Full text of "Calendar of letters and state papers relating to English affairs : preserved principally in the Archives of Simancas"

Vol. I

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a 6G529. ( (,

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CALENDAR

LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS,

RELATING TO

ENGLISH AFFAIRS,

OF THE REIGN OF

ELIZABETH.

CALENDAR

LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS

RELATING TO

ENGLISH AFFAIRS,

PRESERVED PRINCIPALLY IN THE

ARCHIVES OF SIMANCAS.
Vol. I.

ELIZABETH.

155 8-1 567.

EDITED BY

MARTIN A. S. HUME, F.R.Hisx.S.

PUBLISHED BT THE AUTHORITY OF THE LORDS COMMISSIONERS OF HER MAJESTY'S TREASURY
UNDER THE DIRECTION OF THE MASTER OF THE ROLLS.

First published in 1892 on behalf of the Public Record Office

Reprinted by permission of the Controller of Her Britannic Majesty's

Stationery Office, London

KRAU5 REPRINT

A Division of

KRAUS-THOMSON ORGANIZATION LIMITED

Nendeln/Liechtenstein

1971

Printed in Germany
Lessingdruckerei Wiesbaden

CONTENTS.

PREFACE - - - - -ito Ixiii

LETTERS AND STATE PAPEBS - 1 to 690

INDEX - - - - - - - - 691 to 708

INTRODUCTION.

No period of equal length has ever been more important
for the future of England than the first nine years of the
reign of Elizabeth covered by the correspondence published
in the present volume. The country was weak, divided
and defenceless, ready apparently to fall a prey to one of
the two great continental rivals who sought to dominate it.
Catholics apprehensive and resentful, Protestants bitter
and aggressive, were ready to fly at each other's throats, and
Englishmen as a whole had no standard or rallying point
where a common ground of patriotism might be found.
Nothing but the consummate statesmanship of the great
Queen, unless indeed we add her marvellous good fortune,
would have been able successfully to play off one against
the other the two European powers which alone England
had to fear. Their jealousy of each other and the peculiar
idiosyncracies of their respective rulers were taken ad-
vantage of to the full by Elizabeth from the very first day
of her reign, and whilst the well understood characteristics
of her antagonists led to their policies being more or
less continuous and consistent and so capable of being
combated with comparative ease, her own fickleness and
vacillation which under other circumstances would have
been ruinous, were really so many points in her favour.
Grim and subtle statesmen like Alba, de Granvelle and
Philip himself playing their great game with far reaching
insight and on certain fixed principles of conduct, were
utterly thrown out of their calculations, outwitted over
and over again by a young woman's apparently purposeless

a 66539. a

11 INTRODUCTION.

vagaries. When according to all accepted canons she
should have taken a certain course, their deep calculations
were apt to be thrown out of gear by her flying off at
a tangent on a totally different tack and violating all the
rules of the game. Elizabeth's own ministers were often
as much at a loss to follow or understand the meaning of
her varying moods as were her rivals. Strong and stead-
fast Cecil, even heartsick of her changeful frivolity, was
many times on the point of laying down his heavy burden
in despair. The letters in the present volume abound
with references which prove that the keen diplomatists
who served the wily Philip were far more puzzled by the
Queen's weakness than by her strength, and that the
signal success that attended her policy, the splendid
achievement of welding England into a united nation
capable of withstanding the world in arms was not
effected by Elizabeth's statecraft alone, great as that was,
but also by the aid of the very qualities which her
contemporaries looked upon as her principal reproach.
The foreign series of State Papers of the period in the
Public Record Office, calendars of which have been
published under the editorship of Mr. Stevenson, enable
us to see the hand of one of the parties to the game, so far
as the Queen's constant changes allow it to be reflected
in official documents, and glimpses have been afforded
at the hands of the other players by the publication
of the Granvelle papers, Gachard's correspondence of
Philip II. relative to the Netherlands, the researches of
MM. Teulet and Mignet, and the various extracts from
the correspondence contained in the present volume, which
have through various channels reached English readers.
Tlie lirst attempt to lay before the public this important
portion of the vast mass of historical documents housed in
11 10 Castilion village of Siniancas was made 60 years ago

INTRODUCTION. ifi

by the publication of the seventh volume of the " Memories
de la Real Academia de la Historia Madrid 1832," in
which Don Tomas Gonzales, Canon of Plasencia, gave a
kind of slight summary of some of the principal letters
ranging from 1558 to 1576.* There was no attempt at
completeness and neither the letters chosen nor the portions
summarised were those which in all cases are of the greatest
service in the elucidation of the facts interesting to English
readers, but such as it was Serior Gonzales' book proved
of important service for some years to the historians of the
time who found in it a previously unused source of infor-
mation, and largely availed themselves of it. Mr. Froude
made the next step in advance by having a large number of
copies and extracts made from the original correspondence
at Simancas for the purpose of his history, and the letters
of bishop Quadra particularly have been used by him
very largely as a basis of his narrative of events. The
numerous extracts from the correspondence scattered in
notes through the pages of Mr. Proude's history, divorced as
they necessarily were from their context, only accentuated
the need for historical students to have the text itself
before them, in order that they might form their own
judgment as to its contents. An opportunity was afforded
for this by the publication in Madrid in 1886 and
subsequently under subsidy from the Spanish Government
of volumes 87, 89, 90, 91 and 92 of the " Documentos
ineditos para la historia de Espana" containing the

* It was called " Apuntamieutos para la historia del Eey Don Felipe
" Segundo de Espana por lo tocante a sus relaciones con la Reina Isabel
" de Inglaterra desde el ano 1558 hasta el de 1576 formados con presenda
" dc la correspondence Diplomatica orginal dc dicha epoca por Don
" Tomas Gonzales, Canonigo de Plasencia." A translation of a portioji
of these notes relating to the correspondence between 1558 and 1568 was
published in English iu 1865 by Messrs. Chapman and Hall under the
editorship of Mr. Spencer Hall, F.S.A., Librarian of the Athenreum.

a 2

iV INTRODUCTION.

correspondence of Philip II. with his Ambassadors at
the court of England from 1558 to 1584*. I was honoured
with the commission from the Master of the Rolls to prepare
and edit a condensed version of these important State
papers for the use of English students, but it soon
became evident to me that so little care and knowledge
had been exercised by the Spanish editors in the
preparation of the volumes that much collation and
correction would have to be done before any trustworthy
result could be attained. In many cases the names could
only be ascertained by an elaborate process of deduction ;
several important letters are ascribed to incorrect dates,
and even to wrong years, and it has not apparently been
considered necessary that a letter should convey any
connected sense or meaning, so that the transcribers and
compositors between them seem to have had a free hand,
with such a result as might be expected. Although I
have done my best under the circumstances to render the
present edition as trustworthy as possible, I cannot hope
that it will be entirely free from blemishes. I have
carefully compared the Spanish text where doubtful with
Mr. Eroude's extracts and copies &nd with transcripts
of many of the letters in the British Museum, and in
numerous cases I have filled gaps in the continuity of the
Spanish correspondence by letters from Philip's Flemish
agents who were sent over from time to time to assist
his Spanish Ambassadors in the settlement of questions
concerning Flanders. "Where this has been done reference
is given in the margin indicating where the transcripts I
have used may be found, but it will be seen that the
additional correspondence thus introduced lias been confined
entirely to the letters of the special Flemish envoys already
mentioned and to certain Spanish letters which for some
reason or other have been omitted by the Spanish editors,

INTRODUCTION. V

but of which transcripts from Simancas were obtainable.
The letters contained in the present volume extend from
the accession of Elizabeth in November 1558 to the end
of the year 1567, and comprise the correspondence of the
Count de Feria, of Alvaro de la Quadra bishop of Aquila
and a portion of that of Diego Guzman de Silva. In this
correspondence the innermost working of the tortuous
Spanish policy of the period is for the first time laid bare.
It must be confessed that a careful perusal of it does not
tend to raise our opinion of Philip's statesmanship. Over
and over again in the course of the correspondence there
are junctures arrived at when only a little boldness was
wanting on his part to place England and all Europe in
his hands. The blow was never struck. His faithful
emissaries one after the other wore their hearts out in
beseeching him to accept the offers of the English Catholics,
to strike a deadly blow at the reformed religion by making
common cause with the Guises, or by boldly marrying his

son Carlos to the widowed Mary Stuart and favouring her

claim to the English crown, to take up one of the other

numerous claimants, to force the Archduke's marriage
with Elizabeth, to help the Irish rebels, in fact to do
anything which would have won him the game. The
majority of the English nobles were in his pay and interest,
the common people out of London and the southern
counties would have welcomed any ruler who would ensure
them the peaceful enjoyment of the Catholic religion and
freedom from molestation in their daily lives. But whilst
with the English Catholics their religion was their
principal object and motive, Philip, for all his professed
devotion, looked upon it mainly as a means to other ends.
So he delayed and procrastinated, doubted and temporised,
whilst one opportunity after another was lost and the
consolidation of England went on until after thirty years

VI INTRODUCTION.

of sluggish hesitancy he took the plunge and found to his
dismay that he had to face a united nation under a mature
and popular sovereign instead of a hroken and divided
people under a new and douhtfully legitimate Queen.
The Ambassador in whose letters the feeling of impatience
and disgust at the King's inaction are most plainly expressed
is the Count de Feria. His high rank and his kinship with
Philip allowed him to speak of and to him with a freedom
which his succcessors dared not emulate. Of all the train
of gallant nobles, the flower of Castile and Aragon, who
accompanied Philip to England in July 1554 to espouse
his elderly bride, one of the most splendid and fastuous
was Don Gomez Suarez de Figueroa, Count de Feria, an
especial favourite of his royal relative, and who was
appointed by Philip to be a member of his Council on his
accession to the throne. High were the hopes of the
Spaniards of all ranks who came over with the new King.
England they had been told was in future to belong to
Spain, and they bore themselves before and during the
journey more like a victorious host going to take posses-
sion of their conquest than a marriage party. But they
promptly found out their mistake ; as soon as they arrived
in Southampton water English distrust and dislike made
itself felt. Philip thought it prudent to allow no one to
land from the fleet but his nobles and a few of their
servants, so the soldiers and sailors remained cooped up in
their ships till they got mutinous and then were packed
off to Portsmouth and thence to Flanders. On shore
things were still worse ; scowls and black looks greeted the
Spaniards everywhere. In London none would give them
houscroom but the City guilds who were obliged to do
so, Spanish nobles of high rank were insulted and robbed
in broad daylight in the streets, and most of them made
haste to shake the dust of the ungrateful country from their

INTRODUCTION. VU

feet and went to fight the French in Flanders. But those
who went and those who stayed were bitterly chagrined.
They wrote indignant letters to Spain inveighing against
the barbarians who were so impious as to regard monarchs
as mere puppets to be governed by the Council, and who
openly dared to say that all they wanted Philip for was to
engender a son and then he might go about his business,
and good riddance, for he should never rule in England.
The hatred and scorn of the proud Spaniards at the insults
to which they were subjected and their disappointment to
find that they were no more masters of England than
before the King made the great sacrifice of marrying the
Queen were all the more intense because they were forced
to keep a smiling face and suffer in silence. But they
nursed their wrath to keep it warm, and Feria, haughtiest
and most overbearing of them all, hated England and
Englishmen with a fierce intensity which constantly
blazes out in his letters. He had married Jane Dormer,
one of Queen Mary's maids of honour, a daughter of Sir
William Dormer of Ethrope and a niece of Sir Henry
Sidney, and after accompanying Philip to Flanders had
been again sent over to London in January 1558 to advise
Mary as to the course she should take respecting the
loss of Calais and to congratulate her on her supposed
pregnancy. He had apportioned to him as a residence
Durham Place in the Strand, one of the principal royal
houses, and also had apartments in the palace as if he had
been an English privy councillor, and even thus early,
although he appeared to be almost paramount in the
Queen's counsels and practically did as he liked, he breaks
out constantly in his letters in impatient and scornful
denunciations of English institutions, the Councillors and
even of the Queen herself, which prove notwithstanding
all that has been said to the contrary how far ho was from

Till INTRODUCTION.

understanding England or Englishmen. From all his

letters at this period there stands forth with infinite pathos

the figure of Mary herself, weak of body, sick at heart

and infirm of purpose, swayed this way and that, now by

Cardinal Pole, now by her Councillors and now by Feria

of whom she was afraid. Calais lost, Guines surrendered,

the treasury empty, the Scotch frontier defenceless, the

southern coast open to the enemy and her people sullen

almost to mutiny at having to support an unpopular and

unfortunate war, the poor Queen's one hope in the world

seems to be the coming of her consort. The principal

object of Feria's mission early in 1558 was to urge upon

Mary and her Council the need for promptly raising a

fleet to defend the coasts and for the muster of an army to

guard the Scotch marches. Ratcliff, earl of Sussex had an

idea that the English gentry might be ordered to bring a

force of horse for the Queen's service, but Mary knew

better and told Feria that all the gentry together would

not furnish 100 horsemen and as many foot, whereupon

Feria was confirmed in his previously expressed opinion

that Sussex was a liar and a knave, and says he wonders

what he (Philip) saw in the fellow to fall in love with him

as he did. Feria worked upon the fears of Mary and the

Council by stories of a league of the Hanse towns and

Denmark against them and an attack projected upon the

Isle of Wight from Dieppe, which he knew to be false, and

at last frightened them into ordering 500 horse and 3,000

foot to be raised in Germany and an English fleet to be

collected in all haste. But, after large sums of money had

been spent on them both, the infantry and the fleet were

used for Philip's service, although Feria admits that if four

French ships were to land men on the coast the whole

nation would be overturned. Nothing can exceed the

Ambassador's scorn at the cumbrous way of obtaining

INTRODUCTION. IX

supplies from Parliament. He was for ever worrying the
Queen to find some quicker and more abundant way of
supplying the wants of the nation, or what is more
probable the needs of his master. In vain they told him
that the sum voted was the largest amount ever granted
to an English sovereign by Parliament, and the Queen
praised the willingness and loyalty with which it had been
voted. Feria could not understand so much circumlocution
in obtaining funds from subjects, and made no attempt to
disguise his scorn for such methods and for the ineptitude
of Councillors who knew no better. Paget came to him
one day to say that if he were allowed a larger share
in the management of the Queen's affairs he would soon
set matters right. He knew of a way, he said, to raise
800,000 crowns at once. But it all ended in smoke.
Paget's device as might be expected was one of those
fashionable under his old master Henry VIII. a
benevolence but impossible now, and he was laughed at
by the Councillors. Then they tell Feria that.Gresham
is to go to Antwerp, as they have arranged to borrow
100,0007. there and 60,000/. in London. When Gresham
arrives in Flanders he can only get 10,000^., and Feria
writes in hot scorn and indignation and advises Philip to
punish Gresham for not going to Brussels to see him
before doing the business and for misleading them as
to the amount.

On the 10th March 1558, Feria writes : " I have not
" written before for I am at my wit's end, God knows,
" what to do with these people. From morning to night
" and from night to morning they are changing their
" minds in everything and it is impossible to make them
" understand the position they are in, the worst surely
" in which a people ever were. If it were only for
" them, I should like to see them fall into the hands of
" those who would treat them as they deserve, but I am

X INTRODUCTION.

" afraid they would drag us down with them. The
" Queen says she does all she can, and really her will is
" good and her heart stout, but everything else is wrong."

Even thus early, months before Mary's fatal illness,
the star of Elizabeth is clearly in the ascendant.

When the maladroit Swedish Ambassador came in May
with an offer from Prince Eric for Elizabeth's hand and
delivered to the Princess a letter from his master before
mentioning the matter to the Queen, Mary's great distress
and trouble for fear Philip should blame her for failing
to compel her sister to marry the duke of Savoy as Philip
wished in the previous year, touch even Eeria. She is
somewhat tranquillised by Elizabeth's answer that she does
not wish to marry, and Feria expresses an opinion that this
distress was one of the causes of her miscarriage, concluding
by these words : " In short, Sire, I believe that her Majesty
" will not do anything to prevent her (Elizabeth) from
" being Queen if God do not send your Majesty children."
A fortnight later Eeria again returns to the subject, and
writing on the 18th May 1558 says: "I wrote to your
" Majesty that I did not go to see Madam Elizabeth when
" I arrived because my only means then of successfully
" carrying through the business about which I came was
" to obtain the goodwill of the Queen, and I did not think
" well to disturb her, particularly as I had no special
" instructions from your Majesty. I have since sent
" however to excuse myself to Madam Elizabeth by the
" Admiral's wife who was brought up with her and is her
" close friend, saying that after she left, c. courier had
" arrived from your Majesty with orders for me to visit
11 her on your behalf. I had already told Paget to make
" my excuses to her but I do not believe he did so as
*' the Admiral's wife told me that on his asking Madam
" Elizabeth whether I had been to see her and being told

INTRODUCTION. xi

" that I had not he simply expressed surprise and nothing
" else. Both Figueroa and I think that the matter should
" not be left in this way, but that I ought to go and visit
" her before I leave. She is twenty miles from London.
" Your Majesty knows the whole of the circumstances,
" and if you think I should go it will be necessary for
" you to write to the Queen."

The proposed visit to Elizabeth at Hatfield was paid at
the end of June, but Feria did not trust the details to
paper. The object of his coming to England had been
effected. He had frightened the Council into raising a
fleet which had been placed at Philip's disposal ; he had
worried the Queen and her advisers into borrowing every
penny that could be obtained both in Antwerp and
London ; Mary's hope of progeny had disappeared and her
illness and melancholy daily increased, so Feria started for
Brussels in July, at the urgent request of his master, who
was very anxious, as he says, to hear by word of mouth
all that had passed.

Dassonleville, one of Philip's Flemish Council, remained
in London, and on the 10th October reported that the
Queen was then better than she had been since the
commencement of her malady, but on the 7th November
he wrote an important letter saying that Parliament had
just met to discuss the then pending negotiations for peace
and the succession to the throne in case of the Queen's
death, which was then understood to be approaching. He
says how beneficial it would be for Philip himself to be
present in order to bend the Parliament to his will, but
that if the King cannot come he urges the despatch of
the Count de Feria to England as " it is clear that this
" country cannot stand without an alliance with Flanders
" against its natural enemies the French and Scotch,
" although the common people do not understand it yet.

Xll INTRODUCTION.

" so full are they of projects for marrying Madam
" Elizabeth to the earl of Arundel or someone else." He
says that ill as the Queen is vulgar rumour makes her
out to be even worse, which he fears will make the
French more obstinate about the restoration of Calais.
Disturbances may occur in the country at any moment.
The important part of Dassonleville's letter however is
a hurriedly written postcript as follows : " Continuant
" rindisposition de la Royne ceulx du conseil d'ici le jour
" d'hier out remonstre" a S. M. plusieurs choses pour
" 1'enchyre de faire quelques declarations favourables pour
" Madame Elizabeth touchant la succession du Royaulme.
te De maniere que sa diet Majeste si est accorded et
" s'envoyent de la part de S. M. ct du conseil les contro-
" leurs et maitre des rolles demain matin vers la dicte
" dame luy declairer que la Royne est tres bien contente
'" qu'elle luy succede s'il advient qu'elle decede, la
" requerant entre aultres de deux choses Tune qu'elle
" voculle maintenir 1'ancienne religion comme S. M. la
" restitute, la seconde payer les debites qu'elle deleisera.
" Et les attendon incontinent de retour donct nai volu
" leiser a ceste heure par ce courier partant incontinent
" advertir V. M. ensamble que jurnellement de plus en
" plus Ton craint la fin de ceste malladie."

On the day this postscript was written, Feria was already
hurrying post haste from Brussels to London, where he
arrived two days afterwards, on the 9th November 1558.
The Queen was partially unconscious and unable to read
the letter he brought from her absent husband, but as
Feria says, " always in the fear of God and love of Chris-
" tianity." The Ambassador did not lose much time
however over his dying mistress, but called the Council
together and approved in Philip's name the choice of
Elizabeth as tho Queen's successor, and then at once took

INTRODUCTION. Xlll

horse the same day and again visited the coming Queen at
Hatfield, Here the long duel in which Elizabeth was
eventually to come off victorious hegan. So long as Feria
confined himself to courteous commonplace, she answered
him in the same spirit, hut as soon as he hegan to patronise
her and hint that she owed her coming crown to the
intervention and support of Philip she stopped him at once
and said that she would owe it only to her people. She
was equally firm and queenly when Feria liinted at her
marriage with her Spanish brother-in-law, and all through
the interview showed a determination to hold her own
and to resist all attempts to place her in the tutelage of
Philip.

At this point the letters in the present volume commence
and the confusion which reigned during the first few days
of the great transition are vividly described by Feria.
" Things are in such a hurly-burly and confusion that
" fathers do not know their own children " If she
" decides to marry out of the country, she will at once fix
" her eyes on your Majesty, although some of them arc
" sure to pitch upon the Archduke Ferdinand. I am not
" sure of all this but only conjecture. I hope your
" Majesty will pardon the disorder and confusion of my
" letters, for tilings here are going on in such a way that
" it is quite impossible to get enlightened on anything,
" and if I wrote everything she and they say I should
" never end. Really this country is more fit to be dealt
" with sword in hand than by cajolery, for there are
" neither funds nor soldiers nor heads nor forces, and
" yet it is overflowing with every other necessary of
" life."

Feria's hatred of Englishmen blazes out even in this first
letter after the Queen's death, and whilst railing about the
falseness of the dead Cardinal Pole, the ingratitude of

XIV INTRODUCTION.

" that scurvy Lord Chamberlain Hastings " and the rest
of the Council " who are all as ungrateful to your Majesty
" as if they have never received anything from your
" hands," he yet suggests that the Queen must be married
to a husband of Philip's choosing, and that wholesale
bribery must be resorted to in order to bring this about.
It very soon became clear to the Ambassador that he had
to deal with a very different set of people from those who
surrounded Mary. Instead of being allowed to bully the
Queen and Counsellors, as he had done in the previous
reign, he found himself an object of suspicion. " I am
" trying to get a chamber in the palace when she goes to
" Whitehall, although I am very much afraid they will
" not give me one, but I have little chance of getting to
" talk to these people from the outside, and they are so
" suspicious of me that not a man amongst them dares
" to speak to me." " They are all very glad to be free of
" your Majesty, as if you had done harm instead of very
" much good, and although in all my letters to your
" Majesty I have said how small a party you have here, I
" I am never satisfied that I have said enough to describe
" things as they really are. As I am so isolated from
" them, I am much embarrassed and confused to devise
" means of finding out what is going on, for truly they
" run away from me as if I were the devil. The best
" thing will be to get my foot into the palace so as to
" speak oftener to the Queen, as she is a woman who is
" very fond of argument." But Elizabeth was quite
shocked at the idea of giving an apartment in her palace
to a man who might represent a possible suitor for her
hand, and Eeria had to content himself by taking every
opportunity of playing upon the Queen's vanity and
jealousy of her dead sister to prevent her from marrying
a subject or indeed making a match less brilliant than

INTRODUCTION. XV

Mary had done. For all liis suave exterior and soft words,
he soon recognised that his pride and arrogance made him
too impatient fittingly to deal with the new Queen and
her Councillors, indeed Elizabeth herself said that he was
too proud and knew too much to stay there, and he
confessed to the King that it was useless for him to try
and cajole them without money, and even then he must
have someone by his side more facile than himself
" as I am a bad hand at negotiating without a tender."
So he asked the King to send him the bishop of Aquila
to help him. Of all possible instruments probably the
Bishop was the very best that could have been chosen.
Supple, patient, insinuating and unscrupulous, "a clever
and crafty old fox," as Bishop Jewel calls him,* he was
the type of the ecclesiastical diplomatist that especially
suited Philip's cautious, stealthy methods, at a time when
religion and politics were almost interchangeable words.
Thenceforward for nearly five years Alvaro de la Quadra,
bishop of Aquila, was a foremost factor in English politics,
until heartbroken and worn out by Philip's procrastination
and neglect of opportunities he was left to die in debt and
poverty in a foreign land by the master he had tried to
serve so well.

The tone of Feria's letters in the present volume would
seem to prove that Philip can hardly have been such a
terror to his intimates as history has usually represented
him. We know it is true that he could strike swiftly and
relentlessly whilst he smiled at his victim, as most of his
favourites one after the other found to their cost when it
was too late. But Feria makes no attempt to soften the
unpalatable truths he has to tell, and blurts out the tale of
Philip's unpopularity and all the London gossip about him

* Znrich Letters, Parker Society, Jewel to Peter Martyr, 7th February
1562.

XVI INTRODUCTION.

with the thinnest veneer of ceremony. He gives his
advice to his sovereign too in a blunt and peremptory way,
and uses familiar and jocose expressions in his letters to
the King in a manner which indicates that the relations
between them were as much those of friends as of
sovereign and subject. The most curious part of this
is, however, the. startling frankness and hardly veiled
contempt of which he speaks of Philip in his letters to
third persons, particularly after his return to Flanders. It
is quite a revelation to see when the veil is lifted, as it is
in Feria's friendly letters to the Bishop, that the King was
not by any means a sphinx-like hero to his friends, but
that his indolence, his timidity and his procrastination
were roundly condemned by them. A good specimen of
Philip's halting and tentative policy is his letter (No. 8.)
instructing Feria to propose his marriage to the Queen
(10th January 1559). As will have been seen, the matter
had been hinted at even before Mary's death and at
intervals ever since had been approached indirectly by Feria
in liis interviews with the Queen. From the spirited way
in which she met these advances, it should have been clear
that she would accept no man as a husband, however high
his position, unless he came as a suitor, and that she herself
would not bate one jot of her kingship for the greatest
match in Christendom. And yet Philip seems to have
thought that he only had graciously to consent and to
dictate his own terms for England once more to saddle
herself with him ; a belief which it is difficult to under-
stand in the face of Feria's outspoken letters to him.
Philip intimates his willingness to make the sacrifice in
the following words : "As regards myself, if they should
" broach the subject to you, you should treat it in such
" a way as neither to accept nor reject the business
" altogether. It is a matter of such grave importance

INTRODUCTION. XV11

" that it was necessary for me to take counsel and

" maturely consider it in all its bearings before I sent you

" my decision. Many great difficulties present themselves,

" and it is difficult for me to reconcile my conscience to it,

" as I am obliged to reside in my other dominions and

" consequently could not be much in England, which is

" apparently what they fear, and also because the Queen

" has not been sound on religion, and it would not look

" well for me to marry her unless she were a Catholic.

" Besides this, such a marriage would appear like entering

" upon a perpetual war with France, seeing the claims

" that the queen of Scots has to the English crown. The

" urgent need for my presence in Spain

" and the heavy expense I should be put to in England

" by reason of the costly entertainment necessary to the

" people there, together with the fact that my treasury

" is so utterly exhausted as to be unable to meet the

" necessary ordinary expenditure .... bearing

" in mind these and many other difficulties no less grave
" .... I nevertheless cannot lose sight of the

*' enormous importance of such a match to Christianity

" and the preservation of religion which has been restored

" in England by the help of God. Seeing also the import-

" ance that the country should not fall back into its

" former errors lohich would cause to our neighbouring

" dominions serious dangers and difficulties, I have

" decided to place on one side all other considerations

" which might be urged against it and am resolved to

" render this service to God and oifer to marry the Queen

" of England and will use every possible effort to carry

" this through if it can be done on the conditions that will

" be explained to you. The first and most important is

" that you should satisfy yourself that the Queen will

" profess the same religion as I do, which is the same

a 66529. b

XVlii INTRODUCTION.

" that I shall ever hold, and that she will persevere in the
" same and uphold it in the country, and with this end
" will do all that may appear necessary to me. She will
" have to obtain secret absolution from the Pope and the
" necessary dispensation, so that when I marry her she
" will be a Catholic, which she has not hitherto been. In
" this way it will be evident and manifest that I am
" serving the Lord in marrying her and that she has
" been converted by my act." (No. 8.)

In the meanwhile the religious innovations that were
being made, although far from satisfying the reforming
party, were deeply disturbing the Catholics and alarming
Philip, who after submitting the case to Alba, B/uy Gomez
and de Granvelle took the extreme course of instructing
Feria to forcibly press upon the Queen the need of pre-
venting changes in religious affairs for her own sake if
for no other. He is to arouse her suspicion of the
heretics, as they are known to cling to the French, and
is told even to threaten her that if any religious changes
are allowed she must abandon all hope of marriage with
Philip. Feria saw how little his King realised the true
state of affairs in England and did not venture to breathe
a word about religion to the Queen whilst the marriage
question was pending. He does not indeed seem to have
pressed the marriage question very eagerly, as it must
have been evident to him on the spot that a match saddled
with such conditions as those imposed by Philip would be
impossible. When he found the Queen harping on her
usual string of disinclination to marry, he refused to take
an answer at all unless it were a favourable one, and
practically dropped the negotiation, for which want of
persistence Elizabeth taunted Feria and his successors for
years after whenever the matter was mentioned. It must

1NTBODTJCTION. XIX

of course have been evident to her, as it was to Feria, that
such a match was impossible for her, but it certainly
would have suited her to keep the matter afoot for a time,
as a means of obtaining better terms from the French
in the peace negotiations. Philip himself, completely
exhausted by the war, had settled by means of his
commissioners at Chateau Cambresis the terms of a peace,
but Mary's death and the consequent expiry of the
commissions given to her representatives at the congress
had caused delay with regard to England's part of the
arrangement. It was impossible for England to carry on
the war alone, and although Philip for diplomatic reasons
forbore to make a separate peace he instructed Feria over
and over again to assure the Queen and Council that if
peace could not be concluded without abandoning the
demands for the restitution of Calais, then Calais must go.
It was a bitter pill for Elizabeth to swallow thus early, and
it must be confessed that if diplomacy and finesse could have
preserved the town for England it would have been kept.
Whilst Philip, who had settled his own affairs with the
French months before, was holding out for his English
allies and certainly doing his best to minimise the French
demands, the English Queen was secretly negotiating with
France for a separate peace which should leave the Spaniards
in the lurch. Guido Cavalcanti went secretly backwards
and forwards treating of peace and of marriage, bearing
draft treaties and love tokens, but secret as he was,
hidden in Elizabeth's palace itself, Philip and Feria knew
all that was going on, and the latter in one of his letters
(No. 13) suggests to his master that Cavalcanti might
be quietly got rid of. No matter how or by whom the
negotiations were carried on, it soon became evident that
the French would keep Calais, and after frequent bursts
of rage and empty threats about it, Elizabeth at last

b 2

XX INTRODUCTION.

agreed to an arrangement by which the fortress was to
be returned to the English after six years and peace
was concluded between all the powers. Even thus early
Feria had recognised that he was no match in diplomatic
cunning for Elizabeth and Cecil, and he now saw that
with the conclusion of peace the growing popularity of
the Queen amongst the common people, and the close
community between the Huguenot party in France and
the English Protestants, some bold course must be taken
if Spain was to remain dominant in England. Whilst the
question of Philip's marriage with the Queen was yet
undecided and the terms of peace unsettled, the Ambassador
sent the bishop of Aquila to the King to give him a verbal
account of affairs in England and to urge him to action.
In the letter from Feria to Philip announcing this
(No. 15) he says, " If they cannot agree on terms with the
" French nor are disposed to prepare suitably for carrying
" on the war (which they cannot do and even if they did
" I would not accept it unless I had your Majesty's orders)
" I think it will be best to pick a quarrel on that question
" and on religion and the marriage so that we can press
" them again in that way or open the door for your
" Majesty, if nothing else can be done, to act in your own
" interests. When this is decided the Bishop will go to
" give your Majesty an account of the state of the country
" and the dissensions which are feared, and all other
" points which may be necessary for your Majesty's
" guidance as to your relations with these people, and in
" the event of their ruin to provide beforehand for what
" must be foreseen and provided for " The Bishop took
to Flanders with him some rough notes of the points to
be urged upon the King (No. 17), which give a vivid
reflection of Feria's view of the situation and an indication
of the lines upon which the Bishop was instructed to

INTRODUCTION. XXI

approach Philip. After dwelling upon the confused state
of things, the defencelessness of the country and the evil
it would be to Spain that England should fall under French
influence, the notes conclude, " That his Majesty's obliga-
" tions in these matters should be considered and in
" sight of them and the state of things here a fit remedy
" should be applied. To consider the perils and troubles
" which may be feared if no such remedy is provided
" first spiritual and then temporal." The meaning of the
final words no doubt was that the Pope should be allowed
to declare Elizabeth illegitimate, and that Philip should
immediately thereafter openly espouse the cause of one of
the pretenders to the crown other than the queen of Scots,
probably Catherine Grey, with whom Peria was friendly
and who is perhaps the person referred to in the beginning
of the notes under the name of Maria Isabella. Philip is
to be left in no doubt about his own unpopularity, and
is to be informed that only by working upon the
religious prejudices of the Catholics and a lavish ex-
penditure of money in bribes can anything effectual be
done. Soon after the Bishop departed, Feria wrote to the
King hinting again strongly that aid should be given to
the Catholics to revolt. " If I had money and authority,"
he says, " I would willingly rather give it to them (i.e. the
" Catholic Bishops) than pay the pensions of these
" renegades who have sold their God and the honour of
" their country. I am sure that religion will not fall,
" because the Catholic party is two thirds larger than the
" other, but I could wish that the work were done by
" your Majesty's hands and that God should not be
" delivered over to the enemy." Philip's jealousy of the
French, his love of being on the strong side, and his
attachment to Catholicism, were all appealed to in order
to spur him on to action which should nip the rising hopes

XX11 INTRODUCTION.

of Elizabeth and the reformers, but in addition to Philip's
caution and hesitancy there were other difficulties in
the way of which Feria failed to gauge the importance.
Philip was hoping to disarm Erance by his marriage with
Elizabeth of Valois, the King's daughter, and he knew
that his open assistance to the English Catholics to depose
the Queen and stifle Protestantism would exacerbate
the enmity of the Protestant princes of Germany and
perhaps let loose the storm of which the mutterings were
already audible in Elanders. So in answer to Eeria's
advice and the Bishop's arguments he directs a policy
of soft words, of pacification, of palliation, and tells his
Ambassador again and again, " You must keep principally
" in view by all ways and means to avoid a rupture
" as already mentioned the importance of which is so
" great that I cannot be satisfied without repeating
" it so many times." And yet, as showing his constitu-
tional indecision, he sends at the time 60,000 crowns
to be spent "in gaining friends," and says, "I have also
" ordered in case of necessity that money should be raised
" to fit out a fleet in a short time, so that it may
" be ready to carry men over to England if required.
" I have not had it done at once so as not to
" arouse the jealousy of the English and in order
" that people may not think it is for my voyage to
" Spain." This policy did not commend itself to fiery
Eeria. He keenly felt the decrease of his influence since
the death of Mary, and was still of opinion that the only
way to " deal with these people was sword in hand." His
interviews with the Queen were wordy combats in which
Elizabeth's nimbleness and womanly wit usually out-
matched his hot-headed arrogance. Whilst Philip was
counselling soft words and the marriage of the Queen
with his bigoted Austrian cousin Eerdinand, Eeria was

INTRODUCTION. XXlli

only thinking of armed force with which he might
satiate his revenge against the heretical English whom
he hated.

On the llth April 1559 (No. 24), he writes to the King
in this strain : " Now that God has deigned to send this
" great boon of peace to Christendom, and your Majesty is
" more at leisure to attend to other obligations, I think it is
" time to consider how things are going to end here. This
" business is divided into two heads ; first that of religion,
" and whether your Majesty is bound in this respect I do
" not enquire, although the Catholics claim that notwith-
" standing the country having been at the disposal of your
" Majesty to be treated as you wished it has come to its
" present pass. The other head is the question of the
" State and the necessity of preventing the king of France
" from dominating the kingdom, for which object he has
" two circumstances so favourable to him, namely the just
" claims of the queen of Scots and the great ease with
" which he could take possession owing to the miserable
" state in which the country is, as I have informed your
" Majesty several times since I came hither, and I think
" it has been growing worse every hour. I have done my
" best to carry out your Majesty's commands to try and
" tranquillise the country and please the Queen, and to
" hold my hand in religious affairs .... But it
" behoves me to consider whether with things as they are
" your Majesty can be assured of that which is desirable,
" because, as I understand, leaving aside God's affairs and
" religious matters unredressed, now that these people arc
" better able to do as they like than at any time since this
" woman became Queen, all the time which may be
" allowed them to carry out their heresies will be pernicious
" to the tranquillity of the country and may give rise
" to tumult. And besides this whenever the king of

XXIV INTRODUCTION.

" France finds means in Rome to get this woman declared
" a heretic together with her bastardy and advances his
" own claim your Majesty will he more perplexed . .
" than at present, because I do not see how your Majesty
" could in such case go against God and justice and
" against the Catholics who will doubtless join him (the
" king of France) if lie comes with the voice of the
" Church behind him. To let him take the country,
" which he will do with so much ease that I dread to
" think of it, would be to my mind the total ruin of vour

V *

" Majesty and all your States, and seeing things in this
" light as I do and to fail to inform your Majesty would
" in my opinion be a crime worthy of punishment
" both towards God and your Majesty."

But it was all useless; Philip the prudent was not
to be hurried. His one idea was to get back to his beloved
Spain, amongst a people as grave and leisurely as himself,
and Feria begged to be relieved from his uncongenial and
unsuccessful mission. His English Countess had, he
thought, been treated off-handedly by the Queen, and lie
himself was looked upon with suspicion by all the Court,
so an excuse was invented that he was to be one of the
hostages of peace sent by Philip to the French, which was
untnie, so that he might lay down his embassy without
an open confession of his unfitness for it.

Before he left, the question of the Queen's marriage
had assumed a new phase. The earl of Arundel had
receded into the background and Guido Cavalcanti's
vicarious wooing for a French prince had come to an end.
Philip's own suit had only been tentatively put forward
and according to Elizabeth's own avowal to the French
Ambassador had been rejected by her on her conscientious
scruples against marrying her brother-in-law, but really, as
we have seen, for far more weighty reasons. Feria was

INTRODUCTION. XXV

instructed by Philip to present with accustomed caution
the claims of his first cousin the Archduke Ferdinand ; but,
if we are to believe his letter (No. 27), the matter had
already been broached by the Court gossips to Count
Helfensteyn, the Imperial Ambassador, and Feria at once
took steps to ensure that the match if it were made at all
should be made by Jus master and in his interests. But
another star was already in the ascendant. Feria writes
(No. 27) : " During the last few days Lord Robert has
" come so much into favour that he does whatever he
" likes with affairs, and it is even said that her Majesty
" visits him in his chamber day and night. People talk
" of this so freely that they go so far as to say that his
" wife has a malady in one of her breasts and the Queen
" is only waiting for her to die to marry Lord Eobert. I
" can assure your Majesty that things have reached such
" a pass that I have been brought to consider whether it
" would not be well to approach Lord Robert on your
" Majesty's behalf, promising him your help and favour
" and coming to terms with him."

A few days afterwards he writes (No. 29): -"They
" talk a great deal about the marriage with Archduke
" Ferdinand and seem to like it, but for my part I believe
" she will never make up her mind to anything that is
'* good for her. Sometimes she appears to want to marry
" Mm and speaks like a woman who will only accept a
" great prince, and then they say she is in love with Lord
" Robert and never lets him leave her. If my spies do
" not lie, which I believe they do not ... I under-
" stand she will not bear children, but if the Archduke is
" a man, even if she die without any, he will be able to
" keep the Kingdom with the support of your Majesty.
" I am of this opinion, and the reasons I have shall be
" placed before your Majesty when I arrive. I beg your

XXVi INTRODUCTION.

" Majesty to order this business of the Archduke's
" marriage to be well considered and discussed as the
" tranquillity of Christendom and stability of your
" Majesty's dominions depend upon it." Feria had been
trying for some time by threats and dismal forebodings to
work upon the Queen's fears if she allowed religious altera-
tions to be made, and he saw that Elizabeth was not to be
frightened or indeed permanently influenced from without,
and the only chance for Spanish diplomacy was to get an
instrument of its own planted in the inner circle by the
Queen's side whether it was an Archduke depending upon
Philip for support or Dudley bought by Philip's gold
mattered but little.

Feria left London at the end of May, and, at his earnest
recommendation, the bishop of Aquila was appointed to
succeed him, taking up his residence at Durham Place,
which, however, as it had been granted to the Count de
Feria personally still remained for a time in the occupation
of his English Countess. A letter from the Bishop to the
duke of Alba early in May (No. 32) shows in an almost
startling manner, as do many subsequent letters, how
religious persecution was entirely a matter of political pro-
cedure, and that the inner ideas of those upon whom we
look as cruel and narrow bigots were much the same as
those held today. Nothing is more curious indeed in the
letters comprising the present volume than to see that
religion, even for such men as Philip and his agents, was the
merest stalking-horse behind which the movement towards
civil and political freedom might be attacked. The Bishop
says, " The heretics of our own times have never been
" such spoilt children of the devil as these are, and the
" persecutors of the early church were surely not impious
" enough to dare to pass such unjust Acts as these (the
" Act of Uniformity). To force a man to do a thing

INTRODUCTION. XXV11

" whether he likes it or not has at all events some form
" however unjust, but to force him to see a thing in the
" same light as the King sees it is absurd and has no form
" either just or unjust, and yet such is the ignorance here
" that they pass such a thing as this. Religion here now
" is simply a question of policy, and in a hundred
" thousand ways they let us see that they neither fear
" nor love us." The difference between Feria's rough
methods and the gentle softness of the Bishop is soon
apparent in a better understanding between the Queen
and the Ambassador. A good specimen of his adroitness
is seen in the letter (No. 35) where he relates how, on
finding that the Queen had received reports from Germany
unfavourable to the Archduke Ferdinand and was bent
upon rejecting him, he pretends that the Archduke Charles
was always the suitor they meant to present and never
Ms brother ; and the wily Bishop not only makes her
believe it, but in a very short time establishes cordial
relations with her and with many of her Council, even
with Cecil, of whom he speaks with high praise. His task
nevertheless was a difficult one. The King was still
apparently unable or unwilling to realise the actual
state of affairs in England and continued to direct his
Ambassador, to lecture and alarm the Queen about her
religious shortcomings, a course which both Feria and
the Bishop had found worse than useless. The new
Ambassador, soft as was his speech to the English, was,
if anything, more emphatic than Feria had been in urging
upon his master the need for bold and decided action, and
the accidental death of Henry II. of France gave him
(No. 45) a good opportunity of re-stating the case to Philip.
In diplomatic language hardly veiled lie hails the death
of the French King as a providential opportunity not to
be lost to re-establish the Catholic party by the active

XXT111 INTRODUCTION.

intervention of Spain. But it was all in vain. Philip
was not to be hurried into any course of action whilst
delay and hesitancy were possible. A real or pretended
plot to poison the Queen and Leicester, together with
the new state of affairs created in Scotland hy the
accession to the French throne of Mary of Scotland's
consort, seemed for a time likely to drive Elizabeth into
the arms of Spain whether she wished it or not. Dudley
and his sister .Lady Sidney were the intermediaries and
they, well bribed apparently, confidentially approached the
Bishop as from the Queen to urge the Archduke Charles
to come over at once. Here was an opportunity where
a little boldness and yenturesomeness might well have
won the prize, and the Bishop at once wrote to Cardinal de
Grranvelle, to the duchess of Parma, and to the Emperor,
urging that the Archduke should be sent and the affair
carried through with a rush, clandestinely if necessary.
But doubt and hesitancy again conquered; the advice
was disregarded, the danger to the Queen blew over, and
she, seeing the quibbling there was about sending her
Austrian suitor to woo her, again began on her part to
temporise, and the opportunity was lost. Meanwhile
Philip was preparing to start on his much wished voyage
to his dear Spain, and the letters that passed between
Feria in Brussels and the bishop in London are instructive.
The Bishop was spending large sums in gaining friends
and his own means were dwindling. Feria took up his
cause in this as in other things and complained again and
again in no measured terms of the King's procrastination.
" It is only with great trouble that he can be got to
" decide anything. I believe a more wretched life is
" before the Queen than she wots of. I am only sorry
" that it is not we who are to give her the purge, but
" those scoundrels shall pay for it (No. 42).

INTRODUCTION. XXIX

" Whatever we may do or say, we can get no further
" than the instructions given to Don Juan de Ayala (i.e.
" to remonstrate \vith the Queen), which will have as little
'" effect as what has heen done before. About your
" Lordships affairs we have had the King in labour for
*' a month, but have not managed to deliver him yet.
" He promised yesterday that he would despatch the
" matter at once. I do not fail to put before him all the
" urgency and necessity for decision, but I find no more
" movement in other things than in this (No. 44).

lt Do not be astonished or angry at anything you may
" see until we have tired the King out, as he expects to
" be tired out before he does anything great or small. It
" is no good saying anything more about the voyage to
" Spain, for if the world itself were to crumble, there
" would be no change in that" (No. 51). After the
King's departure for Spain, the Count writes still more
frankly : "I have not written before because in truth
" every time I recollect how the King has gone, to Spain
" without making proper provision for your Lordship I
" am so annoyed that I cannot help expressing it. I do
" not wish to recount the way his Majesty treated matters
" during the last few weeks he was here. He cared little
" whether we paid out of our own pockets, instead of
" he and the commonwealth. I hope he will open Ms
" eyes now that he has gone to cure his homesickness in
" Spain. Things are going badly there and they are
" coming to such a pass that we soon shall not know
" which are the heretics and which the Christians. I will
" not believe evil of the Archbishop (of Toledo) or his
" companion or of the Archbishop of Granada, who has
" also been summoned by the inquisitors. What drives
" me crazy is to see the lives led by the criminals and

XXX INTRODUCTION.

" those led by the judges and to compare their respective
" intelligence."

This is bold speaking about the all powerful inquisition
which had laid hands even upon the primate of Spain
for heresy and the Bishop is hardly less frank in reply
(No. 70). In the meanwhile the interminable intrigues
about the marriage with the Archduke or Leicester go on
with varying fortunes ; the openly declared claims of the
new Queen of France to the English throne are arousing
resentment and a desire in the breast of Elizabeth to
strike the first blow and the false sleek Bishop is going
about gaining friends by money, promises and blandish-
ments, whilst his spies are everywhere discovering the
weak places on the coast towards Flanders, learning the
names of the disaffected gentry, and whispering encourage-
ment in the ears of the sullen Catholics who bide their
time impatiently, awaiting the aid which never comes.

Of all things the most to be dreaded for Philip's policy
the one idea of which was the maintenance of Catholicism
in Europe as part of a political principle was a war
in Scotland between France and the English Queen. It
soon became clear that it would mean the drawing
together in close unity of the majority of the Scotch
nation who were reformers, the Huguenots in France who
were bitterly resentful of the Guise domination, and the
powerful reforming party in England who would, thus
reinforced, be able to pledge the Queen more deeply than
ever to an anti-Catholic policy. But above all it was
evident that the Flemings themselves would be em-
boldened in their idea of political and religiouc freedom
when they saw so powerful a combination as this on one
side of them, whilst on the other were the protestant
princes of Germany, ready if needful to aid their cause

INTRODUCTION. XXXI

when they saw it strong enough to make an effectual
stand. Quadra and his correspondents saw this plainly
enough, and one of Philip's most trusted Flemish coun-
cillors, Philippe de Staveles, Seigneur de Glajon, was sent
to urge Elizabeth either by cajolery or threats to keep the
peace. But this measure, as Quadra and Feria knew full
well, was useless or worse. If talk of any sort, threatening
or persuasive, could have effected any good purpose it
would already have been done either by the Count or
the Bishop. The latter does not hide his opinion from his
master, but speaks quite openly to the Count de Feria in
Brussels. Writing on 7th March 1560 he says : " The
" coming of the personages to be sent by his Majesty
" hither and to France will do more harm than good if
" they are only coming to talk, as the Catholics expect
" much more than that, but in any case they will be too
" late, as the good or ill will be done before they arrive,
" the army having to leave here within a fortnight to
" attack the French. The Queen will have to take the
** matter up more warmly than she thought, as Randolph
" tells me the rebel forces are very few and the Scotch
" people are making no move as she expected. She is in
" danger and much alarmed, and this is the time to do
" what ought to be done, but if we are to be always on the
" defensive and to palliate such things I can only say
" patience ! although I well know we shall never have
" such an opportunity again. All are with us and the
" very heretics are sick of it. I do not presume to speak
" openly of the matter in this spirit as I am not a
" turbulent or boasting person and do not want to
" appear so." He said as much as he dared in the same
sense in his letters to the King, always with profound
professions of humility for his presumption, but Philip
for months together hardly answered his letters except with

XXX11 INTRODUCTION.

bare acknowledgment of their receipt and thanks for
the information conveyed in them. In the meanwhile the
Catholic party in England were getting restive as one
opportunity after the other was allowed to slip by leaden-
footed Philip, and Quadra could only keep touch with
them by means of continuous half promises and hints and a
lavish expenditure of money from his own resources, for to
his plaintive and humble prayers even for his bare wages
Philip hardly deigned to reply, and only on rare occasions
was an inadequate grant-in-aid sent from Flanders. As
help from Spain and the marriage of the Queen with an
Austrian Prince seemed to recede further in the distance
and the union of reformers in England France and
Scotland became stronger, the hopes of the Catholics were
centred more and more upon a revolt in the north of
England for purpose of raising young Darnley to the
throne, and such countenance as Quadra could extend to
them underhand, and without compromising his master
was certainly given. The story of the war with Scotland
and the desperate attempts of Philip's agents to pacify
matters are well told in the letters of Quadra and the
Flemish envoy De Glajon to the duchess of Parma, and
the outcome of the struggle although favourable ostensibly
to England and the reformers in Scotland brought home
to Elizabeth a very unpleasant truth. As we have seen
she had from the first day of her reign depended mainly
upon the jealousy of France and Spain against each other,
but Philip's threat, although it was, as the correspondence
shows, never more than a tlireat, to help the French if she
continued the war, showed that for the time at least
the marriage of Philip with a French Princess and the
domination of the Catholic Guises over the young King
and Queen had drawn the French and Spanish courts into
close community and that the understanding between the

INTRODUCTION. XXX111

Protestant peoples in Europe and Great Britain had been
followed by a similar movement in the Catholic interest,
and Cecil saw plainly that the best way to counteract it
was a marriage of the Queen with the Archduke by which
the interest of France and Spain in England might be
rendered divergent. Persuaded by him the Quei'n affected
again to be willing to consent to the match, but she had
played fast and loose too often with Quadra for him to be
deceived very seriously this time, and although he kept up
the pretence of treating the matter gravely, he docs not
hide his real opinions from his master. Quadra was not
the only person who was disgusted with Elizabeth's
instability and levity on a subject of so great an im-
portance as this the only means as it seemed of dividing
the two great powers in whose division alone lay England's
safety Cecil himself, patient and steadfast as he was, lost
heart when he saw that the worthless Dudley, who of
himself was contemptible, was yet able by his presence to
paralyse the far-seeing policy of wiser heads than his own.
A letter written by the Bishop to the Duchess of Parma
llth September 1560 (No. 119),is of the highest importance,
as showing the extremely critical condition of Elizabeth's
position when Cecil was ready to turn against her. " I
" had an opportunity," he says, " of talking to Cecil, who
" I understood was in disgrace, and Robert was trying to
" turn him out of his place. After exacting many pledges
" of strict secrecy, he said the Queen was conducting
" herself in such a way that he thought of retiring. He
" said it was a bad sailor who did not enter port if lie
" could when lie saw a storm coming on, and he clearly
" foresaw the ruin of the realm through Robert's intimacy
" with the Queen, who surrendered all affairs to him and
" meant to marry him. He said he did not know how
" the country put up with it, and he should ask leave to

a 6652'J, C

XXXIV INTRODUCTION.

