 
my opinion on the matter. Although I did not wish to speak of it 
yet, as Sidney was present and he would be sure to convey it to 
Robert and I wanted to avail myself of Sidney, who has been much 
scandalised recently at the proceedings of these heretics, nevertheless 
I decided to tell Cecil what I thought. I said that if they were in 
earnest and really intended to appease themselves and come to a good 
union I thought that before beginning to discuss other dogmas of our 
faith we should try to agree on those points on which we disagreed 
and which are the cause of the schism and division that now exist 
between us. After this impediment had been removed we could in all 
humility and charity, examine together the other dogmas touching the 
truth of our Catholic faith and the knowledge and worship of God. 
He asked me what were the articles I wished to be considered before all 



others, and I told him those concerning ecclesiastical government and 
policy, namely, the office of Pope and Bishops, the authority of 
Concilios and the distinction between spiritual and temporal powers. 
"We discussed this at great length, and at last he said the following 
three things to me, I know not in what spirit. First that the 
Queen would be willing to send her ambassadors and theologians to 
the Concilio even though it were convoked by the Pope on 'condition 
that the meeting was at a place satisfactory to the other Princes, 
namely your Majesty, the Emperor, and the king of France. He 
then said that she would be willing that the Pope or his legates 
should preside in the Concilio in such a way as did not infer that 
he was a ruler over it, but only ?s head or president of it. The third 
was that they would be in favour of judging questions of faith, 
as well as others, according to the precepts of holy scripture, 
concensus of divines, and the declarations of ancient Concilios. He 
was very emphatic about these ancient Concilios, saying that he 
would only admit the first four. He then said that what I 
demanded was evidently to have a judge for matters of faith and 
to declare the separation of the temporal and spiritual powers, and 
he went on to say that as the English bishops are canonically 
ordained they must have seats in the Concilio amongst the others. 
I told him that in regard to that, the justice of his claim could 
afterwards be considered and then asked him whether, in case the 
Concilio fell through (which it well might if the German Protestants 
were obstinate in their claims) he thought this reconciliation between 
this kingdom and the Catholics could be effected by means of a 
national Concilio with the same intervention and presidency of the 
Pope's legates. This appeared to him new and startling, and he 
said that questions of faith were of such a character that they 
should be examined and agreed upon by all, to which I answered 
that if this were so they had done wrong here in altering them alone 
especially in opposition to the whole ecclesiastical body in the 
realm, and if they thought of calming matters, the same authority 
they employed to alter the religion would suffice to correct it. 
This point therefore remained undetermined, but as regards the 
rest he said that he had greatly prejudiced his cause by discussing 
it with me as he was ignorant and ill informed and it was only just 
that I should hear their theologians on the subject. He said also 
that he would repeat to the Queen what had passed with me. I 
have not seen him since as I have been, and still am ill, and the 
Queen is not well. I do not know what Cecil thinks about it, but I 
hear he is going about publicly saying that the Queen wishes to send 
representatives to the Concilio, and that the Concilio cannot properly 
be judge of questions of faith nor is the Pope, able to preside over 
it by right, which was the subject of our discussion. 

I also know that he is treating these bishops harshly, and that he 
used insulting words to the bishop of Winchester the other day 
because he preached against the authority of the Concilios. I hear 
that the bishops frequently meet in the archbishop of Canterbury's 
house and are drawing up a profession of their faith to send to the 
Concilio. Cecil told me that if the Pope wrote to the Queen I should 



give him notice to call her Queen of England and defender of the 
faith, because if he did not write all her titles she would not receive 
the letters. 

I do not know what to think of it all, only that these people are 
in such a confusion that they confound me as well. Cecil is a very 
great heretic, but he is neither foolish nor false and he professes to 
treat with me very frankly. He has conceded me these three points 
which I consider of the utmost importance, however much he may 
twist them to the other side. I see that these Bishops are making 
their profession of faith, which is a sign that they wish to do as little 
good, as the duke of Wurtemburg did nine years ago. The need 
of the Queen is great, and it might cause her either to earnestly 
humble herself for the sake of safety and to effect this marriage 
without danger or to dissemble and try to deceive the people, and 
the Catholics particularly, by the news of her intention to return 
to the Catholic faith and obtain your Majesty's favour. 

Bearing all these things in mind I think there is nothing to be lost 
by trying to show her the road to godliness, so that she may enter 
it if she have a mind to. If I am mistaken in this I beseech your 
Majesty not to attribute it to my carelessness, but to the character 
of the business which does not admit of being dealt with strictly 
and cautiously like other temporal affairs. 

The ratification of peace was requested by the earl of Bedford 
from the queen of Scotland, who said that she would ratify it with 
pleasure, but that it was necessary to obtain the views of the estates 
of the realm, and it has therefore been referred to them. They 
are now in session, called together by Noailles, who was instructed 
to convoke them for the purpose of laying before them his message 
from the King to the effect that they should be tranquil and persevere 
in their friendship and alliance with his house. London, 25th March 

12 April. 126. The SAME to the SAME. 

I have received your Majesty's letter of the 17th ultimo advising 
receipt of all mine up to the 22nd January, and I note the manner 
in which your Majesty commands me to proceed in this business of 
the Queen. By my two subsequent letters of 24th February and 
24th March, relating Sidney's fresh conversation, your Majesty will 
be informed of the new events and the manner in which I thought 
best to treat them, and I now proceed to give an account thereof 
for my own discharge and your Majesty's information. 

On the occasion of Sidney's first conversation (although it was 
not to be expected that the Queen would just yet give in altogether 
and beg your Majesty's favour) I thought it was time, considering 
the dangerous state of her affairs, for her to begin to recognise her 
position, and I therefore replied somewhat dryly and distantly both 
in order to sell her the business the more dearly and to give me 
time to advise your Majesty and beg instructions, as I did in the 
postscript of a letter which I had already written. Seeing however 
that they were standing aloof from me and that Paget had interfered 
with new plans, I judged that some inconvenience might arise from my 
lukewarmness, and that the Queen might become suspicious, so 
I thought well to be somewhat more agreeable to them. Without 



therefore derogating from any of my influence in the affairs, I sought 
a good opportunity to renew negotiations and carried them as far 
as I thought necessary to gain the goodwill of Lord Robert and 
calm the anxiety of the Queen without exceeding ,your Majesty's 
instructions, seeing that I was totally ignorant at the time of your 
Majesty's designs and wishes. I considered well, that if they were 
playing false with me, they might take advantage of the trick 
to the prejudice of the Catholic party which might lose heart at 
seeing your Majesty so fully falling in with the Queen's wishes, but 
at the same time such a result did not appear to me to be irremediable 
or so bad as might follow from my withdrawal from the affair, 
1 determined of the two evils to choose the least and put the best 
face possible on it, whilst avoiding as far as I could the appearance 
of doing so and letting the Catholics know that I was in treaty with 
the Queen for their advantage and the. restitution of religion, but 
that I expected for sure that it would end as before only in talk 
and trickery. I told them not to believe all they had about it or 
think that your Majesty desired anything more than their and the 
kingdom's welfare. I conveyed this to the archbishop of York, to 
Viscount Montague, and to two or three more of their principal 
doctors, and it had the effect of greatly consoling and reassuring 
them. I was moved to take this course also because even before 
Sidney spoke to me, the Queen and Robert were giving people to 
understand that there was a perfect accord between us which they did 
by means of constantly visiting and caressing me, FO much sc indeed 
that not a day passed but people came and told me how much these 
favours were being talked about in London. The only means I had 
to obviate this inconvenience would have been to publish the contrary 
and behave in an unfriendly way to them, which your Majesty had not 
ordered me to do, nor could I see that any stiffness of mine would 
do any good, as your Majesty does not desire to molest the Queen or 
restore religion by force or disturb the country. To this must be 
added the fact that Robert's enemies (whom the Queen principally 
wished to intimidate by these demonstrations of accord with me) 
are as heretical as she, and although they would like to ruin Robert 
would never join with Catholics or help to restore religion, but 
would declare in favour of the earl of Huntingdon, who is the 
greatest heretic in the realm. I also considered, that although this 
pretended understanding might somewhat damage the Catholic cause 
by leading Catholics to doubt your Majesty's favour towards them, 
it would damage the Queen much more by sowing discord between 
her and the heretics, and this really has taken place, for she has 
spoken to me very ill of the heretics, and is as offended with them 
as she is with the Catholics. The latter have greatly profited by 
the negotiations already, for since Sidney spoke to me they have not 
been molested or persecuted in any way, and have not been so quiet 
for three years previously as they have been in the last three months. 
They are aware that this quietude comes from the negotiations I 
have had with the Queen. I tell them that though there is no hope 
that she will do anything good, but will be sure to cheat us at last, 
yet to ensure their safety and give time for succour to reach them 
by means of the Concilia or by other intervention of our Lord 
I allow myself to be cheated willingly and pretend not to see through 



it, whereat they are delighted and cease not to shower blessings on 
your Mnjesty. These are the reasons which have moved me to listen 
to the advances made to me, and with all caution and moderation 
to soften my aspect towards them. Up to the present I see no 
reason to repent of my action, as it seems to me that this affair is 
progressing and the heretic cause becoming weaker, and the course 
I have taken, although not quite the same as that which your 
Majesty now commands, nevertheless leads to the same end and fulfils 
the directions given to me not to allow myself to be taken in and 
to encourage the Catholics and prevent them from losing heart by 
reason of the close understanding and despatch of ambassadors to 

Replying to the other point of your Majesty's letter directing me 
to negotiate clearly with the Queen, and in writing, your Majesty 
will have seen by my letters that she has given me no opportunity of 
doing this as she has not entered into the tiansactions so humbly 
and submissively as to enable me to press her, and on the contrary 
she has rather given me cause to fear through Paget's dtsigns. Evon 
however if she came to me ever so humbly I do not see how I could 
or ought to lay down conditions in exchange for the assurance of 
your .Majesty's favour until 1 knew for certain what your Majesty 
would be disposed to do for her in the business. For this reason 
I did not mention the point to Sidney or to Robert, and the 
Queen, as I have said, has given me no opportunity. When they 
talk to me abcut religion I always change the subject as I think 
until I see the business on a solid basis I had better not touch 
that part of the affair, which probabty they introduce as a bait to 
get me to open out more than I am inclined to do. If they are in 
earnest there will be time to treat of religion, as they know full well 
that your Majesty will not remain satisfied until that is settled, and 
if they are acting falsely it will not be wise to give them an 
opportunity of saying that your Majesty wished to sell them your 
concurrence in exchange for the restitution of religion, which, however 
just and holy such a bargain would be in our eyes, would seem 
scandalous to heretics and would shock them much. Besides I never 
should be able to bind the Queen, and if they had got from me all 
they wanted for their pur| ose .and then declined to fulfil their 
promise they might really say that they had outwitted me. Having 
therefore answered them on this point jokingly, and as if making 
light of their offers, I have had time to learn your Majesty's will 
and in the meanwhile learnt more of theirs, so that when I saw 
them again approaching me I ottered to meet the archbishop of 
Canterbury or whomever else they pleased and spoke to Cecil in 
the \vay I advised in my former letters. I do not think anything 
has been lost by this conversation or by my coolness in the business 
as they all know how I have treated the religious question when- 
ever it has been broached, and that I have kept nothing back. I 
write this to your Majesty only to explain the reasons why I have 
dallied with these people longer than I usually do. Things being 
in this condition (which I can hardly call either assured or desperate) 
I think that the Abbe Martinongo's visit will enable us to settle the 
business very comfortably without having to mix it up with the 

u CG52'.. N 



marriage question, because the Queen will then be obliged to declare 
herself, and if her decision should be such as to please your Majesty, we 
can go forward and help her in what she desires but if to the contrary 
I can hold back and complain that they have failed in what they 
voluntarily offered me and the affair will remain as it is now without 
any detriment to your Majesty or cause of offence unless desired. 
This would not be the case if the Nuncio came in consequence of any 
promises made to your Majesty by the Queen, or indeed if any other 
step had been taken founded on her words. 

The Queen has summoned a great part of the gentlemen of the 
country to celebrate the feast of St. George, and it is possible that 
this may have been done in order to commence the deputation which 
Cecil told me was to be held for the conclusion of this marriage. 
I therefore think that the coming of the Nuncio should be accelerated 
so that we may see the answers they give him before the Queen settles 
her own affair which she could now do, having time, and being 
popular in consequence of the news that she is to be represented in 
the Concilio and is reconciled with your Majesty. But if she does not 
act properly and people see the Nuncio unsuccessful and me offended 
she might find herself in trouble and unable to carry out what she 
wants so easily as she thinks. Even if she were to conclude the 
marriage now, taking advantage of the opportunity, I believe that 
at any time it was understood that she had lost your Majesty's favour 
and aid she would be in the same straits as now, and worse, because 
this marriage is of such sort that she will lose friends and influence 
by it and make enemies. Lord Robert's recent discontent has ended 
in her giving him an apartment upstairs adjoining her own, as 
it is healthier than that which he had downstairs. He is delighted. 

I have taken a lodging at Greenwich, whither the Queen goes 
next week to receive the Nuncio in order that he may be able to 
negotiate quickly and easily without going through the streets of 
London, which would not be very safe as these people are now. I 
have advised the Cardinal de Arras of this that he may tell him, 
and when he arrives here I will help him all I can and will receive 
the money which your Majesty orders me to receive from the Pope 
for the prisoners, and will distribute it with the care and caution 
which your Majesty commands. 

I have received what was due to me for salary for this month. 
I am obliged to beseech your Majesty, since it is your will that I 
should stay here, to be pleased to order my wages to be paid to me 
every month or in some other way that I can be sure of them as 
I have no other means of sustenance, and what with setting up house 
here and entertaining guests and other extraordinary expenses 
I have spent very much more than the wages amount to, everything 
here being very dear. I also beg your Majesty, instead of any grant 
in aid being paid me, to order me to be paid what is owing to me 
on account of the petition which is enclosed herewith, since it is only 
justice, and all I ask is for the service of your Majesty. 

Having written thus far I had an opportunity of talking with 
Lord Robert to whom I have not failed to say what your Majesty 
ordered me to put them in spirits and lead them to decide the better. 
He was excessively overjoyed at it and could not cease saying how 



much lie desired to serve your Majesty. It appears as if he had 
made up his mind to be a worthy man and gain respect, and when 
I told him your Majesty was glad to hear of his intention to try to 
restore religion in the country, he answered me at once, without 
stopping to think, that it was true he had that intention as also had 
the Queen, who desired nothing else but to see herself free from 
these dissensions and her country tranquil. I said we should see 
whether that was so by the answer she gave to the Nuncio who was 
coming. He asked me who he was and when he was coming. I 
told him his name and that his visit was to be soon if the Queen 
gave permission, about whicli he made no difficulty. We were quite 
in accord in this matter and although I did not lay it down rigorously 
nor as a condition yet he understood that they must conform to your 
Majesty's wish in the religious affair if they want your Majesty's 
countenance in the marriage business. This I said to him whilst 
discussing the state of his affairs and advising him as if on my own 
accoxtnt. I find up to the present no reason to lose hope, but we 
shall see more clearly on the arrival of the Nuncio, which, as I have 
said, should be hastened as much as possible. Robert tells me that 
Cecil will be firm about sending representatives to the Goncilio and 
there are some amongst the Bishops who are already beginning to 
soften and bend to what the Queen desires, although others are very 

stubborn He also said that the Queen would make 

Sidney a member of the Council and give him the office of 
Privy Seal, of which I approved as it will serve Paget right for 
figuring as a Catholic and planning what I have said against your 
Majesty's interests. 

Viscount Montague* has sent me word that Lord Robert has 
written him a very loving letter with many promises and saying he 
wishes to see him soon. I have advised him to come and speak with 
me before he goes to the palace so that I may tell him he may speak 
decidedly about sending to the Goncilio, and encourage those who 
think like him to press the Queen. London, 12th April 1561. 


(Italian.) I hear from my friends and still more from common rumour, that 
the councillors of the Queen have proclaimed me as a man suspected 
of having some hand in the conspiracies which are believed to have 
been plotted against Her Majesty by the Catholics of this country, 
and a3 this is contrary to the service of the King my master, and 
my own honour, I should have wished to satisfy the world publicly 
with respect to it, the defamation having been public, but considering 
that 1 cannot do this at the present time without prejudice to your 
Lordship and your affairs which I have in hand, I have decided 
to keep silent for the present, and only justify myself to your 
Lordship that you may inform Her Majesty, as it is probable that 
the councillors will have given to both of you the information 
disseminated by the public voice. 

* Sir Anthony Browne 1st Viscount Montague, who had been master of the horse in 
previous reign, and was excluded from the Council on the accession of Elizabeth. 

N 2 



Your Lordship knows that during the wlr-le time I have been in 
England (although several dangerous events have happened) no one 
has ever heard, at least so far as I know, that I have done anything 
against the Queen's interests. 

When the Count de Feria was here the religion was changed 
against much opposition, and although at the time the King my 
master was in Flanders well armed, though peaceful, and the Queen 
was new to the throne, unarmed and weak, yet there was no thought 
on my master's side but to honour and help her in the settlement of 
her kingdom, and aid her in the recovery of what was her own. 
When peace was made and the King my master left Flanders, 
suspicions of war with France arose, and ample opportunities 
occurred of mischief and unfriendly offices ; yet again my master's 
consideration and moderation towards this country were conspicuous; 
although if the contrary had been the case and the King had not 
kindly helped to sustain it, the country might have felt some 
inconvenience. All this was without the least thought in the world 
of his own advantage, the negotiations, if not the hopes, of marrying 
the Queen to his satisfaction having ceased ; and this is the extent 
of the interest he can claim in England now. On all these occasions 
whether I have rendered bad or good service to the small extent of 
my powers can best be proved by the successful progress of events 
of which the Queen could easily satisfy herself. When your own 
matter was brought forward, at a time when rumours of all sorts 
were rife, the Queen well knows that on my taking leave of her at 
Windsor I told her that although I had hitherto conducted matters 
according to the King's orders and as I had thought best for her 
interests, and perhaps even had been troublesome in pressing the 
Archduke Charles' business ; nevertheless, as I now saw the possibility 
of other solutions perhaps more agreeable to her, I promised to serve 
ht-T in ail things and to do anything she might command me. At 
the same time I made cle ir, without any douot, that I referred to 
your affair tD whi h I thought she was inclined. In all these 
transactions and during nearly two years up to the present time, 
no one has evt r heard th it I had done or even thought anything 
against the life, honour, or estate of Her Majesty. 

On the 22nd January I received a visit from Sir Henry Sidney 
your brother-in-law, a true friend of mine, whom I esteem for his 
sincerity and prudence, and his wish to serve the Queen and his 
country. He said, in substance, that he thought I was overlooking 
the interests of the King my master in one respect ; namely, that 
knowing as I did the Queen's great affection for your Lordship, I 
did not try to brin^ about the match, and offer to both of you the 
countenance and aid of the King my n. aster and thus earn the 
eternal gratitude of your Lordship for so great a service. I answered 
him that as the King did not know the Queen's intentions, except 
that she said she did not think of marrying, he neither could nor 
ought to offer any aid to this effect, or to propose another marriage 
to her after she had so resolutely refused the Archduke Charles and 
others. Sidney gave me many reasons to persuade me why I should 
write, which I did, believing naturally that he spoke sincerely and 
with foundation. Amongst other reasons he gave why I should 



rejoice . at this marriage, he toll me that as your Lordship was 
inclined to peace and concord and to the maintenance of friendship 
with my King, there was reason to hope that you would do away 
with religious prohibitions and persuade the Queen to the same end, 
as she herself was not much inclined to them, and was believed to 
be the less so, seeing the unsatisfactory result of the present dis- 
sensions. To this I answered him that although there was nothing 
in the world the King my master desired more than religious 
concord, and particularly in this country, nevertheless, I did not 
wish the question to be mixed up with other considerations because, 
being a matter which concerned the soul, no one should dictate to 
another, nor allow himself to be dictated to as to what he should 
believe, for any advantage in the world, and that, married or single, 
the Queen should seek the welfare of herself and her subjects by 
every means in her power. This he agreed with, and assured me 
that the intention of the Queen and the opinion of your Lordship 
and all prudent men was that she should be represented in the 
Concilio. I had no difficxilty in believing this as it seemed just and 
probable ; and I was confirmed in my belief shortly afterwards by 
the Queen personally, who told me with her own lips several times 
that she wished to send representatives to the Concilio, and by 
Secretary Cecil who assured me that Her Majesty was about to 
select ambassadors with that object and many other things which 
proved to me Her Majesty's intentions, besides convincing me that 
she approved of what your Lordship said to me on the matter one 
morning in your chamber and one evening in the Savoy, and lately 
again, when we were walking a'one in the park, which will be too 
fresh in your memory to need further reminder. I will only say 
that, if I mistake not, you told me that if you married the Queen 
you would go to the Concilio yourself if needful. Inlways listened 
to these things from the Queen, your Lordship, and from Sidney 
very modestly, preferring rather to praise the good intentions you 
assured me you possessed than venturing to propose anything or 
trying to impose conditions, as it seemed to me an improper th ; ng to 
introduce the question of religion amongst treaties of mundane 
friendship and alliance. Even though, ll this time, I thought 
beyond doubt that the intention of the Queen and your Lordship 
was to send representatives to the Concilio, and to join with us on 
this occasion, and I was convince I that this was the most certain and 
perfect remedy for the dissensions of the country, yet I took care 
not to convey the hopes I had of this step to any person in the 
world except to the King my master. Notwithstanding that your 
Lordship told me yourself that you were a great friend of tho 
archbishop of York, who is in p'ison ; and that you would thank mo 
much if I would try to gain for him the good opinion of the Catholics 
whom 1 knew, I did this indeed but in general terms and without 
saying anything that could prejudice the authority of the Queen or 
the honour of your Lordship, but only that the Archbishop was, in 
my opinion, a wise and prudent person desirous of the tranquillity 
of his country and not averse to the union and concord of religion. 
At this juncture I received intimation of 1113* King's will on these 
matters which, as I have told your Lordship, was cnt-rcly in fuvour 



and to the advantage of your cause, always however on the suppo- 
sition that what I had written to him of the intention of joining us 
on religious matters by means of the Concilio, was true. At the 
same time the Pope sent his Nuncio to invite the Queen to the 
Concilio, and, believing as I did, that the matter was almost con- 
cluded, and desiring always that the Catholics should be highly 
pleased with your Lordship and assured of your good will and 
sympathy, I allowed myself to say to one or two Englishmen of 
good standing, sincere and peaceful and well disposed towards your 
Lordship, that I hoped these prisoners would soon be set at liberty 
and religious tranquillity might follow, so that no one should be 
compelled to act against his conscience until the Concilio should 
decide all these controversies. I was moved to this hope because I 
knew that the Queen, persuaded by your Lordship who was very 
favourable in this matter, was determined to send to the Concilio, 
and that this would take place shortly as the Abbe Martinengo was 
coming hither to invite her. It is true I said these words three 
weeks ago, after hearing of the coming of the Abbd, and the reply of 
the King my master, feeling sure, as your Lordship told me in the 
park, that the Queen had decided to send to the Concilio and to do 
what she and others so many times have promised and told me, and 
not only to me, but have published to all London ; the councillors 
themselves even saying it in the presence of many honourable gentle- 
men and of the very Bishops who opposed the send ing of representa- 
tives to the Concilio. 

Now, if for these words, which by passing from mouth to mouth 
may have changed their sense, I am to be considered as a conspirator 
against the Queen and declared as such by a certain councillor, whose 
name for the present I withhold, I ask your Lordship whether this 
is just, and if it be not the most iniquitous and shameful thing ever 
heard of and the most injurious, not only to my own honour, and I 
was never yet a conspirator, but also to the dignity of my King to 
whom this country and you, especially and even the Queen, are so 
deeply indebted. I say this is against his dignity because it is not 
probable that such a man as I am would have the hardihood to act 
here in the way I am accused of doing without instructions from my 
Prince, in which case the King would be a false and treacherous 
friend. There is not a man in the world who does not know how 
contrary this is to the King's mode of proceeding and to all his 
actions towards the Queen. This rumour also prejudices the poor 
prisoners, who are not only called necromancers and devil's conjurers, 
to make them odious and ridiculous, but are also traduced by 
accusations of treason and rebellion, things far removed from the 
virtue and prudence of their lives. It is not likely that prudent 
men would have engaged in a conspiracy against their Queen with- 
out support from any other Prince able to succour them. Affairs in 
France are not now in such a condition as to make it credible that 
the King should have favoured them in such an enterprise. The 
Pope is a long way off and it is clear to all that his sole aim is to 
hold the Concilio and duly perform what is best for his State, which 
I know to be the case. There remains then, the King my master, 
by whom they might have been favoured, but anyone who believes 



that such was the case is vastly mistaken, and forms an unjust 
judgment. Perhaps it is done with the object of slandering the 
Catholic religion or quenching what little of it was still making way 
in this country, by taking the lives and liberties of those who were 
suspected of holding it in reverence. How useful and beneficial such 
a course would be to the Queen is not for me to say, nor is it the 
purpose of this letter which I write merely to say that a great 
injury is being done me, and consequently to the King my master, 
by bandying the names of his ministers about in the mouths of the 
mob in this way. And this, too, notwithstanding ray perfect 
innocence, as I have had no other thought but to serve the Queen 
in all ways and in the recent arf'air to serve your Lordship also, for 
whose benefit alone I have ventured to speak on the subject with 
the reserve and sobriety which I have already set forth as may be 
ascertained from the persons, never more than one or two, to whom 
I have mentioned it. I have thought proper to remind your Lord- 
ship of these things that you may consider whether I have not cause 
to complain and to inform the King of these proceedings, and, 
perhaps even, for my own justification to make the whole case 
public. My honour is so dear to me, and above all when that of my 
master is involved, that I would rather die a thousand deaths than 
that people should believe for a single day that I am not a sincere 
and honourable gentleman as I am. To no other than to your 
Lordship I commend myself with all my heart and humbly salute 
you. Your Lordship's very humble and affectionate servant. 
Duranplazza (Durham Place) 27th April 1561. 