" go home although he thought they would cast him into
" the Tower first. He ended by begging me in God's
" name to point out to the Queen the effect of her
" misconduct and persuade her not to abandon business
" entirely but to look to her realm ; and then he repeated
" twice over to me that Lord Robert would be better in
" Paradise than here."

But Quadra was far too wise to meddle in the matter
and was secretly delighted at a rupture from which the
Catholics had everything to hope, his only misgiving being
that Cecil might declare for the Earl of Huntingdon as
King with the support of the French reformers, and he
again begs the Duchess to urge Philip to strike the blow
and not to " wait until the Queen mends matters." In the
same letter additional presumptive proof is given of
Dudley's guilt in the murder of his wife. " He (Cecil)
" ended by saying that Robert was thinking of killing his
** wife who was publicly announced to be ill although she
" was quite well and would take very good care they did
" not poison her. He said surely God would never allow
" such a wicked thing to be done. I ended the conversa-
" tion by again expressing my sorrow without saying
" any tiling to compromise me, although I am sure he
" speaks the truth and is not acting crookedly . . .
" The next day the Queen told me as she returned from
" hunting that Robert's wife was dead or nearly so, and
" asked me not to say anything about it. Certainly this
" business is most shameful and scandalous, and withal I
" am not sure whether she will marry the man at once or
" even at all, as I do not think she has her mind suffi-
" cicntly fixed. Cecil says she wishes to do as her father
" did .... Since writing the above, I hear the
" Queen has published the death of Robert's wife and

INTRODUCTION. XXXV

" said in Italian, ' She broke her neck ; she must have
" ' fallen down a staircase '."

The effect of Dudley's freedom was soon seen in the
fawning approaches made by him to the Bishop with bids
for the support of the Spanish King, in consideration of a
settlement of religious questions in England and the
representation of Elizabeth in the Council of Trent. They
managed for a time at all events to hoodwink so clever a
diplomatist as Quadra, who believed in their professed
wish to take part in the Council and make concessions to
the Catholics, and a papal Nuncio was sent post haste to
Flanders to cross over to England the moment formal
permission was given him. But Quadra was cautious
enough to repudiate all idea of a bargain by which Philip's
countenance to Elizabeth's marriage with Dudley was to
be given in payment for the Queen's acceptance of
Catholicism. He professed in a vague way his master's
warm attachment to Dudley and the Queen, and welcomed
their entrance into a better frame of mind as regarded
religion, but he was very careful to keep the two things
separate, and when they found he was not to be caught
they promptly cast off the mask and he saw that he had
been befooled with regard to their religious professions a
fact which he treasured up and bitterly resented to the
day of his death, and from that time forward, soft and
smiling as he continued, the breach between him and the
English court grew wider and wider and his influence
decreased. Its decrease however was not brought about
by this circumstance alone. On the 4th December 1560,
an event happened which shifted all the pieces on the
European chessboard and the game had to be re-set. The
boy king of France, Francis II., died after a reign of a year
and a half, and Mary of Scotland ceased to be queen of
France. Philip's reluctance to follow the advice of his

c 2

XXXVI INTRODUCTION.

agents and aid the Catholic party in England to rebellion
for the sake of religion had not been without very good
reasons from a political point of view. He knew full well
that the only logical and natural result of a successful
Catholic rising in England would have been to place Mary
of Scotland on the throne, or in other words to have
handed over England to France and the Guises. Whatever
religious bigotry Philip may have felt in his moody and
sickly old age, his burning zeal for Catholicism at this time
was, as I have pointed out, much more a matter of policy
than of faith. Protestantism meant for him a revolt
against authority, the spread of a virus that was already
affecting his Flemish dominions. His system of govern-
ment was summed up in the uncontrolled rule of
sovereigns and the unquestioning obedience of subjects.
Those who began to doubt the wisdom of their
superiors in religious matters might to-morrow demand
a discretion in civil government. The civil power at the
time comparatively weak, of itself was insufficient to
enforce blind obedience and was obliged to avail itself of
the two other concrete forces at the disposal of despotic
rulers, namely the power of arms and the strongest and
most compact of all the ecclesiastical power. However
attentive Philip may have been to the outward forms of
his faith, abundant evidence exists in the correspondence
in the present volume to show that neither he nor his
agents, lay or clerical, were deeply imbued with its spirit.
All through the letters there runs a vein of cynicism
which hardly cares to veil by a few flimsy stereotyped
phrases the patent fact that however much religion might
be talked about its professed interests had always to be
subordinated to political advantage. And so when the
restoration of the Catholic faith in England, which might
have been effected by Philip many times during the early

INTRODUCTION. XXXV11

months of Elizabeth's reign, meant the strengthening of
the hands of France, the Catholic King temporised, snd
religion as he understood it was allowed to go to the wall.
As we have seen, Elizabeth's strength lay in her know-
ledge of this fact. For a time, it is true, Philip's marriage
with the French Princess seemed to bode ill for England ;
but the apparent friendship between France and Spain
thus brought about was not a real one. Philip was as
jealous as ever of the Guise influence in Scotland and
England. France itself was reft in twain by religious
faction, and Catharine cle Medici, the Queen-Mother, hating
and distrusting the Guises who had superseded her, leant
for protection on Vendome and the Protestants, and it
needed all the efforts of the gentle Elizabeth of Valois in
her new Spanish home to keep up any pretence of friend-
ship between her ambitious mother and her intolerant
husband. French Protestants and others were persecuted
with greater barbarity than ever by the Inquisition in
Spain, the French expeditions to Spanish America aroused
Philip's ire against his wife's country to the utmost point
of arrogance, and it was soon understood in England as
elsewhere that if the matrimonial sacrifice of Elizabeth of
Valois had been made to cement a union between France
and Spain that sacrifice had been made in vain. But the
death of Francis II. changed the whole problem. The
new King was a child and the Queen-Mother, Catharine
do Medici, was again the mistress of France. She might
employ the Guises or she might dismiss them, as she did
more than once, but the Guises were not now necessarily
dominant and the rule of their niece, Mary of Scotland,
over England would not mean the handing over of the
country to the French as it would have done whilst she
was queen of France too. To add to this, Catharine do
Medici hated her Scottish daughter-in-law for many

XXXV111 INTRODUCTION.

feminine reasons besides those which prompted her dislike
to her uncles, and the more Mary of Scotland and her
family drifted away from Prance the less had Philip to
fear from her elevation to the English throne.

Quadra expresses an opinion (No. 132) that the profession
of a desire by the Queen and Dudley to amend religion in
a Catholic sense and take part in the Council of Trent were
only prompted by a fear that under the changed aspect of
affairs Philip might marry a member of his own family
to the widowed Scotch Queen and assert her claim to
the Crown. But he says that although they hoped to
befool him by a prolonged negotiation, during which
they could move the Protestant Scots nobles to marry
their Queen to their liking, their hands had been
forced by the prompt coming of the Nuncio whom they
dared not receive. It is probable that if Philip had
acted at this juncture with boldness and promptitude and
forced a marriage between Mary and one of the Austrian
Archdukes, as Cardinal Lorraine desired, Elizabeth's
policy would have been crippled, but once more caution
and timidity won the day; the Scotch reformers were
strengthened and prompted by Cecil to resist a foreign
husband for their Queen, and the opportunity was again
lost for the time (No. 139). In the meanwhile Quadra
soon found by the treatment extended to him by the
Queen and her Council that the whole position had
changed. Elizabeth had nothing to fear now from France
or from Scotland unless Philip was allowed to get the
latter country into his grasp, which was daily becoming
more improbable, and she could afford to throw herself
more boldly than ever on the support of the English
Protestant party. Her only dread now was a rising of
English Catholics with the support of Spanish power.
The farcical negotiations for marriage with the Archduke

INTRODUCTION. XXXIX

had again receded into the background, and although the
Queen was for ever avidly angling for fresh offers to
refuse, Quadra saw that the only serious suitor for the
moment was Dudley. But he was not deceived ; although
in obedience to his halting and rare instructions he kept
up a semi- jocose pretence of maintaining Elizabeth and
Dudley in a good humour, and professing a desire to sec
them made happy, in case anything came of the wooing,
yet he never ceased to tell his master as plainly as he dared,
that if his desire was the restoration of Catholicism in
England or the maintenance of Spanish influence he could
never do it through them, and that a rebellion in England
supported by Spain was now the only hope.

In January 1562, Dudley had applied for a letter from
Philip to the Queen recommending her to marry him
(Dudley), and as an inducement for Quadra to ask his
master for such a letter, said that the French had held out
great offers to him, but that he wished to receive the boon
from Philip's hand. Quadra saw through the trick, which
was only to get a favourable letter from Philip which
they might publish and thus crush the last hope of the
Catholics of getting help from Spain, but he writes to the
King that unless he is really going to help the Catholics
there is no harm in giving the letter and throwing over
the Catholic party. In fact the Bishop was beginning to
despair. He could get neither money nor instructions,
not even answers to his letters, from the tardy Philip. He
had put off the Catholics with half words and temporising
generalities until he was at the end of his resources. The
Catholic party was rapidly coming to understand that
Philip's professed zeal for the faith was only a means of
forwarding his national interest in which they apart from
religion had no sympathy, and losing belief as they were
in the reality of his promises in their favour, they were

Xl INTRODUCTION,

daily depending more upon their own resources and
prospects and welding themselves into a party, Catholic
it is true, but as patriotically English as any other section
of their countrymen, a fact which Philip found out to his
chagrin when in 1588, thirty years too late for his object,
he tried the subjugation of England. The King could not
plead ignorance for his delay. Hardly a letter of Quadra's
fails to tell him that boldness still remains the only policy
which offers a chance of success.

On the 31st January 1562, when writing on the subject
of the letter requested by the Queen and Dudley, the
Bishop speaks thus plainly to his master (No. 150).
"Tour Majesty will decide for the best, but I cannot
" refrain from saying that if your Majesty does not
" think of employing other than ordinary means to remedy
" religion and the affairs of this pernicious Government
" there is no reason to avoid giving the letter. Although
" it may not serve to attach her to us or cause her to
" amend things to any extent it may yet keep up this
" pretended friendship and take from her the cause pf
" complaint for which she is seeking. If your Majesty
" should ha.ve the idea that by our temporising and
" avoiding any declaration in favour of the Queen the
" Catholics may be encouraged with other adversaries to
'* make a movement which might give an opportunity
" for your Majesty to get your hand in here to help them,
" I can assure your Majesty that this is not to be hoped
" for. I am quite certain, and they have plainly told me,
** that they will never move without being sure of the
" help and succour of your Majesty, because in the first
" place they would not know what plan or object they
" should follow, and in the second place because they
" have not strength enough to do anything of the
" sort without the certainty of ruin, and especially

INTRODUCTION. xli

" when the Queen is secured with her alliances with
" France and Scotland. This suspension or neutrality
" in affairs here not only harms your Majesty's interests
" by keeping the Queen suspicious and discontented
" and injures religion, hut if I am to tell the truth,
" which is my obligation to your Majesty, these Catholics
" have lost all hope, and complain bitterly that
" through their placing all their confidence in your
" Majesty and trusting you entirely they have failed to
" avail themselves of the friendship of the French which
" in the life of King Francis was offered to them, every
" moment, and with which they could have remedied
" religious grievances although with some danger to the
" temporal state. They are so aggrieved at this that no
" generalties are sufficient to console them."

In default of aid from Philip, the hopes of the English
Catholics were now based upon a marriage being effected
between Mary Stuart and Darnley, and the first whisper
of the hopes which such a match inspired put Elizabeth
and her advisers on the alert, although she herself had been
the first to propose it. Castelmiu de la Mauvissierc in his
" Memoir es" says, "She exerted all her art and spared
" no pains to promote the marriage," and asserts that her
indignation at it was only simulated. It is highly probable
that Elizabeth's anger at the match was for the great
part feigned, but still when she found that it met with
the warm approval of Philip and the Catholic party,
it cannot have failed to arouse some misgivings in her
mind, and she was no doubt willing enough to avail herself
of the excuse to find a cause of resentment and complaint
against Mary Stuart which could only end in the further
humiliation of the Scotch Queen unless overt aid was lent
to her cause by Philip, which Elizabeth had by this time
ceased in a great measure to fear, as she knew that his

xlii INTRODUCTION.

hands were more than full with his wars with the Turks,
his crushing disaster at Los Gelves and his troubles in the
Netherlands. As the time went on, Quadra's position got
more and more desperate. Deeply in debt, without money
even for his daily needs, old and broken, an object of
suspicion to the whole court, who knew that he was
besought by every disaffected man and party in the
country, yet knew not, as these letters show, how powerless
he was to give the slightest encouragement to any of
them ; his own behaviour to the Queen and her Council
reflected theirs towards him and his sleek suavity changed
to petulant complaint. His couriers were stopped and. his
letters read ; spies surrounded him even in his own house-
hold ; and at last his most confidential secretary was bought
over by Cecil to lay bare the story of plots more or less
real that had been hatched or helped by the Spanish
Ambassador. Then the storm burst and the Bishop
declared that he would bear it no longer. Entreating and
indignant letters were sent by him to the King, the
Duchess of Parma and the Duke of Alba praying to be
relieved from his unhappy post ; but he was told that he
must smooth matters over, temporise, and make the best
of things for the King's service. The poor Bishop
accepted his cross with tranquil resignation but with a
heavy heart, and continued in his embassy, but thence-
forward, although he dared not disobey his master's
commands, he secretly gave all the countenance and
support he could to the discontented and disaffected, with
the hope no doubt of keeping them in the Spanish interest
in case Philip should ever decide to move. Arthur Pole
appealed to him for help on his madcap enterprise without
success as Avould appear from the letters, but still one
cannot help reading between the lines and seeing that he
probably was more benevolent towards him than he dared

INTRODUCTION. xliii

to tell the King. The same thing may be noticed in his
dealings with the Irish rebels who were constantly
approaching him. The Ambassador it is true did not
venture to compromise Philip's interests or openly act in
violation of his orders, but he had his private wrongs and
slights to avenge against Elizabeth and her Protestant
ministers, and there is no doubt that Durham Place
became a try sting place for treason.

But a more pressing danger threatened England than
the futile plotting of a vindictive priest. So long as the
reforming party in France were dominant in the Councils
of the Queen-Mother, and the Guises were kept in check,
Elizabeth had nothing to fear either from France or
Scotland, but the destruction of Protestantism in the
former country and the rise of the Guises would mean
that the whole of the French power might be used to
place Mary of Scotland on the throne of England. So
when Guise's hot-headed followers set the whole edifice in
a blaze by murdering the Protestant congregation at
Vassy, in March 1562, and Guise entered Catholic Paris in
triumph, Elizabeth was prompt in giving armed aid to
Conde" and his Protestants and sending an army to Havre.
She was not at war with France, she repeatedly assured
Quadra, but only with the Guises, who were coercing their
sovereigns and violating the law, Both the Spaniards and
the French tried to frighten Elizabeth by telling her of
armed forces being sent by Philip to aid the Catholic
cause in France, but she well knew by her agents in the
Netherlands that religious feeling was in such a condition
there as to make such a thing improbable, even if Philip's
jealousy of France and the Guises had not prevented him
from helping them to pull the chesnuts out of the fire, and
she was never deceived for a moment. So little did the
Queen and her advisers fear Philip's threats now that they

xliv INTRODUCTION.

chose this very juncture to adopt fresh measures of
severity against his subjects and others in England for
attending Catholic service in the Ambassador's house. A
raid was made on the embassy whilst Mass was being said,
and all the congregation marched off to the Marshalsea.
Spies were put at the doors of Durham Place to watch
those who went in and out, and, on a flimsy pretext that
the Bishop had sheltered an assassin in the house, new
locks were put on the doors and the keys handed to the
English porter. All this was done with unwarranted
roughness, and the Ambassador, broken doAvn with
repeated insults, threatened by Cecil with the violence of
the mob, yet obliged to put up with everything for his
ungrateful master's sake, could only beg humbly that
another dwelling might be given to him instead of the
house from which he was to be expelled.

In the meanwhile with the death duel between Protes-
tantism and Catholicism in France yet undecided, the
centre of Europeans intrigue was changed. The question
of first importance now was not who should marry
Elizabeth, because it was clear that she was pledged to
the Protestant cause in any case, but who should marry
Mary Queen of Scots and displace or succeed the queen
of England.

Elizabeth's main desire was that Mary should not
marry a foreigner. She had suggested Arran without
success and held out tempting promises if Mary would
take Darnlcy or Leicester. But the queen of Scotland
said she would never marry a Protestant and she would
never take a husband of Elizabeth's choosing. Cardinal
Lorraine had been intriguing for a long time to bring
about a match with the Archduke Charles, but he was too
poor and powerless to enable Mary to assert her claim to
the English throne or to face her rival on equal terms, and

INTRODUCTION. xlv

Philip did not want his cousin to marry at a Guise's
bidding, so she and the Scots would have none of him.
Maitland of Lethington knew as well as did Elizabeth
that Philip's threats to help the French Catholics against
Conde and the English were vain words and that the
stronger the Catholic cause grew in that country the more
likely would he be to prevent the Guises from marrying
Mary to a man of their own choice. This appeared to be
a good opportunity for the queen of Scots to make a really
great match, so she sent Lethington to London in March
1563, ostensibly to discuss the succession with Elizabeth
and to offer the mediation of Mary between her uncle the
Duke of Guise and the English Queen. When Lethington
arrived, it was known that the Duke had been murdered
and that part of his mission, if it was ever seriously meant,
fell through, but the probable real object of his journey
was soon broached in long and secret interviews with the
Spanish Ambassador, of which Quadra gives very minute
accounts in Nos. 215 and 216. Lethington said that he
was on his way to France to propose a marriage between
his mistress and the French King, a child of twelve at the
time, and as Lethington confessed an utterly unsuitable
husband in all respects for his sister-in-law Mary Stuart.
This was probably a mere pretence which deceived nobody
and certainly would not deceive so experienced a man as
Philip. Catharine de Medici knew Mary too well ever to
let her get the upper hand in France again and thus give
a preponderance to the Guises and the Catholics which
would take away the source of her (Catharine's) power ;
namely the playing cff of the two great factions against
each other. But it was apparently considered necessary to
go through the diplomatic formula of pretending to hold
one winning card before playing the other. Lethington
freely confessed to Quadra that such a match was in the

xlvi INTRODUCTION.

highest degree unfitting, and pointed out how much better
a marriage would be that of Mary and Don Carlos. Quadra
was charmed with the idea and sent off a beseecliing
appeal to Philip to make a bold stroke at last. The idea
of the marriage was popular in England and the country
might be raised easily he said, and this seemed to him, as
it probably was, the last chance of the re-establishment
of Spanish influence in the island. Quadra had to wait
more than three months before an answer came from his
tardy King. He highly approved of the suggestion, but
instead of closing with it he halted and temporised in his
usual way. The Ambassador was to discover from the
Scots all the undertakings and understandings they had in
England. " You will inform me step by step of all that
" happens in the matter, but without settling anything
" except to find out the particulars referred to above until
" I send you word what I desire to be done."

Philip admitted that the marriage of Mary with the
French King would be disastrous to him and saw the
importance of the proposed match with Carlos, yet, great
as was the stake, he wanted to risk nothing. "With
" regard to the adherents the Scots will have in England
" and the increase of their number if necessary you will
" not interfere in any way further than you have done
" hitherto, but let them do it themselves and gain what
" friends and sympathy they can for their opinions
" amongst the Catholics and those upon whom they
" depend. I say this, because if anything should be
" discovered they should be the persons to be blamed and
" no one in connection with us."

But this style of negotiating did not suit Lethington.
He was in London again in June pressing Quadra for a
decided answer and for bold action. Elizabeth had told
him that if his mistress married Carlos or the Archduke

INTRODUCTION. xlvii

she would be her enemy, and it was evident that he could
not afford to offend her and at the same time fail to gain
the support of Philip. So he plainly told Quadra that
unless a decided answer could be given to his proposals
his mistress would have to marry at Elizabeth's bidding,
with an agreement that she should succeed failing issue
to the latter. Seeing the hopelessness of getting Philip
to move, Quadra in his zeal took a very bold course. He
wrote to the Emperor urging him to take the matter in
hand and marry Mary to the Archduke Charles, and said
that he had sent an English gentleman representing the
Catholic party to the queen of Scotland to offer their
aid " in case she will marry the Archduke and to the
" satisfaction of the King my master." " This," he says,
*' will be no deception, for the affection to my King in this
" country is very great. . . . Your Majesty's fear
' that my advocacy of this business may be unfavourable
" is unfounded, as nothing is more likely to forward it.
" The only thing they will insist upon in Scotland is that
" the Archduke shall have enough money to keep himself
" without looking to them, and also that he is strong
" enough to establish his right to this crown."

But Philip in his leisurely way had not abandoned the
idea of a match between Carlos and Mary and again
instructed Quadra to keep the matter pending. When
the orders came Lethington had left in dudgeon and the
poor Bishop writes to the Duke of Alba in the Netherlands
pointing out how the affair is falling through for want of
decision. The letter (No. 239) is dated 17th July 1563,
and after recapitulating the steps that have been taken
goes on to say : "In view of this grave state of things
" I think the instructions his Majesty has given me are
" inadequate and not sufficiently decided, not because
" the greatness of the crisis does not call for all due

xlyiii INTRODUCTION.

" deliberation, but because I think the remedy a weak
" one for so dangerous a malady. When they see
" that instead of giving them a firm reply we come to
" them only with halting proposals, I do not know what
" they will think of it.

" It is useless to ask them to give me information as to
" the support the queen of Scots can count upon in
" this country in order that I may convey it to his
" Majesty with my opinion on it. Lethington knows very
" well that all this has been done long ago, as he told me
" what he was doing, and of course I could not hide my
" communications from him. We have been spoken to
" by the same people about the marriage, and those who
" have begged me to propose it to his Majesty have
" pressed Lethington to recommend it to his Queen and
" have given him lists of . Catholics and others who
" could raise troops for her service."

Quadra said almost as much to the King himself. He
saw that Lethington had gone back disgusted at the delay
and more than half disposed to come to terms with
Elizabeth ; he felt that the business had been spoiled by
want of promptness in Philip*s replies, and in his answer
to the King (No. 238) he was evidently not sanguine of
re-opening the negotiations effectually or safely. "On
" the other hand I have considered that this delay might
" prejudice the business, and that if the queen of Scot-
" land were to hear of your Majesty's intentions it might
" have the effect of putting a stop to any other arrange-
" ment these people may have proposed to her, so between
" the two extreme courses I have decided to take a middle
" one, which is to secretly send a person in whom I have
" entire confidence to Scotland and inform the Queen
" through him that I have something of importance to
" communicate to her respecting her marriage, but that

INTRODUCTION. xlix

" as I cannot go thither and she has no Ambassador here,
" I think it will be well for her to send to me a trustworthy
" person who is well informed of the state of affairs in
" Scotland and of the negotiations that are being carried
" on in England, and to this person I will say what I have
" to convey to her." The person so sent disguised as
a merchant was Luis de Paz, and when he returned he
found the Bishop already dying. " I found," he says, " the
*' Bishop so ill that he only lived six hours after, and
" although he understood and answered me sensibly he
" was in great grief that he should drop from his work
" just when he hoped to succeed. He expired with the
" words ' I can do no more.' '

For a year and a half the Bishop's body remained
unburied, held by the servants clamorous for their wages.
Letter after letter was written by his faithful secretary
Luis Roman, pointing out the distress of the household
and the creditors. A small sum was sent from Flanders
to pay and dismiss some of the servants, and the new
Ambassador wrote in vain to the King to enable him to
put an end to the scandal of the faithful servant's remains
being treated with such indignity. It was not until
March 1565 that Philip sent enough money to stave off
the demands of the most pressing creditors. The rest of
them were probably never paid and the body had to be
smuggled out by stratagem and stealth to avoid seizure
for the remaining debts.

The new Ambassador, Don Diego Guzman de Silva, a
canon of Toledo Cathedral, received his appointment from
Philip in January 1564, five months after Quadra's death
(No. 244), although he did not arrive in England until six
months later. But his mission was a widely different
one from that of his predecessors. Both Eeria by his
arrogance and Quadra by his cunning had sought once

1 INTRODUCTION.

more to make Spain paramount in the counsels of
England and both had failed. Boldness and good fortune
had enabled Elizabeth to avail herself to the full of her
neighbours' jealousy of each other and to unite herself
definitely with the growing Protestant party whilst
Philip's hesitancy had disheartened the Catholics. In the
meanwhile things were going from bad to worse for
Philip in the Netherlands, where the struggle was rapidly
assuming the form of a duel to the death between the old
traditions of Flemish self-government and the newer
absolutism which Philip's father in his youth had
succeeded in imposing upon Spain by the defeat of the
comuneros. The reformed religion was to Philip the
embodiment of a rebellious spirit against absolute autho-
rity and as such had to be crushed, or the system which
alone Philip understood would be discredited. Almost
openly the English Protestants were sympathising with
their Flemish brethren and flocks of refugee Protestants
were daily arriving from the Low countries in England
to establish their industries here. It was not in Philip's
nature to refrain from retaliation when he had it in his
power, and the English in Spain were cruelly persecuted
for their faith on the barest suspicion of heresy, and this
again was resented in England by a recrudescence of the
pillage of Spanish and Flemish ships at sea. Then began
a retaliatory war of tariffs between England and the
Spaniards in Flanders. An attempt was at first made by
Elizabeth to foster the new Flemish industries in England
by restricting the entrance of certain manufactured goods
from Flanders, and at length at the time of the new
Ambassador's appointment a general prohibition had been
issued by both countries practically forbidding commercial
intercourse at all. Envoys from both sides had been going
backwards and forwards for months without succeeding

INTRODUCTION. ll

in settling matters. Flanders was suffering much, more
from the prohibition than was England, which had secured
a good inlet to the continent through Embden, and had
given permission for free export to all other countries but
Flanders, so that Elizabeth could afford to stand firm as she
did against all the efforts made to force her into an inferior
position in the negotiations, and it became necessary if
Flemish commerce was not to be destroyed altogether that
an Ambassador of rank should again reside in London and
endeavour by diplomacy and soft words to compass what
threats and retaliation had failed to bring about. It will
thus be seen that Guzman de Silva's position was quite
distinct from that of Quadra. The new Ambassador came
to ask for a redress of grievances, not to impose a policy.
Philip had his hands too full of his own troubles to attempt
to rule other countries than his own and his instructions
to Don Diego Guzman (Nos. 244 and 248) are mainly
concerned in obtaining for Flemish commerce immunity
from attack and for the Catholics resident in England
toleration for their religion. He is, however, directed to
spy out all the coming and goings of heretics between
Flanders and England and to keep a close record of all
Spanish Protestants of whom he hears for the information
of Philip and the inquisition. But although he said
nothing to his new Ambassador, it is clear that Philip
was not reconciled to his powerlessness in England and
was only waiting for his opportunity, as he thought, when
once Protestantism should be crushed in his own Nether-
lands. Guzman de Silva is told to win over Dudley and the
other Councillors and stealthily to encourage the Catholics
" with such secrecy, dissimulation and dexterity as to give
" no cause for suspicion to the Queen or her advisers, as it
" is evident that much evil might follow if the contrary
" were the case."

d 2

Hi INTRODUCTION.

The new Ambassador was received with all graciousness,
and the object of his mission facilitated. He had no need
to seek Dudley for the purpose of gaining him over, for
from the day of his arrival the favourite and his friends
besieged him with offers of service. Cecil, they said, was
the obstacle in the way, and if he could be got rid of by
Guzman de Silva's help, Dudley would marry the Queen
and restore the Catholic religion as Philip's faithful
servant. Dudley's friend (No. 255) assured the Ambassador
that he had already an understanding with the Pope, and
that his intentions with regard to religion were good.
Their very eagerness to throw themselves at the head of
Guzman defeated their object. He was a well-meaning
gentleman not without ability or subtlety ; his time had
mainly been passed in cathedral cloisters and he lacked
Quadra's astuteness and knowledge of men, but the hurry to
identify him with Dudley's intrigue against Cecil aroused
his suspicions and he received the advances with amiable
banalities and forbore to pledge himself or his master.
Things for the time certainly were looking ominous for
Cecil. His cognisance of, if not his aid in, the preparation
of John Hale's book in favour of the claim to the succession
of Catharine Grey had deeply offended the Queen, and
Dudley was only too ready to seize the opportunity of
widening the breach between his mistress and the great
minister who was the main obstacle to his ambition. The
Catholics were clamorous for his removal, and came to the
new Ambassador with the same violent counsels with
which they had plied Quadra. They were strongly against
the settlement of the commercial questions with Flanders
except by a war which should stop English trade
altogether and give an excuse for Spanish armed inter-
vention in their favour. But Guzman knew full well
that Ids master would not and dared not at the time go to

INTRODUCTION. Hi!

war with England for the sake of re-establishing the
Catholic religion here whilst his own dominions were a
seething cauldron of disaffection, so he got out of the
difficulty as cleverly as Quadra himself might have done.
" I have had to tell them that the steps to he taken
" against the Chancellor and Cecil and the other leaders of
" heresy in the matter of the hook about the succession
" have not been pushed forward because the Queen dare
" not turn them out or take strong measures unless she
" has peace and an understanding with your Majesty, and
" with the Catholics through you. I say it is necessary to
" encourage the Queen in the idea that she is free to turn
" these people out, which she would not venture to do
" if she thought she had anything to fear from your
" Majesty, but would cling fast to them and the Pro-
" testants. All people think that the only remedy for
" the religious trouble is to get these people turned out of
" power, as they are the mainstay of the heretics, Lord
" Robert having the Catholics all on his side, and I tell
" them they must take these things into consideration
" when they were seeking a remedy, and that plenty of
" opportunities will offer themselves if needed to raise
" war or stop trade later on. The Catholics are much
" disturbed, and as they have no other idea than this they
" will not abandon it until they see some clear way
" of gaining their point. Certainly from what I hear
" they are very numerous if they dared to show or had
" a leader."

Infatuated as the Queen might be with Dudley, she
could not dispense with Cecil's great services, and the plot
against him failed and Dudley's hopes again decreased,
notwithstanding the sympathy of Philip's Ambassador,
who was instructed by his master to offer his aid only
on a distinct promise from Dudley to fully restore the

liv INTRODUCTION.

Catholic religion in the event of his marriage. However
much Dudley might convey by inuendo, he dared not pledge
himself to this, and Cecil remained unmolested. In the
meanwhile the half serious suggestions of marriage now
of Elizabeth, now of Mary, were made by one or the other
representative of the conflicting interests into which the
continent was divided. As soon as the negotiations for
a match between Elizabeth and the Archduke assumed
too hopeful an aspect, overtures were made for her marriage
with the boy king of France. This was retaliated by
a talk of marrying Mary to Don Carlos or to his uncle
Don John of Austria. The next time perhaps the order and
persons were reversed, but Elizabeth with consummate tact
played with each suitor in his turn, always keeping
Leicester in reserve. Guzman himself, who reports the
ever changing phases of the marriage question, was appa-
rently never greatly deceived by them, and it is more than
probable that the French negotiations were equally lacking
in earnestness. The combination of secrecy, swiftness,
and boldness necessary for either party to be successful
was impossible under the circumstances, and the various
feints and checkmates were obviously only to keep the
matter open until a more favourable juncture should arrive
for one or the other party. The reconciliation between
Philip and the Pope, the promulgation of the decrees
of the Council of Trent and the fears of a league of
Catholics all over Europe which were again and again
revived drove Elizabeth periodically into the need for
temporising, and when the news came that Philip himself
was to march with a great army through Savoy to punish
his revolting Flemings, it is easy to see by the letters that
something like dismay existed amongst the English
governing party. The Queen went out of her way to
reiterate to Guzman her condemnation of the action of the

INTRODUCTION. Iv

Protestants in Flanders, although she only partially
succeeded in convincing him. In every conversation
with the Ambassador at the time, she thought to minimise
the difference between her own creed and that of the
Catholics, and hinted continually that for reasons of
policy she was obliged to hide her real religious leanings.
Her famous rebuke of the dean of St. Paul's, Dr. Nowell,
on Ash Wednesday, 1565, for preaching against images,
related here (No. 286), is only one of many instances in the
present letters of the fear inspired by the dreaded league of
Catholics against the Reformers. The interview of Philip's
French wife with her mother Catharine de Medici at
Bayonne, notwithstanding Guzman's earnest protestations
that it was only a meeting of family affection, gave further
confirmation to Cecil and his mistress that mischief was
brewing for them. They were justified in their fears, for
the instructions given by Philip to Alba prove that the
underlying object of the interview was undoubtedly the
crushing out of Protestantism all over Europe. The
French version of Alba's instructions (Paris- Archives C.K.
1393, B. 192) contain the following statement of the
objects of the meeting :

" Premierement. De faire promesse mutuelle d'avancer
autant qu'il sera en leur puissance 1'honneur de Dieu,
sontenir la religion sainte et catholique et pour la
defense d'icelle employer leurs biens, forces et moyens,

et ceux de leurs sujets.

"Ne permettre jamais es pays de leur obeissancc
aucuns ministres ni exercises de la religion nouvellc soit
en public ou en particulier et faire faire comman dement
a tous lets dits ministres sortir hors des provinces et
terres des dits deux princes dedans cinq mois sous peine
de la vie sans qu'il soit loisible ni permis a aucun de les
receler, cacher et supporter, sur les memes peines, rase-
ment de leurs maisons et confiscation de leurs biens.

Ivi INTRODUCTION.

"Faire publier en cliacun de leurs dits pays gardcr
et entretcnir le Concile general dernierement fait et
celebre a Trente et tcnir la main que les decrcts et
cessions d'icelluy soient reus et suivis sans aucun
contredit.

"Faire protestation et promesse de ne jainais par
ci-apres pourvenir aucun personnage aux etats royaux
soit de judicatures on autres quelconques sans que le
pourvu ait preablement avoir fait profession de sa foi
et qu'il ait premierement ete connu etre de la susdite
bonne religion, et sera mis clause par toutes les lettres
des dites provisions que les pourvus demeureront et
continueront en lu susdite religion sur peine d'etre
destitues. De purger et netoyer leurs maisons et
justices de toutes heresies et religion nouvelle et de ne
souffrir en icelle ceux qui en seront detaches Casser
tous gouvernemeiits et autres grands seigneurs des
conseils prives des dits Majestes et tous autres ayant
charge, authorite et commandement es dits royaumes
qui so trouveront etre de la dite nouvelle religion
ensemble tous capitaines et autres qui sont a leur solde
et font neanmoins profession de la religion contraire.

"De priver de 1'Etat et honneur de leurs ordres et
chevalleries et ny recevoir desormais personnages qui
ne soient de . . .' la religion rcquise."

Well might Catharine de Medici hesitate, holding her
own power as she did only by nicely balancing the two
religious factions, to endorse such a thorough going policy
as this, and it needed all the persuasion of her daughter
and promises of Spanisli aid in case Catharine found the
Protestants too strong for her to induce her to listen to it.
That such a league was actually negotiated is certain.
A letter from Catharine to her Minister in Spain,
M. dc Fourque vault, after her return from Bayonne

INTRODUCTION. Mi

(Bibliotheque National Paris Suppl. ^ 5 fol. 64 Leitres
d'Etat) tries to make her acceptance of the league
conditional on a marriage of the Duke of Orleans
(afterwards Henri III.) with a Princess of the Louse of
Austria, and contains the following sentence : " Je lui dis
" que en faisant ces marriages et donnant quelque
" Etat a mon fils d'Orleans qu'il nous falloit tous
" joindre ensemble. C'est a sav^oir le Pape, 1'empereur
" et ces deux rois, les Allemands et autres que Ton
" avisera. Et que le roi mon fils n'etait pas sans
" moyens pour aider de sa part a ce qui seroit avise
" quand les dits marriages seroient faits et la dite
" ligue concliie."

The power of the Protestant nobles in France and the
eternal jealousy between France and Spain, together with
Philip's persecution of French residents in his country and
the massacre of the French expedition to Florida in the
following year, made the real co-operation, of the two
countries in such a league impossible, but Elizabeth and
her friends were not free from apprehension on the subject
for long after. The attempts to propitiate Philip on the
part of the English are very marked in all the later letters
of his Ambassador in the present volume, and the Queen
on one occasion goes so far (No. 290) as to suggest herself
that negotiations should be opened for her marriage with
Don Carlos. Whilst Philip was hesitating, the Catholic
party in England had at length taken a step on their own
account which once more altered the political problem.
The Earl of Lennox and his son Darnley had gone to
Scotland early in 1565, not without some suspicion on the
part of Elizabeth that something sinister was afoot, and
in April of the same year Lethiugton came to the Spanish
Ambassador's house and told him (No. 296) in strict
secrecy that his Queen had awaited for two years an

Mil INTRODUCTION.

answer to the overtures made by him previously to Bishop
Quadra for her marriage with Don Carlos and as so long
a delay had taken place she had arranged to marry
Darnley. The French machinations of course were
blamed by both diplomatists for the failure of the match,
and of that of Mary with the Archduke, and the outcome
of the conference was that Philip w r as to be asked to help
the united claims of Darnley and Mary to the English
crown supported as they were by the strong Catholic party
in England. Now that it was too late Elizabeth saw that
the consequences of the marriage which united the two
principal Catholic claimants to her throne might be to
force her hand with regard to the declaration of her
successor, and her masterly dealing with the temporarily
untoward circumstances arising from the match, in the
face of great pressure from her own Council and Parlia-
ment, is perhaps more vividly set forth in Guzman's
letters in the present volume than in any other published
documents of the time.

Active negotiations were once more opened for
Elizabeth's marriage with the Archduke, as lacking in
seriousness as those which had preceded them ; the French
retorted once more by pushing forward their young King
as a suitor for her hand, and stronger efforts than ever
were made by Elizabeth and her Council to keep the
friendship of the Spaniards by attempting to stifle piracy
and professing sympathy for Philip in his struggle with
the Turk and his troubles in Flanders. Once more it
seemed as if after years of hesitancy Philip's chance had
arrived and a really bold policy of aiding revolt in
England at this time in favour of Mary and Darnley
would probably have succeeded. All the north of
England was favourable to her claims ; the nobles were
for the most part inclined to espouse her cause, and, with

INTRODUCTION. llX

the exception of London and the south-coast counties,
little resistance was to be feared. A blow struck at
Protestantism in England at the time would have been
felt keenly in Philip's own revolting Netherlands, and
would perhaps have decided his doubting mother-in-law in
Frarfce to take in hand firmly the extirpation of heresy
there. But even when Philip decided at last to act, his
excess of caution and avoidance of necessary risk
frustrated his object. Mary had asked for armed forces
to repel the pressure of her Protestant subjects and assist
her claims. In reply (No. 327) Philip begs her to be
careful and not to arouse the ire of the queen of England
or to raise her (Mary's) claim to the succession. If
Elizabeth attacks her for religion's sake, or if the Scotch
Protestants take up arms for the same reason, then he will
help her under the shelter of the Pope's name, but he
(Philip) must never appear. He is full of sympathy and
love, but still more full of cautious counsels and exhorta-
tions against precipitancy, limiting his real aid for the
moment to a remittance of 20,000 crowns which were sent
by the hand of Mary's agent Yaxley. Elizabeth and her
advisers knew of the aid as soon as it was sent. It was
sufficient to arouse her resentment, as it did, and it drove
her to help the Scotch lords with far more efficient aid.
But, such as it was, Philip's remittance never arrived.
The ship that bore Yaxley was wrecked and the envoy's
dead body was found on the shore of Northumberland
with much of the money on it, the earl of Northumberland,
Catholic and adherent of Philip though he was, forebore
not to press his claim to the treasure trove, and by the
time Philip could again make up his mind dissensions had
broken out between Mary and her husband and the
opportunity to make use of them had gone by.

Guzman in his letters makes no disguise of his belief in
the complicity of Mary in her husband's murder, and

Ix INTRODUCTION.

iutelligence of the crime which was to be attempted
reached him some weeks before its perpetration* From
the arrival of the news, Guzman himself, whatever the
English Catholics might say, never disguises from his
master that Mary, with whose proceedings he seems really
scandalised, will he useless to them as an instrument to
their ends in future, his only anxiety in the first days of
her widowhood being to checkmate the French in any
attempt to marry her to their satisfaction.

The familiar story of Mary's capture and her marriage
with Both well and her subsequent seizure and imprisonment
at Lochleven by the nobles, is told in Guzman's letters to
his master with evident anxiety with regard to the effects
of these events upon the interest of Catholicism in England.
His own efforts were mainly confined to representing to
the Scotch agents who went backwards and forwards the
enormity of coercing a crowned monarch, but it is clear
from the first that he considered Mary's behaviour a serious
blow to Spanish hopes in Great Britain. On Murray's
hurried return to Scotland after Bothwell's flight, he had
an extremely interesting and important interview with
Guzman de Silva. Whilst professing an intention to
endeavour to liberate the Queen, he did not succeed in
disguising from the Ambassador his intention of making
himself master of Scotland and plainly expressed his
belief in his sister's complicity in the murder of her
husband. This remarkable interview took place at the
end of July 1567, and Murray even thus early appears to
have been fully cognisant of the existence and purport of
the much discussed " casket letters " which have always
been considered the principal documentary evidence of
Mary's guilt. The earliest mention of the letters which
I have met with is in the present correspondence
(No. 431) under date of 12th July, and the many
arguments against their genuineness, founded upon the

INTRODUCTION. Ixi

long delay in their production, thus disappear. De Croc,
the French Ambassador in Scotland, was passing through
London and hurrying home, no doubt with the copies
of the letters in his possession, as the Erench Ambassador
in London told Guzman on the date already mentioned
that he himself had copies of the letters proving the
complicity of Mary in the murder of her husband. The
principal, or " first " letter, as it is usually called, is
briefly but not quite correctly summarised by Guzman
in the account he sends to his master, and Murray told
him that it was a letter of more than three sheets of
paper " all in her own handwriting and signed with her
name." Those who have disputed the authority of the
letters have mainly based their arguments upon the first
public mention of the documents being in an Act of
Murray's Council dated so late as 4th December 1567,
in which it is said that the rising of the Lords in arms
against their Queen, taking her prisoner and detaining
her person in Lochleven, " was in the said. Queen's
" awin default in as far be diverse her previe letters
" written and subscript with her awin hand and sent
" by her to James Erie of Bothwell, chief executor of
" the horrible murder (of the King) as well before the
" committing as after and be hir ungodly proceeding
" in a private marriage with him suddenly thereafter,
" it is most certain she was previe, art and part of the
" murder of the King."*

A few days afterwards, when Murray's first Parliament
met, an Act was passed concerning the Queen's detention,
which is again ascribed to " her awin default in as far as
" be divers letters written halelie with her awin hand."

George Dalgleish, Bothwell's servant, in whose posses-
sion the casket is said to have been found, was captured

Godall vol. 2 p. 64.

Ixii INTRODUCTION.

on the 20th June 1567, and was examined before Lords
Morton, Athol and Grange, a week afterwards,* A copy
of his examination and deposition attested by Sir John
Ballendane, justice clerk, is still extant, and in it no
mention whatever is made of the casket ; indeed, so
far as I can learn, Guzman's reference to the letters in
the present volume is the first that is recorded. If the
documents were genuine, there was of course ample time
for Morton, in whose possession the casket must have
been, to have written full particulars to Murray in
Lyons or Paris between the 20th June when Dalgleish
was taken and the end of July when Murray saw the
Ambassador in London, whereas it is impossible to believe
that Murray thus early whilst hurrying back from France
and before seeing Ids associates would venture to concoct
such an elaborate forgery as this would have been,
particularly since we now learn from Guzman that the
French Ambassador in London knew the purport of
the letters early in July at a time when it was impossible
for Murray to have been informed of their existence.

Great as was the blow to the Catholics struck by Mary's
conduct, it was apparently counterbalanced for the time
by the fall of Valenciennes and the submission of the
Netherlands. Philip after two years of hesitation had
decided not to make the journey thither himself, but
to send Alba on his fell march to drown in blood what
was left of Flemish stubbornness. But it soon became
evident that, in despite of Alba in the Netherlands,
triumphant Catholicism was not to have all its own way
or to go unchallenged elsewhere. Over the borders into
France, across the narrow sea to England, flocked the

* George Buchanan first published the letters, and an account of their
origin in his "Detection," 1571, but they were produced to Elizabeth's
Commissioners at York in October 1568.

INTRODUCTION. Ixiii

affrighted Protestants flying from the dread avenger, and
soon France once more was aflame with civil religious
warfare. English reformers could not fail to he deeply
moved at the fate of their co-religionists in the Netherlands,
and again, as in the time of Quadra, the prosecutions against
those who attended Mass at the Spanish embassy were
commenced. Brit Guzman was less sensitive than the
Bishop on the subject, and the times were altered. Indeed
not only was Guzman obliged to temporise upon this
matter, but he had to exert all his influence to keep up
the apparent friendship between his master and the
Queen and to persuade her not to help the Huguenots who
once more were fighting for faith and freedom in France.
This was briefly the position at the end of 1567, to
which date the letters in the present volume extend.

MARTIN A. S. HUME.

CALENDAR OF STATE PAPERS,

SPANISH.

ELIZABETH.

1558.

1 Nov. 1. COUNT DE FERIA to the KING.

I wrote on the 14th, but have learnt that the courier could not
leave Dover until the 17th. On the latter day our lady the Queen
died. She had been unconscious most of the time since I arrived,
but always in the fear of God and love of Christianity, indeed the
nation soon sees what a good Christian she was, for since it was
known that she was dying they have begun to treat the images and
religious persons disrespectfully. The morning before Her Majesty
died the Chancellor and the rest of the Council went into her
chamber, and before the women, doctors and others on duty there,
they read the Queen's will. Her Majesty was not conscious .it the
time. The will was read by the Missioner (Master) of the Rolls,
and on arriving at a part where there were some legacies left to
servants they ordered the reader to pass on without reading any of
them. They tell me that this is tlte way the wills of tlte kings of
England are always fulfilled ; that is to say just as the Council
likes. I think your Majesty must have a copy of tlie will, from
what I heard when I was here last, and I have therefore said
nothing to the Council about it and have made no inquiries except
what people have told me. Your Majesty will send me orders if I
am to move in this, and if you have a copy of the will it would be
advisable to see it again, as also the marriage treaty, and although
as I have written to your Majesty it is -very early yet to talk about
marriage the confusion and ineptitude of these people in all their
affairs make it necessary for us to be the more circumspect, so as
not to miss the opportunities whwh are presented to us, and
particularly in the matter of marriage. For this and other reasons
(if there be no objection) it will be well to send me a copy of the
(marriage) treaty, which, though it may not be very necessary, will
at least serve to post me up as to what would be touched upon,
although a new treaty would be different from the last.

The new Queen and her people hold themselves free from your
Majesty and wiU listen to any ambassadors who may come to treat
of marriage. Your Majesty understands better than I hmu
important it is that this affair should go through your hamls,

NOTE. The words in italics in this Calendar are in cipher in the original,
a 66529. Wt. 25438. A

2 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.