5 May. 128. BISHOP QUADRA, to the KING. 

I answered your Majesty's letter of 17th March on the 14th April, 
giving a long account of the state of affairs here, and explaining the 
reasons which led me to proceed in the manner I have done. Since 
then the events have happened of which I have given an account to 
the duchess of Parma and cardinal de Granvelle, and these events, 
together with what these people say that a Nuncio of tli3 Pope has 
attempted in Ireland, have rendered matters much more difficult, and 
have infinitely exasperated feeling here, or, at all events, these people 
have taken that as an excuse for not receiving the Nuncio. I do not 
know whether they really meant to act properly even if nothing of 
this happened, although appearances have been favourable for the last 
three months, and I have never seen these people so reasonable as 
during that time. Notwithstanding all this, and an attempt of the 
councillors to embroil me with the Queen, I have gone on in the 
way I began ; namely, by showing her and Robert what they will 
have to accept if they want to gain the countenance of your Majesty 
and so compass their wish, which is to marry without having to 
beg or buy as they are doing the consent of her subjects. 

I have not thought well, either, to change my mode ot proceeding 
with Cecil, professing to treat him as a friend, although he is not 
so ; because he has so entire a control over the Queen and affairs, 



that, however much I wished I could not negotiate through any 
other channel. Since he spoke to me on the 25th ultimo, when he 
told me that the councillors considered me fanatical and suspicious 
in the matter of the catholics here, and gave me an account of the 
Irish affairs, with so many objections to the coining of the Nuncio 
I thought well to write a letter to Lord Robert complaining of the 
suspicions which I heard they entertained of me, but my principal 
reason was to repeat to him all the promises which be and the rest 
of them have made me in this business of the Concilia to see whether 
it would lead them to give me a favourable answer about the Nuncio. 
I send your Majesty a copy of this letter that you may see that I 
have written less than they promised* me. The Queen read and 
re-read the letter many times, but, nevertheless, when I spoke to her 
two days afterwards, I found in her no more decision than usual. 
She said that she had heard from Cecil what had passed with me, 
and his information about the Nuncio, but that it was an important 
business which could not be decided without much consideration, 
and an inquiry into any injury which the visit might cause to the 
affairs of the nation. I begged her to consider that the Pope's 
action towards her was an act of benevolence and friendliness, which 
was a great compliment to her, and that a messenger should be 
listened to, from whomever he might come. I afterwards asked her 
that the business should be considered by dispassionate people which 
all of her councillors were not, as not content with persecuting 
Catholics they had dared to accuse me in order to blacken me in 
her eyes, and I then repeated what Cecil had told me about their 
considering me a suspicious person. She replied that so far as 
regarded the business of the Nuncio, she would consult the most 
judicious men in her council, arid in my own case she said that, 
although by certain statements she had seen she understood that 
the catholic prisoners and others had more intimacy with me than 
subjects should have with the minister of a foreign prince, and that 
she had proof, as she said, from members of my household, that I 
had written many things in favour of the prisoners, yet she had 
such confidence in me that she was sure I had never thought of 
doing her evil. I asked her what things against, her interest she 
referred to as being published from my house. She said what had 
happened was that some of the imprisoned bishops and other papists 
in London went about saying that she had promised to turn Catholic 
at the instance of Lord Robert, which they said they had learnt 
from men of my household. The object of the prisoners in publishing 
this was to disturb the Protestants and make them take arms against 
her, as indeed there was one preacher in Wales who had said publicly 
in the pulpit that she wished to return to her obedience to the Pope, 
and that Cecil was already a Papist. I replied, in accordance with 
what I had written to Robert, that I never published anything in 
this business except the coming of the Nuncio, and my hope that 
she would send representatives to the Concilia ; and even this I only 
said to one or two men whom I named, and who would prove what 
I said. The idea that the accused declared these things to injure 
her in the op : ni- n of the heretics w;is I said simply malice on the 
part of the lic'ictic-< themselves, who had been led to disturbance and 



violent speech by what she and her friends had said and persuaded 
people to three months ago and not from anything I had said or the 
Catholics had written to their friends. She was convinced of my 
innocence in this respect or. at all events, satisfied with my argu- 
ments, and went on to say that she did not see why these differences 
of religion should prevent a perfect friendship and alliance between 
your Majesty and her. I answered that the blame of dissension 
must rest upon her as she was so extreme in these matters that she 
must needs seek new friendships to uphold her and neglect the old 
ones. She gave no reply to this except to ask me whether it was 
true that yur Majesty had promised Lord Robert your friendship 
and support if religion were restored here. I said that your Majesty 
had promised nothing to Lord Robert, nor had asked any conditions 
from him, but only that hearing by my letters of the goodwill that 
Lord Robert professed to the restoration of religion (which was 
confirmed by her own recent tendency and Cecil's assurances to me) 
your Majesty liad ordered me to thank him and praise his good 
intention, whilst promising a continuation of the favour your Majesty 
had always shown him. The Queen said she did not think that 
Lord Robert had ever promised me that religion should be restored 
here. I said, Yes, he had, by means of the Concilio, and if she would 
send for him there and then I believed he would confess as much 
in her presence as she herself had promised exactly the same thing. 
She could not deny this as I reminded her of the place and time 
when she had said it, but she got out of it by remarking that this 
was only on certain conditions. I replied that I did not recollect 
any conditions, but perhaps my memory was at fault, and in any 
case I begged of her to weigh very carefully the decision she arrived 
at in the matter, and not to miss the opportunity that God gave her 
to pacify and tranquillize her country for good without offence or 
danger to any. With this I left her and she promised to send for me 
when she had decided about the Nuncio. Every day since then the 
archbishops of Canterbury and York and the bishops of Winchester 
and Salisbury with the Chancellor and Cecil have met on this 
business. The Queen sent yesterday to ask me to go to the palace 
to-day, as her Council had orders to reply to me about the Nuncio. 
I said I would go, but as I feared they wanted to give the answer 
in this way in order to show me some piece of rude impertinence, I 
thought best to write a note to Cecil. He answered re-assuring me, 
and I send copies of these notes. When I went to the palace to-day 
I found they had the answer in writing. I told them I had informed 
the Secretary that I did not intend to accept any answer from them 
but yes or no on the question of the coming of the Nuncio, and if 
the document they handed me contained anything other than this 
I decided not to take it or listen to them. They told me there was 
nothing else and begged me at least to hear it. I saw they were 
determined to give this as their answer whether I heard it or 
not, so I told them thjey might read what they liked. The paper 
contained two principal points, namely, that the Queen did not 
consider it well to admit the Nuncio, inasmuch as it was against the 
law. and good policy of the country, and that in this step she 
^ a followed the precedent of Queen Maty, who had prohibited the 



entrance of the Nuncio who brought the Cardinal's hat to Peto from 
Pope Paul IV. 

The second point was that as the Queen understood the object of 
the Nuncio's coming was to intimate to her the holding of the 
Concilia, she informed me that she had decided not to give her 
acquiesence to such Concilio, nor to consent to the continuance of 
that which had commenced at Trent, both on account of the lack of 
freedom which apparently would exist, and because she had not been 
consulted as she ought to have been, as to the place of meeting and 
other circumstances in the same way that other princes had been 
consulted. She did not say nevertheless, that she would not assist 
when a free and pious Concilio was held by sending her ambassadors 
and learned persons of the Anglican Church to endeavour to agree 
to a consensus of doctrines in the Universal Church, as all princes 
should do. The answer concluded by saying that this was her 
decision and she would never alter it, and that she had answered 
thus mildly out of respect for your Majesty who had interposed, to 
the request of the Pope's Nuncio, who sought to introduce into this 
kingdom orders and commandments of his own. I replied that I 
would inform the Nuncio that entry into the country was denied 
him, and thanked the Queen for the respect she professed for your 
Majesty's intercession. With regard to the other matters referred to 
in the answer, I had nothing to do with them, nor was it my duty 
to refer to them. They might send them to the Nuncio themselves 
if they liked by one of their own messengers, as I was not a 
messenger of theirs or of anyone else. To this not one of them had 
a word to say, and they broke up and went home except the earl of 
Derby (who will accompany the Queen this summer), the earl of 
Shrewsbury to whom they recently gave the garter, and Hunsdon 
the Queen's cousin. The discontent of the people at this business is 
evident, but the Queen will have her way in exchange for persecuting 
the Catholics as she is doing. The prisons are full of them and 
more are apprehended every day. 

I afterwards went into the Queen's room, and found her so 
confused and upset that it was plain she was embarrassed at the 
way they were treating me. I said I had heard she would not 
allow the Nuncio to come, which was very different from what I 
had been led to expect from her voluntary promises on many 
occasions. I regretted it extremely on account of the inconvenience 
to public business, and because your Majesty could not fail to 
consider me untrustworthy, seeing that events had turned out so 
contrary to what I had assured you. She began to excuse herself, 
and said her idea always had been that the Concilio we spoke of was 
to be free, like that she referred to in the answer. I replied that I 
did not write thoughts but words, and what I had written were the 
words that she Ivid uttered, but that in any case there was no harm 
done as she knew the negotiations had originated with them, and- 
they had begged me to write to your Majesty about the matter, so 
thnt it was for them to repent and withdraw as often as they liked. 
On taking leave she was very full of compliments to your Majesty, 
to whom she said she was much obliged. I am quite sure that these 
people, bad as they are, were not of the same opinion in the matter 



three months ago as they are now, but that some new circumstance 
has since confirmed them in their bad courses. I have tried to 
discover what it can be, and [ find that a certain man that the 
Queen has in Germany named Mont,* has recently sent her despatches 
from the Protestant princes, which probably invite her to join a 
league they wish to form. What has encouraged them most however, 
is, I think, their negotiations with the French, as I am sure the 
Queen has an understanding with Vendome, and that they are in 
agreement on the question of religion. A person who has seen 
letters from Vendome to the earl of Bedford to this effect assures me 
that it is so, and as the Earl is so headstrong and imprudent, he has 
spoken of the matter, and in this way I am informed of what is 
going on. This is exactly what Bedford was sent to France to 
arrange on Paget's advice, and which I tried to prevent by showing 
the Queen a better way. I have been unable to get them to adopt 
it however, and great harm has been done through my not being 
able to close with them as soon as they made the proposal through 
Sidney to me. They have sent Sidney to his Government in Wales 
a month since, when they determined to vary their mode of pro- 
ceeding, as they know he would not play me false or approve of 
their new departure. He told me when he was going, that the sudden 
orders he had received to depart, without any need therefore, made 
him suspect that the Queen had changed her intentions, and he was 
sorry, amongst other reasons, because he knew in the long run 
Robert would to have pay for it. Pray pardon me if I press upon 
your Majesty that this intelligence about Vendome should not be 
overlooked, as his public professions about religion being so entirely 
at variance with it, some design of importance cannot fail to be at 
the bottom of it. London 5 May 1501. 

[The aforegoing letter exists in fragments at Simancas, a consider- 
able portion of it being detached from the rest, and ascribed to an 
incorrect date. I have made an attempt, guided by its text, to 
present it in its original form. Editor.] 

6 May. 129. BISHOP QUADRA to the DUCHESS OF PARMA and the 

I spoke yesterday with the Queen and Council who wished to 
give me an answer in writing about the coming of the Pope's 
Nuncio to this country, but I refused to take it. They read it in 
my presence, and it contained two main points. The first that the 
Queen did not think fit to allow the Nuncio to entor any part of 
her realm as it was against the laws, contrary to good policy, and 
apt to cause disturbance and disquietude. That the refusal to 
receive him was neither unjust nor unusual bearing in mind so 
recent a precedent as the action of Queen Mary with a Nuncio of 
Pope Paul IV. who brought a Cardinal's hat for Friar Peto. The 
second point was that, as they understood that this Nuncio was to 
propose to them on behalf of his Holiness the holding of a Concilia, 
the Queen declared that she was not disposed to agree to it, both on 
account of the lack of lil)crty to be given in it and because neither 

Dr. Christopher Munrtt or Mont. 



the place of meeting or other circumstances had been communicated 
to her as they ought to have been, and as they were to the other 
sovereigns. For these reasons she announced that she was not 
satisfied with this Concilia nor with the continuation of that which 
they call the Council of Trent. This, however, did not mean to say 
that, if all the sovereigns agreed to hold an universal Concilia which 
was free, Christian and pious, she would not join with the rest and 
send her ambassadors and learned men of the Anglican Church, 
which she would do when such a Concilio was held. It concluded 
by saying that out of respect for the intervention of the King, the 
Queen wished to give a soft answer to the Nuncio notwithstanding 
that he came to propose a thing which was against the laws of the 
country and could not be entertained. I said that the part of what 
they had told me which I could convey was simply that the Queen 
refused to allow the Pope's Nuncio to enter the kingdom. The rest, 
as it was irrelevant to my request, I could not convey, and if they 
thought advisable to inform the Nuncio of it they could send a 
messenger of their own, as I was no messenger of theirs. With that 
I left them, and I gave the Queen the same answer. 

The answer was drafted much more harshly (as I am informed) 
having been drawn up by the archbishops of Canterbury and York, 
the bishops of Winchester and Salisbury, the Chancellor and Cecil, 
but, as I told Cecil I would not accept a written answer, and wanted 
them to take care to speak modestly of the authority and person of 
the Pope if they did not want to be answered in the same style ; 
they moderated the document to the form I have related, and took 
out all insulting words, although it is quite full of injustice and 
ignorance, as I told the Queen. I laughed to her at the example 
cited of, the Nuncio of Pope Paul IV., as it was so inapplicable ; 
that having been a case of resistance to the person of the Pope who 
was an enemy of the King my master whereas what they are now 
doing is to disobey the officer and magistrate of the apostolic See by 
rejecting his authority altogether. These people, however, are so 
satisfied with themselves that it is useless to point out their errors. 
As regards their willingness to join in a Concilio if it is what they 
call free, Christian, and pious, and is arranged by the other great 
powers in union with England and in consultation with his Holiness, 
your Highness will bear this in mind so that, if there be any occasion 
to proceed with these negotiations, it must be understood that the 
Queen claims to be treated like the rest, and to attend on the same 
footing as the others. Although the liberty and piety which they 
demand in their Concilio may be nothing more than dislike to any 
Concilio at all, as they none of them want it, yet, if the other 
sovereigns agree, these people will be bound to attend by the answer 
they have given. 

Pray convey this to the Nuncio, to whom I have not time to 
write. London, 6th May 15G1. 

21 May. 130. BISHOP QUADRA to the KING. 

I recently besought your Majesty to be pleased to order me to be 
paid a certain grant made to me four years ago in Naples after the 
papal war, which has never yet btcn paid, as in myalsence here 



I have been unable to apply for it, and as I thought besides I should 
not need it here. Since then such necessity has befallen me that 
I have been obliged to write and ask your Majesty for it and again 
have to return to the subject now by sending a special messenger, 
Pedro de Oviedo, to present this letter and petition to your 
Majesty and to solicit the payment. I beg your Majesty to pardon 
my importunity and listen to the cause of it which is not alone my 
own need, but also my solicitude for your Majesty's service which 
may suffer if I am not succoured. As Pedro de Oviedo is informed 
of affairs here, having been with me always, your Majesty will be 
able to obtain what information you require from him. London, 
21st May 1561. 

31 May. 131. The KING to BISHOP QUADRA. 

My sister the duchess of Parma writes me that, besides the nuns 
who have gone to Flanders, there still remain in England nine nuns 
of the convent of Siou who greatly desire to go over to my dominions 
to be able to live according to their rules and observance. It is just 
that you should help them in their good purpose, and we enjoin you 
as soon as you receive this to beg the Queen in my name to grant 
leave to these nine nuns to 1 leave the kingdom and go to my Flanders 
states without any impediment or ill-treatment. You will use every 
effort to this end and help the nuns all you can for the service of the 
Lord. You will advise us and the Duchess of what is done, so that 
she may give due orders for the reception and entertainment of the 
nuns, as has been done for the rest who have gone to Flanders. 
Aranjuez, last day of May 1561. 

3 June. 132. BISHOP QUADRA to the KING. 

On the 5th May I advised your Majesty of the decision arrived at 
here about the sending the representatives to the Concilia, and I sent 
copy of a letter I had written to M. Robert by which your Majesty 
will see, in detail, all that has passed in this business. He has since 
tried to appease me, but with arguments of little weight. Cecil also 
came to excuse himself and tried hard to make me believe that if it had 
not been for the Irish events caused, they say, by a papal Nuncio 
who is still there amongst the rebels and has published certain 
addresses from the Pope, the Queen would have been pleased to receive 
the Abbe Martinengo and to have made .'some arrangement about 
the Concilio. I have made clear to both of them that so far as your 
Majesty is concerned I have no reason to be aggrieved ; they having 
been the originators of the negotiations were at liberty to discontinue 
them as they alone had begun them. I nevertheless laid the blame 
on Cecil rather more and complained of his want of sincerity, and 
the heat with which he has taken up the religious question which 
he himself confessed he did not understand. I thought best to treat 
the matter in this way as it will be easy afterwards to appear more 
aggrieved if your Majesty wishes it. 

Cecil asked me to speak to the Queeu urging her to marry, but 
T I excused myself by saying that I did not feel I had sufficient 



authority to persuade her in so important a matter, and thus with- 
drew without declaring myself. In conformity with your Majesty's 
orders I am endeavouring to let the Catholics know all that passes 
and your Majesty's desire to help them, which they wish you to do 
by other means. They have pressed me much in this particular 
lately as your Majesty may deign to hear personally from Pedro 
de Oviedo, a servant, of mine who left here on the 21st ultimo by 
sea, to whom I have told something of this without mentioning 
names. I have endeavoured hard to understand thoroughly this 
recent negotiation with me, and I have come to the conclusion that 
the foundation of it was to prevent the Queen of Scots from 
marrying into your Majesty's family, as they knew that with that 
claim, and the Catholic party with you as well as your Majesty's own 
forces, a great change could suddenly be brought about here. To 
check this and get time to provide against emergency they thought 
necessary to make a great show of wishing to amend their ways as 
regards religion, and subject themselves to the devotion and protection 
of your Majesty, from which intention the Queen herself probably 
was not averse, particularly if she saw herself driven in a corner by 
this business of the Queen of Scots and by the other people in 
Germany and France, and above all, if Vendome and his heretics 
were less powerful in their country than at present. 

This was the reason why they proposed this business of Robert's 
to me shortly after the death of the king of France, thinking to 
befool me with it for a long time, but they have not succeeded, as 
the coming of the Nuncio has forced their hand. Whilst this has 
been going on they have been pushing their affairs hotly in Germany 
and scheming in Scotland for the Queen not to many a foreigner, 
which was the object of M. James'* visit to France, and finally with 
the intention which I stated at the time, they sent the earl of Bedford 
to ally them with Vendome and the other French heretics. I have 
no doubt this has now been effected because, in addition to many 
other signs I have seen, the French ambassador himself signified it 
to me very clearly, and as he is a strong partisan of the Guises he 
could not keep silent about it. When they thought their business 
was secure they were emboldened to declare themselves which 
however, as I have said, they did not expect would be so soon. 

With the object of preventing any disturbance in the county this 
summer which could give an excuse for the interference of their 
neighbours they have thought fit to apprehend all the Catholics they 
could lay hands on, and so to make sure of them. Any cause, 
however small, has sufficed for their imprisonment and even in cases 
where nothing is proved against them but hearing mass, the 
punishment for which on the first occasion is only a fine of 200 
ducats, they have shut them up where no one can see them, and refuse 
to punish them according to the law as they are determined to keep 
them fast. They have used great efforts to find out whether I was 
doing anything agaiust the Queen so as to be able to complain to 
your Majesty and make it an excuse for arousing the indignation 
of those in Germany, but up to the present they have found nothing 

* James Stewart, afterwards eirl of Murray, natural son of James V. 



of what they sought. During Loughborough's examination they 
asked him if he had been in favour of Queen Mary of blessed memory 
appointing your Majesty as her successor ; as if that were a crime, 
and they have put questions of this sort to all of them. As they can 
discover nothing and fear I may do them a bad turn, and as they 
want to make people think that a good understanding exists between 
your Majesty and the Queen, they have now agreed to write to your 
Majesty the excuses and promises contained in the letter herewith 
enclosed, which the Queen ordered to be handed to me in the 
presence chamber before a great many people and herself at the same 
time expressed much friendship and affection for your Majesty and 
our lady the Queen. These artifices, however, would be of little 
avail if the people here were such as they ought to be and if she did 
not avail herself of force as she does. London, 3rd June 1561. 

133. The transcript of the aforegoing letter in the Brussels 
Archives has the following additional paragraphs at the 

Spanish MS. What they are doing here now is to make themselves strong in 
Archives Ireland, and the earl of Sussex has gone thither with 3,000 men 
B. M. and a great quantity of artillery and stores. They announce that 
Add. 28,1 73a. it j s f or the purpose of punishing the Grand O'Neal and other 
leaders of those savages who will not consent to the religion being 
changed, but as that matter is not worth the expense the Queen is 
being put to, especially now that the earl of Kildare and other Irish 
lords under suspicion have been brought here, it is more likely that 
these preparations are being made in the fear that if a fleet should 
be sent from Spain to Ireland the passage to Scotland would IKJ 
open to it, and thence the entry into England easy. It is to be 
concluded that this idea is not only founded on the marriage of 
the Scotch Queen, but also upon a prophecy that is very current 
amongst these Catholics to the effect that the ruin and destruction 
of this line of kings of England is to commence in Ireland. They 
sent out three ships lately on the pretence of seeking the pirates 
that infest the Channel, but they really went to Ireland to overhaul 
the ships that arrived at that island, and in the meanwhile the 
robbers have returned and commit their depredations every day, 
whilst the only excuse these people can give me is that the pirates 
are Scotsmen and they cannot come across them. 

The marriage affair is being pushed forward with all diligence, 
and some people think it will soon be brought about, and the duke of 
Norfolk will put up with it. It is quite possible, and that this state 
of affairs may continue so long as no one quarrels with these people, 
but it seems incredible to me that they can hold out, considei*ing 
how badly this affair is looked upon. Great sorrow has been caused 
here by your Majesty's orders that no foreign ships should be loaded 
in your kingdom (Spain), and I am given to understand that the 
loss to them in freight alone on the goods they have to bring from 
Spain will be 150,000 ducats a year. When the subject was being 
discussed by some members of the Council in the presence of some 
French gentlemen (hostages) in the presence chamber, the earl of 
Bedford said that they would use the money in fitting out ships 



to take those that came from Spain in the Channel, as it will be 
licit for them to piovide themselves with what they need. If they 
do not carry out this threat it is certain that they use it, and it is 
as much talked about in London as if it were to be really undertaken 

30 June. 134. BISHOP QUADRA to the KING. 

On the 3rd instant I gave your Majesty an account of affairs here 
since the decision of the Queen about the visit of the Nuncio, and 
the news now is that Walgrave and his wife and Warton* and some 
more of the Catholics, recently arrested, have been sentenced to the 
penalty provided by the statute for hearing mass. Although the 
sentence was pronounced at Westminster with all the solemnity 
usual in cases of treason, nothing was found against them but the 
hearing of mass. They also degraded five or bix clergymen as 
wizards and necromancers, in whose possession were found calcula- 
tions of the nativity of the Queen and Lord Robert, and I know 
not what other curiosities of the sort, but all of small importance 
except in the hands of those who were glad to jeer at them. 

On the day of St. John the Queen ordered me to be invited to a 
feast given by Lord Robert, and, touching these sentences, I asked 
her Majesty whether her councillors and secretaries were not nearly 
tired of mocking Catholics, and if they had done any great service 
to the State in the efforts they had made to discover plots. She 
replied that the secretary was certainly not to blame, and the others 
might say as they pleased, but it could not be denied that your 
Majesty had done good to all and harm to -none in the country, and 
much more to the same effect. I still showed that I was offended 
and dissatisfied at her Council in general, and advised her to take 
care what she did, and not to surrender herself to men so fanatical 
as these, and especially in what concerned religion, directly or 
indirectly, becarse if she did she would never succeed in pacifying 
her kingdom. I said much to the same effect which she listened 
to with her usual patience and with many thanks. In the afternoon 
we went on board a vessel from which we were to see the rejoicings, 
and she, Robert, and I being alone on the gallery, they began joking, 
which she likes to do much better than talking about business. 
They went so far with their jokes that Lord Robert told her, that, 
if she liked, I could be the minister to perform the act of marriage, 
and she, nothing loth to hear it, said she was not sure whether I 
knew enough English. I let them jest for a time, but at last spoke 
to them in earnest and told them that if they listened to me they 
could extricate themselves from the tyranny of the councillors who 
had taken possession of the Queen and her affairs, and could restore 
to the country the peace and unity it so much needed by re-instating 
religion. If they did this they could effect the marriage they spoke 
of, and I should be glad, in such case, to be the minister to perform 
it, and they might punish severely those who did not like it, as they 

* Sir Edward Wahlegrave and Sir Thomas Wharton, two members of Queen Mary's 
Privy Council. 



could do anything with your Majesty on their side. As things were 
now I did not think the Queen would be able to many except when 
and whom Cecil and his friends might please. I enlarged on this 
point somewhat because I see that, unless Robert and the Queen 
are estranged from this gang of heretics that surround them, they 
will continue as heretofore ; and if God ordain that they should fall 
out with them I should consider it an easy thing to do everything 
else we desire. I think of persevering in this course because, if I 
keep away from the Queen and discontinue these conversations, it 
will only leave a clear field to the heretics and play their game ; 
whilst, by keeping in with her, I not only maintain her friendliness 
to your Majesty, but have still some hope of persuading her, especially 
if these heretics do anything to offend her. I know they are furious 
at my having the Queen's ear and keeping friendly with Lord Robert, 
and in case your Majesty should think that this course might in 
some way prejudice the Catholics, I beg your Majesty to be reassured 
in that respect, and to believe that if I have any understanding at 
all I am employing it in keeping this business well in hand, as may 
be seen any day by the affection these Catholics have for your 
Majesty, whom they greatly desire. Only three days ago the 
persons of whom your Majesty has heard on other occasions 
sent to inform me that their party was never so strong as now, and 
that of the Queen never so unpopular and detested. London, last 
day of June 1561. 