1558.

which as I have said will be difficult except with great negotiation
and money. I therefore wish your Majesty to keep in view all the
steps to be taken on your behalf, one of them being thai the Emperor
should not send any ambassador here to treat of this, for it would
be inconvenient enough for Ferdinand to marry here even if he took
the titbit from your Majesty's hand, but very much worse if it were
arranged in any other way. For the present I know for certain
they will not hear the name oj the duke of Savoy mentioned as they
fear he will want to recover his estates with English forces and will
keep them constantly at war. I am very pleased to see that the
nobles are all beginning to open their eyes to the fact that it will
not do to marry this woman in the country itself.

The day on which the Queeu died, after the customary procla-
mation was made at Westminster and London, the Council decided
that the Chancellor, the Admiral, the earl of Shrewsbury, the earl of
Pembroke, the earl of Derby and William Howard, should goto the new
Queen and perform the ordinary ceremonies, and that the remainder
should stay behind, but everyone wanted to be first to get out. I
sent Dasonleville to excuse me from going as I waited here according
to her orders. She sent word that she was sorry she could not see
him in consequence of her grief but that he was to speak to the
Council, which he did, although he said more than he was instructed
to say, which is his great fault. But it was all about his grief at
the Queen's death, and congratulations OH the new Queen's accession.
They replied to him very civilly and affectionately. He says William
Howard made him great offers of service to your Majesty. William
Howard has been made Lord Chamberlain ; Lord Robert, the son
of the late duke of Northumberland, Master of the Horse, and his
brother Lord Ambrose, Master of Artillery, the place that Southwell
held. She has given the controllership to her late cofferer,* a
fat man whom your Majesty will have seen at Hampton Court, and
the secretaryship to CeciL I am told that those who have up to the
present been sworn as members of her Council are the Chancellor,
the earl of Pembroke, the earl of Derby, the earl of Shrewsbury
(Xeromberi), Admiral Clinton, the earl of Bedford, William Howard,
Paget, her former Controller, the cofferer she has now made her
Controller and Secretary Cecil. I do not know of any more
officials. The day our lady the Queen died Parliament was dissolved,
and if they convoke it again forty days must pass by law. The
commission held by the earl of Arundelt and his colleagues in
Flanders also expired, and it will be necessary to send them fresh
credentials. It is said the Queen will come here during this week,
and nothing can be attended to before then, not even a passport for
Don Alonso de Cordova, the Regent of Aragon and others who have
come from Spain. They closed the ports as soon as the Queen died,
and with the change ot Queen and officers things are in such a
hurly-burly and confusion that fathers do not know their own
children.

* Sir Thomas Parry.

t The earl of Arundel, the bishop of Ely and Dr. Wotton had been sent to the peace
conference at (.'ercamp, the Spanish Commissioners being the Prince of Orange, Ruy
Gomez, and the bishop of Arrag, and the French, Constable M ontmorenci, Marshal
d'Andre and Secretary L'Aubespine.

ELIZABETH. 3

1558.

Your Majesty's servants and pensioners here arc airoady beginning
to look upon themselves as dismissed without anything being said to
them. / do not know what had better be done, whether to let tliem go
thus without saying anything and pay only those we nerd, or to
dismiss them. 1 think it would be better to say nothing, but io pay
those we want and some fresh ones. I await coipmands. If the
Queen does not ask for a list of those in. your pay or speak of the
matter, I think it will be better not to stir it up, because tf slie
should say that we are not to pay anybody, and afterwards found
out that we did so, she would naturally be offended. I again remind
your Majesty that it will be well to despatch Doctor Wotton in a
very good humour and offer him a pension, or refer him to me to
2>ay him one here, as he will be one of the most poiverful of them,
and, I am told, he may be made archbishop of Canterbury* I am
not sure of this ho^vever*

The more I think over this business, the more certain I am that
everything depends upon the husband this woman may take. If he
be a suitable one religious matters will go on well, and the kingdom
will remain friendly to your Majesty, but if not it will all be spoilt.
If she decides to marry out of the country she will at once fix her
eyes on your Majesty, although some of them here are sure to pitch
upon the Archduke Ferdinand. L am. not sure of all this, but only
conjecture. I hope -your Majesty will pardon the disorder and
confusion of my letters, for things here are going mi in such a way
that it is quite impossible to get enlightened on anything, and if I
wrote everything, she and they say I sftould never end. Really this
country is more fit to be dealt with swoi^d in hand than by cajolery,
for there are neither funds, nor soldiers, nor heads, nor forces, and
yet it is overflowing with every other necessary of life.

The body of our lady the Queen is kept until its interment in the
chamber outside the one she slept in, and the house is served exactly
as it was before.

On the night of the day of the Queen's decease the Cardinal t also
died. He was very weak and with continual fever, and his servants
did not take care to conceal the death of the Queen from him. He
. was so afflicted by it that it hastened his end. Two days after he
died the Queen sent the earl of Rutland, Throgmorton, and an uncle
of Peter Carew (Pedro Caro) to embargo all his goods and take an
inventory of them, as it was thought he was a very wealthy man,
and if he received what they say he did, he must have been so. I
have not been able to learn for certain yet. It was a mercy for God
to take him and I do not think your Majesty loses much with him,
according to what these people tell me, although I thought otherwise
formerly.

The people are wagging their tongues a good deal about the late
Queen having sent great sums of money to your Majesty, and that I
have sent 200,000 ducats since I have been here. They say that it
is through your Majesty that the country is in such want and tliat
Calais was lost, and also that through your not coming to see the

* lie was appointed dean of Canterbury and Y ' f Tele.

A 5>

SPANISH STATE PAPERS.

1558.

Queen our lady, she died of sorrow. The sorrow I feel, is that your
Majesty should have allowed so much favour to be shown to this
scurvy Lord Chamberlain Hastings, for it is he who is publishing
these things and is the greatest enemy our country has. The
Controller and Boxall make much of me, but they are all as
ungrateful to your Majesty as if they had never received anything
from your hands. It is true that as they are naturally much put
out and nobody knows what is to become of him, they are so giddy
and confused that we must not judge them too hastily. The people
are more free than ever, the heretics thinking that they will be able
to persecute the Catholics, but things in this respect are somewhat
quieter, as on the Sunday before the Queen died the priest who
preached the sermon at St. Pauls told them to pray for the Pope.
They see also that the new Queen goes to mass. These people try
to spread about everywhere that your Majesty will in future have
no more influence here than if you had never married the late Queen
and with this object they wish the Queen not to "be too ready to
treat with me. She is very much wedded to the people and thinks
sis they do, and therefore treats foreigners slightingl} 7 . For this
reason, and seeing that neither she nor they have done anything yet,
I have decided to go on veiy quietly until things settle down and I
see who is to take the lead. Up to the present nothing is certain
and everyone talks as his wishes lead him ; I wonder they have
not sent me crazy. The whole point of it is (as I have said) the
husband she chooses, and we must try by money arrangements that
he shall be one agreeable to your Majesty.

They tell me the Queen left orders that she was to be buried
either at Windsor or Westminster, and that the body of Queen
Katharine, her mother, should also be brought thither. They have
not yet decided which place it shall be, but the new Queen, wishes it
to be done with all solemnity. London, 21st November 1558.

25 Nov. 2. The SAME to the SAME.

After writing the enclosed the post despatched by your Majesty
on the loth arrived with three letters, but that for the Queen, now
in heaven, did not come.

The Queen decided three days ago to send Lord Cobham to your
Majesty. He is the son of the Lord Cobham whom you knew and
who recently died. They told me nothing aboul; it until yesterday
when Secretary Cecil sent to say that Cobham was going and had
been ordered to visit me befoie he left. This he did last evening
but the object of his going is only to inform yi>ur Majesty formally of
what has occurred. He has no place in the Queen's household and
he and his brother have not enjoyed a good reputation, but have
always been adherents of the new C^ueen and she is attached to him.
Your Majesty should have him well housed and treated, and a
handsome chain or something should be <nven to him. I have

written to my brother-in-law asking him to entertain him and to
win 1m good graces. They tell me they are going to send someone
else to the Emperor, but do not know yet who it will be. The day
before yesterday the Queen came to a house of my Lord North,

ELIZABETH. 5

1558.

formerly a Carthusian monastery, close to the horse market, and the
whole of London turned out and received her with great acclamations.
They tell me her attitude was more gracious to the common people
than to others. She will not go to the Tower till next week. I
sent the Admiral's wife to visit her and she returned me a very
gracious reply. I think of seeing her tomorrow or the day after
and shall be glad to receive your Majesty's letter with the credit,
for without that it is hopeless to try to cajole these people. I beg
your Majesty to send me Don Juan de Ayala or the bishop of
Aquila, as I am a bad hand at negotiating without a tender. There
is great rejoicing amongst the common people and young folks
and those who were persecuted for heresy or treason, but others are
not so pleased, as I hear. Dasonleville writes to your Majesty, and
I have told him to continue to do so as your Majesty will be glad
sometimes to hear what he has to say, and he will be gratified by it.
Don Alonso de Cordova will go as soon as possible. I will not detain
him now that some of my own people have arrived. They tell
strange stories of the bad treatment they were subjected to on the road
from Dover hither. I note what your Majesty says about the ship
" Miiiona " which went to the Mina and also about recovering the
artillery and goods taken by the English out of the Portuguese
ship " Raposa." I will attend to it as a thing that so interests
your Majesty, but I understand this " Minona " business is a very
dangerous one to touch. The ship sailed when Howard was admiral,
and he must have been paid to let her go, and although they said she
was going to Barbary her real destination was known all along
and some of the Council were in the secret, as I heard from Figueroa
when your Majesty wrote to him about it in April last. The Queen,
now in heaven, ordered steps to be taken in the matter, but it all
ended in smoke, for in fact the English deeply resented being
interfered with in this navigation, and what was done was only out
of respect for your Majesty. The Queen herself consented with an
itt grace and the Council with a worse grace still as some of them
were mixed up in the affair. Nevertheless I will do what I can,
though I am unwilling to open up claims which will offend these
people or rather which, they will refuse.

I think it will be well for your Majesty to have all the treaties
between the late Emperor and King Henry and of your own marriage
well looked into to see whether any of them are binding o/n heirs and
successors in England, especially that of 1542. M. D'Awas* and live,
Flemings think that heirs and successors are included in that treaty.

Paget told your Majesty two years ago that they were not, but I
in conversation with the Councillors separately, and once when tJiey
were together, told them they were obliged by the old treaties to
declare war when they did, without going into particulars, and I
pointed it out again receently, but I have always avoided stirring
the matter up before Paget. It would be very convenient if these
people were bound by treaty. 1 have copies of all the treaties here,
_ but as they are in French I do not understand them well. If your

* Anthony Perrenot, bishop of Arras Cardinal de Granvelle.

I SPANISH STATE PAPERS.

1558.

Majesty wishes Dasonleville could go over them with me so that I
might understand them better, but I do not show them to him until
'*' I know your Majesty's pleasure, recognising the undesirability of
opening the eyes of the Flemings in view of possible contingencies.

I have just learned that the Queen decided yesterday to send
Sir Thomas Chaloner to the Emperor. He is a gentleman who in
time of King Edward was one of the three secretaries of the Council,
and when troops were being raised a year since to succour Calais
he went as commissary to Dover, where I saw him. He is a man
of a little over forty, and speaks Latin, Italian and French well.
Neither the Queen or Council has sent word to me about it.

The bishop of Ely was dean of the Chapel, which is an office of
high honour here, but the Queen has taken it away from him, and
given it to an elder brother of Peter Carew (Pedro Caro) who is
archdeacon of Exeter (I am not sure that I am quite right about
the name of this church). He was married in time of King Edward,
but his wife is dead. They tell me he is neither learned nor wise.

Although the Chancellor the Lord Treasurer and Privy Seal have
been received into the Council, they have not been conBrmed in their
offices. Lord Robert, the Master of the Horse, is in the Council.
A Mr. Rogers* has been made vice-chamberlain. He was a servant
of King Henry and they say he is a soldier.

They say that last year the Treasurer, without orders from the
Queen, had the tomb over King Henry's grave removed, and left it
bare, and this summer secretary tioxall, who is the dean, when he
returned from the feast of St. George there (Windsor), told the Queen
of it, whereupon she was very angry, according to him, but things
remained as they were. The new Queen has however ordered the
tomb to be restored as before, and even better. I am very much afraid
that if the Queen do not send her obedience to the Pope or delay
doing so, or if he should take into his head to recall {natters concerning
the divorce of King Henry there may be a defect in the succession
of this Queen which will help to upset the present state of things
here more than anything else. Your Majesty will consider whether
it will be well to write to Rome and in some good way get the Pope,
sounded about it to see whether he will act. I think your Majesty
ought to do it. 25th November 1558.

20 Nov. 3. COUNT DE FERIA to GONZALO PEREZ.

Last night I despatched a courier with a long letter to the King
to accompany Lord Cobham. I send the present to catch him as
I have since heard that they are ordering Lord Cobham to go direct
to Cercamp to bear a new commission to the earl of Arundel and
"V his colleagues, as their old commission expired with the death of
the Queen. It will be well to advise our Commissioners to keep
their eyes on these Englishmen, in case this should be some trick to
our detriment, as I was told nothing about his going to Cercamp till
he had gone. London, 26th November 1558.

* Sir Edward Rogers had been appointed captain of the Queen's guard at Elizabeth's
first Council at Hatfield five days before this letter was written.

ELIZABETH.

1558.
14 Dec. 4. COUNT DE FERIA to the KING.

The bishop of Aquila arrived here on the 7th, and the day before
he sent me on the letters from Dover, so that I should not have to
await news of ray brother's health. He suffered greatly at sea, but I
believe the tears of the earl of Arundel floated them into port, for he
says the Earl cried like a child. I saw the Earl at ike palace very
smart and clean, and they say he carries his thoughts very high. A
courier called Mendez whom I sent from here on the 25th November
deserves punishment. He ought to have crossed with Lord Cobham,
but went to sleep at Dover, and Cobham crossed without him. The
other man who was sent on the 26th was more careful and crossed
with Cobham. The day on which the Queen died I wished to send
by land and sea, but could not as the earl of Arundel's servant who
crossed over bore the orders to close the ports and to give him ships
to bring his master over. I wrote nevertheless by Don Alonso de
Cordova, but he was a half an hour too late, and although he offered
them large sums to let him go they refused. I wrote the letter with
great fears that they would take it from him, but I am glad your
Majesty received mine of 21st, 25th and 27th, which answer some of
your, questions.

The bishop of Aquila seems to understand thoroughly the business
of the Emperor and his sons, and your Majesty has certainly done
me a great favour in sending him to me as he is a very discreet and
virtuous man and may help me much.

As I understand from him, the Archduke Ferdinand is not a man
veijfJU for this business, but if your Majesty does not wish for him
I do not see whom we are to put forward.

It gives me great trouble every time / write to your Majesty not
to be able to send more pleasing intelligence, but what can be expected
from a country governed by a Queen, and she a young lass, \vlio,
although sharp, is without prudence, and is every day standing up
against religion more openly ? The kingdom is entirely in the
hands of young folks, heretics and traitors, and the Queen does not
favour a single man whom Her Majesty, who is now in heaven,
would have received and will take no one into her service who
served her sister when site was Lady Mary. On her way from the
Tower to her house where she now is, she saw the marquis of
Northampton, who is ill with a quartan ague, at a window, and
she stopped her palfrey and was for a long while asking him about
his liealth in the most cordial way in the world. The only true
reason for this was that he had been a great traitor to her sister, and
he who was most prominent in this way is now best thought of. The
old people and the Catholics are dissatisfied, but dare not open their
%js. She seems to me incomparably more feared than her sister
and gives her orders and has her way as absolutely as her father did.
Her present Controller and secretary Cecil govern the kingdom,
and they tell me the earl of Bedford has a good deal to say. When
I spoke to her at Lord North's house, she told me that when anything
had to be discussed with me she would send two of her Council to
me. I asked her which two they would be, so that I might know
with whom to communicate in case I had anything to say. She said

8 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.

1558.

they would be the Controller, Cecil and admiral Clinton, and
directly afterwards she appointed the first two, so I knew she only
mentioned Clinton because she thought I was friendly with him and
I satisfied myself of this subsequently. She afterwards said that
when I wanted anything I was to speak to her personally, and I
made an appearance of being very highly gratified with this. /
know this is a very feeble foundation to begin with, but I was glad
nevertheless. I am trying to get a chamber in the palace when she
goes to Whitehall, although I am very much afraid they will not
give me one, but I have little chance of getting to talk to these
people front, the outside and they are so suspicious of me that not a
man amongst them dares to speak of me, ; as the late Chancellor
has told me plainly. He is a worthy person and she knows it, but
he is not in the gang and will not return to office. He tells me that
if they offered it to him he would not accept it. I think Paget is
dying as fast as he can. He was very bad before and the Queen
seems not to have favoured him as he expected ; indeed I do not
think she will return him his office, and this no doubt has increased
his malady. They are all very glad to be free of your Majesty as if
you had done harm instead of very much good, and, although in
all my letters to your Majesty I have said how small a party you
have here I am never satisfied that I have said enough to describe
things as they really are. As I am so isolated from them I am
much embarrassed and confused to devise 'means of finding out what
is going on, for truly they run away from me as if I were the devil.
The best thing will be to get my foot into the palace, so as to speak
oftener to the Queen as she is a woman who is very fond of argument.
Everybody thinks that she will not marry a foreigner and they
cannot make out whom she favours, so that nearly every day some
new cry is raised about a husband. They have dropped the earls of
Arundel and Westmorland, and say now she will ma,rry William
Howard's son or Pickering who went to bring over the Germans that
Wallerthum raised. The most discreet people fear she will marry
for caprice, and as the good or evil of the business all turns on this,
I do nothing but think how and when I can get a word in about it.
As your Majesty tells me I am to give my opinion I proceed to do so,
after describing the real state of affairs here, as I always do, because
in that case the simple things I say myself are of less importance.

At present I see no disposition to enter into the discussion of any
proposal on your Majesty's behalf, either on her part or on that of
the Council, and ivhenit has to be approached, it should be mentioned
first to her alone, as she told me when I had anything to say I could
say it to her personally. Even if this were not so, it is not a matter
that can be spoken of to the Council until more light is obtained as
to her own inclinations. What can be done with the Councillors
individually, but not as a body, is to dissuade them from her
marriage with an Englishman, and I am moving in this way as
cleverly as I can, although very cautiously and slowly seeing how
little I can mix ivith these people. They will look with more favour
on the Archduke Ferdinand than on your Majesty, when they have
made up their mind to accept a foreigner, because they think he will
always reside in the country and will have no quarrel with France,

ELIZABETH. 9

1558.

and although some of them understand that the power and grandeur
of your Majesty is of great importance Lo their security, the short
time your Majesty could reside here and your enmity to France
turn them against you. As to the duke of Savoy I have written to
your Majesty to say that they will not agree to him, for in fact they
have a great hatred of war and they are afraid he may try to recover
his states at the expense of this country. I do not know which way
the Queen is inclined, for on the one hand she complained to me of
her sister's having married a foreigner, and on the other I see she is
very vain and as much set against her sister as she was previous to
her death. I fancy I can get at her through this feeling. We must
begin by getting her into talk about your Majesty, and run down
the idea of her marrying an Englishman, and thus to hold herself
less than her sister, who would never marry a subject. We must
tell her that one of the reasons the Queen, now in heaven, disliked
lier was her fear that if she died your Majesty would marry her
(Elizabeth) ; and then place before her how badly it would look for
her to marry one of these men whilst there are such great princes
whom she might marry. After that we can take those whom
she might marry here and pick them to pieces one by one, which will
not require much rhetoric, for there is not a man amongst them
^vorth anything, counting the married ones and all. We can then
remind her of the claims of the Queen Dauphine (Mary Queen of
Scots) and the need for her (Elizabeth's) being allied with your
Majesty or with someone belonging to you and so on, to the other
reasons we can allege against her marriage here. When she is
dissuaded, if she inclines to your Majesty it will be necessary for
you to send me orders whether I am to carry it any further or throw
cold water on it and set up tHe Arcfidulce Ferdinand, because I do
not see what other person we can propose to whom she would agree.
When your Majesty married the late Queen the French felt it very
keenly, as they will if you marry this one, and particularly as she is
more likely to have children on account of her age and temperament,
in both of which respects she is much better than the Queen now in
heaven, although in every other she compares most unfavourably
with her. No one understands better than your Majesty the affairs
'of this country, and indeed all others, and I do not see therefore how
anybody cau advise your Majesty in this better than you can advise
yourself. In case we have to put forward Hie Archduke the manner
in which your Majesty treats with the Emperor and his sons is to
be considered, so as to convince them of your friendsip and make
good terms with them both in the matter of the Italian suzerainty
and any others there may be unknown to me as I have been so
short a time in these affairs. They may also broach the subject of a
marriage between his (the Emperor's) daughter and your Majesty,
and it is well to consider in time what answer should be given in
such case.

/ do not for the present see any way of beginning what I have
mentioned except, in the course of conversation with the Queen, as
she is in the habit of talking to me, to introduce the subject and
proceed with it as I see opportune o,nd as your Majesty may order.
I have seen her twice since site has been Queen, once in Lord North's

10 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.

1558.

house and once in that 'which belonged to the duke of Somerset where
she is now. When I saw her at North's she began taking off her
glove as soon as she saw me, so that I might kiss her hand, as I did.
I did not speak of business, conjining 'myself to complements, but
told her, as rny only reason for being here was to serve her and
advise your Majesty JHSIV to gratify her in everything, I proposed
also to convey to her the knowledge of things in which your Majesty
could be gratified, and so to ftelp forward the good fellowship which
I thought both parties wished to preserve. In pursuance of this I
said your Majesty had ordered me to beg her to be very careful
about religious affairs as they were what first and principally
concerned you. She answered that it would indeed be bad for her
to forget God who had been so good to Iver, which appeared to me
rather an equivocal reply. When I left on that day I sent her by
the Admiral's wife the two rings that your Majesty gave me which
belonged to the late Queen because as I saw she was so fond of her
jewels I thou/jht best to (jive her up even the poorest of them. I saw
her again three days after the bishop of Aquila arrived and gave
her an account of the position of the peace negotiations. When I
told her about the suspension of hostilities site thought it was some
trap against her, and that your Majesty was leaving her out. I
could not manage to remove this suspicion. When she had gone
in I called Cecil, the Controller and the earls of Pembroke and
Bedford and communicated the affair to them and asked the
Secretary, who is the man who does everything, to go in at once
and explain it to her, which he did. I told her about the jewels
which were in the box at Whitehall and said I would give her the
key when I came. She accepted. I have heard also that the Queen,
now in heaven, ordered in her will that the jewels given to her by
your Majesty and the Emperor should be returned to you and these
people had concealed this and kept the jewels. Seeing this 1 thought
best to say that your Majesty would be very pleased for her to
have them if she wanted them. She asked me whether I was
instructed to say so, and I told her the only instructions I had were
that your Majesty would be glad for her to take anything she
wanted of what belonged to you as a good brother should. She is
very fond of having things given to her, and her one theme is how
poor she is. The ring brought by the bishop of Aquila I sent her
by the Controller as I did not think fitting to give it to her before
so many people. Both times I have spoken with Jter have been in
the jyrcsence cJuimber crammed u'ith people, and what with this and
all these gifts I think I never saiu her so carried away as she was
to-day. She was full of fine words for me, however, and told me
that when people said she was French I was not to believe it. I
said I had never heard such a thing, nor did I believe anyone in the
world was so foolish as to think so. She afterwards said she hoped
your Majesty would not be offended if she employed some of the
servants you had here, and I answered, that on the contrary, you
would be very pleased thereat, and that if she wanted any of the
servsmts or subjects of your Majesty in your other kingdoms you
would willingly send them to her. So that she will allow us to pay
those who were paid before which is very different from what she

ELIZABETH. H

1558.

said the first time I spoke to her which was that she would not allow
it. Up to the present time those who have been told that the pensions
they enjoyed secretly will still be paid to tJtem, and ivho have
accepted are the Admiral and Privy Seal (Paget). I have thought,
that it will be well to tell your Majesty's servants here that you are
willing to pay them their wages whilst they serve you with the
servants of other nations, but that you can give nothing to those
who stay at home. I have done this, and your Majesty may be
sure that very few of them will go abroad to serve ; I can see that
is not their idea. The Queen (now in heaven) ordered your
Majesty's archers to be paid thirteen months from the 1st July 1557
to the last day of July of this year, which pay amounts to 2,600?.,
and when I was here she said it would be well that Francisco de
Lexalde should receive this money and pay the archers. I thought
it had better be done without the intervention of any of your
Majesty's servants, but said if the Queen wished it so, well and good,
as I could see she was more inclined to her own way. When I had
left she caused Don Alonso de Cordova to receive the notes and give
them to Lexalde to keep. Lexalde now tells me that the vice-
chamberlain Beningfield has asked him for them to settle his
accounts, and that lie has given them to him. Your Majesty will
advise what I am to say if they ask me for this money although it
is not reasonable th it they should haggle over small accounts with
your Majesty, seeing what you have done and will do for them.
Let me know your orders also up to what date your Majesty wishes
the archers and servants paid. I think that if your Majesty has
them paid up to the end of last year it will more than suffice as
your Majesty has not been here all this year nor have they been
employed, although it is true the Queen, who is now in heaven,
ordered the archers to serve from last April.

I think a different course mutt be adopted with the pensioners.
It will be best to pay them to the end of this -year and (iftenvards to
pay those who trwy be needful, such as Cecil, ^vho I think should
receive 1,000 crowns, the Controller, Lord Robert and the earl of
Bedford, wlto sliould each receive a similar amount as they arc
necessary now. I will tell them this as soon as a good opportunity
offers. Your Majesty will consider which of those who had pensions
are to be paid besides the above mentioned. I think the earl of
Pembroke ought to be paid, as although he is not very well thought
of, he is one of the best servants your Majesty has here and is a
man of authority, and both the present and former admirals are
his friends. Since the new Queen succeeded he has always been
about the palace and does not leave her side.

Councillor Dasonleville has been awaiting here the decision of
these people about the matter that brought him here, but what
with the late Queen's illness and then the talk of peace, things have
remained as they were. He now wishes to leave as he does not think
this a safe place to stay in during such times as these ; but I have
thought it unadvisable that he should go and so cause offence to
these people as the object to be aimed at is to persuade them that
your Maje.sty has the same solicitude for the safety of the country
as when the late Queen was alive. He is trying to prevent the
breaking out of war between Scotland and your Majesty's Flemish

12 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.

1558.

States, and has spoken to the Queen who refers him to the Council.
I have told him he had better lay before them the reasons why it is
desirable for this country that the war between Flanders and
Scotland should not be declared, and ask them to consider them,
and endeavour from here to get the truce prolonged, and in the
meanwhile to ask them for leave to go home, where his presence is
required, and on his return he will bring new credentials, which
they have already asked him for. If they do not wish him to go he
must send for the credentials and await them. Really he would not
be at all sorry to change his commission for another one. He comes
to me sometimes with the best news and discourses in the world,
and sometimes to tell me that all is lost, and that we shall have a
great upset before Christinas, and he would like to be at home by
then. At other times he comes and assures me that the Queen will
only do what your Majesty wishes, and so on. The last time he
saw the Queen was the day after I had spoken to her, and he came
back delighted. He speaks to the Council to-day, and will come
to tell me the answer they make him which, as I understand, will be
to give him leave until they see the course the peace negotiations
may take. If he does not depart at once he will write to your
Majesty.

The day I saw the Queen at Lord North's the Swedish ambas-
sadors spoke with her, the same man as was here before, and
another. They still urge the marriage,* but these people take no
notice of them.

Boxall told me that the Queen says the king of France was at
ivar with her sister, but not with her. I quite believe it, fen' she is a
very strange sort of woman. All the heretics who had escaped are
beginning to flock back again from Germany, and they tell me
there are some pestilential fellows amongst them.

The Queen has decided to send the Chamberlain, William Howard,
to your Majesty, although up to the present I have not been able to
find out for what purpose, as they are so careful to conceal things
from me. He sent to-day to say he would come and see me, and
nobody has made so many demonstrations of friendship and offers of
service as he, both before and after the Queen's death. I told him
before how often your Majesty has written to the Queen, now in
heaven, and ordered me also to try and obtain favour for him, and
although what they gave him was not what he wanted and I had
asked for, I advised him to accept it and await your Majesty's
coming, which he did, and was very grateful to me.

Seeing now the place ilie Queen has given him, I told him that
as I had advised him to await your Majesty's coming, and in the
changed aspect of affairs you had not come, your Majesty would be
pleased to continue for the future the pension you had paid him, but
that there was no necessity for anyone to know of it, and that Luiz
de Paz, whom, he knew, would always pay it to him. He accepted it
with his usual profusion of thanks. When I Jieard he was going to
Flanders I sent Luiz de Paz to say how glad I was, and that as on
such occasions people always wanted ready money, Luiz de Paz
would pay him what was due. He said that he was provided with

The marriage proposed between Elizabeth and the prince of Sweden, afterwards Eric XIV.

ELIZABETH. 13

1558.

money for live, present, and tliat hitherto he had done no more than
other Councillors and did not require the money. He sent to me
to-day to say, by one of his servants, that lie could not accept what
I had offered him previously until he kneiv the Queen's pleasure,
but that now she had given her consent, he would be glad if I would
send him the 'money. This is to let your Majesty see what sort of
people these are. I think your Majesty ought to talk to William
Howard about religious affairs. Up to the present, this man and
the Marquis Treasurer are the only ones who have been paid, and
a statement of what is owing to the other pensioners is enclosed.
I am told the coronation will take place on the 1 5th of January, and
Parliament will open on the 25th.

The duke of Alba writes me that French people have told him
that the Queen died on the 15th ; that the physician ivho attended
her had written this to the King (of France) and told him what her
malady was. The following is what has occurred. When I was
here before, the Queen had three physicians, all Englishmen. Two
of them died this summer, and the remaining one was a very
worthy old man, named Dr. Wuit, who is married to Paget's
mother-in-law, and when the Queen's malady became worse she
caused a Dr. Ccesar, u<ho is here, to be called in ; the same who
attended Courtney's mother, who died in Venice, and he thus
became known to the Queen. He is a young fellow, a hair-brained
busybody, and when I saw him in the chamber on my arrival this
time I noticed him at once, and asked who had introduced him
there. They told me the Queen herseif had summoned him, and as
her bodily condition gave no hope, I did not proceed further in the
matter. The physician I brought from Amiens afterwards told me
that he was not at all satisfied with this man, but he told me also
that he (Dr. Ccesar) and the Lord Chamberlain blamed your Majesty
very much for not coming here. Although the Amiens man could
not say for certain, yet, when Her Majesty was opened, he thought
that indications existed in the body to give ground for belief that
something noxious had been administered. I have thought whether
with this and what the duke now writes we had better lay our
hands on this man, but I am afraid that if anything is said to the
Queen about it she would be more likely to reward than to punish
him. Let me know your Majesty's wishes on the subject. I believe
he is a vassal of the Pope or the duke of Urbino. London,
14th December 1558.

23 Dec. 5. The KING to the COUNT DE FERIA.

Besides the general commission to visit me Lord Cobham tells me
the Queen has instructed him to inform us that she has continued to
the bishop of Ely and Wotton the powers they had to intervene in
the peace negotiations. We think this must have been done before
the Queen saw the letters written by the bishop and Wotton on the
matter, which has proceeded so far that, although the French for
some time were very obstinate about Piedmont and Corsica which
we want restored to the Genoese aud in respect of the portion of
Tuscany they still occupy, yet at last they ceded to our argument,
6*

14 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.

1558.

and, if they do not turn back, as they sometimes do if they find it
suits them, the French commissioners and ours are in accord. I
was very pressing that the arrangement with England should be
concluded, and that they (the English) should be included like the
rest of our friends in the settlement, if they wished, but at the
same time we insisted most positively that nothing should be done
without the English, as is just, seeing that we are allies by virtue
of ti'eaties, and we cannot and will not conclude any settlement with
the French unless at the same time England is dealt with or at least
that the English should confirm and consent to what is done. We
have taken up the question with great warmth both in the late and
present Queen's time, as no doubt the earl of Arundel and the other
commissioners will have testified in their letters, but the great effort
of the French all through has been to separate us from the English
with whom they do not wish to deal. To annoy us the more they
allege as a reason for refusing any concession to England that the
latter by commencing war against them have lost all right to claim
anything, either in respect to the restitution of Calais or the two
millions they say are owing to them on account of the overdue and
current pensions, but seeing how determined we were in face of it
all, not to treat without the English the French commissioners
refused to proceed further until their difference with the English
were settled, and on the pretext that the changes in England would
cause considerable delay before the Queen settled matters and sent
her commissioners new powers and instructions they resolved to
leave Cercamp. They sought a prorogation of the truce for at least
two months although they wanted much more .... This has
caused the separation of the commissioners and the extension of the
truce to the end January with the express condition that they shall
meet again on the 25th of that month at Cercamp, or elsewhere,
agreed to by all. It is agreed, however, that if the answer and
decision come from England before the date fixed, a meeting will at
once be held to conclude the negotiations. This is the real meaning
of what has taken place, although the French will not allow any
mention of the English in the treaty ; the reason of this certainly
being that they will attempt some sort of negotiations in England.
The bishop and Wotton have been scrupulously informed of all that
has passed and had a copy of the treaty which had been drawn up,
but which the French for the reasons stated above, would not agree
to, and, accordingly, so as not to break off the negotiations altogether,
the English themselves were of opinion that the prorogation should
be accepted and the aforegoing arrangement made. The English
commissioners promised to give clear testimony to the Queen and
Council of what had passed to prevent what is known to be the
French design, to divide us to the great prejudice of both, as will be
easily understood in England ; but we are convinced that they will
never succeed in it after the assurances contained in the Queen's
letter bought by Cobham, of which copy is enclosed. On our side
there will never be any falling off nor will we cease to forward the
good friendship and brotherhood which now exist. The further
meeting of the commissioners, as I have said, turns almost exclusively
on English points, and especially in respect of Calais, which the

ELIZABETH. 15

1558.

French are still obstinate about keeping, and we therefore urge you
to speak to the Queen and remind her from us, if she has not already
done so, to closely examine all that which we suppose her commis-
sioners will have written on these points so as to decide in time
what is to be done to conclude the negotiations in hand. Although
it would, of course, be very hard that we should remain at war with
France on the question of Calais alone, which the English lost
through their own fault and carelessness, and refusing to believe
the advice given to them of the French movements or to accept our
timely offers of succour, yet as the English entered into this war for
our cause the treaties which bound them to do so also bind us not
to treat without them, and we are determined to fulfil this obligation
and conclude no peace except with their consent. On their part we
expect they will do their share and, in order that they may not
throw the blame upon us before the public for the loss of Calais,
it being desirable with us to stand well with them, you must be very
careful that no suggestion shall be noted as coining from us that
Calais should remain in the hands of the French or that the fortress
should be destroyed, nor indeed any other measure or thing that
may seem ill to the Queen, the Council, or the people themselves.
But as peace is so necessary to Christendom it is most important
that the English should adopt some measures which originate with
themselves and a good way to bring them round, I think, will be for
you, always with tact and prudence which distinguish you, to keep
harping upon our sorrow that they should have lost Calais in the
way they did and making very clear to them that we are only at
war about that and nothing else, and so you can urge that if the
French will not listen to reason about it the Queen must decide
what share she will take with us in jointly forcing the French
to render justice, letting her understand how willing and ready
we are to help if they will do their share. By taking this course
it is very likely, their need being such that they will be unable to
appeal to arms, that they may come of their own accord to propose
terms that the French can agree to, which is the object to be aimed
at, and which suits us much better than arranging on our side, and
you must dexterously try to lead the negotiation in this direction ;
at the same time assuring them of the goodwill we always bear
them, and our desire to fulfil to the very letter all our obligations to
them. You must urge them to decide speedily as time is short, and
upon them depends whether the commissioners return home or meet
again, their business being the only one that stands in the way of
a settlement, and, even if the commissioners meet on the day agreed
upon, it will be useless if the English decision is not ready. You
will advise me diligently what is done as you will see the importance
of it.

We have had the treaties between us and England examined, and
it is clearly seen from them that the alliance made in the year 15-16
and by the declaration of Utrecht in 154G are perpetual and binding
upon heirs and successors and even guardians of princes of either
state who may be minors, as you may sec by the treaties themselves
which are in Latin, with councillor Dasonleville, if he lie still there,
or with the bishop of Aquila. The Queen must be well aware of
this, because, in addition to the contents of her letter, she even signs

(J SPANISH STATE PAPERS.

1558.

herself Soror et perpetua confederata, as you will see, so that on
this point no doubt or difficulty need be raised. I answer her in the
same way.

As I have allowed the exchange and liberation of the Constable,*
questions may be asked about it there, and I wish you to know,
therefore, that I was moved thereto by three reasons, first by his
years, next by his illness, which it was feared would prove fatal,
and thirdly, if he returns to France the Guises will not have so
much power as now that they entirely control both war and finance,
whereas if the Constable be there the war matters will be in his care,
and he will probably remove the ministers and officers appointed by
the others, and thus cause divisions and dissensions amongst them,
which will be good for our affairs. Gruniendal, 28th December 1558.

29 Dec. 6. COUNT DE FERIA to the KING.

By the post despatched on the 14th instant, I wrote to your
Majesty more at length than I could have wished. Since then they
have suspended the departure of the Lord Chamberlain and although
the Queen and Council have concealed from me the reason of his
voyage, when his departure was suspended the Queen sent to me to
say that as he was so important an officer of the household the
festivities and the coronation made it necessary to defer his journey,
and she hoped I would take it in good part, and would not believe
the people's gossip. I answered civilly although 1 am displeased to
see the great care they take to hide from me everything they do, both
great and small, which they carry to an extent that your Majesty
cannot imagine or believe, and indeed, I am afraid that one fine day
we shall find this woman married, and I shall be the last man in
the place to know anything about it. And yet, whilst I do not
know of a single thing that is going on I hear the Queen said a
few days since that I was too well informed about English affairs
to be allowed to stay here, and that like a true Spaniard I was very
proud, and she would be glad if your Majesty would recall me and
send someone else. I am sure they will try this, for both she and
they desire it. I write this to your Majesty because I wish you to
be well informed of all that passes here, so that in due time you
may take such steps as may be advisable. I try to overlook many
things and not to seem to take offence at anything or to appear
inquisitive, but their enmity and evil consciences make them so
cautious and suspicious that they think I know everything, and in
return for all my wishes to please them I believe they would like to
see me thrown into the river, that is to say, she and her adherents,
for the Catholics and decent people are pleased that your Majesty
should gain ground here, and there are many of this sort in the
kingdom. The most corrupt places are London, Kent, and some of
the seaports. Some of the heretics from Germany have come hither,
and on the first day of Christmas-tide they began to preach in a
church of St. Augustine, close to the Treasurer's house, which had
been given to the Italians here. They first sent to the Italian
Consul to ask for the ke_j s. He is a Florentine, and refused to give

* Moutuiorcuci, who had been taken prisoner by the Spaniards at the battle of St. Quintin.

ELIZABETH. 17

1558.

them up so they went and broke the door in, and preached four
sermons during the day. The Italians complained to the Marquis
Treasurer, but he only shrugged his shoulders and begged them not
to refer the matter to him. The Consul then went to the Lord
Mayor to complain, who referred the case to the Council where
the Consul also attended. After hearing him they promised to
summon the people and enquire into the affair.

Nicholas Throgmorton, a knave of whom I have already written
to your Majesty, was present at the business, and the Councillors
who attended the meeting that day were the marquis of Northampton,
the Admiral, Monsieur Bedford, the Controller, the chancellor of
Lancaster, Sackville who was Chancellor of the Augmentation in
king Edward's time, Mason who was ambassador, Rogers the
Vice-Chamberlain, and secretary Cecil. As it was not a case
especially to dissemble about, and many were waiting to see how I
took it, in the absence of orders from your Majesty, I adopted a
course which I thought on the one hand would not quite offend
them, nor on the other let them off without giving them to
understand they were doing wrong, and exactly the thing that
would displease your Majesty ; so the bishop of Aquila, who is my
stay and right hand, and whose help is invaluable to me, went and
spoke to them what is contained in the enclosed report, together
with their reply.

On the Sunday of Christmas-tide the Queen before going to Mass
sent for the bishop of Carlisle,* who Was to officiate, and told him
that he need not elevate the Host for adoration. The Bishop
answered that Her Majesty was mistress of his body and life, but
not of his conscience, and accordingly she heard the Mass until after
the gospel, when she rose and left, so as not to be present at the
canon and adoration of the Host which the Bishop elevated as
usual. They tell me that yesterday she heard Mass said by another
bishop who was requested not to elevate the Host and acted
accordingly, and she heard it to the end. I should like in these
affairs to animate and encourage the Catholics so that she may find
difficulties in the way of doing the ivicked things she is beginning,
but I am doing it with the utmost caution in order that she may
not be offended or quarrel with me more than need be. This affair
is going at a pace that, in spite of the good offices your Majesty may
2)erform with the Pope, it will be imi^ossible to stop, and I hear that he
(the Pope) will declare this Queen a bastard and ^uill praceed against
her, giving the right to the Crown to the queen of Scots. It is said
here that the king of France settled this with the Pope some time
since, but in any case the other woman already has many adherents
in the kingdom and every day will have more.

They are so full of prophecies in this country that nothing happens
but they immediately come out with some prophecy that foretold it
so many years ago, and it is a fact that serious people and good
catholics even take notice of these things and attach more importance
to them than they usually merit. These prophecies are now saying

* Owen Oglethorpe, who was the only prelate who would consent to crown Elizabeth.
He died caqiy in 1560.

a 66529. It

18 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.

1558.

that she will reign a very short time, and that your Majesty will
again reign over the country, but the true prophecy is that this
nation is very fond of novelty, and she is beginning to govern in a
way which gives reasonable hopes of a change every hour. The
people are already beginning to gossip about her being flighty and
since she has been dipping her hand into the subsidies they have
become more displeased. There were so many men too who thought
they would be put into the highest places, and so few places in which
to put them, that many of these men are dissatisfied, as well as
others whom she is turning out of the offices they held, without
regarding patents or anything else.

The bishop of Winchester preached a very catholic sermon in
memory of the late Queen, and the Council sent for him and ordered
him not to leave his house. The sermon, in memory of our Lord
the Emperor, was preached on Christmas eve by an almoner of the
new Queen who was formerly her chaplain. He is a heretic, but he
said nothing to mark him as such except that he did not mention
the Pope, and said the Lord's Prayer in English, which is the custom
of heretics.* The Queen has ordered certain portions of the Mass
to be said in English, such as the Paternoster, and 1 think the
Creed.

A litany has been printed which used to be sung in the time of
King Edward, in which no saints at all are mentioned, and she (the
Queen) hears Mass in this way, although they tell me that the
chaplains who perform it are some of them married, and the others
doubtful.

The earl of Arundel has been going about in high glee for some
time and is very smart. Ele has given jewels worth 2,000 crowns to
the women who surround the Queeu and his son-in-law Lord
Lumley has been very confidential with her. I was rather disturbed
at this for a time as an Italian merchant from whom he has
borrowed large sums of money, told others here that he heard that
he was to marry the Queen, but I did not lose hope as the Earl
is a flighty man, of small ability. The affair has ended in his
being again made Lord Steward, whilst they have returned to the
marquis of Winchester the office of Treasurer which the Earl wanted.
/ think this old man is a good servant of your Majesty and the
others respect him. He looks younger and better than I have
ever seen him. The other Treasurer of the Household, who was
lord of the Cinque Portsf has died, and his offices have not yet been
filled up. They have not either appointed a Chancellor, but they
have given the seals to guard to Mr. Bacon who is married to a
sister of the wife of secretary Cecil, a tiresome bluestocking, J who
belonged to the Bedchamber of the late Queen who is in heaven.
He is a man who is not worth much. Englefield'.s office has been
given to the present controller.

* Dr. Bill, dean of \Yc*tniiiistcr. -f Sir Thomas Chenies.

J She was one of the accomplished daughters of Sir Anthony Cook.
Sir Tliomus Parry.

ELIZABETH. 19

1558.

There is a great deal of talk lately about the Queen marrying
Duke Adolphus, brother of the king of Denmark. One of the
principal recommendations they find in him is that he is a heretic,
but I am persuading them that lie is a very good catholic and not
so comely a gentleman as they make him out to be, as I do not
think lie ivould suit us.

I have only seen the Queen on the two occasions of which I have
written to your Majesty. I have had a great controversy about
their giving me rooms in the palace. I had tried to arrange it in a
friendly way with the earl of Pembroke and the Chamberlain with-
out bringing it before the Council, but these people are so cursedly
contrary that they must all need meet, as I am told, to discuss the
question, and the Queen sent me an answer by the Chamberlain to
the effect that she was astonished at my asking such a thing which
had never been granted to the minister of any prince, followed by
words of compliment, and explaining that it was done for me during
the late Queen's life because she was the wife of your Majesty,
whilst she (Elizabeth) was still unmarried. This answer was given
by the Chamberlain to the man who went to ask him for it, but I
did not want to be beaten, and seeing it could not be done through
the Chamberlain I bethought me to try the Secretary. The Bishop
went to talk to him and told him how sorry I was that the Chamber-
lain had treated the matter more as a courtier than as a man of
business, and that since the Queen thought my request unreasonable
I was desirous that the matter should be explained to her by him
(Cecil), so that she should not think I had acted without due
consideration. My view was that for the sake of convenience in
negotiating with Her Majesty and the members of her Council, who
were so numerous, it would be just to give me rooms in the palace
like one of themselves as I was here for the purpose of serving her
in all things, and because of its not having been done to any other
minister it did not at all follow that rooms should not be given to
me, as I was the servant of Her Majesty's brother, and such close
friendship existed between them, and moreover that it would be
well for our common enemies to see how your Majesty's affairs were
conducted here. The Secretary replied that it was true he had
heard the matter discussed, and it really did appear extraordinary
to him as the Queen would not introduce any innovations in the
royal household. On further discussion he went on to say that as
the Queen was unmarried I might be one of her suitors. The
Bishop was much surprised at this and refuted it, and Cecil at last
said he would speak to the Queen and give an answer next day.
Two days afterwards the Bishop went to speak with them about the
affair of St. Augustine's church, and he was told that the Queen was
much pleased with my message to her, but that for my convenience
in negotiating she would give me audience as often as I wished,
either alone or with some of her council as I desired, and so the
matter remains.

On Innocents day she sent Peter Carew (Pedro Caro) to visit me,
who told me that the Queen thought I was ill as I had not been to
see her, and that she thanked me for what the Bishop on my behalf

15 2

SPANISH STATE PAPERS.

1558.

had said to the Council about the St. Augustine's affair, which had
displeased her very much, and to prevent a recurrence of which she
had issued a new proclamation prohibiting preaching. He offered to
bring me a copy if I wanted to see it. I answered him very cordially,
saying I was much obliged to Her Majesty for sending him to visit
me, and that I had not been to see her as I had heard that she was
very busy and I was not sure my visit would be acceptable. I was
always desirous of doing precisely what would please her. I said I
thought best to send and speak to the Council about the St. Augustine's
affair, as it seemed to me a very scandalous business. I had nothing
to say about the new proclamation, as Her Majesty would order it to
be printed, and I had no desire to see it, but it certainly did seem
strange to me that only a month ago she should order a proclamation
to be printed providing that no change should be made in religious
affairs and no\v to issue another in a contrary sense. I did not
know what would be thought of it. I was reserved in manner and
expressed great surprise.

He said that in France the King had given a church to those of
the new persuasion. I told him it was untrue. He then said it was
at Metz which I denied, but even if he had allowed one at Metz I
should not have been surprised as the town belonged to the Empire
and the king of France only kept a garrison there for the better
defence of his kingdom. I did not care to push this matter any
further until I get your Majesty's instructions. I conversed with
the man for some time and he said he wished to God that your
Majesty had married the new Queen and had children. He had
also a great deal to say about the obligation under which the English
are to your Majesty. I did not answer a word about the marriage,
but on the other subject I enlarged and pointed out the good offices
of your Majesty to the Queen and country. We afterwards talked
about the peace, and I feel sure that the last suspension of hostilities
arranged at Cercamp was very favourable for your Majesty's interests
because these people have at last made up their minds that your
Majesty will not leave them in the lurch and is their true friend.
They will come to terms even though Calais is not given up to
them.

1 think even that your Majesty's commissioners should side
strongly with the English and urge them to press this point so that
perfiaps it may be agreed to leave Calais in ruins or at least
dismantled.

I am looking into the treaties with the Bishop, some of them being
in Latin.

Peter Carew also told me that when peace was made it would be
well to confirm the treaties. I told him we would see about it.
There would be time for that. I told him the news about the money
coming from the Indies without diminishing the amount at all, so
that he might tell the Queen, as I thought she would glad to hear
that your Majesty was so prosperous and well off. They tell me this
news has made a great noise in France, as indeed it has here.

The fact is that these people are going on in a way that will end
in their coming to grief, and your Majesty must get the affair in

ELIZABETH. 21

1558.

your grasp. We must begin at once to see that the king of France
does not get in or spoil the crop that your Majesty hew sown here.

A few days after the Queen's accession she made a speech to the
women who were in her service commanding them never to speak
to her on business affairs, and up to the present this has been
carried out.

The courier that came from Spain bears a certificate of how
they have treated him here, and the reason of his long delay, but
the}' have ordered the Queen's officers to despatch the passports
more quickly in future so that couriers and others shall not be
detained.

I humbly beg your Majesty to have my letters answered more
promptly as the delay may cause much harm to your Majesty's
service. The Queen and the rest of them are noticing that your
Majesty has not written to her. I am at a loss to know why the
delay has occurred. London, 29th December 1558.

1559.
10 Jan. 7. The KING to the COUNT DE FERIA.

Councillor Wotton presented to me yesterday the Queen's credential
letter of 1st instant and in virtue of it gave me two messages from
her. The first was her desire not only to preserve the brotherhood,
friendship, and perpetual alliance between us, but also, if such was
my wish, to confirm them by celebrating anew the treaties and
capitulations which were executed by the Emperor and my
predecessors with her country. To this I replied fittingly, saying
I thanked the Queen for this proof of her goodwill and assured her
that my wish always was and would be to observe the treaties we
had with England, and indeed to serve and satisfy her in every way
as I had written and sent verbally by Cobham.

The second matter was to let me know that the French had made
an attempt, although not openly, to commence peace negotiations,
and although she thought they would not return to the subject she
wished me to be assured, in case they did, that she would not listen
to them nor depart from the line she had taken up, namely to carry
on the negotiations jointly with us, and to agree to nothing with
the French without my knowledge and co-operation.

I replied to this also thanking the Queen for advising me as to
what had happened, and saying I was sure she would do as she
said, knowing, as she did, the way I had acted in "these peace
negotiations and the care I had taken of English interests, in respect
of which alone 1 had refrained from concluding peace with the
French with whom I was quite agreed on all other points. . Only their
decision is awaited to conclude peace, and although no doubt, Wotton
will advise the Queen of this, I think well to let you know, both
for your information and that you may thank her heartily from me
and satisfy her on these points as opportunity offers in accordance
with my wishes which you know. You may if you please, use for
this purpose the letter I enclose, which as you will see, accredits you
on these and the other matters on which you have to treat with
them. I am sure you will have done what was necessary, as I wrote

22 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.

1559.

to you, to get these people to decide about the peace. The matter
only awaits their answer, and as the time is HOW so short and it is
most important that their decision should arrive in time, you had
better press them again as if of your own accord, in the sense I wrote
to you before, and urge them very strongly to make up their mind
as to what is to be done and let me know at once what they resolve.
Brussels, 10th January 15o9.

10 Jan. 8. The SAME to the SAME.

simancas. You will have noted what I said in my two last letters respecting
Add 26056 ^ Q Queen's marriage, and that I highly approved of the course you
had adopted in persuading her and her Council that it was not to
her interest to many a subject. You will continue to do your
utmost to prevent this. As regards myself, if they should broach
the subject to you, you should treat it in such a way as neither to
accept nor reject the business altogether. It is a matter of such grave
importance that it was necessary for me to take counsel and maturely
consider it in all its bearings before I sent you my decision. Many
great difficulties present themselves and it is difficult for me to
reconcile my conscience to it as I am obliged to reside in my other
dominions and consequently could not be much in England, which
apparently is what they fear, and also because the Queen has not
been sound on religion, and it would not look well for me to marry
her unless she were a Catholic. Besides this such a marriage would
appear like entering upon a perpetual war with France, seeing the
claims that the queen of Scots has to the English crown. The
urgent need for my presence in Spain, which is greater than I can
say here, and the .heavy expense I should be put to in England by
reason of the costly entertainment necessary to the people there,
together with the fact that my treasury is so utterly exhausted as
to be unable to meet the most necessary ordinary expenditure, much
less new and onerous charges : bearing in mind these and many other
difficulties no less grave which I need not set forth I nevertheless
cannot lose sight of the enormous importance of such a match to
Christianity and the preservation of religion which has been restored
in England by the help of God. Seeing also the importance that the
country should not fall back into its former errors which would cause
to our own neighbouring dominions serious dangers and difficulties,
I have decided to place on one side all other considerations which
might be urged against it and am resolved to render this service to
God, and offer to marry the queen of England, and will use eveiy
possible effort to carry this through if it can be done on the conditions
that will be explained to you.

The first and most important is that yon should satisfy yourself
that the Queen will profess the same religion as I do, which is the
same that I shall ever hold, and that she will persevere in the same
and maintain and uphold it in the country, and with this end will
do all that niny appear necessary to me. She will have to obtain
secret absolution from the Pope and the necessary dispensation so
that when I many her she will he a Catholic, which she has not
hitherto '-fen. In thi.s way it will be evident and manifest that I

ELIZABETH. 23

1559.

am serving the Lord in marrying her and that she has been
converted by my act.

You will however not propose any conditions until you see how
the Queen is disposed towards the matter itself, and mark well that
you must commence to broach the subject with the Queen alone
as she has already opened the door to such an approach.

In my marriage treaty with the late Queen it was stipulated that
my Netherlands dominions should pass to any issue of the marriage,
but as this condition would be very prejudicial to my son (Carlos)
it must not be again consented to.

Nothing has been said to the Pope nor is it desirable until the
Queen's consent has been obtained. Brussels, 10 January 1559.

13 Jan. 9. The SAME to the SAME.

There seems to be considerable delay in the arrival of an answer
to my long letter of 28th December, treating in detail the question
of peace, and giving you instructions how to proceed with the Queen
and Council, and although I know that no time has been lost on
your part, and that you will not have failed in diligence, I wrote to
you again on the subject in my letter of the 10th instant, and have
determined to send the present courier with this letter only, the
time fixed being now so veiy short. If on the arrival of this letter
no resolution has been adopted, you will as if of your own accord
press them most urgently to decide what is to be done. As upon
this matter alone depends the conclusion of peace, if their answer
with terms of conciliation acceptable to the French do not arrive in
time, it is useless for the Commissioners to meet on the day arranged,
as nothing can be done without this foundation for which all is at
a standstill. I have already written to you that the object is to
get them, as if of their own action and without pressure on my
part, to agree to terms which the French can accept, and in order
to push them to adopt such terms I still think the best way will
be to tell them that if they cannot agree to conditions of peace they
must immediately tell you in detail and distinctly to what extent
they are prepared to contribute for their share of the war, which
must be carried on with the king of France, I for my part being
willing to carry out all my treaty obligations with them. You
must give them to understand how willing 1 am to help them, and
how I look upon their affairs as my own; but although great
demonstrations must be made to this effect, the object of course must
be to persuade them with the skill and tact you possess to find some
way of settling the question of Calais and concluding peace of which
Christendom has so much need. From what I have already written
you know my wishes, and I need not enlarge further, except to
enjoin you to pivss the matter forward as much as possible, and let
me know as speedily as you can what is done.
Note in the King's hanchvriting :

You will well understand the importance of a decision in this
business as it will not suit me to have any more prorogation?, and
I must know how I am going to stand in all my affairs and most
of all in this. If they do not decide soon in London I am not sure

24 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.

1559.

that I shall not have to resolve as suits me, it bsing needful for my
affairs. About the matter contained in ray last letter also I must
have a decision so that I may act accordingly. You must advise
me frequently of everything, as I cannot help being very anxious.
Brussels, January 13, 1559.

13 Jan. 10. The COUNT DE FERIA to the KING.

Lord Grey has arrived here, as your Majesty has heard, and
the Queen has sent two of her Council to say that she will be glad
if your Majesty will favour him in the exchange of the baron de la
Rochefoucauld for him. I write in obedience to the Queen's desire,
and I have no doubt as this is a matter which will please Her
Majesty, you will command such steps to be taken as will best tend
to obtaining his freedom, and I humbly beg your Majesty to do so.
14th January 1559.

Document endorsed : Copy of letter written to His Majesty in
favour of my Lord Grey. Dureplaz (Durham Place), 13th January
1559.

20 Jan. 11. The KING to the COUNT DE FERIA.

The ambassador to my very dear nephew the king of Portugal
has complained to me of the delay that has occurred in settling the
business respecting which I have written to you on several occasions
and lastly on the 14th November, as you will have seen, touching
the English ships that had arrived at Portsmouth laden with gold
and pepper, which they had brought from the coast of the Mina,* to
a greater amount than was covered by their sureties for 1,500
crowns. He says that notwithstanding ail his efforts he cannot
obtain justice, nor have they delivered to him any of the merchandise
from the ships, or executed the bond, and he begs me to' write to
you again and to the Queen on the matter which I do most willingly,
as I look upon his affairs as my own. I enjoin you therefore to
use your best endeavours to obtain a settlement as soon as possible,
and have the share that is declared to belong to the King handed
to the person appointed by the ambassador tor the purpose. You
will .speak to the Queen about it in my name in fulfilment of the
letter of credence sent herewith, and will assure her how glad I shall
be for a speedy and favourable decision to be arrived at in the case.
Brussels, 20th January 1559.

28 Jan. 12. The SAME to the SAME.

A memorial has been presented to me here by certain merchants,
named Cristobal Pruner, Francisco Velati, Paulo Timmerman, Henrico
Zomer, Francisco Bridon, Johan de Has, Huberto de Zande, and
John Hoens, complaining greatly of the bad treatment they have
received from the English, who have recently taken from them
certain ships with their valuable cargoes as they have from many
others of our subjects. Although the Queen and Council are well

* This is sometimes assumed to mean ' the province of Minas Geraes, in Brazil,
but in the present case the context clearly proves it to be Elmina, on the coast of Guinea.

ELIZABETH. 25

1559.

aware of the justice of the case no restitution can be obtained, and
the merchants petition me very urgently to take some steps in the
matter. I cannot well refuse this, and I have ordered a letter to
be written to you which will be handed to the parties, containing
the petition and a list of the shipa and merchandise seized. Do
what you can in their favour, but if on receipt of my letter you
think the broaching of the matter will be injurious to our principal
affair you can postpone it till a more favourable opportunity. You
can extract from the memorial what you think best, but you will
see on reading it that it will be better not to show the memorial
itself. I have also given the Portuguese ambassador letters for you
and the Queen about the English ships that went to the Mina.
28th January 1559.

31 Jan. 13. The COUNT DE FERIA to the KINO.

I wrote to your Majesty by a post despatched on the 20th, giving
an account of events to that date. Since then I have only seen the
Queen once, in the little chamber leading out of the privy-chamber.
She conversed with me very gaily. She has not been very well
lately and the opening of Parliament was postponed in consequence
from the 23rd to the 25th, on which latter day she went thither
between 10 and 11 o'clock, but would not allow the abbot and monks
of Westminster to receive her as is usual, but went to the hall of
Parliament itself. She returned thither some three or four days
after in the afternoon. They have proposed three things, first that
the religion should be reformed or changed ; secondly, that all laws
recently passed should be revoked ; and thirdly, to ask for money.

The Catholics are very fearful of the measures to be taken in this
Parliament. The members of the Council who are foremost in
upsetting things are Cecil and the carl of Bedford, and the earl of
Sussex is the worst of those outside. I understand that the
Councillors are beginning to be convinced that she does not wish to
marry in the country, and this is causing them to hurry on the
heresy business. But after all everything depends on the husband
she chooses, for the King's vvish is paramount here in all things.

On this occasion I did not revert to the pending discussion, nor
have I done so since as I thought best to wait for the Parliament to
press the Queen to marry, as I hear from her that they will, and
she wishes to await it, although I do not believe she will declare her
choice whilst Parliament is sitting, because if the person chosen is
not to their liking they could use the national voice to stop the
affair. But another reason is that she was suffering from a bad
cold when I saw her, and has been almost ever since. I await your
Majesty's letter to press her further on the very first opportunity, as
I am exceedingly anxious to see the end of this business, and it is
'most important that your Majesty should know the result as soon as
possible. By last post I wrote your Majesty that I had been told
that the Queen took the holy sacrament " sub utraque specie " on the
day of the coronation, but it was all nonsense. She did not take it
at all. The Chamberlain left on the 18th. He did not go before
as the ship struck, and he was nearly killed. They sent a post to

26 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.

1559.

the bishop of Ely and Wotton telling them to go on to the place
of meeting without waiting for the Chamberlain, and begin the
negotiations.

The person I told your Majesty had been in hiding in the
Treasurer's chambers in the palace, I know now to have been Guido
Cuvalcanti. I believe the departure of the Chamberlain was delayed
to await the answer this man would bring from France, but up to
the present he has not returned. I am having him well watched so
that directly he puts foot on shore they will let me know, and if
your Majesty wishes even for some trick to be played on him it can
be done.

The Catholics in this country, who are many, place all their hope
in your Majesty, and it is curious how anxious they are to know
what I am doing. When we have to come to elose quarters they
will all be on your side and against the king of France as they think
they will be ruined if he gets his foot in here. The heretics
announce that your Majesty is going to Spain, and the Queen asked
me if it were true the last time I saw her, saying that she had been
told you had written to that effect to the late Queen, 1 said I was
not aware of it. In Scotland I believe they are ill-treating the
English. I am sure they are not doing it so much as I could
wish.

I beg your Majesty to send me the letter for which I ask.
London, 31st January 1559.

Endorsed : " Copy of the letter written to His Majesty."

12 Feb. 14. The KING to the COUNT DE FERIA.

/ received your letter of end of January and wrote to you on the
28th of same enclosing you the autograph letter you asked for with
which 1 am sure you will have carried fori.vard the discussion of
this matter. In the interests of all and particularly in the cause of
religion it is most important that no time be lost and for certain
reasons which you know and others which you witt understand delay
will be most detrimental. I have been pained to hear from you that
the first thing they proposed in Parliament was to reform or change
the religion, as I see the harm and trouble that may result from it
both in England and the rest of Christendom, and the danger being so
imminent, it behoves us to use all speed to obviate the evil which
threatens unless God should ordain otherwise. I therefore wrote to
the duke of Alba an autograph letter, of a portion of which I enclose
a copy, asking him, Ruy Gomez, and the bishop of Arras their
opinion on the matter, so that I should not have to decide on a
question of such great importance on my own opinion alone. They
answered me as you see by copy enclosed, and after deeply
considering their answer with the rest of my Council of State I have
decided that as soon as you receive this you will seek the best
opportunity you can to see the Queen and tell her from me that as
a good and true brother who really wishes her well both on account
of our relationship and because I desire to see her firmly and
peacefully established on the throne, I must warn her to ponder and
consider deeply the evils which may result in England from a

ELIZABETH. 27

1599.

change of religion, particularly thus early in her reign, and the
dissensions and perturbation which may arise therefrom ; and I
therefore beg and entreat her to hold her hand and not to allow any
innovations seeing hoiv much the preservation and stability of the
state depend upon it. You will enforce this with all the good
arguments and most persuasive words which you can employ so as to
prevent such pernicious novelties being adopted to God's offence.
You will use in this matter every mode and form, you may think
best and all the care and diligence that such an important affair
demands, but if notwithstanding all your efforts you see that they
still go on with their intention, and that you can obtain no success
in that way, you had better consider whether it will not be well to
press the Queen by saying that if this change is made all idea of my
marriage with her must be broken off, and if she has any thoughts
of the marriage this may be efficacious. Of course you will be best
able to judge if this can be taken advantage of and if so ivhen, where,
and in what manner, as you are on the spot and probably have
some further knowledge of the Queen's feelings. I therefore entrust
this matter to your prudence, tact, and experience, leaving you to
proceed how and when you think best according to the humour of
the Queen, because from here no more precise orders than these can be
given to you only to recommend the matter to you very earnestly for
the service of Our Lord and the welfare of His religion. Advise
us at once what is done. I am pleased at what you say about
the number and spirit of catholics of England and their devotion to
me, and you must try to keep them, the best you can. Respecting
my going to Spain you will satisfy them as you like so as not to
harm the principal business, as you are auure of my real intention
and the importance of my going thither. My Commissioners met
those of the king of France on the 6th instant, but nothing passed
but salutations as the French would only consent to begin where
they left off, namely, on the English question, so they were all waiting
for the arrival of Lord Chamberlain Howard who, as the duke of
Alba writes, arrived there on the 9th instant, and they were to
begin to treat at once. 1 am sure we shall soon see the result
of it.

Respecting Guido Cavalcanti I have only to say that you must
try to find out what he brings from France on his return, using
any means or ways you think fit. I thank you for your care in
keeping me well advised, and it is hardly necessary for me to urge
you to continue to do so.

Note in the handwriting of the King :

Consider if it will be well also to tell the Queen, in case she should
not give way about religion, that she should be suspicious of the
heretical party as the French have more communication with them
and trust them more, and that the Catholics will never trust the
French, which is true, but you will see what arguments are best
to use.

Just as I was signing this the courier arrived from Chateau
Cambresi bringing me news that after my people had communicated
with the English they found them all as firm about Calais as ever,

28 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.

1559.

and Howard and his colleagues said that they had no other
instructions about Calais or anything else than they had before and
consequently my people were in fear of a rupture. I do not know
whether these English are trying to deceive us here, or have deceived
you in saying that they had an open commission about Calais. The
French are as hasty as the devil, and so I fear the worst for me as
I can hold out no longer. You must consider whether you can
do anything more or wait to see what happens at the next meeting,
of which I will advise you at once. They certainly must be pressed
either to help me very handsomely or let me make peace, for it is
most important to me.

Draft of a, letter in cipher, indorsed IQth February 1559.

15. COUNT DE FERIA to the KING.

After writing to your Majesty on the 31st ultimo and before I
received the autograph letter I had asked for from your Majesty to
the Queen I took the opportunity of going to speak to her about
remedying the injuries done here to ships belonging to the subjects
of your Majesty, and then pressed the business that I had com-
menced, and although we were in colloquy for a long time I came
away that night without having decided anything. Two or three
days afterwards your Majesty's letter arrived, and I went to deliver
it to her, and we again returned to the subject when I pressed more
than ever for an answer. After a great deal of argument she said
she would give it me the next day. I let some days pass and then
sent to say that I did not desire to be importunate nor to be wanting
in my duty. She then gave me audience, and we once more entered
on the question. She began to answer me by keeping to her old
arguments for not wishing to marry, but seeing whither she was
tending I cut short the reply, and by the conversation which
followed together with what had preceded, as well as the hurry she
was in to give me rny answer, I soon understood what the answer
would be, namely, that she did not think of marrying, and so to
shelve the business with fair words. It ended, however, in our
agreeing that I would have no answer that was not a very good
one, and so I left the matter open as I thought that, knowing as I
did her feeling then, it would be well to have time to advise your
Majesty of what had happened in order that your commands might
be given as to the best course to pursue. I thought best to furnish
your Majesty with a detailed account of ever} r thing by sending over
the bishop of Aquila who is the person through whose hands have
passed all things that have been done, and who has a full knowledge
of everything which your Majesty should know, but which from
their nature are matters that I cannot satisfactorily give an account
of in letters. He was ready to start when your Majesty's post of
llth arrived and two others from your Commissioners at Cambresi
of llth and 13th, bringing me news of what was being done there,
and seeing that we have to deal at the same time with three affairs
of so great an importance as religion, peace, and matrimony, I
thought that the peace question was the most pressing, and the
Bishop deferred his departure, in order to help me, until the Queen

ELIZABETH. 29

1559.

has resolved what to do, when he will go. With this I went to the
Queen the evening before last and said I heard she had letters from
her Commissioners as I also had received some from your Majesty.
I then waited for her to speak first as I thought better to make her
talk and get to understand what she had in her mind after reading
the Commissioners letters, so that I might govern myself according
to her humour. She began by saying it was true they had written
about the difficulties they had encountered in treating with the
French and proposing certain means of agreement such as marriages
and so on, of which she appeared to make small account, and having
spent some words on these and expressed her annoyance at the
French she said they had also informed her that the duke of Alba
had signified to the Chamberlain that your Majesty must come to
an agreement in any case. I answered that it was impossible in
discussing matters in all their bearings to help saying what appears
obvious about them, and so I smoothed her down a little, but I
plainly see that these heretics she has about her had seized upon
this point to incense her against your Majesty, as I know they
perpetually do.

She also told me she was astonished that the Commissioners had
not written to her anything about the war with Scotland. I
answered that I had no information about it but that I was sure it
was a point upon which they would not fail to treat, although they
had not yet reached it, and I then reminded her how, on the occasion
of the two months truce at Cercamp, she had been suspicious and
had thought that the suspension was more for your Majesty's
objects than for hers, and would not believe me when I tried to
persuade her to the contrary. I now rejoiced that she had been
convinced by what her Commissioners had written to her that all I
had said on behalf of your Majesty had been true as well as your
brotherhood and friendship to her, for not only had the truce given
her time to discuss and arrange her affairs with due deliberation,
your Majesty in the meanwhile maintaining a strong force at
enormous cost, but notwithstanding that you had reduced the king
of France to accept all your Majesty required for yourself, yet you
insisted upon the English questions being settled fittingly before
concluding peace. She expressed her gratitude to your Majesty and
acknowledged that all I had told her was true, and we then touched
upon the pretensions of the queen of Scots which the French have
put forward at which she is much offended, and she began to rave
against them and said what she would do if it were not for other
reasons. She said her subjects were not so poor that money and
arms could not be got, and she knew what soldiers she had. I was
glad to see her so offended and indignant about it, and I thought it
would bring her round to our object if I told her that although she
knew I could not fail to be pleased to see her angry with the French,
who were enemies of your Majesty and hers, yet I must not omit to
tell her that great princes like her had to take many things into
consideration to ensure success in their enterprises, and should not
enter into them rashly to the subsequent damage of their reputation,
and to tell her the truth, in the time of the late Queen things were

30 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.

1 559.

not in a fit state for her to undertake a war with France with a
sufficient force as Her Majesty was very poor and the English
unusually inexperienced in war. She said that she was even poorer
still in consequence of the expenditure of the late Queen, which
seemed to contradict what she bad just said when she was railing
against the French. I went on to say that I quite believed there
was plenty of money in the country, but that it was difficult and
dangerous lo get it out of the people as they were so proud and
excited, and in this she agreed with me. After this we returned to
the great obligations under which she and the country were to your
Majesty, and on this point I enlarged ns well as I knew how, saying
that up to the present everybody had seen how your Majesty had
fulfilled your part of the friendship and alliance between us, and I
was anxious to see what she would do on her side in return, as
hitherto all the thanks your Majesty had received for the benefits
you had conferred upon them was to be slandered by saying that
war was declared with France for your sake, whereas the Queen had
many good and sufficient reasons for declaring war with them, and
that Calais had been lost which was manifestly their own fault.
They blamed your Majesty too for the expense of the fleet, which,
as I had pointed out was not raised at your Majesty's instance at all,
but for other reasons, and finally, they allege that your Majesty had
taken away large sums of money from the country, this being
utterly false, as I had already told her. She answered that she
knew what I said was true and wished it made public, particularly
as regards the money taken out of the country. I followed this up
by asking her to consider, after all you had done for the country
and for her personally, and seeing your dominions so wasted with
war, and an honourable peace offered to you, whether it was not
hard that such a necessary boon to Christendom so universally
desired should be cast aside for the sake of one town alone. I said
I did not know how your Majesty's subjects and allies would take
it, seeing that so great a sacriBce was to be made for this respect
alone, and for these and many other reasons I prayed her to consider
very deeply the interests of herself, your Majesty and Christendom
in general, as it was necessary for your Majesty to take steps
speedily either to conclude peace with the French or to prosecute
the war which must be done, however, very different!}* from what it
was done before, enlarging much upon this as your Majesty's
Commissioners wrote to me. She replied that she would discuss
with her Council the instructions to be sent to her Commissioners,
and she would have a decision arrived at speedily although she saw
no way of agreeing unless the French returned Calais to her within
a short time. I said that as Her Majesty had deigned to hear me
so graciously, and seeing the good understanding that existed in the
matter between her Commissioners and those of your Majesty I
ventured to ask that I might be allowed to be present when it was
discussed in the Council. The members were reported to be prudent,
and I knew that she was as prudent as all of them put together,
but still as I was acquainted with foreign affairs and had been
engaged for s me time past in English matters, it might be of some

ELIZABETH. 31

1559.

service to Her Majesty to hear me in the discussion. She replied
that she would do so with pleasure and would show me the instruc-
tions that were to be sent to the Commissioners. If she does as she
promises 1 shall try to bring them round to some settlement that the
French will accept, and, if possible, get them to send more open
instructions to the Commissioners so that your Majesty's represen-
tatives there may persuade them to close the business speedily. I
am still of opinion as I have written to your Majesty before, that
they will make peace without Calais both on account of the state of
things here and because I hear so from many persons of high
position, besides the general opinion that the Chamberlain bore
instructions to that effect. I feel sure that these difficulties and
those about the marriage are inventions of the devil and of these
heretics who surround the Queen who think that everything stands
in the way of their heretical designs. If they cannot agree on terms
with the French nor are disposed to prepare suitably for carrying on
the war (which they cannot do, and even if they did I would not
accept it unless I had your Majesty's orders) I think it will be best
to pick a quarrel with them on that question and on religion and
the marriage, so that we can press them again in that way or open
the door for your Majesty, if nothing else can be done, to act in
your own interests. When this is decided the Bishop will go to
give your Majesty an account of the state of the country and the
dissensions which are feared, and all other points which may be
necessary for your Majesty's guidance as to your relations with
these people, and in the event of their ruin, to provide beforehand
for what must be foreseen and provided for, as is fitting in all things,
but particularly on this occasion. I will not dilate upon this point
now but will leave it for the Bishop's visit as I do not wish to talk
out of season, and I think the first thing I have to do here at
present is to try to get this answer sent off at once and get rid of
the question that impedes the conclusion of peace. When this is
disposed of I can attend to the other two questions of religion and
marriage, which are really only one, and I can speak more freely
about them when the peace is settled.

I have thought best not to speak in earnest to the Queen about
religion yet, although I see her plainly going to perdition, but it
seems to me that if the marriage is carried out the rest will soon
be arranged, and all will proceed in accordance with the glory of
God and the wishes of your Majesty, whilst if the marriage do
not take place all I could say to the Queen would be of little avail
as she is so badly advised by the heretics she has around her and in
her Council, and it might even greatly prejudice the conclusion of
the principal matter.

After talking a long time on these points the Queen wished to be
seated and seemed to expect that I was going to re-open the former
conversations. I did not wish to begin on that subject again, and
only said that all these difficulties could be overcome if only Her
Majesty would do certain tilings which I would talk about when we
had got rid of the other affair (i.e. of the peace). She gave me no
answer, but she understood very well what I meant, and that I was

32 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.

1559.

displeased with the result of the last audience in which, as I told
your Majesty at the beginning of this letter, she was going to give
me an answer to the effect that she did not mean to marty, and
questioned the power of the Pope about the dispensation, and with
this the conversation ended. In the meanwhile I think it will be
well for your Majesty's commissioners to speak with the Queen's
commissioners on this subject of religion, and express their sorrow
at the wickedness which is being planued in this Parliament which
consists of persons chosen throughout the country as being the
most perverse and heretical. The Queen has entire disposal of the
upper Chamber in a way never seen before in previous Parliaments,
as in this there are several who have hopes of getting her to marry
them, and they are careful to please her in all things and persuade
the others to do the same, besides which there are a great number
whom she has made barons to strengthen her party, and that
accursed cardinal left twelve bishoprics to be filled which will now
be given to as many ministers of Lucifer instead of being worthily
bestowed. All the county sees the absurdity of what is going
on. I may also tell your Majesty that although the Parliaments
usually sit here in the winter for well-known reasons, yet a new
Parliament may be convoked in 40 days at any time of the year.
I say this in consequence of a remark I see in your Majesty's
autograph letter to the duke of Alba. London, 20th February 1559.

Enclosed : " Copy of letter written to His Majesty."

29 Feb. 16. The SAME to the SPANISH MINISTERS AT CAMBRAY.

Simancas, On the 20th instant I sent your Lordships a copy of the letter
Add 26056 ^ ^ad sen ^ * ^ s Majesty, and on the 21st the Queen despatched
' a servant of lord chamberlain Howard, but without keeping her
promise to me to show me the despatch before she sent it. On the
same day I went to see her, and she said as I entered that she had
expected me the previous day as I had said I was going to supper
with the Treasurer. She then sent her secretary for a copy of the
despatch and told me the contents as it was in English. She declared
the substance to be that they were to make peace with the French
on their promise to return Calais to her within six years with the
district round including Newnham Bridge. The King (Philip) in the
meanwhile to appoint arbitrators to settle the differences between
her and the king of France. That the war in Scotland shall be
pacified within two months and hostages given to her. That your
Lordships should propose these conditions as from yourselves, and
she instructs her Commissioners to let the French know that they
are acting in full accord with your Lordships, so that they may
know they cannot separate her from the King. I wish to know
what your Lordships think of this despatch, as until I receive that
information I do not intend to reply on the subject, and although
the Queen says this is the last concession she will make I still think
we shall get her to stretch a point if necessary, which I do not think
it will be, but that the French will be quite willing to promise to
res-tore Calais and then keep their word in their usual fashion.

ELIZABETH. 33

1559.

Although the Queen was so indignant on the day I saw her, as
you will have seen by my letter to the King, I learn that this
morning Guido Cavalcanti arrived here from France, and the Queen
received him at once and was with him for a long time. He brings
with him a little Frenchman, but I have been able to learn nothing
yet except that Guido has brought the Queen a portrait which she
gazed upon intently. I expect to see her to-morrow and shall speak
to her about religion, as yesterday the House of Commons decided
that the supreme ecclesiastical power was attached to the crown of
England. Some of the members spoke in favour of reason so strongly
that it was necessary for Cecil to get up a wrangle in order to carry
out the wicked plan, and the Bill then passed. To-morrow it goes
to the upper house, where the Bishops and some others are ready to
die rather than consent to it, as they (the heretics) wish to make all
the country swear to respect this enactment, and those who do not
are to be held as traitors as they were in King Henry's time. I
understand that affairs are moving apace to the great ruin of this
country, and not a few of the people are beginning to be dissatisfied
with the Queen. She is wrapped up in the idea of getting popular,
but she has no party but the heretics.

It is a wretched state of things for a ruler, and worse here than
anywhere, as affairs have been disturbed and unsettled so long.
London, 29th February 1559.

17. MEMORANDUM from the COUNT DE FERIA.

To remind His Majesty that his Lordship wrote from England last
year how His Majesty's interests were imperilled in England. What
might probably be feared from the incapacity of the late Queen, not-
withstanding her excellent intentions, and the disaffection and deceit
of the Cardinal, which were clearly seen then, but which have since
been palpably proved to be directed against His Majesty's interests,
and to the small benefit of religion; and respecting this to
mention

About Pedanke.

The matter of Maria Isabella.

Having left so many churches vacant.

What has been heard about his hatred.

What should be done with the servants who go thither.

How, when he returned the second time he found things, as he
said, as bad as they could be, all that was feared to the harm of God
and His Majesty having happened; and that all the faithful and
Catholic people, although blaming the Queen and cardinal, cast the
principal blame on His Majesty for not occupying himself, as he
might have done, in their affairs.

That affairs generally are badly managed.

Maria Isabella's affairs.

About the Councillors.

About Paget.

About Lord Chamberlain Hastings.

About the Governor of Calais.

Traitors and heretics that have been pardoned.

a 60529. C

34 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.

1559.

The indifference with which His Majesty treated the Queen ; to
which cause they ascribe her illness and death. -

To this must be added the way in which the Catholics have
adhered to His Majesty, and the hopes they base upon him.

How His Majesty has not a man really devoted to him in all the
country, but that the Catholic party understand that the welfare
and preservation of their religion depend only on His Majesty's
nss'istance, and appear to place thereupon all their hopes. They
understand that if the king of France gets his foot in, the country
would be ruined spiritually and temporally, as he would only take
care to spend their substance and keep them in subjection, without
attending either to religion or to the good of the country.

Of the nobility all the young men and most of the old are
attacked with heresy, and amongst them the king of France has
many adherents who work in his interest. It is believed that
amongst their number are the secretary, the earl of Bedford, Nicholas
Throgmorton, Peter Carew, M. Grey, and Mason. London, the
seaports, and the county of Kent are very heretical.

To this must be added what Throgmorton said, and Cecil's
resolution.

They say all the rest of the country is sound and Catholic,
together with the few bishops there are ; so that in the aggregate
the Catholics are in a majority.

Since the death of the late Queen and the coming of the present
one affairs have been directed to the total destruction of religion, and
with this object they have thought best to keep friendly with
both princes without binding themselves to either. They are so
infatuated with this idea that they cannot see their weakness, and
that if His Majesty were to step aside and leave them alone with
the French they would eat them up, as they have been warned.

The evils that would result from this are very serious.

There can be doubt of their inability to stand alone against the
French, as the country has no money, and it is very difficult to be
got out of the people, they being so proud and disturbed, and, above
all, divided about religion. There is nobody in the country fit for
war, nor to govern, nor to obey.

And again, the number of deaths this year has been so great that
where there were usually musters of 200 men there are now but 40,
as was advised by letter of 14th (?) November.

His Majesty was also advised that things being in this state
negotiations were opened with the new Queen, who, with the
excitement of her fresh dignity, and all these thoughts and preju-
dices began in the first two audiences to treat matters with more
off-handedness anti independence than was to be expected, and
showed signs thereof especially by her resolution to remain neutral ;
in consequence of which, after advising His Majesty of what was, in
his opinion, the best way to treat with her and the Council, the
Count decided to absent himself from the palace for some days. This
also gave him the opportunity of awaiting His Majesty's orders after
consultation with his Council. The result of this was that she sent
to the Count telling him to go and see her often, and became more

ELIZABETH. 35

1559.

reasonable, which change appears to have been caused by a desire to
alter the manner of negotiation, as has since been proved.

After His Majesty wrote his decision about these affairs nego-
tiations were conducted by all suitable and fitting means, as His
Majesty as been informed by letters, with the object of putting
aside as much as possible all idea of marriage with a subject, and of
gaining over her women-of-t he-chamber and ministers.

After speaking with her three times since the 14th January, when
His Majesty's decision arrived, the Count again spoke to her
yesterday evening, and she answered :

That she had no desire to marry, as she had intimated from the
first day.

That she quite understood that this marriage would be advan-
tageous to her honour and the preservation of both States, but that
these ends could be attained by the maintenance of the good
friendship with your Majesty, above all seeing the obligation she
was under to maintain it, as she well knew.

The impediment she discovered in the fact of your Majesty
having married her sister, and after that she denied point-blank the
Pope's power, which she had previously only pointed out indirectly.

That it was not by any means so clear that the queen of Scots
would succeed her as the Count said :

That the people did not wish hej to marry a foreigner.

And, finally, that^several persons had told her that your Majesty
would come here and then go off to Spain directly. This she said
with great laughter as if she could read the Count's secret thoughts.
She is so well informed about this that it looks as if she had seen
His Majesty's letters. This should be taken good note of.

His lordship answered as follows :

Seeing what sort of answer she was going to give, he so turned
the conversation as not to take her remarks as an answer at all, and
left it over for another day, in order to advise your Majesty in the
meanwhile of what was going on, and receive instructions ;
although it must be borne in mind that though the count feigned
not to take the answer she is not likely to reply in any other
way.

His Majesty must be informed of the character of the Queen. She
is acute, depending upon the favour of the common people, detested
by the Catholics, known to everyone, &c., &c.

These heretics that surround her seem to influence her by two
ideas ; first, by the heresy that she has been taught from her child
hood ; and secondly, by persuading her that she has sufficient
strength of her own to defend herself against the French. They are
so carried away by their wish to effect these wicked changes that
they do not see that their neutrality and her neglect to marry may
open the door to disturbances in the country itself, as, indeed, might
already have happened but for the hope that your Majesty would
remedy it all.

The things discussed and adopted in Parliament for the service, of
the kingdom.

About the declaration of her legitimacy.

c 2

36 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.

1559.

About the power of the Pope, and the means adopted to give the
power to her.

About the mass they call the library (?)

The advice given to her that she should marry, and her
answer.

The tithes which she has again demanded of the Church.*

The sermons preached this Lent by Cox, Capobacina.f and
Grindal.

That Cobham has been, and is, so zealous with his letters from
Brussels that it has been necessary to manage him a little, and his
lordship has therefore thought well to promise him a pension,
although he has not told him how much it will be. The Queen lias
promised him the wardenship of the Cinque Ports.

That the marchioness of Northampton, his sister, who is in high
favour with the Queen, has served His Majesty when opportunity
has occuiTed.

That Wotton, who is a friend and relative of Cobham, has written
here telling them not to trust to the French or their promises, and
verbally requested Cobham to tell the same to the Queen.

Money should be sent for pensioners at once, and in plenty.

After His Majesty has been told all this, if he gives me an
opportunity, he may be told the various things which his lordship
indicated to me ; but not as coming from him.

These must be entered into more fully with his Council.

Peace question to the Council.

Something about this to the confessor and the minister.

The manner in which sorrow may be expressed about religion to
Wotton and the chamberlain, in case it should be desirable.

To give notice to Monsignor d' Arras first, about the Portuguese
ambassador.

How his lordship saw the Queen after the despatch of her letters
to Cambresi about the peace, and what passed.

The great effect produced by these conversations.

What has passed with Pembroke, the treasurer, and Robert.

What passed afterwards with Cecil, the Admiral, and Mason.

What has to be borne in mind after due consideration of all these
points.

That His Majesty's obligations in these affairs should be con-
sidered, and, in sight of them and the state of things here, a fit
remedy should be applied.

To consider the perils and troubles which may be feared if no such
remedy is provided ; first spiritual and then temporal.

The business of the ships.

Document endorsed: "Memorandum of affairs entrusted to the
bishop of Aquila to discuss with His Majesty (1559)."

* The Bill for restitution and annexation of the firstfruits, &c. to the Crown of this
realm, passed the House of Lords on Saturday, February 4th. D'Eu-es' Journals.

f David Whitehead, who is mentioned hy Strype (Life of Grindal) as one of the Lent
preachers in 1559 in addition to Grindal, Cox, Sandys, Parker, and Bill.

ELIZABETH. 37

1559.
19 Mar. 18. COUNT DE FERIA to the KING.

On the 6th instant I wrote by the bishop of Acjuila. I have since
had a long conversation with the Treasurer of the Household* about
the affairs of religion and the obligations the Queen and country are
under to your Majesty, and although he is not so good a Catholic as
he should be, he is the most reasonable of those near the Queen.
She knew he was coining to speak with me on that day to St. James*
Park, and told him to ask me to go with him to another park higher
up near the execution place, so that the earl of Pembroke and other
gentlemen who were walking in St. James' Park should not see us.
The Earl and the others who were walking would have been just as
shy of speaking to me where the Queen or the Treasurer saw us. I
say this to show how suspicious and distrustful they are. The
conversation amounted to my saying that the Queen and they would
be undone if they changed the religion. This I said without
mentioning your Majesty. The Treasurer at the beginning of the
interview had promised me that the Queen would not take the title
of head of the church. A week after I went to see the Queen to beg
her to have a remedy found for the ill-treatment of your Majesty's
subjects in this country. A great company of the boatmen who get
their living by bringing over goods from Flanders came to me on
that day to complain that many of their number had been robbed
and murdered between Gravesend and here, their boats boarded and
their goods taken. I found her resolved about what was yesterday
passed in Parliament, and which Cecil and Vice Chamberlain Knollys
and their followers have managed to bring about for their own ends.

She said after a time that she could not marry your Majesty
as she was a heretic. I was much surprised to hear her use such
words and begged her to tell me the cause of so great a change since
I last discussed the subject with her, but she did not enlighten me.

These heretics and the devil that prompts them are so careful
to leave no stone unturned to con) pass their ends that no doubt
they have persuaded her that your Majesty wishes to marry her
for religious objects alone, and so she kept repeating to me that
she was heretical and consequently could not many your Majesty.
She was so disturbed and excited and so resolved to restore religion
as her father left it, that at last I said that I did not consider she was
heretical and could not believe that she would sanction the things
which were being discussed in Parliament, because if she changed
the religion she would be ruined, and that your Majesty would not
separate from the union of the church for all the kingdoms of the
earth. She said then much less would you do it for a woman. I
did not want to be all rigour, so I said that men did more for a
woman than for anything else. She said she would not, take the title
of head of the church, but that so much money was taken out of
the countrj- for the Pope every year that she must put an end to
it, and that the Bishops were lazy poltroons. I replied that the
poltroons were the preachers that she listened to, and that it added
little to her honour and was a gi-eat scandal that so many rogues
should come from Germany, and get into the pulpit before her and

* Sir Thomas Parry who had recently succeeded Sir Thomas Chenies in the office.

38 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.

1559.

great congregations to preach a thousand absurdities, without being
learned or worthy to be listened to. After we had been talking
for half an hour Knollys came in and said supper was ready, a
new thing, and as I think arranged by those who are working this
wickedness, for there is nothing that annoys them more than that
I should speak to her. I took my leave saying that she was not
the Queen Elizabeth that I knew and that I was very dissatisfied
with what I had heard, aud if she did what she said she would be
ruined. This was Tuesday evening and the next day there was no
sermon at the palace as she was unwell ; and truly I do not think
her health is good. The Treasurer of the household (although he is
a favourite with the Queen) is not at all discreet, nor is he a good
Catholic, as I have said, but still he behaves better than the others.

Cecil is very clever but a mischievous man and a heretic, and
governs the Queen in spite of the Treasurer, for they are not at all
good friends and I have done what I can to make them worse.
This is the history up to then. Ever since, these heretics have been
trying to carry through what they had proposed before, and by way
of compromise on Wednesday the loth instant, they brought forward
the same as they proposed at the opening of Parliament, only more
moderate. This was that she could take the title of supremacy if
she chose, the Pope's authority beipg abolished in any case. This
was to be sworn to by all who hold any office or benefice from tho
Queen, and in case of refusal they were to be deprived. In the same
manner all ecclesiastics, the graduates of the universities and the
scholars would lose all the rights, places and profits they held. All
agreed to this except the earl of Shrewsbury, Lord Montague, the
Bishops and the abbot of Westminster. I believe some of the lords
were not present, but I shall find out how each one acted and let
your Majesty know. The earl of Sussex distinguished himself in
being the greatest rogue of them all, as I always expected he would,
for he never deceived me. Paget has not left his house as he has a
bad quartan ague and is very ill.

The same day that this was decided in Parliament the Queen
received news of the heads of agreement arrived at in Chateau
Cambresi. As regards this country she (the Queen) will ill repay
your Majesty for all the benefit received at your hands, for believe
me, she will arrange with the French without standing out about
Calais if they will settle the Scotch business. This has always boen
my opinion since the discussion commenced, as your Majesty will
recollect. Nothing else could be expected of them. A secretary of
the Queen Regent of Scotland has arrived here who they say rules
her body and soul. He came last year and they have now given
him leave to go over to France which was not done before. There
has been a truce signed for two months commencing a week ago.
Your Majesty already knows that what is decided in Parliament is
of no effect if it be not confirmed by the Sovereign, and they tell
me that the Quei;n will probably confirm this week the abominable
decree they have adopted.* She told me some days since to delay
writing to your Majesty as she had not confirmed anything yet, and

* The Act of Uniformity.

ELIZABETH. 39

1559.

although I fear it will have but small effect, I purpose speaking to
her to-morrow or the day after, as it is well to leave no remedy
untried whilst the patient still breathes ; although in this case ho
may be considered dead. The Catholics say your Majesty must
help them, and they and the heretics take so much account of me
that from having seen Dr. Velasco and the others who came from
Spain leave here in the three boats belonging to this house, they soon
said in London that I had gone with the Bishop of (to ?) Rome. They
have been in great fear that if they change the religion your
Majesty will abandon them and I think this has made them pause.
The country is in the same state as the bishop of Aquila will have
represented to your Majesty, only that my views have since been
simply confirmed and things cannot last at the present rate.

Mason, who was ambassador to his late Majesty,* left here two
'lays after the Bishop, and the Queen tells me that he is going to
Cambresi to see the Commissioners on certain points that can. be
explained better verbally than by letter.

All the Bishops here are determined to die for the faith, and your
Majesty would be surprised to see how firm and steadfast they have
been and are. If I had money and authority from your Majesty, I
would willingly rather give it to them than jxiy the pensions of
these renegades who have sold their God and the honour of their
country. I am sure that religion^will not fall, because the Catholic
party is two-thirds larger than the other, but I could wish that the
work were done by your Majesty's hands, and that God should not
be delivered over to the enemy.

I humbly beg your Majesty to forgive me for departing thus
from my story, but I am so distressed at what is happening here
that I cannot help saying what I do. Three or four Spaniards have
arrived here from Geneva full of false doctrine. It would be well to
have some precaution taken on the coast of Flanders to prevent such
vile rabble coming over, at least Spaniards, as the heretics greatly
congratulate themselves upon their coming. Those who have arrived
say that some forty more Spaniards and one Antwerp man are still
in Geneva and are expected to come here. I have decided in accord
with Friar Juan de Villagarcia and Dr. Velasco to try and seize
them, their wickedness being proved, and throw them into the river.
I must do it no dexterously and secretly as to give no ground for
complaint t-> the Queen or her people.

I am told also that news Las been received of the coming of Pedro
Martin (Peter Martyrf) Friar Bernardino de SienaJ and Calvin.

* Sir John Mason formerly English Ambassador to the Emperor Charles V. and one
of Elizabeth's privy councillors.

t Jewel bishop of Salisbury writing to Peter Martyr a month later (Zurich Archives)
mentions that the Queen was desirous of inviting him to return to England, but the
invitation was not accepted us Martvr considered he owed his first duty to the city of
Zurich.

J Probably the person meant is Bernardino Ochinus, an Italian reforming priest, who
had accompanied Peter Martyr to England in 1549, and for whoia bishop Jewel was
endeavouring to obtain a preferment in the Anglican church about the date of this letter.
Zurich Archives (Parker Soc.).

It is extremely unlikely that Calvin was invited as Elizabeth was highly incensed
with him for a pamphlet ascribed to him, but really written by Knox against the govern-
ment of women. (Letter from Calvin to Cecil s.d., but apparently in the spring of 1559 in
the Archives at Berne. Parker Soc.)

40 SPANISH STATE PAPERS

1559.

I beg your Majesty to have the measures taken to remedy this as
you wrote to me. Calvin is a Frenchman and a great heretic.
London, 19 March 1559.

23 Mar. 19. The KING to the COUNT DE FERIA.

By your letters and by the bishop of Aquila I am informed of
the Queen's decision about the marriage, and, although I cannot
help being sorry that the affair has not been arranged, as I greatly
desired and the public weal demanded, yet as the Queen thinks it
was not necessary and that with good friendship we shall attain
the same object, I am content that it should be so. I advise you of
this that you may inform the Queen from me, and at the same
time repeat my offers of assistance and co-operation for the good
government of her realm, and assure her that I will preserve the
good friendship and brotherhood that I have hitherto maintained.
Even besides this if it should be necessary that I should render her
any service in the matter of her marriage I will do so with all the
goodwill that I have ever shown in matters that concern her.
Brussels, 23rd March 1559.

23 Mar. 20. The SAME to the SAME.

Your letter by the bishop of Aquila received. He has related
at great length what you confided to him, and I was glad to hear so
detailed an account of the state of affairs in England as I was
very anxious to know the exact position, and I am quite satisfied
with the ^uay in which he has laid it before me. I also highly
approve of the manner in which you have preceded in all things,
and the prudence, moderation and seed you have shown in your
dealings with the Queen and the rest, for ivhich I thank you, and
charge you to continue the same care, diligence and good will in the
guidance of affairs touching my interests.

Tlie affairs entrusted to the Bishop being of such importance I sent
him at once to Cambresi to obtain the opinion of my Council of
State who are there arranging for peace. The Bishop has returned
with their ansioer, and after consulting with those of my Council
who reside here I have resolved as follows.

First. Having regard to what you write and the Bishop tells me,
there seems reason to fear that religious affairs having reached their
present pitch, revolutions or disturbances might result therefrom
either from the Catholics resenting the carrying out of the new
decisions or from the discontent that is shown by some of the Queen's
proceedings and mode of Government, or again by the incitement
of the French, and I therefore think that, to avoid this and the
inconveniences which might result, and which are so great and
evident that I need not recapitulate them, that all your efforts should
be directed to smooth matters down as much as })ossible and use
every means that the Queen should not proceed so rigorously
as she seemed to intend to enforce the oath that Parliament had
determined upon. In case this cannot be managed yon will try to
keep in the good graces of the Queen and lead her to rely upon my
friendship implicitly so that no opportunity shall be presented for
the French to be appealed to in case of necessity, although it seems

ELIZABETH. 41

1559.

most unlikely that she should trust people who have the claims they
have on her kingdom and are only waiting for a chance to try and
oust her from it. You will use for this object all the fair wwds,
arguments and compliments you 'may think fitting and efficacious,
but at the same time you must be very careful not to let the Catholics
despair of our friendship, but rather seek opportunities offavounng
them with the Queen, giving them to understand that you will
ahvays do so.

The main end and aim that you must have in view in all things
is to obstruct and impede, by every way, form and means, any
rupture between the Catholics and heretics in England, this being
the best course for the pacification of the country, and. for the welfare
of our interests, as to will deprive the French of any excuse for
putting their foot in the country, which is the thing principally to
be avoided. With this object you must so guide and direct things
as far as possible to attain and preserve harmony ; making yourself
a mediator and employing those means which you see fitting with
your great knowledge of English affairs.

If in spite of all your efforts you cannot obviate a rupture between
Catholics and heretics you must endeavour by all means to let me
know at once the state of affairs and I will instruct you how you
are then to proceed. If however a disturbance happen so suddenly
that you have no time to considi me, you will mediate and try to
pacify without declaring yourself for either party until you have
admsed me and received my reply, but if you see the Catholic
side strong andfimily established and the heretics weak, you will
not fail to secretly favour the former and supply them underhandedly
with money, whilst on the other hand you will give fair woi^ds to
the heretics to put them off their guard and prevent them from
calling in the French.