20 July. 135. The SAME to the SAME. 

I have been urged on behalf of the Queen to write to your 
Majesty to beg you to be pleased to order the release of five English 
ships loaded with woad, which have been taken at the island of 
St. Michael's by a fleet of 12 ships of your Majesty's coming from 
the Indies, in the belief that they were in league with an English 
pirate who had fled from prison in the island of La Palma, where 
he was confined for robbing certain caravels. They beg that only 
the pirate (if he should be found in the ships) and those who had 
taken part in his robberies should be detained and punished. I, 
being unable to refuse to do as the Queen asks, venture to write to 
your Majesty, although I am certain that your Majesty's officers who 
have charge of these affairs will give due consideration to the justice 
of the case if requested. London, 20th July 1561. 

23 July. 136. The SAME to the SAME. 

I wrote to your Majesty at length on the 19th instant, and since 
then Sackville* and Wotton have visited me on behalf of the Queen 
to tell me what had been done respecting the measures against 
the pirates. They have given orders that the latter are not to be 
received in any of the ports, and that henceforward no vessels are 
to be allowed to leave except merchant ships, public proclamation 
being made at the ports to the effect that all those who are now 
at sea must return and disarm under grave penalties, and finally, 

* Sir Uichnrd s'ackville, Elizabeth's cousin, :vnd one of the principal members of her 

a 66529. 



to prove that it is the intention to take rigourous measures, they 
told me that two large ships and some other vessels had been 
ordered to fit out with all diligence and cruise on the coasts of 
Norfolk and Cornwall in search of the said pirates. 

In my letter of the 19th, I told your Majesty how curtly Secretary 
Cecil and the Admiral had treated my request that these measures 
should be taken. I understand that this change and their present 
apparent desire to remedy matters are caused by the Queen's inten- 
tion to take this pirate affair as a pretext for arming against the 
queen of Sweden (Scotland). I hear they are fitting out eight ships, 
a galley and a sloop, and are only kept from fitting out another 
galley because she is so old and they have not enough gal ley men. 

To convince me that they are proceeding sincerely Cecil has 
written me a letter of excuse which I send, that your Majesty may 
see how clever they are with these artifices of theirs and how uncivil 
their behaviour was since they ask my pardon for it. To tell the 
truth I have not much to pardon them for as I gave them fit answers 
at the time and I do the same now by expressing myself quite satis- 
fied and appearing to believe all they tell me. I will let your 
Majesty know all I learn about this fleet. The news from Scotland 
is that the heretics have convoked a Parliament for the 27th instant, 
notwithstanding that Noailles, when he was there expressly forbade 
it in the name of his Queen. They have been incited thereto by the 
queen of England and urged by the earl of Bedford, whose letters 
have been read from the pulpits to give them courage, and so they 
have decided to take this step and persevere in their rebellion. I 
understand that it is the intention in this Parliament to demolish 
the monasteries and abbeys which still exist because, as their 
preachers say, " If they want to do away with the rabbits they must 
destroy the warrens." I nevertheless understand that the Catholic 
party and those who desire the coming of the Queen are so numerous 
that, if she were present, they would restore religion in spite of the 
others ; and, as they understand this well here, they do all they can 
to prevent it. 

I heard yesterday that in Ireland the great O'Neil with the 
Catholic party had routed the English and killed many, the earl of 
Sussex himself amongst them. I do not know if it is true. 

I have learnt that it is true the Papal Nuncio is there, as the 
Queen said, and that he embarked from the abbey of Redon in 
Brittany which belongs to Cardinal Salviati, by whose order the 
Governor of the abbey concealed him there until passage could be 
found for him. This was at the time that King Francis died, which 
proves that they have listened to Irish appeals in France. I think 
the Nuncio still remains there. The arrest of the five English ships 
I mentioned has much aggrieved the Queen, but they were not, it 
appears, taken without cause, nor by way of reprisal, as they averred 
here. I know this from the statement of the owners themselves who 
came to me to beg letters in their favour to your Majesty ; copy of 
which statement I send enclosed to serve as a guide in case the 
Queen's ambassador should speak to your Majesty on the subject. I 
also send copy of a list of grievances which, it is alleged, are suffered 
by Englishmen in Spain. They are of small importance and cannot 



be called grievances. I have been asked to write to your Majesty 
respecting them and to beg that Englishmen may be better treated. 
I think of doing this by a courier which the Queen is to send on 
this subject, and touching the alleged prohibition of the loading of 
her ships in Spain which they is said to be against the treaties. 
London, 23rd July. 

Brussels A messenger from the King of Sweden* arrived here on the 
H.lL^fs. 26th, and it is stated that the King will shortly come as he was 
Add. 28 ( i73o. to embark on St. Laurence's day. Two ships have already arrived 
with his goods, and it is said that they expect eight more. The 
Ambassador here asserts all this so positively, and is so anxious for 
lodgings to be got ready and dresses brought out that I think well 
to advise your Highness of it, although I am not sure of the truth 
of the news. They say that the King will be accompanied by the 
duke of Saxony, his kinsman, and the count of Embden who is his 
brother-in-law, with many other gentlemen of rank. I am much 
surprised at this, because I know that the Queen refused him a 
passport which his Ambassador had requested. She told him that 
she had already given him two which were quite enough, and it 
was not meet that a woman who, like her, had made up her mind 
not to marry, should be constantly giving passports to a young 
bachelor prince. If, however, he wished to come the previous 
passports would suffice. The Ambassador replied that the passport 
given when his King was only prince would not serve now, and 
the one she sent after he ascended the throne had never reached 
him, as the courier who took it had been drowned. After this 
fencing the Ambassador sent a secretary called Martin to the King, 
but I do not know whether he took the passport. If, however, it 
be true that the King is coming, the resolution about his journey 
cannot have been taken after the arrival of the Secretary, as he 
could not have arrived in Sweden until this week. Your Highness 
will be so well informed as to what is going on in Germany, that 
you will be able to judge better than we can about this visit, but all 
I can say is, that I am sure the King has not been summoned by the 
Queen, and that his coming is not even inspired by hopes of marrying 
her, but that he has other designs. Some people think that the 
announcement of his coming here is only a feint and that he is 
really going to Scotland, but your Highness will also be better 
informed on this point than I, and 1 am confident that your 
Highness will give full consideration to what might result from the 
visit of such a prince as this young man with plenty of money and 
ambitious to get away from his swamps as he is. 

A list of all foreigners here has been made, and they say the 
number is incredible. The object is believed to be the expulsion 
of some of them. Cecil has sent to tell me that the fishermen of 
the maritime towns in Flanders can now proceed on their fishing 
voyages without fear of pirates, as five of the Queen's ship's have 
cruised along the north coast to ensure their safety. I thanked 

* Eric XIV., son of Gustavus Vasa. 

O 2 



him, although I know the ships were not sent for this purpose at 
all, and begged him again to take steps that this security should 

This week Dr. Haddon left here for Bruges. He is the Queen's 
Master of requests, and it is said that he goes at the petition of the 
English merchants to make some arrangements with the Bruges 
people about the contracts for the cloths and wool which are sent 
from here. He is a great heretic and one of the Commissioners 
against the Catholics. 

The ships for Guinea will leave the week after next. 

Vendome's Portuguese who came here lately has now left. They 
say he has gone by way of Antwerp, but I am not sure. London, 
29th August 1561. 

138. BISHOP QUADRA to the KING. 

Some days since there arrived in the Isle of Man a ship with 
some English corsairs who, from the account I had of them, I thought 
might be those who had robbed the Indiaman in which I under- 
stand there was some property of your Majesty. I therefore at 
once sent a person expressly to enquire into and take charge of the 
affair. I have since learnt that these are some corsairs who were 
in prison in the Canaries, and on Christmas day revolted and seized 
a vessel that was in port with a cargo of wines and oil, and have 
brought her hither. Ten of them are in prison, amongst whom is 
one of the two captains who jointly committed the robbery. His 
name is John Polo* ; the other, called Thomas Champneys, escaped 
with the rest of their companions. I have complained about this, 
and have requested that the prisoners should be forced, so that we 
may know from them who committed the robbery of the other ship. 
I also understand they have two Spaniards amongst them, although 
Cecil says he has no knowledge of it ; but I have thought best in all 
respects to send a person of my own to ascertain the truth. The 
man suspected of being in the robbery of the other ship is an 
Englishman from Southampton called Cook. Without date. 

13 Sept. 139. The SAME to the SAME. 

I wrote to your Majesty on the 16th ultimo, and have since 
informed the duchess of Parma and Cardinal de Granvelle of recent 
events here. Although I know your Majesty has been kept advised 
thereof I briefly recapitulate the news. 

The coming of the king of Sweden is still considered certain and 
such preparations are made that it is difficult to help thinking that 
he will come. I have used every effort to find out the secret of this 
business, but I can discover nothing more than, as I have told your 
Majesty, that the Queen does not think of marrying him and is in 
no pleasure at his coming. On the contrary she has lately tried 
openly to stop it. Since, however, the queen of Scotland decided to 
go to her kingdom, and the Scotch rebels did not gather to prevent 
her passage as this Queen wished, the latter has determined to 

* Poole. 



dissemble with the Swede and let him come for fear be should marry 
her of Scotland. She (the queen of England) and her friends there- 
fore wish to appear undecided and indifferent, and to give the idea 
that perhaps she may marry the Swede. Robert is consequently 
making a show of being very displeased, which I am sure is not 
really the case as he is in greater favour than ever. The king of 
Sweden's ambassador does not fail to see through this mystery, and 
says he has informed his master what he thinks about it, but neverthe- 
less he is sure he will come, and he concludes that the only cause of 
his visit is the great affection he bears the Queen, and his desire to 
see her. Your Majesty may judge how likely it is that a new King, 
with a war on his hands, or suspicions of one, and whose power 
consists in his money alone, should come so long a voyage with 
so little reason and leave behind him all his property in the hands 
of a servant. What I suspect and many others think is that he is 
being brought over by the enemies of Robert, and that he is coming 
for a settled arrangement ; if not here then in Scotland. There is 
a statement made that an English merchant named John Dimock, 
who recently went to Sweden to sell some jewels to the King, told 
him not to fail to come to England on any account, as all the realm 
desired him. Dimock confesses that he said this on the instructions 
of Pickering and Yaxley (of the Queen's chamber.) It will be a 
strange thing to me if there is not something important under this 
visit if it takes place, for the King's people here do not seem to me 
so thoughtless as not to let him know his error if his coming here 
were so purposeless as they declare. I have already advised your 
Majesty of the imprisonment of Lady Catharine, and that the Queen 
had summoned the earl of Hertford who was in France. On hi.s 
arrival he was examined and cast into the Tower. They say he 
confesses that Lady Catharine is his wife, and from the form of the 
confession and other indications, there is some suspicion that the 
marriage was effected with the connivance and countenance of some 
of the nobles, as I have said in former letters. They are now 
investigating this with all possible diligence. Great suspicions ure 
entertained of the earl of Arundel with whom Lord Robert has had 
such words that the Earl went home and he and others are drawing 
up copies of the testimony given in the inquiry respecting the death 
of Lord Robert's wife. Robert is now doing his best to repair 
matters as it appears that more is being discovered in that affair 
than he wished. Some suspicion is also held of the earl of Bedford 
who is absent from the court. They say Robert is to be made earl 
of Exeter (Leicester). 

What I understand by it all is that both Lady Catharine's 
marriage and the bringing over of the king of Sweden were arranged 
a year ago, after the death of Robert's wife, and that Cecil (who was 
then in great disgrace with the Queen and at enmity with Robert) 
was at the bottom of it in the fear that, in accord with common 
belief, the Queen would marry Robert and restore religion to obtain 
your Majesty's favorir. Since Cecil has returned to the good jrvacvs 
of the Queen, and has satisfied himself that there will be no change 
of religion, he has gradually and cautiously separated himself from 
these negotiations, and is now endeavouring to hush up and amend 



the past, which he can very well do as he has absolutely taken 
possession of the Queen and Council, but he is so perplexed and 
unpopular that I do not know how he will be able to stand if there 
are any disturbances. 

What is of most importance now, as I am informed, is that the 
Queen is becoming dropsical and has already began to swell extraor- 
dinarily. I have been advised of this from three different sources 
and by a person who has the opportunity of being an eye witness. 
To all appearance she is falling away, and is extremely thin and the 
colour of a corpse. I do not know whether the coming of this Swede 
is in consequence of any news he may have received of this malady 
of the Queen's, but I do know that the marchioness of Northampton, 
who is in a better position to judge than anyone else, is very 
intimate with the Swedish ambassador, and has received valuable 
presents from him. That the Marchioness and Luly Cobham 
consider the Queen in a dangerous condition is beyond doubt, and 
if they are mistaken I am mistaken also. I can obtain no more 
precise intelligence, but I think there is some foundation for what 
I say. 

Whilst the talk of this King's coining continues, the Queen is 
using every precaution to ensure that the queen of Scots shall not 
marry anyone doubtful. She is doing this by persuading the Scots 
not to let their Queen marry a foreign prince, and offering to help 
and favour them if she will do as they (the English) tried to get 
her to do after the king of France died. As the earl of Arran is 
interested in this and many other Scots will benefit by it, the Scotch 
lords have given their Queen to understand that if she marries a 
foreigner they will withdraw their fealty. This news was brought 
five days ago by Ledington* who came here nominally about the 
ratification of peace requested by the queen of England. This 
Ledington is secretary of the queen of Scots, and served the same 
office last year to the congregation of rebels, where he managed 
everything. He has been welcomed here with his news because, not 
only would this marriage with the earl of Arran be very advan- 
tageous to the queen of England as ensuring her against any present 
danger from her of Scotland, but it would be a good example to show 
the English that their Queen also might marry a subject. Ledington 
returned at once, successful, he said, in the ratification of peace, but 
I am quite sure if she (the queen of Scots) does not act as her 
subjects ask her in the matter of her marriage, that an arrangement 
exists between the Scotch lords and this Queen here to resist her and 
to prevent the entrance into the kingdom of anyone coming to 
marry her. 

The reason the queen of England did not prevent the Scotch queen 
from going to her country, as she had decided to do, was only because 
the earl of Arran and his band thought best not to slight her too 
soon, but considered it wiser to let her come and then take possession 
of her. I also understand that they have proposed to her to confirm 
the change of religion they adopted last year, and, in answer to this, 
and also about the marriage, she has told fchem she must have time 

William Maitland laird of Lethinprton. 



to think carefully and cannot determine anything against her 
conscience. I am afraid they will press her so much that, if there 
are no foreign forces to protect her, her own friends will be unable 
to resist the rebels, fostered and countenanced by this Queen here. 
Mass is said in her house, but this has not been done without tumults 
and disturbances amongst the people, which disturbances the heretics 
themselves have tried to pacify for the present. 

I enclose your Majesty a document which has been published here 
respecting the coming of the Abbd Martinengo. This was the answer 
which they had prepared for me when we were in negotiation, and 
which I refused to hear ; and they have therefore made up their 
minds to publish it under another title. It also contains the answer 
they gave me, which, in fact was, if I recollect aright, somewhat 
shorter and slightly different from this that they publish, but similar 
in substance. I am sure that your Majesty's council will consider 
certain points in this document which I think are worthy of 

A letter from a certain Agustin Boacio, of Antwerp, has come into 
my hands directed to that Portuguese Captain Melchior, and by it I 
clearly see who they both are, and that Melchior was an emissary of 
Vendome. The original is sent to the duchess of Parma and a copy 
to your Majesty. 

The ships for Guinea, have sailed. There are four great ships and 
two small vessels very well armed and provided, but with very little 

I also send a summary of the confessions made by the corsairs who 
were arrested in the Isle of Man, especially touching the communi- 
cation and understanding they had with the five English ships which 
your Majesty's fleet seized in the Azores, which seizure has given so 
much offence here. It is proved by the statements of these corsairs 
that the folks on the five ships sold them cannon and bought of them 
the merchandise which they had stolen. This not so small an offence 
as to be undeserving of the demonstration that has been made. I 
send the statement so that your Majesty may be well informed when 
you are addressed on the subject. I know that Challoner has 
instructions to this effect. He leaves at the end of this month and 
will go by way of France. London, 13th September 1561. 

Brussels I have received your Highness' letter of the 19th, ordering me to 

B. F M"MS. s P ea k t the Queen about the ships that were being sent from here 
Add. 28,1 73. to the Mina.* The only news about this is that on the llth instant 
four ships, two large and two small, left here for the Mina witli the 
merchandise they usually take to those parts, and the shippers on 
board as supercargoes, with the usual crew for such a voyage, and 
whilst the}' were in the Straits of Dover a gale struck them and 
they ha<l to lie to all night. The weather being very thick the 
two large ships called respectively the " Minona " and the " Primrose " 
fouled each other, and the spars, gear, and anchors getting entangled, 

* Elmina on the Wi-st Coast of Africa. 



the vessels were damaged so much that it was with the greatest 
difficulty the " Minona " could get to Harwich, whilst the " Primrose " 
arrived at Portsmouth only slightly less maltreated. When news of 
this came (although I am not sure) they decided to fit out other 
ships, but as the season is very far advanced I have not cared to 
speak to the Queen about the matter as directed in your Highness' 
letter. I will keep my eyes open, and if I see any intention of 
fitting out fresh ships for this voyage I will at once speak to the 
Queen about it, and in the meantime I have not failed to let Secretary 
Cecil know what has been done in this matter. They excuse 
themselves by saying that the Queen had sold these ships to certain 
merchants here, and they cannot prohibit them from going to buy 
and sell their wares where they think fit, and I have no doubt 
this is the answer that the Queen will give me when I speak to her 
about it. They will give me no advice even if they decide to send 
the ships, but will put me off with fair words and do as they like. 
I had always heard that there were to be seven of these ships, and 
that they would carry over a thousand men, and Brittany cloth to the 
value of 30,000 ducats, but I was told afterwards that they had 
changed their plans and that only four ships sailed without any 
extra men on board. I sent a man of my own to make enquiries, 
and he has returned with the information I have given. Many 
think that the other three ships with the cloths will sail from France, 
and join the rest, and that the Portuguese I wrote of came about 
this affair. I have not heard that he has proposed any contract 
with the Sheriff but this about the voyage to the Mina and attacking 
ships from the Indies. I am informed of this by people belonging 
to the house itself.* It is now certain that the king of Sweden 
embarked from the port of Nilos (Newles) with all his fleet, but the 
storm of the 12th and 13th, they say, has driven him back to 
Norway again. This news is brought by one of his ships that has 
entered Dover, with horses, and some of his people who have all 
new liveries and accoutrements, so that they may well be believed. 
As to the reason for his coming I can only repeat what I have said, 
that the queen has not summoned him. 

Lady Catherine was delivered of a boy three days ago. The 
Queen claims that the marriage is not to be considered valid as 
there was no witness, although both Catharine and the Earl (Hertford) 
declare they are married. If they do not like to say, however, who 
were the witnesses, or that any other persons know of the marriage 
the act will be held illegal. Notwithstanding this, the Queen is not 
without anxiety about it, and I will not fail to advise your Highness 
of all that may happen in regard to the business. London, 
27th September 1861. 

* The writer was correct in his information. The Portuguese Captain Melchior had 
come to England with letters of introduction from Throgmorton in Paris to propose an 
expedition to a place 30 leagues "beyond the Straits " towards Cape de Verd with iron, 
tin, &c. He said the Sheriff was king of the place, and that as he, Melchior, had been 
ambassador of the French King to the Sheriffs, he alone would bo well received. See 
letter from Throgmorton to Cecil, 26 July 1561. Calendar of State Papers (Foreign). 

By another letter from Throgmorton to Leicester, of similar date, it would appear that 
the money for the venture was found by Leicester, the Lord Mayor, and a Mr. Alderman 




Simancas, j think I might hear something of my departure which I desire 
Add.26,Q56a. as mucn ^ m y salvation. Here my stay only results in my being 
the witness of the wretched state of public affairs, and the sufferings 
of people whom I cannot relieve. Everything I can say and do 
has been said and done both here and there, and all to no purpose. 
The penance will not last much longer, and after all it is a great 
satisfaction for a man to think that he has done all that in him lay. 
I would rather speak to your Lordship about this than write it. 
London, 27th September 1 561. 

28 Oct. 142. BISHOP QUADRA to the KING. 

Recommends to his Majesty, Robert Moffat, who had been the 
King's interpieter here, and who goes to Spain to solicit a continuance 
of his salary. Thomas Raal, the other interpreter, also petitions for 
the same. They are both good and attached servants, and merit the 
favour because of their fidelity and their need. London, 28th 
October 1561. 

Brussels Two days ago there arrived here a gentleman from Scotland, 
B/M.'MS. name <l Graeme, sent by the queen of Scots' council respecting the 
Add. 28,i73a. ratification which is still in dispute, but with great hopes of a friendly 
settlement, according to this man. I have not yet been able to 
learn in what particulars the English dissent. This man says that 
his Queen has reduced the number of her Council to seven members, 
neither the duke of Chatelherault nor his son the earl of Arran 
being amongst them. On the contrary, they demanded that the 
Duke should surrender the Castle of Dumbarton, which he did at 
once, and both he and his son are now absent from the court, 
dissatisfied as are all their adherents. Those in the confidence of 
the Queen are her brother Mr. James * (who has placed the castles 
of Edinburgh and Stirling in the hands of her uncles), and the earl 
of Huntly (Ontelet), who has taken the lead of the Catholic party 
in. the country, and they are daily through him urging the Queen 
to restore the old religion. They say that he (Huntly) has presented 
a petition to the Queen to this effect, accompanied by a long and 
prudent discourse proving that unless religion is restored, ruin to 
the country must result. Notwithstanding this, Mr. James is of 
exactly the contrary opinion, and is trying to get married, and be 
made an earl in exchange for the Priory of St. John, which he now 
holds. He is already Treasurer-General, and is endeavouring to 
appropriate to the Crown the revenues of the abbeys and monas- 
teries to which the Queen does not object, as it is said that these 
revenues will bring her in nearly 300,000 ducats, without touching 
the bishoprics and secular benefice 3 . This man from Scotland also 
says that such is the- hatred of the earl of Arran that nobody now 
opposes the marriage of the Queen with a foreigner or anyone else 
the Queen wishes. There are many who approve of the suit of the 

19 * The carl of Murray as he shortly afterwards became. 



king of Denmark.* Two days ago six young Oxford students were 
thrown into the Tower or London. They were brought before the 
Council on a charge of having resisted the Mayor who had gone to 
take away the crucifix from their college chapel, and they not only 
confessed that they had done so, but said they were Catholics and 
took the sacrament as such, and they even offered to dispute publicly 
or privately with the heretics respecting the sacrament. The Council 
were quite scandalized to hear such freedom of talk, but the Mayor 
assured them the whole place was of the same opinion, and there 
were not three houses in it that were not filled with papists ; whereat 
the Council were far from pleased, and told the Mayor to take care 
not to say such a thing elsewhere. 

Dionisius. the former ambassador of the king of Sweden here, is 
expected. They say he is coming to reside here, which does not look 
as if the King were coming at present. 

Proclamation was made here to-day that no Spanish gold or silver 
money shall be current, and that anyone possessing such is to take 
it to the Mint, where it will be paid for according to its weight. 
This is no doubt to give the Queen a profit on it, as was done in 
the case of other prohibited monies, English and foreign. London, 
15th November 1561. 

27 Nov. 144. BISHOP QUADRA to the KING. 

I wrote to your Majesty on the llth ultimot the news from here, 
and have since then kept the duchess of Parma and Cardinal de 
Granvelle informed of events. 