For this and the payment of the pensions you must have a supply
of money, and I have ordered, in addition to the 20,000 ducats
that were sent to you the other day, another 40,000 to be sent to you.
20,000 at once by way of Antwerp, which will arrive as soon as the
Bishop and the other 20,000 in a few days, as all could not be sent
together. It will be well not to let be it known there that you have any
more money than is necessary to pay what we owe, as it may arouse
suspicion and distrust, and this would be inconvenient. You can
employ it in the way you think advisable, either in paying the
pensioners something or in gaining friends or succouring and
maintaining Catholics and others, whom you think might be useful
to prevent a rupture, as already mentioned, or indeed in any way
you think best for our object in the exercise of your prudence. You
must keep principally in view by all ways and means to avoid a
rupture, the importance of which is so great that I cannot be satisfied
without repeating it so many times. To help what may be desirable
in England I have thought wise to publish that I have for the present
abandoned my voyage to Spain, with the excuse that I await liere
the arrival of the Prince my son for his marriage. It will be well
for you to spread this in England so as to give more encouragement
to our friends. I have also ordered, in case of necessity, that money

2 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.

1559.

should be got to jit out a fleet in a short time, so that it may be
ready to carry men over to England if required. I leave not had it
done at once so as not to arouse the jealousy of the English and
in order that people may not think it is for my voyage to Spain.

Men will also be got ready here, so that if it should be necessary
they can be sent to the place where they may be wanted.

Whilst this ivas being written your letter of the I9th instant
arrived, and 1 was much pained to learn what you say is
happening in the matter of religion and the resolution adopted
in Parliament on the subject. I approve of the steps you took with
the Queen, and 1 am very anxious to knoiv whether they have been
of any avail, as she told you not to advise me until she let you
know. 1 do not think that 1 need alter anything that has been
written above except to enjoin you again very emphatically to carry
out my wishes tvith all possible diligence and let me know what
happens by every opportunity. As the Queen might perhaps thinl:
I was offended at her rejection of the marriage, I thought well
to write you a separate letter that you might show to her. Do
so, and intimate as from me that I am quite satisfied ivith what
pleases her, with such complimentary vvords and offers of service
as you may see advisable and in substantial accord with the contents
of the letter. The bishop carries this despatch bade with him and
has been present at all the discussions on the matter. You will
therefore hear from him full particulars as he is thoroughly well
informed about it. I have ordered the bishop to spmk about a certain
apology which luas written by Cardinal Pole touching the matters
whi-ch the Pope had had laid before him and treating also of other
things that perhaps had better not be published. I have been told
that this apology has come into possession of the Queen amongst
the other papers left by the Cardinal which were seized by her orders,
and it would be well for many reasons to get hold of it. I charge
you therefore dexterously to get it away from the Queen, or ivhoever
may have it, employing your usual tact in obtaining it. When
'- obtained please send it to me.

In the handwriting of the King :

It will be well to delay as much as possible the payment of the
pensions except those most necessary for the success of our present
affairs, so that this money now sent may go as far as possible, /or
although the sum may not be large, in my present circumstances
I shall feel the want of it, but am anxious to do nothing that shall
stand in the way of the arrangement of my business. Gruniend;-.],
23rd March 1 559. '

24 Mar. 21. COUNT DE FERIA to the KING.

On the 19th instant I wrote to your Majesty by a courier who
went over with Dr. Velasco. On tlie i-ame day, Palm Sunday,
there were great rejoicings Jit the palace on the arrival of a sou
of the Chamberlain with news of the peace, and also because Parlia-
ment had passed on the previous day the Act mentioned in my
former letter against iho authority of ths Pope. On the next day,
Monday, I went to speak with the Queen, and as I was waiting in

ELIZABETH. 43

1559.

the presence chamber the earl of Sussex and the Admiral separately
caught si<jht of me and fled from me, as if I were the person they hud
iiijui*d. When I went in to speak to the Queen I said that I had
heard she had received letters from her Commissioners acquainting
her with the help and support they had received from your
Majesty's Commissioners. She answered that she had, and seemed
grateful, but was indignant with her own representatives for
agreeing to such terms, as she appeared to think that the 500,000
crowns to be paid by the French if they do not restore Calais within
eight years was too little. She went on in this way, but her anger
was all pretended, and she is really very much pleased and her
people as well. They all see, good arid bad alike, the great service
yo\ir Majesty has rendered them. They tell me that the common
people laugh at the idea of the French giving up Calais to them
again, and are dissatisfied with the agreement made, although they
are very thankful to your Majesty. I am sure that the news of
peace made the Parliament come to the decision I have mentioned.
They were much afraid that your Majesty would abandon them, for
truly they are very weak, and anyone speaking to them strongly in
the name of the Catholics would carry them with him. I said to
the Queen that I was surprised that she had allowed Parliament to
go so far in the matter of religion ; but since it had come to so bad
a decision I hoped that she would act more wisely in so far as the
confirmation was concerned, and that as she had asked me not to
write to your Majesty until her confirmation was given I had
refrained from doing so, and I was now afraid that if your Majesty
learnt what was going on from any other source you would be angry
with me for delaying the information so loni', so that as I had
trusted to her and the whole business was entirely in her hands, I
begged of her to consider deeply before acting. She replied that she
did not think of calling herself head of the church, or of administering
sacraments, and then went on to say some false and foolish things
about the present occurrences, and asked me scornfully whether your
Majesty would be angry at all this and at the mass being said in
English. I said that I thought your Majesty would be much
pained thereat, but I did not know how you would take it, although
I feared she would be ruined if it v. ent on as I had told her before
ou rny own account as a pei-son who wished her well, and who would
be sorry to see her destruction. She asked me who could bring it
about, your Majesty or the king of France. I answered that I said
nothing in your Majesty's name, and that you had done nothing
more in the matter than to commend the question of religion to her
when she first succeeded to the crown. I said she had seen hitherto
whether your Majesty was a friend or an enemy, and that I, in
compliance with your Majesty's orders that I should serve her, could
not help telling her the truth when I saw her in such a dangerous
way, as I knew what forces she had, as well as those of your
Majesty and the king of France, and was convinced that her strength
lay in the friendship of your Majesty. She said that she had no
idea of making war in France, but meant to hold her own in her
kingdom, as her father had done. I replied that they were deceiving

SPANISH STATE PAPERS.

1559.

her and she could not hold her own, and that it was a pity and a
shame to hear the things they made her believe ; and, as to restoring
religion as her father left it, she knew that king Henry burnt
Lutherans, whilst all those who were now preaching to her were
either Lutherans or Zuinglians. She denied this and was much
surprised. I told her I was more astonished at the manner in which
these religious questions were settled than I was at the decisions
arrived at, bad as they were ; and to convince her that these
poltroons who preached to her were Lutherans and Zuinglians I would
give her notes of some of the abominable and bestial things they
had preached before her. She asked me to do so, and wanted to
know who had written the notes for me. I told her I had, and
have wise and godly people here who are capable of stating the
truth, and that as she wished it I would send her a paper in which
these things were set forth, and she could have it considered and
answered in writing. I sent her a paper that had been prepared
by Friar Juan de Villagarcia, which I thought very good.

I think when I left her on that occasion she was rather kinder
than she had been the last time, but it will not be by such talks as
these that she or they will be softened. I thought well to send
her the paper, as I verily believe they have never told her the truth
in these matters in all her life, except when the late Queen sent
some of the Bishops to speak with her, and in that way she would
have hated it, even if they had agreed with her. The next day I
wrote to her begging her not to take any step in the Pailiament
business until I had seen her after these holiday?. She sent to say
she would answer when she saw me. I took this course in order to
prevent the confirmation of the Parliament's decisions until after
Easter, as the heretics have made a great point of having them
confirmed before.

Last night the Queen sent to say she would see me at 9 o'clock
this morning, and just as I was ready to go a message came for me
to put off my visit, as she was very busy. She had resolved to go
to Parliament to-day at 1 o'clock, after dinner, and there, all being
assembled, to confirm what they had agreed to in the matters they
have discussed, although I do not know for certain what this is.
Her going was, however, postponed till next Monday week the
3rd April. I do not know why, but I see that the heretics are very
downcast in the last few days. I am doing everything in the world
that I can to lengthen the life of this sick man until God and your
Majesty provide a remedy.

It would be well that the Pope should be informed of the way in
which the designs against religion are passed in Parliament now, as
it is very different from what was done in the time of king Henry
and Edward VI. If he decide to proceed against the Queen and
kingdom he should leave out the bishops and others who were
against the measure in Parliament and the ecclesiastics who assembled
in synod in the cathedral of London, and who issued a very Catholic
declaration proclaiming the truth and denouncing the attacks which
were directed against it. All the Catholics in the country who had
no voice in Parliament, the majority indeed, should also be excepted.

ELIZABETH. 45

1559.

It is, in my opinion, of great importance that this distinction should
be made in the bull, both to favour and confirm the Catholics, and
to confound and injure the heretics. It is a great pity that the
Queen has no one near her, man or woman, to advise her, except to
her injury, in a matter of this importance.

I have forgotten to write to your Majesty that lady Catherine,*
who is a friend of mine and speaks confidentially to me, told me
that the Queen does not wish her to succeed, in case of her (the
Queen's) death without heirs. She is dissatisfied and offended at
this, and at the Queen's only making her one of the ladies of the
presence, whereas she was in the privy-chamber of the late Queen,
who showed her much favour. The present Queen probably bears
her no goodwill. I try to keep lady Catherine very friendly, and she
has promised me not to change her religion, nor to marry without
my consent. She has been hitherto very willing to marry the earl
of Pembroke's son, but she has ceased to talk about it as she used
to. The bishop will have told your Majesty what passed between
the earl of Pembroke and me on this matter.

Document endorsed : " Copy of the letter written to His Majesty
24th March 1559."

30 Mar. 22. The SAME to the SAME.

The bishop of Aquila arrived here before daybreak to-day,
30th March, with your Majesty's letters. By them, and from what
he tells me, I understand your Majesty's wishes and will endeavour
to carry them out to the best of my ability. I do not think that, up
to the present, any of the roads your Majesty wishes to take have
been closed, and I will try, in any case, to do what has to be done
with as little cost and risk as possible. I wrote to your Majesty oa
the 24th, and since then the Queen has commanded the persons,
whose names are given in the enclosed memorandum,! to meet on
each side to dispute on the three articles set forth. I have been
pleased to bring the matter to this point, and am now trying to
devise means to avoid any trick or subtilty in the form of the
dispute, which the heretics may take advantage of afterwards. The
best way that has occurred is that the dispute should be in Latin
and in writing, and that each disputant should sign what he says.
The Queen at first had consented to this, but afterwards they sent
to the Catholics to say that the dispute was to be in vulgar English,
verbal and in Parliament which would be very bad. I shall go to
the Queen to-morrow and see whether I cannot persuade her to
return to the former conditions. I try all I can to keep her
pleasant and in good humour, and, although sometimes I speak to

* Lady Catherine Grey.

t The inclosure has been lost, but the names of the disputants as given by Jewel in a
letter to Peter Martyr (Zurich Archives), dated 20th March 1559, are himself, Scory,
Cox, Whitehead, Sandys, Gfindal, Horn, Aylmer, and Gheast on the Protestant side, and
the five bishops (i.e., White of Winchester, Watson of Liccoln, Baine of Coventry,
Scot of Chester and Oglethorpe of Carlisle), with Cole dean of St. Paul's, archdeacons
Chedsey and Harpsfield, and the abbot of Westminster. Official accounts, however, only
recognize eight disputants on each s.ide, and Strype says the names of Sandys on the
protestant side and Oglethorpe on the papist side were " mis-added." The flame of
Archdeacon Langdale should also be added.
8 *

4-6 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.

1559.

her very freely, as I ought to do, having right and truth on my
side, yet I think that for this very reason she does not get tired
of me, but likes to discuss matters with me, and to such an extent
is this so, that she does not want her people to hear of our
intercourse and they on their side are very suspicious that the
coolness they discover in her about heresy is owing to my efforts
on your Majesty's behalf, which is quite true, for if it were not
for your Majesty all would have sunk into the pit already.

I send this letter by Godinez, the courier, on his way from Spain,
who has just arrived, and in order not to detain him I do not
answer the bishop's dispatch. 30th March 1559.

Document endorsed : "1559, copy of the letter written to his
Majesty on the 30th March."

4th April. 23. The SAME to the SAME.

On the 30th ultimo I wrote to your Majesty by Gcdinez, ami the
next day I went to speak with the Queen. She was in a better
humour with me than I have ever seen her, and said that she had
heard the French had not come to terms with your Majesty, and
that I might be sure that she would not agree with them unless
your Majesty did so too, but that she would keep to her promises.
All this was without my saying anything. She said that the
French had sent Guido Cavalcanti hither three times, always with
the same thing, and that they had been answered as they deserved,
and yet they wanted to send him again. She is rather offended
with her commissioners ; I do not know whether because they are
not conducting the business to her liking, or because they bear
themselves unworthily with the French. The latter is what she
gave me to understand, and I said that I had heard that it was so.

About the dispute. She told me it was decided to hold it in
English and in writing, each side signing what they said. On the
same day, Friday, the last day of, March, there assembled in the
choir of the church at Westminster, in the morning, the persons
whose names I wrote to your Majesty, in the presence of the
Council and a great number of people of all sorts who had gathered
to hear them, and although they had been given to understand that
discussion was to be verbal and that all could give their vote,
Dr. Bacon, who is acting as Chancellor and Keeper of the Seals,
then announced that they had to dispute in writing. The Catholics
could not do this as they had been deceived: but, nevertheless,
Dr. Cole, dean of St. Pauls, said something on the matter. As soon
as he had finished speaking one of the heretics rose, and kneeling
down with hi.s back to the altar <n which was the sacrament, he
prayed that God would inspire and enlighten those present to
understand the truth. When the pr.iyer was ended, another of them
took out a book and read very diffusely all they had prepared and
devised on the first point. When tin's was done the Bishops wished
to follow up the discussion as they expected and reply to the
heretics' arguments, but Bacon would not allow it. The bishop of
Winchester said that as no one had spoken on their side, but Cole

ELIZABETH. 47

1559.

and all of them had ranch to say, they should give them another day
so that they might reduce what they had to say to writing, since
they would not hear them now. If this were not done to give them
the same advantage as their opponents only one side would be heard,
and so, with great difficulty and bad grace, they gave them till the
following Monday when they again met at the same place and the
Catholics then wanted to read the written answer they had brought
according to the agreement, which answer I understand contained
many very good arguments, as indeed their adversaries must also
have thought and regretted, to judge from what followed. Bacon
told the Catholics thai- they had to pass on to the second article as
the first had already been discussed on Friday, and the Bishops
replied that they had not given their opinion upon the first article
as they had not been allowed to speak, but that they had now
brought their opinion in writing and begged that it might be read.
For this purpose Dr. Arceu (Karpsfield), archdeacon of St. Pauls,
rose four times with the paper in his hand and was refused
permission each time, Bacon urging them still to pass to the second
article, and they replying that they wished to be heard on the first ;
and as they claimed it as their right Bacon said they could hand in
their paper without reading it. To this the Bishops replied that as
their opponents had impressed their arguments on the minds of the
heai*ers it was not just that they should be prevented from doing
the sume ; and, indeed, this was the reason for the discussion being
ordered as it was not necessary to meet for any other purpose. They
were again pressed to go on to the second article, and told that it was
the Queen's wish and command that they should do so, and on their
being asked whether they would obey or not the Bishops answered
that they could not do so without grave prejudice to their cause, and
complained of the many other unfair and injurious things that had
been done to them. As they remained firm in their position the abbot
of Westminster rose and said that although the Bishops were right,
and an injury was being done to them by forcing them to discuss the
second article when they had only come prepared to discuss the first,
yet, to obey the Queen's command he offered to reply to their
opponents' arguments on the second article. Although the Bishops
did not approve of this they would have put up with it if the
heretics had set forth their views, but even this could not be
arranged with them, and Bacon insisted that they (the Bishops)
should begin and speak on the second article. At such a manifest
injustice as this the bishops of Winchester and Lincoln said it was a
great shame that they should be treated so badly and made to raise
questions, they being Catholics and therefore not obliged to open
disputes, although they would gladly reply to them and justify the
Catholic doctrine to any who desired it, even though they were open
heretics. On one of the adversaries telling him that they were the
guardians of the churches, Bishop Baden (Bain) asked them of what
Church ; English or German, since in England there was only one
Church, with which they had nothing to do. If German, which one
did they mean, as they had heard there were several ; and, finally,
the matter was dealt with in a way that the heretics were routed

t8 SPANISH STATE PAPEllS.

1559.

and the colloquy ended.* In the afternoon some of the Bishops
were summoned to the palace, and the bishops of Winchester and
Lincoln were sent prisoners in a boat to the Tower, as they had been
most conspicuous against the heretics, and their goods have been
sequestrated. I am also told to-day that they will send the other
six to the Tower, three Bishops and three Doctors who were in the
discussion, only leaving the abbot of Westminster, as he said he
would discuss the second article out of obedience. I hear also that
the Council has discussed whether the Bishops have given sufficient
cause to deprive them of their dignities, although others tell me
that the question discussed was that of the appropriation by the
Queen of all the ecclesiastical revenues in general. The Catholics
are disturbed to see the violence and injustice with which this
business is being treated.

A person that the bishop of Aquila told your Majesty was in the
habit of bringing me truthful information assures me that a marriage
is being discussed between the Queen and the Archduke Ferdinand,
and that Count George Helfenstein or another will shortly return
hither. I neither believe nor disbelieve any of these things, but
think well to keep your Majesty informed.

Guido Cavalcanti, or he who came with him, who, the Bishop
tells me, is called Monsieur de la Marche,f gave the Marquis of
Northampton 2,000 crowns from the king of France.

They tell me that Mason is expected back here. I do not know
why he went or why he returns, as they take very good care to
withhold all their affair!: from me. I send this letter by the post to
Antwerp addressed to the factor to be forwarded at once to your
Majesty. 4th April 1559.

Document endorsed : " Copy of the letter written to his Majesty."

11 April. 24. The SAME to the SAME.

On the 4th instant I wrote to your Majesty by the ordinary
Antwerp post, and on the 7th Mason arrived with news of the
peace, at the same time as your Majesty's courier to me despatched
on the 5th, and another courier bringing me the same news from
your Majesty's Commissioners. On the same day I went to the
palace with the son of the Portuguese ambassador who came to
visit the Queen. The members of the Council and Mason came out
to us and I thought they looked downcast. We went in to see the
Queen, who received us graciously, and, seeing that your Majesty
had left to me in your letters the mode in which she should be told
of the arrangement with the French I thought most convenient, and
in keeping with my previous attitude to express my sorrow about
the marriage J as I was so devoted a servant of hers, and understood

* Jewel in a most minute and interesting account of the meeting wiitten to Peter Alartyf
6th April 1559 (Zurich Archives, Parker Society), says, "At last, when a great part of
" the time had been taken up in altercation and the bishops would 011 no account yield,
" the assembly broke up without any disputatiou at all."

f La Marque.

J Philip's marriage with the daughter of the French king, which was arranged in the
treaty of Chateau Cambresis.

ELIZABETH. 49

what she had lost, mid thus to throw a greater gloom over her and
them in this respect than has been thrown over them by seeing
your Majesty in close alliance and relationship with the king of
France. The Queen presently began to read the letters from
Portugal, which, being in Portuguese, she called me to help her to
read. I answered her that I was no longer any good for a secretary,
which she understood and smiled slightly. After this, when she
had finished with the Portuguese, she called me to her and asked
whether I had letters from your Majesty. I told her yes, and that
on the next day I would give her any information she wanted about
them, but that I could not do so then, as I was so angry with her
and so annoyed. She said that if I wanted to go out with the
Portuguese I could do so and she would send outside for me. This
she did, and on my return began to say she had heard your Majesty
was married, smiling, saying your name was a fortunate one, and
now nnd then giving little sighs which bordered upon laughter. I
told her that although I saw that this peace was a great boon to
Christendom I could not rejoice to see your Majesty married to
anyone else but her, nor at her refusing to believe all my impor-
tunities and assurances of how desirable- it would be for her to
marry your Majesty. To this she retorted that it was your Majesty's
fault it had fallen through and not hers, as she had given me
no reply, and that I had told her also that I had not written about
it to your Majesty. I told her she knew very well what the facts
were, and that I had not taken a reply because I understood what
kind of answer she would give me, and that in affairs of this
importance between two such great princes as your Majesty and
her it was my duty, if I could not bring about an agreement, to
give matters such a turn as to cause no anger or resentment on
either side, and this I had tried to do, although in so doing I had
leant more on her side than on your Majesty's, as she very well
knew. She confessed this was so, and afterwards went on to say
that your Majesty could not have been so much in love with her
as I had said, as you had not had patience to wait four months for
her ; and many things of the same sort, as if she was not at all
pleased at the decision adopted by your Majesty. She told me that
two or three of her Council must have been very glad at the news,
but she did not say who they were. What I have heard during the
short time since the news of the peace came, is that she and all the
rest of them have been much grieved to see your Majesty, and the
king of France so united, and they greatly fear that this friendship
may portend evil to them. During the time the Portuguese was
talking to the Queen and before we entered her room, I spoke
with nearly all the councillors separately, and Cecil, who is a
pestilent knave, as your Majesty knows, told me they had heard
your Majesty was going very shortly to Spain ; and amongst other
things he said that if your Majesty wished to keep up the war with
France, they for their part would be glad of it. I told him he could
tell that to people who did not understand the state of affairs in
England so well as I did. What they wanted was something very
different from that, and they were blind entirely to their rea'
interests, and would now begin to understand that I had advised

a CC529. I)

50 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.

1559.

what was best for the service of the Queen and the welfare of the
country. In short I left them that day as bitter as gall.

Paget is better and has gone twice or thrice to the palace in a
litter. I have arranged to see him to-day. He is greatly persecuted
and out of favour, and wishes to assure me that he is sound ir-
religious matters.

The two bishops are still in the Tower. He of Lincoln has a
quartan ague, and they say they will let him go home under sureties,
but I do not know for certain. They have not done anything with
the others yet. They have lately discussed in Parliament the
question of depriving the bishoprics of their valuable possessions, in
order to enable the Queen to bestow them upon whom she pleases,
and appoint to each Bishop a certain stipend in tithes and other
small matters. They are very steadfast and determined to die if
necessary.

Nothing more has been said about the disputation. The effect
has been a good one, and the matter ended in their seeing that
they were doing an injustice to the Bishops who, however, refused
to allow a wrong to be done to their cause, and this has greatly
encouraged the Catholics and thrown the heretics into some con-
fusion. Besides this the earl of Sussex (lord deputy) of Ireland,
although he is so great a heretic, told them in the Council that if
they try to make any change in religion there the province will
revolt. The Welsh have sent word to the earl of Pembroke not to
send them any heretic preacher, or he will never come back. I for
my part believe that the Queen would be glad not to have gone so
far in the matter of religion, and the peace which they thought to
turn to advantage for carrying out this wicked design is, by God's
will, that which they now fear most, and since God thas does your
Majesty's business, it is only just to reciprocate by promoting His
affairs. This matter of religion has been held in suspense hitherto,
and the blow miraculously kept from falling, sometimes by rny
softly persuading the Queen, and sometimes by frightening her, and
urging her to give more time to the business. It was of the utmost
importance to get over Holy-week, as she was resolved on Friday to
confirm what Parliament had adopted. They give themselves up
for lost if your Majesty will not back them up, and they are so
alarmed lest the French should recall their forces from Italy
and send them over here, that Mason told me so the day before
yesterday, disgusted and sick of the way they had acted. He
told the Queen that your Majesty's marriage was arranged after he
. left, and a courier who overtook him on the i % oad brought him the
news. They consider that the peace is favourable and honourable
for your Majesty and the king tit France, and for them the contrary.
I gather from certain things which your Majesty and your Council
asked the bishop of Aquiia, and from what they write to me, that
they would have wished me to send ray opinion about English
affairs. Even though I had a good opinion to give I could not well
give it without being thoroughly enlightened respecting the state
of all other matters across the sea, and I have consequently thought
best always to report to your Majesty the position of matters here
as I see and understand them, and the evil effects which might

ELIZABETH. 51

1559.

arise from not being prepared for them in time, greater indeed than
those which have already arisen, which are not small, as we have
lost a kingdom, body and soul. Now, however, that God has
deigned to send this great boon of peace to Christendom, and your
Majesty is more at leisure to attend to other obligations, I think it
is time to consider how things are going to end here. This business
is divided into two heads, first, that of religion, and whether your
Majesty is bound in this respect I do not enquire, although the
Catholics claim that notwithstanding the country having been at the
disposal of your Mnjesty to be treated as you wished, it has come
to its present pass. The other head is the question of the State, and
the necessity of preventing the king of France from dominating the
kingdom, for which object he has two circumstances so favourable to
him, namely, the just claims of the queen of Scots und the great ease
with which he could take possession owing to the miserable state in
which the county* is, as I have informed your Majesty several times
since I came hither, and 1 think it has been growing worse every hour.
I have done my best to carry out your Majesty's commands to try and
tranquilise the country and please the Queen, and to hold my hand
in religious affairs, and at the same time to push them on to make
peace without any responsibility weighing on your Majesty with
regard to the conditions under which it was made, and this I have
succeeded in doing as your Majesty is more free than ever there-
from. But it behoves me to consider whether, with things as they
are, your Majesty can be assured of that which is desirable, because
as I understand leaving aside God's atfairs and religious matters
unredressed now that these people are better able to do as they
like than at any time since this woman became Queen, all the time
which may be allowed them to carry out their heresies will be
pernicious to the tranquillity and quietude of the country, and may
give rise to tumult. And besides this, whenever the king of France
finds means in Rome to get this woman declared a heretic together
with her bastardy, and advances his own claim, your Majis'y will
be more perplexed what to do than at present, because I do not see
how your Majesty could in such case go against God and justice
and against the Catholics who will doubtless join him (the king of
France) if he comes with the voice of the Church behind him. To
let hirn take the country, which he will do with so much ease that
I dread to think of it, would be to my mind the total ruin of your
Majesty and all your States, and seeing things in this light, as I do,
and to fail to inform your Mnjesty, would, in my opinion be a crime
worthy of punishment both towards God and your Majesty. They
tell rne the Swedish ambassador has again pressed the matter cf the
marriage and told the Queen that the son of the King his master
was still of the same mind, and asked for a reply to the letter he
brought last year. The Queen replied that the letter was written
when she was Madam Elizabeth, and now that .she was queen of
England he must write to her as Queen and the would give an
answer. She did not know whether his master would leave his
kingdom to marry her, but she would not leave, hers to be monarch
of the world, and at present she would not reply either ye* or no.
With this message a secretary who came here this winter was

D 2

2 SPANISH STATE TAPERS.

1559.

despatched, the ambassador remaining here. About a week ago this
.secretary came back and brought a graud present of tapestries and
ermine for the Queer), and says that his master will send very
shortly one of the principal lords of his kingdom to treat of the
marriage. He had audience of the Queen yesterday. I do not
know what passed.

The (illegible*) of Calais has come here on the same conditions
as Lord Grey. His wife begged the Queen that he might come
and kiss her hand, but the Queen said it was not proper for him to
come at present. He is being kept in the Control Chamber.

I had written thus far three days ago and have detained the post
in the hope of seeing the Queen before despatching the letter. I
have not seen her, but in order to keep your Majesty well informed
I have thought best to send it off. The only thing fresh that I can
say is that no class of people in the country, so far as I know, is
pleased with the way in which your Majesty has made peace. The
Catholics are grieved that your Majesty should have married away
from here, and the heretics are in a state of great alarm at the
thought that everybody is arming against them. The Queen has
already declared in Parliament that she will not be called head of
the church, whereat the heretics are very dissatisfied. Cecil went
yesterday to the lower house and told them from the Queen that
she thanked them greatly for their goodwill in offering her the
title of .supreme head of the Church, which out of humility she
was unwilling to accept, and asked them to devise some other form
with regard to the supremacy or primacy. He was answered that
. it was against the word of God and the Scripture, and they were
surprised at his coming to them every day with new proposals and
objections.

In four or five days I will send your Majesty an account of what
is done about the ships which have been taken here in spite of your
Majesty's safe-conducts, which in my opinion is a thing that should
not be allowed. London, llth April 1559.

Document endorsed : " London 1559, copy of letter written to his
Majesty 11 April."

12 April. 25. The KING to the COUNT DE FERIA.

On the 6th instant I received the letter you sent by the courier
from Spain on the 30th ultimo, to which there is not much to reply
except tliat I am glad the bishop of Aquila had arrived safely, as
from what he will have told you and the despatch he bore you
will now te well advised of my wishes in respect of matters in
England, and in accordance therewith you can with your usual
prudence forward them as you consider most desirable for our
interests.

I have read the memorandum you sent rne of the points to be
discussed between the Catholics and the heretics and the names of
persons chosen by each side. It would undoubtedly be a good way
for the dispute to be in Latin and in writing for the reasons which
you give. Let me know the result of your good offices with the
Queen on the subject and the decision arrived at, as I shall be glad

* Probably deputy of Calais Lord Wentworth.

ELIZABETH. 53

1559.

be such as to redound to His service and the good of religion, and
that He will not allow wickedness to prevail and obscure the truth.

The Count de Luna* has written to me that the Emperor having
heard tliat I had not married the Queen of England, he had told
him he should be very glad to treat of the matter for one of his
sons, and His Majesty's ambassador has spoken to me here to the
same effect to learn my will, and in the event of its being
favourable to beg me to promote and favour his suit. I replied
that I would do so willingly, both because I thought it would be
very good for all parties, and because I was desirous of gratifying
His Majesty and forwarding the prosperity of my cousins. The
ambassador wished to inform his master of this before taking any
step, but I think best in every respect, and particularly to upset the
negotiations on the subject in London, to advise you at once of
what is taking place and tell you my will for your guidance. I
enjoin you therefore to endeavour to speak with the Queen as
soon as possible, and tell her that as the love I bear her is that of
a good brother, I am always thinking of what will conduce to her
welfare and the stability of her kingdom, and that it appears to me
that as she will have to marry a foreigner (which will be most
fitting as she knows) she can do no better than to take one of the
Emperor's sons for a husband, for the reasons which her good
judgment will perceive sooner than she can be told, both for the
good of Christianity in general, which should be the first aim of
princes, and for the special advantage of her own country, as by
making this match his Caesarian Majesty will hold her as a daughter
and will thus aid and defend her with all the power of the Empire.
I on my part would do the same and should feel myself as much
bound to it as if she had married the prince my son, and thus by
drawing closer the bonds of relationship between us, the goodwill
and affection of all of us will become stronger and last for ever with
many other benefits which will ~crue therefrom, which you can
point out so ?,s to persuade her t'o accept this business with the
same earnestness and good feeling which have prompted me to
propose it. And signally will it tend to her own contentment and
repose if she determine to marry one of the archil ukes my cousins,
because having no states of his own he would always be with her
and would help her to bear the burden of government of her
kingdom whilst these states of mine will remain the more united
to hers by reason of her husband being of our blood and of so near
kin, and she herself will be more feared and esteemed by her own
subjects and will have all the protection she may require. She will
have so many connections and of such strength and power that none
will dare to offend or vex her, whereas just the reverse will happen
if she marry a subject, as apart from the dissatisfaction of those who
were not related to the man she may choose, it might give rise to
such humours that although she is prudent enough to remedy them,
may cost her much trouble and perplexity to assuage. The afore-
going, and as much more to the same effect as you think necessary,
yuu will place before her with the tact and suavity you know how

* The Spanish Ambassador to the Emperor 1-Yrdiiuunl, Philip's uncle.

J. SPANISH STATE PAPERS.

1559.

to be informed, and I hope to God (whose cause it is) that it will
to employ, so that what you say may persuade without vexing her ;
taking particular care always to banish any shadow of an idea she
may have, that because she did not marry me and I have entered
the French alliance, I shall take less interest in her affairs. You
will on the conti-ary assure her positively that this will not be so,
but that I am and shall remain as good a brother to her as before
and as such shall take very great interest in what concerns her,
and will try to forward her affairs as if they were my own. To
prove this by acts I send you order to undertake the present task
and propose this marriage to her as I believe no other could be so
suitable for her, although I believe the Emperor will very shortly
send a person specially to treat of the business. Advise me promptly
what answer she gives, so that in view thereof the necessary steps
may be taken, bearing in mind that any efforts you make to bring
this business to the desired end will be very agreeable to me.
Brussels, 12th April 1559.

14 April. 26. The KING to the COUNT DE FERTA.

This morning I received the letter you sent me by way of Antwerp
on the 4th instant, by which I have seen what had passed in the
colloquy between the Catholics and the heretics on the points which
had been proposed respecting our religion and also the result of the
dispute, which in truth has grieved me, although I still hope that
God will take up His cause and aid His ministers that they may
not be thus unjustly injured and maltreated. You will continue to
advise me what passes in this matter as fully as hitherto, as I desire
to know.

Respecting the marriage of the Queen with the archduke Ferdinand
my cousin, you will have learnt by what I wrote by the courier
of the 12th, what the Emperor's ambassador said to me, and how
glad I shall be that every effort should be made very earnestly on
behalf of him or the archduke Charles his brother, and so 1 beg
and enjoin you to do your best in this matter, which interests me
very much.

I am awaiting with impatience a reply to what I wrote you by
the bishop of Aquila, as I have decided, unless your reply should
make such a course undesirable, to order you to return hither, since,
as matters have changed so much, there is no longer any need for
you to remain there. As you have to leave I have thought of
appointing the bishop of Aquila as my ambassador to reside i
England, making due provision for his proper maintenance according
to his office and rank, and giving his bishopric to another who will
live in his diocese. I have understood that he wishes to leave it,
and I shall be glad for him to do so, as I need his services,
and this will do away with any scruples of conscience he may have.
1 have been influenced thereto by thinking that as the Bishop is
already employed in these affairs he will manage them better than
a fresh person, ami also by my satisfaction with him and his good
judgment and your own good reports of him, as well as the tact
he has hitherto shown, which we have every reason to believe he
will still exhibit in the future. As regards matters connected

ELIZABETH. 55

1559.

with these states (Flanders) it has occurred to me to send Councillor
Dasonlcville, who, .as you know, is well versed in them and knows the
people ; but it is understood that the bishop will have precedence in
every way, and although as they are both my servants there will
have to exist the necessary good understanding between them, each
of them will conduct separately the affairs appertaining to him. I
have not thought well, however, to decide on either point until I have
let you know and obtained your opinion on the whole question, and
to gain time I have sent this by special courier. Consider the
matter well and send me at ouce your opinion as to what will be
best for my service, so that I may then decide and give the necessary
orders. In the meanwhile you will please me much by forwarding
in every possible way the negotiations for the marriage of the Queen
with one of my cousins, as in every respect it would suit us all to
bring it alwut. Brussels, 14th April 1559.

18 April. 27. COUNT DE FERIA to the KING.

I wrote to your Majesty on the llth instant and on the 14th and
17th. I received, your Majesty's letters of 12th and 14th in answer to
mine of the 30th March and 4th April. Since then the news is that
the Queen having sent to the Parliament to say that she did not
wish to take the title of " Head of the Church," and asking them to
think of some other style, they have agreed that she shall he called
"Governess of the Church," as it appears to them that it is different
if put in this way. The same decree declares that any persons who
refuse, to take the oath to observe this shall lose their places and pay
if they be servants or officers of the Queen of any kind, and if they
be ecclesiastics or prebendaries in public schools shall be deprived of
their dignities, benefits or prebends ; and they add, moreover, that
anybody receiving or helping any recusant with money or otherwise
shall incur the same punishment as the principals, and their lives
shall be at the Queen's mercy, which is a sort of punishment con-
tained in a charter of the kingdom which commences " Prenmnire "
and which is now extended to these cases. The Act has already
passed the lower house, and has been proposed in the upper. The
archbishop of York has opposed it, and it has to be read some more
times before it can pass. This York* is a worthy man, and England
can never have had sucli Bishops as these before. The other Bishops
are still prisoners, and he of Lincoln is very ill. He will be a great
loss if he dies, as he is more spirited and learned than all the rest.

I have seen Paget, who is better in health than he has been,
although not free from ague and other ailments. He deplored with
me when he came in, that this country had lost your Majesty for
king and spoke very differently from what he had done on other-
occasions when I had seen him. As I understand, the reason of this is
no doubt that he is undeceived and knows the Queen will not give him
either credit or authority. He said they considered him a Catholic
and thought he had close relations with me, but God send him better
health if he is ever to be of :\ny use or I have need of him. He
joked with me about the scant service your Majesty had received

* Nicholas Heath.

50 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.

1559.

for the pensions granted here, and says that Simon Renard* was
the inventor and not he. lie goes to his house in a fortnight, as he
telis me, without any office or even being a member of the Council.
I spoke very lovingly to him and promised him I would have the
pension paid to him which was owing, and this I have clone, and to
show him what a good master your Majesty was, he should be better
treated than ever now that you had no need of his help, and he took
no part in public affairs. I thought best to keep this man satisfied
and in good humour, as at all events he has been looked upon as a
servant of your Majesty, end he is a man of greater intelligence
and tact than the others.

Enclosed I send copy of the reply of the Council to the case stated
on your Majesty's behalf showing that the ships bearing your Majesty's
.safe-conducts taken by the English should be restored, and I also
send copy of what the bishop of Aquila thinks might be replied after
consulting with the lawyers representing the merchants who are
moving the case, in order that your Majesty may order what you
may deem best. It seems to us here a very hard and unjust thing,
and against the old treaties. The loss to these poor merchants is
more than 150,000 ducats after bringing their goods over in
dependance on your Majesty's good faith and paying money for the
safe-conducts. Dr. Velasco has been informed of the business here,
and a lawyer who is pleading in the case for the owners of the goods
is going to Brussels and will explain it to whomever your Majesty
may command.

Your Majesty's subjects who come hither complain that the duties
have been raised here to such an extent on the goods in which thej'
deal that, according to them, they are doubled in violation of the
treaties. I have thought well to advise your Majesty of this, as if
these people here will not observe the treaties in this respect and
your Majesty should, notwithstanding this, wish to observe them on
your part, you may know what is happening, and will be able to
consider whether it will be advisable to treat the English as they
treat the subjects of your Majesty. They tell me the sum is a large
one, so large indeed that by the acccxints the merchants give of the
cloths and other goods Avhich are taken from here to your Majesty's
dominions it would amount to above 200,000 ducats a year. I do
not know whether these duties would all go to your Majesty or
some to the places in your dominions where this trade is carried on,
Paget tells me that this raising of duties in spite of the treaties was
began by the Emperor although these people have done it with a
heavier hand.

I note that your Majesty writes respecting the marriage of the
archduke Ferdinand with the Queen, and the same day that the
courier arrived with the letter I was about to despatch news to your
Majesty of what was being done here in the matter and about
Lord Robert, which is as follows. When the Emperor's ambassador
arrived here I understand that he had no instructions to treat of the
matter, but as so many loose and flighty fancies are about, some
of these people who went to and fro with him to the palace must

* The ambassador of Charles V. in England.

ELIZABETH. 57

1559.

have broached the subject to him. One in particular I know of was
Challoncr, who went to visit the Emperor on the Queen's behalf
when she succeeded to the throne. He is a great talker, but a perons
of no authority. At the same time the matter must have been
brought before Count Helfenstein by the Queen's asking him whether
he had instructions to speak to her on any other subject, which I
believe she did cwo or three times. He must thereupon have advised
liia master, and about a week ago the said Count sent hither a German
who acts as his secretary, and who I am told is a lawyer, directed
to Challoner with a letter from the Emperor to the Queen and a
portrait of the archduke Ferdinand. The Secretary delivered the
letter in person, and in it His Majesty says that he desires to send
hither a person to treat with her (the Queen) of matters of closer
friendship than these respecting which Count Heltenstein visited her,
The Queen accepted the offer to send the person, and the German
returned with her letter and message the day before yesterday. As
I was assured that the matter was under discussion, and that this
secretaiy was here for the purpose, I thought I ought to so approach
the Queen and him that they mi'j;ht both understand that the
negotiations had your Majesty's accord and goodwill without binding
myself to them in a way that couM cause inconvenience from my
having acted without your Majesty's orders. I therefore only told the
Queen, on the day the Portuguese went to take leave of her, that since
she had not married your Majesty I wished she would take the
person nearest to you in kin and kindness, and so gave her to under-
stand that I was informed of what was being discussed. I was going
in general terms to offer the secretary such assurances as were fitting,
seeing the friendship and relationship that exists between your
Majesty and the Emperor's sons, but as it happened' that the courier
arrived on the same day as I was to speak to him, I opened out
more with him, promising help arid aid from your Majesty for the
affair, and telling him how, by order of your Majesty, I had
spoken to the Queen and tried to incline her towards it, and I advised
him also as to how he should proceed. I found him at first reserved
and close, but when he saw I was acting above board and I offered
to show him the instructions I had received from 3'our Majesty
he made a clean breast to me and told me what he had come for, as
I have related above. He went to solicit his despatch when he left
me and returned in the afternoon very much more open and extremely
pleased to tell me how they would give him his despatch that
night or the next morning, and to ask me if he could do anything
for me in Flanders.

The same day I sent to beg an audience of the Queen and spoke
to her on this business, persuading her to it as your Majesty
commands. She told me that the Emperor had written to her, and
that up to the present she did not know what he wished to negotiate
with her. All this in fair words, and I do not think she faces the
business badly, nor indeed do any of them, although to say the truth
I could not tell your Majesty what this woman means to do with
herself, and those who know her best know no more than I do.

During the last few days Lord Robert has come so much into
favour that he does whatever he likes with affairs and it is even
said that her Majesty visits him in his chamber day and night.

58 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.

1559.

People talk of this so freely that they go so far as to say that his
wife has a malady in one of her breasts and the Queen is or.ly
waiting for her to die to marry Lord Robert. I can assure your
Majesty that matters have reached such a pass that I have been
brought to consider whether it would not be well to approach Lord
Robert on your Majesty's behalf, promising him your helpar.d favour
and coming to terms with him.

The marriage with the archduke Ferdinand appears to me not to
be a bad expedient, as I see none better than he for matters on this
side, and so far as regards the other side your Majesty would
do well to attract and confirm him in his friendship, so that he
may see how useful it will be for his aggrandizement and stability.
I consider it of the greatest importance for your Majesty that this
matter should be settled, as there are certain circumstances in it that
require watching closely. The first is that the people both here and
on the other side have begun already to try to treat without the
intervention of your Majesty, as the Emperor's notification of it to
your Majesty was subsequent to sending orders to his ambassador
and writing to the Queen, and after the ambassador had sent his
secretary hither who certainly would not have seen me nor opened
out to me if I had not taken the steps I did. The Emperor and his
sons apparently will not understand that your Majesty's influence
in this matter is so great that it may be said to be in your gift, and
it is probable that they have given rise to the same feeling here.
To counteract this I think it will be best to buy Ferdinand's friendship
with money, as he has none, not only finding him a sum for his
coining hither if the affair id earned through, but also a regular
payment every year instead of the pensions which were paid to
these people here and which had have so little effect as your Majesty
has seen. Besides the ancient treaties between your Majesty's
predecessors and the kings of this country your Majesty could also
arrange with him, in the form which may seem best to you, to bind
himself to remedy and restore religion to which I cannot persuade
myself that your Majesty is indifferent. This appears to me to be
the best way for the present ; the cheapest and most convenient, and
to neglect any effort in this direction would be a great pity. If
Ferdinand is a man, backed up as he will be by your Majesty, he
will be able not only to reform religion and pacify the country, but
even though the Queen may die to keep the country in his fist, and
if anything besides God's cause has led me to hope that your Majesty
might a^ain get a footing here it was this. I feel sure that any of
your Majesty's affairs will encounter great difficulty in negotiation
with the Emperor and his sons, and as I look upon this matter as
of the highest importance for your Majesty and your dominions,
as well as for God's sake, I wish to leave no stone unturned. 1
think it would be well to send a confidential person to negotiate
with the. Emperor and his sons, and even to promise them that, on
condition that Ferdinand settles matters here in accordance with
the interests of God and the welfare and peace of Christendom, your
Majesty will be pleased to marry the Prince to a daughter of the
Emperor or of the king of Bohemia, which I think would be best and
would smooth and attract them very much to your Majesty. If I
could see this settled in addition to the peace I would cease troubling,

ELIZABETH. 59

1559.

but otherwise your Majesty must pardon me, for I cannot hold my
peace seeing the gait things here are going.

The Chamberlain has come back more French than an inhabitant
of Paris. In order, as I suspect, to get off of his bad management
of the negotiations he must have tried to set the Queen against your
Majesty in the matter of the marriage, and has made religious affairs
worse, for his head is full of foolish things said by the constable on
his master's behalf. One of the things he told the Queen and me
was that he would bet that your Majesty was going to Spain at
once and would not be back in Flanders these seven years. The
said Chamberlain is going to France for the ratification of peace
with a great company of these young sparks, some of whom are
asking for payment of your Majesty's money to go and dance in
France with, which I intend very few of them shall do.

They tell me that Mason goes as ambassador resident to your
Majesty's court and Nicholas Throgmorton to France.

Up to the present the only pensions that have been paid are those
of the Lord Treasurer, the High Admiral, Paget, M. Montague, and
Jerningham. In addition to these I have paid what was owing to
the archers and other servitors and the gentlemen-in-waiting who
complained very much, and I thought best to close their mouths.
The servants who had board wages- were paid up to the end of
1557, the pensioners up to end of 1558, and the archer.' the remainder
to the day the Queen died. I should like to pay up all these small
folks, but I would not give another groat to the lords, as it is of no
use. Your Majesty will please send instructions in this matter, and
also what shall be given to your Majesty's late chamberlain,* my
question as to what is to be done with him not having been answered.
He has gone to the Queen to complain of your Majesty and of me
for not paying him for his service.

\Yhat your Majesty has decided about the embassy here appears
to me satisfactory, although there are some objections which I will
explain to your Majesty when I arrive, and there will then be time
to remedy them. I would, however, beg your Majesty to grant the
Bishop sufficient money to fittingly maintain himself in his station,
as I am satisfied of his ability and goodness as well as his suitability
for the office : but he is so modest that if he gets 200 ducats he will
say no more about it than if they gave him 200,000.

The bishop ot Ely is up to the present time faithful in religion
although they do not think much of him here. London 1559.

Document endorsed : " London 1559, copy of letter written to His
Majesty, 18th April."

4 April. 28. The KING to the COUNT DE FERIA.

By your letter of the 1 1th instant, I have learnt the discussions
you have had with the Queen and Council about the peace and other
affairs you had in hand, and I cannot refrain from highly praising
the prudence and dexterity you huve displayed. I thank you also
for the note you send me of the points which have to be borne in
mind and provided for in my interest to obviate what ma}' happen
in England, which I can assure you is one of the tilings that is
giving me just now most anxiety. I have ordered it to be well

Probably Lord Williams of Thame.

60 SPANISH STATE PAVERS.

1559.

considered and discussed at once, and after due deliberation it
appears that at present the most advantageous course will be for
you to endeavour to confirm the Queen and her friends in the fear
you say they feel of the peril and danger in which they stand, so
that they may understand thoroughly that they are ruined unless
I succour and defend them. We have no doubt they will easily
grasp this if they think it over, as it is so very clear. The duke of
Alba, Roy Gomez, and the bishop of Arras tell me that in the
conversations they had with the Queen's Commissioners at Chateau
Cambresi the latter confessed that this was so, and it is to be
supposed that they will have reported to the same effect and this
together with what you have told her (the Queen) will have set
her thinking in a matter that so deeply concerns her. When you
have frightened the Queen about this, in the manner you find most
suitable to open her eyes to her interests and to convince her of
the zeal which leads rne to advise her, you will assure her from
me that I will never fail to help her in all I can to preserve her
realm and settle her affairs exactly the same as if they were my
own, both on account of the great love and affection I bear her,
from which neither the peace nor my alliance with France will
ever estrange me ; rather will I try to bind us closer by all the
kindness and good offices I can show, and also for my own interests,
which would be greatly injured if her kingdom were to fall into
other hands than hers, which God forbid. This might easily happen
if she do not provide against it, and at once adopt the only true
remedy, which is to forbid any innovations in religion which
usually cause risings and turbulence in countries and in the hearts
of subjects. If she do this and take one of the archdukes, my
cousins for a husband, respecting which I have already written to
you, she will smooth down and settle all her affairs and enjoy more
tranquillity and contentment than can be described, and I will
remain a good brother to her as she will see by my acts. You wil*
enlarge in this sense according as you see her disposition and the
conversation permits with all the tact and suavity you know how
to employ as you have done in other matters. This course has
seemed the best to follow with the Queen, because under this head
what is proposed is so absolutely true that you can bring as much
pressure to bear as may be needed, and that you may be provided at
all points, I have thought well to send you enclosed the letter for
her written with my own hand, the tenor of which you will see by
the copy. Amongst other points you may tell her not to wonder if
in these matters I press her more than is customary between princes,
but as they are so important and necessary to the welfare of her
realm, whose rehabilitation and preservation depend entirely upon
them, and concern me inasmuch as they concern her as well as
touching my own interests, I cannot and ought not to fail to do it
as a good brother.

I have been very glad (o learn what you say about the Queen
refusing the title offered to her of supreme head of the Church, and
delaying her sanction to what had been done in Parliament, because
it looks as if there were still some hopes of salvation. Seeing this
and how damaging it would be if the Pope were to declare her a
bastard, which he might decide to do since I am not to marry her,

ELIZABETH. 61

1559.