Your Majesty will have learnt the answer they gave me here 
lately about the navigation of the Mina when I broached the subject 
by instructions of the duchess of Parma, and on the 16th instant I 
received despatches from the king of Portugal, enclosing letters for 
the Queen and some of the Council, in which he orders me to 
endeavour to obtain the disarming of the ships which are being 
fitted out here for that voyage. I again spoke to the Queen about 
it at a propitious moment when I thought I might persuade and 
not shock her. She answered me the same as before, as your 
Majesty will see by copies of all the letters enclosed. Discussing 
this matter with Cecil alone the other day he said to me that the 
Pope had no right to partition the world and to give and take 
kingdoms to whomever he pleased. As I saw some time ago this 
idea is the real reason which has moved them to oppose the legality 
of these denunciations much more than any profit they expect to 
get, although it is certain that their action goes hand in hand with 
Vendome's claims in Navarre, and both of them think that this 
navigation business will be a good pretext for breaking the peace. 
They believe that your Majesty must necessarily uphold the Pope's 
authority against which both here and in Germany all will join. 
I feigned not to understand Cecil's meaning, and treated the matter 
as concerning the king of Portugal only, without showing any 
particular feeling. The said ships left Portsmouth three weeks ago 
under convoy, with five French ships well armed. The four English 

* Frederick II. f Letter missing. 



ships belong to the Queen, although they say she lias sold them to 
London merchants to whom their cargoes belong, but I am assured 
that Gunston, the Controller of the Navy, has been promised 15 per 
cent, of what the ships bring back. They carry cut-timber, artillery, 
munitions, arms, and victuals, for a year in greater quantity than 
is required for their own use. 

On the 16th instant both Protonotary Foix, a relative of Madam 
de Vendome, and Senor Moreta (Morette), the ambassador of the 
duke of Savoy, arrived here and have since gone on to Scotland, 
although Foix went four days before Moreta, who visited the French 
ambassador as soon as he arrived. He afterwards came to see me and 
gave me a letter of recommendation from his master, which, however, 
he did not explain to me until he had spoken twice with the Queen. 
I understand from him and from others that he came at the instance 
of Cardinal Ferrara with the idea that he might persuade the Queen 
to send ambassadors to the Concilia. He was led to this by what 
the earl of Bedford declared when he was in France last winter to 
the effect that the Queen wished the Concilia to be held. This was 
the cause, as I understand, of the coming also of the Abbe Martinengo, 
Moreta having been deceived by the Earl then as he has been now. If 
they had understood that Bedford's professions were only a device 
for uniting these people here with the French heretics and hindering 
the Concilio, as they have done, under the pretence of favouring it, 
there would have been no need either for the duke of Savoy to send 
the Abbe, nor for Cardinal Ferrara to send Moreta on such a 
hopeless errand. I believe that the Queen has answered him by 
referring to the reply which was given to me in May about the 
visit of the Abbs', and when he said that he would discuss the 
matter with me if the Queen wished she said there was no need to 
speak about it to me or anyone else, as it was a subject which might 
cause uneasiness in the country. She said she would answer a 
letter he handed her from Cardinal Ferrara through her ambassador, 
Throgmorton. I also imagined that he tried to persuade her to 
marry, and mentioned the Emperor's sons, the dukes of Ferrara and 
Nemours and the prince of Florence, but this talk about the 
marriage was only to smooth over the question of the Concilio with 
something more agreeable. I think he bears instructions seriously 
to propose marriage to the queen of Scots, and is to submit the 
names of Nemours and Ferrara. This was the reason for Vendome, 
as soon as he heard of his coming, sending Foix in the name of the 
king of France, on pretence of a mere visit, to prevent Nemours' 
being accepted, alleging his pending matrimonial dispute in France, 
and the Queen (of England) being advised of this kept Moreta here 
some days after the other had left, so that the latter should arrive 
and settle his business first. These people here are ill-pleased at 
what Moreta has proposed on the part of the Duke, his master, as 
it is very different from their desires, and even from what they 
think Vendome and his brother and the admiral of France aim at. I 
understand that Lord Robert lately sent a letter secretly and 
despatched a servant of his to Vendome and the admiral offering 
them friendship and alliance, they on their part promising to help 
and sustain him in his marriage with the Queen. It i? certain that 



this was done by her wish, as I know Lord Robert would never 
dare to do it otherwise. Last year when he wished to write and 
send a special messenger to your Majesty on a similar errand he 
was unable to do so as she would not allow it. 

In conversation with the Queen about the intelligence written 
from France by a certain Juan Battista Beltran, a native of Venice, 
to the effect that the duke of Nemours had tried to abduct the 
duke of Orleans and poison the duke of Vendome, I said that the 
first seemed most improbable for several reasons, and as to the second, 
it was not by any means to be believed of &, gentleman like the 
Duke, and above all on the statement of such a man as this Beltran, 
whom I knew well as being unworthy of credit. She asked me a 
reat many questions about him, and seeing that I answered frankly 
she said she wished to divulge a secret of me, which was that when 
Beltran was here some months ago he had informed her that your 
Majesty was trying to have her killed by poison, and that for this 
purpose a certain Greek had come hither and I was concerned in it. 
I made light of it and laughed, but told her that if she had acted 
as I should have expected from her prudence she would have 
informed me of this in time to have the man punished. When she 
saw that I might have good reason to take offence at this she said 
that Beltran had not revealed it here but in France-, and that her 
ambassador had only written it to her two days ago, to which I had 
no answer to make, although I knew the excuse was false. On the 
contrary I pretended to believe her, and appeared satisfied. I have 
since endeavoured to get to the bottom of this and find it is true 
that this Beltran, who was here two or three months ago, told Cecil 
that the Greek Vergecio, of whom I have already written to your 
Majesty, had come hither on behalf of the Pope to arrange an 
agroement by which the papists were to kill the Queen and Lord 
Robert. It is said that Cecil was very busy investigating the 
matter, but satisfied himself at last that the man was simply a 
swindler, and had only come to get money from them. I am much 
surprised at the Queen's inventing the other story and prevaricating 
thus without any reason, although I thought that as soon as she 
had said it she repented and tried to get over it by appearing to 
consider it the absurdity it is. I know however that it was not 
looked upon at all as a joke at first, and that Cecil himself was 
waiting at a door for many hours on the watch for two men described 
by Beltran who were to be arrested. This would not have been 
done, at least by Cecil himself, if they had not taken the thing 

The Queen has sent a summons to Lady Margaret Douglas to 
come hither with her husband and children. It is said publicly 
that the reason of this is that she shows favour to the Catholics in 
the province of York, and that consequently the Bishop dares not 
visit his diocese or punish any papist. This reason, however, is a 
pretended one, and has been made public to deceive the people as 
to the reality which is that the Queen hears that Lady Margaret 
is trying to marry her son to the queen of Scots. This has been 
divulged by one of her servants whom the Queen has taken into her 
service and rewarded for the information, and inquiries are now 



being made as to those who may have taken part in the matter. 
The earls of Northumberland and Westmoreland and the duke of 
Norfolk have been brought hither at one with the excuse that the 
Queen wished them to pass Christmas with her. I understand that 
Lady Margaret is much distressed, as she thinks she will be thrown 
into the Tower, and that her son's life is in danger. I am told that 
she is resolved not to deny the allegation about the marriage of the 
queen of Scots as she says it is no crime, and as that Queen is her 
niece, the daughter of her brother, she thinks she has done no harm 
in advising her to do what she believes would be the best for her, 
namely, to marry her son, by which the succession of this kingdom 
would be secured to the Scotch Queen, and all reason for strife would 
be avoided in case of the queen of England dying without issue. 
If the English should allege that the queen of Scots could not 
succeed in consequence of her being a foreigner, she would never- 
theless reign over the kingdom by right of this youth, the son of 
Lady Margaret, if she married him, as he is an Englishman and 
beyond doubt the nearest heir to the crown after her. This Queen, 
however, bases her security on there being no certain successor to 
whom the people could turn if they were to tire of her rule, and I 
understand she is in great alarm about this business, and determined 
to obtain possession of the persons without the reason being made 
public, as she fears that if the people were to understand the business 
it might please them and cause a disturbance if Lady Margaret were 
free. In order to summon her without turmoil they have taken the 
pretext of finding fault with her about religion, which will make 
her unpopular with London people. This gives great pain to the 
faithful, as they had placed all their trust in this woman and her 
son, and if they dared I am sure they would help "her, and forces 
would be forthcoming in the country itself if they had any hopes of 
help from without. London, 27th November 1561. 


Simancas, The Queen has written a very firm letter to the king of Sweden 
Add 26 056a ^ e ^ D g ^ m no t * come on any account as his visit was known to be 
with the object of proposing marriage to which she was quite averse. 
If he had any other object she would be glad to see him. She 
afterwards sent for the Swedish ambassador and said she had heard 
that he had written certain things to his King upon which he was 
badly informed, and which had had the efiect of dissuading his King 
from his intended visit. In this he had acted lightly and like a man 
who picked up his information in the streets, and if the King did not 
come it would be his (the ambassador's) fault and not hers, as she is 
as free from any engagement to marry as the day she was born. 
The meaning of this is that a Frenchman called the Viscount de 
Gruz* who was here lately as a double spy had told them that the 

* There is in the Record Office (Foreign Series, 24th September 1560) it long address from 

this man to the queen of England alleging grievances against the Spaniards and the 

queen mother of France and offering his services and information. His offer was refused 

on the plea that the Queen did not wish to offend the Spaniards, but the man was shortly 

. afterwards employed as a spy by Lord Robert. 



ambassador had written to his master not to come as she was already 
married. The ambassador obtained the information from the 
Frenchman himself. She does not want to offend the King so 
throws the blame on the ambassador. London, 27th November 

28 Nov. 146. The KING to BISHOP QUADRA. 

Having heard from Prior Don Antonio de Toledo, master of the 
horse, that the grand master of the order of St. John is sending the 
Commendador de Sancterina Hospitaler to England on business of 
the order which he will explain, he (the King) has written a letter 
of recommendation to the Queen which will be declared by the 
Commendador himself, but a clause has been added in the copy sent 
accrediting him to the Bishop directing the latter to speak to the 
Queen in the King's name manifesting to her the obligation of all 
Christian princes to favour the order of St. John for the services it 
renders to Christianity, and begging her very earnestly and 
affectionately to help the Commendador with her gracious favour in 
the business he has in hand. Is very emphatic in his recommendation 
of the Commendador to the Queen and Bishop (Quadra). Madrid, 
28th November 1561. 


Simancas, M. de la Morette just arrived from Scotland. He says the Queen is 
AtbLzeotta. determined to marry very highly and does not dissemble about the 
Prince (Don Carlos). When he asked her what the heretics wouid 
think of such a match, she said they would like it and even though 
on religious grounds they might be sorry, yet so many other things 
were dependent upon it that so long as she did not leave the country 
they would not object or at least until she had children whom she 
could leave as her successors, and then she could go where she liked. 
He says Lord James and the principal people in the country are of 
the same opinion. There are an infinite number of Catholics there 
with the earl of Huntly at their head, who think in the same way. 
This Earl says the Queen has only to give the word and he will 
have mass celebrated all over the kingdom in spite of the heretics. 
Morette says that the queen of Scots professes to be on excellent 
terms with this Queen who she says will declare her her successor. 
The queen of Scots has written to the Pope saying she will rather 
die than abandon her religion, and she is going to write to me to 
open up an understanding with me. London, 3rd January 1562. 

10 Jan. 148. BISHOP QUADRA to the KING. 

I was desirous of knowing if it were true that the earl of Bedford 
had told Morette last year in France that this Queen would be 
pleased to send representatives to the Concilia, and the earl himself 
assures me that it is so, and that he said it by the Queen's instructions 
He says that when on his return here that they would not receive the 
Abbe' Martinengo he absented himself from the Council for shame 
on the day the answer was given. London, 10th January 1562. 



17 Jan. 149. The SAME to the SAME. 

Since I wrote to your Majesty on the 10th instant Montignac, an 
equerry of the Queen, has arrived from Scotland and gone to France 
with instructions to seek the Cardinal Lorraine and his brothers 
before going to court. He recounts how the duke of Chatellerault 
and his son the earl of Arran having been summoned to clear them- 
selves of the suspicion that they had plotted to seize the queen (of 
Scots) and carry her to Dumbarton Castle, had both appeared and 
denied the accusation, but not in such a way as to put the Queen off 
her guard nor have they delivered the castle of Dumbarton. Whilst 
they were in Edinburgh on this business they agreed one night to 
kill the earl of Bothwell an enemy of Arran and councillor of the 
Queen. For this purpose a relative of the earl of Arran armed 
300 men to lie in wait for Bothwell who had gone to sup away from 
home, but he having heard of their intention, at once returned before 
supper and sent to excuse himself to the Queen and to complain of 
the insult which his enemies had prepared for him. He on his part, 
also began to collect forces so that there were some 700 or 800 men 
armed ready for the fray. On Bothwell's side came Lord James 
the Queen's brother and all the train of the Marquis d'Elboeuf, but 
by the efforts of the townspeople the tumult was avoided. The 
following day the Queen sent orders to the earl of Arran for him 
to come and speak to her attended by two follower only. He came 
and excused himself by saying that the aftair had been got up by 
a young relative of his without either he or his father knowing 
anything of it. This excuse was admitted and the kinsman who 
was the cause of it banished from the court, but the earl and his 
father remain to carry out the restitution of the abbeys they and 
others have usurped and the delivery of Dumbarton castle, which 
will not, so far as I can judge here, be effected so easily, as I think 
that this duke of Chatellerault and his band are encouraged and 
aided by the Queen of England. She knows that nothing would 
suit her so well as that the queen of Scots should marry someone 
who would not give rise to suspicion here, and the French desire the 
same in order that they may keep the kingdom in their own hands. 
I therefore think the queen of Scots will have trouble if some way 
out of the difficulty be not found in time. This Morette tells me that 
when he was there some of the Queen's councillors spoke to him 
about the marriage of our lord the Prince* and assured him that 
there was not a man, catholic or heretic, in the kingdom, apart from 
the earl of Arran, who did not desire it ardently. Even the Queen 
herself was thinking of it, and hoping for it and therefore gave no 
ear to the talk of the marriage with the duke of Ferrara about which 
Morette had gone thither as much as about the Concilia. Although 
he has not told me this in so many words I am able to say so with 
all certainty. When Morette understood that the queen of Scots 
would not marry the duke of Ferrara and seeing that the French 
name and influence were supreme in the country, he asked me 
whether I thought negotiations for the marriage of the duke of 
Ferrara with the princess of Portugal would be entertained in your 

* Don Carlos son of Philip II. 



Majesty's court, as lie knew there was nothing the cardinal of Ferrara 
desired so much as by this means to enter into the service and favour 
of your Majesty. He says that perhaps the duke his master may 
send him (Morette) to your Majesty's court on this and other business. 
I excused myself from discussing these marriages saying I knew 
nothing of them, which was true ; but I could not refuse to listen to 
him or fail to write what I heard to your Majesty. 

Respecting the Concilia, which Morette came hither to arrange he 
does not seem to despair, but he has established in my presence that 
the earl of Bedford told him last year in France that if the Pope 
invited this Queen she would send representatives to the Concilia 
which Bedford asserts he said by the Queen's instructions. He 
(Bedford) also says that he spoke to her this week about it, reminding 
her of what she had caused him to say when he was in France, to which 
she onl}- replied that things were changed since then. 

Morette will therefore leave here in two days, pleased to be able to 
prove that his statement to the Pope which moved his Holiness to 
send the Abbe Martinengo was not vain talk or without foundation. 

Dr. Rastell,* one of the judges at Westminster, has secretly gone to 
Flanders, which has caused great sensation here. The cause of his 
going, although it is publicly said to be on account of religion, I am 
told by some of his friends is to avoid signing an opinion which 
seven or eight lawyers are to give on the succession to the crown, 
declaring as it is suspected that there is no certain heir. All this is 
to exclude the Scotch Queen and Lady Margaret and declare that 
the selection of a King devolves upon the nation itself. They think 
by this means or else by obtaining a renunciation or by setting up 
a will to make a King heretic enough for them out of one of these 
youngsters. I do not know whether it be true that Rastell has fled 
for this reason, but I am quite sure of the truth of what I say about 
their intention to make this declaration and that it is a scheme of 
Cecil and his friends as he himself has told me several times. The 
plan of getting these lawyers to sign the opinion is to make sure of 
them at a time when they will not dare to say what they think so 
as not to appear attached to the cause of the queen of Scotland, 
Lady Margaret, or the Catholic religion, 

Notwithstanding Lady Margaret's message recently to the Queen 
that she wished to visit her, to which a very civil answer was sent, 
they have arrested a servant of her husband, and have commenced 
proceedings against them (Lady Margaret and her husband). I think 
this must be in order to make sure of my lady's son one way or 
another, as they certainly have reason to fear him seeing the large 
number of adherents the youth has in this country. London, 17th 
January 1562. 

31 Jan. 150. The SAME to the SAME. 

My last letters were written on the 10th and 17th instant, and 
since then Lord Robert has intimated to me and has caused others 
to tell me, that he is desirous that your Majesty should write to 

* Willamas Rastell, one of the justices of the Queen's Bench. 



the Queen in his favour, and persuading her to marry him. He 
would like this buori to be obtained for him without writing himself 
to your Majesty, as he fears the answer might make conditions with 
regard to religion which were out of his power. He has let out in 
the course of the negotiations that the French are making him great 
offers, although he desired that I should not be told so. He recently 
sent word that, if I would write to your Majesty he would send the 
letter by a special messenger, as it was important for him to have the 
answer before Easter. I have replied, professing great desire for his 
advancement and offering to speak to the Queen for him if he liked, 
assuring her that your Majesty would be glad of this marriage, as 
you wished to see her wedded and had a good opinion of him. I 
said I did not need fresh letters from your Majesty to do this, as I 
had already ascertained yonr Majesty's wishes, and conveyed them 
to the Queen on other occasions. The principal thing was to 
persuade the Queen. No doubt existed as to your Majesty's good- 
will. He was neither satisfied nor offended at this answer, and as 
I had an opportunity afterwards of speaking to the Queen on the 
matter, I asked her what was the meaning of Lord Robert's request 
after they had both been so convinced of your Majesty's goodwill 
towards the marriage. She said she was as fre^e from any engage- 
ment to marry as the day she was born, notwithstanding what the 
world might think or say, but that she had quite made up her mind 
to marry nobody whom she had not seen or known, and consequently 
she might be obliged to marry in England, in which case she thought 
she could find no person more fitting than Lord Robert. She would 
be glad that all friendly princes should write in his favour, and 
particularly your Majesty, who might take advantage of what the 
world was saying about the marriage, and write advising her thereto, 
so that if she should feel disposed to it, people might not say that 
she had married to satisfy her own desires, but rather by the advice 
of her princely friends and relatives. This, she said, was what 
Robert wanted as for her she asked for nothing but she did not 
see that your Majesty risked anything by doing as Robert requested, 
even though the marriage did not take place. At last, seeing that 
I did not promise what was asked, she said there was no necessity 
for it, only for appearance sake, and in any case the marriage 
could be effected when she decided, without your Majesty's letter, 
although, to speak plainly, if it were to take place without your 
Majesty's favour, Lord Robert would have little cause to feel obliged 
or bound to your Majesty. I answered in a joking way telling her 
not to dilly-dally any longer, but to satisfy Lord Robert at once, 
as she knew how glad your Majesty would be, and so with these 
generalities I passed over the question of the letter. The reason I 
had for answering in this way was, that it seemed to me there 
were two points involved. First, to show pleasure at the marriage 
as is usual between friends, and this I have always done, so that 
they cannot take offence at any fault in this respect ; and the second 
is to let them understand that connected with the marriage there 
are certain public and private interests of your Majesty, and to offer 
to the Queen and Robert expressly your favour and assistance in 
consideration thereof. I have been careful in managing this, as 

a 66529. P 



dexterously as possible, following your Majesty's orders to the effect 
that, unless they first propose the restoration of religion, I am to 
show them no favour ; and above all, consent to no public appearance 
of it, so as not to discourage the Catholics. I know that the letter 
they want is for nothing else, but to go to the Catholics with it in 
their hands, and persuade them and others who are dissatisfied with 
the present state of things, that they have secured your Majesty's 
countenance, and that you have ceased to insist upon the restoration 
of religion and are content to keep friendly with them in any case. 
I have thought best therefore not to undertake to obtain the 
letter for them, because I should be obliged to convey the answer to 
them which, if it were unfavourable, would offend and undeceive 
them. If, however, they should press me to write in a way that I 
could only refuse by offending them openly, I think it will be better 
even to give them a letter than my active intercession, which might 
furnish them with the excuse I think they seek, for finding fault with 
me. Your Majesty will decide for the best, but I cannot refrain from 
saying, that if your Majesty does not think of employing other than 
ordinary means to remedy religion and the affairs of this pernicious 
Government, there is no reason to avoid giving the letter the Queen 
desires. Although it may not serve to attach her to us or cause her 
to amend things to any extent, it may yet keep up this pretended 
friendship and take from her the causes of complaint for which she 
is seeking. If your Majesty should have the idea that by our 
temporizing and avoiding any declaration in favour of the Queen 
the Catholics may be encouraged, with other adversaries, to make a 
movement which might give an opportunity for your Majesty to get 
your hand in here to help them, I can assure your Majesty that this 
is not to be hoped for. I am quite certain, and they have plainly 
told me, that they will never move without being sure of the help 
and succour of your Majesty; because in the first place they would 
not know what plan or object they should follow, and in the second 
place, because they have not enough strength to do anything of the 
sort without the certainty of ruin, and especially when the Queen i.s 
secured with her alliances with France and Scotland. This suspension 
or neutrality in affairs here not only harms your Majesty's interests 
by keeping the Queen suspicious and discontented and injures 
religion, but, if I am to tell the truth, which is my obligation to 
your Majest}', these Catholics have lost all hope, and complain 
bitterly that through their placing all their conBdence in your 
Majosty and trusting you entirely, they have failed to avail them- 
selves of the friendship of the French, which in the life of King 
Francis was offered to them every moment, and with which they 
could have remedied religious grievances, although with some 
danger to the temporal state. They are so aggrieved at this that 
no generalities are sufficient to console them. 

I have mentioned several times this alliance with the French, 
and I will now siy, for the further information of your Majesty, 
what has taken place. Lord Robert sent a secretary of his named 
Mowbray to France some months ago with letters and messages to 
Vendome and his brother and to the Admiral.* He was instructed . 

* Chatillon. 



not to be seen by Throgmorton, whom they did not wish to employ 
in the business for decency's sake, as he was the Queen's minister 
and no favourite of Lord Robert's. The Secretary was not so secret 
that Throgmortou did not hear of it, and he wrote to the Council 
and others, complaining that Lord Robert should send another person 
to treat of public matters in France whilst he was ambassador. The 
affair made so much noise that I heard of it and advised your Majesty. 
Lord Robert fearing, as was the case, that I had suspected what was 
going on, came to excuse himself as best he could. I received his 
excuses, pretending to make light of it and to believe what he told 
me, but the truth is they have come to terms, and although they 
only yet mention Vendome and Robert in the league, it is because 
they are awaiting the settlement of greater questions which the 
Queen is trying to arrange. Amongst others the reconciliation of 
Vendome and the Guises, which is being negotiated through the 
Queen of Scotland. =*They (the Guises) are bting offered all they 
want, and the Queen goes to the length of saying, that if Vendome 
affronts them she will take their part. This is only to prevent them 
from appealing to the protection of your Majesty. I do not know 
what is to be done in this matter or others, which she is planning 
with such diligence. 

The usual good understanding exists between this Queen and the 
queen of Scotland, but the latter has not yet ratified the treaty of 
peace recently concluded, and the folks here have not dared to press 
her, but have rather given her the hope of succeeding to this throne 
in order to get her to marry to their liking. It is said lately that 
Lady Margaret wants to marry her son to the queen of Scotland, 
which has given rise to much suspicion here, and the Earl her 
husband has been arrested with three or four of his servants and 
others. Lady Margaret is expected here daily with her son, and I 
think the Queen wishes to take this opportunity of getting Parliament 
to declare that there is no certain heir to the crown, and giving her 
the power of nominating whom she pleases to succeed her. This 
would have the effect, they tell her, of making her more respected in 
and out of the country, and would ensure her living more securely ; 
but Cecil's scheme, and he rules all, is only to exclude the Queen of 
Scotland and Lady Margaret who are Catholics, and keep the 
kingdom in the hands of heretics. They also think of declaring 
incapable of reigning these other women who descend from the 
Queen Mary of France, second sister of King Henry, who was 
married to the Duke Charles Brandon (Suffolk), on the ground that 
the Duke had two wives living at the same time, and that the 
King's sister was not his legitimate wife. 

They keep sending more ships from here, ostensibly for trade, 
round Cape de Verd, and the French are doing the same. A French 
captain called Martin de la Place, who arrived here from those parts 
two or three months ago, has recently been to inform the Council 
about the navigation there. I sent to have his ship examined, as I 
wrote to your Majesty, suspecting that it was one of those which 
had stolen your Majesty's property on its way from the Indies, but 
nothing was found, and he said he knew nothing of your Majesty's 
vessel. He has told a different tale since, however, and recounts the 

p 2 



whole occurrence, as an eyewitness, in detail. I am sure this man 
got his share, and has sent it all to the Admiral, by whose orders he 
came to give the Council the information they required. His ship 
with others, English and French, are leaving again under convoy, 
but I do not see that they take any merchandise except a few samples. 
On the contrary they are fitted out like men-of-war and well found. 
Captain Randolph, who is one of those to whom your Majesty 
ordered pensions to be given here, has left in a ship for Cadiz to take 
certain baths. He is dissatisfied and well-informed of things here. 
He is an honest man well affected to the service of your Majesty. 
London, 31 Jan. 1562. 