I thought it time to approach his Holiness, and I sent a despatch
on the subject to Rome advising his Holiness of the state of things
there and of the hopes still entertained of an amendment, which I
I was trying my best to bring about, and asking him not to make
any change until the result of my efforts were seen, of which result
I would inform his Holiness. This step was thought very desirable
in order to keep his Holiness in hand and delay the matter as was
in all respects to be desired. You will advise me of all that happens,
so that we may act accordingly.

A servant of mine belonging to that country advises me for
certain that two captains named Henry Strangways (Estranquis)
and William Wilford are arming and fitting out on their own
authority two ships of 140 tons each in the port of Southampton
or Plymouth, in which ships he says they have placed 50 gentlemen
with their servants and 500 soldiers, with the determination of
going out on a piratical voyage and to sack the island of Madeira'
One of them has experience of this who, he says, was at the sack of
La Palma and has been in France. As I am told these ships are to
leave at the end of this month, I enjoin you urgently to speak to
the Queen, and ask and beg of her from me to order enquiries to be
made about this and act in it as my goodwill towards her deserves

Postscript : After writing this 1 have received your last letter of
23rd (18th ?) instant, and have been glad of your news, although in the
matter of religion what you say about the Parliament having agreed
that the Queen should take the title of Governess of the Church
fills me with new anxiety, as it is so dangerous and troublesome on all
accounts. Advise me if it has passed the upper house and whether
the Queen has accepted it, and take the steps which may be advisable
in accordance with what I have said. The other points in your
letter shall be answered later so as not to detain this post. Brussels,
24th April 1559.

29 April. 29. COUNT DE FERIA to the KING.

I received your Majesty's letter of the 24th instant on the 27th
and went to the palace the next day. After giving your Majesty's
letter to the Queen I spoke to her in conformity with what had been
written to me. IShe heard me as she had heard me many times
before, only that on this occasion I spoke in your Majesty's name.
Although I tried to frighten her all I could, I kept in view the
necessity of not offending her as they have preached to her
constantly that your Majesty and the king of France hold her of
small account, and she thinks that the only thing she needs is to
get rich. I smoothed her down a good deal in this respect making
her understand that your Majesty was prompted only by your
great affection for her and considered her harm or advantage as your
own. She answered amiably that she thanked your Majesty for
your message. Subsequently in conversation with me she said three
or four very bad things. One was that she wished the Augustanean*

* Otherwise the confession of Augsburg which had been first presented to the Emperor
Charles V. on June 25, 1530. It was signed by John, alector of Saxony ) George
marquis of Bradenburg ; Ernest duke of Luneiiburg ; Philip Landgrave of Hesse (
Wolfgang, prince of Annault and the imperial cities of Nuremberg and Reutlingen. The
matter wa? supplied by Luther and the document wai drawn up by Melancthon.
9 *

SPANISH STATE PAPERS.

1559.

confession to be maintained in her realm, whereat I was much
surprised and found fault with it all I could, adducing the
arguments I thought might dissuade her from it. She then told roe
it would not be the Augustanean confession, but something else like
it, aud that she differed very little from us as she believed that God
was in the sacrament of the Eucharist, and only dissented from
three or four things in the Mass. After this she told me she did
not wish to argue about religious matters. I told her neither did
I, but desired to know what religion it was that she wanted to
maintain, as I understood that even those who were concerned in it
were not agreed one with the other, as was the case with all the
other heretics in Germany and everywhere else, and I was terrified
to see that whereas the other princes were laying down their arms in
order to cope with heresy, she with her kingdom tranquil and catholic,
was doing her best to destroy religion ; and besides this that she
wanted to revoke the good and holy laws that God, your Majesty
and the late Queen had enacted here. If for no other reason than
the great obligations she owed to your Mnjesty she should reconsider
this matter. 1 for my part had done my best that your Majesty
should not hear of the small respect that had been paid you in
certain things so as to maintain the good relations which i desired
to exist between you, but that the present state of things was very
grave and so notorious that your Majesty could not fail to hear of
it from other quarters even if I did not inform you. She answered
that she only intended to revoke laws that had been passed by the
late Queen before she married your Majesty. I told her it was all
one as they had been confirmed and upheld aiter her marriage. She
reminded me that she was her sister, but I pointed out how different
one obligation was from the other.

She also said that your Majesty well knew she had always been of
the same opinion, and the Queen as well, but i assured her that your
Majesty had never heard such a thing. She was very emphatic in
saying that she wished to punish severely certain persons who had
represented some comedies in which your Majesty was taken off. I
passed it by and said that these were matter of less importance
than the others, although both in jest and earnest more respect
ought to be paid to so great a prince as your Majesty, and I knew
that a member of her Council had given the arguments to construct
these comedies, which is true for Cecil gave them, as indeed she
partly admitted to me.

She then said that as these were matters of conscience, she should
in life and death remain of the same way of thinking, and would be
glad of three hours' talk with your Majesty. At the end of the
colloquy she said she hoped to be saved as well as the bishop of
Rome. I told her of the good offices your Majesty had rendered to
her with the Pope in order that he should not proceed against her,
and asked her not to let them persuade her that this was a small
matter, as for a schism less grave than heresy, a king of Navarre
had been deprived of his kingdom by a sentence of the Pope, and
remained without it to this day. I assured her that if the king of
France had ordered her and the Council how to govern, they could
not have acted more favourably for his ends than they had done,

ELIZABETH. 63

1559.

and as I saw the ruin of her and her realm and was grieved thereat,
I could not refrain from telling her thus clearly and openly as she
had heard me say many times before. She now saw that your
Majesty ordered me to say the same tilings on your behalf so that no
effort on your part should be wanting as from a good brother and
friend. When I said any polite words of this sort in your Majesty's
name she expressed her thanks, the other things being said to
me in the course of conversation and not in reply to your Majesty.
At last she asked me when I should despatch an answer to your
Majesty, and I told her that on the previous day a courier had
brought me this letter, and the answer would be the course she
pursued in these affairs, and thus the matter rested. Many more
things to the same effect were said with which I will not tire
your Majesty. The courier came at a very opportune moment as
some Catholics had sent to beg me to speak to the Queen before
Pailiament closed, which will now be soon. Indeed I thought it
would have ended this week, and it will certainly not pass next
week. In any case I think that when Parliament closes, your
Majesty should recall me as it would greatly alarm the wicked, and
confirm the godly in the opinion they hold that your Majesty has
ordered me to remain here only for this business. It is very
troublesome to negotiate with this woman, as she is naturally
changeable, and those who surround her are so blind and bestial
that they do not at all understand the state of affairs.

They talk a great deal about the marriage with archduke
Ferdinand and seem to like it, but for my part I believe she will
never make up her mind to anything that is good for her. Some-
times she appears to want to marry him, and speaks like a woman
who will only accept a great prince, and then they say she is in
love with Lord Robert and never lets him leave her. If my spies
do not lie, which I believe they do not, for a certain reason which
they have recently given me I understand she will not bear children,
but if the Archduke is a man, even if she die without any, he will
be able to keep the kingdom with the support of your Majesty. I
am of this opinion, and the reasons I have shall be placed before
your Majesty when I arrive. I beg your Majesty to order this
business of the Archduke's marriage to be well-considered and
discussed, as the tranquillity of Christendom and stability of your
Majesty's dominions depend upon it.

I also spoke to the Queen and the Admiral about the ships which
your Majesty writes me are being armed by Strangways and Wilford,
and they promise me that the matter shall be remedied.

1 have not yet been able to get the Cardinal's apology. The Queen
has promised me that she will have search made in a trunk of
papers she has belonging to the Cardinal, and if it is found she will
give it to me.

The Antwerp people have written to me about the robberies and
insults committed in this country on their merchants both in the
matter of the safe-conducts and the duties. Your Majesty has full
particulars of all this and will order what you think best, but I
know that by favour we shall do nothing with these people.

64 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.

1550.

I am informed to day that a Frenchman has arrived here who
says that two or three days ago tha eldest son of the constable* will
have left Paris to come hither and with him Monsieur de Noaillest
to reside here as Ambassador. I should be glad to know before they
arrive, if possible, how your Majesty desires me to bear myself
toward them, as pending other instructions I think of sending to
meet them on the road and invite them to be my guests on the first
night of his arrival, so that people may see us very united and
friendly.

With the Chamberlain J there were going to France the sons of
some of the lords here, young fellows like lord Strange and others
of the same sort, at which I was not well pleased, as there is no need
of their coming and chattering here of the splendours of the French
court, so in the course of conversation I mentioned the matter to the
Queen, and found she had already seen it and had forbidden their
going, although at first she had given them leave. She thanked me
heartily for reminding her of it.

I pray your Majesty to write me what is to be done with these
pensioners and servants, and especially with that former chamberlain
of your Majesty.

The bishop of ElyJ has spoken to-day in Parliament very well
and like a good Catholic, saying that he will die rather than consent
to a change of religion.

Document eiwlorsed : " Copy of the letter written to His Majesty
on the 29th April 1559."

8 May. 30. The KING to the COUNT DE FERIA.

By your letter of 29th ultimo I have learnt the steps you have
taken with the Queen in conformity with our instructions to make
known to her the danger and peril in which she is placing herself
and her realm by wishing to alter the religion as she is doing. All
you said to her was so much to the point and in such good terms
that if she had not been obstinate and hardened in her opinion it
would have sufficed to persuade and convince her of her error.
Since however neither this nor other previous efforts have made her
recognize it and look out for herself and her interests, and I have
done my part in fulfilling what was due to the brotherhood and
friendship I have for the Queen in trying sincerely to remedy
the evil ; and seeing also the last reply given to you and the small
hope it gives of any satisfactory result (to my great sorrow) as
Parliament was so near closing, I think your departure will be
very opportune when the Parliament rises. As you point out, it
will be a great alarm to the heretics and will make the Catholics
understand that your long stay has been principally on account of
religious affairs, and the excuse of your being one of the persons
named to go as my hostages to France for the conclusion of peace

* Francois dc Montmorenci. See an interesting account of his reception in Calendar
of State papers, Venetian, Vol. 7.

t Gilles de Noailles, brother of Antoine and Fra^ois de Noailles, who had been
successively French ambassadors in England in the previous reign.

t Lord William Howard, first Lord Howard of Effinp;hairi.

$ Eldest son of the earl of Derby.

i] Thomas Thirlby. He was shortly afterwards deprived of his see, and remained for
many years until his death a primmer of Archbishop Parker at Lambeth.

ELIZABETH. 65

1559.

is a very good one so far as the Queen is concerned.* As soon
therefore as Parliament ends you can take leave of the Queen and
come here, delivering to her the letter I L enclose you for the purpose,
and whose tenor you will see by the copy, assuring her from me
that if I can serve her in any way I shall be very glad if she will let
me know how by you. You will try to leave her in as good humour
as possible, managing this with your great tact and prudence as usual
better than you can be told from here. Do not fail however to
speak to her about religious affairs if you see it is of any avail.

When you go to take leave of the Queen you will take with you
the bishop of Aquila and present him to her saying (as I write to
her also) that I have appointed him to reside at her court as my
ambassador and am sure ehe will be pleased to treat with him as he
possesses so many good qualities, and beg her that on your departure
she will give him gracious audience whenever he desires it and entire
faith and credit in all he may propose or say on my behalf. You
will leave the Bishop well advised of all you may think necessary
and order him to continue and carry forward the affairs you had
commenced, giving us due advice of what he does in this respect and
other details of what occurs there as you have done, and I write him
to this effect by enclosed letter. A separate letter of credence only
will be sent to him for the first matter in which, after your departure
he may have to present himself to the Queen, as I think that
will suffice for the present. I will have a proper salary appointed
for him and will shortly resolve the other points concerning him,
and will send you advice in another letter.

As regards the marriage of the Queen with one of the archdukes
my cousins the person who was to be sent by the Emperor to
negotiate it has not arrived, but he cannot tarry much longer, and I
shall be glad for you to employ all the good offices you find possible
in order to leave the matter in a fair way. When you happily
arrive here I shall be pleased to have your opinion as to the points
to be considered in this business.

If in fact steps have not beeu taken to prevent the voyage of the
two ships which were being fitted out for the island of Madeira you
will again speak to the Queen and Council about them as you see
fit. If no conclusion is arrived at before your departure the Bishop
must take care to follow it up.

Respecting the insults offered there to our vassals and the confisca-
tion of their goods against the tenor of our safe-conducts we have
ordered Dr. Emery (Emereo), who has come about it to be heard and
the documents sent by you to be examined, and after deciding what
is to be done, the Bishop shall be duly advised as you will have
already left. In the meanwhile no harm can be done by keeping the
matter in hand and soliciting redress by every course which appears
desirable.

If Cardinal Pole's apology has not already been given to you,
which you say they were to seek in his trunk of papers, I shall be

* From this and subsequent references to the same subject it would appear that the
choice of Feria as one of the Spanish hostages to France was a mere excuse, although
contemporary diplomatists considered it a verj- deep move on the part of the French to
free Elizabeth from the Count's influence in the matter of her marriage. See letter from
Paolo Tiepolo to the Doge and Senate. Calendar of State Papers, Venetian, Vol. 7.
:i 66529. li

6 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.

1559.

pleased for you to get them to use diligence in finding it, and you can
bring it with you if it can be got before you leave, and if not the
Bishop must look after it.

In regard to your desire to know my will about your demeanour
towards the son of the constable of France and Monsieur de Noailles
I have only to say that I approve of what you had decided
to do, namely to send and receive them and invite them to your
lodgings as, for reasons you point out, it is very desirable that they
and others should see that you treat them as friends.

By your letter of 18th ultimo we see the details of the various
pereons and servants of ours to whom you had paid their dues, which
was well done, and as regards to what you say about paying off all
the small folk and giving nothing more to the (paper torn) no use
I leave you to do as you think most advisable. You will order the
Chamberlain to be paid all that is owing of his wages and for the
sable cloak which he claims to receive every year, you will pay him
thirty pounds for each one he should have received, which was the
arrangement made with him.

You will also pay what is owing of the rent of the house where
my mules were kept, according to the statement sent herewith signed
by Diego Maldonado.

Postscript : (In the handwriting of Philip II.) About dismissing
the small folk and paying them off, do as you say. Do not give
any more to the principal people, and when you arrive we will
see what is advisable to be done. For any good they are at
present I do not see any reason for giving them pensions or anything
else.

Signed: I the King. Brussels, 8th May 1559.

10 May 31. COUNT DE FERIA to the KING.

On the 29th ultimo I wrote to your Majesty and have not received
any letter from your Majesty since.

The news here is that Parliament closed the day before yesterday,
Monday, and the Queen having confirmed what had been adopted,
which I wrote to your Majesty, she now remains governess of the
Anglican church. The Bishops and others who are considered
Catholics are as firm as on the first day, and the bishop of Ely has
honoured himself in the sight of Cod and the world, for the Catholics
did not hold him in high esteem, and the heretics tried to gain him
over by presents, but he determined to remain a good Catholic and
an honest man. It is a great pity to see what is going on here.
From Easter they will begin to say all the service everywhere
in English, and they have already commenced to do so in the
Queen's chapel. They tell me that everything is worse even than
in the time of king Edward. Lord Chamberlain Howard spoke in
Parliament very differently from what he gave signs of when the
Queen first succeeded. All was to the effect that it was right that
the Queen's wish should be complied with as they were all her
subjects, and she could very well be head of the church, as king
Henry and king Edward had been.

I am told, although I am not very certain, that the bishop of
Ely replied to him that this was not at all what he had heard him

ELIZABETH. 67

1559.

say before your Majesty's Commissioners and those of the king of
France. In short, what can be said here to your Majesty is only
that this country after thirty years of a government such as your
Majesty knows, has fallen into the hands of a woman who is a
daughter of the devil and the greatest scoundrels and heretics in
the land. She is losing the regard of the people and the nobles, and
in future will lose it still more now that they have brought the
question of religion to an end. They make difficulties about giving
licence to Catholics who want to leave the country. In the presence
of the Queen the acting chancellor* told the Bishops that none of
them were to go their houses without permission. They leave them-
selves in the hands of God. They are excellent men, and have borne
themselves bravely and piously. I am much surprised to see the
harmony and understanding that exist amongst the godly who up
to the present have shown no signs of wavering, and this makes me
think that if there is to be a struggle it will be more hellish than
ever. The saying of the service in English and the abolition of the
Mass passed by three votes in the upper house, although the
Bishops and some of the principal men opposed it strongly ; it is all
roguery and injustice. The Catholics are in a great majority in
the country and if the leading men in it were not ot so small account
things would have turned out differently. It is quite impossible
that the present state of affairs can last.

I have not heard that anything more has been done on the other
side about the marriage of the Archduke and not even what your
Majesty had arranged in the business. I want the matter pressed
so as to make this woman show her hand. Sometimes I think she
might consent to it, and at other times that she will not marry
and has some other design. Pickering arrived here on the night of
Ascension Day and has been much visited by the Queen's favourites.
She saw him secretly two days after his arrival, and yesterday he
came to the palace publicly and remained with her four or five
houra. In London they are giving 25 to 100 that he AV 11 be king.
They tell me Lord Robert is not so friendly with him as he was,
and I believe that on the first day that the Queen saw him
secretly Lord Robert did not know of it, as he had gone hunting
at Windsor. If these things were not of such great importance
and so lamentable some of them would be very ridiculous.

They are now making fewer presents to the Swedish ambassador,
and he is still very constant in giving great gifts to the Queen
and her adherents, in order to try and forward the marriage with
his master.

The Lord Chamberlain left for France yesterday, and Lord Strange
and another lad called Lord Ferrars (Feris) still go with him,
notwithstanding what the Queen told me on the matter, as I wrote
to your Majesty on the 29th instant. No more truth is to be found
here. They tell me that Wotton is to go with him as well, but I
do not know for certain.

The son of the Constable did not leave Paris when I wrote to
your Majesty, as has since appeared. There are to come with him

* Sir Nicholas Bacon.

K 2

jg SPANISH STATE PAPERS.

1559.

a knight of the order, who has been governor of Metz,* and
M. Noailles to remain as ambassador.

The fleet with cloth and other goods which leaves here for
Flanders has already sailed. I am assured that it carries 30,000
cloths more than ever went before. There are altogether 85,000
or 90,000 cloths, besides other goods. I have already written to
your Majesty what I think on this matter, and since your Majesty
has shown so much liberality and goodness to these people and so
little has come of it, as we have seen, it is only waste of time to
pursue further the same course, unless to lose more by it.

Your Majesty's archers came to-day with the enclosed claim. I
beg your Majesty to say what answer is to be given to them.

I forgot to write to your Majesty that on St. George's Day they
gave the Order to four gentlemen, and two vacancies remain to be
filled up. Those who received it were the duke of Norfolk, the
marquis of Northampton, who had it before he was attainted, the
earl of Rutland, and Lord Robert. Bedford was much nggrieved that
they did not give it to him. He is not such a favourite as was
thought. The secretary (Cecil) Bacon, the treasurer of the household,
and Lord Robert rule everything.

It is to be supposed that when the Pope knows what has
happened he will proceed against the Queen and people here,
and it would be of great importance for him to be informed that
in the time of Henry VIII. the whole Parliament consented without
any contradiction whatever, except from the bishop of Rochester
(Rofense) and Thomas More, whereas now not a single ecclesiastic
has agreed to what the Queen has done and of the laymen in the
lower chamber, and in the upper some opposed on the question of
schism, and a great many opposed the heresies.

It is veiy important that the Pope should except the. Catholics
from excommunication, both to confirm and uphold them, and
also because it is not just that the godly should suffer from the
faults of the wicked, and your Majesty owes them this diligence
with the rest.

I will try to get a copy of the bull that was pronounced against
king Henry and his kingdom, as, in it no one was excepted, and it
will be a great consolation for the Catholics now to know that they
are excepted. It is true that, legally, they say they would not be
comprised, but everybody does not know this. The heretics will be
greatly annoyed at it.

Document endorsed : " Copy of letter written to his Majesty
10th May 1859 from the Count de Feria."

10 May. 32. The BISHOP OF AQUILA to the DUKE OF ALBA.

simancas, By the Count's letter to the King you will see the state of things

Add 26 056 ^ ere which is the most miserable that can be conceived. At eight

o'clock on Monday the Queen went to Parliamentland exactly confirmed

what they had adopted as they read it from a book, She only left

open for consideration the clause where she is to take the title of

head of the Church and for the present only assumes the style of

* M. de Vielleville, knight of the Order of St. Michael and Governor of Metz.

ELIZABETH. 60

1559.

" Governor." This is said to have been done on the ground that
she may marry and her husband might then take the title. It is
only a question of words as " governor " and " head " after all mean
the same thing.

Yesterday they took the sacrament away from the palace chapel
and some sort of mass was performed in English, as they are doing
in many parish churches. The Bishops are ordered not to leave
London without the Queen's consent. They say the oath will at
once be proffered to them which they will not take, and that
they will thereupon be all deprived at one blow, and the new
Bishops put in their seats. The decree is to the effect that any person
who shall oppose the doctrine prescribed by the Queen shall lose
his patrimonial property (salaries ami ecclesiastical revenues being
confiscated for a refusal to take the oath) for the first offence, and
the second offence is punishable by death. An infinite number of
people would leave the country if they would let them, which the}'
will not, and I am not sure whether they are wise in this.

The earl of Sussex pronounced an harangue in the upper house
exhorting the Queen to uphold this law, and saying how vain would
be all their efforts if the new enactment were not kept inviolate.

One of the members of the lower house compared the Queen to
Moses, saying that she had been sent b) T God to lead the people out
of bondage.

The heretics of our own times have never been such spoilt children
of the devil as these are, and the persecutors of the early church were
surely not impious enough to dare to pass such unjust acts as these.
To force a man to do a thing whether he likes it or not has at all
events some form, however unjust, but to force him to see a thing
in the same light as the King sees it is absurd, and has no form either
just or unjust; and yet such is the ignorance here that they pas? such
a thing as this. Religion here now is simply a question of policy,
and in a hundred thousand ways they let us see that they neither
love nor fear us. London, 10th May Io59.

24 May. 33. From the BISHOP OF AQUILA* to the KING.

I received your Majesty's letter of the 8th instant, ordering me to
remain here for your Majesty's service, following the instructions
to be given to me by the count de Feria. The latter took me to the
Queen, who received me graciously, and promised to hear willingly
whatever I had to say on your Majesty's behalf, and I will take care,
as your Majesty orders me, to advise you fully of all that happens
here.

With regard to present events and state of affairs in tliis country,
the count will be able to inform your Majesty direct, and I have
now only humbly to salute your Majesty in gratitude for deigning
to make use of my services. Here and -.Isewhrre I will employ my

* Don Alvaro di- la Quadra was bon: in Kaj'ls "f n^'" Spanish parent:-, and after a
brilliant career ir. the ranks of the lower clcrr\ , wits consecrated bishop of Vcno.-a in
Naples, in 1542, which see he resigned in 1,">5I. Two years afterwards Charles V.
appointtu him to the bishopric of Aquila in the kingdom of Naples. He coniiuned for
the rest of his life to discharge 1 delicate and important missions for his sovereigns with the
most exquisite diplomacy and tact. Shortly after his appointment sis ambassador in
Kngland he resigned his see of Aquila, and thenceforward tin; t-lyle is gradually changed,
as will be seen in the letters to " Bishop Quadra."

70 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.

1559.

Lest efforts to succeed in fulfilling my instructions with the care,
fidelity, and diligence which I am bound to display in your
Majesty's service. London, 24th May 1559.

29 May. 34. The BISHOP OF AQUILA to COUNT DE FERIA.

Simancas, The Emperor's ambassador came to this house, and was so deter-
?J ?L^'' mined to stay that there was no resisting him, and the countess (of

Add 26,056a. _, . % ' , 1,11 i xm. j.i_ r T j

Fena) was good enough to lodge him in the rooms that 1 occupied.
He hears more masses than his master. He and I had audience
to-day as I thought better we should go together. He was dismissed
very blankly at first, but the business was set on foot again, and
with at least some hope that they will think of it. They will not
hear Ferdinand's name mentioned. They have no doubt heard that
he is not of their way of thinking. They say Charles has a head
bigger than that of the earl of Bedford.

The Queen says that she has taken a vow to marry no man whom
she has not seen, and will not trust portrait painters and a thousand
other things of the usual sort. They are very anxious to please us,
and say that if it were not for the impediment of relationship the
other affair would have been brought off. I answer them fittingly,
and we are quite harmonious. It is now decided that a committee
of the Council is to discuss the matter with us. This ambassador
does exactly as he is told, neither more nor less, and he is quite
a good fellow, but this must surely be the first negotiation he ever
conducted in his life. The Queen sent Huusdori, her cousin, to see
him to-day, and they make much of him. We shall see how it
will end. London, 29th May 1559.

30 May. 35. The BISHOP of AQUILA to the KING.

The Count de Feria has left here, and Montmorency who arrived
on the same day, Tuesday, went to visit the Queen next day. On
Thursday, Corpus Christi, he went to the palace to take the
oath from the Queen. The latter seated herself near the altar and
ordered Montmorency and the others to sit by her. Several prayers
and psalms were said in English and the terms were then read
although the Queen ordered many of them to be passed over as she
said she was well informed about them. When they were finished
she and Montmorency rose and advanced to the altar, where he took
a bible which was resting on it and asked the Queen whether she
was willing to swear the observance of these terms as the King his
master was to do that very day before her ambassadors. She
answered with both her hands resting on the book that she would
do so. and a great deal more in proof of her friendship with his
King. They dined and supped there that day, and the usual rejoicings
took place, and on the following day they went to worship. On
this day three of the hostages arrived, the fourth, who was the
Provost of Paris, having been wounded in a quarrel with his father-
in-law, as Cecil told me. making a joke of it I do not know why.
On the following Saturday after dinner Montmorency took them to
the palace, where the Queen received them in the first chamber and
they took the usual oath. Yesterday, Sunday, those who had to
leave departed, the ambassador Noailles and the three hostages
remaining behind. I do not think they went very well pleased, and

ELIZABETH. 71

1559.

are loss so now as I hear they went rather beyond the bounds on both
sides and there were some squabbles amongst the servants in the palace,
but of no great importance. The Catholics here murmur greatly
that Montmorency should have been present at the solemnity and
ceremonies with which the oath was presented, since, if the oath
were not to be taken with the formalities of the Catholic church it
might have been administered in a room without any religious
solemnities at all. If they had done so and he had given more
thought to religion lie would not have lost anything here in my
opinion, but they have conducted themselves in a very boyish
manner.

On Friday morning Baron Rabenstayn, the Emperor's ambassador,
arrived here and came to lodge in this house, which belongs to the
count de Feria, where all honour and good treatment are shown him.
He besought an audience through Challoner and the lords of the
Council and I solicited audience for myself to accompany him and
give him what aid I could as your Majesty commands in your letter
of 17th instant. We were received on Sunday at one and found the
Queen very fine in her presence-chamber looking on at the dancing.
She kept us there a long while and then entered her room, and I
presented your Majesty's letter and asked her agreeably with what
had previously been said on your Majesty's behalf, to consider
how suitable in all respects would be her marriage with a son of
the Emperor, with which object the ambassador came, and I begged
her to hear him and decide the matter with the prudence and wisdom
which God had given her, and which were so great that I had no doubt
she would easily discern how advisable such a match would be. I
did not name the archduke, because, as 1 suspected, she would reply
excluding both of them, I did not wish to give her an opportunity
of doing so. She at once began, as I feared, to talk about not
wishing to marry and wanted to reply in that sense, but I cut short
the colloquy by saying that I did not seek an answer and only
begged of her to hear the ambassador and reply to him when she
thought proper. I then stood aside a little and left her alone with
the German. Whilst he was with her I took Cecil apart and talked to
him about this business and others to see what he would say. I
understood from him, although not by his words, that the Queen
would refuse the match with one of the Emperor's sons, thinking
that the archduke Ferdinand would be proposed, as he is only one
that these people have any knowledge of and they have quite made
up their minds that he would upset their heresy. He then began
to relate the various offers of marriage that had been made, and
wanted to draw me out about some of them, such as that of the duke
de Nemours and tho^e of Englishmen. I told him my dispassionate
judgment of them, and it ended in his wanting to satisfy me about
your Majesty's offer. He said that it' had riot been for the impedi-
ment of affinity the Queen would have married your Majesty, but
the matter involved religious questions such as the dispensory power
of the Pope, which it would be fruitless now to discuss as the offer
had fallen through. I purposely avoided answering him although
really I was glad to have the opportunity of talking over these
matters with him to dissipate the suspicion which I think he and

72 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.

1559.

his friends have that they have iiicurred your Majesty's anger by their
change of religion. I therefore answered him without any reproach
or complaint, and only said that what had been done in the kingdom
certainly seemed to me very grave, severe and ill-timed, but that I
hoped in God, and, if He would some day give us a council of bishops
(Concilio) or a good Pope who would reform the customs of the
clergy, and the abuses of the court of Rome, which apparently had
scandalized the provinces, all the evil would be remedied and God
would not allow so noble and Christian a nation as this to be
separated in faith from the rest of Christendom to its grave peril.
With regard to your Majesty's marriage I said that God had ordered
all for the best in this great and weighty matter, and I then turned
the conversation again to the marriages. He told me the Queen had
been informed that the Archduke had a head larger than that of the
earl of Bedford, and was unfit to govern, and other things showing
rather more openly than hitherto a desire that the Queen should
many. The ambassador here ended his interview with the Queen,
quite despairing of the business, but dismissed with great complements
and polite phrases. When I saw this I returned to her and asked
her pardon, but said your Majesty's earnest desire to see this marriage
brought about made me bold, as I had good reason to be, and I begged
her to consider that in a matter of this gravity touching the welfare
and tranquillity of their kingdoms and those of their neighbours kings
and queens could not always follow their own desires to the prejudice
of those of their subjects without doing great wrong and grievous
sin, and therefore she should not consult her own inclination about
her marriage but should look at the ruin that would come to her
country by her doing so. I said that when she had resolved how
to act in this case she should treat of her intention frankly and
sincerely with the Emperor in order that no cause of offence should
be given to him. She knew, I said, how honestly and kindty the
worthy Germans negotiated and should, in order to come to a proper
decision, truly inform herself of what it behoved her to know, as I
heard that they had represented the archduke to her as a young
monster and the contrary of what he is, for although both brothers
were comely, this one who was offered to her now was the younger
and more likely to please her than the other who had been spoken of
before. I thought best to speak in this way as I had understood in
my talk with Cecil that it was Ferdinand they dreaded, and I wanted
to see how she would answer about the other one and so to clear
the ground and find out whether all this means a desire not to marry
at all or simply to avoid a Catholic husband which in my opinion is
the principal object of the Queen and her associates in heresy. She
was all attention at this and asked me of whom I was speaking. I
told her the younger brother and not Ferdinand, of whom the
Emperor thought he could not avail himself for ihis purpose, whereas;
Charles possessed extremely good and fitting qualities which I
recounted at length. She was a long while demurring and doubting
and telling me she was sure I was mistaken as they had spoken to'
her only of Ferdinand. When she was quite satisfied about this by
your Majesty's letter (whereat, as I thought, she was pleased) she
went back again to her nonsense and said she would rather be a nun

ELIZABETH. 73

1559.

than marry without Knowing with whom and on the faith of portrait
painters. We continued at this for some time wasting words and at
last she said she was resolved not to marry except to a man of worth
whom she had seen and spoken to, and she asked me whether I
thought the archduke Charles would come to this country that she
might see him. I said that I could well believe that he would do so
willingly, young man as he was, but I thought his father would not
consent to it, not on account of the danger of which there was none,
but for his own dignity's sake, and that of the business itself. She
repeated this several times. I do not know whether she is jesting,
which is quite possible, but I really believe she w r ould like to arrange
for this visit in disguise. I turned it to a joke and said we had
better discuss the substance of the business which was after all the
" yes " or " no " as to her own wishes, and that with regard to her
satisfaction with the individual, I would undertake that he would
not displease her, and that the archduke had everything to gain by
showing himself.

Finally it was settled that she should call the German back again
and tell him that at my prayer she was pleased to depute some of
her Council to hear his proposal and to give her their advice,
although she was resolved not to trust painters, but was determined
to see and know the man who was to l>e her husband. We there-
upon left ; the German very well pleased that the affair had been
set on foot again after he had been, as he thought dismissed. On
Monday at three we were summoned and were listened to by the
earls of Pembroke, and Bedford, the Admiral, treasurer Parry,
Bacon and Cecil. The ambassador spoke to them according to his
instructions, and they answered that they would refer and discuss
the matter with the Queen, showing pleasure at the proposal. I told
them afterwards also that I thought they should know before
discussing it how great would be the satisfaction of your Majesty if
the marriage could be brought about, both on account of the Queen's
own happiness and the welfare of her subjects, arid also in the
interest of the lasting alliance and union between your Majesty
and her which this marriage would tend to perpetuate. They
answered me very civilly at great length and appeared to give much
importance to this aspect of the question, more indeed than to any
other, and we then left on their assurance that they would inform
us of the Queen's pleasure later on. \\'e shall see what she answers,
and I will send a courier at once.

It seems to me that this ambassador has instructions to take no
notice of religious matters and is willing to let them do as they like.
The evil of this is not in saying it, but in doing it, and on this I
need not enlarge, but only advise your Majesty of it.

He tells me that some of these people have asked him whether it is
true that certain differences exist between your Majesty and the
Emperor, and he has told them that it is not. If he had said it was
true I do not think he- would have lost anything by it.

Pickering entertains largely and is very extravagant.* He himself
always dines apnrt with music playing. He asked after the ambassador

* " hace plato y gasta largo."

74 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.

1559.

on the day he arrived, and said the Queen would laugh at him, and
all the rest of them as he (Pickering) knew she meant to die a
maid.

Robert is as highly favoured as usual. The Swedish ambassador
was summoned the other day by the Queen who told him she wished
to show her gratitude to his master who had sought her in the day
of her simplicity, and asked him to teli her whether his ambassadors
were coming as she was being pressed with other marriages. They
are constantly getting presents out of him in this way.

On Sunday last they had a procession of the holy sacrament in
Canterbury, in which there were 3,000 people and many worthy
people of the country round.

Whilst I was writing this letter a German here called Dr. Martin
came to speak to the ambassador, sent by the earl of Bedford
and others of the Council to say that they were veiy well
pleased with the proposal he made yesterday, but they will not
remain so if the name of archduke Ferdinand is mentioned as they
know he is very bad and a persecutor of those who follow the gospel.
The ambassador says he answered that if he was to tell the truth
he could not deny what they said, and for that reason the Emperor
had thought that Charles would be more suitable in this country as
he was more peaceable and docile and would be more easily directed
by the Emperor in matters tending to the welfare of the kingdom.
I told him (the ambassador) that he had answered wisely because
these wicked ones have to be answered according to their wickedness.
The Swedish ambassadors are expected here very shortly. After I
had written thus far this afternoon the Queen sent for this German
ambassador and he went alone, which I thought was best as she
might want, as she did, to speak to him about religion. He says
she plied him with a thousand silly stories. She said one thing,
however, that I think was meant for a hint, although he did not under-
stand it. It was that one of her fools told her that it was current in
London that the gentleman who acted as the ambassador's chamberlain
was really the archduke Charles who had come thus in order to gee
the Queen. In my opinion this only meant that the archduke might
come in this fashion to see and be seen which she hinted to me
last Sunday. She does not want the ambassador to leave, but to
write to the Emperor and await the reply which he has promised to
do; she writing as well. With regard to the coming of other
ambassadors she said she could not promise to settle anything, but
would be willing to discuss with them any matter he wished.

With respect to the Archduke's coining here, which is her usual
topic, he (the ambassador) tells me she says he had better not give
his roaster so much trouble in order to see so ugly a lady as she, and
when he asked her whether she wished him to write this she told
him certainly not on her account as she did not mean to marry.

This good man, however, who is not the most crafty person in the-
world, says he thinks she is willing. After spending a good while
on this chat she turned to the subject of the Emperor and his sons,
and said she heard that the Emperor was a virtuous, just and worthy
prince, and that Maximilian was a noble and Christian gentleman and
a lover of the true religion. She heard that Ferdinand was only fit

ELIZABETH. 75

1559.

to pray to God for his father and brothers as he was so strong a
Catholic, which she laughed at, but that she knew nothing about
Charles, and then she waited to hear what the ambassador would
answer. He says he i-eplied that the archduke Charles was a very
worthy gentleman and an obedient son, and he therefore had never
departed from the path in which his father had put him, but he never-
theless was a man of knowledge and would be able to govern his
subjects well. I see the ambassador is somewhat embarrassed at this
point, as indeed I am myself to hear his account of the conversation.
For my part I believe he opened out a good deal more than he tells me,
and, as I have said twice, in affairs of this description I do not condemn
words but only intentions and acts as great good may be done, and
if it fail to be done great harm may come of it. This ambassador
up to the present is very straightforward with me and does not
depart from the course he is advised to pursue. I do not know
whether when Bedford sees him to-morrow he will advise him to
avoid my company. I have warned him that he may do so. He
appears to be very pleased with the way things have gone up to the
present and with the good offices of your Majesty to his master to
whom he will write in three or four days.

Although what your Majesty has often heard from the Count de
Feria in respect to the marriage is no doubt highly probable, yet I
cannot help thinking that, so clearly is the need for her to marry
being daily more understood by herself and her advisers, notwith-
standing her disinclination to say yes, I need not despair of her
listening to the proposal, at all events until other ambassadors
arrive to engage the attention of her advisers, for afterwards she
will not scruple to serve them in the same way she is serving this
one. The whole business for these people is to avoid any engagement
that will upset their wickedness. I believe that when once they are
satisfied about this they will not be averse to Charles. I am not
sure about her for I do not understand her. Amongst other qualities
which she says her husband must possess is that he should not sit
at home all day amongst the cinders, but should in time of peace
keep himself employed in warlike exercises. London, 30th May 1559.

36. From the SAME to the SAME.

By the Emperor's servant Martin Danda I informed your Majesty
on the 6th instant of the news here up to that date. Since then it is
said that the disturbances in Scotland between the Catholics and the
heretics have somewhat calmed down owing to the Regent's* having
punished some of the rioters, and having stayed some days in the
town of St. John (Perth) making inquiries, and also in consequence
of the capture or flight of the preacher Knox who had been the
cause of the rising. These heretics here say nobody has been
punished, but that tranquillity has been obtained by a general pardon
from the Queen by accord of all parties. However that may be,
these people are sorry it has turned out as it has and the Catholics
pleased, as they think that what has happened there has been
favourable to religion, and that the king of France is not so neutral

* Mary of Lorraine, queen dowager of Scotland, widow of James V.

SPANISH STATE PAPERS.

1559,

as they make him out to be here, and he therefore has not lost
anything in the esteem of the Catholics on thai account. There
has been a great rumour here this week that the Scots would not
agree to the conditions made by this Queen with the king of France
as regards the demolition of the frontier fortresses, and that the
Queen Regent had answered the English Commissioners that as the
English had changed their religion they need not think they were
going to trust them or destroy the frontier fortresses, and the Queen
Regent suspected that the disturbances had been fomented by the
heretics here.

Although I have used all diligence I do not know whether I have
found out the truth. The members of the Council here declare that
in consequence of the tumults having taken place at the time the
Scotch Commissioners were to meet to ratify the peace with the
English the former could not attend, but that they have now advice
that they have met again and peace will be concluded without fail.
They try all they can to make light of the danger, but I have good
reason to know that suspicion existed here, even on the part of the
Queen, and still exists ; that these were merely delays and excuses
to avoid doing what had been promised. They were already
beginning to say in the Council that even if these fortresses were
not demolished peace should still be concluded notwithstanding and
alleging that it was of small importance as soon as the fortification
of Berwick is finished and they despatched a courier to their
ambassador in France on the subject. It is incredible the fear these
people are in of the French on the Scotch border, and if they were
not so confident of the impotence of the French king to make war
upon them for many years to come owing to the many heretics
they say there are in France, who they hope would harass him,
they would certainly give themselves up for lost as they well know
their own weakness, and the many adhei^ents the Frenchman would
have here as the legitimate heir and defender of religion. They
have just begun to carry out the law against the Bishops, and have
in fact deprived the bishop and dean of London, casting them out of
their church, changing the services and doing away with the holy
sacrament, which was done last Sunday the llth instant. It appears
now that they find a difficulty in giving legal form to this depriva-
tion, as the doctors here say the Bishops cannot be deprived for
disobeying this law, whose adoption and promulgation they have
always opposed and resisted, alleging that it cannot be enforced
according to the custom of the realm as it is made in opposition of
the whole ecclesiastical body. They would not take this into
consideration, as they ought to have done, before the Queen con-
firmed the Acts of Parliament, and it is thus clear that what they
are now doing is through fear of disturbance in the country and of
putting weapons in the hands of their enemies. I am assured that
the majority of the Council are not pleased that this religious
question has been carried so far and great division and confusion
reign amongst them. The judges of England, as they are called,
who have come here for the terms have refused to swear and have
gone to their homes as they have not dared to press them about it.
The same thing will happen to many others, and it is thought they

1 n

ELIZABETH. 77

1559.

will not dare to press anyone as they had intended. They say
Bacon has begged the Queen to give the seal to someone else as he
fears to hold it, but notwithstanding all this the Queen and her
partizans are more steadfast than ever, and more determined to
carry out this undertaking. The number and constancy of the
Catholics however frighten them, because they see that they have
not been able to gain over a single man of them either with pro-
mises, threats, or by any other means. They have offered the
archbishop of York all his revenue, and will not administer the oath
to him on condition that he consents to the appointment of heretic
vicar-general, but neither he nor others to whom similar offers have
been made have consented. This confused state of things still exists,
and I do not know how it will be settled as there are difficulties in
depriving them (the bishops) and if they do not deprive them no one
will execute the Queen's command nor change the religion of their
churches as they are Catholic ministers.

The French ambassador has refused to let the subjects of his king
pay the duties newly imposed, but only those which were paid
formerly before the war broke out, nor will he consent that those
who go backward or forward between France and Scotland shall be
called upon to show what money they carry or be searched, or that
they should pay anything for the passport they obtain. These
people here feel these matters keenly, but put up with them all, and
pretend to make light of them, so as not to attract the notice of their
neighbours, and on the other hand they are grieved to hear from
Italy that if it were not for your Majesty the Pope would proceed
against the Queen. It is wonderful how maliciously they stand
aloof from any of your Majesty's affairs, and how they put the worst
construction upon everything that is done for them.'

The emperor's ambassador is very delighted and is in high favour
with the Queen in appearance. She makes her intimates think that
she is favourable to the archduke's affair, and her women all believe
such to be the case, as do the people at large, but there is really no
more in it than there was the first day, and I believe for my part
that she is astutely taking advantage of the general opinion to
reassure somewhat the Catholics who desire the match and to
satisfy others who want to see her married and are scandalised at
her doings.

She has told the ambassador how earnestly your Majesty has
endeavoured to bring about this marriage with the archduke.

She has just given 12,000?. to Lord Robert as an aid towards his
expenses.

The cloistered clergy here (religiosos) have all license to go and
have already begun to depart. They are being given alms for the
purpose in your Majesty's name. There has arrived here from
Geneva a physician Tof Toledo, a great heretic. I do not know what
sort of man he is only that he has come here to live, and was to go
to-day to the palace -to speak with the Queen. He says he has
come to know God. The Flemish heretics are multiplying greatly.
Whole families are coming with women and children, and their own
preachers who are those that principally spread their wickedness.
I do not know whether it would be advisable to take some steps

78 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.

1359.

in Flanders to let them know that they, at all events, are being
looked after. London, 19th June 1559.

25 June. 37. The KINO to BISHOP QUADRA.

The collar of the Golden Fleece worn by Henry VIII. has not
been restored. He is instructed to apply for it and send it with
all care, and if it cannot be obtained to inform the King thereof so
that another collar can be made before the chapter of the order to be
held at Ghent in the beginning of July.

Document endorsed : " To Bishop Quadra from Brussels 25th June
1559."

25 June. 38. The COUNT DE FERIA to the BISHOP OF AQUILA.

Simancas My only consolation is that I see the Queen and her councillors

Add. 26056a. w ^ ^ ^ urne( i ou t an( ^ treated as they deserve and that God will
strike for his own cause. As for us the devil himself may fly away
with us if that is brought about. Brussels, 25th June 1559.

27 June. 39. BISHOP QUADRA to the KING.

On the 14th instant I wrote to your Majesty that Scotch affairs had
somewhat calmed down, and I now hear that they have again become
disturbed. An Englishman called Cuthbert Vaughan* (Coubertra-
ham) has arrived with this news and relates that the Queen Regent
after the first encounter between her people and the heretics, in which
some Frenchmen were killed, was pleased to pacify the country by
giving a general pardon, leaving religious questions to be dealt with
at the next meeting of Parliament. This divided people and
somewhat tranquillised affairs. The Queen Regent afterwards learnt
that the heretic preachers and some of the leaders were assembled
in a certain place in order to take council about their affairs, and as
she considered this a breach of the agreement she determined to
catch them when they were together. She had troops secretly
prepared for the purpose, but the others nevertheless got wind of it
and gathered so many men of their own that the Queen who had
sallied from Edinburgh to fall upon them was obliged to fly back
again for safety. It is said that when she arrived at Edinburgh she
found the castle closed against her, and she was then forced to retreat
towards the English frontier and throw herself into one of the
fortresses that were to be demolished. They say too that the heretics
were either coming against her or would remain before Stirling.
The gentleman says that affairs remained in this state and troops
were expected from France with the Duke D'Aumale. The news
has been received here with great pleasure by the Queen and her
friends and it is publicly said that the Scotch heretics are acting
with the favour and accord of this Queen who has instigated them
and allowed them to receive help. They say it is also with the
countenance of the duke of Chatelherault, who is a great heretic and a
comely young fellow of twenty-two, with whom this Queen might.chink

* Captain Cuthbert Vaughan had been sent back from Berwick by lord Eure for
insubordination of which he had been guilty on former occasions also, but he had friends
at court and was soon allowed to rejoin the forces with a grant of 200/. for his expenses.

ELIZABETH. 79

1559.

of marrying if by any means he were to become king of Scotland, which
they hope, not only because the Queen Dauphiness is suffering from
a certain incurable malady, but also by means of a rising of the people
who conspire against the French and make the question of religion
their pretext. This is quite current here, and the heretics and
adherents of the Queen affirm it publicly. They are making
extraordinary preparations besides ordering the harquebusses and
field pieces lately, as I advised your Majesty some time since, and
they assert that they are to raise 2,000 men as a body guard for the
Queen, but I am not sure of my authority for this. They are also
fitting out certain ships to go in search of the pirates called
Strangways and Wilford, who have made some important captures
from Portuguese merchants in Antwerp.

The news is that in the neighbourhood of Winchester they have
refused to receive the church service book, which is the office which
these heretics have made up, and the clergy of the diocese had
assembled to discuss what they should do. No mass was being said,
whereat the congregations were very disturbed.

Last week they summoned five bishops to the Council and proffered
them the oath with great promises and threats as well, but none of
them would swear and they were ordered yesterday to return to the
house of the sheriff of London whither they brought also the two
bishops from the Tower* and again tried to persuade them to swear,
but they would not. They were greatly in.sv.lted and mocked at,
and at last were ordered not to leave London until after September,
and to go no further away than Westminster under pain of 5QQL
each, and they had to find bail for this amount. The two were
taken back to prison and both they and the others deprived of their
preferments de facto, since by law the doctors are still of opinion
that they cannot be deprived for refusing to swear to the laws of
the country. They themselves (i.e. the doctors) refuse to swear.
They summoned the bishop of Ely with the other five and afterwards
sent to say that he need not come until they sent for him again.
It is said that he is steadfast. Dr. Wotton was summoned by the
Queen the other day and was with her a long time. They say he
took the oath although it has not been made public, and I do not
know for certain. It has been suspected for some time that he
would do so. The displeasure of the people with the Queen is still
increasing, and the causes of it go on the same as ever, especially now
that they are demanding with great rigour the taxes which were to
be payable at the end of July.

On Wednesday she (the Queen) went to Greenwich, where she is
very solitary, as many of them have gone to their estates. She has
ordered Pickering, with whom she had long conversations lately,
to be given lodgings in the palace, and they say she has made him a
member of the Council.

They are as usual caressing the Emperor's ambassador, whereat the
French have been, and are, somewhat jealous, and the German
hearing of it, and that they invited and feasted him for the purpose of
getting something out of him, I advised him to speak to the Queen
about it to see what she would reply. He says that as soon a.s he

* White bishop of Winchester and Watson bishop of Lincoln.

80 SPAtflStf STATE PAPERS.

1559.

began to speak about it the Queen answered that she knew full
well that there were many reasons why the French should be
annoyed at this marriage being discussed, and they were right in
dreading it ; and she informed him that not only had they set spies
about him, and bribed the people of her own chamber to learn what
was being done, but they had actually discussed the matter with
the members of her Council in a most barefaced way, saying that
they were much surprised that the Queen had so soon forgotten the
signal services her subjects had recently rendered her, and that she
would not now condescend to marry one of them. The ambassador
says she was very vexed at this, and again said to him that she would
die a thousand deaths rather than rnarry one of her subjects, but for
all this he does not seem to have got any further than usual with
his master's affair.