9 Feb. 151. The KING to BISHOP QUADRA. 

All yours up to the 10th January received, and by them and by 
copies of those you sent to the Duchess my sister, and Cardinal de 
Granvelle, I am informed of all that has p issed in that country. I 
thank you for your care and diligence, which I trust you will 
continue. If your letters have not been answered and the present 
does not deal with them as you desire it is from no want of will on 
our part but because we have not yet been able to come to a 
resolution as to the steps to be taken to remedy the evils, which 
must be attacked at their roots, and as the matter is so grave and 
weighty and full of difficulties it must be deeply considered jointly 
with the state of our own affairs. As soon as I arrive at a decision 
I will send full particulars, and this is only to tell you thus much, 
and to urge you continue your diligence and good offices, and keep 
in close communication with the Duchess my sister, and with my 
ambassador in France. Madrid, 9th February 1562. 

9 Feb. 152. BISHOP QUADRA to the KING . 

I wrote last week the enclosed letter which did not go as the post 
was stopped at Dover. The ports were closed as it was suspected 
Lady Margaret's son wished to escape, and the Queen herself gave 
mo to understand that it was for reasons of great importance. Many 
believe, however, that it was only an artifice to give them time to 
raise a sum of money in Antwerp on exchange here, the exchanges 
having risen greatly as they believed there that the value of money 
had fallen. The reason why the projected reforms in the coinage 
have not been effected is that Paget assured the Queen that it would 
cause disturbances in the country and in fact meetings had been held 
in various places about it. The statement that Lady Margaret's son 
has fled to Scotland is thought to be false. If it were true the 
Queen would not be so calm as she is, and the young man may be 
expected here with his mother any day. I hear they have sent to 
arrest two or three of the principal gentlemen in the country on 
suspicion of their favouring the cause of this youngster. 

They have thought well also to inquire whether I have any under- 
standing with Lady Margaret, and have asked all those who have 
been arrested on this account if I know anything of the matters 
they confess. The truth is they can hear nothing of me but what the 
Queen should be pleased at, but these heretics so dislike my stay here 
that they cease not to plot how they can place me in her bad graces. 



What they are doing with me now in Lady Margaret's affair they did 
last year when the Abbe Martinengo's coming was under discussion, but 
they have never dared to go so far as this before, not even the Queen 
herself, who sent yesterday to invite me to an entertainment they 
are giving to-day with the intention as I suspect of bringing me to 
words with the French ambassador on the question of precedence, 
but I excused myself from going. I went to speak to the Queen 
three days since about the safe conduct for the Hospitaller of St. 
John, as your Majesty ordered, and I thought well not to miss the 
opportunity of saying that I was very tired of these inquiries and 
investigations every year about me and their taking note of those 
who went in and out of my house, which was so notorious that I 
could not avoid advising your Majesty about it. She answered me 
with all the amiability in the world, but what I tell your Majesty is 
the simple truth, and I believe they would be very glad if there were 
no one here to look after any other interests than thjeir own. 
London, 9th February 1562. 


I wrote on the 28th ultimo and sent copies of what the cardinal 
of Ferrara and Morette had written to me. I have not spoken to 
the Queen on the matter as the signs up to the present are not to be 
feared. I have convinced myself this week that these people who 
are fitting out some ships to send, as they say, to Berwick with 
munitions and money are really going to send them to help the 
risings and tumults which this Queen has encouraged in Scotland. 
She cannot endure that religion should be upheld in that country or 
that their Queen should send representatives to the Concilia. They 
are also full of suspicion of the news that many of the gentlemen 
of this country, both because they are Catholics and because they 
are tired of what is going on here, have offered their services to the 
queen of Scotland and are in communication with her. Lady 
Margaret's affair also enters into this question. They have not done 
much against her yet, but perhaps when they have despatched these 
ships and placed them between England and Scotland and occupied 
the land passes they may lay hands on her and on some others with 
whom they are now temporising. 

I also hear that this week there was to be a meeting in Lancaster 
(under pretext of a hare hunt) of some of these gentlemen, who are not 
favourable to the Catholics, the duke of Norfolk amongst others, and 
it is suspected that this meeting may be to fall unawares on some of 
the Catholics who are most feared but whom they dare not arrest 
without some such precaution for fear of a disaster. Those who are 
to meet with the duke of Norfolk are the marquis of Northampton, 
the earl of Huntingdon, the earl of Rutland, Lord Hunsdon, cousin 
of the Queen, and others. There is not a head amongst them worth 
anything except that of the Duke, and I should be astounded at his 
entering into such an enterprise as he is not at all attached to the 
present state of things in religion or otherwise. Quite the contrary. 
However this may be, it is quite certain that five or six ships are 
being fitted out which are to be despatched next week in the 
direction of Scotland, and which \vill very soon cause trouble there. 



I have thought well to advise you thereof by this special messenger. 
The sum total of it is that these people neither want a Concilia nor 
anything else that leads to harmony, but only to disturb everything 
and take advantage of the inquietude of neighbouring countries to 
hold their own. London, 6th March 1562. 

13 March. 154. BISHOP QUADRA to the KINO. 
Simancas, Qn the 31st January and 9th November I wrote your Majest}' an 

Add. 26056a accoun t- f aftairs here and since then the news is that on intelligence 
being received here that an envoy of the King of Sweden (a 
Frenchman named Varennes) had arrived in Scotland to propose 
to the Queen that ambassadors from Sweden should be received to 
negotiate her marriage with the King, so much excitement was 
caused in England that orders were at once given to fit out five or 
six ships to sail for Berwick wiih arms and munitions. At the 
same time money was sent thither to pay the troops, and as Grey is 
somewhat discredited they talked about sending Peter Carew in his 
place. These ships were to stay on the coast of Scotland to obtain 
news of events in that country. All these preparations were com- 
menced, but when the Marquis d'Elbceuf passed here on his way to 
France, it became known that this Varennes had not been well 
received or favourably despatched, and that the queen of Scots 
would not entertain the idea of such a marriage, the people here 
became calmer and the ships will not go until after Easter, if at all. 
They have only provided three or four small vessels at Dover to 
coast up and down and watch the ships that pass. The Queen 
received the Marquis (Elboeuf) with extraordinary warmth, and Lord 
Robert sent him a present of 3,000 nobles which he would not 
accept. The design is to win over these uncles of the queen of 
Scots in order that they may persuade her to marry the earl of 
Arran who being poor y a heretic and a subject, would make a good 
precedent for this Queen to marry Robert. But the principal object 
is to prevent the queen of Scots from marrying anyone powerful 
enough to cause them alarm. This Queen is trying to get the 
queen of Scots to con>e and see her in Newcastle or some other 
place on the frontier, but she will be very badly advised if she 
come. The visit of this envoy of the king of Sweden to Scotland 
has caused his ambassador here to be treated so scurvily that he 
has made it an excuse for his departure, and he will leave in a week. 
They say that in his last audience with the Queen very hard words 
passed between them, and he spoke out so plainly that she burst into 
tears ; but he has had to pay dearly for it since in the disagreeable 
and discourteous way in which they have treated him. 

They have recently examined here the earl of Lennox and four 
gentlemen neighbours of his in York who had been summoned by 
the Council. I do not think there is much against him, but, 
Although they gave him hope of speedy liberation, they sent him to 
the Tower the day before yesterday ; he having been previously 
under arrest in the house of the Master of the Rolls. They have 
sent for Lady Margaret and her sons and will treat them in the 
same way as the Earl, and will then declare Lady Margaret a 
bastard, on the ground that her father, the earl of Douglas, was 



already secretly married when he wedded Queen Margaret. It 
appears that this evidence was obtained two years ago, at the time 
the last war began between this Queen and the king of France in 
Scotland. Thesa heretics both here and in Scotland are much 
afraid that if this Queen and the queen of Scots were to die Lady 
Margaret would succeed, and in view of the illness of the queen of 
Scots at the time they ordered certain proceedings to be taken to 
prove the illegitimacy. However this may be, the inclination of the 
people of this country is strongly in favour of Lady Margaret's son 
both amongst catholics and others of the highest standing. Two of 
them recently asked me if your Majesty would be willing for this 
lad to take refuge in Flanders or in some place in this country where 
help could be given to him. I could only say that your Majesty was 
not yet aware of what was going on here, and I did not know what 
your answer would be in such case, but I was convinced of tho 
goodwill your Majesty bore to Lady Margaret on account of her 
virtue and goodness. I think one of these men called Cobham 
must have gone very far in this business, as he is very uneasy, and 
has sought an excuse for going to the baths of Liege (?). This week 
public announcement has been made that the intended depreciation 
of the coinage will not take place, and people are forbidden to discuss 
the matter under heavy penalties. It is certain that if the measure 
had been carried out it would have caused a disturbance. There is 
no improvement in religious matters, although Cardinal Ferrara has 
again ineffectually tried to open negotiations with the Queen by 
means of a Florentine called Guido Cavalcanti, but it has only made 
these people less alarmed than before, as they see themselves 
besought in such a way. What makes them the more pertinacious 
is that they hear that, Vendome's pretended Catholicism and zeal 
notwithstanding, none of the enactments against the heretics will be 
enforced, and that everyone (in France) will be allowed to follow 
his own religion. This is not quite what these people wished, as 
they expected religion there would have changed altogether, but 
still it is a great deal to be assured that no harm will come to them 
from France, their party there being so strong, and that no great 
progress can be made in the Concilia or its decisions respected in 
France. I hear this from Foixthe new French ambassador here who 
hears mass and calls himself a Catholic, but whose acts are doubtful. 
I have been suffering great need here for a long time past, both 
because the expenses I am obliged to incur are beyond my means, 
and because a large portion of what your Majesty has ordered to be 
paid is lost in exchange. As I have no private means to fall back 
upon I am thus obliged to be always importuning your Majesty on 
this matter, to my own terrible shame and confusion, as my wish is 
only to serve your Majesty. Pray do not let me suffer more as my 
office is degraded thereby, and your Majesty's interests suffer. 
London, 13th March 1562. 


By my letter to his Majesty your eminence will be advised of all 
that is happening, and there is therefore no necessity for repeating it 
here. I write to Madame as usual. 



This business of Lady Margaret will doubtless do harm to some 
and is not harmless to me, as the heretics have spread amongst the 
common people that I had a hand in it, although to me personally 
they dissemble. In truth, unless it be in my wishes about religion I 
have not offended them even venially, although I have tried to 
understand the feelings which moved them. The imprisonment of 
this good lady cannot fail to trouble many Catholics and others, and 
in my opinion things here cannot avoid disturbance shortly for the 
disorder and bad government are beyond belief. With all this 
the Queen is still persistent, and as I am told threatened with 
dropsy, which she barely escaped last September. There is no doubt 
of this sis I have it from a doctor and two ladies who are in a 
position lo know. 

The last post from Spain brought me no letter even from my 
servant which seems very extraordinary, and I think I shall be 
obliged to go over there (in Brussels) after Easter. Pray favour me 
by speaking to Madame about it, and, if there be no objection, give 
me leave as otherwise I am at a loss to know how I shall be able 
to manage and pay what I owe, which at present is quite impossible, 
and moreover to wait so long for mails which bring me nothing. 
If I asked his Majesty what others ask of him it would not be 
strange if he answered that he could not send it, but asking, as I do, 
only for payment of what is owing to me so as to be able to serve 
him in this prison where I have been four years, and to get no 
answer at all either yes or no, and no instructions as to what I 
am to do or undo in affairs here appears to go beyond indifference 
and to be a declaration of the small account in which his Majesty 
holds my residence here. I beseech your Eminence to aid me to 
get out of this place without offence, even though it be without 
reward. This will content me as I am not ambitious, and care little 
about being rich. I am in such grief that perhaps I write what 
I ought not. Pardon it all for the love of the Lord. London, 14th 
March 1562. 

20 March. 156. BISHOP QUADRA to the KING. 

I have received a letter from your Majesty dated 9th February, 
and see that all mine to that date had been received. I have now 
to say that yesterday Mason and Petre came to see me from the 
Queen and told me that she had sent an ambassador to your 
Majesty's court to maintain the friendship between your Majesty 
and her which had t existed from the time of your forbears, but 
that the said ambassador and his servants had received such harsh 
treatment in Spain, their trunks being broken open and everything 
examined, even their papers, and some of the people imprisoned, 
that she thinks her honour will not permit her to suffer it, and there- 
fore desires to complain of it to your Majesty through me, and to 
beg your Majesty to have the matter remedied, as otherwise she will 
be obliged to recall the ambassador and hopes your Majesty will not 
take it in evil part. I said I would do all the Queen desired, but 
wished to know in detail where this harsh treatment had been 



suffered, and by whom, and also whether Challoner had brought it 
to your Majesty's notice, and what answer had been given. In view 
of these facts it will be easy, I said, to discover whether these acts 
had been casual or had proceeded from your Majesty's wishes, so as 
to appreciate them at their proper importance. 

They said they knew no more than that the Queen had told them 
to say what they had said, with her own lips, but they believed that 
the affair had arisen tlirough some of Challoner's servants who were 
landing in Biscay being treated iu this manner. Although I fancy 
that they themselves (Mason and Petre) thought the occasion was 
hardly one to take so much to heart, they delivered their message 
and repeated several times the words about your Majesty not taking 
it in evil part if the Queen recalled her ambassador. This would 
not be much for them to do as I have conveyed to your Majesty in 
former letters that what they really aim at is to make people think 
that any dissension between your Majesty and the Queen must arise 
through the bad treatment of her and her subjects in Spain, and that 
she has no intention of offending the people in the Netherlands. I 
did not care to bandy words with them nor to discuss the indecorous 
treatment they have extended to me and of which I have not com- 
plained to your Majesty as I did not think necessary, but it would, 
I think, be advisable to revert to it to Challoner to show him that if 
he complains in Spain of these casual matters I have much greater 
reason to complain of the suspicion with which I am treated. Not 
a man dares to enter my house because of the distrust that is 
publicly shown of all those who associate with me, and not a person 
is arrested for State reasons without his being asked whether he has 
any conversation with me. They have done this in Lady Margaret 
Douglas's affair, but have never found what they seek. London, 
20th March 1562. 


B. M.. MS. I lately besought your Highness's permission to go to Flanders to 
Archives P u ^ c^^iri affairs of my own in order, and especially as regards my 

<W. 28,1 73a. maintenance here which causes me great distress. I think well to 
send the bearer of this letter Alexander del Gesso to beg your 
Highness personally to grant me this favour and return at once 
with the answer, so that if your Highness thinks I had better not 
leave I may seek some other way out of my difficulties and fulfil 
my obligations although I am at a loss to know how I shall do it. 

The Swedish ambassador leaves here in three days. He says 
he is instructed to go to Scotland, and that five Swedish ships are 
waiting to escort him although he is still in fear that the English 
ships which left here, ostensibly for Berwick, may play him some 
trick. It seems he was going to speak to the Council about it. 
The Queen writes to the king of Sweden that although the 
invariable custom is when ambassadors are recalled to present a 
special letter to that effect it has not been done in this case. He 
appears so desirous of going, however, that she has not detained 
2 r, him and, notwithstanding the marriage negotiations having come to 



nothing, she still remained as friendly and kindly towards him as 
ever. It is believed that the King will do his best to get the queen 
of Scotland in the belief that many of his friends here would stand 
by him in an enterprise against this country and, certainly, if he 
is clever and this Queen do not alter her style of proceeding she may 
yet find herself deceived. The Scotch Parliament was sitting, and it 
is said they would resolve about sending to the Concilio and decide 
the question of the Queen's marriage. Her Majesty was recently in 
the city of St. Andrews, 

Several couriers have recently come hither from France, and 
others have gone thither. It is suspected that the French 
protestants expect to need the help of those here, which help will 
not fail them. God grant that they may be satisfied with staying 
at home and not try to disturb other people's houses. Lady 
Margaret will arrive here during the week, a prisoner, with her two 
sons. It is thought that after they have examined her she will be 
cast into the Tower like her husband. The Tower is already full of 
prisoners, and the suspicions of the Queen increase daily. London, 
3rd April 1562. 


It is, in my opinion, already too late for his Majesty to favour 
Robert in his marriage affairs, 0s I am sure that his Majesty would 
lose the support of all the catholics here if it were seen that help 
were given him without any stipulation for the restoration of 
religion. It would also greatly offend Robert's enemies, whilst 
neither he nor the Queen would be bound to anything. She desires 
not to act in accord with his Majesty, as will have been seen by her 
behaviour in this case and all others, and I have already pointed out 
that the letter they requested was only to smooth over all difficulties 
here and carry out their intentions. She thinks she can marry, 
or unmarry even if she likes, now that she has the support of the 
heretics here and in France, and knows the trouble our affairs are in 
in the Netherlands. I am certain that this Queen has thought and 
studied nothing else since the King sailed for Spain, but how to 
oust him from the Netherlands, and she believes the best way to 
effect this is to embroil them over there on religious questions, as 
I wrote months ago. God grant that there may be none there 
(in Flanders) who wish the same. As to the French, heretics, and 
others, there is no doubt about their desires in the matter, and the 
Germans will certainly help to the same end. To this may be added 
that they can only be certain of the queen of Scots and the catholic 
faction in this way. Her (Elizabeth's) natural inclination is inimical 
to the King, and always has been so. She believe.s at once anything 
she is told to our prejudice, and all my attention and flattery, even in 
Robert's affair which she has so much at heart, have been powerless 
to bring her round to his Majesty's side, although I have certainly 
spared nothing, and cannot reproach myself with omitting anything 
iu this matter which tended to the service of God and the King". 
London, 2nd April 1562. 



Simancas, 159. The aforegoing letter contains also the following paragraphs 
A // oc nee' in this transcript : 

Add. 2o,05oct. . . T T 

Lady Margaret will arrive here to-day or to-morrow. Her sons 
remain at York in safe hands, and the going of the Duke of Norfolk 
with the other hunters in that direction was only to ensure the 
province against any rising that might take place on this account. 

The lawyers here are still busy about the question of the succession, 
and I hear they are much in favour of Lady Margaret. When they 
have made up their mind who is the rightful heir they will discuss 
how they shall publish it or if at all. 1 am sure it will all end by 
the Queen obtaining power, to select her own successor or leave the 
crown by will, and that Lady Margaret will thus be excluded, and 
the succession fall into the hands of some heretic, such as the earl of 
Huntingdon or the Earl of Hertford. 

Shan O'Neil and 10 or 12 of his principal followers have 
received the holy sacrament in my house with the utmost secresy 
as he refused to receive the Queen's communion. He has assured 
me that he is and will be perfectly steadfast on the question of 
religion. As to the rest, if his Majesty should intend to mend 
matters here radically as he writes me from Spain, I think this man 
will be a most important instrument. 

I am sending one of my servants to Brussels, and as I think it 
desirable to get rid of some papers which are not necessary to me, 
I take the opportunity of sending them by him. I have also 
instructed him to bring me the consecrated oils, aa Catholics come 
to me for them. 

11 April. 160. BISHOP QUADRA to the DUCHESS ov PARMA. 

Brussels To your Highness' letter of the 4th instant giving me to under- 

B A M b Ms' stand that you do not consider it advisable that I should visit 

Add. 28,1 73a. Flanders, as I had supplicated your Highness to allow me, I have 

only to say that I will obey in this as in all things, especially as I 

have now received a certain sum of money to meet part of my needs. 

I humbly thank your Highness for the provision you say you have 

made for me, and your promised intercession with his Majesty in 

my favour. 

The Swedish ambassador has been to take leave of me, and assures 
me of the deep obligation under which his King is to his Majesty 
and your Highness for the passport and preparations made in the 
ports in anticipation of his King's voyage. He says he greatly 
desires that this friendship may be cemented by the marriage of his 
King to one of the daughters of his Caesarian Majesty, to whom I 
believe he has sent ambassadors to propose it. 

News cornea from Scotland that the Queen has been in great peril 
of imprisonment, and some say even of death, from the duke of 
Chatelherault, the earl of Bothwell, and other conspirators. The 
plot, however, was discovered the day before it was to be attempted 
by the interception of certain monies which were being sent to the 
Earl for the payment of the people who were to rise. No other 
particulars are knowu, but as soon as anything is to be learnt I will 



advise your Highness. It is positively asserted here that the 
LnndiTave,* and the Count Palatine will help the Admiral of France, 
the prince of Conde and their party, and have sent to urge them to 
stand firm and they shall not lack either money or men. I think 
well to inform your Highness of this, although 1 do not know it for 

P.S. I humbly salute your Highness for the favour you have 
deigned to extend to M. Robert, f respecting the license to export the 
horses, and also to Cobham to export the 50 harquebusses. London, 
llth April 1562. 

5 May. 161. The SAME to the SAME. 

Brussels On the 30th ultimo I wrote to your Highness giving advice of the 
B^M^M'S arr> i va l f the Count de Roussy here from France and the departure 
Add. 28i73a. of Henry Sidney thither on behalf of this Queen. I thought it was 
of some importance that your Highness should have timely news of 
what was going on and, as by waiting for the ordinary post the 
letters would not reach you for at least 12 days, I despatched a 
Flemish courier, who is one of the regular men and a trustworthy 
person, with the idea that, seeing the fine weather we were having, 
he would arrive in three days. He left London on Wednesday after 
midnight, and went to Gravesend by water. Leaving his inn next 
morning he was accompanied by four horsemen in the dress of 
gentlemen, and these, with two others who had preceded them on 
foot, stopped him two miles from Gravesend and kept him in a house 
all Thursday until Friday morning. They signified to him that they 
were after some money and jewels they said I was sending to 
Flanders, but really this was only to gain time for my letters to be 
sent to London and back again, which was done, and in fact the 
letters were brought to the palace here where they were opened and 
copies of them taken. The highwaymen were envoys of Secretary 
Cecil sent for the purpose of stopping the courier and were not 
common thieves. I could swear that this is the case although, as 
for proving it by evidence, that I cannot do, but I am certain of it. 
I do not know whether the courier will have dared to recount this 
insult in Flanders, or if your Highness has heard of it, but I have 
thought proper to inform your Highness of it and enclose copy of 
tho letter written by the courier to me. If the man is still in 
Flanders he can inform your Highness of full particulars and the 
names of those who attacked him, which he knows. I do not 
propose to mention the matter to the Queen until I have your 
Highness' orders, as to what I am to say. I cannot however 
refrain from saying that for some time past I have been treated as 
if I were the representative of some prince at open enmity with this 
Queen. I wrote to your Highness also by the ordinary Antwerp 
courier, and I am not without apprehension that the same thing 
may happen to these letters as to the others. Armament is still 
progressing here and all the munitions and heavy guns are being 
sent to Rye (a la Rya.) I understand the Queen in determined to 

* Of Heaee. t Dudley. 



use all her efforts (if the French rebels do not desert h ?r) to prevent 
the Guises from remaining at the head of affairs in France, fearing 
that by their aid the queen of Scotland may make a better match 
than will be good for matters in this country. They also think that 
this armament may encourage the uneasy feeling in the States on 
the occasion of the choice of the new Bishops which is so much 
talked about here that it would seem as if it were true. London, 
5th May 1562. 

24 May. 162. The SAME to the SAME. 

The courier whom they stopped the other day came back last 
week. I have examined him and send copy of his testimony which 
confirms what I had heard before his arrival. I spoke to the Queen 
about it as your Highness ordered, and she pretended she had heard 
nothing of it before, but said if the person who had done it could be 
discovered she would have him punished. 

She added however that if she suspected anything was being 
written from here against her interests she would, in such case, not 
hesitate to stop the posts and examine whab concerned her. I told 
her I did not think it would be right as it could not be done without 
open offence and enmity. She said it was offence and enmity to act 
to her injury in her own kingdom, and I thought necessary to take 
this opportunity to inform her of the many slights to which I am 
subjected here and the absence of excuse for such behaviour, as I 
had never acted in the way she spoke of. In answer to this she 
said she had also complained of certain slights from me. These are 
all malicious inventions of those who would like to see me begone 
from here, and would be much worse if Lord Robert, who has 
certainly always stood by me, were not on my side. 

Notwithstanding all these complaints she appeared to be satisfied 
and tried to reassure me with pleasant words. God grant that her 
acts may be in accord therewith, for it is high time she undeceived 
herself and set about pacifying the country which is truly very 
excited and in a dangerous state for her. She talked at length 
about the Goncilio and sought to convince me that she desired the 
harmony of Christianity and a settlement of religious matters. She 
said she had intended to send representatives to the Cgncilio. When 
they come to the point, however, I see no signs of any intention of 
doing any such thing and I think she is only temporizing. I will 
follow the usual course, which is to tell her what is best for her 
conscience and her peace, and assure her that the King does not 
intend to reject her friendship on account of religious differences as 
some people wish her to believe. London, 24th May 1562. 

4 June. 163. The KING to BISHOP QUADRA. 

Your letters of 21st March received, and copies of yours to 
Madame de Parma and. Cardinal de Granvelle have been sent to me. 
On the 28th May also arrived yours of 1st May sent through my 
commissary at Bilbao, Juan Martinez de Recalde, by the Biscay ship. 
This was an excellent thought, and I was very glad to learn the 
particulars you send me about the state of affairs in England and 
2 * 



Scotland. I have been for some days considering and discussing 
what can be done on my part to set matters right, and you shall be 
informed of the resolution we may arrive at ; the principal object 
of this letter being to acknowledge yours, and inform you of the 

disturbed state of affairs in France (A long account 

is given of the aid Philip had agreed to lend to the King and 
Queen-Mother of France against the rebels.) You will inform the 
queen of England of this, and justify our determination to her and 
her Council, with the fair speeches and arguments you know how to 
employ, without touching, on any account, any other reason which 
they might suspect ; as prudence will show you this would not be 
desirable. You will let us know how they take it there and what 
you hear about it with your usual fulness. You will have heard 
already of the illness of the Prince, my son, from a wound in the 
head through a fall. It brought him so low that there were but 
scant hopes for his life, but God always shows his clemency in such 
extreme cases and deigned to preserve him. He is now improving, 
and with the divine goodness will be well in a few days. We advise 
you for your information and that you may inform the Queen. 
Aranjuez, 4th June 1562. 