Since then the Marquis de Nesle, who is one of the hostages, said
to the ambassador that if they thought this marriage of the archduke
would result in prejudice to their King they could not fail to oppose
it by every means in their power although the forces of the King of
France had little reason to fear those of any other nation, and other
things, with what foundation I know not. They, the hostages, are
doing their best here to make friends and take great care to find out
everything that is going on all over the country. The Queen knows
this well and dissembles with them although she and hers are vexed
enough at it and understand the object with which it is all done.
London, 27th June 1559.

28 June. 40. The BISHOP OF AQUILA to the KING.

Last night I despatched a courier with news of the tumults in
Scotland and afterwards the Emperor's ambassador returned from
audience with the Queen at Greenwich, and he tells me that certain
things passed between them which I think well to send your Majesty
an account of at once. He says that in his business she put him oft
with the usual excuses and delays, and that he understood from her
that she was not really thinking of this marriage, and if she thinks
of any it is that with the duke of Chatelherault, with whom, she told
him, her father wished to betroth her when she was a child, but that
she never liked him, and other things about the business with which
the ambassador thinks she is pleased.

At last she told him that the duke was already out of the hands
of the king of France, and had escaped notwithstanding that the King
had sent his portrait to many of the ports that they might prevent
him from getting away. She said the King thought the Duke was
hidden in England, but she believed he was mistaken, or at least if
the Duke was here she did not know it, but she knew well that he
was lately in a certain kingdom, and thereupon, the ambassador says,
she smiled and looked archly. She afterwards appears to have
repented for saying so much, and begged him earnestly not to
repeat it to anybody,* as she knew the King of France was bursting

* The earl of Arran to whom this referred had not arrived in England at the time
although the Queen and her friends were busy devising means for his safe coming hither.

Kandolph and Killigrew were successively sent to Throgmorton in Paris to plan with
him how best to rescue Arran from the French King who had ordered his capture dead
or alive. The Queen writes to Throgmorton under date of 17th July 1559. "Touching

ELIZABETH. 81

1559.

with rage at this and she did not wish to make him burst any more.
I would not dare to write such a thing as this if I had not received it
from this German, who is a worthy man, and seems to act straight-
forwardly. The public talk is that she (the Queen) will marry this
Duke and will help him to get possession of the kingdom of Scotland,
and all this to subdue the Catholics and spread her sect. She has
heresy so implanted in her very bones that it is certainly to be
feared that the devil may make her his instrument for doing great
evil. If what she now says, that the Duke is in this island, be true
it would be well to devise some remedy and look well ahead. If it
be a joke nothing more can be said than that this woman has not
much sense. Your Majesty will be better able to judge what there
is in it, and I only send news of what occurs here and what can be
gathered from the public talk. The Queen's own manner of speaking,
as related by the ambassador, seems to confirm the vulgar rumour.
London : 1st July 1559.

1 July. 41. The BISHOP OF AQUILA to the KING.

On ihe 27th and 28th ultimo I wrote t > your Majesty. About
three days since Thomas Randolph, brother of the Randolph one of
your Majesty's servants, arrived here from France and at once went
to see the Queen. He told her how the Dauphin had ordered the
arms of England to be emblazoned with his own in many places, and
it was said he would shortly proclaim himself king of England.
Randolph says that after the Queen had heard all about it, she told him
that she would take a husband who would give the king of France
some trouble, and do him more hann than he expected. She gave
him 200 ducats and ordered him to return to I rauce immediately.
He was to leave last night.

I hear that the duke of Chatelherault is in England and very near
London. The day before yesterday Cecil after having been in and

" the carle of Arrayne as their hearers can declare unto you we be desyroose that he
" should be helped from Geneva into this realme or into Scotland and for that purpose our
" meaning shall better appear in the memorial in ciphre sent you." The memorial
contains the following : " The sauff convoying of the earl of Arrayne hithei unto this realme
" or Scotland seemeth here a thing both profitable and needful. The doing of it cannot
" be here prescribed but is referred to your discretion -wherein you shall deserve great
" commendation." " It must be done secretly as well in respect of the Emperor's subjects
" and friends and the King Catholique's iis of the French's." " Ye must needs take chardge
" to appoint one for the expedition of the earl of Arrayn from Geneva.'' Forbes.

The Queen writes to Throgmorton again on the 19th July " Common charity, the
" honour of the partye and our own experience of such lyke calamities moveth us to
" have compassion, and therefore we wold that ye should employ your wisdome how
'' he might be safely councilied to preserve himself from the danger of the Frenche king
" and the Guises. Wherein although there may be many other wayes deviged yet we see
" not presently if he should be forced to depart thence (which we would not without
" evident necessity) than ether persona dissimukta to goo to Geneva and there to
" remain muill tyme shall reveale him furder counsell ; or els to come into our ile of
' Jersaye, and so to I'limmouth or Hampton and so to pass into Scotland." Forbes.
Killigrow arrived in Paris on the 22nd July but Throgniorton had already sent Randolph
to ( hatelherault to convey the Earl, disguised, in all haste to Geneva or Zurich. They
travelled as merchants and visited Peter Martyr at Zurich and started from Lausanne for
England on the 6th July, Arran travelling under the assumed name of M do licaufort,
and in a letter from Sir Kalph Sadlf-r to Cecil dated 10th September 15.VJ (_Saiilor |>:IJHTS)
the writer says "He was safely delivered in Terydale into occ of his friend s hum!* ilmt
" undertoke to convey him survlye and secretlye to his father, mid \\eh;nci:ow tvrtaiti
" advertisement that he is safely in Hamilton Custell with his father."
a 66529. F

82 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.

1559.

out several times with advices for the Queen left Greenwich suddenly
with only two servants. I have been unable to find out whither he
has gone although I have tried to do so in several ways but the
accounts all differ. I am sure he has gone to speak with the Duke,
and we shall soon have news of this marriage, for it is not to be
believed that they would have received the Duke at such a time as
tliis and endanger their friendship with the French unless the thing
were settled, and he was to be something more than a guest.

The person who says the Duke is here is John Alee, a connection
of the Queen, who is leaving for Italy tomorrow, that he may not
see what is going on here. He is ordered by the Queen to visit the
duchess of Lorraine on his way and tell her that if she will come
to England the Queen will be glad to receive her and will be grateful
for the visit. I have not been able to discover whether the invitation
is sent out of friendship or for some private business, but I get my
information from John Alee himself.

They say that the Queen has news of religious disturbances in the
North Country where they refuse to receive the new church service.
I know for certain that in the diocese of Winchester they have not
received it and will not take the oath, and that all is in confusion.
They dare not press them. There is no news from Scotland, as they
say there is a prohibition against writing or travelling into England.

These people are hurrying on the collection of money and are
pressing for anticipated payments if only for a mouth before they
are due, a sure sign thai they think they may want money before
long.

The French ambassador is anxious. He has sent a gentleman to
France as well as two or three couriers in the last few days, and he
sends people to me to learn what is going on here and to know
what your Majesty thinks of -this Queen. He is surprisd that she
has not sent an ambassador to your Majesty's court, and he announces
the great severity of his King against the heretics. He even says
that his King wants to burn all Geneva to gain the goodwill of the
Catholics.

They have taken the bishop of Lincoln out of the Tower as he
was very ill. London, 1st July 1559.

7 July. 42. COUNT DE FERIA to the BISHOP OF AQUILA.

His Majesty is about to leave, and promises before his departure
next Wednesday to decide your Lordship's affairs. I will also
endeavour to get him to resolve what is to be done with those
people (the English). It is only with great trouble that he can be
got to decide anything. I believe that a more wretched life is
before the Queen than she wots of. I am only sorry that it is not
we who are to give her the purge, but those scoundrels shall pay
for it. Brussels, 7th July 1559.

9 July. 43. The KING to the BISHOP OF AQUILA.

All your letters to 28th ultimo and 1st instant received. I thank
you for informing me so minutely of all that occurs, and desire you
to continue to do so. I have not replied owing to my being greatly

ELIZABETH. 83

1559.

occupied, and I now very briefly touch upon the various points in
your letters, particularly about the Bishops, as they must be kept in
mind since they are steadfast. Respecting the marriage of the
Queen with the Archduke there is nothing more to add, as you will
have heard from Martin de Anda that the Emperor wishes to send
a resident ambassador, even although nothing else may come of it.
You will try to keep up the negotiations as you have been in-
structed, and will let me know what else you learn about the
duke of Chatelherault. Respecting religion, which is the principle
thing of all I note what you say, and I greatly regret that the
danger becomes daily greater, and that the Queen's affairs are in
so bad a state that grave risk is caused both by the way justice
is administered and by the conduct of religious matters the
Catholics in the country being so numerous. Considering all this,
and seeing of how little avail have been our kindness and com-
pliments to the Queen, the favours she knows she has received
from us, the demonstrations of love and friendship we have made
to her, and the good offices of the Count de Feria in frequently
pointing out to her in our name the evil course she was pursuing,
which would lead her and her country to ruin, we have decided
to approach her in a more pressing fashion than hitherto. Don
Juan de Ayala is going over to fetch the Countess de Feria,* and
the pressure, we think, will have more effect from him coming,
as he does straight from here, than if it were brought to bear
through you alone who are resident there, and I therefore write
a very short letter to the Queen accrediting him, and have ordered
him to be instructed to go and see her with you and tell her
that she well knows the love and goodwill I have always borne
her and have proved whenever opportunity has offered, and, in
virtue of this, 1 cannot refrain from telling her clearly that her
affairs, from what can be heard on all hands, are in a very bad
and dangerous way, and the changes she has made are rendering
the maintenance of her royal power extremely doubtful. I therefore
beg her to consider the matter deeply, and, not only for her own
sake do I ask her to do this, but also because I must say that the
danger which will arise to me from her proceedings, if she do not
change her ways very shortly, will force me to take counsel as to
my action to avoid harm to my own dominions which will certainly
be damaged without any advantage to her. This, in substance, is
what I wish him to say to her, and he is to communicate it to
you before he does so. As I have said, you will go together and
I shall be glad for you to aid and forward him all you can in
order that the Queen may hear him at a fitting season and be
told with due calmness and courtesy, without any appearance of
roughness or threat, that if she wants to go to ruin herself and
refuses to change her ways and look to her kingdom and her
safety we must take our own course to avoid falling into the same

* The Countess remained in Durham Place from the departure of her husband until
the arrival here of his kinsman, Don Juan dc Ayala. to convey her to Flanders, and did
not return with the latter to England on his mission to the Queen, as Mr. Rawdon Brown
supposes in his note to a letter on the subject, in Vol. 7. Calendar of State Papers
(Venetian).

F 2

84 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.

1559.

trouble. You will inform me of what she says an<l how she takes
it without waiting for Don Juan de Ayala's return, as I desire to
know at once. As I have to send you another letter replying to
the other matte- s mentioned by you, and to tell you what decision
has been arrived at in your own affairs, I only now say in this
that I have ordered to be enclosed herewith an advice I have
recently received from France, by which you will see the demon-
stration the Most Christian King is making against the heretics.
This for your information and to be made line of when you see
an opportunity. 9th July 1559.

Document endorsed : " England. To the bishop of Aquila from
Ghent, 9th July 1559, by Don Juan de Ayala" from the King.

9 July. 44. COUNT DE FKRIA to the BISHOP OF AQUILA.

Gamboa* arrived here on the 6th and brought me your letter.
Whatever we may do or say we can get no further than the
instructions given to Don Juan de Ayala, which will have as little
effect as what has been done before. About your Lordship's affairs
we have had the King in labour for a month but have not managed
to deliver him yet. He promised us yesterday that he would
despatch the matter at once. I do not tail to put before him all
the urgency and necessity for decision, but I find no more movement
in other things than in this. I think surely, however, the decision
will go by the next opportunity or at least a grant in aid. The
king of Fiance is in no danger and with hope that his eye may be
saved. I sliould not be glad of his death, as it would, I think, be
injurious to religious matters in every respect, f His Majesty is
certain to approve about Guido Cavalcauti, and I will be his friend
if he acts properly.

The bearer will tell you the news better than I can write them.
Ghent, 9th July 15.>9.

12 July. 45. The BISHOP OF AQUILA to the KING.

On the 6th instant I received your Majesty's letter of 26th ultimo
ordering me to recorer the collar of the Golden Fleece worn by King
Henry and send it to Ghent. The letters were delayed and these
people lucre some time making up their mind to give me the collar
which I have consequently not been able to send until now. They
have also given me a cloak which I send with it.

I have since received another letter from your Majesty, dated
9th instant instructing m.e what to do ^vhen Don Juan de Ayala
arrives, which instructions shall be earned out unless in view of the
death of the king of France (of which the Queen received news to-night)
Don Juan should think well to suspend action until receiving fresh
orders from your Majesty. The joy of the Queen was very great,
and she at once sent the news to the Emperor's ambassador.

I conversed yesterday with some of the Frenchmen here, and
tliey confess that the Scotch affair is lost. They have news that the
Queen Regent is in a corner awaiting succour, that they have

* The courier

f Henry II. of France leceived a fatal thrust in the eye from Montgomery, colonel of
the ^cots Guards, at a tournament in celebration of the peace of Chateau Cambresis,
30th June 1559.

ELIZABETH. 85

1559.

attacked and taken the town of tit. John (Perth) and that the whole
county is up. The question its not religion but rebellion, and, the
King being dead, the remedy is difficult, faMtcatatiy as things here
religious and otherwise will get muvh ivorse if they are allowed
to have their way. I cannot help telling your Majesty hoiv greatly
many of the godly here and persons well versed in piMic affairs
are astonished to see that this Queen is allowed to proceed with her
designs to the manifest peril to tJte faith and the neighbouring
kingdoms. In six months she f MS revived heresy and encourages it
everywhere to such an extent that it is recovering furiously all
tJi,e credit it had lost for years past. I icell know that this question
will be duly considered in your Majesty's council, and I only vent lire
to say what I do in order that your Majesty may know the. opinion
of the people here. At one time they expected the remedy from your
Majesty's hand, but dad recently turned towards the king of France
for it. Now that he fails them it seems that all must fall on your
Majesty's shoulders again, although at the same time, his (leatn
greatly facilitates redress as no other parties exist now in the country
but Catholics and heretics, and no dependence will be placed on the
new king of France for the present, your Majesty being now the
only hope of the godly and dread of the wicked if the latter are not
allmced time to meet and weaken the Catholic party. I frray your
Majesty to pardon this digression, but as I have heard these views
so often and from so many people, I have jn-csumed to set them forth,
for if I failed to do so I fear J should, be wanting in my duty to
your Majesty. I hare been unable to learn anything more of the
duke of Chatelherault, Imt the jmimey* Cecil sometimes makes,
wither no one knows, only that he does not go where he announces,
make me suspect, that the Duke cannot be far off, and I should not be
surprised if he were in Dover castle where the governor is a brother-
in-law* of that Randolph who I believe came with him hither. I
have not dared to enquire too closely so as to avoid arousing the
Queen's suspicion, which would not be perhaps convenient. There
is nothing new in the Emperor's business. His Majesty wrote a very
good letter to the Queen expressing his satisfaction at her resolve
about the marriage, and again offering his services, saying that for
other affairs he desired to have an ambass((dor here, and in the
meanwhile the present one sJtould remain. She was pleased at this,
Intt gave her usual answer about the marriage.

They deprived the archbishop of York and the bishop of Ely last
Friday. He of Ely had words with Bacon and told him that if the
Queen continued as she had begun to be ruled by those about her,
both she and her kingdoni irould be ruined.

A battle has been /might bcttcecn the earl of Desmond and the
earl of Clanrikarde (Clikharn) in Ireland trith much daughter,
and Clanrikarde taken prisoner. London, 12th July 1559.

] 2 July. 46. The BISHOP OF AQUILA to the KING.

Smiancas, J {Un assured that the Queen understood the king of France was

Add. 26056a. intriguing against the country, and intended to deprive her of it,

and I had an idea that the bishop of Eiy was concerned in this from

* Sir James Crofts.

86 SPANISH STATE PAPEKS.

1559.

certain indications. Nothing, however, is certain here, and Paget is
suspected ; he will get into trouble if it be true. The death of the
King they think puts them out of apprehension, and in order not to
cause a disturbance they have refrained from proceeding in the
matter till they know that your Majesty is in Spain. They are
always afraid that the Catholics here may obtain help. The idea is
that in September proceedings will be taken against many people.

I understand that the bishop of Llandaff,* who is a greedy old
man with but little learning, is wavering, and it is feared he may
take the oath, as he is wearing a bishop's garb again lately. I had
news of this and sent to visit him and console him as well as 1 could,
but he has given way notwithstanding. The rest of them are firm,
each in the place appointed for him, and they hope more than ever
in your Majesty. London, 12th July 1559.

47. The SAME to the SAME.

Some days ago there arrived here in a lay habit a friar of
Mercy who calls himself Rodrigo Guerrero. He came to me and
wanted to make me believe that he came from Spain, and other
things w r hich I saw were false, and as I thought him a suspicious
man I dismissed him and had him watched to see what he would do.
I heard that he went to the palace and often spoke to Cecil, and I
endeavoured to reassure him and get him to come and speak to me
again, which he did yesterday, and told me who he was, and how
being discontented with many things (which as I consider them
false and irrelevant I do not repeat) he had come here to join the
heretics, although he says that in his conscience he is not one, but
must become so for his livelihood, as they will give him a pro-
fessorship at Oxford where he can earn his living. I treated him
kindly and brought him here, and he says^that if your Majesty will
order a warrant to be given to him so that neither the General
nor Provincial of his order, who are his enemies, shall punish him
or know of his doings, and you will grant him a perpetual pension
either in Barcelona, Granada, or Valladolid, he will go to Spain as
your Majesty has ordered. I have promised 'him, to inform your
Majesty and would endeavour to induce your Majesty to listen to
his petition, and avoid his taking so bad a step as to become a
heretic. He was content with this and is somewhat reassured. I
do not know, but I take him to be a man of poor understanding.
In any case I do not wish him to remain *here, as he would form a
school of Spaniards at Oxford, and would attract thither all the
good-for-nothings of your Majesty's dominions to the great disservice
of God and your Majesty, and I therefore beg for instructions.
London, 12th July 1559.

Note in the handwriting of Philip II. :

Reply at once to the Bishop that he is to promise everything to this
friar Rodrigo Guerrero, and if he wants a warrant that he shall
have a very complete one. Ask him whether he would like to go
over in ray fleet and a passage shall be given him, and if not he

* Kitchin.

ELIZABETH. 87

1559.

shall have every favour lie now requests as soon as he arrives in
Spain. In short, write in such a manner that he shall be induced
to go to Spain, and for the Bishop to be able to show him the letter
if be thinks fit.

13 July. 48. The BISHOP OF AQUILA to the KING.

Don Juan de Ayala arrived here yesterday, and hearing of the
death of the king of France he thinks well to await your Majesty's
orders before fulfilling his commission to the Queen, and he writes
to this effect to your Majesty. This courier is being despatched by
the Emperor's ambassador to advise his master that the Queen has
given him notice that the duke of Wittemburg was in league witli
the French and had received money from the King in order to
obstruct the Emperor if he had commenced war to recover the
lands of the Empire which he claims. The Emperor is advised not
to trust the said Duke or send him as ambassador to France.

The Queen is sending Thomas Challoner as ambassador to your
Majesty. He leaves soon. London, 13th July 1559.

17 July ? 49. The KING to the BISHOP OF AQUILA.

I reply in a separate letter about Friar Rodrigo Guerrero written
purposely that you may show it to him if desirable, and by means
of it persuade him, in any case, to leave there and go to Spain and
BO avoid the inconvenience you point out of his settling in England.
The less sense he displayed in his discourse the more necessary is it
that he should be got away, and you will use all and every means
in your power to persuade him to go ; and especially to take passage
in the fleet. If you cannot induce him to do this you must try at
all events to get him to Spain, and if he will not go without the
documents he asks for let me know and I will send them to you for
him. Do not let him stay on that account, and pray use the utmost
zeal and diligence, as your prudence and experience will show you
are necessary in this case.

It will be well also if you will draw up a statement of all that
has passed in conversation with him in the fullest detail, and
particularly what he may have said about the reasons why he went
to England and what his intention was. Send it to me separately
and let all letters on the subject be sent apart from other business,
as shall be mine in reply, the quality of this affair Ireing such as to
make this needful. Without date.

17 July. 5O. The KING to the BISHOP OF AQUILA.

I note what you tell me about Friar Rodrigo Guerrero, of all of
which I approve, and I am very glad to hear that he has signified
his wish to go to Spain, as we have ordered, and will reside in
Barcelona, Valladolid or Granada on his being granted an income for
life and a license, so that neither the General nor Provincial of his
order may punish him or know of his actions. You have done well
in telling me of his need, and I shall be glad for him to go to Spain as
a sensible and religious man such as he ought to do, and I will do all he

8S SPANISH STATE PAPERS.

1559.

asks of me, both as regards the General and Provincial, who shall not
proceed against him or know of his life, and also as to giving him an
honest and sufficient income in Castile or Andalucia in any part he
may choose, and you may promise and assure him in my name to
this effect, and urge him to come and embark in my fleet which is
now ready to accompany me to Spain, where a passage shall be given
him and all requisite for the voyage. If he wishes for a private
order of my own to free him from his enemies and provide him with
a livelihood and you advise me thereof, it shall be given to him as
soon as he arrives here, or it can be *ent to you at once. My
departure being, please God, in August, get him to start at once.
The sooner the better. Ghent, 17th July 1559.

1 8 July 51. The COUNT I>E FERTA to the BISHOP OF AQUILA.

Yours of 12th instant received. Although I know his Majesty
has ordered the carrying out of what was agreed upon, I have not
seen the despatch, and I am now going to the palace to see it and
to find out whether any good is being done in your Lordship's
private affairs. Do not be astonished or angry at anything you
may see until we have tired the King out as he expects to be
tired out before he does anything, great or small. It is no good
saying any more about the voyage to Spain, for if the world
itself were to crumble there would be no change in that. T wish
my wife to come as soon as possible without seeing the Queen. I
cannot speak of other English affairs and do not want even to
think of them seeing the way his Majesty is treating them. Ghent,
18th July 1559.

18 July. 52. The KINO to the BISHOP OF AQUILA.

Yours of 12th and 13th instant received. You have do^ie well in
advising me of events in England. You will learn by a letter
enclosed of the death of the king of France, which news will arrive
late, a.s you will have heard of it already, but I send it that you
may be kept well posted in all that happens.

I thank you for the points you set forth on English affairs, and
am carefully considering them in order to adopt the best course
under all circumstances. I am not without anxiety about them.

Respecting the question asked by you and Don Juan de Ayala as
to whether he should carry out the commission we gave him to the
Queen now that the king of France is dead, we have deeply considered
and have decided that it is now more necessary than ever, and that
the death of the King, far from being an obstacle, is an excellent
opportunity for fulfilling the instructions we gave to Don Juan, as is
also the accession of the new King,* who, as you know, has claims
to the English throne through his wife. This should make the
Queen and her friends more suspicious if they look at it as they
ought, and I have consequently ordered the present courier to be
sent back to you at once, with instructions to you to go with
Don Juan, as soon as you receive this, and perform the duty set
forth in our letter, you giving him such assistance as may be

Francis II., husband of Mary queen of Scots.

ELIZABETH. 89

1559.

necessity. I send with this the same orders to him, which please
hand to him, and let them be carried out at once, giving me full
particulars of how the Queen takes it, which it is necessary I should
know.

The news about the duke of Wittemburg which the Emperor's
ambassador writes to his master does not seem to have much
foundation yet, but you do well to inform me of eveiything. You
will do the same about Scotch affairs, and will try to obtain
trustworthy information.

I have not been able to decide about your affairs, but will do so
soon. In the meanwhile I have ordered 1,000 crowns to be sent
you. Perhaps they will go by this opportunity, and if not then by
the next, so as not to detain this man, as it is most important that
the commission of Don Juan should be carried out at once. Ghent,
18th July 1559.

27 July. 53. The BISHOP OK AQUILA to the KINO.

Simancas, I have lost all hope in the affairs of this woman. She is convinced
Add <>6 O56a ^ ^ e soundness of her unstable power, and will only see her error
when she is irretrievably lost. In religious matters she has been
saturated ever since she was Ixirn in a bitter hatred to our faith,
and her one object is to destroy it. If your Majesty were to give
her life and all in it, as you did once before, she would never be
more friendly than she is now, and she would, if she had the
power, sow heresy broadcast in all your Majesty's dominions
to-da}', and set them ablaze without compunction. Besides this,
her language (learnt from Italian heretic friars who brought her up)
is so shifty that it is the most difficult thing in the world to
negotiate with her. With her all is falsehood and vanity.

13 July
(August?). 54, The SAMK to the SAME.

The last letters I wrote to your Majesty are dated 27th ultimo,
and since then Don Juan de Ayala will have arrived .md informed
your Majesty of the state of affairs here They are now carrying
out the law of Parliament respecting religion with great rigour,
and have appointed six visitors who examine all persons to whom
the law decrees that the oath has to be administered, and they
proceed against those who disobey. They have just taken away
the crosses, images, and altars, from St. Paul's and all the other
London churches, but encounter resistance as usual in the matter of
the oath. In all else they do as they please, but it is thought that
outside London they will not have it all their own way. They have
deprived the bishops of St. David's and Exeter this week, and the
bishop of Durham, a very aged and learned man, came up from his
diocese solely to tell the Queen what he thought about these affairs.
He showed her documents in the handwriting of king Henry against
the heresies now received, and especially as regards the sacraments,
and begged her, at least, to respect the will of her father if she did
not conform to the decrees of the church ; but it was all of no avail,
and they only laugh at him as he might with better reason laugh at

90 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.

1559.

them. They tell me that this Bishop will remain steadfast, and his
opinion has much influence and weight in his diocese.

The new Bishops complain because they do not give them the
enjoyment and revenues of their sees, and are constantly running
after Cecil and altering their charges.

This Scotsman* is still in hiding. They say publicly that he is
here and that he has lately been in the Queen's house. This cannot
be ascertained, but it is generally believed, and that he will marry
the Queen. I am told that the matter has been discussed in the
Council, and that they all agree that she should marry the Scotsman
rather than the Archduke in the hope of the former becoming king
of Scotland. Some of them are in favour of waiting until he is
really King, and his country is tranquil, whilst others say that as
the malady of the Queen of Scotland is mortal, there is no necessity
to wait, but that the marriage should take place at once, and he be
helped to take possession of the kingdom. It seems the latter
opinion is held by the Queen, who they say has secretly sent money
to Scotland, and has her ships kept ready to prevent the French
from sending troops to that country, although she says herself that
she is sure the king of France cannot send an army to Scotland at
present, and so say certain Scotsmen recently arrived from France.
I believe that if she could raise a revolt about religion in France like
that in Scotland, neither fear nor conscience would prevent her
from attempting it, and the same thing may be said of Flanders, for
I am quite astounded to see the flocks of heretics who come hither
to the city and are well received and their constant sermons and
meetings.

The Queen Regent of Scotland is trying to pacify the heretics
there, and the latter say they have arranged in accordance with th!
statement sent for your Majesty's information ; but the document
comes from Cecil's house, and I do not believe it. On the contrary,
I hear by other means that the terms are not so hard on the French
as is said here, and that the heretics have given hostages to the
Queen so that she may go to Edinburgh and rule the kingdom,
leaving them in their heresy. Here, however, they publish it in the
other way, as these people lose no opportunity of terrifying the
Catholic party. I hear on very good authority that the Queen is
quite sure that your Majesty will not fail to persist in your
friendship and defence of her kingdom for the sake of your own
interest, and this opinion of hers is shared by all of them, and is the
main foundation of all their deliberations and decisions.

Some Florentines who reside in Lyons, France, have recently
arrived here, it is said, with a sum of money, but I have not been
able to confirm this, although it may well be true, as I know the
French ambassador is promising pensions to some Catholics and
heretics here.

The Queen is beginning to collect the grants that have been-
voted. They say the amount wilt not reach 4-00,000 ducats in all.
What they have had hitherto have been the church revenues and
some of their properties which they are selling.

* Tfae carl of A*u,

ELIZABETH.

1559.

These Irishmen have been speaking to me again and they i?ay, in
substance, that in order that your Majesty may be the better
informed about their proposal, they beg you to send a person
expressly to treat with those from whom they come, and they
undertake that one of their number shall accompany him disguised
as a merchant. They say he can go direct from Ireland to Spain
afterwards, and give an account of affairs to your Majesty, and you
can then resolve. They assure me that perfect union and harmony
will exist about it in Ireland, and they believe that the earl of
Ormond himself will fall in with it as he is very indignant and
dissatisfied with this Queen. I am convinced that these men are
not trying to deceive me, but nevertheless I have always answered
them evasively until I know your Majesty's pleasure.

A servant of the Marquis de Nesle, who is one of the French
hostages here, killed an Englishman the other day, and he and the
other Frenchmen have been in great straits as the townspeople took
up arms against them and are pressing them closely.

The king of Sweden's ambassadors who have arrived are being
treated by the Queen in a manner thnt does away with any doubt
about her marrying their master, for they are being made fun of in
masques in their own presence. London, 13th July (August?)
1559.

August. 55. The BISHOP OF AQUILA to the EMPEROR.

Baron Preyner will have informed your Majesty that the affairs
f ^ n i s country are in a very bad way, as the Queen has thought to
weaken the French by dragging them into a war in Scotland and
fomenting religious discord in that country and even in the State
itself. She favours the duke of Chatelherault with whom she
thought of marrying, and it is difficult to see now how she can
prevent her own house catching tire. I have no doubt the king of
France will very soon be able to dispose of this country with the
same troops that he will send to subdue Scotland. He is at present
submitting to any conditions for the purpose of separating these
people from their alliance with the Scotch rebels, and then, after he
has punished the latter, he will turn his army into this country.

This danger is enough to decide the Queen to marry the Archduke,
which would rescue her and give the country peace and strength,
but her religioiis feeling runs so high that she and her Councillors
will never dare to trust his Highness. They think it would be taken
as a sign that they had some secret understanding with my King
both in religion and in other matters. In addition to this they are
so taken up with the idea of their power and strength that it is
impossible to open their eyes although their feebleness is notorious,
and they have neither money nor fortresses in the country, they are
divided amongst themselves and have a wilful woman fora monarch.

My King has had all this clearly pointed out to them, but to no
purpose, notwithstanding that all the country is crying out that
salvation can only come from a marriage with the Archduke.
Perhaps time and the pressure of danger may bring the Queen to
consent to it, and if it do not then we shall not have lost much by
having patience and waiting six months. London, August 1559.

Add. 2fi 056fl.

92 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.

1559.

18 Aug. 56. The BISHOP OF AQUILA to the KING.

Since writing on the 14th instant I hear that the Queen has pent
all along the coast as far as Cornwall ordering men to be mustered
and those who have charge in time of war to be prepared in various
places as cu-tomary. They s iy it is done that, in case your Majesty
by stress of weather should be obliged to land on her coast, all
honour should be done to you, and in order that I may believe this
they have sent people to tell me so in the course of conversation.
Many believe these men are being mustered out of fear of jour Majesty,
and to have them ready to embark if necessary in the ships that
are ready, to the number they say of 35 good vessels. The principal
reason, however, is to help in the Scotch business and prevent the
passag' 1 of the French thither which will be necessary if it be true
that the i'rench are already embarking troops. There is great
excitement in London, and they say that the French refused
admittance into Calais to an English ship although they admitted
the passengers who were Flemings and others.

I received the other day a letter from your Majesty ordering me
to ask the Queen for the restitution of a ship which certain English-
men had stolen from some Portuguese and Flemings with her cargo
of sugar.

With this letter was enclosed one for the Queen herself. I heard
that the man who made this capture was one Strangway s who has
become a pirate, and consequently it is needless to ask for restitution
as he is not under the Queen's control. I therefore decided only to
speak of the safety of navigation and the punishment of pirates and
others nnd to keep the letter for a better opportunity. The Queen
told me that she had sent out six ships in search of the pirate in
question, and if it cost her ten thousand pounds she would get hold
of him and have him executed, as he had been captured on previous
occasions but had been pardoned through the bought favour of her
sister's chamber-women and upon this she enlarged considerably. The
truth is that the Admiral and his companions having heard that this
man had made captures to the extent of fifty or sixty thousand
ducats the}' at once sent to take him, not for the sake of catching
him but to enrich themselves with the booty as they have done.
He was captured on the coast of France and the Admiral has taken
part of the plunder and divided the rest as he thought best, and
they are selling the goods publicly in London ; the Admiral mean-
while interceding for the thief as he says he wants sailors for the
war. I, being informed of all this, at the solicitation of these
merchants decided to send your Majesty's letter to the Queen and
not to go myself as I had already spoken about the subject to her.
Bv another letter I recommended the a Hair to Cecil, who answers
me that he has not been able to hand your Majesty's letter to the
Queen as she is indisposed. The man who took my letters says
that as soon he gave them to him the latter said he would take the
letter to the Queen and try to get it attended to at once, without
saying anything about her being indisposed, and then after being inside
with her for two hours, the Council were summoned, and this answer
was sent me. I have thought best to send to your Majesty copies

ELIZABETH. 93

1559.

of all the letters in order th;it you may see how these people proceed
and in what fashion. Cecil told the petitioner that the Queen had
spent so much money in sending after this pirate that what they
found in his ship would not cover the cost incurred. In his answer
to me he says nothing about restitution nor is it to be expected from
them, and I have therefore thought fit to advise your Majesty fully
so that if your Majesty pleases you may provide some redress to
these poor merchants. It is really pitable to see how cruelly they
are treated here.

A servant of the ambassador Throgmorton has been arrested in
Paris, and they are keeping him where he cannot be spoken to, and
great complaints have been made about it. I think that Throgmorton
is doing ill service to the king of France under the pretext of
religious arf'airs, and I have heard the same opinion from French
heretics here.

I have no doubt also that he knew all about the going of the
duke of Chatelherault or earl of Arran (for he is called by either
name) about whom no more is known except that he is here.

The earl of Bedford came here three days ago to tell the ambassador
that the affair of the Archduke's marriage was in a very good way
and he expected it would be settled, and he afterwards said what
I have written above, namely, that the Queen has sent many
gentlemen to the coast in order that your Majesty might be received
in safety and honour if by chance you landed on her shores. My own
belief is that he really only came to say this, and the talk about the
marriage was merely an excuse for coming. What he says about it
is nonsense.

The said earl of Bedford sent Guido Cavalcanti here to tell me
the same thing as if of his own accord two days before, and after-
wards a brother of Cobham repeated it to me. As I see they are
trying to convince me that these preparations are compliments and
friendship I think well to inform your Majesty so that you may
know of them, whatever they may be.

The Swedish ambassadors are leaving much aggrieved and offended,
as I believe it was brought to their notice that they were being
made fun of in the palace, and by the Queen more than by anybody.
I do not think it matters much whether they depart pleased or
displeased.

Some Flemings in business here have asked for my help to
obtain exemption from the payment of the taxes pnid to the Queen
by agreement and ancient custom. I have done so, but have asked
for a list of them to see whether there was any heretic amongst
them, and if so to take the opportunity of speaking to him, and at the
same time to advise the others that they will be taken care of. Those
who have obtained exemption are all Catholics oud have promised
that if any one of them is known to go to a heretic sermon they will
Undergo any penalty. I have learnt that the principal preacher they
(i.e. the heretics) have is a Zealander who was a canon in his own
country, a young and unlearned man. The bishop of Ely has sent
to say that he has asked for leave to come and see me sometimes,

94 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.

1559.

but they have refused him.* It is certain that they all stand more
aloof from me than from the French. I think they are vexed at
losing their pensions and this, together with our different views
in religion, causes genuine enmity, although I have always avoided
opportunities when offence might be shown to me to the detriment
of your Majesty's service.

These Irishmen still solicit me. They say that the earl of
Clanrikarde, who was routed by the earl of Desmond, and not
captured as they said here, has already been reconciled to Desmond
by means of some of the Bishops and will be of the same opinion
as the rest in the proposed business. The earl of Sussex goes thither
soon and has ordered Parliament to be convoked on Michaelmas
Day when the change of religion is to be proposed. London, 18th
August 1559.

22 Aug. 57. The KING to the BISHOP OF AQUILA.

I have ordered the claims of the Flemish merchants against the
English for merchandize taken from them to be looked into, but no
decision could be arrived at prior to my departure, and I have
therefore commanded that the matter should again be carefully
discussed and considered ; but I think that before any step is taken
it will be advisable to address the Queen again on the subject as you
will learn in detail from the letter of the Duchessf my sister, whom
I leave as governess of these States. I command and desire you to
fulfil the orders she may send you on the subject with the same zeal,
goodwill and care as if I wrote myself, and to take whatever steps
may be fitting, and she may dictate with the Queen and Council in
the forwarding of this business, which, as it closely touches the
interests of my Flemish subjects, I shall be glad for you to urge in
accord with the Duchess in the same manner as if I were here.
Flushing, 22nd August 1559.

23 Aug. 68. The BISHOP OF AQUILA to the KING.

Friar Rodrigo Guerrero has heard from me your Majesty's gracious
promise and will go and kiss your Majesty's hand, trusting in your
promise and not venturing to place any further conditions on your
Majesty's goodness. I am sure, moreover, that he will have nothing
to fear, as he sees your Majesty wishes to reward him for the services
of himself and his forbears. London, 23rd August 1559.

59. The KING to the BISHOP OF AQUILA.

Having been absent from my Spanish dominions for so many
years, during which time my lord the Emperor has died, we have
decided to return to them, moved thereto by their need for our
presence, and by our desire to repay their great love and fidelity
towards us, and we have therefore this day embarked on the fleet

* Thomai Thirlby.

f Margaret of Austria, natural daughter of the Emperor Charles V. and Joan Van der
Ghecnst. She was married to Ottavio Farnese, grandson of Pope Paul III., and brought
him M her dowry the duchies of Parma and Placentia.

ELIZABETH. 95

1559.

which we had ordered to be mustered for the purpose and with fair
weather are now about to set sail on our voyage with the help of
God. I thus advise you so that you may know where to write to me
in future which you will do in the same manner as hitherto giving
me full details of all that happens. You will use the private cipher
which you have for secret communications or else the general cipher
which I enclose. Advise the Queen of my departure and assure her
that wherever I may be I will look to her interests and try to please
her in all things.

As I leave my sister the Duchess, Madam Margaret, Governess of
these States, you will keep her well informed of all things touching
my interests in English affairs. You will perceive how important it
is that she should know from day to day what happens, and she will
take care to answer and instruct you.

Francisco de Vargas to go as Ambassador to the Emperor, with
whom good relations and correspondence are to be kept up, as also
with Senor de Xansone (Chantonnay ?) Ambassador to i ranee.
Without date.

7 Sept. 60. The BISHOP OF AQUILA to the DUCHESS OF PARMA.

Simaueas, The Emperor's Ambassador and I having been advised by one of
Add 26056a ^ ne l aa "ics f the palace, a sister of Lord Robert, called Lady Sidney,
that this was the best time to speak to the Queen about the Arch-
duke, the Ambassador went to Hampton Court where the Queen is
living to see her on the subject. The lady would not speak herself,
but urged that I should go, and said if I broached the matter of the
match to the Queen now she was sure it would be speedily settled.
I tried to discover what this might mean, and find that the Queen is
much alarmed at a plot which they have told her of against her and
Robert, the object of which was to kill him at a banquet given
recently to the Queen by the earl of Arundel, where also the Queen
was to be poisoned. This plot together with the French war
preparations lor Scotland, seems to have decided the Queen to inarry,
and Lady Sidney said that at all events I ought to be there and
must not mind what the Queen said, as it is the custom of ladies
here not to give their consent in such matters until they are teased
into it. She said it would only take a few days, and the Council
would press her to inarry. Lady Sidney said that if this were not
true, I might be sure she would not say such a thing as it might
cost her her life and she was acting now with the Queen's consent,
but she (the Queen) would not speak to the Emperor's Ambassador
about it. We were rather undecided what course to take for the
moment, but they are now making so much of us that all London
looks upon the affair as settled.

Lady Sidney said the Queen wished the Archduke to come at
once, and I ought to write to the Emperor to send him, which he
could do on her honour and word, and she (Lady Sidney) would
never dare to say such a thing as she did in the presence of an
Italian gentleman who was interpreting between us (although we
can understand each other in Italian without him) unless it were
true.

SPANISH STATE PAPERS.

1559.

I said I was not quite sure what T ought to do, but I had no
doubt the Archduke would come if his father allowed him and I
would write at once.

I afterwards spoke to Lord Robert, who said in this as in all things
he was at the disposal of my King to whom he owed his life.
Treasurer Parry also spoke to me on the subject of his own
accord, and from him I gathered that the Queen is driven to this by
fear, and when I said what a pity it was that the Queen was so
irresolute, he said when next I went to the palace he hoped to give
me good news.

1 spoke to him about Lady Sidney, and he said the Queen had
summoned both of them the night before, and at the end of our
conversation he said that the marriage had now become necessary.
London, 7th September 1559.

7 Sept. 61. BISHOP QUADRA to the BISHOP OF ARRAS (?)

I fear the evil is worse than I thought, and this woman is in
g rea *' trouble, although the revelations of this lady (Lady Sidney)
about the plot amply account for it and drive her to a resolution,
bearing in mind the French preparations in Scotland. I am told
there are 3,000 French troops there, although the ambassador assures
me there are not more than 1,200. This number, however, so to
speak inside their own doors, is quite enough to spoil their sleep.

Lord Robert and his sister are certainly acting splendidly, and
the King will have to reward them well, better than he does me,
and your Lordship must remind him of it in due time. The
question of religion is of the most vital importance, as is also the
manner of the Archduke's marriage and its conditions and ceremonies.
In view of these difficulties it would be better for the wedding to
be a clandestine one. I do not know how he will get over the oath
he will have to take to respect the laws of the land, which are some
of them schismatic. London, 7th September 1559.

Simancas.

9 Sept.
Simancas.

62. The BISHOP OF AQUILA to the DUKE OF ALBA.

I have only been able to find out about this plot what I ain told
k v a great friend of Robert's, who says that at a banquet given by
the earl of Arundel to the Queen she was to be poisoned and he
murdered, which is the same as Lady Sidney said.

I also hear some talk about Lords Dacre and Montague and certain
Bishops, and I am afraid the French have something to do with it,
as the Queen is very much offended with them, although she tried
to hide it.

It seems that Pickering is sending a challenge to the earl of
Bedford for having spoken ill of him at a banquet. Lord Robert,
who is to be Pickering's second, has promised to deliver the
challenge. I do not believe that Bedford will ever quarrel with
anybody. Robert professes to be the most faithful servant our King
has here, and Lady Sidney says she wishes to write a long letter to
the countess (of Feria) with plenty of news from here.

They cannot make too much of me here at Hampton Court now.
It is curious how things change. London, 9th September 1559.

ELIZABETH. 97

1559.

12 Sept. 63. The BISHOP OF AQUILA to the EMPEROR.

Simancas, The earl of Arran (whom the Queen thinks of marrying) has
^ een w ith her secretly here two or three times, and she is fomenting
the tumults in Scotland in his interest through a heretic preacher
called Knox.

Some ten days ago this Earl left here for Scotland, and it is to be
expected that he will do his best to perform the task the Queen
has given him and uphold his party for which the Queen has found
the money and promised to look favourably upon his suit. The
Admiral and Cecil go with him although they try to make us think
they have gone to their houses. They have had the management
of Arran's affair all through. I feel certain their designs will fail
as the French have sent 3,000 or 4,000 infantry and 500 cavalry,
and they are receiving troops in the country itself daily. They are
masters of the fortresses and the landing place a mile out ol
Edinburgh, and the greater part of the people are in their favour,
so that it may be concluded that the rebel (or heretic) force, for they
mean the same thing, will not hold out long. Even though the
queen of England may find them money it will not be much ;
they have nothing else, either leaders (as this youth is no
soldier) or people, except some labourers and country fellows who
will not be able to suffer the hardships of the campaign for twenty
days. London, 12th September 1559.

2 Oct. 64. The SAME to the SAME.

By the copies of what I wrote to the duchess of Parma on the
9th ultimo and the letters the ambassador Preyner and I wrote
to your Majesty on the 18th,* you will have learnt what is being done
in the matter of the Archduke, which I confess perplexes me much.
I can hardly venture to give an opinion on so important an affair,
and yet I dare not refrain from doing so for fear of failing in my
duty, and I feel I should be greatly to blame if the business were to
fall through in consequence of my silence. Your Majesty will
therefore be pleased to accept only what your enlightened judgment
will show you ought to be accepted of what J say, distinguishing
between the facts, which are all true, and the mere conjectures in
which I must confess I may be mistaken. I said in my letter of 18th
that I thought, if we saw the Queen determined in her wish to see
Archduke and circumstances seemed to show that she was in earnest,
that your Majesty should send him, and in the meanwhile he might
be got ready to start at once, if advice came from here to that ettect
as it was well to prove to the Queen that the affair was being carried
on with goodwill, and at the same time to shorten the delay in con-
cluding it. As to advising his coming I perceive now I am not so
clear about it as I ought to be to give a decided opinion on a matter
of so much importance, and. on the other hand, if he does not come,
as the Queen wishes, it may give her an excuse for changing her mind
and either resolving not to marry at all or to make another match ;
in which case we should all be losers and your Majesty would miss
a great opportunity to serve God and the commonwealth, and at

* 18th August.
a 66)29.

SPANISH STATE PAPERS.

1559.

the same to profit by events. Since the last letter to your Majesty,
Lady Sidney* told the Queen everything that had passed with me
and how she had given me hopes that this business would be carried
through, and had assured me that the only thing wanting was that
the Archduke should come, whereupon I had said that I had written
to your Majesty to that effect on her word alone. It seems the
Queen answered her that it was all well, and since things were at
this stage, she had better leave us alone for the present as she (the
Queen) wished to see what we should do. When I saw Lady Sidney
again she told me that she had been bidden to say no more than had
been said in this business, and she was obliged to obey, although she
was sorry for it, as she knew that if she might speak she could say
somethiug that would please me ; but this must suffice. I might
be certain that what was necessary and would ensure success was
to satisfy the Queen as to the Archduke's coming and not to try to
draw her out any further, for we should never make her speak any
more clearly than hitherto. We should leave matters as they were
and not frighten the Queen about her need and the wars which were
to be made against her, as it distressed her, and she fancied that we
did so to draw her into the match by force. It appears that the
ambassador had recently spoken to her rather more plainly than she
liked. We have followed Lady Sidney's advice and have refrained
from going to Hampton Court. On Thursday, when the Queen came
to London, the ambassador went to accompany her, and I believe that
in the barge the Queen herself began to speak about the business to
him, and lie will write to your Majesty what passed between them.
I think, however, she and he merely repeated the usual things,
although Preyner says she opened out more than hitherto, saying that
she thought she should be forced to marry. Preyner saj's that all
her endeavour was to find out something about the Archduke's coming,
of which he gave her no hope, unless she first signified her wish and
summoned him, as we have always urged, and she has always refused
to do. When she arrived I went on Saturday to inform her of the
King's arrival in Spain and speak on other matters. After finishing
my business I was about to take my leave when she began to talk
about the marriage, and told me how the ambassador had spoken
to her iii the barge, and gave me a long history of what had passed
between them. I let her talk and quite understood that she would
have liked to know whether the Archduke was coming, which is the
only thing she thinks about.

After letting her talk as long as she liked, I said that I had
perhaps already gone further than I ought to have' done in this
business as your Majesty had a man of your own here, but that I
knew that neither your Majesty nor the King my master would
regret any effort made to forward it, and therefore I would still give
her my frank opinion, which was that she remained in so exacting a
determination and was so very far from answering your Majesty's
request that no arrangement was possible. The desire of your
Majesty was to know whether she would marry the Archduke, and

* Lady Mary Dudley daughter of the duke of Northuiuberhuul and sister of the earl
of Leicester married to Sir Henry Sidney of Penshurst.

ELIZABETH. 99

1559.

her answer was that she did not want to marry him or anybody
else, and if she married at all it would only be to a man whom she
knew. In addition to this she said that she did not wish the
Archduke t:> come, by any means, as she did not wish to bind
herself even indirectly to marry him. I told her that if some
compromise could not be come to it was not worth while to lose
time over it. I thought the best way would be for her first to
premise that she had to be married, as she saw she could not avoid
it, and since she said she would not marry a man she did not know
that she should be pleased to let the Archduke come over for her to
see without her being bound more than she is at present, and that
your Majesty should be informed of this, so that if you decided to
send your son on these conditions it might be done without loss of
time. We were at this for a long time wasting words, and at last
she said the following words to me, which I copy here that your
Majesty may the better consider them. She said, " Shall I speak
" plainly and tell you the truth \ I think that if the Emperor
" so desires me for a daughter he would not be doing too much by
" sending his son here without so many safeguards. I do not hold
" myself of so small account that the Emperor need sacrifice any
" dignity in doing it."

By these words and her manner of saying them I understood that
she made no difficulty as to the conclusion of the business, but only
in the procedure to bring it about. They think we are treating
the matter punctiliously with her, and that your Majesty wishes
your son to be supplicated and summoned, which she said she would
never do ; she would rather die a thousand deaths. She says it is
not fit for a queen and a maiden to summon anyone to marry her
for her pleasure, and Lady Sidney has said the same thing to me
many times. Seeing this, and that she made no difficulty about
the substance, I thought we need not make any a!>out the rest, and
I told her that if this was the only difficult}' I thought none would
be raised by your Majesty in sending your son hither, but that
your Majesty could not guess that she wished to negotiate in this
way, and as the coming of the Archduke might displease her, it was
necessary that your Majesty should be satisfied as to her wishes on
the point. She answered that no one would ever know them from
her, except by asking and proposing it to her in your Majesty's
name. At first I appeared pleased at this contention, and then said
be it so, and that in the name of your Majesty I proposed to her
whether she would be pleased to allow the Archduke to come and
see her without any obligation on her to marry him. She asked
whether your ambassador or I was commissioned to propose this.
I said that if I told her we were so commissioned she would know
that I was not telling the truth, as she was aware that nothing had
ever been said to us about the visit until now, that some of her
household recommended it to me. She thought I was going to teil
her about Lady Sidney's conversation, and drew back a little as if
surprised; but as I saw that she did not wish to be approached on
that side I said, and repeated, that your Majesty had never under-
stood that it would be a good way to negotiate to send your son to
be married in a quarter where the only answer ever vouchsafed was

a 2

100 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.

1 559.

that there was no idea of marrying at all Now, however, that it
is understood that the visit may he convenient and advantageous
he perhaps would be sent, and, with this end, I begged her to tell
me whether she would be pleased that he should come. She smiled
and said that she prevented no one from coming to her realm, and
I replied that that was not the kind of license I craved, for even
Turks could come in that manner, but that I wanted to know
whether she would be pleased for him to come and see her as
a suitor for her hand. She answers :i that she could give no
reply to that unless it was asked in your Majesty's name.
I saw th ; s was only vanity, and being desirous to obtain
a reply, I said that as she did not wish to reply to this except it
came in your Majesty's name, which she saw could not be done at
present, it occurred to me (o put the question in the name of the
King my master, who as a friend and kinsman of both parties would
be glad to know her wishes in order to be able to advise your
Majesty on the matter. She was pleased at this expedient, and,
after expressing some regret that your Majesty should desire her so
little as to need persuasion before condescending to send your son
hither, she told me that she would be glad for the Archduke to
come, and asked me what languages he spoke. We chatted on the
subject very pleasantly for some time and in a vastly different mood
from her other con versat ions about her not wishing to marry. So
much so that I told her that if it were not that I feared to arouse
the suspicion of those present I would kiss her hand for such a
gracious answer, and then, to draw her out still further, I asked
her whether she thought the Archduke should come publicly or
secretly, as we wished to do nothing displeasing to her. She drew
back again at this and said she did not wish to be pressed any more ;
he should do as he thought fit, and she did not want to know any-
thing about his coming. I said I thought it would be better for him
to come privately, as T knew that was what she wished, and she
replied that she hoped to God that no evil would befall him coming
in this way. During this conversation she reminded me that we
were to agree that she was not to be bound to marry the Archduke
if he came and knowing that this was only dissimulation and that
she really means to marry him, as I think, for otherwise she would
never consent to his coming which she has always refused hitherto,
I agreed to this condition, and said all should be as she wished, and
I was sure the Archduke would suffer no loss of dignity by coming
to see her Majesty even though she might not marry him. I did not
throw any doubt upon his coming as I knew it would vex her, and,
because your Majesty is not bound in any way by what I proposed,
which was all conditional on your Majesty's will and was done in the
name of the King my master as intermediary. What I have aimed
at in these conversations is to show her that I understood her, and I
said I conceded at once the condition she imposed, because I knew
that the condition would become unnecessary as soon as she saw the
Archduke with whom she would certainly be satisfied, and whom she
would not allow to go out of England again. Sometimes she was
silent at this way of talking, but when I pressed her much she
seemed frightened and protested again and again that she was not

ELIZABETH. 101

1559.

to be bound, and that she was not resolved yet whether she should
marry ; but this was after we had agreed about the Archduke's visit.
At length, to give me to understand that she was serious in her
demand, she repeated what we had agreed upon in order that I
should put it in writing, and when I took this as a joke she said
she would not trust me as she knew I was deceiving her, and she
would write to the King herself tliat he might bear witness that she
would bind herself to nothing and had not asked the Archduke to
come. I thereupon kissed her hand and told her I was glad that
this account would not depend upon ray recollection, and I should be
quite easy with what she wrote. 1 expect she will write these
protes'ations very seriously, but her letter must be explained jointly
with mine, and her words need not cause any alarm as they are
certainly nothing but ceremony. I might easily be deceived myself,
but I do not believe that Lady Sidney and Lord Robert could be
mistaken, and the latter says he never thought the Queen would go
so far.

This is the actual state of the affair, and your Majesty, as is
fitting, will decide the course to be pursued with all the prudence,
consideration, and counsel which the importance of the business
demands. I know full well how unnecessary and inadequate I am,
but as I cannot keep silent altogether I will give my own opinion as
a help to others. I premise that we have to depend principally not
on the Queen's words but upon her great necessity, and, although
she may boast, as she always does whenever I speak to her, she is
really in grave fear as she sees the French increasing their army in
Scotland, and the Catholics here more steadfast and discontented
than ever ; and she understands that she is not safe against con-
spiracy, her own people having tried to kill her Master-of the-horse,
and even, it is said, endeavoured to poison her. For these several
reasons it is known that she is determined to marry, and will
do so before Christmas according to the general opinion ; indeed,
she told me herself that the people were troubling her about it so
constantly that it was impossible for her to avoid satisfying them.
The necessity being admitted for her to marry, and to marry wisely,
there can be no doubt that she has not consented to receive the
Archduke for the purpose of refusing him and offending your
Majesty and the King my master, as well as injuring htrself, as she
certainly would do, notwithstanding anything she may say. It cnn
hardly be believed, moreover, that if she did not mean to marry she
would condescend to such vanity as to bring a son of your Majesty
here to no purpose. I therefore say that as the necessity is evident,
and she is doing UOAV what she never would do before in allowing
the Archduke to come, she is receiving him for the 'purpose of
marrying him, and your Majesty may "well send him on this
conjecture for, although it is no more than a conjecture, the
circumstances are such as to make it a manifest demonstration.
If it is objected that on these premises she would marry the Arch-
duke without seeing him, I can only answer that in pure reason
that is so, but, as she is a woman, and a -spirited and obstinate
woman too, passion has to be considered, and I have heard her
speak of the matter so determinedly that I am afraid she might

102 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.

1559.

take into her head to marry a son of the king of Sweden, or some
other heretic, which is exactly what the people around her advise
her to do. She is, in short, only a passionate ill-advised woman,
and withal, taking into consideration the objections to the Arch-
duke's visit and those winch weigh on the other side, I think that
his Highness's coming has much less objection than his staying
away, as his coming would involve no loss of life, danger to
property, nor sacrifice of dignity, the enterprise being such an
honourable and worthy one, directed as it is towards the profit of
religion and the welfare of the commonwealth, together with the
preservation of peace, and the aggrandisement of your Majesty's
house.

His failure to come, on the other hand, would be evidently
followed by his losing this woman, and with her, all the advantages
which I have recounted, as I am certain she will not marry the
Archduke without seeing him.

Your Majesty will bear in mind that this is not the first marriage
that has been effected in this way between princes of the first rank,
and that your Majesty's honour is not at stake, even if this repulse
were offered, which I do not anticipate, as there are plenty of
people, both in and out of England, who would say that the
business was broken off by us. I am therefore of opinion that your
Majesty should be pleased to send the Archduke with your blessing
and the protection of the Almighty, in whose service I am sure you
would not hesitate to send him to a war or battle where the peril to
life and reputation would be much greater than in this enterprise.

It might be said that he came to see his sister, the duchess of
Blenes, and pass Christmas with her, and if this business do not
turn out well he could return there and decide what course to take
as circumstances might dictate. If he should come your Majesty
might send with him some persons suitable to intervene in the
conclusion of the marriage and advise his Highness day by day.
From London, &c.

Having written thus far and decided to await the letter the
Queen was to send me for the King my master, secretary Cecil
sent to say that if I wanted the letter I was to go and see the Queen
to day at two. I did so and found her Avith the letter in her hand
very merry. She read it to me and I send your Majesty a copy.
She then spoke for some time about the letter and gave me to
understand that she was still undecided about the business, but
afterwards passed to other matters very different from the un-
certainty which she would like to persuade us she feels. She asked
me whether your Majesty would be angry with her if the Archduke
were to return home unmarried, and I answered that your Majesty
would not be angry Avith anyone so long as the agreement was not
broken, although you Avould regret such an issue of the business ;
whereupon she said God forbid that she should offer such a slight to
a house with Avhich her ancestors had so close a friendship, and she
said besides that she kneAv that this was the best marriage in
Christendom for her, and I might be sure she would only take the
best. She asked me several times whether I thought your Majesty
would let the Archduke come, and I told her I thought you would,

ELIZABETH. 103

1559.

and that she would many him in less than two months, notwith-
standing her protestations ; to which she replied that she did not
know. Sometimes again, she said it might be so, but she was not
decided one way or the other: in short, if I were to tell your
Majesty that I considered the business otherwise than certain, I
should be going against my con-. : cience. She wanted to know where
we were going to lodge his Highness when please God he should
arrive. I said here in my house until she received him in hers, which
would not be long first. At lasf, catching her oft' her guard, I think
I discover that she is really as much set on this marriage as your
Majesty is, and I believe that she is keeping up this suspense in
order that the Archduke may think she accepts him because she lias
seen him, and not that she sees him because sh* has accepted him,
and so to make his Highneas understand that it is to her and no one
else that he is indebted for the marriage and the kingdom. She
doubtless also wishes the King my master to write again begging her
to be pleased to accept the match, which I hope his Majesty will do.
She had altered and added much to what we agreed on Saturday

should be written After taking leave of her

I spoke to Cecil and having listened to him for some time and seeing
that he was beating about the bush I begged that we might speak
plainly to each other as I was neither blind nor deaf and could easily
perceive that the Queen was not taking this step to refuse her consent
after all. He swore that he did not know and could not assure me.
\Ve passed from this to talk of the affairs of the country, and he
confessed that they knew that if the Queen did not marry they
could not avoid ruin, and he displayed the fear they have of the
French, and how they know of the arrival of Hans Guillem to raise
troops in Germany and the preparations they are making in France
for the enterprise as well as the small hopes these people have of
the disturbances in Scotland. He said that the French, in order to
impede the marriage with the Archduke, had offered great alliances
and friendship to the king of Sweden if the match with his son
could be brought about ; and they well understand that this is only
to alienate the Queen from her connexion and friendship with the
king (Philip) and thus for the French to be able to invade the
country more easily. The conversation ended by his saying that
he hoped, in view of all this, that our business would be settled, and
promised sincerely to give all his help, in return for which I assured
him of the entire favour of the King my master and the Archduke.
He said the Queen hoped the King would not abandon her in this
strait, and I told him that if this marriage were brought about I
was sure that the King would not only renew the alliance and
unity with this country, but would do more than was expected,
as the Archduke was his first cousin, to which he replied that if
this were so he was sure the king of France would not at present
attempt the conquest of the country, as both my King and your
Majesty would defend it, which I admitted, alwaj's on condition
that the marriage was effected, but keeping silence when this
condition was not mentioned. He told me also that the Queen was
sending large forces to the frontier of Scotland, and that a great
fleet was l>eing collected ; but all this with so little spirit and in

104 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.

1559.

such a manner that it is clear they are much alarmed. This is
what has happened to-day, and I therefore add it to my letter, as
it confirms my former opinion, and I think that your Majesty
should by no means fail to send the archduke. Frederico Coloredo,
your Majesty's servant who bears this is acquainted with much
that has passed in this business. He is an honest and prudent lad,
and can tell your Majesty many things which I do not write, in
order not to make this letter too long. I have written it in such
minute detail because Preyner will not write anything of these two
interviews, and it is precisely on what passed at them that your
Majesty will have to form your judgment. I wrote to the ambassador
Vargas, at Rome, that he must take care the French do not get at
the new Pope and cause him to proceed against the Queen (Elizabeth)
on the Scotch queen's claims. It would do much damage both here
and elsewhere before the marriage. They will not venture to talk
about it afterwards.

5 Oct. 65. The BISHOP OF AQUILA to the KING.

I have been advised by your Majesty's letters of. 25th August
and 8th September of your Majesty's safe arrival in Spain, and
I have communicated with the Queen as commanded. As regards
the marriage, your Majesty will have seen what I wrote to the
duchess of Parma on the 9th ultimo, and your Majesty will learn
what has since happened by the copy I enclose of the letter I am
now writing to the Emperor, which is so full that it leaves me little
to say except upon one point which I have not thought fit to
mention to his Majesty for fear he might feel some scruple about it,
and so jeopardise the success of the business.

In my last interview with the Queen, whilst I was urging and
persuading her to consent to the Archduke's visit, she said she did
not dare to summon him as she feared he might not be satisfied
with her. I said that could not be as she was so well endowed by
nature, and other things to the same effect, whereupon she replied
that he might not be dissatisfied with what he saw but with what
he heard about her, as I knew there were people in the country
who took pleasure in saying anything that came into their heads
about her. This she said with some signs of shame, and I answered
that we who were treating of the Emperor's business were not so
badly informed that we did not know something of what was
necessary in deciding the affair, and Her Majesty might be sure that
if there were anything which the Archduke should not hear or
learn, the idea of his coming would not have been entertained by us,
and this being so, she could understand thereby the high esteem in
which your Majesty had always held her, and with this I tried all
I could to change the subject, signifying that there was no need to
speak of it. I saw she was pleased as she no doubt thought that if
the Archduke heard any of the idle tales they tell about her (and
they tell many) he might take advantage of them to the detriment
of her honour if the match were broken off, and, although from this
point of view I was not sorry, as the fear may not be without
advantage to us, I thought well for all other reasons to say that
I grieved greatly that Her Majesty should imagine such things, and

ELIZABETH. 105

1559.

should think that the Archduke was capable of any other thought
than that of serving her in any case, whether she married him or
not, and that such considerations were not worthy of her rank or
that of the Archduke. The same remark had been made by me before
in conversation by Lady Sidney, only I understood then that she
was complaining of the rivals her brother had. At any rate the
Queen now remains without a shadow of misgiving on the point,
and I am in great hope that it would not have occurred to her
unless she thought the marriage would take place. I write this to
your Majesty that you may miss nothing of what passes in the
business ; and on other points I have only to add to what I write to
the Emperor, that I hope if this marriage takes place the Archduke
will come so well prompted about religion, and so well attended
that the principal object of his coming, which is to serve God, shall
be attained ; without which the rest may not endure long ; and that
the Queen may not be able to deal with him, as she hopes, in
accordance with St. Paul's saying, that " the faithful wife often
wins over and convinces the faithless husband," which our Lord in
His mercy forbid in this case, as it would be the opposite to what
St. Paul says.

I have answered the Irishmen what the bishop of Arras wrote
me from your Majesty. I fear that finding themselves so sorely
pressed about religion they may have appealed to France, as I have
heard some of these Frenchmen speak of them with great regard.
I have advised Sefior de Chantonnay of this, that he may be on the
look out. I humbly thank your Majesty for 1,000 ducats pension
from the church of Plasencia, and another 1,000 on account. Pray
consider how much I have to spend here when my permanent
allowance is fixed. London, 5th October 1559.

9 Oct. 66. BISHOP QUADRA to the BISHOP OF ARRAS.

Simancas, Qn Thursday the Queen had ordered the marriage of one of her
Ad<l 26056a ^wty sei ' van t s to take place in her own chaj el and directed that a
crucifix and candles should be placed upon the altar, which caused
so much noise amongst her chaplains and the Council that the
intention was abandoned for the time, but it was done at vespers
on Saturday, and on Sunday the clergy wore vestments as they do
in our services, and so great was the crowd at the palace that
disturbance was feared in the city. The fact is that the crucifixes
and vestments that were burnt a month ago publicly are now
set up again in the royal chapel, as they soon will be all over the
kingdom, unless, which God forbid, there is another change next
week. They are doing :t out of sheer f ar to pacify the Catholics,
but as forced favours are no sign of affection they often do more
harm than good. The Queen still pretends to be irresolute about
the Archduke, and is on dreadfully bad terms with the Fiench, and
says they who think themselves so clever will find themselves
outwitted at last. London, 9th October 1559.

Extract.

106 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.

1559.
14 Oct. 67. The COUNT DE FERIA to the BISHOP OF AQUILA.

Have not written before because in truth every time I recollect
how the King has gone to Spain without making proper provision
for your Lordship I am so annoyed that I cannot help expressing
it. I do not wish to recount the way liis Majesty treated matters
during the last few days he was here. He cared little whether we
paid out of our own pockets instead of he and the commonwealth.
I hope he will open his eyes now that he has gone to cure his home
sickness in Spain. Things are going on badly there, and they are
coming to such a pass that we soon shall not know which are the
heretics and which the Christians. I will not believe evil of the
Archbishop* or his companion, nor of the archbishop of Granada,
who has also been summoned by the inquisitors. What drives me
crazy is to see the lives led by the criminals and those Jed by their
ju Iges, and to compare their respective intelligence. The Duchess
and 1 have written warmly to the King urging your needs. God
knows what the result will be. I should be glad if that woman
(Elizabeth) were to quite lose her head and bring matters to a point,
although when I think what a baggage she is and what a crew she is
surrounded by, there is probability enough of my wish coming true.

It seems the Emperor up to the present refuses leave for his son
to go, and, to tell the truth, I cannot persuade myself that he is
wrong, nor do I believe that she will either marry him, or refuse to
marry him, whilst the matter at issue is only his visit. Real
necessity, however, may make her open her eyes and marry, although
the laxity of the neighbouring princes may still allow her to deceive
herself. As to what Lord Robert and his sister say I do not believe
more than the first day that the only thing the Queen stickles for is
the coming of the lad. The Countess is confined with a fine big
boy, and, thank God, is going on well, but we cannot leave here until
after the winter cold is over. Pray ask the Queen for license for
the Countess' grandmother to remain another six months, and
Clarencis as well. Ask Lord Robert and his sister on my behalf
and tell them that Cecil will be against the business. I beg you to
treat the matter with a high hand, and give them to understand
that it will be well to keep me in a good humour, although it may
be a vanity for me to say it, but I swear to you that as long as I
live I shall try to bring about that which you know, and what is
not done one day will be done another. This license must be
granted at once, because the present one expires at Christmas, and
the time is short. Please ask the Admiral and Lord Robert for the
dogs they promised me, which I want for a present. I have no news
for you from Spain, except the list of the books they have prohibited,
which I enclose. Malines, 14th October 1559.

16 Oct. 68. The BISHOP OF AQUILA to the EMPEROB.

Since writing my long letter by Frederico Coloredo on the 6th
instant we have inquired in all possible quarters as to the Queen's
intentions about the marriage, and have favourable news. Your

* Bartolorae Carranza, archbishop of Toledo, who was arrested by the Inquisition on
the 22nd August, 1559, and whose subsequent persecution and sufferings are well known

ELIZABETH. 107

1559.

Majesty should send His Highness at once in the way I have already
recommended.

We told the Queen yesterday that we thought the Archduke would
soon come and she was much pleased, although she already knew it,
and had told Lady Sidne}', who assures us now more than ever that
the Queen is resolved on the marriage. The truth is that her
necessity is such that if the marriage is not brought about she may
find herself in grave trouble. I write to the King my master again
asking him to write to her, pressing her to conclude the match for
reasons which are evident, and also because if the Archduke comes
and is rejected it will be great offence to your Majesty and the King
and all his house. I hope to God it will have the desired effect.
The list of the household and state kept by the kings here shall be sent
to your Majesty in my next, as I have not dared to ask for it openly
for fear they might suspect whom it was for. The coming hither
of the count of Helfenstein would be of but little service at present,
or until the conclusion of the business has to be negotiated, and as
this cannot be until the Archduke comes, we think he had better
stay in Flanders and bring his Highness over with him disguised
as a member of his household. I have written to the Duchess to
this effect. Pray pardon us for taking resolutions in this way, but
it is all done with intention and desire to serve your Majesty.
London, 16th October 1559.

29 Oct. 69. BISHOP QUADRA to the DUCHESS OF PARMA.
Sinmncas, The Queen is very pleased and gay, as she thinks the Archduke is
A<M '6 056 com i n e> but otherwise as fickle as ever, and as determined to see him
before deciding. This woman's troubles are growing apace, and her
house will be in a blaze before she knows it. I am sure if the
Archduke comes she will marry him, particularly if we flatter and
give her presents which will influence her more than her need. Not
only are the French daily becoming stronger in Scotland, but all the
country is so much ngainst this Queen that the catholics are not by
any means the most suspected people now. A plot was made the
other day to murder Lord Robert, and it is now common talk and
threat. The plot was headed by the Duke of Norfolk, the Earl of
Surrey, and all the principal adherents of the Archduke. The Queen
and Robert are very uneasy about the Duke of Norfolk, as he talks
openly about her lightness and bad government. People are ashamed
of what is going on, and particularly the Duke, as he is Lord Robert's
enemy. The Duke is a great friend of ours, and will no doubt come
to receive the Archduke, which he may well do as he occupies the
principal place in the country. For these reasons I think the
marriage will take place, but we must touch the Queen and Council
to the quick, as they are the only waverers, the country being with
us. London, 29th October 1559.

29 Oct. 70. BISHOP QUADBA to the COUNT DE FERIA.

Many many thanks for the kindness and condescension shown to
me in your letter of 14th instant, for which I am especially thankful,
as I see your annoyance at the troubles of your poor people is
sufficiently mitigated for you to write about them, GoJ knows that

108 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.

1559.

my own vexation has been more caused by the knowledge that you
were in trouble about us than by the evil itself, although in good
truth the joke has been a bitter one for me, and I do not know how
I shall come out of it. I should rejoice to know that the affairs of
the Archbishops and good Friar Juan was not graver than mine. I
cannot understand, knowing them as I do, how they can have done
anything to deserve their bad treatment.

I have sent to the father confessor* the letters written to me by
some of the godly men here deploring the degradation of these good
friars that he may see the effect that this business has had on
matters here. I do not suppose that the letters will have much
influence, but at all events 1 console myself with the knowledge
that affairs here are going on better, in the devil's despite, as these
catholics are firmer than ever, and the heretics are fighting so much
amongst themselves that they have no time to scoff at the way we
catholics are persecuting one another.

Bedford attacked Cecil the other day about the crucifix, and the
Queen also insulted him for some other cause unknown to me. The
heretic Bishops are grumbling to her about their revenues, and are
beginning to preach against her ; in fact, if I were tc tell you all
that is going on I should never finish. The harvest is ripe if there
were someone to come and reap it, but I can see no hope of that
except from heaven. Your Lordship's opinion with regard to the
Queen's marriage would hold good in the case of a woman of brains
and conscience with which this one is not troubled, but, as it is, I
think she either will not marry, or, if she do, it will only be
because she has brought the Archduke here and likes him. Her
need cannot be greater than it is, nor does it suit us that it should
be so, as that would mean an appeal to arms, which I believe His
Majesty does not desire. The best feature in the match with the
Archduke is that the French would retire from the business, and the
minds of catholics and heretics would calm down, as both would
think he would favour their side. In this respect all the heretics
are quite content that he should be a catholic so long as he leaves
them at liberty, and I feel sure the Queen would do the same, as
she is certainly tired of the vapourings she gave way to at first. It
will be well for your Lordship to urge the coining of the Archduke,
as it is most important, and tbe ambassador is sending one of his
gentlemen to the Emperor to press it. The freedom of these
blackguards annoys me beyond measure, as the Queen says the
most extraordinary things, and I always have a retort for every
word which greatly offends but does not frighten her, whereas I
should like to follow an exactly contrary course, first making much
of her, and then give her some gall syrup in the form of news of
leagues against her which she fears most.

Here we are, ten or twelve ambassadors, competing for her favour,
and now they say the duke of Holstein, brother of the king of
Denmark, is coming, and, as they tell me, not a worse-looking man
than the Archduke. The King of Sweden's son, who is here, is fit

* Fresneda the King's Confessor.

ELIZABETH. 109

1559.

to kill the Emperor's ambassador, because he said his father was
only a clown who had stolen his kingdom from the crown of
Denmark, and the matter has reached such a point that the Queen
is careful they should not meet in the palace to avoid their slashing
each other in her presence. To crown it all they are making
mischief with me about it.

The other day when Pickering was going into the chapel, which
is inside the Queen's apartments, the earl of Arundel came to the
door and told him he knew very well that that was a place for
lords, and he must go to the presence chamber. The other
answered that he knew that, and he also knew that Arundel was
an impudent discourteous knave, which the earl .heard, and went
out without answering a word, leaving the other to enter.
Pickering tells it in public and refrains from challenging him as
he holds him of small account, but it is only right that he should
refrain as the other is very weak.

Lord Robert will ask for license for another six months for the
Countess' grandmother, as Lady Sidney says he will do it better than
she. If the Queen will not give it I will ask for it in a way that

will not fail to be serviceable, as I atn now able to do*

as I like with the Queen more than formerly, since she sees that
all clergymen are not sheep like those of her own country. I
will also ask the Admiral and Robert for the dogs, and will send
them as soon as I can.

A thousand thanks for good offices with the Duchess of Parma.
God grant they may not forget to pluck me out of the trouble
in which they have placed me.

There is much talk of the present made by the Queen of Bohemia
to my lady the Countess. The ladies of the palace here are very
humble and civil, which is more than their mistress is. Congratu-
lations on the birth of Don Lorenzo, who they tell me is a brave
boy. I write to the bishop of Arras on Irish affairs, which are
more important than we think. London, 29th October 1559.

5 Nov. 71. COUNT DE FERIA to the BISHOP OF AQUILA.

I write in great haste to catch the post, and have received three
letters from you since 14th instant. Yours of 30th ultimo just
handed to me.

I await reply from Spain by Juan Gallego about your affairs
before again pestering the King. His Majesty is teaching us that
way of proceeding in spite of us. I arn still of opinion that the
Archduke should not come, but my opinion is now of small im-
portance as his father will not let him come. If Duke Adolph goes
thither the Queen will have no cause to find fault either as to his
good looks or his heresy. We expect Count Helfenstein hourly and
shall see what news he brings. I am urging what you write to the
Duchess (of Parma) and M. d' Arras about Ireland, which I think
you also ought to convey to the King, so that it may not be our
fault if so important an opportunity is missed. Madame will answer
as she thinks best about the horses and arms, but the King ordered

' i * * Paper torn in original.

HO SPANISH STATE PAPERS.

1559.

me to tell her not to grant any, and I have not spoken of the matter
since. I should not object to a horse or two being given, but really
I am of opinion that the time making presents is over. It has never
been of any use whilst the other mode of proceeding lias. I see you
are now acting the bland and loving with that Medea. The Countess
is still sadly ailiug, but the boy is well. I cannot exaggerate my
anxiety about the license for the Countess' grandmother* and
Clareneis,t and I entreat you not to let the short time to
Christmas slip by without sending it as the good old ladies are
very anxious, as is my wife. In your letter you say nothing about
Clarencis' license which I desire as much as the other, and more
as she has entire care of the child and is wonderfully attentive.
Pray take the matter in hand. Malines, 5th November 1559.

9 Nov. 72. The SAME to the SAME.

I wrote by last post and have since received letters from Spain,
but none from the King who holds these States in so small account
that he cares not whether they be lost or not. He left Valladolid
on the 9th October, and the Cortes and Councils were to sit in
Toledo on the 12th of this month. The duke of InfautazgoJ and
Cardinal de Burgos who came to receive the Queen were to be
on the French frontier on the same day and to convey her to
Guadalajara where the Princess of Portugal was to entertain her,
and the King was to go thither and marry her, and thence to
Toledo for the festivities. You will see by copies enclosed what
has happened in the autos of the Inquisition in Valladolid and
Seville. The Archbishop|| was a prisoner in a housed with two
pages and Friar Antonio** to serve him. He had answered the
archbishop of Seville ft and they were engaged in considering the
replies. They put Friar Juan in the prison of the Inquisition when
he arrived from here. We shall have full news by Juan Gallego.
The Princess of Salerno has died sudden]}' in Valladolid. I am
very anxious about Lady Dormer's license which we have requested.
As Christmas is drawing near I have decided to send a person
specially, and I ask you kindly to have the license given to him
as soon as possible as it is most important to me, more so than
you would think. To tell you the truth the want of it may cost
me over 20,000 ducats which this good old lady wishes to give to
her grand-daughter, and her son will prevent it if he can. Neither
I nor my wife want to lose what is our own, and you know how

* La<ly Dormer.

f The lady referred to is no doubt Mistress Susan Clarentius (or Lady Clarentiiss) who
had been a favourite attrndant on Queen Mary, and was present at the Queen's death
and the embalming of the body. Lady Clareuiius would appear to have entered the
Spanish Ambassador's household soon after the death of her mistress, and accompanied
the Countess to Flanders and subsequently to Spain. Cresham, who was in Flanders at
the time, greatly interested himself in obtaining these licenses for the two ladies to remain
out of England. See several letters of similar date from him to Cecil on the subject.
Calendar of State papers, Foreign Series.

J Inigo Lopez de Mendozu fourth duke of Infantado the first of the Castilian nobles.

| The duke of Infantado's brother.

|] Bartolome de Carranza, archbuhop of Toledo, primate of Spain.

*$ In the house of Pedro Gonzales at Valladolid just bought by the Holy Office.

** Antonio Sanchez, a lay-brother servant of the Archbishop.

ft Fernando d* Valdez, archbishop cf Seville, Grand Inquisitor.

ELIZABETH. HI

1559.

ready those Councillors over there are to do a bad turn of this sort.
They arc letting the time go on until Christmas is past, and if by
that time the license is not despatched they will declare all of Lady
Dormer's property forfeit. Even if she wished she could not go as
she has been, and is, very ill. Olavarria is going over for this, and
I do not send a more distinguished ambassador, because we place all
our hopes in you and he will do his writing with his tongue only.
Much as we desire this license we wish for that of Mistress Clarencis
no less and that knave Cecil, in order to lay his hands on her
goods, will certainly try some roguish trick, so both the Counters
who sends her regards to you, and I, beg you with all our hearts
to carry this matter with a high hand arid send us these licenses.
I expect the French will be in such a hurry to open the ball there
that we shall have to dance whether we want or not. I hope to
God it may be so. The English ambassador in France told our
ambassador there that it would be better for England if war broke
out at once with the French, rather than wait until they (the French)
were stronger in Scotland, as it was evident that war would break
out as soon as they were.

We know nothing of what the Emperor says nor has Helfenstein
arrived ; we do not know even whether he has left his house. The
Countess still in poor health and I have (he Antwerp physician here
who I hope to God will cure her. The boy very bonny. I believe
Monsignor d' Arras will send you copy of news from Rome. If he
does cot I will do so in future. The dispensation for my brother to
marry my neice was granted whereat, I am glad.* Only think if
they were to make Pacheco pope how he would gobble. f Malines,
9th November 1559.

12 Nov. 73. BISHOP QUADRA to the DUKE OF ALVA.

jj e j s struggling with the terrible fancies of the Queen, of which
^ e ver y heretics are ashamed.

Surprised at the steadfastness of the Catholics. Disturbances
were expected as they were rtally driven to desperation. Begs
for money to pay pensions and salaries, as not a man dares to
raise his voice in the service of the King, and he i.s making
enemies rather than friends as he cannot pay his way. London,
12th November 1559.

13 Nov. 74. BISHOP QUADRA to the KING.

The matter of the Queen's marriage being in the position explained
to your Majesty in recent letters, a position which gave hopes of its
being brought about, I received certain news which forced me to
try to get a definite declaration from the Queen, whatever the result
might be, rather than the Archduke should be deceived when he
arrived here. What moved me to ascertain her wishes was that

* A dispensation had already been granted 10 the Count himself to marry this young
lady with her great dowry, nud when all was arranged for the wedding the Ambassador
fell violently in love with Miss Dormer, whom he married secretly, although circumstances
shortly made it necessary to avow the marriage.

f Conteniple V. S. si Pacheco saliese Papa lo que pafaria, an untranslatable play
upon words.

112 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.

1559.

I noticed Lord Robert was slackening in our business and favouring
the Swedish match, and that he had had words with his sister
because she wa3 carrying the affair further than he desired, but
principally because I had heard from a certain person who is
accustomed to give me veracious news that Lord Robert has sent
to poison his wife. Certainly all the Queen has done with us and
with the Swede, and will do with the rest in the matter of her
marriage, is only keeping Lord Robert's enemies and the country
engaged with words until this wicked deed of killing hir> wife is
consummated. The same person told me some extraordinary things
about this intimacy, which I would never have believed, only that
now I find Lord Robert's enemies in the Council making no secret
of their evil opinion of it, so that in view of all these things, and
as Lady Sidney instead of coining to me as usual with encourage-
ment was alarmed, I thought I ought not to delay longer in
ascertaining the Queen's intentions. I therefore took eveiy
opportunity of letting her know in the best way I could that it
would be better for her to be more open with us than hitherto,
as we believed the Archduke might be already on the road, and
that as she in that case was satisfied that her reasonable conditions
had been complied with, we on our part ought now to receive some
assurance in the matter. At first she began, as usual, with words
full of hope, but seeing that these did not satisfy me, she drew back
saying that she did not think of marrying, although she might alter
her mind when she had seen the Archduke. I said that this
intention did not justify her in giving Jeave for the Archduke to
come and see her, and she answered that what she intended was only
to see and know him now, for when she might feel inclined to marry.
I told her that that was the time to see him, as I did not expect
she would marry in such haste when she did make up her mind
as to lack time to inform the Princes who had to be consulted.
She answered that she wanted to act paradoxically in the matter,
and to get married before anyone in the world knew of it ; where-
upon I said, seeing it was useless to dispute any more, that if she
thought of doing it in that way there was no need that your
Majesty's servants should trouble her any more about it. She did
not like me to be undeceived already, as she well knows the danger
which may arise, and told me that she would think over what had
better be done. I asked her that communications on the matter
should be made to the Emperor's ambassador in my presence. The
next day they summoned us, and when we three were together I
saw she still wished to justify herself, so I determined to tell her
what I had hitherto withheld, namely, what Lady Sidney and her
brother and Treasurer Parry had told us, without mentioning their
names. I said that although no one would believe that so wise and
prudent a Princess would bring the Archduke over only to reject
him, yet we should not have dared to write to the Emperor as we
had if some of the principal persons of her Court had not assured
us that she Would marry him when he came, and these persons had
informed us that they took this step by her orders, as she had
refrained from telling us herself from modesty ; and we therefore
wished for a more definite declaration from her than hitherto, now

ELIZABETH. 113

1559.

that in all probability the Archduke was on his way. I thought
this would have excited her greatly, as was to be expected if it
were not true, or at least if it were true that she would have put
on some appearance of indignation. But this was not the case,
for without even asking who the persons referred to were, she
answered that some one had done this with good intentions, but
without any commission from her. We were rather aggrieved at
this, as we saw the trick had not been played by her alone, and we
ended by agreeing that we would advise the Emperor of what I
have said, in order that he should decide whether to send his son
on these conditions or not. She was very sorry to have to declare
herself on this matter. The Emperor's ambassador is despatching
a courier with this news, and he has been so scandalized at it all
that he wanted to write a very bad account to his master ; but I
have prevented it, and I believe what he will write will not shut
the door to the Emperor's wisli if any better feature in the affair
should appear. 1 am obliged to complain of somebody in this
matter, and have complained of Lady Sidney only, although in
good truth she is no more to blame than I am, as I have said
privately. If your Majesty pleases to write about it to the Queen,
and the conversation should turn that way in the meanwhile, I will
tell the Emperor's ambassador what, in my opinion, should be done.
Paget came to me the other day and said that, so far as he understood,
the Queen was not entirely unfavourable, although she was still
resolved not to marry until she had seen her future husband. The
opinion of both the Council and herself was that no improvement
in the present state of things here could be expected except through
this marriage, and they were all favourable to it, but that I did
well to get an assurance from the Queen, and put an end to her
indecision. This is all that has happened, and I hope your Majesty
will not consider my action ill-timed or injudicious, as, so long as
the Queen's own words were confirmed by the assurance of her
friends, I thought I could not be wrong if I followed their advice,
but when I found Lady Sidney was doubtful and complained of the
Queen and her brother (Lord Robert), I thought best to put an end
to uncertainty. I also bore in mind that if the Emperor is not
resolved to send his son, this step of mine will be apposite, whereas
if he thinks of sending him it will still be well that he should know
how things stand here before he starts. In case he should have
already set out, in which event I do not know how it would look
for him to turn back again, I will describe the position here in order
that your Majesty may have the question considered from this point
of view and decide accordingly.

As I knew that the duke of Norfolk was the chief of Lord Robert's
enemies, who are all the principal people in the kingdom, and that
he had said that if Lord Robert did not abandon his present
pretensions and presumption he would not die in his bed, I gol the
Ambassador to write to him, Norfolk, and also wrote myself, and we
sent a gentleman interpreter of ours to him with Lord Sidney (NIC),
who is a kinsman of Robert's, and a great adherent of the Duke, with
instructions to give him an account of all that had happened in this
business, and the point to which we had brought it, in order

a 66529. H

114 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.

1559.

that we might obtain his countenance and advice. He replied very
graciously, and sent word that he should rejoice greatly if the affair
could be brought about and was of opinion that the Archduke should
come publicly and ostentatiously, in which case he (Norfolk) would
stake his right arm that he would give us the votes of all the
biggest and best in the land. He himself would come here to be
present at the reception of the Archduke, to whom he wished to speak
before he entered London, and asked us to endeavour to get him
appointed by the Queen to go to meet him. I think this hatred of
Lord Robert will continue, as the Duke and the rest of them cannot
put up with his being King. I am of opinion if the Archduke
comes and makes the acquaintance and obtains the goodwill of
these people, even if this marriage of which I have now no hope
except by force should fall through, and any disaster were to befall
the Queen, such as may be feared from her bad government, the
Archduke might be summoned to marry Lady Catherine to whom
the kingdom falls if this woman dies. If the Archduke sees her
(Catherine) he should so bear himself that she should understand
this design, which in my opinion may be beneficial and even
necessary.

The ambassador Throgmorton came from France two days ago
very busy, and they are making much of him, so that we should
think he comes on various affairs of state, but the real reason for his
journey is to hurry the sending of arms to the Isle of Wight, and to
urge forward the fitting out of the fleet. The Queen has taken
Count Mansfelt and another Colonel who is in Denmark into her
service, and I understand she thinks of providing herself in this way
with the troops she requires. If she finds herself very much pressed
she will rather marry the son of the king of Sweden, who is a
heretic and offers her many millions, than the Archduke. The
kinsman of the Swedish King has left to fetch the King's son whom
the Queen says she wishes to see before making up her mind, and
they have told them the same as they told us. I have just heard
that Lady Sidney is discouraged about the Queen, and she sends to
say to me that even though she be in the Tower she will not cease
to proclaim what is going on, and that her worst enemy is her
brother.

I also understand that these people are trying very hard to satisfy
the king of France and avoid a rupture. I think he will be satisfied
if this marriage is not effected at present, Your Majesty understands
better than I the dangers which threaten England from the French
and the evils which may befall your Majesty by dissensions here.
With regard to Ireland I have done what your Majesty has ordered
through the bishop of Arras, but as the answer came late I under-
stand they have sent to your Majesty direct. The man they have here
has told me twice that they must have recourse - to the French if
your Majesty does not protect them. I have tried to keep this
man satisfied and shall no doubt hear from him what is done here
in the business, which information I will convey to the duchess of
Parma.

Pcstscr'qjt : The sou of the king of Sweden went to-day to visit the
Queen, and being tired of waiting in an antechamber he went away

ELIZABETH. 115

1559.

to his house without saying a word to anybody. I think he is
undeceived now after scattering large sums of money amongst these
people and showing himself off to the Queen. Endorsed 13th
November 1559.

18 Nov. 75. BISHOP QUADRA to the KINO.

On the 13th instant I informed your Majesty what had passed
with the Queen in the matter of getting her to declare herself
about the marriage, and the undecided answer she gave us and how
I had shown myself aggrieved against Lady Sidney although I know
that, far from bein^ {*> blame, she is glad I should take this step, as
she says she will make known to the Queen and everybody what
has occurred if she is asked, I have since learnt that the coming
of the ambassador Thro^morton has resulted after much altercation
in the Queen and Council deciding to give overt help to the Scots
in casting out the French and to de'iver the country to the earl of
Arran, and although this is not entirely public yet, I understand
that it is decided, and Throgmorton told the duke of Norfolk so
some days ago. The question of the Queen's marriage is still
pending, as she shows the same indecision in marrying the earl
of Arran as with the rest, but she and they confess that if he gets
the kingdom the match is the most desirable for the union of the
island and the consequent advantages. Some believe, and I amongst
them from what I see going on in her house, that she is not in
earnest, but only wants to amuse the crowd with the hope of the
match in order to save the life of Lord Robert, who is very vigilant
and suspicious, as he has again been warned that there is a plot to
kill him, which I quite believe, for not a man in the realm can suffer
the idea of his being king. The Queen has simultaneously taken
another step of great importance towards carrying out her designs,
namely, in commencing this war, as she thinks your Majesty and
the French will probably take up arms, which is exactly what these
people want and have been expecting for a year, and, as I understand,
nave tried to bring about by telling the French ambassador that
your Majesty was again in treaty for the Queen's hand and meant
to abandon their King's sister, who they thought would never enter
Spain. That now being beyond doubt they have adopted the other
course of commencing war with the object I have mentioned and
are sure when your Majesty sees them in a fix that you must help
them. They thus venture to put themselves into manifest peril,
beginning war without forces with the sole object of setting their
neighbours by the ears and extricating themselves from the extremity
in which they are. They think they will then be able to do as they
like both as regards religion and their marriages and appetites as
well as in the other things they usually do when their neighbours
have need of them. I do not know how to act, and in order not to err
I adopt the plan of staying at home and signifying displeasure both
about the war and the marriage. The duke of Norfolk came here
yesterday, who tells me he has begun to oppose the war openly and
to urge the match with the Archduke on the ground that since the
epd aimed at, namely, the defence of the country, can be attained
inuch more easily by this means there is no reason to go to war,

H 2

116 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.

1559.

I encouraged him and gave him to unders'and that his view was in
conformity with your Majesty s wishes and those of all who have
at heart the interests of the Queen and the country. I do not know
how this business will end, but I have thought best to inform your
Majesty and the duchess of Parma at once of what has happened,
and that they are publicly sending arms to Scotland. The captains
who were here have gone thither and considerable numbers of troops,
and it is said also that the Queen's ships are ready.

Lady Sidney's husband came yesterday to tell me that the Queen
was sending two ambassadors, one to your Majesty and the other to
the Emperor. He, Sidney, is to go to the Emperor. He wished to
make me believe that he still thought the match with the Archduke
would be brought about. My own opinion is that the Queen is
only sending these ambassadors out of compliment, and to counteract
the reports she thinks we have sent to your Majesty, and the
Emperor and in futherance of her design of arousing the suspicions
of the French that the match will yet be concluded, which they
certainly fear very much. The sending of these ambassadors is
very opportune for her to show that the negotiations are still on
foot and near conclusion and Throgmorton says that he will shortly
return to France, probably to brag and threaten about the marriage
in view of the despatch of the ambassadors of which I will give
notice to Monsignor de Chantonnay. I do not wish to omit saying
that if the Archduke has left Vienna, I should see no objection to
his taking a turn in this country if this would not injure us with
the French by arousing their suspicion that the business was settled.
I am moved to this by seeing the inclination towards his name
shown by the majority of the people and the ruin which, as I think
daily threatens the Queen. She would be succeeded by Lady
Catherine, who would be very much more desirable than this one, as
1 have already written.

On separate sheet attacJied to the foregoing :

Since writing the above letter I have heard that the French have
captured a sum of money that the Queen was sending to the Scots
in a letter from Cecil. This is the first open rupture. The Queen
has summoned the duke of Norfolk to make him general of the
frontier. I do not know whether they will thus cause him to slacken
in the other affair, or whether he may think he can do more in the
position than without it. I understand that after he had spoken
to several of the Council about the Archduke's match, Throgmorton
came and asked him what conditions were offered by the Emperor
to the Queen for the conclusion of the affair, and the Duke sent
word to me. I answered that when the Queen had made up her
mind we would then treat of terms, which, however, in peace or
war, would be very advantageous to the Queen, although we did
not know them in detail as the Queen had never allowed the matter
to proceed so far. I believe Throgmorton wants to be able to tell
something to the French that shall not arouse their suspicion.
London, 18th November 1559.

Nov.," 76. COUNT DE FEBIA to the BISHOP OF AQUILA.

The license to hand, many thanks. The Queen has no right
to complain of my wife for having spoken about her for really she

ELIZABETH. 117

1559.

has been most reticent and has never said a word. I believe I am
the culprit for saying what I know to be true, and the Queen will
repent of having behaved as she has to me before a year is over. I
do not understand why the Queen should complain after treating
the Countess as disco urteously as she has, and by God I will say as
much to her ambassador, who came yesterday and sent word to me
that he had .instructions from his mistress to visit the Duchess, but
that as he heard she was not well he would do so another day.

License has been given to Granado to take out four horses. He
tried hard for six, but I thought even four too many, and if it had not
been that you wrote recommending it, he would not have got them,
as the King, who knew what Granado had come for, sent to me at
Ghent to tell Madame not to give him a license for any. I am glad
the Queen has undeceived us in time, although I never believed her,
for now the Emperor will not let his son come until after all is
settled, and I think he is right. Even though the negotiations
may be renewed your Lordship should not again treat on this point
as you will hear from Count Heltenstein's instructions. The French
game is to stop this marriage. I believe it must end in war. I go
to Spain as soon as my wife is fit. Without date.

27 Nov. 77. BISHOP QUADRA to the DUCHESS OF PARMA.

Simancw, The duke of Norfolk spoke out so plainly to Lord Robert the
Add. 26 io56a. ^ Mer day ^ na ^ * ne y separated abruptly, and Robert told him he was
neither a good Englishman nor a loyal subject who advised the
Queen to marry a foreigner. Things are very strained between
them, and the Duke has gone home in dudgeon and refused the
command in chief on the frontier.

The war is unpopular and the Archduke's marriage desired.
London, 27th November 1559.

13 Dec. 78. Relation of a letter from BISHOP QUADRA to the KING.

The Queen hud sent for him and told him that seeing the injurien
. s ^ e ' iac ^ received from the French she must defend herself, and as it
was important that the king of Spain should know of this as soon
as possible, and she could not safely send a courier by way of France,
she begged the Bishop to remit the news to His Majesty pending
the despatch of the ambassadors she intended to send.

Her reasons were that the king of France had assumed her style
and arms and had 8,000 soldiers in Scotland, besides which lie was
sending 40 ships with munitions, and the Rhiengraf and Rocaudolph
Avere raising regiments to invade England.

Cecil brought the Queen's letter to the Bishop for your Majesty,
and said they had news that 300 French had placed themselves in
the fort of Eyemouth and had re-fortiried it in violation of treaties,
and thus they have begun the offensive. The Queen had ordered her
forces at Berwick to turn them out at once.

118 SPANISH STATE PAPERS.

1559.

The French had promised the king of Denmark te settle his
dispute with the duchess of Lorraine in his favour if he would let
their Germans embark from his port.

Cecil said they would be face to face in. five days, and if they, the
English, lose a battle the French will come right on to London.

The Queen desired that your Majesty should be informed, as it
was of so great importance to you, and begged for advice.

The real object of the Queen is to set all her neighbours by the
ears and then take advantage of it for her own ends.

The Queen revived the subject of the Archduke, and said she
believed he was in the country. The Bishop referred her to Count
Helfenstein.

Cecil also wanted to talk about the marriage, but the Bishop
would not discuss it as they will follow it up if they are in earnest,
and we do not wish to be deceived a second time if it is only a feint.
Some of the Council confess that the Queen must accept this
marriage, but your Majesty, must undertake to protect the Archduke
and the country.

Understands that the Queen's ambassadors are going to your
Majesty to propose marriage with the Prince (Carlos). That Drury
of the Queen's chamber and his brother had been arrested on
suspicion of being implicated in the plot against Lord Robert.

He hud spoken to the French ambassador who greatly belittled
the Queen's armaments and said if she wanted war she should have
plenty of it. London, 13th December 1559.

13 Dec. 79. BISHOP QUADRA to the DUKE OF ALBA.

ifM ai \fs ^ ou w ^ see k v m y letters to His Majesty that what we have
Add. 20 O56a. ^ ea - rec ^ so l ori g ' las a ^ l^t come to pass. It is the Queen's act, and I
pray God that Christendom may not again be set aflame by these
corrupt and evil appetites. I think the preparations that were to be
made should be made at once, as delay is dangerous, and in the mean-
while I will bear myself as 3 our Excellency ordered me months ago
at Chateau Cambresi towards those members of the Council I
mentioned to the Count de Feria. I am deeply anxious, and con-
sidering the difficulties in which I am, so prejudicial as they are to
the successful conduct of negotiations, I am at a loss to know how I
shall carry so great a business through, as His Majesty has left me
here without money, without any letters from him, and without
orders for over four months. I am out of health and to do things at
haphazard is to make success impossible. I know your Excellency
hears plenty of such language as this, but I cannot help begging
that at least I may have news of His Majesty's health. London,
13th December 1559.

18 Dec. 80. BISHOP QUADRA to the COUNT DE FERIA.
simancas, This Irishman told me to-day that certain people of their religion
A4d'l& u5Crr ' n conversation with the Queen lately mentioned the great numbers
of Flemings and Dutchmen with the families and households who

* Christina, daughter of Christian II. of Denmark, married in 1534 to Francis Sforza,
duke