Brussels There is not much news about the preparation of the fleet, as 

j^j hl MS although the ships are ready, the stores waiting, and the crews 

Add. 28,1 73a. under orders, nothing is done, and I do riot believe it will be until 

they see how French affairs are going. If the heretics there prevail, 

it is quite probable that these people may be moved to help then), 

and without such aid 1 do not think they can do much, seeing their 

lack of men and money and the disunion that exists in the country. 

A secretary of the queen of Scotland* has arrived here to give an 
account of Bothwell's plot, and it is said that he may probably go 
on to France if the Queen will grant him a passport. The Swedish 
ambassador is still in Scotland and will reside there. 

So much violence and insult is offered to me here, that I have not 
been able to refrain from writing to his Majesty about it, and 
beseech your Highness to help me. I wish I could avoid giving 
your Highness this annoyance, and I have done my best with that 
object. All my efforts, however, have been fruitless to remedy the 
wrong, and at lust I am obliged to complain and suffer no longer so 
gi-eat an insult. This Queen's ministers have yot hold of a servant 
of mine, who some years since was in Flanders on my affairs, and 
have squeezed out of him all the secrets he knew of what I was 
doing here, and not satisfied with this, they are trying to get him 
back into iiiy house again (he Laving left in consequence of a 
quarrel of his own making) in order that they may be kept informed 
through him of all I may do with regard to English affairs. I was 
advised of this in good time to prevent any harm coming to me, 
except by the stopping of my courier of which I wrote to your 

* Maitland of Lethington. 


1562. 4f*K 

Highneas. I have requested the Queen to expel him (the servant) 
from the country as a fugitive, or else, as he was in my employment, 
that he shall be handed over to me.* Not only does she decline to 
do either, but refuses me audience and rides the high horse, led away 
as she is by the falsehoods of this man, and advised by enemies of 
our lord the King. I beg your Highness to deign to consider, 
whether it is not fitting that steps should be taken for the expulsion 
of this man, or his surrender to me in accord with the treaties in 
force between the Queen and his Majesty, and in case your Highness 
wishes this to be done, send me at once the letters for the Queen. 
As for the rest I shall be here to answer for all that I have done, as 
I am quite sure that I have done nothing of which just complaint 
can be made, nor can they say that I have fomented disturbance in 
the country, or even in religious matters gone beyond what any 
private person might lawfully do. I beseech your Highness not to 
fail to aid me in a matter of such evil precedent and grave conse- 
quences, as in addition to his Majesty's service my own honour 
is concerned. Believe me, your Highness, it is of much greater 
importance than I can say here, that this affair should be taken up. 
I send this courier with orders that if means are not furnished 
hiui there to go on to Spain he is to make the journey at my expense, 
as I consider it my duty to inform his Majesty of the affair before 
these people send their own version of it. The messenger was in my 
house and has witnessed all that passed, and I therefore beg your 
Highness to allow him to bear this despatch to his Majesty ; and I 
beseech your Highness for my own sake to take the matter in hand 
in the way that my devotion and loyalty have deserved. London, 
Gth June 1562. 

6 June 31. BISHOP QUADRA to the KING. 

Sinwncas, On the first ultimo I wrote your Majesty a long letter by way of 
liW^c^osCrt Bilbao through Juan Martinez de Recalde. The ships which I wrote 
to your Majesty were being got ready are now fiiiishe ), and a large 
store of munitions and victuals laid in, as if an important enterprise 
were to be undertaken, but I do not believe any move will be made 
whilst the affairs of the rebels in France are not more prosperous 
than at present and until the English are given some place they can 
fortify, although some of the councillors think the Queen should 
move at once to encourage the French heretics and promote the 
risings in Planers. Others, however, seeing their small forces 
arid shortness of money, together with .the divided state of opinion 
in the country, think better to stand in readiness to take advantage 
of events in France, and I think the Queen is of this opinion, 
notwithstanding that her hatred of the Guises and her suspicion of 

* This servant was the Bishop's secretary, Uorghese Venturini. Three days before the 
date of this letter (2 June 1562) the Bishop had sent one of his confidants iiauiei Luis de 
Paz, to persuade the Secretary to come back again, and his letter of credence iu Italian 
was probably at once handed to Cecil, as it is now in the Rolls house (Calendar of State 
Papers, Foreign series.) In it the Bishop urges Borghese to remember old friendship, 
put away animosities and return. 



their rule would prompt her to help their enemies. What stays her 
is the fear she feels that she may incur your Majesty's displeasure, 
and this keeps her quiet until a better opportunity arises. 

Much is being said here lately about sending to the Concilia, and 
they give out that it is their intention to accredit an ambassador to it. 
Their intention was, as I have said, to stop the French bishops from 
going, but having failed in that they are discussing the sending of 
some people to represent the heretic churches here and in France in 
order to protest, so that they may not be held as altogether 

Lethington, the queen of Scotland's secretary, has come here this 
week to give the Queen an account of what is being done about the 
duke of Chatelherault's and the earl of Bothwell's plot, and they 
say the earl is in danger of his life for it. The duke has t iken 
refuge in Dumbarton Castle, and I think the Queen wishes to proceed 
against them,, but fears that this queen would hinder her by giving 
help to them, as she is doing. The earl of Arran has been out of 
his mind for some time, but they say he is bettor now. 

This Queen cannot hide her fear that the queen of Scotland may 
marry some person who may give trouble, and she went so far the 
other day as to tell me that the Marquis d'Elbaeuf and his servants 
had publicly stated here that his niece would marry our prince 
(Don Carlos). This was at the time when ive had very bad news 
of the health of His Highness, and she used a great many impertinent 
expressions which I refrain from repeating, but answered as they 

The earl of Derby lately received a letter from your Majesty by 
the hands of a carrier in his country, who said it was given to him 
by a servant of the Count's (de Feria) in London, which servant 
cannot now be found, nor can we discover where this letter came 
from. The Earl sent the principal person in his household to ask 
me about it, and to know what had moved your Majesty to write 
him a letter so full of promises and favours. I said I knew nothing 
whatever about it, which caused him great alarm. If I can get 
the letter itself I shall see whether it is a forgery, and we can then 
judge if it is a plan to discover whether the Earl has any under- 
standing with your Majesty. These suspicions are being aroused 
in the Queen by those who wish to separate her from your Majesty 
for their own ends. 

Juan Pereira D'Antaa, the Portuguese ambassador in France, has 
come here to try and reform the patent given by this Queen last 
year for the navigation to Ethiopia. He presented his written 
petition with sound and good arguments, but they have answered 
him as usual, and even worse, so that he was forced to reply, 
although unwillingly. I have helped him all I can, but nothing will 
bring these people to their senses. The substance of their answer 
is that they (the English) claim to have a right to go to all lands 
or provinces belonging to friendly States without any exception, and 
those who forbid them to do so will be excluded from their (the 
English) dominions. London,- 6th June 1562. 


6 June. 166. The SAME to the SAME. 

I have advised your Majesty several times of the behaviour they 
have observed here since they knew I was interested in the marriage 
of the Queen with Lord Robert, in order to make her suspicious of 
me and embroil me with her because they feared she might be led 
to restore religion by my persuasion. 

They have lately adopted a means which has succeeded better than 
the others, namely, that of seducing one of my servants. He 
frequently went from me to Cecil on business, and the devil has 
prevailed in him to such an extent, or the secretary's promises have 
induced him, or for some other reason they have persuaded him to 
leave my service and enter that of the Queen. This being arranged, 
and it being necessary to find some colourable excuse for the change 
he picked a quarrel with another of my servants, whom he mortally 
wounded, and on the following day complaining of me, he went and 
gave himself up to the palace people. After they had interrogated 
him at length they found he would be more useful to them in my 
house than out of it, so they sent him to tiy to re-enter my service 
until there was something of importance to tell them. He tried 
therefore to gain my pardon and again became a member of my 
household. On the day he came back I was informed of all that 
happened by B, a spy who was placed in his lodgings, and also by other 
servants of the Queen and of Cecil and by Henry Sidney. Sidney 
informed me of the arrangement that had been made, but although I 
was convinced that he told me in all sincerity as my friend, and an 
adherent of your Majesty, I feared that others might have informed 
him knowing he would convey it to me in order to see if I took 
any action. I decided to remain quiescent and watch for some proof 
of what they told me. Very shortly afterwards they arrested George 
Chamberlayn, a gentleman who is a friend of mine and was brought 
up with M. Montague,* and a lawyer named Mariano Valent 
who was in the habit of associating with me. They presently took 
a courier whom I had sent to the duchess of Parma, and who they 
thought was Gamboa, one of your Majesty's couriers here. They 
thought he carried letters of mine for your Majesty and verbal messages 
which they could get from him by torture. Those who took this 
courier were two brothers and other servants of Lord Cobham who 
were ordered to undertake it much against their will. In view of all 
these indications and of other information which convinced me of 
the bad intentions of my servant, I still shrank from punishing him 
by extraordinary means or sending him under arrest to Flanders, in 
order to avoid scandal and for fear they should think I did it to prevent 
the discovery of some important agreement, but I tried to send 
him to Brussels, where he had been employed in my affairs the whole 
time I have been here until about a year since. 1 could not get him 
to go, however, nor would he go to his own house, so I was obliged 
to dismiss him, and a few days afterwards I went to the Queen and 
related what had taken place and how I had refrained from 
punishing the man, so as to leave her no reason for thinking of me 

* Anthony Browne Viscount Montague, who had been M;iste.' of the Horse in the previous 
reign and was an adherent of Philip and the Catholic party. 

a 66529. Q 



what I knew many would like to persuade her to think. Since 
however she has now been able to learn all the man had to tell 
about what passed in my house I begged she would expel him from 
the kingdom. She told me she knew nothing of all this but 
would enquire, and if she found she could justly expel him she 
would do so, but if he had committed no crime or she desired to 
learn matters of importance to her State she did not know how she 
could expel him. I asked her to reflect what a bad and scandalous 
example it was, as this man had injured many in my house, but 
I could not move her from her indecision. Two days afterwards she 
sent to say that she had ordered the servant to be arrested in his house 
so that I might ask him any questions I liked. I replied that I had 
not requested that he should be arrested, but that he should either be 
expelled or handed over to me as I could not place a servant on trial 
in any other tribunals but those of your Majesty or in my own 
house. Not only was this not done, but even the arrest was not 
carried out, and he was set at liberty, and now never leaves the 
palace, where they have him examined as they please every day. I 
wished to speak to the Queen about it again, but they kept putting 
off my audience from day to day, and I have thought well to despatch 
Gamboa at once by way of Flanders so that Madame may be informed 
of affairs by this letter and with full knowledge, which she may gain 
from the messenger by word of mouth (he having been an inmate 
of my house and witnessed all) send the courier on and advise me 
also what I am to do pending the arrival of your Majesty's orders 
how to deal witli so gross and violent an act as this. This man will 
probably have told them many things which he may have heard from 
the persons who associate with me and some discourses which I have 
in writing and which they cannot fail to hear with pleasure, but the 
truth is that as for any treaty or agreement against the Queen or 
any promise about such a thing, he can say nothing excepting falsely 
because he knows nothing. He may also say that I have tried to 
discover the truth of what happens here by every means in my 
power, which indeed is my duty. It is impossible to ascertain the 
real state of affairs by communication with any of the Queen's 
household, for they look upon me as if I were the minister of their 
greatest enemy, and even all those who are not members of the Council 
are forbidden to enter my house. This is the real truth about the 
matter, for if there were any other thing in which I was conscious 
of having committed an error I have so great a confidence in your 
Majesty's clemency that I am sure it would be forgiven if committed 
without malice, but the fact is that there is nothing but the mis- 
fortune of this bad man, who after serving me faithfully for eight 
years and pretending to be a good Christian, has fallen to ruin in 
this country through cupidity and loose living without a chance of 
saving him. He was born in the Pope's dominions, but is a subject 
of your Majesty by reason of certain grants I gave him in the 
diocese of Aquila and in other parts of the kingdom of Naples. I 
should not have employed him however, but that two of my 
Spanish servants who were employed in affairs had died. I beg your 
Majesty to pardon the inconvenience thus caused through no fault of 



I have kept back this letter to see whether the Queen would 
give me audience before she went to Greenwich, but she has gone 
without doing so, and talking with the Portuguese ambassador, who 
perhaps spoke to her of me, she was full of complaints and threat?. 
If she wished to hear the truth about me she would soon lose her 
anger, but if she chooses to give more credit to a varlet whom they 
have bribed than to me I can only inform your Majesty of the facts. 
She told the Portuguese ambassador that she would swamp all those 
who wished to ruin her. I fear it will be difficult for me to 
undeceive her myself, because, as I have said, the heretics she has 
around her know no rest whilst I am in her good graces. I fancy 
the anxiety which has been aroused in her by what this man has 
said about the close understanding I have with the Catholics will 
make her think of putting her own house in order instead of breeding 
discord elsewhere, at all events for this summer. London, 6th June 

167. DEPOSITION of DAMIAN DE DELA in the matter of BISHOP 

On the 5th June 1562, in London, Damian do Dela, a Valencian, 
a tailor by trade, residing in London, being interrogated by the 
Right Reverend Bishop Alvaro de la Quadra, ambassador in England 
of our lord the king of Spain, as to his knowledge of what had passed 
between Burghes Venturin and Carlos del Sesso, both servants to 
the said ambassador ; said that he (dc Dela) being in the house of 
a Burgundian, a neighbour of his, to visit his wife who was confined, 
they heard a noise in the street, and on going out to see what it was 
they found a large number of people of the neighbourhood and the 
archers who were leading Burghes in custody. On Damian reaching 
Burghes he asked him what was the matter and why they had 
taken him prisoner, to which Burghes answered that he and 
Carlos del Sesso had fought with knives and he thought he had 
killed him. He begged Damian to try and save him, and prevent 
him from being taken to prison, and the deponent therefore urged 
those who had him in custody and prevailed upon them to lead 
him across the fields to Westminster in order to take him in a 
boat from there to Durham Place, but when they had arrived at 
Westminster Bridge they plied those who had charge of him so 
hard with money that at last they let him go on parole. He was 
then free, and slept that night in the house of Martin de la Sierra, 
and on the following day went to an inn at Westminster where 
they talked over what had occurred, and on Damian saying to 
Burghes that it was lucky for him the stab he had given to 
Carlos del Sesso was not mortal, as the ambassador would have 
been very much grieved if it had been, he answered that even if 
he had killed him he (Burghes) would not have suffered for it as 
he had Secretary C<_-cil for his friend and others of the Queen's 
household, and if the ambassador were to prosecute him he knew 
of a remedy. Some days wliui Br.ighes had been 
forgiven and was back again in the ambassador's house, he said 
to the deponent in conversation that if the ambassador did not 
fulfil his promises to him he knew what he should do, and Peter, 



a servant of the said Burghes, told him a few days afterwards that 
his master would soon be married and rich. He understood from 
what (Burghes) said that he had for some time had the idea of 
staying in England, and was moody and quarrelsome with all the 
rest of the household. He swears to the truth of these things, and 
as he cannot write places his mark hereto. Signed by me, Marcos 
de Ocoche, servant of the ambassador, in the presence of Luis de Paz 
and Cristobal de Gamboa, date and place cited above. 

6 June. 168. BISHOP QUADRA, to the DUKE OF ALVA. 

I am greatly troubled about a disaster that has happened in my 
house. It is a case of a servant of mine who has been bribed by 
the Queen's ministers and has divulged a host of things prejudicial 
to private persons and, even in public matters, has laid more on to 
me than he could truthfully do. It has been impossible to prevent 
this inconvenience, as the promises they have made him have been 
so great and his wickedness so reckless that nothing would make 
him turn back, and, as for punishing him by taking his life by 
extraordinary means, apart from its being so foreign to my pro- 
fession, I thought it would probably give rise to greater scandal 
and enable them to say more than they can say now. I could satisfy 
the Queen about it if she would hear me, but, being a woman and 
ill-informed by the leading men in her Council, she is so shocked 
that I do not know to what lengths she will go. I am trying to 
get her to expel this bad man from the country, as she ought to 
do in fulfilment of the treaties, but she will not hear of it, which 
distresses me more than anything else as it is against the honour and 
dignity of his Majesty besides being an intolerable insult to me. 
I send this courier to ask his Majesty for redress, and I beg your 
Excellency, in view of what I write to the King, to consider whether 
the case is one in which your Excellency can favour me. My private 
honour being impugned as well as bis Majesty's service I verily 
hope that your Excellency will not leave me unprotected, and will 
endeavour that this unavoidable accident shall not injure me in 
what is of most importance, namely, his Majesty's gracious favour. 
The affair has made so much noise and aroused suspicion in so 
many breasts that it would not be surprising if the treason of this 
man were to do more harm to the Queen than to me, for my 
residence here is so distasteful to the heretics that they have done 
nothing for the last year but try to get me out of the country, and 
if his Majesty does not intend to assist in these affairs the best way 
would be to satisfy them. I again beg of your Excellency not to 
abandon me in this business, or to allow this great insult offered 
to me by the Queen to go unredressed. London, 6th June 1562. 

20 June. 169. BISHOP QUADRA to the KING. 

Since writing to your Majesty on the 6tL instant by Gamboa 
the courier, I have spoken with the Queen, who tried to hide her 
anger with me, but could not refrain from telling me that she was 
going to complain to your Majesty of me for the bad offices I did in 
always writing ill of her and her affairs. I told her that as she had 
my servant in her house and he had revealed more than it was meet 



for her to know, and as against all precedent she thought fit to 
call me to account for my communications to your Majesty, I thought 
it was time that I also should speak plainly and tell her that my 
despatches to your Majesty, good or bad, had all been consequent 
on her own proceedings, and I had treated her matters with your 
Majesty in accordance therewith in all honesty and straight- 
forwardness. If this did not meet with her approval it was at all 
events in accord with my duty to God and your Majesty and satis- 
factory to my own conscience. She tried to convince me by 
citing particular cases, and at last said I could not deny that 
I had sent Dr. Turner to Flanders to try to get her turned off 
the throne and substitute others (meaning Lady Margaret). I 
told her I had sent the doctor to arrange my private affairs and 
took the opportunity of his going (he being a person well informed 
of events here) to tell him to give an account to the duchess of Parma 
of the state of the French negotiations and designs in this country 
which might be directed to securing the adherence of Lady Margaret 
to their side by taking her son and marrying him in France, by which 
means, even if the queen of Scotland, who was then in bad health, 
were to die, they would still have some claim to a footing in this 
country. These things were of such a character that I could not 
avoid informing your Majesty of them and warning the Duchess, 
seeing that war was being prepared between the king of France 
and her (the Queen), he having again taken the title and arms of king 
of England and publicly announced his intention to invade England, 
as I was assured by the bishop of Valence and M. de Raudau when 
they returned from Scotland. I said the fault of my not com- 
municating these things to her at the time was entirely her own as 
she would never allow M. de Glajon or myself to have anything to 
do with her affairs or exert your Majesty's interest in her favour 
but actually told Glajon and me that your Majesty was her secret 
enemy. As I saw, however, that she excluded me from her counsels, 
and that the peace she had concluded with France was only a make 
believe, and war with this country would lead to the breaking of the 
peace elsewhere, I had only done my duty in obtaining all information 
as to the pretensions and claims of the various possible heirs to the 
crown and their respective characters, designs and connection to 
enable your Majesty to adopt such steps as might be necessary. This 
was during the life of King Francis when war was to be feared, but 
since his death I had written about nothing but her marriage with Lord 
Robert (which if it had not yet been effected was from no lack of 
good offices on my part) and the question of the Nuncio and her tnking 
part in the Concilia, and she knew well that these two matters had 
been dealt with in a sincere desire to serve her and also the way I 
had been treated in return. She tried to find excuses for what I said, 
but in vain, and at last I said that as I desired to satisfy and convince 
her I should accept it as a favour if she would have me informed 
of the things my servant had said to my detriment in order that 
I might tell her frankly the truth, but that if she did not want 
to be satisfied, it would suffice for me to give an account of my 
actions to your Majesty, and as for the rest, she could do as she 
thought fit. She answered that she would send someone who could 



tell me, and subsequently the Lord Chamberlain and Dr. Watton 
came to my house who told me verbally what is contained in the 
statement I send herewith, and I answered to the effect of the copy 
also enclosed, reserving to myself however the right of replying at 
at length to the Queen when I should see her. I have thought well 
to advise your Majesty in detail of all this in order that an 
answer may be given to the Queen's ambassador when he speaks 
on the subject. The most important part of the affair is the 
information the servant has given them about Turner's report, which 
remained in the possession of this man after Turner died in Brussels 
at a lodging occupied by both of them. Although I got back 
the original in the doctors own handwriting this man must have 
kept a copy by means of which and a few drafts he has stolen from 
time to time since he has been here he is now able to do all this 
harm. The evil will greatly increase after the summer because just 
now they are afraid of a rising and of the aid your Majesty might 
extend to the Catholics and do not dare to arrest those whose names 
arc mentioned in the report. I am informed that the Councillors are 
much annoyed that the Queen revealed to me the secret of this 
report, as they think I may warn those whose names are mentioned 
in it, and this is the reason that the Chamberlain and Wotton did 
not mention it to me. This fellow has also greatly injured O'Neil 
whom they ordered to be arrested as soon as they heard his statement 
about him. With respect to expelling the servant from the country 
they tell me the Queen will not fail to do what is right, so I have 
thought well not refer to it again until I know your Majesty's wishes. 
The Queen's action is overbearing and unprecedented in this case, and 
I am told, moreover, that she had promised this bad man an income 
of 400 ducats and a good marriage as the payment for his treason, 
although she denies it. 

It seems the queen of Scotland is very anxious to have a meeting 
with this Queen, and has offered to come as far as Nottingham to 
meet her, which is a hundred miles from here on the road to York. 
Secretary Lethington is here trying to obtain this, but it does not 
seem likely that he would stay so long here simply for this and 
from other indications I cannot help suspecting"; that the coming 
of the queen of Scotland so confidently aud so far hither involves 
some mystery. This Queen (Elizabeth) had made up her mind to go 
some days since, and preparations were being made but she has since 
cooled in the matter, and I know that Cecil is of opinion that the 
interview should not take place and that the Queen should not leave 
here this summer. 

Two days since Plessy, a former groom of the chamber to king of 
France, arrived here to see what is going on, as they have news 
that war preparations are still being made here. The Catholics who 
aro in power there have not much confidence in the French ambassador 
here and have .sent this other man to obtain trustworthy information. 
The. fact is that the Queen can at any time have 16 well-armed ships 
ready in eight days and 12 or 15 more in a month, but as I have 
sjii'l bt'fure, if the prince of Condd's affairs do not improve I do not 
b'.-iiovo these people will start out on uncertain voyage, and especially 
since my .servant has told them of the large Catholic party there 



is in the country, of which truly they are in great alarm. The earl 
of Derby has sent to say that lie has burnt the letter that was given 
him in the name of your Majesty as, if it were false, which it certainly 
was, he did not wish it to be a cause of complaint between the Queen 
and me. He had witnesses that the letter contained nothing but 
compliments, and says that he will serve your Majesty with greater 
willingness than any other Prince in Christendom after his own 
Queen. London, June 1562. 

20 June. 170. MINUTE of the Conversation between the AMBASSADOR and 
the LORD CHAMBERLAIN and DR. WOTTON respecting 
the chares made aainst the AMBASSADOR. 

ua ^ ser t your Majesty the leaves of a book written by 
Add. 26,056a. ^ ne heretic Dr. Bale,* in which your Majesty and the Spanish nation 
are spoken ill of, and that I had written to your Majesty that you 
could judge by this the good will the Queen bore you. 

Answer : It is true I sent these leaves as I was tired of 
complaining to the Queen of the constant writing of books, farces 
and songs prejudicial to other princes, and seeing that notwith- 
standing her promises no attempt was made to put a stop to it. 

2. That I had written that the Queen had given a church to the 
Spanish heretics, and that they were greatly favoured both by her 
and the Council. 

Answer : I wrote that the Spanish heretics had been given a very 
large house belonging to the bishop of London in which they might 
preach thrice a week, which is true, as it also is that they are 
favoured by the Queen. Casiodoro, who went to the conference of 
Poissy received a considerable sum of money for his expenses on 
the road. Throgmorton and the earl of Bedford have also given him 
money here and his father and mother and all the rest of them here 
are provided for. 

3. That O'Neil had taken the Sacrament in my house. 

Answer : This is not true, although my chaplain gave his chaplain 
twelve consecrated wafers of the Holy Sacrament, tor which he had 
asked him. As regards the English who communicated in my house 
I have told the Queen several times that I cannot be expected to 
turn them out of the church. 

I have denied about John O'Neil absolutely, and asserted that he 
never communicated in my house in order not to injure him, but I 
believe they have arrested him already, and that I shall not be able 
to get him off as this traitor has told all he knows. 

4. That I had written to his Majesty that the Queen was his 
mortal enemy. 

Answer : I do not recollect to have said these words of the Queen 
herself, but of her and Cecil and the rest of the Council together, I 
may have said it, and certainly with much truth, although I con- 
scientiously wish it were otherwise. In this I did what I consider 
my duty to God and my master the King. 

5. That I had written to his Majesty that the intention of the 
Queen was to promote heresy in the Netherlands in order by this 

* Dr. John Bale, bishop of Ossory. B 



means to deprive his Majesty of possession of the States and divide 
them amongst many heretic rulers so that she might have the greater 
influence over them, and that I had written to Cardinal de Granvelle 
recommending him to keep an eye on the proceedings of Dr. Haddon 
who had gone to Flanders with little or no real occasion. 

Answer : The designs of the Queen in this respect have been 
plainly shown by herself, and she used words at the time of the 
departure of the Spanish troops from Flanders to Spain which bear 
almost the same meaning as is here complained of. And certainly 
the reception and treatment of the heretics here who take refuge 
from the Netherlands (of whom there are more than 30,000 here 
and at Sandwich, where another church has been given to them as 
being a convenient place of passage for them) is such that nothing 
else but what is taking place could be expected, and the evil will 
grow daily in that country seeing the countenance shown to the 
godless ones who come hither. When Dr. Haddon the Queen's 
Master of Requests and one of the four Commissioners here against 
the Catholics, went to Flanders, where he had no business to do other 
than at Bruges, his business there being an insignificant one relating 
to private merchants, I do not think I did wrong in advising the 
Cardinal who he was and what he was going for, seeing that 
Dr. Haddon was one of those who wrote two years ago to the 
officers of the town of Furnes the insolent and scandalous letter 
which the Duchess has seen in favour of certain Flemings who were 
burnt there, and suspicion might well be entertained that a man 
of his position should make such a voyage in the depth of 
winter for a matter of so small importance, and particularly that 
he should go all over the Netherlands in such weather for his 
pastime alone. As they are in such constant state of suspicion 
about me here^that they are not ashamed to arrest visitors to my 
house and cross-question them as to their business there, it is surely 
not extraordinary that I should have suspected this man and advised 
the Cardinal as I had so many reasons for doing so. 

G. That I had written to his Majesty that the Queen had been 
secretly married to Lord Robert at the earl of Pembroke's house. 

Ansiver: What I wrote to his Majesty about this was the same 
ns I said to the Queen, which was that people were saying all over 
the town that the wedding had taken place, which at the time 
neither surprised nor annoyed her, and she said it was not only 
people outside of the palace who had thought such a thing, as on her 
return that afternoon from the Earl's house her own ladies in 
waiting when she entered her chamber with Lord Robert asked 
. whether they were to kiss his hand as well as hers to which she had 
told them no, and that they were not to believe what people said. 
In addition to this he (Robert) told me two or three days after that 
the Queen had promised to marry him but not this year. She had 
told me also with an oath that if she had to marry an Englishman it 
should only be Robert. I had refrained from communicating these 
details to his Majesty for the sake of decorum, and I do not think, 
considering what others say of the Queen, that I should be doing her 
any injury in writing to his Majesty that she was married, which 
in fact I never have written, and I am sorry I cannot do so with 



truth. Enclosed in letter from Bishop Quadra to the King, 20th 
June 1562. 


Simancas, The Queen says she loves me as her life, and pretends to believe 

Add*26QX6a me above a ^ the world, but I know all about it. This traitor has 

done me much harm by telling Robert things that have offended him 

greatly. Your Eminence knows how much truth there was in them, 

but they are trying to turn them to their own advantage. The 

present plan is to .stand by the Queen-Mother if the rebels in France 

are beaten, and so avoid having anything to do with us. The 

coming of the queen of Scots is a most important matter, and I am 

much concerned at it. London, 20th June 1562. 

27 June. 172. The SAME to the SAME. 

Simancas, Ths journey of this Queen towards York to meet the Queen of 
Add. 26056 Scotland seems to be cooling, although both she and Robeit are in 
favour of it. The, however, oppose it strongly, not only 
because of the money it will cost, which will not be less than 
40,000., but also because of the need for the Queen's presence in 
London in these times with French affairs in their present condition. 
Besides this they think it would be imprudent for the queen of 
Scots to show herself in the northern provinces, which are strongly 
catholic, as she might gain popularity there to the Queen's dis- 
advantage. It may be believed, therefore, that the project will be 
dropped. London, 27th June 1562. 

Brussels The interview between this Queen and the queen of Scotland has 
if^MS T een arranged for the middle of the month, at Nottingham, a place a 
Add. 28, 173a. hundred miles from here on the York road, and one hundred and 
fifty from Scotland. The indecision of the Queen in this matter 
proceeded from the uncertainty as to how affairs in France would 
turn out. It was her design to make use of the rebel faction if 
their cause was successful and, if otherwise, to make friends with 
the Guises by means of the Queen-Mother, and with this object to 
come to terms with the queen of Scotland. This was the purpose 
of Sidney's going. The reason that now decides her is the news that 
peace will be made with the Prince of Conde ; and Lethington goes 
to Scotland to-day or to-morrow with the news for the purpose of 
getting his mistress to set out on her journey. He is accompanied 
by a French gentleman named De Croc,* who came hither six days 
ago to forward this affair. What is to be done at the interview 
ostensibly is to ratify the peace which is to be done by the Scotch 
Queen on some assurance being previously given to her that if this 
Queen die without issue she shall be accepted as heiress to the crown. 
I am informed, however, that it is unquestionable that there are 
some other and greater- designs underlying this, namely, that as the 
queen of France fears the marriage of the queen of Scotland with our 
Prince (Carlos) as much as the queen of England does, they thiuk that 

^ * He succeeded Paul de Foix as French ambassador in England. 



jointly they can hinder it. The queen of France thinks that a good 
plan to effect this would be to marry the queen of Scots to the son 
of Lady Margaret, and I believe Lord James is of the same opinion. 
This brother of the Queen is all powerful now and, in consequence 
of his enmity to the duke of Chatelherault and his sons, would 
be glad to hand over the country to the earl of Lennox, who is 
the foe of Chatelherault and his rival for the succession. I do 
not know how this Queen will take such a marriage; as she is 
displeased with Lady Margaret, but such is the fear she feels of 
our lord the Prince that she may well consent to it to ensure 
herself against him. As regards religion she thinks that the lad 
(Darnley) may in time be persuaded to become a heretic, which 
is quite possible, and she will not lack means to ensure herself 
against the queen of Scots and Lady Margaret during her lifetime. 
I cannot help thinking there is a closer understanding between 
them (Mary and Margaret) than I had hitherto been informed on 
the subject of this marriage, to judge from the last words of a 
note I received from her (Margaret), of which I enclose copy. 
Robert is also urging the matter forward, as he thinks that the 
interview may result in bringing his own marriage to a point, 
and I understand Lethington has given him a promise of aid on 
his mistress' behalf. I think well to inform your Highness of 
these intrigues that you may consider how far they affect the 
King's interests. The French ambassador will accompany the 
Queen, and I am told that he has sent for all the treaties in 
force between France and England and Scotland in order to 
provide against any injury being done to his masters' interests 
(especially as regards Calais) in the arrangements now to be made 
by these two queens, the queen of Scotland being bound to help 
and support the French in any dispute that may arise about the 
restitution of Calais. If we could be sure that this interview was 
only for the purpose of a reconciliation between the two Queens and 
the arrangement of the marriage we could all rejoice, but your 
Highness knows what neighbours are, and I see such ill will and 
obstinacy in this Queen and her Councillors and, even in the Scotch 
Queen so much pertinacity regarding religion, that I cannot persuade 
myself that they may not design something against the King's 
interests. I have wished to learn whether it is the Queen's desire 
that I should accompany her on this journey, but for the last five or 
six days she is, or pretends to be, ill, and I am anxious to know what 
I had better do in either case. I therefore send this courier (a man 
of my own), and beg your Highness to send the answer by him. I 
do not think of staying behind, however uncomfortable the journey 
may be to me, because I think that something must be in the wind. 
Count Francisco de Waldeck (Valde que), cousin of the duke of 
Cleves, has arrived here. It is said he comes to offer to serve the 
Queen with a regiment of infantry and a thousand horse which he 
has ready, and to ask for payment of a pension they owe him for 
the last 10 years. My own belief is that he has been summoned 
for the purpose of frightening the Catholics with the talk of foreign 
troops to keep them down, or perhaps even because these folks 
(the Protestants) are really alarmed and wish to have German 



help at hand if they should need it, although I believe that the 
former supposition is the correct one. 

I understand that of the 10 or 12 ships that are being fitted 
out five or six will be sent to Humber Water (un berguater), a port 
near York. If this be the case it proves that they have some 
suspicion and wish to be prepared against any disturbance in that 
province, which is entirely catholic. 

Molembays, a gentleman from Hainhault who is here, informed me 
lately that the earl of Bedford summoned him the other day and 
made him many fine promises, and said the Queen wished him to 
enter her service. Carrying on the conversation further the Earl 
asked him about the gentlemen there were in the States and what 
each one possessed, and at last wished to know which of them 
belonged to the new religion. As Molembays did not answer to his, 
Bedford's, satisfaction the friendship and promises soon ceased. 

Arms are being sent from here to the heretics in Rouen and 
Dieppe, a shipload having gone this week, and I am informed by a 
trustworthy person that money has been sent by way of Rouen to 
ihe people of Orleans. The French ambassador complains of these 
things, but does it so blandly that it is easy to see that they are not 
altogether displeasing to certain people over there. London, 4th July 

The note enclosed (from Lady Margaret). 

The whole cause of the Queen's anger with my lord and with (his 
wife), and the sole reason of their imprisonment and trouble, is the 
queen of Scotland's business. The basis of all charges against them 
is that they have tried to promote a marriage between the queen of 
Scotland and their son, and are attached to the said Queen, which of 
itself is considered a great crime here, and that my Lord and his 
wife have dared to send a simple recommendation to the said Queen, 
she being, as the members of the Council said, an enemy of her 
Majesty. They would have it that my Lord and his wife had 
confessed to the charge about the marriage, but they never put 
forward such a thing and never confessed it. I therefore request 
you to convey these facts to the queen of Scotland in order that she 
may be the more confident in them (Lennox and Lady Margaret), 
and may be able to reply in accordance on the various points. 


Brussels We send you enclosed our letter of credence for the queen of 
A g h ^ es ' England, and in virtue thereof you will tell her that although 
French M.S., we had not hitherto heard that she was making more warlike 
Add. 28,i73a. preparations than were necessary for her own defence in the present 
troublous times, we are advised from France that those who have 
risen against the most Christian King boast of their close under- 
standing with the Queen, and go so far as to say that they expect 
great help from her. It therefore appears to us that her duty is as 
a good neighbour, knowing the affection and friendship the King 
(Philip) bears to her, to give you an assurance to the contrary. We 
do not believe there is any truth in it, as preparations of importance 
c-mnot be made without the knowledge of the neighbours, and we 



only take this course because we believe that this rumour, even 
though only current in France, will be displeasing to her, it being 
a bad precedent to all princes for rebels to rise against their lords, 
and particularly when the people think that neighbouring rulers 
will help them instead of each monarch keeping his own subjects 
in due obedience. Seeing the danger incurred by all princes it is 
rather the duty of each to give assistance to the other instead of 
favouring or appearing to favour the rebels. You will beg her to 
take this advice in good part and act accordingly, as we have a 
right to expect from her prudence, and that she will not only refrain 
from meddling in the troubles in France, but will use all possible 
efforts to contradict the rumour referred to, and thus avoid any 
future cause of disagreement that may disturb the public peace 
between her and the most Christian King, and injure her neighbours. 
You will duly inform us of her answer for the information of the 
King (Philip) that he may know of the efforts we are making to 
avoid troubles, and at the same time learn the answer the Queen 
may have given you. We have no doubt that the King, being 
desirous of saving his brother-in-law from the troubles that menace 
him during his minority, will be glad to hear that the king of France 
has nothing to fear from that side, and the rebels iiot receiving any 
outside assistance may soon be reduced to obedience. Brussels, 
(?) July 1562. 

Brussels I received to-day your Highness' letter of 28th ultimo, and learn 
^^"M'S. *he decision with regard to the matter of my servant, which is 
Add. 28,1 73a. doubtless the most wise and expedient under the circumstances, but 
I cannot refrain from saying nevertheless that it is the certainty 
of the Queen and her advisers about matters in Flanders that in 
my opinion causes many difficulties, and the boldness with which 
these people deal with Flemish affairs and others, and it is not to 
be wondered at that I must suffer personally like other people. To 
remedy this with modesty and silence is hopeless, as such a course 
will only make these people act worse until God himself sends a 
remedy. Lethington, the queen of Scotland's secretary, who came 
here to negotiate an interview between his mistress and this Queen, 
left on his return four days ago, taking with him a very full pass- 
port for his Queen and all who might accompany her, in addition to 
certain clauses agreed upon !>y him on behalf of his mistress and the 
Lord Chamberlain and Cecil on behalf of this Queen, setting forth 
fully the conditions of the interview. These clauses are to be ratified 
by the queen of Scotland before she sets out, and Knollys, the 
Vice -Chamberlain, left here for Scotland on Monday to witness the 
ratification. The last news, however, of the breaking of the peace 
in France may cause a change in the arrangements for the interview, 
which is quite possible, since in my opinion the idea of the interview 
itself arose from the success of the Guises and the defeat of the 
Orleans people, as I wrote by my servant who left here on the 
4th instant. Lethington and others tell me that if French affairs 
do not settle down these people here and the Scots will come to an 
agreement with the Germans, which will be a difficult thing as far 



as their opinions are concerned, and much more difficult still in the 
matter of expense. 

I understand that a papal Nuncio is to go to Scotland, probably 
the Abbe of St. Salut, who I hear is bound for those parts (Flanders). 
Out of the five ships, I wrote to your Highness lately, they were going 
to send to Humber Water, two have already left, which they say 
are taking victuals for the Queen's service, and the other three they 
.say are being armed to go against the pirates, the truth being that 
all the five are really going to guard against tumults in the province 
(Yorkshire). It is true there are 10 or 12 pirate ships which now 
boldly call themselves pirates, which they never did before, but 
they really are not so, and I am told that there are 200 gentlemen 
in these vessels, the whole thing being clearly a deception. They are 
also sending Strangways, who formerly was a pirate, with some of 
his companions to an island on the west coast of Ireland, where the 
Biscay men cany on their fishing. His Majesty orders me to give 
to this Queen an account of his reasons for helping tlie king of 
France, which I will shortly do, although she yesterday expressed 
her sorrow thereat, and stated the causes of the war very differently 
from what his Majesty commands me to say. 

The Flemish heretics here publish bad news from the States, and 
amongst other things say that troops are being raised secretly in 
Antwerp for the prince of Conde. Although this seems an absurdity 
I think well to write it to your Highness, and will advise further 
anything I hear. London, llth July 1562. 


I am sure my not receiving any letter from your Lordship for 
some time arises from no lack of goodwill towards me, but from the 
storms they say have raged there lately, and of which there are 
plenty of news here perhaps more than is desirable. I am sorry 
the weather is so bad that even in port " sint timenda naufragia " 
and am not so much surprised at what is done as at that which is 
not done, things being as they are. Your Lordship will see by my 
letters to Madame the state of affairs here and I will not repeat 
them or my requests to his Majesty to take steps with regard to 
them. I am very glad that notwithstanding all their search and 
scrutiny against me and all my servants' statements they will never 
find that I have written any falsehood or indeed anything more 
than I have said to the Queen herself and her friends. They will 
see, on the contrary, that I, in my letters, have not put things so 
plainly even as I am in the habit of putting them to her personally, 
and it is clear from this that the pumping of my servant was really 
only to discover some excuse for complaining but withal the worst 
thing they can say is that I should not have written as I did unless 
his Majesty had not intended to interfere in the affairs of this 
country, with which, as the Queen told me on Sunday, he has 
nothing to do. She also said that when this sordid knave (Borghese) 
went to take leave of your Lordship on his leaving for England you 
told him to tell me that matters here would soon be settled, and 
they seize upon this to prove that we all have secret understandings 
and plots against them. These suspicions, however, are of long 



standing, but as they saw the Queen sometimes heard me willingly, 
they agreed to assault me in the open and embroil me with her, as 
they have. As I say, I am satisfied that I have done fairly well the 
duties his Majesty confided to me, and as I have a clear conscience 
and have for some time past been asking his Majesty to relieve me, 
without success nothing better can be hoped for, seeing the suspicion 
with which I am regarded. Where there are religious differences 
no human prudence or persuasion will suffice, and consequently I 
am as well satisfied as if affairs had turned out well, and whatever 
may be his Majesty's decision I shall be content. London, 1 1th July 


Brands The news of the breaking out of hostilities between the King of 
^M^lk^S France and the rebels arrived here on Monday by Francisco sent by 
Add. 2*8,1 73a. ambassador Throgmorton. The Queen has changed her mind about 
the voyage and interview with the queen of Scotland and in place 
of the Vice- Chamberlain (Knollys) who I wrote was already on the 
way to Scotland for the ratification of the conditions of the inter- 
view, she has sent Henry Sidney to present her excuses to the 
queen of Scotland and say she cannot meet her at present. All the 
absent Councillors have been summoned and are to be here to-day 
to decide what is to be done. The general idea is that they will 
arm the ships they have ready and send troops to Normandy, 
whither Admiral Chatillon they say is to go and, with the aid of 
Englishmen to whom he will promise places, hold the province and 
carry on the war from there. I believe this and that some German 
nobles will support the adventure although in a half-hearted way. 
They also say the prince of Conde" will throw himself into Lyons 
where he will receive aid from the Germans and Swiss, that 
Grammont will go to Barry in Nivernais and that D'Andelot with 
4,000 men will defend Orleans. We shall soon learn what decision 
these people arrive at and I will let your Highness know. The 
French ambassador received a courier on Tuesday the 14th, with 
orders to him from the queen of France to inform this Queen of 
what was passing. He tells me that included in the forces that the 
Christian King has with which to punish the rebels they speak of 
1 0,000 infantry and 3,000 horse sent by our King. He (the ambassador) 
expressed his sorrow that the Guises should be the cause of foreign 
troops entering into France. I thought of telling the Queen what 
his Majesty had ordered me to say about these auxiliaries in his 
letter of the 9th ultimo, but seeing what your Highness writes I 
will not mention the matter unless the Queen gives me an 

The ambassador tells me that this Queen offers that if the Guises 
will place the differences with the Orleans in her hands and those 
of the queen of France she will try to arrange them, which is a sure 
indication of the good understanding that exists between the two 
Queens, and confirms what I wrote to France about the isle of Sione 
and the interview with the Scotch Queen in which there is doubtless 
more evil than appears at first sight. The ambassador has sent off 
a courier post haste with this offer, and I should like to advise 



M. de Chantonuay in time and hope that this will ba 'possible from 
there (Brussels) if I send this courier to your Highness at once. In 
the meanwhile I think of seeing the Queen on some pretext, and 
trying my best to tranquillise her, however impossible that may be 
in view of the impression made upon her feelings by the things her 
councillors tell her, especially since they obtained my servants 
evidence. They have not a real here although they have credit in 
Antwerp. The feeling of the country is very much divided, and 
although all obey, yet there is much disaffection, and the Queen 
knows how little she can depend upon the people. I believe if she 
determines to join these French rebels it will be more for the 
purpose of avoiding isolation than from any wish to help them. 

They are sending two ships with munitions to Ireland, and as 
soon as the courier from France arrived here the earl of Sussex was 
sent off thither to resume his government of the island and reconcile 
John O'Neil even though it be by force. I am sure matters there 
will soon be disturbed, and that Sussex's going will precipitate the 
trouble, as he is very unpopular. London, 17th July 1562. 

1 Aug. 178. The SAME to the SAME. 

Brussels I gave your Highness's letter of credence to the Queen, and in 
RM^MS., order tne better to convey what you ordered me to say I showed 
Add. 28,17&. her the letter your Highness wrote to me. She read it all through, 
and divided her answer into three heads. First, that your Highness 
was right in saying that the warlike preparations here were for 
the defence of this country, as such was the case ; secondly, 
about the prince of Conde's people boasting that they had her 
support in what they are doing against their King, she said that 
your Highness was well aware that people said what they liked, 
but that for her part the only thing she had done for the prince of 
Conde or his friends was to intercede for them with the Queen- 
Mother and try to bring about a settlement. She had with this 
object offered to send members of her own Council, but the Queen- 
Mother had refused this and would send here M. de Vielleville to 
arrange, and he would be here in three days. The third point 
relating to }*our Highness's orders that I should convey the Queen's 
reply to your Highness for transmission to the King, she answered 
by saying that I could write to your Highness that she could not 
avoid sending a fleet to guard her coasts and islands as usual in 
such times as these, but that it should be so small a one as to give 
no cause for alarm, and that your Highness may be sure she will 
do nothing unfitting to her dignity and position. That she had 
no intention of helping the French rebels against their King unless 
she is provoked by some insult such as has recently been offered to 
her ambassador in Paris. This is in substance what she said in 
many more words and with some digressions. She said it was 
untrue that the Vidaine de Chatres had been here secretly, or that 
she had sent Petor Meutys to France. He did not go to the King 
as I wrote some time ago, but to the prince of Conde at Orleans. 
As regards the Vidaine, the person who came here on the 19th 
ultimo, and was with the Queen several times and lodged in her 
house left on the 23rd with a servant of the Queen called Killigrew, 



who returned again on the 29th leaving afresh on the next day 
taking with him 3,000 crowns to commence victualling Havre de 
Grace, which the Vidame had come to offer to the Queen and she 
had accepted. This is now public here, and the French ambassador 
has advised his King of it. The ships they are now going to send 
out are six excellent ones well armed, capable of carrying 1,500 to 
2,000 men. Those men who pretended to be pirates are to go on 
board them, and they ought to be sufficient for what they are to 
do, as Havre is to be voluntarily given up to them and there is no 
fleet to oppose them. The munitions are being shipped to-day and 
the men to-morrow. Four more ships have been sent to Ireland 
with munitions, two of which have orders to remain on the coast 
opposite Biscay for fear of Spain. 

The Queen asked me whether your Highness had sent aid to the 
king of France yet, to which I replied that I had not heaid of any 
troops leaving the States for anywhere. I think she was joking, 
and I heard a good many things that I do not repeat to avoid 
offence and as they were not important. 

The Queen has sent to ask for a copy of what I write to your 
Highness about yesterday's conversation, and I have replied that 
if she will send me a copy of what she wishes me to write she will 
be better satisfied. I do not know whether she will do this or what 
she will send me, but what I have written here is what really passed, 
and I have given a general account of it to the French ambassador 
to enable him to send advice (as he would have heard of it from 
other quarters). 

Vielleville is awaiting in Calais information as to whether his 
coming will be safe and acceptable, and he has been advised to-day 
that he may come. London, 1st August 1562. 

4 Aug. 179. The KINO to BISHOP QUADRA. 

With respect to the Queen you do well in keeping in with 
her the best you can. and although we are displeased with what 
your servant has done we clearly see it was from no fault of yours 
but from his own malice. I entirely approve cf all the answers you 
gave .about it to what was said to you on the Queen's behalf, and 
am very glad that she is satisfied and on better terms than usual 
with you, which I see by copy of the letter you wrote to Cardinal 
de Granvelle. As I have advice from the Cardinal and from Madame 
that they found no clause in the treaties by which the handing over 
of your servant could be insisted upon, I told the duke of Alva to 
talk it over with the English ambassador, who, as he was not well 
posted on matters, made no difficulty at all about it, and said he 
(the servant) should be handed over at once, which we do not 
believe yet. He has written to the Queen about it veiy warmly, 
and you must make the best use of this you can, although we have 
no hope that they will hand him over, particularly after the business 
has gone so far, as you write in your last, as to promise him marriage 
and an income. You will urge the matter notwithstanding, although 
politely and with moderation, so that they may not suspect you 
greatly desire to get him on account of any other more damaging 
treaties or negotiations, which I am sure do not exist. Madrid, 
4th August 1562, 




Brussels Last week I wroto two letters to your Highness giving an account 
if M 'MS ^ m y interview with the Queen ; and on the 3rd instant I sent to 
Add. 28,i73a. her Secretary to say that if her Majesty had written to your 
Highness as she had said she would, I had an opportunity of 
sending the letter by safe hands. The answer was that the letter 
was written, but he believed the Queen wished to send it herself 
to Thomas Gresham, her factor in Antwerp, to deliver to your 
Highness. I did not care to press the matter further so as not to 
appear in a huny, but the Secretary has sent me the letter to-day 
enclosed in a note to me of which I send copy asking me to forward 
the letter which I do by the ordinary courier. I do not know if 
she writes in the same sense as she spoke to me, or if she will have 
altered anything and pretend I did not understand well, but in any 
case it is clear that your Highness's letter has entirely altered the 
look of things, and some people think that as your Highness appears 
to intend to oppose what was being arranged here, they may even 
abandon their intention of taking possession of Havre de Grace. 
I am still of opinion, however, that if peace is not concluded these 
people will persevere in their plans, and that the appearance of 
suspending the shipment of troops here is simply a compliment 
they wish to pay to M. de Vielleville, to prove to him that whilst 
they were negotiating for a settlement they did not push forward 
their preparations for a rupture. I have always thought that every- 
thing depends upon the success of the prince of Conde, which these 
people here know very well cannot happen if his Majesty takes in 
hand earnestly the protection of the king of France, and whilst the 
forces in the States remain undiminished and unoccupied by internal 
trouble ; and I am therefore convinced that your Highness's letter 
has been of the greatest importance and utility, since the plans of 
these people are mainly founded on the belief that things in the 
States are in such a condition that his Majesty will not and cannot 
employ his forces to the prejudice of this country, and especially on 
religious questions. Vielleville came three days ago. He says he 
only comes to see if thiy Queen wishes to stand by the peace that 
has been sworn to or not, and that he will finish his business in one 
audience. He reports that there are already about 6,000 Spaniards in 
Guienne, and other things of that sort to prove that his Majesty ia 
really going to help them. He has gone to see the Queen to-day, 
and I expect he will speak with me to-morrow. I will try to add 
to this letter what I learn from him, but I expect he will have to 
stay longer than he says. 

Five or six days ago a Swede was arrested on this river on the 
pretext of searching him for some money they said he was taking 
away with him. They seized on him a packet of sixteen letters from 
people of position in this country to the king of Sweden urging him 
to come hither. Two other gentlemen's servants have also been 
arrested, and many persons of rank are talked about, both men and 
women and even members of the Council and royal household. 
They say that information was sent from Sweden by a certain 
Louis de Feron, otherwise the Count de Gruz,* who is near the 

* Yiseouat de Gruz. 
a 66529. li 



King as a spy of Lord Robert's. They had found out his tricks 
in Sweden and had put him into prison, whence it appears he sent 
information about these letters. It is a business that does not 
bode well for the other enterprises the Queen is undertaking, and 
all else in this country is as inharmonious as this is. London, 
7th August ] 5G2. 

7 Aug. 181. BISHOP QUADRA to AMBASSADOR VARGAS (the Spanish 
Ambassador in Rome). 

]{. M. MS. Sends an address from the English catholics asking for an 
.fV n ~ C n. s ,'. authoritative decision as to the legality of their attending the 

Add. 26,0o0a. . ai.cii-.Li- c ? AT, 

reformed services, bets torth the arguments in tavour ot their 
being allowed to do so. 

Asks that a friend of his in Rome, named Martin de Luna, should 
be granted leave by His Holiness to accept the post of Quadra's 
chaplain. London, 7th August 1562. 

13 Aug. 182. The KING to BISHOP QUADRA. 

M. Saint Sulplice, ambassador of the most Christian King, informs 
me with great sorrow that the queen of England had offered aid to 
the rebels in France, and was determined to give it. This is quite 
contrary to the friendship and alliance which exist between her and 
the French king, and a departure from the terms of the treaty of 
peace, and, although the King and Queen-Mother have approached 
the Queen on the subject, they urge me very much also to send a 
person to her and let her know how ill her action appears to us, and 
to endeavour to dissuade her from giving help or countenance by 
word or deed to these French rebels. 

Although this request appears very reasonable we have not 
thought fit to send a person expressly for the purpose desired, but 
have promised that we will take steps in the matter through you, 
and we therefore instruct you to speak to the Queen, as soon as you 
receive this, and tell her how sorry the Christian King and the 
Queen-Mother are that she should have promised aid to the rebels, 
and expressly as the rising is not a religious one, as may be seen by 
its methods and objects. Say that this is contrary to the mutual 
help and countenance that princes should give to each other, and to 
the general peace which now exists, and an extremely bad pre- 
cedent for her own kingdom and others, and might produce evil 
consequences if rebels came to understand that they could obtain 

This has caused us to extend our help to the Christian King, as 
we have informed you, having in view that if the rebels were to get 
the upper hand the fire would be so near our own States that we 
could not avoid being troubled thereby. We have no desire to have 
fresh burdens put upon us in this way, and we are determined to do 
our best to obviate it, and if the Queen will consider the matter she 
will see that she ought to play the same game. We therefore beg 
her very affectionately not to allow the rebels to look to her for help 
or countenance by word or deed, but to maintain the friendship, 
good fellowship, and alliance which now exist between us three. If 



she says that I have offered, on my part, hc-lp to the Christian King, 
you can answer that she has not the same obligation towards these 
seditious rebels as I have to m lintain my brother the King, whose 
cause is so just that not only his allies but every prince in 
Christendom ought to come to his aid in order to suppress so bad an 
example to their own subjects. You will urge this, and set forth 
persuasively the arguments in its favour, showing her the obligations 
under which she rests, and the evil results of her own action, as well 
as the great damage to me personally arising therefrom, which she 
could not help regretting. Advise my ambassador in France of 
what passes in order that he may tell the Queen-Mother. Wood of 
Segovia, 13th August 1562. 

15 Sept. 183. BISHOP QUADRA, to the DUCHESS OF PARMA. 

B. M. MS., I spoke to the Queen yesterday to the effect contained in the open 

Archives l^ter to His Majesty, which I enclose, and have nothing to add here 

Add. 28,i73a. on that head, except that this place is full of the news that the 

troops that were to embark to-morrow will not do so. Founded on 

the reasons I write to His Majesty my own opinion is that they will 

persevere in their plan of occupying these places, as they always 

have it in their power to make peace by means of the queen of 

Scotland, who is so deeply interested. At least I am sure this has 

been the intention of the Queen for some time past. 

I understand that the ambassador Challoner has written on the 
subject of which I have spoken, so ominously that it has necessarily 
alarmed some people here. They say that the Queen was quite 
furious at the Council, and replied to some of them who opposed 
this expedition that if they were so much afraid chat the conse- 
quences of failure would fall upon them she herself would take all 
the risk, and would sign her name to it. They tell me that two of 
these captains are so eager that they went to offer their services 
secretly to the Queen, and said that if she would give them six ships 
they would go and break the dykes at Zealand and so destroy the 
country. They were thanked, and told that if need should arise the 
Queen would avail herself of their services. I am also told that a 
document signed jointly by certain Frenchmen and Englishmen is 
current, in which the signatories undertake to fit out some ships and 
take them out to pillage. All this will depend upon the result of 
the main business, and I will advise your highness of anything fresh 
that occurs. London, 15th September 1562. 

184. BISHOP QUADRA to the KING. 

Arthur Pole, nephew of the late Cardinal Pole, son of his brother 
Walter, is determined to leave England on pretext of religion, but 
the truth is that he is going to try his fortune and pretend to the 
Crown with the help of the Catholics here. His claim is not worth 
much, but his indignation has been aroused and ambition encouraged 
at seeing that the heretics want to make tho earl of Huntingdon 
king, who is the son of a niece of the Cardinal, and, in fact, it' the 
Crown came to the descendants of the duke of Clarence, which they 
call the house of the white rose he (Pole) would be one degree nearer 

R 2 



than Huntingdon, as will be seen by the genealogical tree I sent your 
Majesty last year. This lad is turbulent and not very prudent, but 
spirited and daring. They say he is poor, and his relations are 
poorer still, but the earl of Northumberland has given him a sister 
of his in marriage, and Lord Loughborough keeps him in his house 
and treats him as his son, so help will not be lacking for the 
enterprise. He sent word to me that if your Majesty would 
entertain and employ him he would place himself at your Majesty's 
disposal with a dozen young gentlemen of high position, and he 
asked me for a letter to madame with assistance for him to leave 
the country. I excused myself from granting either request as 
well as I could, without offending him, and he then went to the 
French ambassador and offered himself for the present war. The 
ambassador also excused himself and advised him not to go to 
France by telling him that the Guises through their connexion with 
the queen of Scotland would not like to see another pretender to 
the English throne. I think, nevertheless, that he will leave here. 
The French ambassador had some conversation with me about it, 
and unthinkingly asked for information about the persons interested. 
It is possible they (the French) may receive Pole to further embarrass 
the Queen. He pretends to be able to do a great deal, and really 
if he obtained important support he could be very troublesome. 
London, 15th September 1502. 


B. M. MS., On the 1 5th instant I wrote to your Highness by special courier, 
Archives S' v ^ n S an account of my interview with the Queen to convey to 
Add. 28,i73a. her what His Majesty had ordered me, and as you will no doubt 
have received this despatch I will not repeat its contents. 

The troops which we were in doubt about their embarking for 
Normandy are now being shipped. There are 10 standards going 
at present ; they make out that they are of 300 men each, but my 
information places them at less than 200 each. Captain Vaughan 
who is going in command of them is to place them in Havre de 
Grace and JJieppe. They say the second detachment will soon be 
ready, double the number, and will be accompanied by the earl of 
Warwick himself, so that I suppose Lord Grey is not going, 
although if the Queen would extend to his heirs a life grant he has 
of 500 marks he would go. Instead of Grey they are to give the 
Earl four advisers besides his brother-in-law, Henry Sidney, who 
accompanies him without any appointment. The Councillors are 
Mason, Petre, Packington, and Poynings. George Howard* goes as 
Campmaster-General, and a son of the Chamberlain called Charles 
Howard is to be general of cavalry. This latter, however, is to bo 
when there is any cavalry to command, and at present I see no 
signs of it. These troops, as I say, are now being shipped, and yet 
there are people of position, and even councillors, who still maintain 
that it will end in nothing, and is only bounce to help the prince 
of Conde rather than deeds. The people who say this have many 

* Sir George Howard, Master of the Armoury. 



plausible reasons for their belief, but I, who know that these affairs 
are not being controlled by reason but by chimeras, believe, as I 
always have done, that they will j-ersevere in their plans, and that 
the expedition will be carried out. 

These folks announce that they have great promises from Germany. 
I believe the foundation of this is that the duke of Holstein has 
written accepting the post that Henry Knollys was sent to offer 
him, namely, that the places in Normandy should be handed over 
to him with a sum of money, which of course he would accept. 
This is enlarged here into the announcement that many German 
princes write to the Queen to this effect. 

Lord Grey will return to Warwick (Berwick '?), where they have 
ordered the garrison to be reinforced by two more companies. 
London, 19th September 1562, 

10 Oct. 186. The SAME to the SAME. 

B. M. MS., I have just received your Highness' letter of 1 st instant with one 

Archives fr m His Majesty to this Queen, and copies of others from the King 

Add. 28,1 "3a. to M. de Chantonnay respecting the communications to be made to 

this Queen. I have sent to ask for an audience, and will give 

advice at once as to the result of the interview. 

The 3,000 men they have embarked in the ports of Portsmouth 
and Rye on the 26th ultimo were driven by contrary winds to 
shelter in the Isle of Wight, whence the captains wrote to the Queen 
to know whether it was her wish that they should continue their 
voyage. They were told to proceed with the first favourable wind, 
as they did, leaving, the island on the 3rd instant. As soon as the 
Queen received news of their arrival and good reception in Havre 
de Grace and Dieppe she gave orders to the earl of Warwick to 
leave with the other 3,000 men, as he will do within two or three 
days, the troops being already at the shipping-place awaiting him, 
All the more speed will be displayed in the voyage, because it is 
said that the king of France is nearer the coast, and they fear that 
as the troops that have gone over are few and fresh they might be 
surprised and beaten. 

The duke of Norfolk arrived to-day at Hampton Court where the 
Queen is, and people still say that if more troops are sent to France 
the Duke will take command of the whole force. 

Many persons offer their services to me every day in the belief 
that a rupture is imminent between His Majesty and the Queen. I 
think the best thing I can do in such cases is to pass them lightlv 
over, thanking those who offer themselves, but not closing with 
them without orders. 

I believe some Germans have arrived here, and amongst them an 
envoy of the countess of Embden. I do not know whether to think 
that he may have come about the shipping of some German troops 
there by the Rhine. I also learn at this moment that some persons 
have come from France secretly, and I will advise later what I can 
learn. London, 10 October 1562. 



16 Oct. 

187. The SAME to the SAME. 

The Queen has been ill of fever at Kingston, and the 'malady has 
now Burned ^ small-pox. The eruption cannot come out and she is 
in great danger. Cecil was hastily summoned from London at 
midnight. If the Queen die it will be very soon, within a few days 
at latest, and now all the talk is who is to be her successor. Lord 
Robert has a large armed force under his control, and will probably 
pronounce for his brother-in-law, the earl of Huntingdon. London, 
16th October 1562. 

17 Oct. 188. The SAME to the SAME. 


Simancas, The Queen is now better as the eruption has appeared. 
A<id 26*0560 ^S^t ^ Q P a lace people were all mourning for her as if she were 
already dead. The Council were all present, and it seems they agreed 
amongst themselves, or tried to do so, but what it was I cannot 
discover. At one time I thought the illness was a feint in order to 
find out the temper of people, but I am now convinced it was genuine. 
She was all but gone. I think what they settled was to exclude the 
queen of Scots. 

Arthur Pole with two of his brothers and his brother-in-law 
Fortescue, were taken on trying to escape to France, and it is likely 
to go hard with them. London, 17th October 1562. 

25 Oct. 189. The SAME to the SAME. 

Simancas, I advised your Highness of the Queen's illness and convalescence. 
dd^26^6a ^ ne now out ^ ^ed and is only attending to the marks on her 
face to avoid disfigurement. 

In her own extremity of the 16th her Council was almost as much 
troubled as she, for out of the 15 or 16 of them that there are there 
were nearly as many different opinions about the succession to the 
Crown. It would be impossible to please them all, but I am sure in 
the end they would form two or three parties and that the Catholic 
party would have on its side a majority of the county, although I 
do not know whether the Catholics themselves would be able to 
agree, as some would like the queen of Scots and others Lady 
Margaret, who is considered devout and sensible. 

The outcome of the Queen's illness is that Robert has been put 
into the Council in company with the duke of Norfolk. I believe 
Robert will despatch all business during the Queen's illness, especially 
French affairs, to which he is much attached. 

There is great opposition in the Council to the war with France, 
but it will go forward nevertheless. London, 25th October 1562. 

25 Oct. 190. BISHOP QUADRA to the KING. 

n "M "MS* ^ U the 2 ^ tl1 u ^ imo ^ey sni PP e(i fr m Portsmouth and Rye nearly 
Ad'iL 26^0560. 3 > soldiers who were sent to Havre de Grace and Dieppe. They 
only arrived there on the 4th instant owing to bad weather, and on 
the llth the earl of Warwick with 3,000 more left here accompanied 
by his brother-in-law Henry Sidney. He also encountered bad 
weather and was detained some days at Dover, but he will have now 



sailed. The English have not been so well received at Dieppe as 
they expected. They asked that a certain fort should be given up 
to them, but the people of the place refused, and I understand that 
they will leave there and all concentrate in Havre de Grace. 

The Queen was at Hampton Court on the 10th instant, and feeling 
unwell thought she would like a bath. The illness turned out to be 
small-pox, and the cold caught by leaving her bath for the air 
resulted in so violent a fever that on the seventh day she was given 
up, but during that night the eruption came out and she is now 

There was great excitement that day in the palace, and if her 
improvement had not come soon some hidden thoughts would have 
become manifest. The Council discussed the succession twice, and I 
am told there were three different opinions. Some wished King 
Henry's will to be followed and Lady Catharine declared heiress. 
Others who found flaws in the will were in favour of the earl of 
Huntingdon. Lord Robert, the earl of Bedford, the earl of Pem- 
broke, and the duke of Norfolk with others of the lower rank were 
in favour of this. The most moderate and sensible tried to dissuade 
the others from being in such a furious hurry, and said they would 
divide and ruin the country unless they summoned jurists of the 
greatest standing in the country to examine the rights of the 
claimants, and in accordance with this decision the Council should 
then unanimously take such steps as might be best in the interests 
of justice and the good of the country. The Marquis Treasurer 
(Winchester) was of this opinion with others, although only a few, as 
the rest understood that this was a move in favour of the Catholic 
religion, nearly all the jurists who would be called upon to decide 
being of that faith, and this delay would give time for your Majesty 
to take steps in the matter which is the thing these heretics fear 
most, for upon your Majesty's absence they found all their hopes. 

During this discussion the Queen improved, and on recovering 
from the crisis which had kept her unconscious and speechless for 
two hours the first thing she said was to beg her Council to make 
Lord Robert protector of the kingdom with a title and an income of 
20,000. Everything she asked was promised, but will not be 

On the 20th he and the duke of Norfolk were admitted to the 
Council, and it is said he will shortly be made earl of la Marche (?) 

The Queen protested at the time that although she loved and had 
always loved Lord Robert dearly, as God was her witness, nothing 
improper had ever passed between them. She ordered a groom of 
the Chamber, called Tarn worth, who sleeps in Lord Robert's room, to 
be granted an income of 500?. a year. She also especially recom- 
mended her cousin Hunsdon to the Council as well as her household 
generally. This demonstration has offended many people. The 
various grants were made in the fear that another crisis might prove 
fatal, but as she is well again they all f;tll to the ground except Lord 
Robert's favour, which always continues, and as the Queen will not 
be visible for some time owing to the disfigurement of her face the 
audiences will be all to him alone except a few to the Duke (of 
Norfolk) whom they have forced into it. 



I think French affairs will be dealt with by Lord Robert in the 
way he has always advocated, namely, for peace and alliance. Your 
Majesty's affairs will be referred to the Duke as they know he is 
friendly with me. 

The Queen was unable to see me for the purpose of receiving your 
Majesty's protest against the French war, but I had an interview 
with the Council, where I was received with some alterations and 
innovations in the usual course that were full of malicious intent. 
I was introduced by the bishop of Rochester, and having read to 
them the document from your Majesty, Cecil spoke for the rest and 
divided his answer under three heads. First, that the Queen con- 
sidering the Guises her enemies and their excessive authority in 
France dangerous, was therefore determined to resist it. 

Secondly, that the king of France and his mother, being oppressed 
and almost prisoners, she was resolved to deliver them. 

Thirdly, that as her co-religionists in France were persecuted and 
ill-treated she had decided to aid them. I replied that I had nothing 
to say about the Guises, and as to the second point I could only say 
that it was extraordinary, false and absurd. Everybody knew that 
it was not true, and it was nothing less than an insult to his Majesty 
(the king of Spain), who, as they well knew, considered the present 
government of France a good and a just one, to call its acts tyranny 
and captivity. The King my master, I said would, if necessary, use all 
his strength to protect his brother-in-law. As to the last point 
about aiding their co-religionists I said such a thing was so unreason- 
able and scandalous that I did not believe any one failed to see it 
and to recognise how badly they were acting in picking a quarrel in 
this way, which was only setting all Christendom by the ears. 

I pointed out, too, how improper it was for the Queen to promote 
religious changes in other countries, and how much more seemly it 
was for a Christian ruler to protect the ancient and true Catholic 
faith established by the law, and punish all attempts to overturn it. 

Cecil thereupon began to treat the matter excitedly, confounding 
and mixing the various points, and made much of the Guises' share 
in the loss of Calais of which he said they had robbed this country 
through your Majesty. I said Calais had been lost by those who 
defended it not knowing how to hold it, and not owing to any 
relationship of the French with your Majesty as the Secretary 
inferred, and I thought it was very wrong that matters so unfit for 
open discussion should be written about in pamphlets, and that all 
this was only to make your Majesty unpopular, although it was so 
evident as to be patent to everybody. 

The Secretary said that was so as there was no person who did 
not know that that war had been made only to please your Majesty 
and to the great danger of this country. I replied that members 
who were in the Council at the time of that war could speak of that 
best, as they were present now, when Pembroke, Arundel, and Clinton, 
said that your Majesty and the Queen alone had wished for the war 
and not a single member of the Council approved of it, followed by 
other angry and foolish expressions of the same sort. London, 25th 
October 1562. 


25 Oct. 191. The SAME to the SAME. 

I subsequently asked them to deliver my servant to me without 
touching upon their obligation to do so, but only saying that the 
Ambassador Challoner had promised that he should be handed over. 
I said, however, that if they considered that he had revealed any 
plot or other matter which I had done here unworthy of my position 
I should be glad if they would investigate it first and communicate 
it to your Majesty. They answered that the Queen had sent and 
informed me what the man had revealed, and, as for handing him 
over, the Queen had no intention of doing so as he was not a subject 
of your Majesty, not having been born in your dominions. I told 
them that he was subject to your Majesty in virtue of his canonry 
in the diocese of Aquila and two benefices in that of Trinento, and 
this was as binding and legal as natural subjection. I saw they 
disputed it, and I did not push the question further. They took 
their stand on the terms of the treaties, but I told them that this 
case was infinitely more heinous than those comprised in the 
treaties, and consequently all the more unworthy of being excused 
and condoned by them, and if the only difficulty was to prove that 
the man was a subject of your Majesty, I would undertake to prove 
that on the spot; and so the matter remained. London, 25th 
October 1562. 

Fragment, apparently a portion of the aforegoing letter. 


The Queen's improvement continues, and it is now considered 
certain that Parliament will be summoned, although if the nobles 
whom the Queen has ordered to be called together will privately 
advance her some money, as is the custom here, the Queen will be 
glad to avoid having a parliament, as she knows they would like to 
discuss the question of the succession, and she has not the least wish 
that it should be opened. Public feeling, however, is so disturbed 
that I do not see how she can avoid it, and I am told by persons of 
position that they believe the matter will be dealt with whether the 
Queen wishes it or not. It would be well that I should be instructed 
without delay what action his Majesty wishes me to take in this 
business, as to do nothing at all would not be advantageous nor 
would it look well. London, 27th October 1 562. 

8 Nov. 193. BISHOP QUADRA to the KING. 

On the 25th instant I wrote your Majesty what had passed here, 
and I have to advise that since then the Queen, seeing the success 
of the king of France and the loss of Rouen, has withdrawn all 
her troops to Havre de Grace and left Dieppe unprotected in the 
assurance that the King's forces would come against those two 
places, and knowing that Dieppe could neither be fortified nor held, 
they determined to abandon it. Some people thought they would 
do the same with Havre de Grace, but although on Sunday the 
1st instant the Council was wrangling over it for many hours, there 
was no help for it but, at last, to agree to hold it, and to send 2,000 
2 2 more men to the earl of Warwick, who is already asking for help. 



Secretaiy Cecil to whom is commonly laid the blame of this enter- 
prise pretended to be ill and would not attend the Council, but let 
the others decide the matter without him. Notwithstanding this, 
however, they did all he wished, and more. They ordered that all 
the French ships in Havre de Grace should be brought to this 
country, some say to take over troope, others to have in their hands 
a sufficient recompense, if things go badly with them in Havre de 
Grace, to repay them for the artillery and arms they have there, 
which are good and abundant. The ships they have sent for are 
said to be large and small, nearly 200 sail, and some of them have 
already begun to arrive, amongst others a fine galleon of the king 
of France. The earl of Warwick also asked for some cavalry, but 
there is no way of getting that from here, and even if they wished 
to bring it from elsewhere and the road were open they could not 
pay for it. I cannot see, therefore, how the Queen can avoid coming 
to terms, especially as I know she desires it, as I have written 
previously. The sending of Throgmorton to Orleans was only to 
forward this object with the consent of the prince of Conde' and 

About two months since there arrived here a Biscayner named 
Luis Hernialde, a native of St. Sebastian, who came to my house as 
soon as he arrived, and told me that he had come from Peru in the 
last fleet which reached Spain in August last, and that he was on 
his way to Flanders to invest a certain sum of money in merchandise. 
He left in my house for safety some gold to the value of a little over 
1,000 ducats, which gold he withdrew a few days ago and sold in 
order to send the amount to FJanders. Some days passed and I 
thought the man was gone, when he wrote me a very long letter 
from his inn, of which I enclose copy. I looked upon the contents 
as nonsense, and imagined that his real intention was to serve this 
Queen, and take part in the voyage to Guinea for which they are 
again fitting out four ships, and to divert him from this I answered 
softly and promised to do what I could for him. He sent in reply 
to this another letter, of which I enclose a copy, and went 
immediately to Hampton Court to offer himself to the Queen, to 
remain in her service, turn heretic, and embark in these ships. It 
seems the answer they gave him there was not to his liking, and it 
had such an effect upon him that, either in pretence or in earnest, 
he is wandering about the streets crazy, and has wounded and 
maltreated I do not know how many Englishmen. He was arrested 
for this, and the officials of London took from him all his money. 
I have tried to reclaim him, but nobody can do anything for him, 
as his one idea is that I am trying to have him arrested and sent 
to Spain to be tried for many fearful crimes of which he accuses 
himself. I have not refrained from giving your Majesty an account 
of this in order that you may be pleased to command what is to be 
done with the man, because if he is not mad he cannot fail to be a 
very pernicious person, and, however it may be, this small sum of 
money that he had would appear to belong to your Majesty, if your 
Majesty may please to order it to be recovered. 

The Queen has summoned the nobles of the kingdom it is thought 
to consider the succession to the Crown, in favour of the earl of 



Huntingdon. Your Majesty knows who he is and whether it is 
desirable to let these designs be carried further, and may deign to 
send orders what steps are to be'taken in such case on your Majesty's 

Many believe the king of Sweden is still thinking of this marriage. 
If he listens to all they say here there will be no lack of people to 
advise him to come. London, 8th November 1562. . 

8 Nov. 194. The SAME to the SAME. 

The Catholics here have several times requested me to inform 
them whether it is lawful or not for them to be present at the 
heretic sermons and services in the churches, upon which point there 
is difference of opinion amongst English theologians. I have always 
avoided giving a decided answer to this question in order not to 
condemn those who are in the habit of attending church or to 
encourage those who are constant in doing what they ought not 
to do. Recently several of them gave me a document which they 
begged I would send to the prelates who are gathered in the Concilia 
and obtain their opin